# 1. THE COMMUNIST IN FOCUS

This book is an attempt to depict as objectively as possible the process whereby the Communist man is created. At the same time, it is in a certain sense subjective, for it represents the conclusions of a large sector of a lifetime spent in acceptance, rejection, and examination of Communism. It reflects fourteen years of active leadership, theoretical and practical in the Communist movement, followed by fifteen years of reorientation and deep consideration of this modern tyranny over the human mind and spirit.

An understanding of a movement of cardinal historical effect would seem to require a grasp of its *ethos*, of the fundamental dynamic which inspires and guides the individuals who compose it. Without such a grasp -- such an apprehension from within, as it were -- the most extensive analysis in terms of behavior, or of social cause and effect, will fail to present the living dimension of the movement. This is true whether the subject of study is an event in the past, where the mode of inquiry is historical, or in the present, where it is, broadly speaking, sociological; whether it is a phenomenon which expresses and reinforces our ideals and aspirations or one which is inimical to them.

It is in this sense that the commonplace, "to fight Communism,

It is in this sense that the commonplace, "to fight Communism, ideals and aspirations or one which is inimical to them, whether it is a phenomenon which expresses and reinforces our or in the present, where it is, proudly speaking, sociological; an event in the past, where the mode of industry is historical, of the movement. This is true whether the subject of study is social cause and effect, will fall to present the living dimension were -- the most extensive analysis in terms of behavior, or of Without any such a grasp -- such an abbrevesation from within, as it dynamic which inspires and guides the individuals who compose it. would seem to require a grasp of its action, of the fundamental

An understanding of a movement of cardinal historical effect and spirit.

and deep consideration of this modern tyranny over the human mind
Communist movement, followed by fifteen years of reorientation
years of active leadership, theoretical and practical in the
rejection, and examination of Communism. It reflects fourteen
conclusions of a large sector of a lifetime spent in acceptance,
time, it is in a certain sense subjective, for it represents the
the process whereby the Communist man is created. At the same
to this book is an attempt to depict as objectively as possible

THE COMMUNIST IN FOCUS

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we must understand it," is profoundly true. But only in this sense. The fight against Communism is not benefited by the kind of "understanding" which insists on reducing the reality to categories with which we are comfortably familiar. That way we misread both the range of human nature and the potentialities of Communism for evil. Rather, the imaginative effort must be made to apprehend the profoundly different character of Communist consciousness -- different from anything with which we are acquainted.

For the Communist is different. He thinks differently. Reality looks different to him. He is not simply -- and this is where many painstaking analyses go wrong -- a mirror image of ourselves, with our motivations, ordinary or neurotic, hidden under a net of rationalizations couched in barbarous Hegelianisms and Russianisms.

Though different, however, the Communist consciousness can be and constantly is created anew through the transformation of normal non-Communist consciousness, a transformation purposively carried through in the training process that moulds the Communist cadre. It is the aim of this book to describe that process and thus help the reader make the imaginative leap necessary to grasp what the cadre Communist is, what his consciousness is like, and how he sees the world.

like', and how he sees the world.

Said what the cadre Communist is, what his consciousness is
true help the reader make the imaginative leap necessary to
cadre. It is the aim of this book to describe that process and
carried through in the training process that moulds the Communist
normal non-Communist consciousness, a transformation purposely
be and constantly is created anew through the transformation of
through different, however, the Communist consciousness can
and Realism.

under a net of rationalisations conciled in periphrastic Hegelianism
ourselves, with our motivations, ordinarily or neurotic, hidden
where many الباتكين analyses go wrong -- a mirror image of
reality looks different to him. He is not simply -- and this is
for the Communist is different. He thinks differently.

determined.

consciousness -- different from anything with which we are ac-
ught to apprehend the brotomanly different character of Communist
of Communism for evil. Rather, the imaginative effort must be
we shared both the range of human nature and the potentialities
to categories with which we are comfortably familiar. That way
kind of "understanding" which instates on reducing the reality
sense. The light against Communism is not benefited by the
we must understand it," is brotomanly true. But only in this

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It is the cadre with which this book is concerned. The
cadre is that core within the formal Communist parties which
represents Lenin's "organization of professional revolutionaries."
Obviously, millions come into contact with Communist ideas, and
hundreds of thousands are recruited to the parties and spend a
greater or lesser period of time therein as rank and filers, with-
out ever becoming Communists in the full sense. If I touch upon
the process of recruiting from the world outside into the Commu-
nist Party, or upon the life and training of the recruit and of
the rank and filer, that is only because the cadre man was once
a non-Communist, a recruit, and a rank and filer, and because all
these stages are part of the history of his development. The
moulding process which transforms the personality and creates the
full Communist begins at the first moment of contact with the
penumbra of Communist influence, and continues with greater and
greater intensity through each stage.

In the consideration of the cadre itself, I have further
narrowed the focus and have concentrated my attention upon the
process whereby the personality and outlook of the Communist are
created. Communist organization, Party functioning, and strategy
and tactics are considered only to the degree that they are
directly relevant to that process. They are significant only
insofar as they are at the disposal of Communist will; and that

In the consideration of the cadre itself, I have further
greater intensity through each stage.

bembrace of Communist influence, and continue with greater and
full Communat begins at the first moment of contact with the
mounding process which transforms the personality and creates the
these stages are part of the history of life development. The
a non-Communist, a recruit, and a rank and filter, and because all
the rank and filter, that is only because the cadre was once
that Party, or upon the life and training of the recruit and of
the process of recruiting from the world outside into the Comm-
on ever becoming Communists in the full sense. If I touch upon
Greater or lesser period of time therein as rank and filter, with-
amounts of thousands are recruited to the parties and absorb a
Opinionally, millions come into contact with Communist ideas, and
represents Lenin's "organisation of professional revolutionaries."
cadre is that core within the formal Communist parties which
It is the cadre with which this book is concerned. The

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will is a function of a particular kind of person, the Communist person.

My experience covers only a decade and a half of the four decades in which Communism has been a world-wide movement and only a few countries of the West directly; but every indication from that experience and from the experience of others digested in the massive written record convinces me that (despite changes in the historical situation, despite differences of nation, even of civilization, despite the contrasting missions of Communists in power and out of power) a common secular and messianic quasi-religion inspires the Communist everywhere and from the beginning of the Communist movement till this day.

It is with the formation, the moulding, of the man who lives inspired by this outlook that this book deals. To understand him, what he is, what his goals are, what the continuing direction of his action is beneath the kaleidoscopic changes of strategy and tactics, is of the most vital importance to the West. Whether for the moment the Communist presents to the outer world the grim visage of overbearing ultimatum or the persuasive smile of coexistence, the inner purpose of Communism, the inner devotion of the Communist perseveres towards a consistent end.

tion of the Communist bereavement towards a coherent and
of coexistence, the inner purpose of Communism, the inner devo-
Grim visage of overbearing omnipotence or the passive smile
for the moment the Communist presents to the outer world the
tactice, is of the most vital importance to the West. Whether
his action is based on the safe避oepic changes of strategy and
what he is, what his goals are, what the continuing direction of
inspired by this outlook that this book deals. To understand him,
It is with the formation, the moulding, of the man who lives
of the Communist movement till this day.

religion inspire the Communist everywhere and from the beginning
in power and out of power) a common secular and megalastic desat-
of civilization, despite the contrasting missions of Communists
in the historical situation, despite differences of nation, even
in the massive written record convinces me that (despite changes
from that experience and from the experience of others digested
only a few countries of the West directly; put every indication
decades in which Communism has been a world-wide movement and
My experience covers only a decade and a half of the four
militant person.

will be a function of a particular kind of person, the Com-

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## 2. THE MOULD

Archimedes is reputed to have said: "But give me a fulcrum and I can move the world." Lenin's central idea was: Give me an organization of professional revolutionaries and I can transform the world. The Communist Party, the realization of the Leninist concept of an "organization of professional revolutionaries," is a fusion of three elements -- doctrine, organization, people.

To speak of "people" as a factor coördinate with doctrine and organization, in discussing the elements of a party, an organization, an association, may seem rather strange. When we think of associations as such, those who compose them are not normally regarded as a factor of this kind, but rather taken for granted, as, in discussing the psychological makeup of a human being, his molecular constitutents are taken for granted. But Communists do speak of "people" as a factor of this sort. In a passage which has the highest of authority in Communist discourse, Dimitroff writes: "...our Parties have not yet realized by far that **people, cadres, decide everything**. They are unable to do what Comrade Stalin taught us to do, namely, cultivate cadres 'as a gardener cultivates his favorite fruit tree'..." (Emphasis in original).

"People" are conceived of, not as those who make up the

"People" are conceived of, not as those who make up the
in original).

as a gardener cultivates his favorite fruit tree..." (Emphasize
what Comrade Stalin taught me to do, namely, cultivate capres
that people, capres, decide everything. They are unable to do
Diminoff writes: "...our parties have not yet realised by far
blessage which use the highest of authority in Communist discourse,
Communist do speak of "people" as a factor of this sort. In a
being, life molecular constituents are taken for granted. But
granted, as, in discussing the psychological making of a human
normally regarded as a factor of this kind, but rather taken for
tink of associations as such, those who compose them are not
 Organization, an association, may seem rather strange. When we
and organization, in discussing the elements of a party, an or-
to speak of "people" as a factor coordinate with doctrine
a factor of three elements -- doctrine, organization, people.
concept of an "organization of professional revolutionaries," is
the world. The Communist Party, the realization of the Leninist
organization of professional revolutionaries and I can transform
and I can move the world." Lenin's central idea was: Give me an
Archimedes is rebuted to have said: "But give me a tutorm

3. THE MOULD

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association, those for whom the association exists, but rather
as material to be developed, fertilized, watered -- and pruned.
It may appear fantasy on my part to say that I have observed
that a special pitch and a special intonation accompany the use
of the world "people" in the Communist movement, but I think it
is so. At any rate, the written material proves by the words
interchangeable with "people" that it has a very different conno-
tation than in ordinary English. In place of it can be substi-
tuted "forces," "element," "material," "cadres" (used ungram-
matically as the plural of a hypothetical singular, "a cadre"
or single member of the cadre of the Communist movement).

²
"People" are "our people" -- another Communist phrase.
Communists in this sense, those who compose the core of the move-
ment, are very literally "our people." **They are made, not born.**
The Communist sympathizer, the new recruit to the Communist Party,
even the Communist yearling, is still as a human being much
nearer to the character structure and the outlook of the ordi-
nary citizens from whose ranks he comes than he is to the
developed and seasoned Communists who make up the core, the
cadre, of the Party. These are the product of a continuing
process of training, of moulding, which creates them out of
the human material which comes to hand.
³

process of training, of minding, which creates them out of
cadre, of the party. These are the product of a continuing
developed and seasoned Communiates who make up the core, the
nary citizens from whose ranks he comes than he is to the
nearer to the character structure and the outlook of the ordi-
even the Communist heartling, is still as a human being much
The Communist sympathizer, the new recruit to the Communist party,
ment, are very literally "our people." *They are made, not born.*
Communiates in this sense, those who comprise the core of the move-
"People," are "our people" -- another Communist phrase.

or single number of the cadre of the Communist movement).

materially as the plural of a psychical singular, "a cadre"
tried "forces," "element," "material," "cadres" (used ungras-
ting than in ordinarily English). In place of it can be expect-
interchangeable with "people," that it has a very different como-
fa so. At any rate, the written material proves by the words
of the world "people" in the Communist movement, but I think it
that a special bitch and a special information accompany the use
It may appear fantasy on my part to say that I have observed
as material to be developed, fertilized, watered -- and grown.
association, those for whom the association exists, put rather

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## The Ideal Type

To show how the developed Communist is thus moulded by
the conscious efforts of the Communist leadership is the aim
of this study. The mould in this process is an ideal type --
the type of the imagined perfect Communist, the bolshevik.

As in all human endeavor, that ideal type is never fully
realized, even though there are within the Communist movement
historical and fictional persons who are presented as realiza-
tions of it. Men approach it approximately, and it is the
meaning of their existence and the aim of the Party that they
approximate it more and more closely. The honorific word, one
spoken in this sense with bated and admiring breath, is "bol-
shevik." No higher praise exists in the Communist movement than
to say of a person: "He's a real bolshevik." The image is
emotionally deepened by such oft-quoted slogans as "there are
no obstacles that bolsheviks cannot overcome," by the words
of songs such as that sung by the German Communists to the
tune of Mussolini's *Giovinezza*: "Bolshevisten, Bolsheviken,
edelesten des Kommunisten."

Nor is this image merely a construction for the edifica-
tion and inspiration of the rank and file. It is a living
and operative factor in the lives of the cadre. It is drawn
upon in training schools, disciplinary sessions, inner-Party
struggles. It is the vision which fortifies men against prison

struggles. It is the vision which fortifies men against priors
upon in training schools, disciplinary sessions, inner-party
and operative factor in the lives of the cadre. It is drawn
from and inspiration of the rank and file. It is a living
not for the image merely a construction for the edition-
element of Communists.

time of Missolint's[C]lovingness: "Polarevikes, Polarevikes,
of songs such as that among the German Communists to the
no obstacles that polarevikes cannot overcome," by the words
emotionaly deepened by such oft-deemed slogans as "there are
to say of a person: "He's a real polarevike." The image is
speak". No higher brazen exists in the Communist movement than
shown in this sense with pated and acquiring preach, is "pol-
approximate it more and more closely. The honorific word, one
meaning of their existence and the aim of the party that they
tions of it. Men approach it approximately, and it is the
historical and fictional persons who are presented as resul-
realized, even though there are within the Communist movement
As in all human endeavor, that ideal type is never fully
the type of the imagined perfect Communist, the polarevike,
of this study. The world in this process is an ideal type --
the conscious efforts of the Communist leadership in the aim
To show how the developed Communist is thus moulded by
the Ideal Type

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and torture *and* against their own inner revulsion when they accept or participate in frightful atrocities or unprincipled deceptions.

The process, however, which moulds men to this single image must begin with ordinary human beings in all their variety. The raw material -- Communist sympathizers and neophyte members of the Party -- includes psychological types of almost every kind. While it is true that certain temperamental constitutions seem better able to *survive* the process of conditioning, and these are therefore represented to a greater degree among the cadre, the differential seems to have much less to do with psychological type than with something which, for want of a better word, I would call nervous toughness.

Since the ideal type is never fully realized, the differences between individuals, which continue to exist at every stage of approximation to the ideal, are dependent upon the original personality structure before the moulding. But while these differences are highly significant from the point of view of the psychologist and would be of great importance in the study of any single Communist as a human being, they are largely immaterial to the student of the Communist movement,⁴ and in Communist practice itself are almost entirely disregarded. The important point is the degree of approximation to the ideal

The important point is the degree of approximation to the ideal
Communist practice itself are almost entirely disregarded.
Inmaterial to the student of the Communist movement,⁴ and in
study of any single Communist as a human being, they are largely
of the psychologist and would be of great importance in the
these differences are highly significant from the point of view
original personality structure before the moulding. But while
stage of approximation to the ideal, are dependent upon the
ences between individuals, which continue to exist at every
Since the ideal type is never fully realized, the differ-
would call nervous toughness.

type than with something which, for want of a better word, I
the differential seems to have much less to do with psychological
are therefore represented to a greater degree among the cadre,
pBetter able to survive the process of conditioning, and these
While it is true that certain temperamental constitutions seem
the party -- includes psychological types of almost every kind.
raw material -- Communist sympathizers and neophyte members of
must begin with ordinary human beings in all their variety. The
The process, however, which would men to this single image
decceptions.

accept or participate in frightful stрастies or unprincipled
and torture and against their own inner regulation when they

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type. It is on this basis that leading Communists are selected for position, promoted, demoted, disciplined and expelled. It is by this standard also that they judge themselves, regulate their lives, and are judged by their immediate associates. In fact, it is just to the degree that individual psychological traits remain that the Communist falls short of being a bolshevik.

In that most important tool of Communist training, "criticism and self-criticism," the most common critique of character is the accusation of "subjectivity." "Subjectivity" can take many forms, and each of these forms reflects a different original psychological characteristic of the individual. In all its forms, however, the same phenomenon is expressed: a failure of some sort in the process of replacing the motivations of the specific personal psychological type with the motivations of the ideal Communist type.

The significance of differences of psychological type is mainly negative. In the clash between the instinct of the personality for self preservation and the moulding process seeking to make it over, will be found one of the important causes of every break of a seasoned Communist with the movement. It is undoubtedly the main explanation also of a cycle of political breakdown and rehabilitation, which is the almost universal mark of the career of a long-time Communist.

Insofar as there is no perfect Communist, then, there do

Insofar as there is no perfect Communist, then, there is
career of a long-time Communist.

and rehabilitation, which is the almost universal mark of the
ly the main explanation also of a cycle of political breakdown
break of a seasoned Communist with the movement. It is unopposed-
make it over, will be found one of the important causes of every
ality for self preservation and the moulding process seeking to
mainly negative. In the clash between the instant of the person-
the significance of differences of psychological type is

logical type with the motivations of the ideal Communist type.
use of replacing the motivations of the specific personal beyo-
same phenomenon is expressed: a failure of some sort in the proc-
characteristic of the individual. In all its forms, however, the
and each of these forms reflects a different original psychological
accusation of "subjectivity." "Subjectivity" can take many forms,
and self-criticism," the most common critique of character is the
In that most important tool of Communist training, "criticism
traits remain that the Communist falls short of being a polebelevik.

fact, it is just to the degree that individual psychological
their lives, and are judged by their immediate associates. In
is by this standard also that they judge themselves, regulate
for position, promoted, demoted, disciplined and excommunicated. It
type. It is on this basis that leading Communists are selected

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exist, as it were in suspension, many different types. But there are not a number of *Communist* types. There is one Communist type, more or less successfully dominating a series of original personality structures. For a study of the Communist as Communist, what is significant is this ideal type, the approximations to it, and the process of creating them.

## The Role of the Cadre

The men who approach the ideal type, Communists in the full sense, constitute a distinct body within the Communist movement. Before proceeding to a consideration of the characteristics of that type, their function and position must be delimited. The Communist movement as a whole includes members of the Party from top to bottom, close sympathizers of the Party, espionage and collateral underground agents inside or outside the formal Party organization. Actually possessing a Party card or functioning in an organizational unit of the Party (despite Lenin's dictum) is immaterial from any realistic point of view. The important criterion is acceptance of Communist discipline and directives. In this multitude of interconnecting and intricately correlated groupings, there exists a distinct élite, the members of which are recognizable by no title; who may or may not be in positions of organization leadership; who in some cases may not, as a matter of fact, be formal card-holding members of the Communist

matter of fact, be formal card-holding members of the Communist
of organization leadership; who in some cases may not, as a
are recognisable by no title; who may or may not be in positions
Sionships, there exists a distinct class, the members of which
in this multitude of interconnecting and intricately correlated
criterion is acceptance of Communist discipline and directives.
is immaterial from any restitutive point of view. The important
in an organizational unit of the party (de facto remains a dictum)
organisation. Actually possessing a party card or functioning
collateral underground agents inside or outside the formal party
top to bottom, close associates of the party, espionage and
Communist movement as a whole includes members of the party from
that type, their function and position must be delimited. The
before proceeding to a consideration of the characteristics of
sense, constitute a distinct body within the Communist movement.
The men who approach the ideal type, Communists in the full

**The Role of the Cadre**

mations to it, and the process of creating them.
as Communist, what is significant in this ideal type, the approach-
original personality structures. For a study of the Communist
mutant type, more or less successfully dominating a series of
there are not a number of Communist types. There is one Com-
exist, as it were in subordination, many different types. But

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5

Party. It is they who form what the Communists call the cadre.

The word "cadre" is derived, of course, from military terminology, where it signifies the men who make up the frame, the skeleton of an existing or potential unit. Sometimes it also means the battle-hardened and experienced troops around whom a mass force can be developed. In Communist usage it is much nearer to this latter sense, but it has a specific meaning different from either.

This élite, the Communist cadre, despite its lack of a formal organization, even of a formal existence, is the form taken in the course of the history of the Communist movement by Lenin's dream of an "organization of professional revolutionaries." The Communist Parties themselves are supposed to be the expression of that concept; but, owing to the large numbers admitted to their ranks, first in the Soviet Union, then in other countries where a policy of "mass parties" was adopted in the circumstances of Stalin's struggle for power, they ceased to fulfill that function. Hundreds of thousands within their ranks are in no real sense Communists, and many who are technically non-members are in the fullest sense Communists.

It is the cadre which has assumed the role assigned by Marxism-Leninism to "the Party." It is the cadre which is the "vanguard of the proletariat." It is the cadre which is "the

"Augustard of the proletariat." It is the cadre which is "the
Marxian-Redunam to "the Party." It is the cadre which is the
It is the cadre which has assumed the role assigned by
in the fullest sense Communists.

 sense Communists, and many who are technically non-members are
tion. Hundreds of thousands within their ranks are in no real
of Stalin's a struggle for power, they ceased to fulfill that func-
where a policy of "mass parties" was adopted in the circumstances
their ranks, first in the Soviet Union, then in other countries
of that concept; put, owing to the large numbers admitted to
Communist Parties themselves are supposed to be the expression
dream of an "organization of professional revolutionaries." The
course of the history of the Communist movement by Lenin's
organization, even of a formal existence, is the form taken in
This title, the Communist cadre, despite its lack of a formal
from either.

to this latter sense, put it has a specific meaning different
mass force can be developed. In Communist usage it is much milder
means the battle-hardened and experienced troops around whom a
skeleton of an existing or potential unit. Sometimes it also
ontology, where it signifies the man who makes up the frame, the
The word "cadre" is derived, of course, from military termi-
party. It is they who form what the Communists call the cadre.

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only organization capable of centralising the leadership of the
struggle of the proletariat, thus transforming each and every
non-Party organization of the working class into an auxiliary
body and transmission belt linking the Party with the class."
These words of Stalin's were spoken of the Party, not of the
cadre, but the official Parties themselves have become hardly
more than the most important of the mass organizations, master
"transmission belts," schools and proving-grounds for the train-
ing of real Communists. (With the development of the institution
of the cadre, the real reference of theoretical, inspirational
and practical statements on "the Party" is to the cadre, which
is the soul of the Party.)

The cadre is not the formal leadership of the Communist
movement. Most of the leaders, of course, are members of the
cadre, although some may not be. Cadre Communists can be found
in apparently the humblest of positions when there is reason
for their activities at that level. An ostensible rank-and-file
member may turn out to have associations, and to be performing
functions, of the utmost importance, which prove him to be an
accepted and trusted member of the inner core. Nor is the
implication conveyed by a number of contemporary books about
Communism true, that all espionage and underground personnel are
of the cadre. The cadre directs and gives firmness to such work,

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as to all Communist work. But a dramatic spy or a policy-subverter in a high government post, being a world-renowned writer or speaker, or a Communist trade-union leader with great public prestige and power, may be little more than an office boy to obscure and unknown men with no formal position in or out of the Communist Party.

The question remains; if the cadre has no official existence, how can it be identified and what is the source of its being? Members of the cadre are members of the cadre when they are recognized as such by their equals and superiors in the cadre. They become members of the cadre and achieve their status within the cadre by the decision of their superiors in the cadre; and the status of their superiors depends upon their superiors, etc. "Great fleas have little fleas upon their backs to bite 'em, And little fleas have lesser fleas, And so ad infinitum," -- except that in this case we have not yet reached 1984. The infinite regress is cut short in the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, or in the person or persons who, at any time, possess the ultimate power within that organ.

The Communist in the full sense, the subject of this study, is the accepted member of the cadre. His development is continuous and never finished, but he is a Communist in contrast to other members of the Party, who are at most candidate-Communists.

other members of the party, who are at most candidate-Communists. None and never finished, but he is a Communist in contrast to the accepted member of the cadre. His development is continuous.

The Communist in the full sense, the subject of this study, who, at any time, possesses the ultimate power within that organ. Communist Party of the Soviet Union, or in the pension or persons infinite regress is cut short in the political Bureau of the except that in this case we have not yet reached 1984. The And little fles have lesser fles, And so ad infinitum." -- "Great fles have little fles upon their backs to pite 'em, status of their superiors depends upon their superiors, etc. cadre by the decision of their superiors in the cadre; and the become members of the cadre and achieve their status within the raised as such by their equals and superiors in the cadre. They Members of the cadre are members of the cadre when they are recognized as such by their equals and superiors in the cadre. They

The question remains: if the cadre has no official existence, the Communist Party.

8. opacure and unknown men with no formal position in or out of breath and power, may be little more than an office pool to speaker, or a Communist trade-union leader with great public verter in a high Government boat, or a world-renowned writer or as to all Communist work. But a dramatic ad or a policy-

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He is the "cadre Communist," the man who has been transformed to a greater or less degree into the ideal type.

## The Characteristics of the Ideal Type

The ideal type of the Communist is a man in whom all individual, emotional, and unconscious elements have been reduced to a minimum and subjected to the control of an iron will, informed by a supple intellect. That intellect is totally at the service of a single and compelling idea, made incarnate in the Communist Party: the concept of History as an inexorable god whose ways are revealed "scientifically" through the doctrine and method of Marxism-Leninism.

Such a vision of reality gives its possessor a tremendous feeling of power and of a certain kind of freedom, the "freedom" which, in Hegel's phrase, "is the recognition of necessity."

"Ducunt Fata volentem, nolentem trahunt" -- or, in a free Communist translation, "History inspires those who follow her willingly; those who do not are dragged by the tail or destroyed."⁹

The servitors of History and the guardians of the lore of Marxism-Leninism are the initiate, the cadre, who constitute a quasi-priestly caste leading the potentially elect, the working class, to its apotheosis. There is a remarkable passage in Stalin's speech at the time of Lenin's death, a speech which is used as a sort of peroration in the Party schools and on solemn occasions. It conveys something of the intoxicating conviction

occasions. It conveys something of the intoxicating conviction
has as a sort of peroration in the party schools and on acorn
scalin's a speech at the time of Lenin's death, a speech which is
class, to its apothecary. There is a remarkable passage in
draeft-briestly case leading the boterily elect, the working
iam-Preminism are the initiate, the cadre, who constitute a
The servitors of History and the guardians of the core of Marx-
ly; those who do not are dragged by the tail or destroyed."⁹
ant translation, "History inspires those who follow per willin-
g"Dreams, but volentzen, volentem transunt" -- or, in a free Comm-
which, in Hegel's phrase, "is the recognition of necessity."
feeling of power and of a certain kind of freedom, the "freedom"
Such a vision of reality gives its possessor a tremendous
Marxism-Preminism.

Marxism revealed "scientifically" through the doctrine and method of
party: the concept of History as an inexorable God whose ways
of a single and compelling idea, made incarnate in the Communist
by a subtle intellect. That intellect is totally at the service
a minimum and subjected to the control of an iron will, informed
vainest, emotional, and unconscious elements have been reduced to
The ideal type of the Communist is a man in whom all indi-

He is the "cadreCommunist," the man who has been transformed to

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2 - 11

of a special calling, which characterizes the Communist's attitude of devotion to the Party.

"We Communists are people of a special mould. We are made of special material. We are those who comprise the army of the great proletarian strategist, the army of Comrade Lenin. There is nothing higher than the honour to belong to this army. There is nothing higher than the title of member of the Party founded and led by Comrade Lenin. It is not given to all to be members of such a Party. It is not given to all to withstand the stress and storm that accompanies membership in such a Party...

"In departing from us, Comrade Lenin bequeathed to us the duty of holding aloft and guarding the purity of the great title of member of the Party. We vow to you, Comrade Lenin, that we will fulfill your bequest with honour." (10)

**Devotion.** This is the first criterion for a cadre/Communist.

"What shall be our main criteria in selecting cadres?

"First, absolute devotion to the cause of the working class, loyalty to the Party, tested in face of the enemy -- in battle, in prison, in court." (11) (Emphasis in original)

It is devotion, but devotion of a special kind. Neither this word nor the characterization "quasi-priestly" should make one lose sight of a fundamental difference between the Communist attitude and religious attitudes. What is intrinsic to the religious outlook -- piety, humility, love -- is missing from the Communist outlook. The essence of the devotion is control -- control over nature, over man. In the technical sense "magical," as contrasted with "religious," is the apt word, if by "magical" we mean the drive for power over fundamental forces through grasp of their character, and by "religious" we mean acceptance

Grip of their character, and by "reelfone" we mean acceptance
we mean the drive for power over fundamental forces through
as contrasted with "reelfone," is the apt word, it by "magical"
control over nature, over man. In the technical sense "magical,"
Communist outlook. The essence of the devotion is control --
lifegone outlook -- bled, unmility, love -- is mising from the
attitude and religious attitudes. What is intrinsic to the re-
one lose sight of a fundamental difference between the Communist
this word nor the characterization "dusst-briestly" should make
It is devotion, put devotion of a special kind. Neither

in briem' in court." (11) (Emphasis in original)

**loyalty to the Party**, tested in face of the enemy -- in battle,
"Blet, absolute devotion to the cause of the working class."

"What shall be our main criteria in selecting cadre?

Will fulfill your pedagog with honour." (10)

of member of the Party. We now to you, Comrade Remin, that we
try of holding aloft and guarding the clarity of the great title
"In departing from us, Comrade Remin pedagogued to us the
and storm that accompanies membership in such a Party...

of such a Party. It is not given to all to withstand the stress
and fed by Comrade Remin. It is not given to all to be memmers
its nothing higher than the title of member of the Party founded
is nothing higher than the honour so belong to this army. There
Great proletarian strategist, the army of Comrade Remin. There
of special material. We are those who comprise the army of the
"We Committes are people of a special mind." We are made
tude of devotion to the Party.

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2 - 12

and love of God and man. In the outlook of the Communist man -- in his dialectical materialist philosophy as in his Marxist-Leninist political theory, in his ethics and his aesthetics as in his personal inner life -- those elements of existence which do not fall under the broad rubric of "change the world" quite literally do not exist. They are delusory shadows, totally derivative from the real, meaningful elements of existence. To argue the autonomous existence of joy, awe, aesthetic form, beauty, the satisfaction of intellectual curiosity, is to play with meaningless questions, to lose one's way, bemused by the Siren voices of mocking phantoms rising from the decay of class society.

The ability to exercise this control is to be achieved strictly through the development of the rational conscious understanding. It is not that Communists are unaware of the existence of depths in the human personality, nor that they are unequipped with a theory and practice of psychological manipulation, but for themselves, for the élite, who are the forerunners of the "man of a new type," those depths are to be destroyed or brought under the most iron control of the consciousness.

For the Communist, therefore, the emphasis is overwhelmingly on the rational, interpreted in the light of Marxism-Leninism. Hegelian-wise, "all that is real is rational" and "all that is rational is real."

rational is real."

Nephtali-wise, "all that is real is rational" and "all that is
on the rational, interpreted in the light of Marxism-Communism.

For the Communist, therefore, the emphasis is overwhelmingly
the most iron control of the consciousness.

of a new type," those debts are to be destroyed or brought under
oneselves, for the elite, who are the forerunners of the "man
with a theory and practice of bayological manipulation," put for
of debts in the human personality, nor that they are meddled
standing. It is not that Communists are unaware of the existence
straitly through the development of the rational conscious under-
The ability to exercise this control is to be achieved
of mocking humans rising from the decay of class society.

Unless questions, to lose one's way, persuaded by the strong voices
of the antonomous existence of joy, awe, aesthetic form, beauty,
derivative from the real, meaningful elements of existence. To
literally do not exist. They are delusory shadows, totally
not fall under the fraud rupric of "change the world," quite
the personal inner life -- those elements of existence which do
in that political theory, in life science and life aesthetics as in
the dialectical materialist philosophy as in his Marxist-Len-
and love of God and man. In the outlook of the Communist man --

2 - 13

[LC]

2 - 13

The "Conclusion" of the *History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union*, for long the leading Communist textbook of Marxism-Leninism, reads:

> "What are the chief conclusions to be drawn from the historical path traversed by the Bolshevik Party?

> "What does the history of the C.P.S.U. (B.) teach us?...

> "...The history of the Party...teaches us that a party of the working class cannot perform the role of leader of its class, cannot perform the role of organizer and leader of the proletarian revolution, unless it has mastered the advanced theory of the working-class movement, the Marxist-Leninist theory.

> "The power of the Marxist-Leninist theory lies in the fact that it enables the Party to find the right orientation in any situation, to understand the inner connection of current events, to foresee their course and to perceive not only how and in what direction they are developing in the present, but how and in what direction they are bound to develop in the future.

> "Only a party which has mastered the Marxist-Leninist theory can confidently advance and lead the working class forward.

> "On the other hand, a party which has not mastered the Marxist-Leninist theory is compelled to grope its way, loses confidence in its actions and is unable to lead the working class forward...

> "The Marxist-Leninist theory is not a dogma but a guide to action." (12)

Or, in Dimitroff's words:

> "We Communists are people of action. Ours is the problem of practical struggle against the offensive of capital, against fascism and the threat of imperialist war, the struggle for the overthrow of capitalism. It is precisely this *practical* task that imposes upon the Communist cadres the obligation to equip themselves with *revolutionary theory*. For, as Stalin, that greatest master of revolutionary action, has taught us, theory gives those engaged in practical work the power of orientation,

gives those engaged in practical work the power of orientation, greatest matter of revolutionary action, has taught us, theory themselves with *Revolutionary Theory*. For, as Marx said, that that implies that the Communist class has the obligation to equip an overwhelming of capitalism. It is precisely this practical task that the class and the class of imperialist war, the struggle for the of practical struggle against the offensive of capital, against "We Communists are people of action." One is the problem

Or, in Distroff's words:

action." (13)

"The Marxist-Communist theory is not a dogma but a guide to

forward...

confidence in its actions and its actions to lead the working class
Marxist-Communist theory is compelled to grope its way, loses
"On the other hand, a party which has not mastered the

"Only a party which has mastered the Marxist-Communist theory

"The power of the Marxist-Communist theory lies in the fact
that it enshrines the party to find the right orientation in any
situation, to understand the inner connection of current events,
and to foresee their course and to perceive not only now and in what

the working-class movement, the Marxist-Communist theory,
and revolution, unless it has mastered the advanced theory of
cannot transcend the role of organizer and leader of the proletar-
the working class cannot transcend the role of leader of its class,
"...The history of the party...reaches us that a party of

"What does the history of the C.P.B.N. (B.) reach us?...

history has traversed by the Bolshoi Party?

of Marxism-LENINISM, reads:

of the Soviet Union, for long the leading Communist textbook
The "Conclusion" of the History of the Communist Party

[1] 5 - 13

2 - 14

[LC]

clarity of vision, assurance in work, confidence in the triumph
of our cause.

"But real revolutionary theory is irreconcilably hostile to
any emasculated theorizing, any futile toying with abstract defi-
nitions. Our theory is not a dogma, but a guide to action, Lenin
used to say. It is such theory that our cadres need, and they
need it as badly as they need their daily bread, as they need air,
water." (13) (Emphasis in original)

It will be necessary in a later chapter to discuss at greater
length the peculiar and integral meaning of "theory" for the Commu-
nist -- a meaning profoundly different from that held either by
the older rationalist tradition of the West or by the dominant
anti-theoretical pragmatic-positivist outlook of our times. Marx-
ist theory is a living ever-present mode of the personality. The
outside observer might consider that the slogan, "Without revo-
lutionary theory there can be no revolutionary practice," is
simply the utilization of doctrine to serve political policies.
But, as it is understood by Communists, together with its companion
slogan, "unity of theory and practice," it has much deeper sig-
nificance. However refined the dialectical explanation, the
concept of "unity of theory and practice" always retains a resid-
ual content which, in the power and indeterminate quality of its
impact, can only be described as mystical.

The compelling force of this idea makes possible the exis-
tence side by side in the Communist of two qualities which would
appear to be fundamentally contradictory.

apport to be fundamentally contradictory.

cance side by side in the Communist of two qualities which would
The compelling force of this idea makes possible the exis-
tance, can only be described as material.

use content which, in the power and indeterminate quality of its
concept of "mity of theory and practice," always retains a real-
advantage. However refined the dialectical explanation, the
allegan, "mity of theory and practice," it has much deeper af-
fer, as it is understood by Communists, together with its companion
simply the utilization of doctrine to serve political policies.

Intionary theory there can be no revolutionary practice," is
outside operator might consider that the allegan, "without revo-
rat theory is a living over-present mode of the personality. The
anti-theoretical pragmatic-bossttivist outlook of our times. Marx-
the older rationalist tradition of the West or by the dominant
not -- a meaning profoundly different from that held either by
length the benefit and integral meaning of "theory," for the Com-
It will be necessary in a later chapter to discuss at greater
water." (13) (Substitute in original)

need it as badly as they need their daily bread, as they need air,
need to say. It is such theory that out capers need, and they
nitions. Our theory is not aopus, put a guide to action, remi
any enumerated theories, any futile toying with abstract defi-
"But real revolutionary theory is irreconcilably hostile to
of our cause.

clarity of vision, assurance in work, confidence in the trend

3 - 14

(rc)

2 - 15

[LC]

Dimitroff demands of the cadre:

> "...ability independently to find one's bearings and not to be afraid of assuming responsibility in taking decisions. He who fears to take responsibility is not a leader. He who is unable to display initiative, who says, 'I will do only what I am told,' is not a Bolshevik." (14) (Emphasis in original)

and then *divin*:

> "...discipline and *Bolshevik hardening* in the struggle against the class enemy as well as in their irreconcilable opposition to all deviations from the *Bolshevik line*." (15) (Emphasis in original)

How can a man be disciplined in the *bolshevik* manner, that is, how can he accept every brutal twist of the line, subordinate his moral and intellectual judgment absolutely to his superiors, call black white and white black between yesterday and today, and still retain "ability independently to find his bearings and not...be afraid of assuming responsibility in taking decisions"?

It is obvious that it is impossible for a human being to be responsible, to have initiative and independence of judgment, without a subjective feeling of being free. Acceptance of "bolshevik discipline" -- with all the ramifications which the history of recent years has shown that phrase to have -- would seem, therefore, to be possible only for one in whom such a feeling of freedom had ceased to exist. But the unity of theory and practice enables the Communist to identify every act of the organization, even the most wanton exercise of authority over himself, as a necessity of History. His theoretical outlook

principle, as a necessity of History. His theoretical outlook
organization, even the mosturon exercise of authority over
practice enables the Communist to identify every act of the
of freedom had ceased to exist. But the unity of theory and
therefore, to be possible only for one in whom such a feeling
of recent years has shown that phrase to have -- would seem,
sheik discipline," -- with all the ramifications which the history
without an subjective feeling of being free. Acceptance of "por-
reasonable, to have initiative and independence of judgment,
It is obvious that it is impossible for a human being to be
and not...be strait of assuming responsibility in taking decisions?";
and still retain "apathy independently to find [life] bearings
call black white and white black between yesterday and today.
life moral and intellectual judgment absolutely to live autonomously,
It can be accepted every prutal twist of the fine, subordinate
How can a man be disciplined in the polar bearik manner, that
(Emphasize in original)
position to all deviations from the polar bearik line." (12)
against the class enemy as well as in their irreconcilable ob-
"...discipline and polar bearik hardening in the struggle
and then think:

I am sold, 't is not a polar bearik." (14) (Emphasize in original)
It is easy to display initiative, who says, "I will do only what
He who fears to take responsibility is not a leader." He who
is strait of assuming responsibility in taking decisions.

Dietzrott demands of the cause:

S - 12

[r2]

[LC]

2 - 16

enables him to "recognize" that necessity. To recognize it is
to be free. And this is not a matter of verbal gymnastics.
It is simply the closest I can get to expressing in explicit
terms the inner rationale which makes it possible for a feeling
of independence and the actuality of subservience to exist side
by side.

It is this, I think, which explains much of the conduct of
the accused in the state trials of the Soviet Union.16 They
accepted not only death, which many brave men have faced for
their ideals, but self-denigration, destruction of their very
reputation among men, to sustain a despised policy and a despised
leader, whom History had willed to be for the time the only pos-
sible executor of its designs. This is the disciplined bolshevik
personality exhibited in its most dramatic form. But in a thou-
sand small incidents, beginning with the first days of advance-
ment to the cadre, the attitude is inculcated and fostered.
All Party experience and all Party training, theoretical and
practical, lead towards absolute and uncompromising acceptance
of the decisions of the organization -- not only in the face of
prison, torture and death, but in the face of what were yester-
day one's firmest convictions. What is demanded is more than
acceptance, more than the carrying out of decisions. One must
make those decisions one's own -- even though one still knows

make those dec总体上来说 -- even though one still knows
acceptance, more than the carrying out of dec总体上。One must
day one's first arrest conviction. What it demanded is more than
brink, torture and death, put in the face of what were lesser-
of the dec总体上 -- not only in the face of
practical, lead towards apaise and uncomproising acceptance
VII Party experience and all Party training, theoretical and
ment to the cadre, the attitude is incaricated and fostered.
and small incidents, beginning with the first day of advance-
personality exhibited in its most dramatic form. But in a trion-
elephant execution of its designs. This is the disciplined polemic
leader, whom History had willied to be for the time the only bo-
repression among men, to sustain a despaired policy and a despaired
their ideas, put self-denigration, destruction of their very
accepted not only death, which many brave men have faced for
the cause in the state trials of the Soviet Union.¹⁶ They
It is true, I think, which explains much of the combat of
py side.

of independence and the actuality of surveillance to exist side
to the inner rationale which makes it possible for a seeing
It is simply the closest I can get to expressing in explicit
to be free. And this is not a matter of verbal gymnastics.
means him to "recognize" that necessity. To recognize it is

3 - 16

[r]

[LC]

2 - 17

that they are wrong. A veteran internationalist of the
Communist International once said to me, talking of old inner-
Party struggles and referring to the defeat of the Bukharinite
Right opposition, of which he had himself been a leader: "Of
course we were right -- but the Party is always right."

Independence of judgment, ability and willingness to take
responsibility and make decisions, are qualities which need
comparatively little discussion. The words and phrases are
straightforward and clear. One aspect, however, should be
stressed -- the almost unlimited versatility assumed in the
ideal Communist. Marxism-Leninism is so universal in its appli-
cation that any developed cadre(Communist must be able, with a
little briefing, to guide a union or organize sabotage -- or,
after the conquest of power, to guide production -- in the tex-
tile industry, the taxi business, the steel industry, or the
merchant marine; to criticize, with equal facility and validity,
poets, biologists, movie stars, legislative representatives and
sanitary engineers; to cooperate with or destroy the character
of -- depending upon the line of the period -- liberals, social-
ists, conservatives, syndicalists and fascists, Park Avenue and
Berkeley Square social lights, West Virginian and Pas de Calais

Berkeley Square social fighters, West Virginia and Pas de Calais
rates, conservatives, syndicates and fascists, Park Avenue and
of -- depending upon the line of the period -- лиферы, social-
sanitary engineers; to cooperate with or destroy the character
poets, biologists, movie stars, legislative representatives and
merchants marine; to criticize, with equal facility and validity,
title industry, the taxi business, the steel industry, or the
after the conduct of power, to guide production -- in the tax-
little printing, to guide a union or organize apoplege -- or,
cation that any developed cadreCommunist must be able, with a
ideal Communist. Marxism-Feminism is so universal in its abil-
strated -- the almost unlimited versatility seemed in the
straightforward and clear. One aspect, however, should be
comparatively little discussion. The words and phrases are
reasonability and make decisions, are qualities which need
independence of judgment, ability and willingness to take

course we were right -- put the Party is always right."
Right opposition, of which he had himself been a leader: "Of
Party struggles and referring to the defect of the Bubbarzinite
Communist International once said to me, talking of old inner-
that they are wrong. A veteran internationalist of the

2 - 11

[il]

[LC]

2 - 18

proletarian leaders, the religious and the anti-religious,
Western and Eastern, infidel and Turk.¹⁷

In his methods of work he must be able to master the widest
"revolutionary experience...a variety and rapidity of shifting
forms in the movement -- legal and illegal, peaceful and stormy,
open and underground, embracing small circles and large masses,
parliamentary and terrorist...a multiplicity of forms, shades and
methods of struggle, embracing all classes of modern society."¹⁸

Within the limits of the "general line," in just proportion
to his authority, he must stand, omniscient and relentlessly cer-
tain, as the representative of the Party and the hierophant of
History.

A point remains which is always included as a criterion of
the Communist. Stalin and Dimitroff stress it, but observation
of the most powerful of those who constitute the cadre would seem
to belie it. Dimitroff places it as one of his highest criteria: "The
closest possible contact with the masses."¹⁹ And Stalin makes
great play with the Greek myth of Antaeus on this score:

"I think that the Bolsheviks remind us of the hero of Greek
mythology, Antaeus. They, like Antaeus, are strong because they
maintain connection with their mother, the masses, who gave birth
to them, suckled them and reared them. And as long as they main-
tain connection with their mother, with the people, they have
every chance of remaining invincible." (20)

In actual fact, most of those who constitute the cadre have
very little contact with the masses, although indirectly their

[LC]

2 - 19

work constantly involves manipulation of the masses. There is,
however, something essential to the Communist reflected in this
demand for "contact with the masses." "The masses" are the raw
material of the social engineer. The continuing stress on "con-
tact with the masses," when the decisive Communist cadre man has
in most cases ceased to have any actual contact with the masses,
is in its operative effect but a metaphorical expression of the
necessity of maintaining "unity of theory and practice."

The Communist movement is not a sect. However concerned it
is with preserving the purity of its doctrine, however virulent
against deviators therefrom, the reason is not love of abstract
truth. The true line must be defended against any deviation
simply because it and it alone can be the instrument for trans-
forming the world through control of the masses. Therefore, the
Communist must never forget for a moment that the being and mean-
ing of his unique understanding of reality will evaporate if it
is hidden under a bushel,²¹ if it is regarded in any other way
than as a weapon with which to strike in the cause of History's
future.

## Cynicism and Idealism

The high tension at which the contradictions of the Commun-
ist personality type are held in quivering suspension would be
intolerable, were it not for another quality universally charac-
teristic of the highest initiates, of the "wise men." Of that

cerate of the highest initiates, of the "wise men." Of that
intolerable, were it not for another quality universally charac-
ter benignity the are held in delivering anabemaion would be
The high tension at which the contradictions of the Commu-
Cacism and Ideology
future.

than as a weapon with which to strike in the cause of History's
be hidden under a pseudonym. If it is regarded in any other way
ing of the unique understanding of reality which enforces it its
Communist must never forget for a moment that the peak and mean-
ting the world through control of the masses. Therefore, the
simply because it and it alone can be the instrument for trans-
truth. The true line must be defended against any deviation
against deviations therefrom, the reason is not love of abstract
is with preserving the purity of its doctrine, however virulent
The Communist movement is not a sect. However concerned it
necessity of maintaining "unity of theory and practice."

is in its operative effect put a metaphorical expression of the
in most cases ceased to have any actual contact with the masses,
tact with the masses," when the decisive Communist operator has
material of the social engineer. The continuing stress on "con-
demand for "contact with the masses." "The masses" are the raw
however, something essential to the Communist reflected in this
work constantly involves manipulation of the masses. There is,

2-18

2 - 20

[Lc]

quality nothing is written in the books and nothing is said directly.

As the mould presses down on the human being, there are inevitable crises, each one of which has within it the potentialities of failure in the process of conditioning. It is only as a result of such a crisis, as a matter of fact, that any cadre—Communist ever breaks with Communism.²² But the weathering of such crises, the maturing of the personality towards the model of the ideal Communist, leaves its mark too. The mark it leaves is the quality which is the coping-stone of the Communist personality. It is hard to find a word to describe it adequately.

When I was a Communist I would have called it "wisdom," but it has little in common, except a certain external bearing of the man, with that tranquil and relaxed acceptance and inner peace which wisdom connotes. What it is, I think, is a pervading cynicism towards everything but the one original source of meaning of the Communist's life -- faith in History and in its avatar, the Party. Not that the Party as an actuality is exempted from the cynicism. Far from it: the Party is full of corruption, inanities, unnecessary brutalities. Towards these conditions he is as cynical as towards everything else. But the Party is the Material Force (and for the Communist there exists nothing but matter in motion), the chosen vessel of

existe nothing but matter in motion), the chosen vessel of
the Party is the Material Force (and for the Communist there
conditions he is as chauvin as towards everything else. But
contribution, iniquities, unnecessary penalties. Towards these
emerged from the chauvinism. Far from it: the Party is full of
avaunt, the Party. Not that the Party as an actuality is ex-
meaning of the Communist's life -- faith in History and in its
chauvinism towards everything put the one original source of
which wisdom comes. What it is, I think, is a barrassing
man, with that crassult and relaxed acceptance and firmness be-
cause little in common, except a certain external bearing of the
When I was a Communist I would have called it "wisdom", but it
is the quality which is the coding-atoms of the Communist person-
of the ideal Communist, leaves its mark too. The mark it leaves
of such criteria, the maturing of the personality towards the model
above Communist ever preaches with Communists.²² But the weathering
as a result of such a criteria, as a matter of fact, that any
calities of failure in the process of conditioning. It is only
inevitable criteria, each one of which has within it the poten-
diety nothing is written in the books and nothing is said

As the world presses down on the human being, there are
directly,
duality nothing is written in the books and nothing is said

[n] 2 - 30

[lc]

2 - 21

History, which embodies the meaning of life.

This contradictory combination of cynicism and idealism makes possible all the other contradictions demanded of the Communist. It is the reason why fine and devoted human beings can become conscious agents of organized evil; can with equal vigor and selflessness, organize a movement of Asian coolies under circumstances of incredible terror and deprivation, or direct a system of slave camps which systematically dehumanizes and destroys millions upon millions of helpless people.

"Who fights for Communism must be able to fight and not to fight, to say the truth and not to say the truth, to render and to deny service, to keep a promise and to break a promise, to go into danger and to avoid danger, to be known and to be unknown. Who fights for Communism has of all the virtues only one: that he fights for Communism." (23)

-- so writes Bertolt Brecht, the only poet of stature Western Communism has produced.

Truly, "it is not given to all to be members of such a Party"! The inner contradictions of a self-reconstruction, which requires the suppression or destruction of most of the best instincts and attitudes of the human being and demands complete subordination of individuality, threaten at every moment to shatter the acquired personality structure into a thousand bits. Only constant exercise of the will holds it together. No wonder, then, Dimitroff's summary:

thousand pits. Only constant exercise of the will holds it
moment so matter the seduced personality structure into a
complete subordination of individuality, directed at every
best institution and attitude of the human being and demands
which requires the suppression or destruction of most of the
party! The inner contradictions of a self-reconstruction,
Truly, "it is not given to all to be wampers of such a
Communism has grown.

-- so writes Herbert Brecht, the only poet of stature Western

he fights for Communism." (53)

Who fights for Communism has of all the viruses only one: that
Go into danger and to avoid danger, to be known and to be unknown.
To deny service, to keep a browner and to break a browner, to
tight, to say the truth and not to say the truth, to render and
"Who fights for Communism must be able to fight and not to
and destroys millions upon millions of helpless people.

direct a system of slave camps which systematically dehumanize
under circumstances of incredible terror and deprivation, or
agor and selflessness, organizes a movement of Vain coolies
can become convoluted agents of organized evil; can with equal
Communist. It is the reason why time and devoted human being
makes possible all the other contradictions demanded of the
This contradictory combination of cynicism and idealism
History, which embodies the meaning of life.

S - 37

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2 - 22

"Our leading cadres should combine the knowledge of *what*
they must do -- with *Bolshevik stamina*, revolutionary strength
of character and the will power to carry it through." (24)
(Emphasis in original)

While knowledge of what to do, Marxist-Leninist understanding, is placed first, the three concluding desiderata all have to do with the will.25 Once let that will falter for a single moment and the human being emerges, in revolt against the elaborate structure of untruth and evil which has dominated him. There are but two possible outcomes of the conflict between the individual and the moulding process: either failure of the will to enforce dehumanization, followed by revolt and break from the Party; or the triumph of the will, fortified by cynicism and residual faith -- the successful moulding of a Communist.

residual faith -- the successful molding of a Communist.

Party: or the triumph of the will, fortified by chivalry and

To enforce dehumanization, followed by revolt and break from the

Individual and the molding process: either failure of the will

There are put two possible outcomes of the conflict between the

Create structure of mutiny and evil which has dominated man.

Moment and the human being emerges, in revolt against the step-

to go with the will.⁵²

Once let that will further for a single

ing, is bised first, the three concluding delegates all pass

Write knowledge of what to do, Market-Minuet understand-

(Embassy in original)

of character and the will bow to carry it through." (37)

they must do -- with Bolivar atoning, revolutionary strength

"Our leading capers should complicate the knowledge of what

5 - 35

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1

NOTES - Chapter 2 - The Mould

1. G. Dimitroff, *The United Front Against Fascism and War*, New York, Workers Library Publishers, 1935, p. 46.

2. An interesting confirmation of my own observation of this use of "our people" is contained in the *Report of the Royal Commission* (Ottawa, Edmond Cloutier, 1946), investigating Soviet espionage following upon the disclosures made by Igor Gouzenko, cipher clerk in the Soviet Embassy in Canada: "The attitude of members of the Soviet Embassy staff toward 'developed' members of the Canadian Communist Party is well summed up in the Russian word 'NASH,' occasionally used as a sentence by itself with reference to members of that Party in Colonel Zabotin's notebooks. 'NASH,' literally translated, means 'OURS' or 'HE IS OURS'." (p. 29)

3. Cf.: "From the highest to the lowest the select cadres are ever more closely modelled upon this \_\overline{\text{Stalinist}}\_ prototype. It is the emergence of a new social type... They are \_party products...\_" (Emphasis in original). Jules Monnerot, *Sociology and Psychology of Communism*, Boston, The Beacon Press, 1953, p. 96.

Also: "...il \_\overline{\text{the Party}}\_ leur donne une doctrine, il entretient chez eux une mystique, il leur assigne des tâches adéquates, aptes à les former et à les sélectionner.

*L'action multiple du parti est, à cet effet, un creuset dont*

L'action multiple du bari est, à cet effet, un creating out
satedates', abres à les former et à les selectionner.
triert ces aux une wâtede', il leur aaseue des techee
Vieo: "... il [leu bary] leur donne une doctrine, il entre-
Press', 1923, b. 96.

Sociology and Psychology of Communism, Boston, The Beacon
Products..." (Embrainte in original). Jules Monnerot,
It is the emergence of a new social type... They are party
ever more closely modelled upon this [Statinat] prototype.

3. Cf.: "From the highest to the lowest the select cadres are
'OUR2', or 'HE 12 OUR2.'" (b. 29)

Zapotin's notebooks, 'MASH', literally translated, means
by itself with reference to members of that party in Colouel
in the Russian word 'MASH', occasionally used as a sentence
members of the Canadian Communist Party is well summed up
of members of the Soviet Embassy staff toward developed,
cipper clerk in the Soviet Embassy in Canada: "The attitude
abandonage following how the disclosures made by Igor Conenius,
Misaion (Ottawa, Edward Clontier, 1949), investigating Soviet
of "our people," is contained in the Report of the Royal Com-

3. An interesting confirmation of my own observation of this use
New York, Workers' Library Publishers, 1932, b. 46.

I. G. Dimytroff, The United Front Against Fascism and War,

M01E2 - Chapter 2 - The World

I

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NOTES - Chapter 2 - The Mould

2

[LC]

_la haute temperature brule ou trempe ceux qui y passent._"
(My emphasis). A. Rossi, _Physiologie du Parti Communiste Francais_, Paris, Editions Self, 1948, p. 275.

4. I am, of course, aware of the fact that there is a strong body of opinion, represented by such studies as Almond _et al._, _The Appeals of Communism_ (Princeton University Press, 1954) which maintains that certain specific psychological structures are typical of those who are drawn to Communism -- at least when immediate personal economic interests are not present. My differences with this position are developed more fully in the subsequent chapter on the process of recruiting. But for the point at issue here, it is not important whether a few or many types make up the raw material upon which the Communist moulding process operates. The process remains essentially the same -- that of imposing an ideal type upon an "alien personality" -- whether the varieties of that personality are many or few.

5. Cf.: "In Communist jargon to be a 'cadre' meant to be someone trained and ready to do anything, anywhere for communism. The task of the Party was and is to produce 'men of a special mold,' as Stalin called them in his speech at Lenin's funeral. They must, like Stalin, be 'men of steel,' hard, inflexible, rapier edged. To be a 'steel-hardened cadre' became the aim of every good Party member." Douglas Hyde, _I Believed_, New

of every good Party member." Douglasды Hays' *I Believed*. Now
rabber edged. To be a 'steel-hardened cadre, became the aim
they must, like Stalin, be 'men of steel', hard, inflexible,
mold,' as Stalin called them in his speech at Lenin's funeral.
The task of the Party was and is to produce 'men of a special
one trained and ready to do anything,' anywhere for communism.
2. Cf.: "In Communist Jargon to be a 'cadre', meant to be some-
varieties of that personality are many or few.
an ideal type upon an "after personality," -- whether the
The process remains essentially the same -- that of imitating
material upon which the Communist moulding process operates.
is not important whether a few or many types make up the raw
process of recruiting. But for the point at issue here, it
are developed more fully in the subsequent chapter on the
terests are not present. My differences with this position
to Communism -- at least when immediate personal economic in-
basicological structures are typical of those who are drawn
aboves of Communism, which maintains that certain specific
of opinion, represented by such studies as Avmond et al., *The
France's*, Paris, Editions Seif, 1948, p. 512.
4. I am, of course, aware of the fact that there is a strong body
(My emphasis). V. Rosei, *Physiologre du Sart Communiiste
le parte temperature prile ou trempe cenz aur y baceut."

NOTES - Chapter 5 - The World

5

[rd]

NOTES - Chapter 2 - The Mould

3

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York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1950, p. 92.

Also: "Here we again discover a basic law of operation of Communist parties: in order to direct the movement of the masses a party must first create the strong skeleton of a body which will take on flesh according to circumstances. When circumstances become critical, the body may be reduced to the skeleton, but the skeleton will not disintegrate."

-- Jean-Marie Domenach writing on the French Party in Einaudi, Domenach, and Garosci, *Communism in Western Europe*, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1951, p. 71.

Also: "...le parti ne pourrait pas exister sans des cadres permanents et solides, sans une certain 'continuité' qui survive aux changements d'hommes et de tactique. Il doit pouvoir compter sur la fidelité...surtout de ses militants 'responsables'. Le parti vaut finalement ce que valent ces derniers. D'où l'extrême importance qu'a pour lui une bonne 'politique des cadres'." Rossi, *op. cit.*, p. 337

Also: "...the communist movement itself is composed of layers of adherents who, relative to a controlling group, function as masses. First there is the hard core of self-conscious agents within the party who are fully aware of the central role of power in bolshevism. Their commitment is so deep that it need not be shored up by hatreds,

["Their commitment is so deep that it need not be shored up by parries,\nparty who are fully aware of the central role of power in polarevism.\nFirst there is the hard core of self-communicating agents within the\nspheres who, relative to a controlling group, function as wassas.\nVia: \"...the communiqué movement itself is composed of letters of\nrelatedness and the like.\"", "In the letter, the author writes something like this:\n\n> \"...the basic structure of the system consists of certain 'communities' of individuals, each of which has its own 'characteristics'. It is the 'characteristics' of the 'communities' that make the 'characteristics' of the 'communities' possible. The 'characteristics' of the 'communities' are the 'characteristics' of the 'communities' that make it possible for the 'characteristics' of the 'communities' to be realized. The 'characteristics' of the 'communities' are the 'characteristics' that make it possible for the 'characteristics' of the 'communities

[LC]

NOTES - Chapter 2 - The Mould

3-A

by symbols, or by other forms of mass persuasion. These are the steeled cadres upon whom the continuity and the basic power of the party rest. They constitute the fundamental support of the decisionmaking group because they identify with the power aims of the movement and are ready to defend twists in the party line before the general membership. This group may constitute no more than one-tenth of a large party such as the French Communist Party; among American party members the proportion is probably higher."

Philip Selznick, *The Organizational Weapon* (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1952), pp. 83-84.

6. It is true that the word "cadre" is sometimes used in the Parties in other senses, closer to the original military derivation, as well as in the fundamental Communist sense discussed here. Thus it is possible to speak of "the cadres of the trade union movement" or "the Party cadre in the Peace Movement." For example, in *A Documentary History of Chinese*

Book Co., 1825), pp. 83-84.

Philip Sefzick, *The Organizational Weapon* (New York: McGraw-Hill American party members the proportion is properly higher."
one-tenth of a large party and as the French Communist Party; among the General membership. This group may constitute no more than the movement and are ready to defend twists in the party line before decision-making group because they identify with the power aims of the party real. They constitute the fundamental support of the affiliated esquires upon whom the continuity and the basic power of the party symbols, or party other forms of mass persuasion. These are the

NOTES - Chapter 5 - The Monopoly

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[fc]

NOTES - Chapter 2 - The Mould

4

[LC]

*Communism* by Brandt, Schwartz and Fairbank (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1952), one finds the two usages side by side.

Cf., on the one hand, Mao Tse-Tung: "The audience for literature and art is made up of the workers, peasants, soldiers, and their cadres..." (p. 410), that is, in the secondary usage; while a few pages before in the "Central Committee Decision on Methods of Leadership, of July 1, 1943," the word is used in the other, the primary sense, the sense of the cadre of the Party: "...standards for this leading core should be the four criteria for cadres proposed by Dimitrov." (p. 375)

7. Joseph Stalin, *Foundations of Leninism*. New York, International Publishers, 1939, p. 116.

8. Cf.: "To me, small fry among such big fish, there was some satisfaction in watching these men being roundly abused for falling short of their Party duty. If a non-Communist labor leader ever said one-tenth to these men of what Pollitt and Burns used to say, they would bring their unions out in a raging strike. But they sit still, humbly and patiently, when a member of the Party's Executive charges them with negligence. Men like Arthur Horner, Jim Gardener, Abe Moffatt, John Horner (top leaders of the British trade-union movement),

John Horner, *Top leaders of the British trade-union movement*,
*negligence*. Men like Arthur Horner, Jim Gardener, Ape Mollett,
when a member of the party's Executive charges them with
raging strikes. But they sit still, humbly and patiently,
Burns need to say, they would bring their unions out in a
leader ever said one-tenth to these men of what Pollitt and
Pollitt export of their party duty. It a non-Communist labor
attitude in watching these men being randomly abused for
8. Cf: "To me, small fry among such pig filth, there was some
Pupitlers" 1930, b. 11p.

7. Joseph Stalin, *Foundations of Communism*, New York, International
    by Dimitrov," (p. 312)

leading core should be the four criteria for cadre proposed
the sense of the cadre of the party: "...standards for this
1943," the word is used in the other, the primary sense,
Committee Decision on Methods of Leadership, of July 1,
secondary usage; while a few pages before in the "Central
soldiers' and their cadres..." (p. 410), that is, in the
literature and art is made up of the workers' beacons,
Ct., on the one hand, Mao Tse-Tung: "The audience for
side by side.

Harvard University Press, 1925), one finds the two uses
*Communism* by Brandt, Schwartz and Fairbank (Cambridge,

NOTES - Chapter 2 - The World

4

[r]

NOTES - Chapter 2 - The Mould

5

[LC]

may eat fire in public, but the dish is humble pie at NIPC meetings /National Industrial Policy Committee of the Committee of the Communist Party of Great Britain/." Bob Darke, *Cockney Communist*, New York, The John Day Co., 1953, p. 76. The whole of this book, as a matter of fact, is, albeit unconsciously, a beautiful picture of the position of a Communist trade-union leader, with considerable stature in his union and no mean position in the official Party, who is nevertheless totally outside of the cadre.

Cf. also Manès Sperber, *The Burned Bramble*, New York, Double-day & Co., 1951, for the relations between Party cadre and formal Party leaders, even those with great mass following, in Yugoslavia and Central Europe before World War II.

9. Cf.: "We are believers. Not as you are. We do not believe either in God or in men. We manufacture gods and we transform men. We believe in Order. We will create a universe in our image, without weaknesses, a universe in which man, rid of the old rags of Christianity, will attain his cosmic grandeur, in the supreme culmination of the species. We are not fighting for a regime, or for power, for riches. We are the instruments of Fate." (Emphasis mine) The statement of a young Soviet official quoted by Arthur Koestler, *The Invisible Writing*, New York, The Macmillan Co., 1954,

Invitable Writing, New York, The Macmillan Co., 1924,
of a young Soviet official quoted by Arthur Koestler, *The
are the instruments of fate*." (Emphasized mine) The statement
not fighting for a regime, or for power, for riches. We
grand父, in the supreme culmination of the species. We are
rid of the old rags of Christianity, will attain his cosmic
in our image, without weakness, a universe in which man,
tom men. We believe in Order. We will create a universe
either in God or in men. We manufacture gods and we trans-
9. Cf.: "We are believers. Not as you are. We do not believe
in Yugoslavia and Central Europe before World War II.
formal Party leaders, even those with great mass following,
day & Co., 1921, for the relations between Party cadre and
Cf. also Manner Sperber, *The Burned Bramble*, New York, Doubt-
nevertotess totally outside of the cadre.

his union and no mean position in the official party, who is
a Communist trade-union leader, with considerable stature in
albeit unconsciously, a beautiful picture of the position of
b. 76. The whole of this book, as a matter of fact, is,
Darke, *Cockney Communist*, New York, The John Day Co., 1923,
meeting of the Communist Party of Great Britain." Bop


meeting of the National Industrial Policy Committee of the
may eat fire in public, put the chair in front of the fire at NBC

NOTES - Chapter 3 - The World

3

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NOTES - Chapter 2 - The Mould

6

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pp. 155-156, from J. L. Bruckberger, *One Sky to Share*,
New York, 1952.

10. "The Lenin Heritage," in Joseph Stalin, *Lenin, Little Lenin Library*, Vol. 16, p. 15. New York, International Publishers, 1934.

11. Dimitroff, *The United Front*, p. 47.

12. *History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)*, New York, International Publishers, 1939, pp. 353-56.

13. Dimitroff, *The United Front*, pp. 48-49.

14. *Ibid.*, p. 47.

15. *Ibid.*, p. 47.

16. See Arthur Koestler, *Darkness at Noon*, and a most revealing passage concerning the confession of Mrachkovsky, a veteran of the Revolution and the Civil War, in W. G. Krivitsky, *In Stalin's Secret Service*, New York, Harper & Brothers, 1939, pp. 198-203.

17. Cf.: "A professional revolutionist is ready to go whenever and wherever the Party sends him. Today he may be working in a mine, organizing the Party, the trade unions, leading struggles; tomorrow, if the Party so decides, he may be in a steel mill; the day after tomorrow, he may be a leader and organizer of the unemployed." J. Peters, *The Communist Party -- A Manual on Organization*, Workers Library Publishers, July, 1935, reprinted in *Hearings, Appendix, Part I,*

era, July, 1933, reprinted in *Hearing*, 'Abendgk', Part I, *Party -- V Manual on Organization*, Workers Library Pupfish- and organizer of the unembodied," J. Peters, *The Communist a steel mill; the day after tomorrow*, he may be a leader struggles; tomorrow, if the party so decides, he may be in in a mine, organizing the party, the trade unions, leading and wherever the party sends him. Today he may be working

16. See Arthur Koestler, *Darkness at Noon*, and a most revealing
*In Stalin's Secret Service*, New York, Harber & Brothers,
of the Revolution and the Civil War, in W. G. Krivitsky,
basque concerning the confession of Krachkovsky, a veteran
19. See Arthur Koestler, *Darkness at Noon*, and a most revealing
12. *Iprd.*, b. 47

14. *Iprd.*, b. 43.

13. *Dimitrott, The United Front*, bb. 48-49.

New York, International Publishers, 1939, bb. 323-36.

13. *History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Soviets)*.
11. *Dimitrott, The United Front*, b. 43.

1934.

Library, Vol. 16, b. 12. New York, International Publishers,

10. "The Red Republic," in Joseph Stalin, *Lenin, Little Lenin*
New York, 1925.

bb. 122-126, from J. R. Bruckberger, *One Sky to Share*,

NOTES - Chapter 5 - The World

9

[c]

NOTES - Chapter 2 - The Mould

7

[LC]

U. S. House Special Committee on Un-American Activities,
76th Cong., 1st sess., Washington, 1940, p. 734.

Also: "Interchangeability of units and personnel is the foremost advantage gained...a Kremlin trouble shooter can direct a Communist party anywhere in the world with but the briefest orientation.

"The *Report* of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, *Five Hundred Leading Communists*, commented on the ease with which the Communist high command shifts its personnel from one detachment of the party military machine to another: 'Joanny Berlioz of the French Communist Party...shifted to Algerian work when deported to Algiers, and back to the French Party, Chou En-lai of China...worked both in the French and Chinese Parties, and Stefan Jedrychowski of Poland...apparently had no difficulty in assuming a prominent role in Poland and Lithuania from time to time.' Such shifts are possible only because the paramilitary Communist party follows a standard organizational pattern in every country of the world." William R. Kintner, *The Front is Everywhere*, *Oklahoma: Norman, University of Oklahoma Press*, 1950, p. 51.

18. Lenin, "Left-Wing" *Communism, An Infantile Disorder*, London, The Communist Party of Great Britain, 1928, p. 12.

19. Dimitroff, *The United Front*, p. 47.

19. Dimitrof, *The United Front*, b. 47.

The Communist Party of Great Britain, 1938, b. 13.

18. Penn, "Treat-War," *Communist, An Industrial Disorder*, London, (New York, University of Oklahoma Press) 1930, b. 21.

of the world." William R. Kimmer, *The Front is Everywhere*,
follows a standard organizational pattern in every country
are possible only because the baramilitarly Communist party
role in Poland and Lithuania from time to time. Such shifts
Poland...apparently had no difficulty in assuming a prominent
French and Chinese parties, and Stefan Jedrychowski of
French party, Chou En-lai of China...worked both in the
Vigilant work when deborted to Vigilants, and back to the
'Joanny Berios of the French Communist Party...shifted to
one detachment of the party military machine to another:
which the Communist high command shifts its personnel from
Five hundred Reading Communists, commented on the case with
"The Report of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs,
briefest orientation.

direct a Communist party anywhere in the world with but the
foremost advantage gained...a Kremlin troop shooter can
Vice: "Interchangeability of units and personnel is the
Jesn Cong., let ease," Washington, 1940, b. 734.

NOTES - Chapter 3 - The World

[a]

NOTES - Chapter 2 - The Mould

8

[LC]

20. *History C.P.S.U.(B).*, pp. 362-363.

21. Cf.: "...bolshevik cadres cannot be created simply through indoctrination; they are trained and tested in the struggle for power. A leadership party must have something to lead, or some group for whose control a struggle can be carried on."
Philip Selznick, *The Organizational Weapon*, New York, McGraw Hill Book Co., 1952, p. 19.

22. For a profound discussion of one type of such crisis, see
(NEW YORK: Random House, 1952),
Whittaker Chambers, *Witness*, pp. 12-17. This *见证* problem
is analyzed in the chapter on the cadre.

23. Bertolt Brecht, "Die Massnahme," *Gesammelte Werke, II; translation from Ruth Fischer's Stalin and German Communism*, p. 620.
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1948),
The play, "Die Massnahme," as a whole is a remarkable poetical presentation of the ideal type of the Communist.

24. Dimitroff, *The United Front*, pp. 47-48.

25. Cf.: "Bolshevism...can be considered as one of the few successful movements of pure will in history..." Daniel Bell, "Bolshevik Man, His Motivations," *Commentary*, February, 1955, p. 183.

b. 193.

"Bolshovik Man, His Motivations," *Commentary*, February, 1922,
successful movements of pure will in history..." Daniel Bell,

12. CT: "Bolshovian...can be considered as one of the few
Dimitrott, *The United Front*, pp. 47-48.

The play, "Die Mausamme," as a whole is a remarkable historical
lation from Ruth Fischer's *Stalin and German Communism* p. 650.

(Chronicler: Horace Homansky, *Dissertation*, 1948)

53. Bertoit Brecht, "Die Mausamme," *Geammete Werke*, II: trans-
lation into German (New York: Gernsheim, 1922).

Wittaker Chumper, *Witness*, pp. 13-17. This *witness* problem
(New York: Gernsheim, 1922).

55. For a protégé discussion of one type of such crie, see
Hill Book Co., 1925, p. 19.

51. CT: "...polishewk cadres cannot be created simply through
indocultivation; they are trained and tested in the struggle
or some sort for whose control a struggle can be carried on.".
for power. A leadership party must have something to lead,
indirectly; they are trained and tested in the struggle
52. History C.P.2.N.(B.), pp. 365-363.

NOTES - Chapter 3 - The World

8

[c]

[Lc]

3. THE MECHANISM OF PRESSURE: THE PARTY

In the Communist view, every theory must carry with it a
program of action. Therefore, as the Communist Parties have
developed the Leninist theory of "the organization of professional
revolutionaries," together with its corollary, the ideal image of
the Communist, so they have necessarily created a system of train-
ing to carry that theory into action, to mould men in that image.

This system goes far beyond what is generally understood by
training or education. It is co-extensive with the total activity
of the Party. Affecting not the neophyte alone, but the Party
member at every stage of his career, its pressure increases rather
than decreases with development and advancement.

The responsibility for training, for the development of
cadres, rests squarely upon the leading committees at every
level. Specific educational commissions, schools commissions,
personnel commissions exist, but it is emphasized again and
again throughout Party literature that these commissions exist
only as auxiliaries, that from unit bureau to Political Bureau
and beyond to the international bodies, the leading committees
must themselves direct and supervise the "training of forces,"
not only generally but in detail and most intimately.¹

not only generally put in detail and most intimately¹
must themselves direct and supervise the "training of forces,"
and beyond to the international bodies, the leading committee
only as auxiliaries, that from unit bureau to political Bureau
again throughout party literature that these commissions exist
beside commissions exist, but it is emphasized again and
level. Specific educational commissions, schools commissions,
corpora, restes adstanty upon the leading committees at every
The reasonability for training, for the development of
than decreases with development and advancement.

member at every stage of his career, its pressure increases rather
of the party. Affecting not the neophyte alone, but the party
training or education. It is co-extensive with the total activity
This system goes far beyond what is generally understood by
ing to carry that theory into action, to would men in that image.
the Communist, so they have necessarily created a system of train-
revolutionaries," together with its corollary, the ideal image of
developed the Marxist theory of "the organization of professional
program of action. Therefore, as the Communist parties have
In the Communist view, every theory must carry with it a

[d]

3 - 2

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## Forms of Party Training

Of the forms at their disposal for carrying out this responsibility, we may distinguish three broad categories: the Party system of education proper, training in activity, and training in the daily life of the Communist.

The system of education proper includes a ramified network of classes of all kinds at different levels; the utilization of open Party-controlled institutions, such as Workers Schools and schools like the Jefferson School of Social Science in New York; and full-time Party training schools for various levels of development -- section, district, and national training schools, and the international schools in the Soviet Union.

Every Party meeting, from the unit level to the level of national and international conventions, committees, and bureaus, is considered and treated as an occasion for "theoretical" analysis and discussion. If one picks up any report to a National Convention, to a National Committee meeting, to an International Communist Congress, and analyzes it, a very large proportion of what purports to be a presentation and argument for policy is in actual fact directed not towards the immediate issues at hand but towards basic education. These reports become the foundation of innumerable classes and school sessions. They are studied as texts, in detail and with theoretical elaboration. (Needless

as texts, in detail and with theoretical elaboration. (Needless
of innumerable classes and school sessions. They are studied
but towards basic education. These reports become the foundation
actual fact directed not towards the immediate issues at hand
what burports to be a presentation and argument for benefit is in
Communist Congress, and analyses it, a very large proportion of
Convention, to a National Committee meeting, to an International
ate and discussion. It one picks up any report to a National
is considered and treated as an occasion for "theoretical" analy-
national and international conventions, committees, and bureaus,
Party Party meeting, from the unit level to the level of
international schools in the Soviet Union.

ment -- section, district, and national training schools, and the
and full-time Party training schools for various levels of develop-
schools like the Jefferson School of Social Science in New York;
open Party-controlled institutions, such as Workers Schools and
of classes of all kinds at different levels; the utilisation of
The system of education proper includes a ramified network
training in the daily life of the Communist.

Party system of education proper, training in activity, and
responsibility, we may distinguish three broad categories: the
Of the forms at their disposal for carrying out this

Forms of Party Training

3 - 2

3 - 3

[1C]

to say, the reports and statements of Soviet leaders, whether
delivered at Congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union or in their official governmental capacities at home or
abroad, are the most important of these documents.)

But classes, schools, meetings, the analyses of reports -- all the multifarious kinds of more or less formal Party education -- are only the beginning of the story. In the very planning of Party activity, considerations of training are of outstanding importance for the selection of personnel, as for the choice of possible activities for a given group or area. Constant discussion of the work of individuals, reports to and judgments by higher committees on them, and personal leadership by the more experienced Communists, all contribute to the training process. With an over-all awareness of the critical importance of training, there is literally no aspect of Party activity which cannot be utilized as a mechanism of the training system.

But these means do not exhaust the resources at the disposal
of the Party. Prototype of the totalitarian society, it con-
siders every moment of life material for the process of moulding
its members. A systematic process of observation, analysis and
criticism of intellectual and psychological personality traits,
operating at all times, at every moment of personal as well as
political life, is perhaps the most important of all the means

political life¹, is because the most important of all the means
operating at all times¹, at every moment of personal as well as
criticism of intellectual and psychological personality traits,
itself members¹. A systematic process of observation¹, analysis and
aids every moment of life material for the process of minding
of the party¹. Prototype of the totalitarian society¹, it con-
utilized as a mechanism of the training system¹.

there is literally no aspect of party activity which cannot be
with an over-all awareness of the critical importance of training,
experienced Communists¹, all contribute to the training process.
higher committees on them¹, and personal leadership by the more
aton of the work of individuals¹, reports to and judgments by
possible activities for a given group or area¹. Constant discussion
for the selection of personnel¹, as for the choice of
party activity¹, considerations of training are of outstanding im-
-- are only the beginning of the story¹. In the very beginning of
all the multitudinous kinds of more or less formal party education

But classes¹, schools¹, meetings¹, the analyses of reports --
spread¹, are the most important of these documents¹).

Union or in their official governmental capacities at home or
delivered at Congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet
to say¹, the reports and statements of Soviet leaders¹, whether

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of training. The intensity of this process varies, of course, with the level of commitment of the individual.

Unguarded expressions in ordinary conversations, sometimes on the most trivial subjects, are regarded as highly significant of "weaknesses of understanding" and can become the subject of long campaigns of "education." An injudicious word about the journalistic quality of the Party press, for example, can result in an elaborate probing of the "petty-bourgeois remnants" in the offender's mind, whether he be working-class by origin or not.

Even common expressions must be carefully watched. Charges of "white chauvinism" have been raised because someone said that "things looked black"; and the last word of the harried male, "That's just like a woman," has more than once been seized upon as a pernicious sign of "male chauvinism."

At a higher level and on a more political plane, the concentration is upon the individual's spoken and written contributions to discussion of policy -- his reports at leading committee meetings and conventions, and his articles in the press. Such

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statements are expected to be *exactly* on the line. A misplaced comma or a missing qualifying phrase can become the symptom of lack of "clarity," of a potential deviation.

For example, it had long been the accepted formula that "anyone who pretends to be for socialism but is against the dictatorship of the proletariat is an enemy of socialism. The attitude towards the dictatorship of the proletariat is the touchstone of the friends and enemies of socialism." Some time in the early Thirties an additional stage of refinement was added to this formulation: "Whoever claims to be for the dictatorship of the proletariat but is critical of the Soviet Union is in reality an enemy of the dictatorship of the proletariat and of socialism."

Finally, in the late Thirties, there sprang up another story on this house-that-Jack-built: "Whoever pretends to be a supporter of the Soviet Union but does not accept the leadership of the great Stalin is in reality an enemy of the Soviet Union, of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and of socialism." In a discussion, in the peroration of a speech, or in the conclusion of an article, to leave out any of these stages, particularly the last, was to open one's self to grave suspicion.

This is a rather gross example, since in such cases the danger signs are sufficiently apparent for a misstep to be easily avoidable. It gets difficult when the Party, striking blows

available. It gets difficult when the party, striking down
danger signs are sufficiently apparent for a minute to be easily
This is a rather gross example, since in such cases the
last, was to open one's self to grave implication.

an article, to leave out any of these stages, particularly the
course, in theiberation of a nation, or in the conclusion of
dictatorship of the proletariat, and of socialism." In a di-
Great War is in reality an enemy of the Soviet Union, of the
of the Soviet Union but does not accept the leadership of the
cube, power-that-back-pat: "Whoever pretends to be a supporter
finitly, in the late Twenties, there abides no other story on
an enemy of the dictatorship of the proletariat and of socialism,
the proletariat but is critical of the Soviet Union in reality
cube formulation: "Whoever claims to be for the dictatorship of
early Twenties an additional stage of refinement was added to
some of the friends and enemies of socialism." Some time in the
attitude toward the dictatorship of the proletariat is the touch-
dictatorship of the proletariat is an enemy of socialism. The
"anone who pretends to be for socialism but is against the
for example, it had long been the accepted formula that
lack of "clarity," of a potential deviation.
comme or a misleading phrase can become the symptom of
statements are expected to be exactly on the line. A misplaced

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3 - 6

rapidly to the right and to the left, has condemned a series of formulations as devotional. Here it is necessary to be very wary. Writing, for example, on the Negro question in the United States in the late Thirties, when the official doctrine remained "self-determination for the Black Belt" but when in practice the Party line on the Negro question had become a reflection of the general People's Front line, one had to observe great care. Anything that might be considered a repudiation of the fundamental theoretical position could open one to charges of "right opportunism," which on the Negro question is the equivalent of "white chauvinism," of a "ruling-class attitude" towards the Negro people and all minorities. On the other hand, if the exactly right formulation on the immediate possibilities of "the struggle for Negro rights" was not correctly weighted, there was the danger of being attacked as totally failing to understand the line of the People's Front, and therefore as "objectively aiding the Fascists."

It must not be thought that the Communist subjectively considers what he is doing as avoiding traps or manipulating words. He regards it much more seriously -- as an intellectual discipline absolutely necessary to arrive at truth. The necessity of learning to thread one's way through such dangers, therefore, contributes greatly in training the Communist cadre not merely to follow "the line of the Party" but to understand it and deeply accept it.

"the line of the Party," put to underlie it and deeply accept it. Note greatly in training the Communist cadre not merely to follow things to death one's way through such dangers, therefore, contrive absolutely necessary to arrive at truth. The necessity of learning it much more seriously -- as an intellectual discipline it is doing as avoiding traps or manipulating words.

It must not be thought that the Communist objectively confront, and therefore as "objectively aiding the敌友." Attacked as totally failing to understand the line of the People's rights" was not correctly weighted, there was the danger of being factually on the immediate possibilities of "the struggle for Negro and all minorities." On the other hand, if the exactly right formulation of a "ruling-class attitude," towards the Negro people community," of a "ruling-class attitude," towards the Negro people community," which on the Negro question is the equivalent of "white theoretical position could open one to charges of "right obbligating that might be considered a rebudication of the fundamental General People's Front line, one had to observe great care. Any Party line on the Negro question had become a reflection of the "self-determination for the Black Belt" but when in practice the States in the late Thirties, when the official doctrine remained vary. Writing, for example, on the Negro question in the United States as deviations. Here it is necessary to be very rapidly to the right and to the left, has condemned a series of

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[illegible]

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That this results in an astonishing literary style is but an
unfortunate by-product. That style, incidentally, can create
traps for the uninitiated observer. Many a statement which seems
from the outside to be merely a collection of clichés has, if
properly understood, great significance. It may even, within
the careful set of anti-tank obstacles which protect its flanks
and rear, contain startling new theses.²

Methodology of Party Training

Organizational control alone could hardly effect a satisfactory
coordination of all the diverse means and forms of Party training.
Such a coordination is possible only because a commonly understood
methodology inspires and regulates responsible Communist leaders
in all their relations with the Party membership, neophyte and
cadre, in activity and day-to-day life, as in schools and classes.
So far as I know, the principles of this methodology have never
been systematically written out. At one point, in connection with
some plans I was making for the training of Party teachers in my
District, I suggested to the legendary "Pop" Mindel, the head of
the National Schools Commission -- a member also of that shadowy
and awe-inspiring body, the Central Control Commission -- that
something of the sort should be written. "You couldn't do it,"
he answered, "without committing a deviation on every other page.
Let them [that is, the Russians] write it. Anyway, we know what

Let them [that is, the Board] write it. Anyway, we know what
we answered, "without committing a deviation on every other page.
something of the sort should be written." "You couldn't do it."
and awe-inspiring body, the Central Control Commission -- that
the National Schools Commission -- a member also of that shadow
District, I suggested to the legendary "Bob" Mindel, the head of
someiane I was making for the training of Party teachers in my
peak systematically written out. At one point, in connection with
So far as I know, the principles of this methodology have never
cadre, in activity and day-to-day life, as in schools and classes.
in all their relations with the Party membership, member and
methodology inspires and regulates reasonable Communist leaders
Such a coordination is possible only because a commonly understood
coordination of all the diverse means and forms of Party training.

Organisational control alone could hardly effect a satisfactory
Methodology of Party Training

and rear, contain starting new these.²
the careful set of anti-tank obstacles which protect its flanks
properly understood. Great significance. It may even, within
from the outside to be merely a collection of clichés, if,
trape for the uninitiated observer. Many a statement which seems
unfortunate by-product. That style, incidentally, can create
that this result in an astonishing literary style is put an

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we're doing." They did. The principles of this methodology cannot be found in any manual, but they exist in the practice and consciousness of the Party.

From the very nature of Communist theory, it is fundamental to the methodology of the training process that there can be no separation between training and life. This practical rule, derived from the concept of the unity of theory and practice, demands that all activity be considered as a school and all schooling as a continuation of activity. Or, as an article in *Cahiers du Communisme* put it: "*Étudier pour agir, Agir en étudiant.*"³

At every Party training school the introductory lecture stresses this. The students are warned that what they are embarking upon "is not a vacation from the class struggle but a continuation of it at the highest level." In polemical discussion, the fiercest indictments of poor educational work are couched in such terms as "sterile academicism," "divorced from the concrete activities of the Party and the masses," "inability to link the principles of Marxism-Leninism with the day-to-day needs of the working class and the fighting line of the Party." A typical statement from an article on cadres in *The Communist* emphasizes that "theoretical educational work" must have "the closest connection with our daily mass work. But from the inevitable close connection of our theoretical work with revolutionary practice