DEC 30 '91 20:05 212-759-0042

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ÖSTERREICHISCHER RUNDFUNK

DEC 30 1991

DER GENERALINTENDANT

Herrn
Henry A. KISSINGER
Twenty-Sixth Floor
350 Park Avenue
NEW YORK, N.Y. 10022
U.S.A.

Wien, am 12. Dezember 1991
B/au

Lieber Herr Kissinger !

Auf dem köstlichen Meeting des Bertelsmann Steering Committees im Bonner Petersberg-Hotel habe ich Ihnen das beiliegende Buch über die schwedische Spielart des Sozialismus versprochen. Wochenlang suchte ich vergeblich nach einer Kopie des total vergriffenen Werkes von Roland Huntford "The New Totalitarians". Nun schicke ich Ihnen meine alte Kopie und entschuldige mich dafür, daß ich darin alles mögliche angestrichen habe (ich besitze noch eine deutsche Ausgabe). Ich weiß nicht, ob Sie sich vielleicht nur aus Höflichkeit mir gegenüber für das von mir so gelobte Buch interessierten; ich halte Huntfords Studie auch heute noch für hervorragend, obwohl der Sozialismus mittlerweile und erfreulicherweise zur Hölle gefahren ist. Das faszinierende an den "New Totalitarians" ist eben die Wohlfahrtsdiktatur, die "Brave New World".

Ich genoß das Gespräch mit Ihnen sehr und reise mit Ihrem herrlichen Satz (unter Copyrightangabe !) "Früher fragten mich die Politiker, was sie tun sollen, jetzt fragen sie mich, was sie sagen sollen". Sollten Sie einen stop over in Wien machen, würde ich mich über einen Anruf sehr freuen. Umgekehrt werde ich mich in New York melden, da Sie mich leichtsinnigerweise dazu aufgefordert haben.

Mit allen guten Wünschen
auch für das Jahr 1992
bin ich

Gerd Böcher

Beilage

TRANSLATION - jw

12 December 1991

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

At the wonderful meeting of the Bertelsmann Steering Committee at Bonn's Petersberg Hotel, I promised you the enclosed book on the Swedish style of socialism. I searched in vain for weeks for a copy of the totally out of print work by Roland Huntford, *The New Totalitarians*. I am now sending you my old copy and *must* apologize for having underlined everything possible in it (I also have a German edition). I don't know whether it was only out of politeness that you expressed interest in the book I praised so much; I think Huntford's study is still outstanding today despite socialism's having in the meantime fortunately gone to hell. Fascinating in *The New Totalitarians* is specifically the welfare dictatorship, the "Brave New World".

I very much enjoyed the conversation with you and am traveling with your splendid passage (under copyright instructions!), "Politicians used to ask me what they should do; now they ask me what they should say." Should you make a stop in Vienna, please give me a call, and I will let you know when I come to New York as you asked.

With all good wishes, also for 1992,

Yours,

Gerd Bacher - Director General
Austrian Broadcasting

Enclosure

APR.07 '92 14:52 212 753 7248

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MAR 25 1992

Stadt Villach
Kultur

A-9500 Villach
Europaplatz 2
Tel: 0 42 42 / 205
Fax: 0 42 42 / 24 444-17

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Associate in Co.
350 Part Avenue, 26 Floor New York
New York 10 022

Villach. 19.3.1992

Auskünfte:

Durchwahl: 249 oder 230

Zahl: ib/k-92-me/pa

Subject: Invitation to the "Paracelsus Talks" with
Mikhail Gorbachev in Villach, Austria

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

The former Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev is positively considering his participation in the "Paracelsus Talks" in Villach in southern Austria. Paracelsus, physician and philosopher, symbol for unrest and change, lived in this city for 14 years. His name is also more than symbolic for Humanism discussions on subjects relating to contemporary history.

Further invitations have been extended to the German federal president Richard von Weizäcker, Italy's foreign minister De Michelis and the Austrian federal chancellor Dr. Franz Vranitzky.

Dr. Kissinger, we would be very honored if you could accept this invitation to the "Paracelsus Talks" in Villach at the end of September. They are scheduled to last for one day. The exact date will be set after we will have received affirmative answers from the speakers invited. The discussion should focus on the following main topics:

* Intercultural identity in the house of Central Europe

* Political borders as a divide?

* The historic situation of the year of change - what now?

* The inability of administration to bring about a reconciliation of interests among nationalities

* Expansionist nationalisms

We plan to have keynote addresses delivered by our invited speakers, followed by a panel discussion with Dr. Hugo Portisch as moderator.

Dr. Kissinger, due to our geopolitical situation at the juncture of the three great cultures and with a theater of war in front of our door we feel that it is our obligation to do everything to get discussions going and to bring people closer to each other. Would you please help us to cope with this difficult task by your active participation.

MAR.25 '92 11:04 212 753 7248

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Inhalt der Hallstein-Doktrin). Diese Politik ließ die Bundesrepublik zuneh-
mend in die Gefahr geraten, sich selbst und nicht Ostdeutschland zu isolie-
ren. Mitte der 60er Jahre hatte sich die Bundesrepublik veranlaßt gesehen,
im Hinblick auf die osteuropäischen Länder eine »Ausnahme« zu machen,
und zwar mit der fadenscheinigen Begründung, sie seien nicht frei in ihren
Entscheidungen.

Ich hatte Adenauer und seine weise Politik aufrichtig bewundert, mit der
er alle anderen Überlegungen der Notwendigkeit unterordnete, seinem Land
den Ruf der Zuverlässigkeit und Standhaftigkeit zurückzugewinnen. Aber
in den 70er Jahren mußte die Wiedervereinigungspolitik Adenauers die
Bundesrepublik zunehmend in Konfikte mit ihren Verbündeten und den
neutralen Staaten treiben. Bonn hätte sich, wenn es diesen Kurs weiterver-
folgt hätte, unter Umständen in einer Krise mit dem Osten praktisch allein
gesehen. Es war Brandts historisches Verdienst, daß er die Deutschland auf-
gezwungenen Belastungen und Ängste auf sich genommen hat.

Ich kann nicht behaupten, daß ich sofort zu dieser Einsicht gelangt bin.
Aber nachdem ich das Unvermeidliche erkannt hatte, versuchte ich, es durch
die enge Zusammenarbeit mit Brandt und seinen Kollegen in eine konstru-
tive Richtung zu lenken. Das Aufleben des Nationalismus war immer eine
Gefahr, in welche Richtung die Bundesrepublik auch gehen mochte; der
Nationalismus ließ sich am besten durch eine von Vertrauen getragene
Beziehung vermeiden, die einen anderen Kurs wenig erfolgversprechend
und riskant erscheinen ließ. Wir waren entschlossen, uns darum zu bemü-
hen, die latente Unvereinbarkeit zwischen Deutschlands nationalen Zielen
und seinen Bindungen an die atlantische und europäische Gemeinschaft ab-
zuschwächen.

Denn das eigentliche Motiv der sowjetischen Ouvertüren gegenüber der
Bundesrepublik und anderen Verbündeten war eine selektive Entspannung
– die Spannungen in den Beziehungen zu einigen Verbündeten sollten abge-
baut werden, während die Sowjetunion uns gegenüber eine unnachgiebige
Haltung bewahrte. Das zeigte sich auch darin, daß die Sowjets angebliche
Interessenkonflikte zwischen uns und unseren Verbündeten hochspielten;
sie wollten uns offenbar in eine Lage hineinmanövrieren, in der es den
Anschein hatte, daß wir den Abbau der Spannungen verhindern wollten.
Welches ihre Strategie auch war, es stand die Absicht dahinter, das Bündnis
zu spalten und uns zu isolieren. Wir waren dem jedoch keineswegs hilflos
ausgeliefert. Die Bundesrepublik verfügte nicht über die Mittel, ihre Ostpo-
litik auf rein nationaler Basis zu verfolgen – und unsere anderen Verbünde-
ten brauchten den von uns zur Verfügung gestellten Sicherheitsschirm. In
der Berlin-Frage war die Stärke der Verhandlungsposition beider Seiten zu
unausgeglichen; die Stadt war isoliert und Ostdeutschland besetzt; deshalb
brauchte die Bundesrepublik die Unterstützung ihrer Verbündeten. Hier
war eine Verknüpfung der verschiedenen politischen Erfordernisse notwen-
dig. Wenn die Ostpolitik Erfolg haben sollte, mußte sie mit anderen Fragen
verknüpft werden, die das Bündnis als ganzes betrafen; nur so würde sich
die Sowjetunion zu Kompromissen bewegen lassen.

Das war unsere Haltung, als Brandt uns am 13. Oktober, bevor die neue
Regierung die Amtsgeschäfte offiziell übernommen hatte, bat, seinen per-
sönlichen Vertrauten Egon Bahr zu empfangen. Ich kannte Bahr aus der Zeit,

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als Brandt Regierender Bürgermeister von Berlin und er sein Pressesprecher gewesen war. Wir hatten unsere Bekanntschaft erneuert, als er den politischen Planungsstab während Brandts Amtszeit als Außenminister leitete. Bahr war ein ungewöhnlich intelligenter Mann und vertraute selbst stark auf seine Fähigkeit, Formeln zu finden, um scheinbar ausweglose außenpolitische Situationen zu bewältigen. Er war entschlossen, die Beziehungen der Bundesrepublik zum Osten zu verbessern; er glaubte, gute Beziehungen zu sowjetischen und ostdeutschen Persönlichkeiten würden ihm bei diesen Bemühungen helfen. Seine Eitelkeit verführte ihn dazu, mit diesen Kontakten zu protzen, und das wurde von seinen Gesprächspartnern gelegentlich zweifellos ausgenutzt. Seine Feinde – und das waren viele – warfen ihm eine prosowjetische Haltung vor; viele mißtrauten seiner angeblichen Verschlagenheit. Bahr gehörte zwar zur Linken, aber ich hielt ihn jedoch vor allem für einen deutschen Nationalisten, der Deutschlands zentrale Lage ausnutzen wollte, um mit beiden Seiten zu feilschen. Er gehörte zu den Leuten, die immer geglaubt hatten, Deutschland könne seiner nationalen Bestimmung nur gerecht werden, wenn es freundschaftliche Beziehungen zum Osten unterhielt oder wenigstens keine Feindschaft aufkommen ließ. Offensichtlich war Bahr kein überzeugter Anhänger der westlichen Gemeinschaft wie die Politiker, die wir aus den früheren deutschen Regierungen kannten; er war auch frei von allen gefühlsmäßigen Bindungen an die Vereinigten Staaten. Für ihn war Amerika nur ein Gewicht, das auf die richtige Art und zur rechten Zeit zugunsten der Bundesrepublik auf die Waagschale gelegt werden mußte. Was seine angebliche Verschlagenheit, so neigte ich zur Auffassung Metternichs, daß nichts schwieriger ist, als mit einer absolutchrlichen Persönlichkeit Verhandlungen zu führen. Mir fühlte es jedenfalls nicht an Selbstvertrauen, Bahrs Taktik zu begegnen.

Ich empfing Bahr deshalb in der Absicht, eine Beziehung herzustellen, die der Zusammenarbeit diente. Es kam dabei nicht darauf an, daß ich davon überzeugt war, die Ostpolitik würde zur Verewigung der Teilung Deutschlands und nicht zur Heilung dieses Risses beitragen. Die Regierung Brandt bat uns nicht um Rat, sondern um unsere Zusammenarbeit auf einem politischen Kurs, dessen Grundrichtung schon vorausbestimmt war. Ich war dafür, Bahr zu empfangen, um das Mißtrauen abzubauen, das durch Nixons unglücklichen Telefonanruf bei Kiesinger in der Wahlnacht entstanden war. Ich hielt es für wichtig, mit Brandt zusammenzuarbeiten, anstatt gegen ihn: Hätten wir uns gegen ihn gestellt, hätten uns das beide deutsche Parteien übelgenommen, die glaubten, man müsse Brandt eine Chance geben. Außerdem wurde Brandts politischer Kurs von allen Verbündeten unterstützt. Eine Ausnahme machte vielleicht Frankreich, das jedoch seine Opposition nicht deutlich zu erkennen geben wollte. Langfristig war die von Brandt angestrebte Versöhnung in Mitteleuropa historisch richtig, auch wenn er seine Politik so begeistert und zielstrebig verfolgte, daß es seine Verhandlungsposition schwächte.

Das erste Ergebnis der Anmeldung Egon Bahrs zu einem Besuch in Washington war eine Meinungsverschiedenheit mit dem Außenminister über Verfahrensfragen. Rogers war gegen diese Reise und begründete das nicht zu Unrecht damit, daß die Verhandlungen im Außenministerium geführt werden sollten. Rogers und ich verhandelten miteinander wie die, die

zunehmend isoliert gesehen, machen, bei in ihren

Reichstag, mit der in dem Land einen Abergauers und den Weiterverkehr allein in der Land auf-

angt bin. Es durch konstruktiver eine rechte; der getragene prechend zu bemühten Zielen der in

Zielen über der pannungten abgeglaubigebigen abgeblichen spielten; es den wollten. Der Bündnis als hilfloses Ostpolitikbündnerhaft. In den Reichen zu deshalb sein. Hier notwendiger Fragen wurde sich

lie neues perler Zeit,

43

MAR.25 '92 10:37 212 753 7248

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zweier selbständiger Dienststellen und schlossen eine Übereinkunft: Ich würde Bahr empfangen, aber nicht mit ihm verhandeln, und der stellvertretende Außenminister für europäische Angelegenheiten, Martin Hillenbrand, würde dabei sein. Es kam aber doch zu einer nicht unwesentlichen Abweichung meiner Vereinbarung mit Rogers, als Bahr, nachdem er das Weiße Haus durch die Vordertür verlassen hatte, durch den Keller zurückkam, um privat mit mir zu sprechen, vor allem, um einen Kanal herzustellen, über den wir außerhalb des offiziellen Verfahrens in Kontakt bleiben konnten. Ebenso wie über den Kanal mit Dobrynin nach Moskau, mit Pakistan nach China und gelegentlich nach Israel oder sogar Ägypten entstand durch meine Kontakte mit Egon Bahr ein Nebengleis für das Weiße Haus, auf dem Nixon das Außenministerium umgehen konnte.

Bahr unterrichtete uns über den von Brandt beabsichtigten Kurs. Er betonte, diese Politik solle in Zusammenarbeit und Freundschaft mit den Vereinigten Staaten verfolgt werden, ließ aber kaum einen Zweifel daran, daß die Politik selbst kein Gegenstand von Diskussionen mehr sein könne. Das wichtigste Ergebnis des Gesprächs war, daß Brandt sich laufend mit uns beraten sollte und wir mit ihm zusammenarbeiten würden. Am 11. November gab der neue Außenminister Walter Scheel bekannt, daß Bonn demnächst in Gespräche mit der Sowjetunion über eine Vereinbarung zum gegenseitigen Gewaltverzicht eintreten würde. Ein offizieller Vorschlag wurde am 16. November gemacht.* Die Westalliierten beschlossen indessen, den sowjetischen Vorschlag vom 24. September in bezug auf Berlin mit eigenen detaillierten Vorschlägen zu beantworten. Wir wollten eine Garantie für den unbehinderten zivilen Straßenverkehr von und nach West-Berlin, eine Regelung und Vereinfachung für die Besuche von Westberlinern in Ost-Berlin und die Erleichterung des Postverkehrs, des Telefondienstes und anderer Kommunikationsmöglichkeiten zwischen den beiden Hälften der Stadt erreichen. Die entsprechende Note ging am 16. Dezember ab.

Auf einem Treffen der Außenminister der NATO-Staaten im Dezember, das auf Drängen der Vereinigten Staaten angesetzt wurde, verknüpften wir eine Reihe von Fragen miteinander, um der »selektiven Entspannung« einen Riegel vorzuschieben und Brandts Verhandlungsposition zu stärken. Wir machten unsere Zustimmung zu einer europäischen Sicherheitskonferenz abhängig von dem Fortschritt bei den Berlin-Gesprächen und den sowjetisch-deutschen Verhandlungen. Die Ostpolitik wurde in ein Gewebe von Verhandlungen eingebettet, das die Verhandlungsposition der Bundesrepublik stärkte, aber auch Grenzen setzte, über die die Deutschen nicht ohne die Zustimmung der Verbündeten hinausgehen konnten. Von den in Aussicht genommenen Verhandlungen war die europäische Sicherheitskonferenz vielleicht die komplizierteste.

* Dadurch, daß sie zunächst an die Sowjetunion herantrat, hoffte die Regierung Brandt den Weg für spätere Verhandlungen mit der DDR und den anderen benachbarten Satelliten der Sowjetunion zu ebnen. Die große Koalition hatte versucht, Kontakt mit osteuropäischen Ländern aufzunehmen, ohne sich vorher an die Sowjetunion zu wenden; diese Kontakte waren von der Sowjetunion blockiert worden.

444

HENRY A. KISSINGER

February 10, 1992

Dear Dr. Baker:

I understand that Philippe Capraro has applied to the Medical Center of Delaware as a first-year intern in general surgery. I am writing to give my strongest support to his application.

Philippe's parents have been indispensable members of my household for many years, and I have known Philippe since he was a young boy. I have, therefore, been in a position to observe the determination and personal sacrifice with which he has pursued his dream of becoming first a doctor and then a surgeon. There is no doubt whatsoever in my mind that Philippe will make a superb surgeon, for he has dedication, intelligence and a strong desire to make a contribution to the profession. He is also a fine young man, and I hope he will be able to serve his internship at the Medical Center of Delaware.

Robert J. Baker, M.D.
Program Director
Medical Center of Delaware
Department of Surgery
501 W. 14th Street
Box 1668
Wilmington, DE 19899

QUINTA DA MARINHA
CASA SETE
2750 CASCAIS

MAY 26 1992

Hon. Henry A. Kissinger
Chairman
Kissinger Associates
350 Park Avenue - 26 th floor
New York, NY 10022

Lisbon, 8 May, 1992

I was very sorry not to have been able to welcome you personally during your last stay in Lisbon for the Trilateral Commission meeting. Unfortunately I had a sort of pneumonia and the doctor did not allow me to leave home.

As far as I know the meeting was quite successful and I hope the Portuguese hospitality corresponded to your expectations.

Looking forward to seeing you soon, in Portugal or elsewhere, I remain

HENRY A. KISSINGER

January 15, 1992

Dear Hanan:

A post-holiday trip has kept me from writing
to tell you how much I appreciate your and
Alison's gift of *The Holy Land*. It is a
beautiful book, and I am delighted to have
it. Thank you for a particularly thoughtful
remembrance.

Hoping to see you soon,

Mr. Hanan Bar-On
Vice President
The Weizmann Institute of Science
P.O. Box 26
Rehovot 76-100
Israel

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR · 350 PARK AVENUE · NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 · (212) 759-7919

AUG-20-1992 10:12 FROM IRS

TO 10333#-2127590042 P.01

VIETNAM VETERANS OF AMERICA
Childrens' Fund Inc.

Mr. Richard A. Bedell
3222 Celinda Drive
Carlsbad, CA 92008

August 19, 1992

Dr. Henry Kessinger
350 Park Avenue
New York, New York 10022

Dear Dr. Kessinger:

The following is an update of our Vietnam Veterans of America
Childrens' Fund, Inc. goals. We are in the process of organizing
a concert for January 1993 in California. It is my hope that we
will be able to get the Boston Pops Orchestra along with some
Rock and Country groups.

Most recently, I watched the Senate Sub-Committee hearings on the POW/MIA issue and I listened to Mr. Ross Perot speak of you as a person who cares very much about our POW/MIA's, acting as is each were your own son. I must confess after our meeting in your office in 1988, I must say I felt the same way. I know you care and I will support you.

This is the year of the Veteran and the tenth anniversary of the dedication of the Vietnam Memorial in Washington, DC. I would be honored and privileged if you were to visit the wall with me. I wouldn't be able to provide transportation to Washington for you, but I would buy you dinner. If you can make it, please let me know.

TOTAL P.01

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SEP 29 REGD

September 25, 1992

Dr. Henry Kissinger
350 Park Avenue
New York, New York 10022

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

Once again, I'm writing to reaffirm my support for you after viewing the Senate hearings. As I had written before, it would be an honor and a privilege to accompany you to visit the Vietnam Memorial on my visit to Washington, D.C. for the Veteran's Day celebrations.

I'm attaching a copy of my itinerary for my trip to Washington in November and I hope that your schedule coincides with mine so we can visit the Wall and also have dinner (my treat).

I look forward to your response, and if you have any questions please contact me at the above address or phone at (619) 720-1020.

Best regards,

Enc.

04-16-92 07:05

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APR 16 1992

Presidencia de la Nación
Secretaría de la Función Pública
Instituto Nacional de la Administración Pública

Mr. Henry Kissinger Office
Ms. Stephanie Tone
fax. 212-759-0042

Buenos Aires, April 15, 1992.-

Dear Ms. Tone,

As I told you when we spoke yesterday, Patricio Lópezaga, Academic Secretary General of the National Institute of Public Administration and myself, will be arriving to the United States on April 25.

Our Institution, INAP, has been working in different academic activities aiming at satisfying the training needs and demands of high public officials and social leaders. All of this, within the framework of a deep process of transformation faced by our country, process we would like to see enriched by the perspectives of those professionals and intellectuals who have signalled for several decades the most significant changes of contemporary society.

We will be staying for ten days, between New York, Washington and Boston, holding meetings with professors andRENADY people of Harvard University, particularly at the years ago and with whom we have had a close cooperation for the last two years.

Our intention is to have a meeting with you if possible on Wednesday 29 in order to give you personally a letter from Dr. Gustavo Béliz - whose brief resume is attached - asking for an interview with Dr. Henry Kissinger.

The date I suggest is due to our scheduled meetings in Washington and Boston, among which we have appointments with Francis Fukuyama, who visited Argentina last year invited by our Institution, Daniel Bell and Orlando Patterson at Harvard and Dr. Juan Linz at Yale. However, if that date proved impossible for you, we would be willing to fly over to New York at another time.

Dr. Béliz is particularly interested in interviewing Dr. Kissinger whom he has followed in his exceptional and extraordinary performance in the world of ideas and political actions.

04-16-92 07:06

029 P03

Presidencia de la Nación
Departamento de la Función Pública
Instituto Nacional de la Administración Pública

RESUME

Dr. Gustavo Béliz is a Lawyer, graduated from the University of Buenos Aires.

He has specialized in subjects related to the Church Social Doctrine and has published four books on liberalism, on the crisis of Argentine trade-unionism and on the process of social and political transformation of his country.

He has lectured in different Universities where he was specially invited, among them the Universidad Lateranense of Rome and the J.F.Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University.

Before public office, in 1989, he travelled through Latin America, Europe and Japan (where he was invited on a scholarship by the Government) as a researcher, where he interviewed different Heads of State.

Since 1981 he has been collaborating very closely with Dr. Carlos Saúl Menem and since 1989 he is Secretary of the Civil Service and President of the National Institute of Public Administration, positions which have involved his responsibility in the design and implementation of the Argentine administrative reform. He has been recently invited by Great Britain where he lectured on the "Argentine case"

Doctor Gustavo Béliz has been received last week for a third time, by the Holy Father John Paul II, in a private and individual interview for more than thirty minutes during which he gave His Holiness a personal letter of President Menem.

05-12-92 04:07

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Buenos Aires, May 11, 1992.-

Dear Ms. Tone,

As we spoke on the phone, I am sending you a resume of our meeting with Dr. Kissinger last April 29.

On that occasion, Dr. Kissinger received the Academic Secretary General, Lic. Patricio Lópezaga and myself for 35 minutes. The purpose of that meeting on our side was to ask him to receive Dr. Béliz, Secretary of the Civil Service and President of the National Institute of Public Administration (INAP) and invite him to visit Argentina.

As we said in our previous letter of April 15, Dr. Béliz is very close to President Menem. he is responsible of writing the presidential speeches, is currently involved in the design and implementation of the administrative reform in the Public Sector.

During the course of that meeting Dr. Kissinger showed his interest on our work and the deep changes occurring in Argentina, and enthusiastic about visiting our country for 1 days, so that he could match that trip with a visit to Brazil.

We said that the purpose of that invitation was to have him give a Magisterial Class at INAP, and eventually, if Dr. Kissinger was willing, a reduced meeting with opinion leaders, politicians and representatives of the business, academic and intellectual sectors, in some "estancia" outside Buenos Aires city, or in another place Dr. Kissinger would prefer. Dr. Kissinger agreed in principle and suggested that November might be the right time for him. That date is also very appropriate, we told him, since both weather and activities are in due shape in Argentina.

05-12-92 04:08

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Presidencia de la Nación
Instituto de la FUNICSA Publica
Instituto Nacional de la Administración Pública

We later moved on to exchanging some ideas on the changes occurring in our country, among which, when we told him that beside the macroeconomic measures and the process of privatization, Argentina was making great efforts to modify some of its traditional cultural patterns, as for example, trying to shift in the Public Sector, from a prebendary system to a meritocracy.

Dr. Kissinger then asked for more details, and Mr. Patricio Lóizaga gave as examples the fact that there have been measures suppressing stability in high positions and defining open and competitive applications to enter the public sector as well as the implementation of training as an inherent requisite for management optimization.

In the framework of the new world scenario and the deep transformation undergoing in our country and aware that the necessary technical and specific tools need to be complemented with profound reflections, we told Dr. Kissinger that our country and our institution would greatly benefit from his experience and deep and clear thinking.

Dr. Kissinger agreed to receive Dr. Béliz, tentatively on May 27th. As we said in our fax, dated May 8, he will be presenting a letter from President Menem, and besides being willing to have the opportunity of exchanging some views on current issues involving our country, advance in the details of Dr. Kissinger's visit to Argentina.

In case May 27th proved a feasible date, Dr. Béliz would be travelling for that sole purpose to the United States.

Sincerely yours,

Luise Rohr
Academic Extension Director

INAP
Secretaria General Académica
tel. 541-343-0001 ext.847
fax. 541-343-1936

05-08-92 23:48

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DR. GUSTAVO BELIZ - BRIEF BIO DATA.

He has specialized in subjects related to the Church Social Doctrine and has published four books on liturgy, or the crisis of Argentine trade-unionism and on the process of social and political transformation of the country.

Before public office, in 1985, he travelled through Latin America, Europe and Japan (where he was invited on a scholarship by the Government) as a researcher, where he interviewed different Heads of State.

Since 1981 he has been collaborating very closely with Dr. Carlos Saul Monem and since 1988 he is Secretary of the Civil Service and President of the National Institute of Public Administration, positions which have involved his responsibility in the design and implementation of the Argentine administrative reform. He has been invited by Great Britain where he lectured on the "Argentine case" with the regard of the British Government.

Recently he held a private interview of more than thirty minutes with the Pope Juan Fabio II.

Secretaría General Académica
tel. 541-343-0207
fax. 541-343-1938

THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE STATE AND THE NEW COMMITMENTS

by Gustavo Béliz

Ambito Financiero 22-04-92

In Argentina and everywhere in Latin America, the cycle of the state pattern of development has finished. We cannot obviate this fact, after a lost decade during which the public sector was despoiled by the most spurious business, political, union and corporate interests. Here and now, the State lacks the necessary dynamism to perform the key role of arranging the relations between society and economics.

The nineties mark a transcendent point of inflection. The societies have understood and accepted that the combination of fiscal crisis and inflationary economics is highly damaging for their interests. That is why they demand immediate answers from their political leaderships.

Being aware of the limit situation, wise interpreters for the "state of necessity" of the new and fragile democracies, social demands have left aside the distributionist criteria of the enterprise-state, and now require a state promoting investment and growth by means of free competition.

Statism is dead all over the world. But the State is still alive and it is necessary to invigorate its health and renew its functions: it is post-statism time. The day after privatizations. The time of the new State.

It is the instance of a state sector that, as determined by the Development Report of the World Bank in 1988, gives first priority to "the defense, diplomacy, macroeconomics administration and legal and a institutional system which defines and applies the rules of justice, property and trade".

Without excluding, of course, that the governments help supply the "social, physical and information infrastructure, including activities like education, health, transport networks, public services, and technological development and protection".

In this way we have four main dimensions, which we need to analyze to discard a simplistic and childish vision of the state reform.

The one which considers that everything depends on the necessity (so urgent as insufficient) of privatizing public utilities, without realizing that there begins and does not end the process of total trasformation of the public sector.

In the same way as in the seventies we had the phenomenon of "revolutionary infantilism", which destroyed lives and

[LC]

projects of millions of Argentina people, today we cannot
assume the "privatist infantilism" that frustrates the
potentiality of our development, by means of a schematic
vision of the necessary interrelation between State and
market that should be given in every society with an
authentic humanized capitalism.

1.- THE POLITICAL ROLE OF THE STATE

No country in the world, at any time of its history, has
been capable of achieving a sustained process of development
through the loss of state authority. The capacity of
political supervision of the State is an irreplaceable role
that does not imply public property, nor economic
interventionism. It implies State with capital letters, not
perverse and minuscule statism.

The state is, by definition, the giver of social rules. If
these rules are not clear, the corporate sectors with a
strong capacity of lobbying, that used to live parasitically
from the State, take advantage of the lack of proper
regulation.

It is childish to assume that with a mere privatizing will
and a reformist attitude the solutions are at hand. They are
not conclusions. A partial goal, not a general objective.

The intervening State which leaves the arena must not become
the deserting State, because the processes of economic
stabilization and the fight against inflation are not meant
to diminish the social responsibility of the State.

Let's not be naive. The privatizing strategy is not only
economical, but political as well. If it does not result in
the improvement of community services, it is doomed to fail.

It is not a matter of getting just a reasonable price for
state assets whose administrations had entered a cycle of
inefficiency and waste. It is a matter of making use of the
political power of the State, its fiscalizing role, to
achieve a socially satisfactory performance of the agencies
privatized.

2.- THE ECONOMIC FUNCTION OF THE STATE

It constitutes a historic shortsightedness to confront State
and market. Both are functionally complementary and socially
indispensable for human progress.

The challenge of the new time is to achieve the harmony of
both sectors in order to make them capable of consolidating
a humanized and democratic capitalism.

[LC]

It is not enough to reform the State: we also need to "reform the market", to install the productive culture and the deep sense of competition.

The market must be "privatized" and the State "unprivatized", making the latter independent of the corporate sector, cause and accomplice of its decadence.

In the cycle of prebendary capitalism, the society -through public expenditure- financed the parasitical private sector by means of fiscal exemptions, covert subsidies, and scores of grants.

Administrative corruption, regressive accumulation of income through external debt and flight of capitals, political and economic extortions, formation of maffias to get extra charges in businesses between state and private sectors, were fostered.

A noxious and discriminatory protectionism was built, avoiding competition risks. That omnipresent enterprise-state is leaving the arena now. Clear rules of the game, with legal security and economic stabilization, have been established. Everything is ready for the private investment to come and consolidate a genuine process of growth.

But it must be clear that the State will continue having a necessary amount of presence, as a guide and harmonizer of the different economic actors and inspirer of the substantial strategies of the Nation.

The key word of this post-privatizaing time is "competition". Not to search the State shade but the challenges and risks of the market. But in the distortions, abuses and/or omissions, the state authority will appear. Individual freedom, private property, stable monetary system, productive investment and efficient public services are different aspects of one same objective: serving the citizen so that he does not become a slave to the State, nor a subject to the market.

When free competition is eroded, the capitalist ethics weakens. The system loses transparency. The common good disappears. The only law becomes the law of the jungle.

Under these circumstances, the State cannot watch passively what is going on.

[LC]

4

His Holiness John Paul II wisely mentioned in "Centessimus Annus" the supletory functions of the State in the economic activity, before exceptional circumstances in which "social sectors or enterprise systems, too weak or being at the beginning of its formation" or " when special situations of monopoly hinder development".

### 3.- THE "MANAGEMENT" OF THE STATE

A State inducing growth and an efficient administrator of collective interest requires an adequate public "management" being able of relating the private and state spheres, with a social and not just a business sense.

Public administration is a tool of public policies, and being it organized and expeditious the more will be the benefits for the State and society.

In the post-statism time, the administrative career and the revaluation of the public function will require to deepen the task already begun. It induces a professionalized and hierarchized civil service, without political interferences, with selective rigor and a vocation towards excellence.

The proximity between leadership and people is a characteristic of efficient societies. That is the way to control public expenditure and obtain a better performance in health, welfare and education.

No political power can serve society and meet its demands if it does not have an administrative staff properly trained in the practice of the public function.

It is a basic requirement of the new strategies of development to depend on state cadres showing capacity, responsibility and a calling for service.

In this scenario, it is vain the polemics among privatists and statistists. The new time is a confluence of both streams: it is a social space for excellence.

It is a matter of articulating and strengthening the private and public spheres for the social harmony, collective welfare and general progress.

A professionalized State is a State more ethical. More efficient. More rational. Less inclined to the unsteadiness of the political parties' machinery, and to the tremendous growth of a paralyzing bureaucracy which makes it a blind and invertebrate giant.

[Lc]

5

## 4. THE INSTITUTIONAL RESPONSIBILITY OF THE STATE

The post-privatizing, or post-statist, time requires other form of political organization. It is not a question of just freeing the public administration from the bureaucracy or humanizing the capitalist system, but of shortening the distance among representatives and those represented, making the political system more transparent, and incorporating new ways of popular participation.

The new State must be a proper synthesis of the democratization of the political régime, the economic stability and the updating of the old public structures.

It would be a mistake to pay special attention to some or other questions as if they were autonomous processes, capable of being approached separately.

An authentic transformation is the one that adds and superposes -it does not subtract, nor cuts away- to the political stability, the economic foreseeing and popular satisfaction.

If this is not achieved, the State will have committed the worst of sins: to produce the adjustment for the adjustment in itself, for fiscal requirements rather than for reasons of healthy administration and unavoidable motives of equity.

The new State must keep on being a key regulator of development, but not as a monopolistic protagonist of the economic process. It should not depend on the technocratic counselling but on an institutional system genuinely democratic.

Some recent historical experiences show that in many countries the State has resigned itself with the economic stability, the privatizations, the reduction of public employment, the economic opening and the rationalization of state management.

Therefore, it has deserted from the institutional responsibility that societies have always required from it: its organizing and leading capacity of the human gatherings.

All over the world, the economic globalization and the world markets have replaced the old dissociative style by an integrating strategy.

What are the main characteristics of post-statism?

A new regime of political parties; decentralization techniques; generation of new public spaces and greater popular supervision on government decisions. Without

[LC]

6

discarding the possibility of a constitutional revision
widely agreed and with general consensus to achieve the
necessary legitimacy.

THE NEW STATE AGENDA

The political role, the economic function, the management
and the institutional responsibility of the "post-statist
State" imply to assume new commitments to serve the
society.

During the last decades, in many senses the Argentine public
sector has been a hyperstate. But in a lot of other ones,
the Argentine State has not existed. It has been a ghost.

A brief enumeration of the new challenges taking place in
the Argentine of the reform:

- A state which generates control mechanisms in the essential public services through the regulation of the companies privatized. In this field, social efficiency must be achieved to verify the strict fulfilment of the privatization agreements, by means of agile, modern, small and well-defined agencies, which allows a permanent monitoring.

- A state which collects taxes efficiently.

- A state which opens the doors of social and political participation, improving the mechanisms of popular representation in the administration and exercise of power.

- A state which does not forget its basic functions of justice and legislation, making active the work of Parliament and transparent the mechanisms of selection and dismissal of judges.

- A state which builds a new "political ecology" for improving the quality of life, the social infrastructure and the sanitary control of food.

- A state which protects the environment.

- A state which promotes the regional integration of Mercosur, with interconnected administrations.

- A state which adapts itself to a new concept of security and national defense in an international arena in constant dynamism, where scientific cooperation and technological interchange have replaced war.

- A decentralized state, nearer to the popular needs, capable of incorporating consumer protection leagues and

[LC]

7

centers of union, small business and communitarian participation.

- A strong state which establishes the rules of the game and supervises its fulfilment. Without the rules of the game, it governs the law of the strongest, of the most powerful or the most corrupt.

- A state which gives to the word "modernity" a practical and not rhetorical sense, a place of accomplishment and not of frustration.

These are, then, the challenges.

The discussion about the role of the State is just beginning, in spite of lots of simplifications which entertain hopes of putting it a final stop.

We watch a cultural break, with a deep relation in the scope of authority, society and the State.

Consequently, nothing is to be done from borrowed molds, schematic points of view or political blinkers.

That new State will only be able to function with a respected society, full of interest in the process, that quite near the XXI Century - following Octavio Paz - understands that that modernity is neither damnation, nor a blessing.

[LC]

MAY 20 1992

INSTITUTE FOR
INTERNATIONAL
ECONOMICS

C. Fred Bergsten, Director

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Peter G. Peterson, Chairman
Anthony M. Solomon
Chairman, Executive Committee

Raymond Barre
W. Michael Blumenthal
Douglas A. Fraser
Maurice R. Greenberg
Paul R. Jolles
Nigel Lawson
Frank E. Loy
Donald F. McHenry
Ruben F. Mettler
Akio Morita
Kaneo Nakamura
Suliman S. Olayan
I. G. Patel
Karl Otto Pöhl
David Rockefeller
Donna E. Shalala
Mario Henrique Simonsen
P. Roy Vagelos
Paul A. Volcker
Dennis Weatherstone
Marina v.N. Whitman
Andrew Young

Ex officio

C. Fred Bergsten
Richard N. Cooper

Honorary Directors
Alan Greenspan
George P. Shultz

ADVISORY COMMITTEE

Richard N. Cooper, Chairman
Robert Baldwin
Barry P. Bosworth
Susan M. Collins
Rimmer de Vries
Juergen B. Donges
Rudiger Dornbusch
Gerhard Fels
Robert J. Flanagan
Isaiah Frank
Jacob A. Frenkel
Gottfried Haberler
David D. Hale
Mahbub ul Haq
Dale E. Hathaway
Nurul Islam
Peter B. Kenen
Lawrence R. Klein
Lawrence B. Krause
Anne O. Krueger
Paul R. Krugman
Roger M. Kubarych
Robert Z. Lawrence
Jessica T. Mathews
Rachel McCulloch
Isamu Miyazaki
Michael Mussa
Richard R. Nelson
Joseph S. Nye, Jr.
Sylvia Ostry
Rudolph A. Oswald
Tommaso Padao-Schioppa
Jacques J. Polak
Jeffrey D. Sachs
Ernest Stern
Lawrence H. Summers
Alan Wm. Wolff

11 Dupont Circle, N.W. Washington, DC 20036-1207

Fax: (202) 328-5432 Telex: 261271 IIE UR

Phone: (202) 328-9000

May 4, 1992

The Honorable
Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates
350 Park Avenue, 26th floor
New York, New York 10022

Dear Henry:

It was good to see you in Lisbon. I thoroughly enjoyed our conversation, especially on the very close relationship between the political dimensions of Russian imperialism that you emphasized and the economic counterparts on which we here have been working.

Per your request, enclosed is our initial publication on the subject from last fall, which concluded with a call for an Eastern Payments Union modeled on the European Payments Union of Marshall Plan days. We will shortly be releasing a much more extensive version of the idea, based on our recent conference in Vienna that I described to you, and I will pass it along as soon as possible.

It is clear that the Russian push for a ruble area is the economic manifestation of their political strategy as you described it. The West may therefore be making a big mistake by giving full support to that approach, as it is now doing, rather than an alternative such as we are offering. Let me know if you want to pursue any of this further.

Enclosure

Berk-Boh
INCORPORATED

AUG 19 1992

August 17, 1992

Dr. Henry Kissinger
350 Park Avenue
26th Floor
New York, NY 10022

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I am writing to introduce Meli Borrelli Associates, Inc., an architectural, engineering, and construction management firm specializing in the design, renovation and building of corporate interiors.

While you and I have not been formally introduced, we are both past members of the "Grace Commission" and present members of the "Simon Graduate School Executive Advisory Committee". To this end I am aware of your commitment to cost control and personal excellence.

Therefore, if you are contemplating a corporate relocation in the not too distant future I sincerely recommend that you or your administrative facilities director allow MBA, Inc. to describe their services to you. They have provided my company with exemplary support in the past and am confident they would provide the same level of excellence to you.

I am enclosing their brochure which more fully describes their services.

Sincerely,

O. T. Berkman
President

Berk Boh Inc.
777 SE 2nd Avenue, C-115
Deerfield Beach, FL 33441

D92224-2.1

HENRY A. KISSINGER

BY FAX

June 2, 1992

Dear Mr. Bessmertnykh:

I received your letter only now on returning from
a trip abroad and want to thank you for inviting
me to join the proposed International Council of
Former Foreign Ministers.

Unfortunately, I will be unable to be in St. Petersburg in mid-June, nor can I realistically take on any additional responsibilities at this time. I am writing a book and in order to gain the necessary time have been rigorously cutting down my travel and other commitments. I think the concept of such a Council is very worthwhile, however, and I hope you will keep me informed as to its progress.

I much appreciate your contacting me.

His Excellency
Alexander Bessmertnykh
President
Foreign Policy Association
Elizarovoy 10
103064 Moscow
Russia

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR • 350 PARK AVENUE • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 • (212) 759-7919
TELEFAX (212) 759-0042

[LC]

Внешнеполитическая
ассоциация

103064, Москва, ул. Елизаровой, 10
Тел. (0-95) 975-21-67
Факс (0-95) 975-21-90

Foreign Policy
Association

103064 ul. Elizarovoy 10 Moscow

Tel. (0-95) 975-21-67; 298-31-26
Fax. (0-95) 975-21-90; 298-12-92

011-7-095

A. Bessmertnykh
President

07/04/92

Dear Mr. Minister

I would like to share with you an idea which, I hope, you will find attractive and worthy of your support. The idea has arisen during my talks with former Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Nakayama in Moscow. The project enjoys the support of Eduard Shevardnadze.

The idea is as follows. In the current international situation marked by radical changes, in the conditions when a correct solution is not always easy to find, especially with respect to conflict situations, armed clashes and outbursts of nationalistic instincts, the governments of all states, the United Nations Organization, of course, possess a powerful potential allowing for a search for proper answers. And still a rich source of experience and professionalism, which could be made good use of, remains neglected. I mean here foreign ministers in various states who are presently not members of government.

Hence the idea to set up an INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF FORMER FOREIGN MINISTERS. All persons who have ever been foreign ministers and who would like to continue promoting world peace and could volunteer and join that Council.

In order to discuss practical aspects of establishing such a Council Mr. Nakayama and myself suggest that an action committee meet in mid-June in St. Petersburg, Russia. We are inviting you herewith to join the committee of some five or seven well-known diplomats who could appeal to the other ministers to join the Council. They could also draft the Charter of the future international organization and discuss sources of its financing.

St. Petersburg's authorities are offering suitable premises in their beautiful city for the permanent headquarters of the future Council. We shall be happy to cover all expenses of your stay in St. Petersburg in June, including accommodation.

Please let me know as soon as possible about your taking part in the June meeting.

With best wishes and looking forward to see you soon.

H.E.MR.HENRY KISSINGER

[Y]

HAK:

Bessmertnykh wants to start an "Int'l
Council of Former Foreign Ministers",
in conjunction with former FM Nakayama.

To get it off the ground, he invites you
to meet in St. Petersburg with a small
planning/action committee in mid-June -
and, of course, to join the Council.

Bremer has sent him a fax explaining that
you were traveling and that he would hear
from you when you returned.

Regret mid-June planning meeting, but
will join Council when it is estab-
lished if he understands I cannot
be very active ____

Express my regret that too many other
commitments make it difficult for me
to join Council at this time ✓____

Other:

ssm

[L.C]

L'Ambasciatore

MAR 10 1992

Ambasciata d'Italia
Washington

February 25, 1992

Since 1492, the traditions of America and Italy have been closely interwoven. We share historical and cultural ties, a strong economic partnership, and an innovative spirit. As the two nations celebrate the quincentenary of the encounter between two worlds, we would like to give the people of America the opportunity to "discover" Italy in ways they may not have done before and to mark a common heritage that lasted for five hundred years.

The Italian Institute for Foreign Trade, in cooperation with the Embassy of Italy, has undertaken an unprecedented initiative that celebrates the rich relationship between our nations. "1992: Discovery of Italy" is a national program designed to present Italy as a highly sophisticated, multifaceted country and culture. The initiative will culminate in a series of activities and events in major U.S. cities that highlight areas in which Italy has been traditionally known, such as fashion and home design, opera and cinema, jewellery, crafts, and gastronomy. The program will also enhance awareness of "the sistema Italia" in business, science, and technology, and explore new avenues for cooperation between Italy and the United States.

To oversee the program and personify the friendship between our nations, we have formed an Honorary Committee comprised of individuals of distinguished achievement in the many areas reflected in the "1992: Discovery of Italy" program. Your membership on the Discovery Honorary Committee would be of

/...

Mr. Henry Kissinger
530 Park Avenue
New York, N.Y. 10021

HENRY A. KISSINGER

August 24, 1992

Dear Kurt:

I have heard from my friend, John Bryson, that he will be visiting Germany next month with a small group of distinguished Americans invited by Chancellor Kohl. Their agenda includes a brief visit to Leipzig on September 11-12. Should you happen to be in Leipzig, I thought you would perhaps be interested in meeting him.

John is, indeed, a distinguished businessman and public servant, whose unusual career has spanned both the private and public interest sectors. Currently Chairman and Chief Executive of Southern California Edison, the United States' second largest electric utility company, with growing involvement in developing power projects in Europe, Asia, and Latin America, John comes from a background in utility regulation and environmental concerns. He is well-respected and someone with whom I think you would enjoy talking should your schedule permit. He might be interested in investing in Saxony. I enclose a copy of his biographical sketch for your information. Should you be interested in getting together, I would be happy to put you in touch and believe that John will be leaving the States about September 7th.

Warm regards,

His Excellency
Kurt Biedenkopf
Minister-President of Saxony
Dresden

SUITE 1021 • 1800 K STREET, N. W. • WASHINGTON, D. C. 20006 • (202) 872-0300

08/18/92 11:11

☎818 302 9935

RM 428

☑002

Biographical Sketch

JOHN E. BRYSON

Chairman and Chief Executive Officer

SCEcorp and Southern California Edison Company

July 1992

John E. Bryson is chairman of the board and chief executive officer of SCEcorp and its principal subsidiary, Southern California Edison Company. He joined Edison in February 1984, became executive vice president and chief financial officer of Edison in January 1985, and was elected to his current positions on October 1, 1990.

Prior to joining Edison, Bryson was a partner in the San Francisco office of the law firm of Morrison and Foerster. From 1979 to 1982, he served as president of the California Public Utilities Commission. Before that, he served nearly three years as chairman of the California State Water Resources Control Board. Earlier, he had engaged in private law practice and had served as a co-founder and attorney for the Natural Resources Defense Council.

Bryson graduated with Great Distinction from Stanford University and earned a Doctor of Jurisprudence degree from Yale Law School, where he was a member of the Board of Editors of the Yale Law Journal.

Bryson is a director of Times Mirror, First Interstate Bancorp, the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, the Los Angeles Sports Council, Pacific American Income Shares, Inc., the Executive Service Corps of Southern California, and the World Resources Institute, Washington, D.C.; and a trustee of Stanford University and Polytechnic School. He is chairman of the Los Angeles/Pasadena 1994 World Cup Bid Committee; an Overseer for the Huntington; a member of the California Council on Science and Technology and Project California, Edison Electric Institute, the National Commission on the Environment, the Council on Foreign Relations; and an honorary member of the Claremont University Center and Graduate School. He is a member of the California, Oregon and District of Columbia Bar Associations.

# # #

R-95%

818 302 9935

08-18-92 03:16PM

P002 #30

[LC]

SEP 08 1992

Daniel Birdsall & Co., Inc.

ESTABLISHED 1860

2112 BROADWAY • NEW YORK, N. Y. 10023-2169

TEL 212-874-4440

FAX 212-874-4468

ANDREW SAUNDERS
President

August 26, 1992

Dr. Henry Kissinger
435 East 52nd Street
New York, New York

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

It has been brought to our attention that a photograph recently
appeared of you in the current issue of Mirabella Magazine, stating
that it was taken in your apartment at the River House.

As stated specifically in House Rule #17: "For security reasons,
the names of any apartment owner, the building, its address or any
apartment decorative scheme or layout should not be publicized on
radio, T.V., the newspapers or through any other media. No Lessee
shall use the apartment for commercial purposes of any kind
whatsoever nor shall any apartment be used for press interviews,
advertising, commercial photography or promotional purposes."

In the future, would you please have your press secretary contact
us prior to publication so that it may be presented to the Board
for comment.

Thank you for your cooperation.

Andrew Saunders

AS/wp
RH-Corresp.

30 th March 1992

Philippe P. Blatter
J. J. Balmerstrasse 5
4053 Basel
Switzerland

APR 06 1992

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Twenty-Sixth Floor
350 Park Avenue
New-York, New-York 10022
USA

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

On the occasion of a visit of my uncle and godfather, Joseph Sepp Blatter, to the United States, you kindly endorsed my candidacy for admittance to a top-ranked American business school.

Today, I can announce you with great pleasure that in September 1992, I will take up graduate studies in one of the finest business school of the world : Northwestern University, J.L. Kellogg Graduate School of Management in Evanston Chicago.

It was a great honour for me that in spite of your workload, you took some of your precious time in order to recommend me for graduate studies in a top business school.

I would like to thank you for your invaluable support and as a little recognition for your endeavour, I send you enclosed some Swiss chocolates.

HENRY A. KISSINGER

March 4, 1992

Re: <u>Phillipe Pierre Blatter</u>

Dear Mr. Brown:

I understand that Phillipe Blatter, a Swiss citizen, has applied to the University of Chicago's Graduate School of Business, and I would like to offer some insight into his background.

Although I do not know Phillipe, I have been acquainted with his uncle and godfather, Joseph S. (Sepp) Blatter, for many years. Sepp is the General Secretary of FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Association) in Zurich, the governing body for international soccer competition and for the quadrennial World Cup games, the largest single sporting event in the world. As you know, in virtually every country but the United States, soccer generates a passion comparable only to that here for the World Series or the Superbowl. I have enormous admiration and respect for Sepp, who directs this immense organization with consumate skill, great diplomacy and unassailable integrity.

Sepp has always taken an active interest in the education and development of his nephew and godson. It has been his hope that Phillipe would prepare himself for a leadership role in international business by attending a top-ranked American

HENRY A. KISSINGER

March 4, 1992

Dear Mr. Christakos:

I understand that Phillipe Blatter, a Swiss citizen, has applied to the Kellogg Graduate School of Management at Northwestern University. I would like to offer some insight into his background.

World Cup USA 1994, Inc.
XV FIFA World Cup
Organizing Committee

Alan I. Rothenberg
Chairman

March 2, 1992

VIA FAX

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
350 Park Avenue, 26th Floor
New York, NY 10022

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

Phillipe Blatter is the nephew/godson of Joseph S. (Sepp) Blatter, the General Secretary of FIFA, and the single most important person to us as we organize the World Cup in 1994.

Phillipe Blatter has applied for admission to the Northwestern Graduate School of Business and the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business. The decision day is close upon us and, apparently, his application needs a boost. I know that they would be very impressed and, hopefully, influenced by a letter from you. If it's possible for you to do that and to do it as soon as possible, it would be deeply appreciated.

Needless to say, if there are any people, other than those in the Admissions Office, who are influential at either school, contacting them would be greatly appreciated, as well.

Best regards.

AIR:sed
Enclosures

633 West 5th Street, Suite 1000, Los Angeles, CA 90071 Telephone 213-891-7550 Telefax 213-891-8763

212 759 0042:# 2/48

LATHAM & WATKINS→

: 3-2-92 ;12:58PM

SENT BY:LATHAM & WATKINS

Dear Mr. __________ :

I understand that Phillipe Blatter, a Swiss citizen, has
applied to the [University of Chicago's Graduate School of
Business/Graduate School of Business at Northwestern], and I
would like to offer some insight into his background.

Although I do not know Phillipe, I have been acquainted with
his uncle and godfather, Joseph S. (Sepp) Blatter, for many
years. Sepp is the General Secretary of FIFA (Federation Inter-
nationale de Football Association) in Zurich, the governing body
for international soccer competition and for the quadrennial
the largest single sporting event in the world.
World Cup games. As you know, in virtually every country but
the United States, soccer generates a passion that can only be
compared here with that for the World Series or the Superbowl.
I have enormous respect and admiration for Sepp, who directs
this immense organization with consumate skill, great diplomacy
and unassailable integrity.

Sepp has always taken an active interest in the education
and development of his nephew and godson. It has been his hope
that Phillipe would prepare himself for a leadership role in
international business by attending a top-ranked American business
school. By virtue of his background and training I believe
Phillipe would do well at [the University of Chicago/Northwestern
University] and hope you will act favorably upon his application.

Sincerely,

OK as edited _________

HENRY A. KISSINGER

March 4, 1992

Dear Mr. Christakos:

HENRY A. KISSINGER

March 4, 1992

Dear Mr. Brown:

HENRY A. KISSINGER

January 15, 1992

Dear Dick:

I was delighted to get your letter and to learn of
your recent remarriage. I send my best wishes to
you both and hope to meet the bride before ten more
years have passed!

Congratulations also on your appointment as a
visiting scholar at Brown University. It should be
not only challenging but fun to return to a Uni-
versity setting. I will give some thought to who
might replace you at the World Peace Foundation
and let you know if I come up with a suitable candi-
date.

In the meanwhile, I thank you for your nice invitation
and hope to be able to take you up on it soon.

Mr. Richard J. Bloomfield
Executive Director
World Peace Foundation
22 Batterymarch Street
Boston, MA 02109