CYJ

Ladies and gentlemen:

I am happy to be here in the great Southwest, where
the freshness and vitality of the American spirit are so
evident.

In recent years we have seen opinion on foreign policy
in this country swing back and forth erratically -- from
peace demonstrations to calls for confrontation; from
antimilitarism to concern for a strong defense; from over-
involvement to a new isolationism; from enthusiasm to
disillusionment; and back again.

Today some would have Americans believe that the issue
is between those who are optimistic and those who are pessimistic

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about America.

But that is *not* the problem, *before us*. The real issue is whether we understand the complexities and the opportunities that are before us.

Winston Churchill once said: "When danger is far off, we may think of our weakness; when it is near, we must not forget our strength." A period of thermonuclear peril and global upheaval is not the moment to forget *our success*, our unequalled reserves of military and economic power, or the decisive advantages we enjoy as a free people with a free productive system.

In this Bicentennial year it is time to remind ourselves that an effective foreign policy must reflect the values and

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permanent interests of our nation and not the fashionable
trends of the moment. These values and interests antedate
this election year and must be maintained beyond it.

I am here to tell you that America remains -- and will
remain -- the most powerful nation in the world.

I am here to tell you that the President and his
Administration have founded their policies on a fundamental
faith in America's vast strength and potential for greatness.

We see challenging trends but we are confident that they
can be mastered. We see dangers but we are certain that
they can be overcome.

The optimist is not one who pretends that challenges do
not exist -- that is escapism. The true optimist has faith in
his nation; he believes that challenges are to be mastered --

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not avoided. He is willing to trust the intelligence of the
public for he knows that Americans can understand and deal
with complexity. He knows that Americans have always
regarded challenge not as a cause for despair, but as a call
to action, a stimulus to achievement, and a priceless chance
to shape the future.

The Founding Fathers, the pioneers who opened up this
vast land, the men and women who built the greatest and
freest and most productive society in history -- they were
people of confidence and hope.

Those of us today who truly have faith in America will
live up to that tradition.

To over-simplify, to substitute *bitter* rhetoric for *hard*
thinking, is not confidence in America. To offer slogans

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instead of answers is to show little faith in the American people.

The task of foreign policy is to understand our reality --
to perceive the challenges to our interests and principles. It
is to devise means for meeting those challenges. And it is to
persevere toward our goals unafraid and unswayed by the passions
of the moment.

Government in a free society has the obligation to tell the
people the truth, without sugar-coating or resorting to scare
tactics. The real issue before our country now is not between
optimists and pessimists, but between those who support a strong
American leadership in the world and those who believe that
America cannot, or should not, play such a role.

The Administration has made its choice. Our policy

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is based on the conviction that without America's determination
there can be no security; without our dedication there can be
no progress; and without our example there can be no freedom.

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America's Response to Challenge

In the inevitable self-criticism of a democracy, we must take care not to create an impression of impatience or uncertainty. We must never forget the great achievements of American foreign policy over three decades of involvement in world affairs.

The United States took the lead in helping Europe and Japan recover from devastation and join us in alliances that are the pillars of global stability. We opposed aggression; we mediated conflicts. We created the international economic institutions that expanded trade and prosperity worldwide.

We became the world's leader in technology, in agricultural

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productivity, in economic enterprise. We led the world's
struggle against famine, disease, and natural disaster; we
promoted education and economic development in every quarter
of the globe; we welcomed refugees from oppression to our
shores.

And amid all the turmoil of recent years at home, our
foreign policy has seen one of its most fruitful periods.

Today:

-- We are at peace.

-- We are the world's strongest nation militarily and
economically; our technological superiority is
unquestioned, continuing and growing.

-- Our alliances are cooperating more closely than at
any time in many years.

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-- We have begun to forge more rational and long-term relations with potential adversaries. Our new relationship with China is growing, durable and a positive factor in the world scene. With the Soviet Union we have resolved some conflicts, such as Berlin, and slowed some aspects of the arms race.

-- For the first time in 30 years we have helped the countries of the Middle East take significant steps towards peace.

-- We have been leaders in shaping new economic relations between the industrial world and developing world.

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This is a record of which we can be proud and on which
we should seek to build. So let us not delude ourselves with
fairy tales of America being second best and forever taken
in by wily foreigners.

Americans have nothing to fear from competition --
for in almost every area of rivalry we have the advantage.
Americans know we have the capacity, if we have the will, to
maintain freedom and peace. They understand too that our
strength is essential for peace, but also that peace must be
something better than a precarious balance of terror.

Therefore, our foreign policy is designed to further
three principal objectives:

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-- to strengthen the unity of the great industrial democracies and our alliances,

-- to maintain the global balance of power and to build on this foundation a lasting peace,

-- to fashion between the industrial world and the developing nations positive and reliable economic relations to ensure mutual prosperity.

Let me discuss these in turn.

## The Challenge of Democracy

Our first priority is our relationship with the great industrial democracies.

There is no doubt that freedom today is under serious challenge. Democratic societies are in a numerical minority

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in the world and within many of them, anti-democratic forces are gaining in strength.

The dangers are real, but so is our collective capacity to respond. We and our allies account for 65 percent of the world's production and 70 percent of its trade; we are the world's most industrialized and urbanized societies; ~~we~~ who are the pioneers of the modern age; we who have the experience, the intellectual creativity and the resources to lead attempts to solve the economic and social problems facing this shrinking planet. There is no reason for us to falter. Many of the challenges to the industrial democracies are of their own making. Therefore, they can be mastered with confidence, vision and creativity.

We are by nature a self-critical people and never more

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so than in our election year. This causes us sometimes to
take for granted the solid achievements of the recent past:

-- Faced with an oil embargo and an energy crisis,
the United States took the lead in establishing
together with the other industrial democracies a
new institution: the International Energy Agency.
This cooperative enterprise will enable the
industrial democracies to support each other in
case of another embargo. It has established
common conservation policies and common policies
for the development of alternative sources of energy.
A great challenge has brought forth a cooperative
and vital response.

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-- Faced with global recession, the heads of government of the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Japan met to concert their economic policies. They stimulated fresh approaches to reinforce each others' programs for recovery, trade and energy. They agreed on monetary reform which over time may usher in a period of unparalleled economic progress.

Most fundamentally, they symbolized their political cohesion and shared moral values.

-- Faced with the growth of Soviet power we have strengthened the defenses of our alliances with new programs of planning, consultation,

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modernization and standardization.

-- And faced with the need to fashion more balanced partnerships we have intensified our consultations and our collaboration.

These are not the actions of governments uncertain of their future. They reflect the conviction that no force in the world can match the voluntary association of free peoples.

Our relations with the industrial democracies have never been stronger and our unity never more effective. With economic recovery well underway we will be even stronger, individually and collectively.

Together with the other industrial democracies we face, with confidence, a vast agenda:

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-- The United States is determined to protect our nation's security and that of our friends and allies; we will do our part to maintain the global balance that has preserved peace and freedom for three decades.

-- Together we will foster economic progress and social justice in our societies, for the principles of freedom and human dignity which we cherish must rest on a firm foundation of responsiveness to the needs of our peoples.

-- We will intensify collaboration on the great new issues of our time -- the economic, political and social challenges of global interdependence, the

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easing of tensions between East and West, and
the forging of cooperation between developed
and developing countries.

-- The United States has encouraged and welcomed
WHICH HAVE
those of its allies that moved from dictatorship
toward democracy. For the same reason we
will continue to warn against those who would
turn over a major share in Western democratic
governments to Communist parties suddenly seeking
respectability. We would do our allies no favor if
we encouraged wishful thinking that the advent of
Communist parties into power will not represent
a watershed in our relations. The basic reality
is that our people will not accept the same close

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and confidential relationship with Western
countries where Communist parties have been
granted a major share in government.

-- We will stand for the cause of liberty and
independence around the world, for if we do not
champion our own cause, no one else will do it
for us.

- We will never forget that the democratic nations
  hold in trust humanity's highest principles and
  aspirations and that they thus bear a grave
  responsibility.

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The Challenge of Peace

Time and again in this century Americans have fought
for peace. [No people knows better than we the meaning of
that responsibility -- especially ] in an age shadowed by the
menace of nuclear cataclysm, When war would threaten
the life of literally every American there is no higher duty
than the dedicated search for peace.

But peace is far more than the mere absence of war.
We will never make, in the name of peace, agreements
that jeopardize our values and interests or the values and
interests of our friends. We know, too, that the mere
desire for peace is not enough. [Since the days of Thucydides
statesmen have recognized that peace with justice comes

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only "where the pressure of necessity is equal; for the powerful exact what they can, and the weak grant what they must." There can be no security without an equilibrium, and no safety without a balance of power.

Since the dawn of the nuclear age, the world's fears of catastrophe and its hopes for peace have hinged centrally upon the relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union. When two superpowers have the capacity to destroy mankind in a matter of hours, there can be no greater imperative than managing the relationship between them with wisdom and restraint.

The growth of the Soviet Union to superpower status was inevitable given its industrial and technological base.

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Nothing we could have done would have prevented it; nothing
we do now will make it go away. What we can do -- together
with our friends -- is to maintain our strength and our con-
siderable advantages, and demonstrate our determination to
prevent the irresponsible use of Soviet power. At the same
time we must strive to go beyond a balance of force to
shape a safer and more durable relationship of coexistence.

Peace thus requires a dual policy. And we have worked hard
at both these tasks.

We have kept our strategic forces sufficient to deter
attack and maintain the nuclear balance. And because we know
that the perception of power can be almost as important

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as the reality, we have made certain that other nations
recognize the adequacy of our strength.

Nevertheless, the strategic arms competition takes
place in unprecedented conditions. As late as the end of
World War II every increase in destructive power was stra-
tegically useful. Today additions to the nuclear arsenals of
either side do not automatically lead to political or military
advantage. Indeed, at current and foreseeable levels of
nuclear arms it becomes increasingly dangerous to invoke
them. In no crisis since 1962 have the strategic arsenals of
the two sides determined the outcome.

The tendency towards stalemate inherent in the nuclear
arms race produces new requirements for our national

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defense. Under the umbrella of strategic standoff, increasing attention must be given to regional defense. For it is in peripheral areas where a military imbalance can be turned into a geopolitical change that could in time affect the global balance. This is why we are expanding our army from 13 to 16 divisions, developing a new generation of fighter aircraft, and accelerating our naval construction, and it is why we must spend what is necessary to meet the new overall requirements.

In assessing current debates and charges it is important that the public understand the long-range nature of modern military planning. Because of the long lead-times in the development of new weapons, the forces in being today reflect decisions taken in the Sixties; the decisions we make today

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will not affect our forces until at least the early Eighties.

This imposes upon us the need for careful long-range planning, and analysis of needs. With modern weapons, national defense cannot be assured by quick fixes. Not every category of weapon is as useful for us as it is for our adversaries and vice versa. We must and we shall maintain a steady course, mindful that what we decide today will affect the security of Americans for decades.

At the same time we must look beyond security to a safer, more durable pattern of coexistence. A balance of terror constantly contested is an unsatisfactory foundation for our security. We shall defend the global balance with vigilance, but at the same time we shall continue to search for

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new patterns of restraint, of communication, and of cooperation.

Only when the rights of nations are respected -- when accommodation takes the place of force -- can man's energies be devoted to the realization of its higher aspirations.

To check, and ultimately to reverse, the nuclear spiral, we have sought and achieved important arms control agreements with the Soviet Union. The Strategic Arms Limitation Agreement of 1972 halted the Soviet numerical buildup, and the Vladivostok Agreement places an equal ceiling on strategic forces of both sides. When this ceiling is translated into a formal agreement we shall have reduced the danger of nuclear cataclysm. At the same time we will be able to devote the priorities in our planning to regional defense where the needs

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are greatest.

In the past week we have achieved a new agreement
which will limit the size of peaceful nuclear explosions and
-- for the first time -- allow the United States to conduct
on-site inspections on Soviet territory. This is a principle
which we have sought to establish throughout the post-war
period. Its achievement is not only a significant symbol
but an important practical step to bring greater discipline to
the nuclear age.

In addition to arms control, we have engaged the
Soviet Union in efforts to resolve concrete political
problems. For example, the Berlin Agreement of 1971 was
a negotiated solution to a perennial problem that had

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threatened major war on at least three occasions in 20 years.

And we have also reached agreement on many bilateral
projects that are based strictly on mutual benefit and can
help moderate Soviet behavior.

We must see these achievements in perspective.

We cannot relax our vigilance. We must not believe that
the conflict of two generations can be quickly overcome.

For the foreseeable future we and the Soviet Union will
remain ideological adversaries. But we have an obligation
to explore all honorable roads to reduction of tensions and
a relationship based on coexistence rather than on tests of
strength. We cannot stop trying for we owe our children
a better world than we found.

These then are the realities of our policy toward the

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Soviet Union:

-- [We have the military, diplomatic and economic capacity to prevent the use of Soviet power for unilateral advantage or political expansion.]

-- We shall maintain the strategic and conventional forces needed to protect our security; and we shall muster the political will to ensure that local situations are not exploited for unilateral gain which could undermine global stability.

-- We will never tolerate a shift in the strategic balance against us; whether by violations of agreements already concluded, by making unwise new agreements, or by neglect of our own programs.

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-- At the same time we must recognize that sovereign states of roughly equal power cannot impose unacceptable conditions on each other and ultimately must deal with each other by compromise.

-- We shall pursue the two strands of our policy toward the Soviet Union: firmness in the face of pressure and readiness to work on the basis of strict reciprocity for a more cooperative world.

This is an obligation we have to our people, to our future and to mankind.

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The Challenge of Prosperity

In recent years no issue has demanded more of our attention
than the prospects of the world economy. This nation has
unrivaled economic strength, but in an interdependent world
we must work with others if our economy is to thrive.

The facts of interdependence were brought home to us
dramatically by the oil embargo of 1973. It accelerated
inflation, and produced the largest unemployment as well as
the most severe recession of the postwar period. It is
estimated to have cost us upward of $10 billion in lost production.

The global economy is now a single system; interdependence
can strain it or enhance it. For the first time in history
humanity's age-old dream of a just, stable and prosperous
world for all is a realistic possibility.

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American policy has been designed to serve our interests in a global context of cooperation. For our nation's prosperity requires a healthy and cooperative world environment.

The price and supply of energy and raw materials, the conditions of trade and investment, the protection of the environment, international law to govern the use of the oceans and space -- these are all issues on which our prosperity and progress depend.

As the world's strongest power, the United States could best survive an era of economic warfare. At home, we are leading the recovery from the most difficult economic period since the 1930's -- a performance which stands in sharp contrast to those economies based on rigid principles of

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planning, on labor extracted by compulsion or capital formed
through inadequate compensation of labor. Abroad, our
technological innovation, global business expertise and
commercial dynamism have reinforced American interests
and spread prosperity to every part of our planet. It is
America that is the engine of the global economy; we to whom
the developing nations address their claims and their complaints --
for they know that our open economic system more than any
other fosters the prospects for growth, and widening
opportunity for all.

But while we are prepared to defend our economic interests
unilaterally, we know too that nations will prosper together
or they will suffer together.

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This is why the United States has taken the lead in advancing the vision of an open, growing and cooperative world economy. It was the United States that called for and helped launch the World Food Conference in 1974 where we offered concrete proposals to improve world food production and offer every human being security against hunger.

At the Special Session of the United Nations last September and at the Conference on International Economic Cooperation now underway in Paris, we have set forth a wide range of practical initiatives which address all the key global economic issues -- raw materials, development, finance, and most important, energy. Two weeks ago I presented the Law of the Sea Conference in New York with new American proposals

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designed to move this historic negotiation to a successful
conclusion this year. This would be a major diplomatic
event with far reaching implications for security and commerce,
for food and energy, for raw materials and research, and for
international law and cooperation. Later this month I will
attend the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
where we will continue to demonstrate American leadership
on the broad range of relations between North and South.

These United States initiatives have substantially
improved the international atmosphere and laid the foundations
for progress on one of the great endeavors of the modern
era -- the construction of a truly just and cooperative
international economy.

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These are the realities of the global economic challenge:

- Today, <u>all</u> national economies are sustained by the global economic system; interdependence is not a slogan but a reality and goes to the heart of the international order. Prosperity and justice underpin every society's ability to achieve its national goals.

- Since we are the single greatest concentration of economic wealth and power, global prosperity and our own wellbeing depend crucially on this country's leadership. What is asked of us now is not so much our resources, but our creativity and vision in helping the world organize equitable patterns of economic relations.

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-- The United States will not be pressured; nor will we yield to blackmail or threats. Those who indulge in unrealistic proposals, one-sided bloc voting, appeals to stale ideologies of confrontation or resentment will only block cooperative progress.

-- Here, too, we will pursue a dual policy; we will resist pressures, but we are prepared to participate constructively in cooperative efforts based on mutual respect.

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The American Responsibility

Thus the challenges we face are great and complex.

But the record shows that we have responded -- with
confidence and with success. Ours is not the record of a
tired nation, but of a vibrant people for whom frontiers have

even less are
even less are we seen
we have no intention of letting others determine our future.

America has the strength, resilience and purpose to meet
the modern era on its own terms. We are determined to
help shape an international environment which, more than
ever before in history, improves the lives and reflects
the values of our people.

So let us stop disparaging our strength, either moral

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or material, because if we do, friends of America grow
uncertain, enemies become bold and a world yearning for
leadership loses hope.

Let us tell our people and the world the truth: America
will continue to meet the challenges of its time.

America and its allies possess the greatest economic
and military power the world has ever seen.

We have the courage and the self-confidence to
prevent nuclear war. We have the vision and the spirit
to help shape a more peaceful, more stable world.

We have the resources, the technology, the skill
and the organizing genius to build a world economic system
together with all nations, developing and developed alike.

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And this will fulfill the aspirations of all peoples for dignity
and wellbeing.

It is in this spirit that next week I shall go to Africa
where I will carry America's message of hope, social justice,
aspiration for human dignity, the rule of the majority, and
cooperation. And I shall also warn against foreign
intervention, direct or surrogate, that would block all hope
for progress.

But we can realize our historic responsibility only
as a united and confident people. Our greatest foreign
policy need is to end our divisions and self-denigration -- to
recall that we have permanent interests and values that we
must nurture and defend; to recapture the sense that we

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are all engaged in a common enterprise.

We remain the world's strongest nation, but we no
longer have the overwhelming global predominance of
previous decades. Today we must lead, not by our power
alone, but by our wisdom, boldness, vision, and perseverance.

We must be a steadfast friend to those who would be our
friend; we must be a determined opponent of those who
would be our enemy. We must maintain simultaneously our
defenses, our alliances, our principles and our commitment
to a cooperative world.

And I have every confidence in our ability to do so.

In this Bicentennial year, we honor our Founding Fathers
for many things -- but most of all for their faith in the

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American people, on whom the success of the American experiment has always depended. They were dreamers who believed in the future and the nation they had created. They were optimists, because they believed that free men of courage could shape their destiny. And in the end, they were realists, because they were right.

At its foundation America was because of its promise the hope of the world. Today it remains, because of what it has become, the best hope of all mankind.

This generation of Americans, like every generation before it, will shape its destiny and in helping the world will help itself. For what we -- and the world around us -- shall be is in our hands. And like those Americans who have gone before us, we shall not fail.

BARRY GOLOWATER
ARIZONA

United States Senate

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20510

COMMITTEE

AERONAUTICAL AND SPACE SCIENCES
ARMED SERVICES

PREPAREDNESS INVESTIGATING SUBCOMMITTEE

TACTICAL AIR POWER SUBCOMMITTEE

NATIONAL STOCKPILE AND NAVAL PETROLEUM
RESERVES SUBCOMMITTEE

April 19, 1976

The Honorable Henry Kissinger
Secretary of State
Department of State
Washington, D. C. 20502

Dear Henry:

Your visit to Phoenix on Friday was really a triumph. I was naturally pleased when you asked me if you could come to my home to speak, but I was apprehensive due to the very, very strong position that the Reagan people have taken in this area. I believe that it must have been obvious to you that your audience liked you, liked what you said, and admired you. In fact, I met five Reagan supporters in the lobby, after I left you, wearing large Reagan buttons, who told me that they had never enjoyed anything as much in their lives.

So I want to thank you, not just as an Arizona or an American, but as a Republican for having helped a great deal in this state, It may not bring delegates to Ford, but it sure helped to clear up where we stand internationally. Thank you for coming. It was a real honor and pleasure for Peggy and me to welcome you and Nancy to our home.

With warm wishes,

Barry Goldwater