[LC]

FOR TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1975

NEWS

Administration News

Pages

<table><tr><td>President Confirms National Security Shake-Up</td><td>AP, UPI, Networks</td><td>N-1</td></tr><tr><td>Rockefeller Will Not Be On Ford '76 Ticket</td><td>AP, UPI, Networks</td><td>N-2</td></tr><tr><td>Administration Shake-Up Postpones China Advance</td><td>CBS</td><td>N-4</td></tr><tr><td>Two Dollar Bill To Return In '76</td><td>AP;UPI; Networks</td><td>N-4</td></tr></table>

Congress News

<table><tr><td>Schlesinger Firing Criticized On Hill; Kissinger Shift Praised</td><td>CBS Morning News; NBC</td><td>N-4</td></tr><tr><td>Jackson Says Shake-Up Will Hurt Ford Foreign Policy</td><td>NBC Today Show</td><td>N-5</td></tr><tr><td>Church Criticizes Colby Firing</td><td>AP;UPI;NBC; CBS</td><td>N-6</td></tr><tr><td>Congressional Republicans Surprised By Rockefeller Pullout</td><td>AP; UPI; Networks</td><td>N-6</td></tr></table>

Election News

<table><tr><td>Reagan Predicts Ford Gain Without Rockefeller</td><td>AP;UPI; Networks</td><td>N-7</td></tr><tr><td>Connally Says Rockefeller Decision Will Help President</td><td>NBC;CBS</td><td>N-7</td></tr><tr><td>Most State GOP Chairmen Pleased By Rockefeller's Decision</td><td>NBC</td><td>N-8</td></tr><tr><td>Callaway Denies Role In Rockefeller Decision</td><td>NBC;CBS</td><td>N-8</td></tr></table>

Presidency News

<table><tr><td>President Will Probably Limit Face-To-Face Campaigning</td><td>ABC</td><td>N-8</td></tr><tr><td>Most Here Think President Should Continue To Go Public</td><td>N.Y. Daily News</td><td>N-9</td></tr></table>

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<table><thead><tr><th>New York News</th><th></th><th>Pages</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Seidman Says Bondholders Will Not<br>Loose Out</td><td>NBC</td><td>N-9</td></tr><tr><td>Carey Says Ford Must Reveal Cost Of<br>Bankruptcy</td><td>NBC</td><td>N-10</td></tr><tr><td>Banking Committee Approves $7 Billion<br>Aid Bill</td><td>AP;UPI;<br>ABC; NBC</td><td>N-10</td></tr></tbody></table><table><thead><tr><th>Television Comment</th><th></th><th></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Kissinger Power</td><td>Dan Rather</td><td>C-i</td></tr><tr><td>The President in Emperor's Clothes</td><td>Bruce Morton<br>CBS</td><td>C-ii</td></tr><tr><td>Rockefeller For President (?)</td><td>Roger Mudd<br>CBS</td><td>C-ii</td></tr><tr><td>Rockefeller May Exit With A Bang</td><td>Howard K. Smith</td><td>C-iii</td></tr></tbody></table><table><thead><tr><th>Administration Comment</th><th></th><th></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>What Ron Nessen Doesn't Know And Why</td><td>Godfrey Sperling, Jr.</td><td>C-1</td></tr><tr><td>A Vague And Foggy Time</td><td>Erwin Canaham</td><td>C-2</td></tr><tr><td>Now Look Who's Playing Politics With<br>Tax Cuts</td><td>Phila. Inquirer</td><td>C-3</td></tr><tr><td>Presidential Priority Problems</td><td>Baltimore Sun</td><td>C-3</td></tr></tbody></table><table><thead><tr><th>New York City Comment</th><th></th><th></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>From Fun to Federal City?</td><td>Boston Globe</td><td>C-6</td></tr></tbody></table>

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Administration: News

President Ford formally announced an overhaul of his Pentagon, and National Security Council leadership Monday night, saying his move will "strengthen the Administration in the important area of national security affairs."

Ford said that, when he took office upon the resignation of Richard Nixon, he did so convinced that there should be no changes in personnel that would hint at a change in the U.S. foreign policy course. But he said it is time to make such changes because "we have now successfully reassured our allies that the United States will stand firm in the face of any threat...."

Those changes were disclosed in advance, but Ford also had a domestic announcement, naming former Attorney General Elliot Richardson, now Ambassador to Great Britain, to become Secretary of Commerce, succeeding Rogers Morton.

He named Donald Rumsfeld, now White House Chief of Staff, to succeed Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger, and George Bush, now U.S. Emissary to Peking, to take over for William Colby as Director of the CIA. Richard Cheney will assume Rumsfeld's post.

Secretary Kissinger relinquishes his second hat as Director of the National Security Council. Ford said he is to be succeeded by Lt. Gen. Brent Scowcroft, a Kissinger protege.

"Colby, it's claimed, was dismissed so the President can have a clean start at the CIA, and the Bush appointment is described as only the first step in a series of changes," Tom Jariel (ABC) reported.

Asked if he wished he had not given so much information to Congress, Colby said (on CBS film): "No, I don't think so, I think the best way was to get rid of the past, and transition into the future in intelligence under the Constitution in the new structure."

Asked why he was fired, Schlesinger said (on NBC/CBS film): "Once again, this focuses on the question of the need for maintaining a strong national defense which has not been the highest item in the public's list of interest in recent years."

Richard Valeriani (NBC) reported that Schlesinger told aides he was being dismissed because there was too much friction between him and Kissinger over the detente. Columnist Jack Anderson (ABC) said the President was simply "fed up" with the feuding. Ike Pappas (CBS) reported Schlesinger's attack on Congress for pending defense budget cuts also upset the President.

"Some of Schlesinger's top aides say that Kissinger talked President Ford into firing the Defense Secretary, and they aren't attempting to hide their bitternesses," Pappas said. Kissinger had no comment, but State

Congress: News

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Department sources insisted that Kissinger had not inspired Schlesinger's firing.

"Kissinger himself seemed unconcerned he is losing one of his jobs as National Security advisor to the President," John Cockran (NBC) reported." Since that job goes to his trusted Deputy Scowcroft, Kissinger will probably not lose any influence with President Ford. And with the ouster of Secretary Kissinger's rival, Defense Secretary Schlesinger, the Secretary of State may emerge stronger than ever."

But Tom Brokaw (NBC) reported that Kissinger may be a "casualty" of the personnel changes. "Kissinger now is the only member of the administration to meet privately with the President for one hour daily. Under the President's new plan, Kissinger's access would be cut back to one meeting a week, and as the new Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld would share that privilege," Brokaw explained.

It is said that Rumsfeld will be a formidable balance to Kissinger because of Rumsfeld's close association with the President. And as for Mr. Ford, he was described as being terrifically happy that he has made these changes because he is now able to put his own stamp, as the President put it, on foreign policy and national security matters." AP; UPI; Networks (11/3/75)

Rockefeller Will Not Be on Ford '76 Ticket

Vice President Rockefeller informed President Ford Monday morning that he would not be his running mate in 1976. Later, at an evening press conference, the President said he accepted Rockefeller's decision without urging him to reconsider.

Ford also said Rockefeller "has assured me categorically that he will support me in 1976." He added that the Vice President's decision was strictly his own, and declined to comment on possible replacements.

In a letter to President Ford, written Sunday night and carried to the President personally Monday morning, Vice President Rockefeller said he will remain as Vice President until the November election. "After much thought I have decided I do not wish my name to enter into your consideration for the upcoming Republican Vice presidential nominee," the letter stated.

Although Rockefeller brought up the issue of his resignation several days ago, Herbert Kaplow (ABC) reported that the President seemed "oblivious" to it when questioned during a Florida television interview Sunday. Ford said (on ABC film): "I think he (Rockefeller) deserves great commendation. But as far as the Vice Presidential nomination in 1976, I will make an announcement concerning that at the proper time." Rockefeller said Sunday (on ABC's Issues and Answers) that his political future was pretty much up to the President.

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Congress: News

"It appears the President directed the Vice President to speed up his formal withdrawal letter, perhaps because news of the other administration changes was leaking, and the President decided to get it out all at one time," Kaplow said.

The Vice President's decision may have come as a surprise to the public, but it was no surprise to his aides, who said Rockefeller had been considering the move for a long time, Connie Chung (CBS) reported.

"The Rockefeller withdrawal grew from a combination of factors," Kaplow (ABC) said. These included political opposition within the party and the White House; his waning interest in the position; and "the clincher, the Ford decision about a week ago to let Rockefeller's home town of New York City go into default."

"As he has traveled through the South and West recently, it became clear to him that conservative opposition to his candidacy was substantial, Connie Chung (CBS) reported. "His position on the ticket was shakey. Rockefeller removed his name from consideration, heading off the anticipated possibility that President Ford would dump him." Bob Scheiffer (CBS) commented: "He was simply too big a man to wait around."

"Rockefeller is no babe in the woods," Charles Quinn (NBC) remarked. "He knew the limitations, the frustrations of the job. He shrugged off the hostility of the Republican right. He enjoyed being Vice President, worked hard at it, put in long hours."

"People close to him said he wanted to run again next year. Rockefeller's office said the position to pull out was entirely his own. A source close to the Vice President indicated, he did it to help President Ford because he had become too controversial for Mr. Ford."

But Rockefeller has been controversial for a long time. So the question remains, did he do this entirely on his own or was he forced out because he had become too much of a political liability for Mr. Ford's own political future?"

"One of the President's top political advisors said it would certainly help the President politically, and another aid suggested that Mr. Rockefeller's decision would offset concern by some conservative Republicans who might fear that the administration is taking a more leftward drift because of the removal of hardline Defense Secretary James Schlesinger," Schieffer (CBS) reported.

But Frank Reynolds (ABC) said there is "disdain" among conservative and moderate Republicans "for what is perceived on all sides as Gerald Ford's decision to dump Nelson Rockefeller." He also indicated that Ford supporters are now concerned that Ford will lose in the Florida and New Hampshire primaries to Ronald Reagan. AP; UPI, Networks (11/3/75)

Administration: News

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The recent national security shake-up may have caused some re-
consideration of the timing of President Ford's planned trip to China,
CBS reported. Some 50 administration officials and an advance team,
ready to take off Monday morning for Peking, were told the trip was
postponed until later in the week. CBS (11/3/75)

Two Dollar Bill To Return In '76

The Treasury Department said Monday it will issue a new $2 bill on April 13, 1976, the birthday of Thomas Jefferson whose portrait will be on the bill.

Treasury Secretary Simon said he hopes Americans will make wide use
of the new bill, since it is intended both to save the government $4 million
a year in printing costs, and reduce the volume of currency Americans carry.
AP; UPI; Networks (11/3/75)

Congress: News

Congressional reaction was largely critical Monday to President Ford's
firing of Secretary Schlesinger, but supportive of his removal of Secretary
Kissinger as National Security Council Advisor.

Sen. Henry Jackson (D-Wash.) said (on NBC film) the action "indicates this
Administration cannot tolerate differing views and honest advice....
After 15 months of the Ford Administration, I'm not sure who is in charge —
Henry Kissinger or Ronald Reagan."

Senator John McClelan (D-Ark.) said: "I think they're giving Kissinger
too much power down at the White House." Echoing his concern, Sen. Hubert
Humphrey (D-Minn) said: I have long felt that Dr. Kissinger should not have been
holding both jobs."

Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-Ariz.) said: "I think I can say safely that the majority of American people stand behind the Schlesinger position, and not the Kissinger position. The President has a right to his own cabinet, and the best we can do is try to advise him. And I try to advise him, but the decision has been made."

"Another complication in all this is that Schlesinger's replacement,
Donald Rumsfeld, has been mentioned for months as a possible running mate

Congress: News

N-5

for President Ford," Catherine Mackin (CBS) reported. "Some in Congress think that his new job, Secretary of Defense, and all the visibility that goes with it, is a means of putting Rumsfeld in the running for the vice presidency. And there is some objection in Congress to this kind of politics being involved in that kind of job." CBS Morning News; NBC (11/3/75)

# Jackson Says Shake-Up Will Hurt Ford Foreign Policy

The cabinet shake-up will not only hurt President Ford, but will have an adverse effect on American foreign policy, Sen. Henry Jackson (D-Wash.) said Monday.

This administrative shift will hurt U.S. "relations with our NATO allies, because Dr. Schlesinger stood tall with our NATO allies. Dr. Kissinger does not.

"China is real bad news. The Chinese have made some very stong remarks recently. The reception that Dr. Kissinger received in China should indicate what impact that will have. That will hurt us in both areas."

The Ford Administration will also suffer in its fight for defense appropriations on Capitol Hill, Jackson said. "There's no spokesman now who can be effective for the administration. Kissinger can't be effective in this area. He's been losing ground on the Hill continually," the senator argued.

Asked whether he believed Schlesinger had become a liability for the administration on the hill, Jackson said he did not, adding that Schlesinger commanded great respect there. Schlesinger also had a tremendous following among new members Jackson said. "They liked his 'professorial' approach, and had a number of 'rap sessions,' as they were called."

It is a loss to the nation for Secretary Schlesinger to loose his position, Jackson said. Since President Ford is not secure in handling matters of foreign policy, he has deferred to Kissinger continually and would not listen to Schlesinger.

Asked whether he had any doubts about Kissinger staying on as Secretary of State, Jackson replied, "He's got (problems). He'll have more of them." -NBC Today Show (11/3/75)

Congress: News

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But Sen. James Buckley (R-N.Y.) was more optimistic about the political impact of Rockefeller's decision. "Certainly it will eliminate a source of irritation to one side of the Republican party," Buckley said (on Networks film).

Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-Aris.) recalled his comment to Rockefeller when he heard the news this morning" "This leaves you free to run for the top office." Although Goldwater said the Vice President laughed, he added that he "wouldn't close the door" on Rockefeller's candidacy.

"Few others shared Goldwater's suspicion that Rockefeller might be maneuvering for another presidential race of his own," Sam Donaldson (ABC) reported. "But the liberals hinted that Rockefeller's withdrawal does make it more likely that they may field somewhat for a liberal presidential alternative to the Ford-Reagan wing of the party." AP;UPI; Networks (11/3/75)

Election '76: News

Former California Governor Ronald Reagan said Monday that President Ford's candidacy in 1976 should be helped by Vice President Rockefeller's decision to drop off the Ford ticket. But Reagan said he has not had enough time to evaluate what effect Rockefeller's decision may have on his possible candidacy... Reagan said (on CBS film).

When first told the news, a surprised Reagan said (on ABC film): "It's a little astounding, isn't it? Asked if he was interested in the vice presidential spot Reagan said: "I'm not interested....The decision I have to make is whether I will seek the (Presidential) nomination, and that decision hasn't been made yet." On the vice president's decision, Reagan remarked: "That's a decision I'm sure he had to make for his own best interests."

Commenting on the impact of Rockefeller's decision on the Ford campaign, Regan said" "There is bound to be some affect, because there are some people who have expressed that as their principal difference with the president administration." AP; UPI; Networks (11/3/75)

Former Texas Governor John Connally said Monday that Rockefeller's decision not to seek the Vice Presidency in 1976 will "help the President's position a great deal.

"I frankly think it enhances the President's position to a conservative stand, and gives him an enormous amount of running room. It provides the

Election '76: News

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carrot of the vice presidency to attract a great many needed forces, it seems to me, to support him," Connally said (on NBC film).

Asked what he thought the effect of Rockefeller's decision would be on Ronald Reagan, Connally said (on CBS film): "I think it would be a little bit of a downslide for Gov. Reagan, because so long as the President is going into the convention locked in, in effect with his running mate, then every other force in the country, whatever they might be, felt they had no place to go with the President." NBC; CBS (11/3/75)

## Most State GOP Chairmen Pleased By Rockefeller's Decision

Sixty percent of the nation's state GOP chairmen feel that Vice President Rockefeller's decision to withdraw from the 1976 GOP presidential ticket will help President Ford in the primaries. Asked who they would chose as Ford's running mate, 23 per cent said Ronald Reagan. NBC (11/3/75)

## Callaway Denies Role In Rockefeller Decision

Ford campaign manager Howard Callaway said Monday he had no role in the Vice President's decision not to run in 1976.

Callaway said on (NBC film): "Oh, no I've never had any input to that at all. I've never made the suggestion that the Vice President should take himself off the ticket. I only made one suggestion, and that was that the President should keep an open mind now that the Vice President is out of the picture. I think that's plain just good politics."

Callaway added (on CBS film): "Everybody knows that Nelson Rockefeller has brought a lot of strength to the ticket. He had brought a lot of weaknesses to the ticket. I think the interesting thing for the campaign for the vice presidency and if that happens, it will bring some enthusiasm and some interest to the campaign." NBC, CBS (11/3/75)

## Presidency: News

## President Will Probably Limit Fact-To-Face Campaigning

President Ford said he will probably limit fact-to-face campaigning because of the recent threats on his life. In a television interview, taped in Florida and released Monday, the President also said he expects Sen. Hubert Humphrey (D-Minn.) to be his opponent in the 1976 election. He added: "It will be a good contest." ABC (11/3/75)

Presidency: News

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## Most Here Think President Should Continue To Go Public

(New York Daily News)

New Yorkers' concerned for President Ford's safety has increased since the second assassination attempt on him in California, but a majority still believes he should continue to appear in public, according to The Daily News opinion Poll.

The latest poll, conducted Oct. 14, 15 and 16, showed that 34% of those interviewed felt the President should stop appearing in crowds. A poll taken a month earlier, before a shot was fired at Ford in San Francisco, showed that 24% thought the President should halt public appearances.

In most recent survey, 36% said the President should continue to mingle with crowds when traveling about the country. An additional 25% said he should continue his travels and public appearances, but should not mingle with crowds. Five per cent said they did not know.

The poll, conducted by News employees, is a scientific random telephone sampling of 532 adults in the city, Northern New Jersey, Nassau, Suffolk, Westchester and Rockland Counties. (11/3/75)

New York: News

## Seidman Says Bondholders Will Not Loose Out

Presidential Economic Advisor L. William Seidman said in an interview Monday that New York City defaults, bondholders would get their money, though perhaps -- late and with reduced interest.

"If history tells us anything, they will get their money," Seidman said. "They won't get it on time, and they may get it with less interest than they may have had. But, over the long run, they will get their funds if New York City does what's right."

Asked if President Ford is making New York City's impending default a political issue, Seidman replied: "We don't look at it that way. We think it is a very practical issue. The city, for a number of reasons, has gotten itself into a number of troubles, and the question is what is the best way to get them out of those troubles, considering the interest of the citizens of New York, the political leaders and the rest. Any issue like this has political overtones, but that's not our approach to it."

Seidman also said, if New York State takes appropriate action, it will not default as a result of New York City's default.

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"New York is a very rich state. They have great resources. They need to take the actions that will take care of the very serious problems that they've gotten into," he explained.

Asked if the President may change his mind on the NYC issue, Seidman said he will stick by his plan not to bail out the city. NBC's Today Show (11/3/75)

New York: News

Carey Says Ford Must Reveal Cost Of Bankruptcy

President Ford must tell Congress what the cost of a New York City bankruptcy would be to American taxpayers, Gov. Hugh Carey said in an interview Monday. Carey added that he would ask city officials and the state control board to furnish those figures to Congress. "We don't want a bailout.... We want to bear our own burden. Bankruptcy is failure, cop-out, defeat, and we think that would be adverse to the economy," Carey said.

President Ford's plan has never worked before, Carey commented. He cited the example of the Pennsylvania Railroad's bankruptcy which has been in federal court for five years. "Think of New York City five years hence with no plan on how to run the city under a federal judge. It's against our whole system to have the parts of our government run by popular will," Carey said.

Asked if he agrees with Presidential Economic Advisor William Seidman's view that New York State is rich, and has resources to take care of its problems, Carey replied that Seidman must be referring to New York's wealth because they are the highest taxed city and area in the country.

"It's true that the state has resources, but what have we done with them? At the instance of urging by President's advisors, we took the state resources, in terms of $1 1/2 billion dollars, and put them behind the city... We therefore have put the State in jeopardy in terms of having the borrowing markets closed... Given time, we can bear our own burden. We can pay our own debt." NBC's Today Show (11/3/75)

New York: News

Banking Committee Approves $7 Billion Aid Bill

The House Banking Committee approved 23 to 16 Monday legislation to provide up to $7 billion in federal loan guarantees to New York City. The bill provides $3 billion more than contained in a similiar Senate bill, and $2 billion more than sought by New York Gov. Hugh Carey. AP; UPI, ABC, NBC (11/3/75)

Television Commentary

C-i

Kissinger Power

by Dan Rather

Kissinger Power, that may be part of what all of the sudden shifts at the top of the Ford Administration are about. For a long while, one of the rules of Washington has been, don't cross Kissinger, not unless you're looking to get fired. Both Defense secretary Schlesinger and CIA director Colby, especially Schlesinger, have been crossing the doctor of late. While Kissinger apparently is dropping one important job, head of the National Security Council, he is staying on the payroll as Secretary of State and will remain no worse than the second most powerful person in the Government of the United States. Schlesinger and Colby, on the other hand, now are looking for work.

Another factor to consider in the shake-up is the political motivation, what it may be designed to do for the Ford election campaign. That is, give at least the appearance of a new Ford team and an era of decisiveness to a President who often is perceived as indecisive. Anybody who still believes that Gerald Ford has the Republican nomination for President cinched hasn't been following the news. The Ford campaign is in trouble.

Item: Ronald Reagan is expected to announce soon that he will directly challenge President Ford. Item: Ford's chief campaign money-raiser, the widely respected David Packard, has quit. Republican professionals around the country continue to ridicule and complain about Howard Bow Callaway, Mr. Ford's hand-picked Chairman of his over-all election campaign. Private political polls from early primary states, such as New Hampshire and Florida, increasingly indicate that candidate Ford is vulnerable. National public opinion polls are down, unemployment remains high, so does inflation. The economy in general is erratic.

There seems to be a widespread general impression around the country that the Republican nomination is Mr. Ford's, if he want's it. The facts indicate otherwise. They don't indicate necessarily that Gerald Ford will be forced out of the race, nor that he will be beaten at the convention. They do indicate that unless Mr. Ford's campaign and his campaign team improve, he can be knocked off by another Republican. By any reasonable analysis he is far from having the nomination cinched.
(11/3/75)

Television Commentary

C-ii

by Bruce Morton (CBS)

One of President Ford's top campaign advisors has told AP that the President can lose two of the first three primaries and still win the nomination. The advisor points out that the President faces special problems in New Hampshire and Florida, and that it will not be the end of his campaign if he loses them both. He would presumably win Massachusetts, which comes in between them.

Well, that may be technically true, but don't bank on it. There is a kind of emperor's new cloths quality about presidential politics. A president has advantages a challenger doesn't have, precisely because he is a President. Once he stops being presidential and is seemed to be just another paw running for office, those advantages disappear. That's why some of Mr. Ford's advisors have urged him to quit scurrying around the country like a candidate and start acting presidential. It is also why loosing a couple of early primaries would be very bad for the President. It would show that he is vulnerable. New Hampshire's voters would be like the little child pointing out that the emperor was naked.

It's also an interesting question what this weekends high-level firings do for Mr. Ford's presidential image. It might be argued that these high-level changes show Mr. Ford as a presidential, as the man-in-charge. But, is it presidential when such changes are announced by Democrats in Congress, confirmed by Pentagon officials who don't want their names used; while the President and the President's spokesmen say nothing? Does that make the President look decisive, or merely confused? And, if the President is trying to gain favor with the right wing in his party, will he do that by firing the strongest critic of detente within his administration? Republican right is on Schlesinger's side of that argument, not on Henry Kissinger's. Nobody really knows what effect all of this will have on the voters, of course, but it is easy to see why some of the men backing Ronald Reagan are convinced the emperor isn't wearing any clothes. (11/3/75)

Rockefeller For President (?)

by Roger Mudd (CBS)

The Ford Administration has taken Washington through the second sudden death quarter in less than 24 hours. Yesterday it was the Redskins football team dramatically winning in overtime. Last night and today it was the most breathtaking political playoff since the October masacre of 1973.

Nelson Rockefeller's letter to the President offers no adequate explanation as to his decision so both politicians and press are left to speculate. The most reasonable simply is that the Vice President does not feel at home in an Administration that each week moves closer to the right. And, the beating that he took over the debate, if there ever was one, over

Television Commentary

C-iiii

Rockefeller May Exit With A Bang

by Howard K. Smith

Given his withdrawal letter today, at this advanced stage, it
seems safe to assume that Nelson Rockefeller's wide-lived political
career will come to an end in January, 1977.

In state politics it's been a brilliant career. But in national
politics, to which his hopes ever strayed, his career suffered one simple
flaw. He belonged to, for him, the wrong political party. Its conservative
wing, which runs conventions, blocked his way for the national stage on
which he might have shown, and won.

His exit now is sad for him, but it has compensations. He is now his
own man, full of ideas, not all consonant with Ford's. There is nothing to
stop him from becoming our most outspoken Vice President, standing athwart
Ford's steady drift to get farther to the right than Reagan.

There's nothing the President could do about that. He can buy a Secretary
of Defense, or a head of the CIA. But the lone figure you cannot fire is the
Vice President. So, it is just possible that when Rockefeller goes next
election, it will be not with a whimper, but a bang. That would fit his
style.
(11/3/75)

Administration: Comment

C-1

# What Ron Nessen Doesn't Know And Why
by Godfrey Sperling, Jr.

(Condensed from the Christian Science Monitor)

Ron Nessen's admission that he has restricted access to foreign policy information is carefully worded. He says he has more domestic than foreign affairs knowledge. He says this results from Henry Kissinger's preference "for keeping discussion on foreign policy details closely held."

This situation poses important questions: How effective can a presidential press secretary be if his daily pipelines go entirely -- or almost entirely -- into the administration's domestic activities? And how open a government can a president maintain if he does not make his press secretary -- his designated intermediary with the press and, hence, with the public -- fully privy on a daily basis with foreign affairs information?

At a recent breakfast gathering with reporters Mr. Nessen was asked whether he was as well-informed on foreign policy as on domestic policy. He paused for several moments -- "an eloquent pause," one newsman said -- and answered that he was not. "The system is not as well organized on foreign policy as on domestic," he said. "The problem is being worked on." He went on to say that he did attend some sessions of the National Security Council.

Kissinger, much like Dulles, is the chief fount of information on foreign policy. In a way they both were their own press secretaries. Perhaps this is the way the President wants it with Kissinger. It seems that Ford, does have all foreign policy matters passing his bow. Further, there is growing evidence that this President is taking the helm in providing leadership in the foreign affairs. But Mr. Ford may believe that it is best to let the information flow -- other than what he himself discloses to the press in interviews and press conferences -- be chaneled through Kissinger. He may feel that Kissinger is best able to disclose what should be disclosed and best able to guard from public disclosure what the two of them believe should not be disclosed.

Yet Mr. Nessen is the President's press secretary, his spokesman with the press. By definition the press secretary is supposed to be "in" on presidential thinking and planning. Therein lies his usefulness to both the President and the public. If he indeed is being kept uninformed about foreign policy, Nessen's usefulness in the field of public information is being greatly restricted, Nessen has proved himself to be most loyal and most discreet. It would seem that the President could give Nessen as much access to foreign policy information as Eisenhower gave to Hagerty and as Johnson gave to Moyers and Christian. (11/3/75)

Administration: Comment

C-2

A Vague And Foggy Time

by Erwin D. Canham

The United States is struggling through a particularly difficult political period. There is not enough vigorous leadership in either the presidency or the Congress. The presidential sweepstakes of 1976 confuse everything. The nation needs something better.

But, at least until the nominating conventions of next July and August, there is no sign of clarity. President Ford must struggle with Congress on one hand and Ronald Reagan on the other. The Democrats scramble along in their faceless race for leadership. In the field of foreign policy, the nation maintains a relatively firm course, due to the talents of Henry Kissinger and the confidence given him by the President and in some degree by the Congress.

I believe national opinion has swung to the conclusion that President Ford, for all his decency and openness, has the limitations which he had previously been assumed to have. Presumably this is the major reason why he is being pursued so strenuously by Ronald Reagan. Very rarely indeed is a President in office seriously challenged for renomination by a leading member of his own party. Almost never has a sitting President not been renominated at the end of his first term if he wanted to be.

The new factor, of course, is that President Ford was not originally nominated by his party and elected by the voters. But even so, for the Republicans in convention assembled next year to repudiate the man who has led them for two years would be a confession of weakness ill-becoming a "re-election" campaign. The usual argument for the challenge is that Governor Reagan is more conservative than President Ford. It would be hard to prove it on the evidence today. The real basis of the Reagan candidacy is the belief that President Ford is simply not strong enough as a leader.

If, as seems probable, Mr. Ford is in the end nominated, the struggle against him may well have weakened the party. The President's prospects for election would be dim indeed were the Democrats themselves not so divided and leaderless. Current political talk turns to Sen. Hubert Humphrey, but with full awareness of his weaknesses. His campaign financing has had its dubious spots. The prospect is that the state primaries, more numerous than ever, will be inconclusive. Then the convention will be a free-for-all and may well be "brokered" in the traditional smoke-filled room. (11/3/75)

Administration: Comment

C-3

Now Look Who's Playing Politics With Tax Cuts
 editorial, excerpted, from The Philadelphia Inquirer

When President Ford proposed that a tax cut in 1976 be accompanied by a
cutback in spending, there was much gnashing of teeth by horrified Democrats
in Congress. Chairman Al Ullman of the House Ways and Means Committee called the
Ford plan "preposterous." Some alleged that the President was playing politics
by trying to make taxes and spending an election issue next year.

Well, Mr. Ullman's Ways and Means Committee has unveiled a tax plan of its
own, consisting of all tax cut and no spending cut, and it has to be asked who
is being "preposterous" now. When it comes to politics, the Democrats are showing
they play the game well. The government can't keep on cutting taxes without cutting
expenditures -- not without sliding toward a financial debacle that would make the
New York crisis a picnic by comparison. President Ford has opted for fiscal
responsibility, but the House Ways and Means Committee provides no reason for
optimism that Congress will choose a responsible course. (11/3/75)

Presidency: Comment

Presidential Priority Problems
iei, excerpted, from the Baltimore Sun)

The Ford administration is in the process of putting together a $60 million
package for the recycling of debts run up by Zaire, the former Belgian Congo. Yet
Senator Humphrey, who is no fly-by-night in foreign affairs, has publicly inquired
why the United States should recycle Zaire's debts when President Ford has spurned
any such action for New York city.

If the Great Economizer in the White House is going to make New York suffer
while his own Treasury piles up record debts, he is bound to incur certain dis-
conformities. The fact is that Mr. Ford's economizing is highly selective. He is
ready to put the squeeze on domestic programs that aid the beleagured cities and the
urban poor, but when it comes to advanced weapons systems or foreign policy objec-
tives, he suddenly finds that money is no object.

As a man who once gloried in his 25 years of service on Capitol Hill, we
would think Mr. Ford would have a certain institutional pride in the way Congress
at last is trying to fulfill its budget-making responsibilities. Instead of await-
ing a presidential budget whose ceilings it proceeds to pierce, Congress has set-
up its own budget committees to establish its own priorities and ceilings. These
are not and should not be absolute. They should be negotiated with the executive
branch. But Mr. Ford's presumption in trying to set a budget ceiling before he has
sent his budget to Congress, and his determination to snort/canange domestic needs
while pursuing his global designs, have the makings of a confrontation that could
undercut the nation's interest across the board. (11/3/75)

New York City: Comment

C-6

From Fun to Federal City?
---
 editorial, exerpted, from The Boston Globe)

President Ford's message on the New York crisis was disappointing. He offered the city aspirin when it needed penicillin and scolded it when it needed advice. He is either stubbornly unaware of what allowing New York to default on its bonds means to the nation or is trying to lure support from the right wing of his party.

The President's plan for New York is in fact, a contradiction of his basic
philosophy of keeping the Federal government out of local affairs. By placing
the city under a Federal court he might be turning Fun City into Federal City
and that would be no improvement.

Mr. Ford appears resolved to allow the city to default and few doubt that
he will have his way.

Sen. Brooke yesterday attempted to work out a measure which would combine the
President's and the Banking Committee's approach. He suggested that, assuming
default, the Federal Financing Bank should lend New York $3 billion to tie it over
and back up the certificates of indebtedness that the President proposes.
Mr. Brooke and others have pointed out that any guarantee of New York's bonds
would put other cities and states in a disadvantageous position.

Mr. Brooke's proposals may not be the last word on this knotty problem,
but he is right to move for compromise. Mr. Ford's proposal is sorely lacking
but it is the only game in town and Congress must get in there and play. (11/3/75)

[LC]

News &
Comment

The President's Daily News Summary

Leading The News...

FOR WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1975

NEWS

Page

Administration

<table><tr><td>Rumsfeld Gains More Than Anyone In Shakeup Networks</td><td>N-1</td></tr><tr><td>George Will Says Firing of Schlesinger Not NBC Today Show Good</td><td>N-2</td></tr><tr><td>Morton Intended To Leave Post Last Oct</td><td>CBS Morning News N-2</td></tr><tr><td>Graham Resigns As Head of Defense Intelligence AP;UPI;Networks</td><td>N-3</td></tr><tr><td>Richardson May Take VP Job If Offered</td><td>AP;UPI;NBC N-3</td></tr><tr><td>Colby Leaving With No Hard Feelings</td><td>AP N-4</td></tr><tr><td>HAK Seen As More Exposed To Congress</td><td>C.S. Monitor N-4</td></tr><tr><td>Kelly Denounces FBI Criticism</td><td>AP;UPI;NBC N-4</td></tr><tr><td>Burns Says Board To Keep Same Policies</td><td>AP;UPI;NBC N-4</td></tr><tr><td>China Trip Postponed For Second Day</td><td>UPI N-5</td></tr><tr><td>FDA Orders GE Microwave Recall</td><td>AP;UPI;ABC N-5</td></tr></table>

Congress

<table><tr><td>Sen. Buckley Says Schlesinger Firing Crucial</td><td>N-5</td></tr><tr><td>Goldwater Wants Intelligence Investigation Stopped</td><td>UPI N-6</td></tr></table>

International

<table><tr><td>Foreign Reaction To Schlesinger Firing Mixed</td><td>AP;ABC N-6</td></tr></table>

Presidency

<table><tr><td>Ford's Performance Rating Declines Again</td><td>Chicago Tribune N-6</td></tr></table>

Intelligence

<table><tr><td>Church Denounces Ford's CIA Change</td><td>AP;UPI;NBC;CBS N-7</td></tr><tr><td>House Intell. Comm. Accepts HAK Compromise</td><td>AP;UPI;NBC;ABC N-8</td></tr></table>

Administration: News

N-1

NEWS

Ann Compton (ABC) reported Tuesday that Donald Rumsfeld, nominated to be Secretary of Defense, gains more than anyone in the recent Administration shakeup. "Donald Rumsfeld takes over the Pentagon but also keeps his personal influence over President Ford. As usual, Rumsfeld downplays his personal influence," Compton said.

Rumsfeld said (on ABC film) the reports in the paper that
he was a "master maneuverer" and a "silent architect" of the
recent changes in the Cabinet were untrue.

"At age 43, Rumsfeld will be moving into his sixth White House appointment in six years. He takes to the Defense Department a reputation of strict management and quick decision making, a reputation earned from a progression of jobs...Rumsfeld's conservative influence will be carried on at the White House by the young assistant who has shadowed Rumsfeld through most of those jobs, Richard Cheney, who said in his office this afternoon he'll be running things just like Don did," Compton reported.

Tom Brokaw said, "As an Illinois Congressman, Rumsfeld had a conservative voting record but his current thinking on defense policy is unknown. One source, close to the SALT talks, said he couldn't remember Rumsfeld making any significant contributions, adding that Rumsfeld certainly didn't take a stand against Kissinger. Kissinger critics around the Ford Administration insist that Rumsfeld will be an effective check against the Secretary of State's power."

Rumsfeld has a reputation as a skilled political infighter.
However, in going against Kissinger, he would be up against the
reigning champion. As a Kissinger admirer put it, by the time
Rumsfeld takes control of the defense establishment, the Secretary
of State will have accomplished all of his goals."

"Sources say it was Don Rumsfeld who convinced Mr. Ford that Rockefeller should not remain on the ticket...that Rockefeller's removal was part of Rumsfeld's capsulated plan to pave his own way as a running mate for President Ford," Connie Chung (CBS) reported.

"This time Rockefeller lost, but his imprint will not be erased. Rockefeller's old friend Henry Kissinger, who also suffered a demotion is also in a position to play power politics with Rumsfeld," Chung reported.

Administration: News

N-2

"While theories abound here on why the shakeup took place, the consensus is that Rumsfeld again emerged a winner, Bob Schieffer (CBS) reported. -- Networks (11/4/75)

## George Will Says Firing Of Schlesinger Not Good

George Will said in an interview Tuesday that the firing of Defense Secretary James Schlesinger is not good. "The firing of Schlesinger will have an effect large or small, whatever it is, it can't be good. It seems to me that it is a signal to both SALT delegations that the man who was for a more firm American negotiating position has been fired and pending a better explanation than President Ford has seen fit to offer, it is not unreasonable to assume that his firm position on SALT is a reason for his being fired," Will said.

Joseph Kraft, in the same interview, said he didn't think that the firing or the shakeup would have much effect on national security matters and that basically what this move means is that Ford is proving his assertiveness.

Will added that he thought there was a connection between the Rockefeller withdrawal and the Schlesinger firing. "The assumption being that conservatives will be mollified by the departure of Rockefeller to make up for the departure of Jim Schlesinger. I think they're quite wrong in thinking that conservatives will accept the departure of someone from a largely symbolic post like the Vice Presidency as adequate compensation for the departure of a man in a vital national security office." Will added that the Ford explanation of the shakeup at the news conference was not adequate and he called Ford "absolutely incoherent" in trying to answer the questions posed to him. -- NBC Today Show (11/4/75)

## Morton Intended To Leave Post Last October

According to Administration sources, Rogers Morton told the President last October that he wanted to slow down his pace and leave his cabinet post, Leslie Stahl (CBS) reported Tuesday.

The sources also said at the time that Morton agreed to take on a significant role in President Ford's campaign committee. "Despite reports that the Ford campaign committee is having organizational problems, the sources say that he is unlikely to join the committee. More likely, the sources said, he will move into the White House as a Kenny O'Donnell-type advisor to the President," Stahl reported. O'Donnell served as a political advisor to President Kennedy.

A Morton aide denied that his departure had anything to do

Administration: News

N-3

with Morton's refusal to submit to Congress a list of American firms asked to join the Arab boycott to Israel. -- CBS Morning News (11/4/75)

## Graham Resigns As Head of Defense Intelligence Agency

Lt. Gen. Daniel Graham said Tuesday that he is retiring as head of the Defense Intelligence Agency because "I'm a Schlesinger man."

Graham said he reached his decision Sunday night after hearing news reports that Schlesinger had been ousted. "Nobody asked me to retire," Graham said. "I'm not the victim of any housecleaning." -- AP; UPI; Networks (11/4/75)

## Richardson May Take VP Job If Offered

Elliott Richardson said Tuesday night that he "supposed" he would accept the job of Vice President or Secretary of State if it were offered to him.

Asked if he would be President Ford's 1976 running mate, Richardson said in London "I don't know and I don't want to speculate. This will be a matter for the President and his advisors and perhaps for the Republican party convention. But I don't want to muddy the waters by identifying myself as a possibility."

Richardson said (on NBC) film: "I feel very honored and pleased that President Ford has asked me to undertake what I'm sure will be an extremely challenging and interesting assignment."

Asked whether he would become a vice presidential candidate or Secretary of State, Richardson replied, (on NBC film): "This is not a question which has arisen in any discussion which has affected my own decision....that has come up in the course of any discussion of it and it certainly is not a factor in my decision to accept the president's invitation to become the Secretary of Commerce."

"Elliot Richardson has never hidden his desire to return to Washington where he certainly knows his way around...and if President Ford wants him as Secretary of State or even as Vice President in a second Administration, Elliott Richardson will certainly be available," Garrick Utley (NBC) reported. -- UPI; AP; NBC (11/4/75)

N-4

Administration: News

Colby Leaving With No Hard Feelings

CIA Director William Colby said Tuesday that he has turned down an ambassadorship and is getting out of government with no hard feelings despite his abrupt dismissal. -- AP (11/4/75)

By Dana Adams Schmidt
The Christian Science Monitor

Secretary Kissinger -- more than ever preeminent in foreign policy, but more exposed on Capitol Hill. This is the assessment of observers here looking at the impact of the Ford Cabinet shuffle on US foreign policy.

The departure of James Schlesinger as Secretary of Defense leaves Kissinger without a challenger in the executive branch on detente with the USSR, the observers say. Notably in arms control, Kissinger's views may be expected now to prevail in the form of a renewed drive for SALT II -- even at the expense of a major US concession of "cruise" missiles.

The only man in the Cabinet who is likely now to stand up to Dr. Kissinger on a foreign policy issue is Secretary Simon, who takes issue with Kissinger in the entire US economic approach to the oil-producing "third world."

But the real threat to Kissinger now lies elsewhere. It could take the form of a conservative antidetente candidate for the vice-presidency, now that Vice-President Rockefeller has decided to withdraw. Far more certain, however, is the threat from Capitol Hill.

One observation heard on the Hill is that Secretary Kissinger has lost his point man -- the man on military patrol who goes ahead -- and that he would in future clash more directly with the legislators. --(11/4/75)

Kelly Denounces FBI Criticism

FBI Director Clarence Kelly said in Texas Tuesday that a relentless bombardment of criticism against the FBI is eroding the Bureau's ability to defend the US against its enemies, NBC reported. -- AP;UPI;NBC (11/4/75)

Federal Reserve Board Chairman Arthur Burns told the Senate Banking Committee Tuesday that the Board will follow the same money growth policies it has pursued in recent months despite pressures for expansion.

Administration: News

N-5

Burns said the same money growth target of 5 to 7.5% annually that he announced last May will continue to be the Board's target for the next 12 months. -- AP;UPI;NBC (11/4/75)

A White House advance team postponed for a second day Tuesday its planned trip to China to prepare for President Ford's intended visit there. -- UPI (11/4/75)

FDA Orders GE Microwave Recall

The Food and Drug Administration said Tuesday that it has ordered General Electric to inspect 36,000 more microwave ovens for radiation leakage and make free repairs where necessary.
General Electric is resisting the new order. -- AP;UPI;ABC (11/4/75)

Congress: News

Sen. James Buckley (R-NY) said in an interview Tuesday that the firing of Defense Secretary Schlesinger far outweighs any other even in recent days.

Buckley said, "There is a feeling that Secretary Schlesinger understood the realities of today but that he was the person who was blowing the whistle on concessions in the SALT talks that could have been very dangerous."

Sen. Robert Packwood (R-Ore.) said that he thought the firing of Schlesinger was similar to the firing of Walter Hickel. Packwood said, "I think it's very much like the Wally Hickel firing. You had Secretary Hickel saying certain things and President Nixon saying he had made a decision. And you had Hickel saying, 'I'm not going to live with that decision. And the President said 'good-bye.' And I think it's pretty much the same here. I think they're two honorable men but President Ford in the last analysis made a decision. Secretary Schlesinger couldn't live with it and he had to go."

Buckley added that he agreed that the President had to have his own team but the question was did this reflect a basic policy decision. "I think it does. One of the reasons I say this is General Graham, head of the Defense Intelligence Agency was also wiped out yesterday," Buckley said.

Congress: News

N-6

Buckley added, "I think we need a debate within the National Security Council. I think we need a presentation of different points of view and the view of a Secretary of State is necessarily different from the view of the Secretary of Defense."

Packwood said that Kissinger is an "absolute Svengali." He is the best proponent of any policy, foreign or housing, any policy in this nation. He's a great salesman." -- NBC Today Show (11/4/75)

Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-Ariz) said Tuesday that Senate and House investigations into government intelligence activities should be brought to an immediate halt. Goldwater said that the probes are becoming "counterproductive" and are threatening the nation's intelligence activities. -- UPI (11/4/75)

International: News

The *London Daily Telegraph* said Tuesday that the firing of Schlesinger "could be bad news for the NATO alliance and its position vis-a-vis Russia and the Warsaw pact countries."

The editorial in the conservative paper said Schlesinger has "consistently taken a critical line" toward Kissinger's policy of detente with the USSR.

ABC reported that China was shocked by the firing of Schlesinger. Russia's *Tass* reported his removal without comment.

Overseas, CBS reported, Schlesinger is being looked upon as an adversary on both sides of the Iron Curtain as an advocate of balancing detente with strong national defense.

Richard Roth (CBS) reported that "quiet joy" was being expressed over the firing in Moscow. -- AP; ABC (11/4/75)

Presidency: News

Ford's Performance Rating Declines Again
(Louis Harris, Chicago Tribune)

President Ford's overall standing with the American people

Presidency: News

N-7

has slumped again, dropping 3 points from September. His job
performance now is rated 59 to 38% negative.

The results of the latest Harris Survey show Ford's troubles
stem directly from continuing public disenchantment with his
economic policies and his inability to gain public confidence in
his handling of foreign-policy matters. The survey was conducted
between Oct. 6 and 13 among a national cross-section of 1,519
adults.

On the key question of "inspiring confidence in the White
House," the President receives a 53-37% negative response, which
is the lowest rating recorded for him since last April. By
49 to 44%, those surveyed give him negative marks on "his insisting
on going out around the country and mingling with the voters."
President Ford's extensive campaigning has not enhanced his personal
standing with the voters or generated high confidence in his
White House administration.

By close to 3 to 1, the respondents express confidence in
President Ford's economic approach, but the public doubts his
economic policies are really bringing inflation under control.
The 58 to 34% majority who believes "he does not really care about
the unemployed" weakens Ford's claims that his administration has
compassion for the jobless. Perhaps the most damaging finding
however, is the 62 to 27% negative rating given the President
on "handling federal spending" an issue which is expected to be
emphasized in the 1976 Ford election bid.

With personal confidence in him quite low, President Ford
will continue to be judged by what he does. On both the economy
and on foreign policy, these results show, he has much ground to
make up in the 12 months before election day." -- (11/3/75)

Intelligence: News

Senate Intelligence Committee Chairman Frank Church Tuesday
denounced President Ford's proposed change in the CIA leadership
as an effort to hamper investigations of the spy agency. Church
said he would not vote for George Bush to replace William Colby
as CIA Director and accused Ford of politicizing the agency.

Church blames Henry Kissinger for the firing of Colby
calling him the prime minister and Ford a ceremonial president. --
AP;UPI;NBC;CBS (11/4/75)

Intelligence: News

N-8

The House Intelligence Committee accepted a compromise from Secretary Kissinger Tuesday and headed off a confrontation over a memorandum criticizing his handling of the Cyprus crisis last year. AP;UPI;NBC;ABC (11/4/75)

Election '76: News

Reagan Shocked By Schlesinger Firing

Former Governor Ronald Reagan said Tuesday that he was shocked by the firing of Secretary Schlesinger. Reagan said (on NBC film): "I though that Secretary Schlesinger was one of the best voices we've had in some time for insisting on military supremacy for this country."

Reagan also said a presidential candidate has two "must" primaries, Florida and New Hampshire. -- AP;UPI;NBC (11/4/75)

Most Americans Polled Feel Shakeup Was Political Move

ABC sampled small towns in four parts of the country regarding reaction to the Cabinet shakeup and the general consensus was that President Ford had made this move for political and image-making reasons. -- ABC (11/4/75)

Mideast: News

Sadat Says He Doesn't Think Russia Will Provide Egypt With Arms

President Anwar Sadat said Tuesday in an interview that if the US decides not to sell Egypt arms, he doesn't think that the Russians will sell him arms either. "I have already purchased arms from Great Britain, from France. I shall be asking anyone to sell me arms. But I don't know what will be the attitude of the USSR. If we follow the relations between us in the last two years, I don't think the USSR will be providing us with arms. I'm even asking now for the spare parts, not even the arms I'm asking for," Sadat said.

Sadat was asked what the nuclear plant sold by the US to Egypt will be used for and Sadat replied, "This will be used in the purification of sea water. It has nothing at all in relation with any other atomic activity, technically speaking. We are

Mideast: News

N-9

living on 4% only of our land. The other 96% is desert. Whenever
we find water, this will be planted."

Sadat also was asked what Egypt would do if Syria attacked
Israel. Sadat replied by saying that he was sure this would not
happen.

Sadat said that he recognized the State of Israel. "It is
a fact," he said. "I am opposed to the expulsion of the State
of Israel from the UN up to this moment, but I am sorry to tell
you that my idea of Zionism is the same that I said before."

Sadat suggests that there should be a new state of Palestine.
"My own idea to start with is the western front and the Gaza strip
with a corridor between them....I don't know what the reaction
of the PLO will be."

Sadat said that Kissinger has revolutionized the American
image in the Mideast. He said he could work with other men as
Secretary of State but it was easier with Kissinger.

Sadat also said in a separate interview with Barrie Dunsmore
(ABC) that he feels his trip to the US has gone well. As for
military assistance, he hopes to get a statement of principle
that the US will in the future supply certain military items to
Egypt.

Sadat said (on ABC film): "We may differ in opinion, on any
subject, but let us differ as friends. At one time each of us
will see the positive view of the other. I hope that we shall
be making the year of '76 the year of Palestine. This means
that the time has come that America reconsider its position
because there can be no real peace in the area without the
Palestinians. -- NBC Today Show; ABC Good Morning America (11/4/75)

Economy: News

Auto Sales Up

Auto sales in October were the strongest in at least 16 months,
topping the recession-depressed levels of October 1974, by an
estimated 22%, auto industry analysts said Tuesday.

American Motors sales rose 55%, Chrysler Corporation sales
rose 7%. -- AP; UPI; Networks (11/4/75)

Television Commentary

C-i

Schlesinger Firing, A Mistake

Howard K. Smith - ABC

All the President's shakeups make some kind of political
sense except the firing of Schlesinger of the Defense Department.
Rockefeller was an obstacle to Ford's fight for his party's
right wing against Reagan; Colby was meant to be a CIA sacrifice
all along; Kissinger loss his second job may appease a Congress
grown critical of the Secretary's power. But Schlesinger seemed
to meet the need every executive has.

The first in his post to be an expert weapons specialist,
he was, Time Magazine said, the best qualified Secretary of
Defense we've ever had. He opened his first meeting with his
military men saying "No Pentagon baloney please, just give me
the facts." For once they had a boss who knew more than they
did. Politically he offended neither right nor left and, contrary
to reports, he handled Congress well. When he presented this
year's budget to a House committee, something unique happened.
The committee burst into applause.

Though Mr. Ford denied it last night, Schlesinger's famous
feud with Kissinger may have been the reason. But if so,
Kissinger gains nothing from the deal. He loses an equal in the
Defense Department that he can argue knowledgeably with, in
favor of Don Rumsfeld, the new man, the President's personal
favorite, who is an expert at infighting, at cutting Kissinger's
influence with the President. The President may have sound
reasons for dismissing about the second most competent man in
his Cabinet, but he certainly didn't give us any clue last night.
(11/4/75)

Rocky Firing Easier All Around

By William Russell

In taking himself out of the race for the 1976 GOP VP
nomination, Nelson Rockefeller hasn't given up anything very
precious, for the simply reason that he wasn't going to get the
nomination anyway. It has been plain as a pike's staff for several
months that President Ford will be compelled to drop Rockefeller
next year and replace him with someone more acceptable to GOP
conservatives. But bowing out now, Mr. Rockefeller simply lessens
his own embarrassment and makes Mr. Ford's task easier. Rockefeller's
action certainly underscores the tremendous force of the wave that
is carrying the GOP and for that matter the nation to the right
these days.

## Television Commentary

### C-ii

With Rockefeller out of the vice presidential picture, Mr. Ford has relieved himself of a major political liability and also increased his own bargaining power. But only at the price of admitting how dangerous an adversary Ronald Reagan is going to be. All bets are off then as far as the 1976 GOP presidential nomination is concerned. You can dismiss those rumors about Reagan accepting the vice presidential nomination under Ford. Reagan has much bigger fish to fry. The race will no very probably go down to the wire. And it's much too early to say whether Ford or Reagan or even somebody else will be the next GOP nominee.

## Ford Loses Candor Reputation

Eric Sevareid - CBS

Gerald Ford was chosen vice president by Richard Nixon largely because he was offensive to no one. His congressional position has been achieved not by qualities of commanding decisiveness, but by his accomodating nature, his instinct for compromise and conciliation. But a President surrounded by tough-minded ruthless egos cannot work that way unless he is already a national institution like an Eisenhower and unless the times are quiet times. He had to act if he was to be master in his own household, whether the action was wise or not. This President, after all, with no popular mandate has been struggling with a set of conditions without precedent in this country. This weekend's sudden shift may give Mr. Ford a stronger sense of personal control and possibly enhance his election prospects to some degree. But there is loss as well. He lost some of his reputation for candor last night.

Administration: Comment

C-1

COMMENT

Biggest Casualty of "Massacre" Is President Himself
(James Wieghart, NY Daily News)

President Ford's massive shakeup of the national security apparatus -- which has already become known as "the Sunday night massacre" -- presents to the world the picture of an administration seething with internal stresses.

Naturally, the men around Ford have tried to put a different light on the precipitous firing of Defense Secretary Schlesinger and CIA Director Colby. They have tried privately this afternoon to sell it as the act of a decisive President, anxious to get his "own people" into key national security posts before getting caught up in the hurly-burly of next year's presidential campaign.

But clearly, Sunday morning firings of top administration officials do not appear to outsiders as acts of a well-ordered President.

Chief of Staff, Donald Rumsfeld, a former Illinois Congressman, has long been angling for a top cabinet post and he is now slated to be Schlesinger's replacement. What's more, Rumsfeld was able to get a dig in at one of his prime targets, Secretary Kissinger, who is being asked to give up his second post as NSC advisor.

Such political infighting would be of little interest to the general public in the usual course of events. But when it involves some of the nation's top national security posts and when it comes suddenly, on a Sunday, it creates an air of crisis, uncertainty, even fear.

Whatever they think about the decisions of their national officials, most Americans have come to believe that our system of government is a stable and orderly one. For them, Sunday mass firings, like the midnight knock on the door, are more suited to a banana republic than to the U.S. Thus Ford's action, however much he tries to dress it in rationality, is likely to be commonly viewed as a product of crisis management, arrived at rashly.
(11/4/75)

Administration: Comment

C-3

# Political Impact of the "Sunday Morning Massacre"
 (Editorial, excerpted from the *Chicago Tribune*)

The overnight facelifting of the Ford administration will have profound effects on the national political scene as well as on policy decisions. The most immediate ones arise from Vice President Rockefeller's exit from the scene.

Rockefeller's departure makes good tactical sense both from his standpoint and President Ford's. It may have been the only move left that was in the interests of both. Their disagreement over the question of federal help for New York could not be disguised, and the cleavage runs far deeper than this single issue; it involves basic philosophies about fiscal policies and the relationship between cities and the federal government. After this clash, a Ford-Rockefeller ticket in 1976 would not look even faintly plausible.

His departure also eases a problem for the President. It deprives Ronald Reagan of a serviceable target. As long as Rockefeller was on the scene, Ford could not look as convincingly conservative as Reagan can -- and at least until the nomination is won the conservative audience is the one Ford must convince. That theory presumably will have a bearing on the choice of a new Vice President.

The "Sunday morning massacre" looks like a decisive, tough-minded move -- a determined clearing of the decks for action. But that fact leaves Ford facing something of a challenge. If nothing much happens after this dramatic buildup, he will be left holding a bagful of anticlimax. -- (11/4/75)

## The Abrupt Dismissals
(Editorial, excerpted, *NY Daily News*)

By dismissing Defense Secretary Schlesinger, President Ford has weakened his administration and heightened the fears of those who feel that vital national security interests are being undermined by bridge-building illusions.

As a token gesture of appeasement to Kissinger's opponents, Ford took away the secretary's second hat -- as presidential adviser on security affairs. The move was overdue, but the change may well be one of appearance rather than reality.

A devoted supporter and associate of Kissinger is the most likely successor to the security post. In that event, the NSC -- which is supposed to give objective, balanced assessments of diplomatic as well as military affairs to the President -- will continue to be dominated by the State Department. That is not

Administration: Comment

C-4

a good situation.

Amid the barrage of bombshells, Vice President Rockefeller heaved one of his own by asking Ford not to consider him as a possible 1976 running mate. It is not certain what prompted Rockefeller's decision, but presidential campaign aides have been dropping pointed hints that the veep is political poison.

Now that his future political status has been clarified, however, we hope that Rockefeller will feel free to speak with a franker tongue and a truer heart about NYC's plight, and what can be done to solve it. -- (11/4/75)

For Continuity of Policy
 EDITORIAL, excerpted, *Chicago Tribune*

There is nothing inconsistent with carrying on the national policies identified with both Secretaries Kissinger and Schlesinger. There is national consensus that we want peace and that being second to none in military strength serves the cause of peace.

Vice President Rockefeller's sudden move probably had more to do with state than with national policy, except for federal policy towards New York. He is necessarily a captive of his long record in New York government, and less free to define a sound national policy towards New York than Ford is. The public can welcome whatever effect on policy towards New York will result from Rockefeller's repudiation of the possibility of a Ford-Rockefeller ticket in 1976.

We have a government of laws rather than of men, a government in which major continuing policies are more important than the identity of current incumbents in office. No one-day "massacres" should distrub the continuity of policies essential to the national interest. Nor should news of such "massacres" cause citizens to exaggerate the influence of individuals' comings and goings on those policies. -- (11/4/75)

## Pre-Announcement

-- Specific details of the shuffle

- Kissinger was a political liability: not responsive enough to domestic politics; Middle East policy stalled; detente moving much too fast; fumbled the China trip.

-- Ford has less need for Kissinger now than when he first came to office; Ford made the decision before the China trip but held announcing it so as not to complicate negotiations.

-- Kissinger agreed to relinquish the NSC only if Schlesinger was dropped.

## Post-Announcement

-- The shuffle was not Rumsfeld's idea.

-- The shuffle was Rumsfeld's doing.

-- Kissinger was too powerful: several key officials who could not even have their dissenting ideas heard had already resigned, and Kissinger over-shadowed even the President.

-- The shuffle is a net loss for Kissinger: he loses his daily hour with the President; he must submit to the White House team approach; his access will be roughly equal to Rumsfeld's; and he loses his entire NSC machinery, including the SRG, the intelligence committee, and the Forty Committee.

-- The shuffle will exacerbate problems in US-China relations: Schlesinger firing will increase their nervousness about detente and the failure to announce an immediate and predigious replacement for Bush will be seen as a lack of US concern for their sensitivities.

-- Kissinger is trying to fight back by inserting Bill Hyland into the NSC or CIA.

-- Richardson is being positioned as a Kissinger replacement, possibly in less than a year.

-- Kissinger said he would quit if his power was trimmed, but now we see he was only bluffing.

-- What Ford was trying to do is perfectly logical, but premature leaks muddied the waters.

Newsweek

[10]

# Signs of a Big Shake-up

There was strong evidence last week that Henry Kissinger's position in the Ford Administration was undergoing a significant change. President Ford. NEWSWEEK learned, has personally asked the Secretary of State to give up his "second hat"—his job as head of the National Security Council. Kissinger agreed to consider the request, and some Administration sources indicated that the question was all but settled.

Indeed, there was a report in Washington at the weekend that the NSC switch might be part of a larger shake-up of the Administration's entire national-security apparatus. One source told NEWSWEEK that Defense Secretary James Schlesinger would leave his Cabinet post. NEWSWEEK also was told that Kissinger would be succeeded as national-security adviser by his loyal NSC deputy, Air Force Lt. Gen. Breut Sowercroft.

It was not immediately clear what might have triggered the reported shuffle. Nor was it clear whether Kissinger had suffered a loss of power and influence. What was clear was that there has been a great deal of jockeying within the Administration. Kissinger and Schlesinger have long been at each other's throats. And White House chief of staff Donald Rumsfeld, Ford's top political adviser, has been eager to clip Kissinger's wings by forcing him out of his NSC post.

**Criticism:** The prospective realignment came at a time when the Administration faced a host of problems in foreign policy and domestic politics. Ford is under strong challenge from Ronald Reagan on the Republican right, and Kissinger's policies on the Middle East and détente with Russia and China have become increasingly controversial. Schlesinger, too, has become a focus of criticism, particularly from liberals on Capitol Hill, for his tough line on defense issues and military spending. (Gerald Ford himself once remarked that "Jim Schlesinger knows more about defense than anyone on Capitol Hill, but the trouble is that he goes up there and insists on telling them just that.") At the weekend, a spokesman for Schlesinger said: "I have heard nothing to indicate that there is any truth whatsoever in rumors that James Schlesinger is leaving the Department of Defense."

Kissinger's China policy was under new strain last week. When he went to Peking three weeks ago to make plans for Ford's trip, Kissinger assured his hosts that China would be the only country on the President's itinerary. But Kissinger was stung by the chilly reception he received in Peking (NEWSWEEK, Nov. 3). As soon as he returned to Washington, he notified George Bush, the U.S. repre-

sentative, in Peking, that Ford would downgrade the China trip by stopping in Indonesia and the Philippines as well.

Since he did not want to lengthen the trip, Ford could squeeze in Djakarta and Manila only by trimming his stay in Peking. The China trip was reduced from five or six days to four. Peking had not commented on the change by the last week. But the Chinese, already deeply disturbed by Washington's pursuit of détente with Russia, were certain to be

unhappy with an abbreviated visit and with Ford's other stops. One high-ranking State Department official predicted last week that the China trip would yield only a brief and generalized communiqué, a sign that nothing substantive had been achieved.

At the White House, Kissinger was accused by some of fumbling more than just the China trip. He was charged with giving Ford bad advice on declining to meet with exiled Russian dissident Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. The search for an over-all peace settlement in the Mideast seemed to be stalled at least temporarily. Détente with Russia, the cornerstone of his diplomacy, was going slowly—but much too fast. Ford's people noted, for Republican conservatives. And some Presidential advisers complained that Kissinger was not responsive enough to domestic political needs, particularly in the demands he had been making on Ford's travel time.

**Prelude:** Kissinger may already have seen the handwriting on the wall. Before going to Peking, he asked three friends whether he should give up his NSC job. Last week he reportedly discussed that possibility with Sowercroft and Robert McNamara, the head of the World Bank. He also has made disparaging remarks recently about the NSC job, possibly as a prelude to relinquishing it. "Who the hell remembers who was head of the NSC under Eisenhower?" he has asked friends.

As some sources close to Gerald Ford saw it, the President has less need for Kissinger these days. "Ford has a great respect for Kissinger," said a man who knows both of them well, "but the relationship is not as warm as it was. Ford is feeling more independent of the Secretary. He has no intention of doing it. I'm sure, but if Ford decided he

needed or wanted to get rid of Kissinger, he could get along without him." Both politically and diplomatically, that position was open to question. All the available evidence, however, indicated that Kissinger intended to stay on as Secretary of State, and it would be out of character for him not to fight to preserve every scrap of power and prestige he now possesses.

Kissinger: Time to relinquish a 'second hat'?

—RUSSELL WATSON with BRUCE van VOORST and THOMAS M. DeFRANK in Washington

AND COLBY AND ASKS
KISSINGER TO GIVE UP HIS
SECURITY POST

MOVES A SURPRISE

Rumsfeld Is Seen as
New Defense Chief--
Bush for C.I.A.

By LESLIE J. GELE
Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, — Nov. 2—
President Ford has dismissed
Secretary of Defense James R.
Schlesinger and William E.
Colby, Director of Central In-
telligence, in a major shuffling
of his top national security
posts.

Administration officials said
that the President had also
asked Secretary of State Henry
A. Kissinger to relinquish his
post as the national security
adviser in the White House, but
to stay on as head of the State
Department and that Mr. Kiss-
singer had all but agreed.

White House officials said
that Mr. Schlesinger would
probably be replaced by the
White House chief of staff,
Donald H. Rumsfeld, and that
Mr. Colby's likely successor
would be George Bush, the
present head of the American
liaison office in China.

Mounting Criticism

All these moves were ac-
knowledged by officials and
were generally viewed as a po-
litical face-lift by the Presi-
dent in response to what he
and his closest advisers regard
as mounting attacks on the
Administration from the con-
servative wing of the Repub-
lican party and from Congress.

Administration sources said
that the President had offered
Mr. Schlesinger and Mr. Colby
other posts in his Administra-
tion but that both had declined.

Close associates of Mr.
Schlesinger said that President
Ford called the Defense Secre-
tary to the White House this
morning and told him that his
resignation was wanted im-
mediately.

The apparent reason for the
dismissal, according to associ-
ates of Mr. Schlesinger, was
friction between the Defense
Secretary and the Secretary of
State. The associates suggested
that the price exacted by Mr.
Kissinger for dropping his
White House job was removal
of Mr. Schlesinger, but this
could not be confirmed.

Mr. Schlesinger, who had a
meteoric rise from a job in the
Budget Bureau to head the
Atomic Energy Commission,
the Central Intelligence Agency
and then the Defense Depart-
ment, was reported by close
friends to be resigned and
philosophical about his abrupt
dismissal, which came as a
surprise to him.

As he sat down for dinner
this evening in his suburban
home in Arlington, Va., with his
family and a few close friends,
Mr. Schlesinger was reported
by one associate to be taking
the attitude: "Well, it's been
done."

Jackson Criticizes Move

Senator Henry M. Jackson,
Democrat of Washington, N.Y.,
is a friend of Mr. Schlesinger,
issued a statement on what he
called the Defense Secretary's
removal.

"This abrupt removal indicates
that the Administration cannot
 tolerate Mr. Kissinger's close
 ties with the Democratic
 party." Senator Jackson said. He
called Mr. Kissinger "a man
of courage, integrity and

honor." His clear implication
was that Mr. Kissinger had
been behind the administration's
ouster, but this could not be
substantiated.

"Reached by telephone at his
home, Mr. Colby declined to
comment. He said any en-
nouncement of his resignation
would have to come from the
White House.

To soften the blow for Mr.
Kissinger, officials said, Mr.
Ford plans to name Lieut. Gen.
Brent Scowcroft, currently Mr.
Kissinger's hand-picked deputy
on the National Security Coun-
cil staff, to the top job. It is
known that Mr. Kissinger does
not see General Scowcroft as a
TYPE of person to build his own
power position from which to
oppose the Secretary's policies.

It was in the position of al-
viser to the President on na-
tional security that Mr. Kiss-
singer, in effect, virtually di-
rected the nation's foreign
policies for almost five years
before he was appointed Secre-
tary of State in September,
1973, replacing William A.
Rogers.

White House sources ac-
knowledge that the reason for
the President's decision to take
away Mr. Kissinger's prized
Security Counsel position had
more to do with politics than
with policy differences. As en-
abled to, "I could give you a lot
of reasons, but the best two
are New Hampshire and Flori-
da, the first two Presidential
primaries, and our concern
that Reagan will beat the
President in both."

Former Gov. Ronald Reagan,
according to a member of his
staff, considers foreign policy
a major issue in the campaign
and has been particularly criti-
cal of Mr. Kissinger's policy
of détente with the Soviet
Union. Mr. Reagan and many
others have also argued that
Mr. Kissinger's control of the
National Security Council and
the State Department has given
him a virtual stranglehold over
Presidential decisions in foreign
affairs.

The changes come at a time
when Mr. Kissinger has be-
ailed awaiting the critical Soviet
response to the latest Ameri-
can proposal on limitation of
strategic arms in year-long nego-
tiations that both the Secret-
ary and his critics see as con-
tinues to the future of détente.
comes, according to the Wa-
House officials, after news
of maneuvering by Mr. Ford
fled to crack the Soviet
power, arguing that the
occasions for a political facelift
to the President.

Effect on Policy Seen

A State Department offi-
who would not confirm the
ports said: "Assuming it is ir-
it might start as a cosme
way of protecting Henry
Ford from the baying war-
but it could readily dev-
into a serious stagnation in
can foreign policy."

The White House offi-
ces said that Mr. Ford broke
news to Mr. Kissinger ca-
last week, but refused to s-
exactly when.

In any event, Mr. Ford's
cision to ask Mr. Kissinger
give up his second post, of
Mr. Kissinger's apparent un-
ingness to accede, repre-
sented a clear shift from their
pur-ous public positions on
the matter.

Months ago, as pressure w
building to reduce Mr. Kie-
ger's responsibilities, Mr. F-
state publicly that he wa-
not do so because Mr. Kiss-
ger's talents were unique a
because he was receiving
client alternative advice on
icy from other quarters. At
same time, Mr. Kissinger
he known that he would re-
s such a request as a vote of

NYT 11/3

10f

By Henry S. Bradsher

Washington Star Staff Writer

The ouster of James R. Schlesinger from the Pentagon could have major implications for U.S. foreign policy, especially in strategic arms limitations talks (SALT) with the Soviet Union and in Middle East peace efforts.

The domestic politics of the United States and the Soviet Union also could be affected.

Schlesinger has been engaged in a

long duel with Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger on the defense aspects of foreign policy. Informed observers regard President Ford's firing of Schlesinger a victory for Kissinger in this struggle.

"HENRY GOT him," said one close student of defense politics on Capitol Hill.

If Defense Department objections to Kissinger's negotiating posture in SALT are now removed, the pros-

pects would be greatly improved for concluding a new arms agreement this year with a visit here by the Soviet Communist party general-secretary, Leonid I. Brezhnev.

And if Pentagon reluctance to turn over some of its best weapons to Israel is reduced, it might be easier for Kissinger to continue his series of interim peace agreements in the Middle East.

The removal of Schlesinger could mean only a short-term change in the Pentagon's ability to wield influence against Kissinger, however. There are built-in differences in viewpoint between military men and diplomats that will continue, whatever the cast of characters.

But a new defense secretary would take a while to come to grips with the complex defense considerations in foreign policy, and during this period Kissinger might better be able to influence Ford to accept his policies over Pentagon objections.

THE MANEUVERING
that brought Schlesinger down might have been set off by an argument in mid-September between him

and Kissinger — which the secretary of state reported last — for Ford's decision on SALT.

The National Security Council met to decide upon a new SALT negotiating position for Ford's September meeting with Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko. Kissinger wanted to adopt a position that was calculated to be within range of Soviet acceptance; Schlesinger advocated a position which the Pentagon felt protected U.S. interests without regard to Soviet acceptability.

Ford, who always had shown himself sympathetic to Pentagon arguments in his years as a congressman, accepted what was basically the Defense Department viewpoint, according to official sources. This was presented to Gromyko despite some U.S. officials' doubts that it would be acceptable. A reply is still awaited.

Kissinger has run the U.S. negotiating effort on SALT since the talks started in 1969, when he began his 5½-year tenure as the presidential national security adviser. In the early years, he carried the Pentagon along with him. But the 1972 Arms Control Agreement proved to be loosely written, leading to what the Pentagon considers Soviet violations of understandings if not of legal terminology.

THIS HISTORY has made military men and their allies in Congress highly suspicious of Kissinger's approach to SALT II, the treaty now being negotiated on the basis of the Vladivostok agreement made by Ford and Brezhnev a year ago. Schlesinger inherited this suspicion and became an active advocate of the military arguments behind it.

At Vladivostok, Kissinger did not seek any agreement on a new Soviet

supersonic swing-wing bomber now as Backfire. Cruise missiles, which are pilotless, low-flying subsonic weapons, were not mentioned. And nothing was said about limiting sizes of missiles.

The Pentagon under

Schlesinger immediately raised objections. It argued that the Soviet Backfire must be counted among strategic weapons, that cruise missiles should not be counted and that the Soviets were cheating on the 1972 understanding about missile size and should be stopped.

These arguments complicated Kissinger's job in getting a new treaty written. A target date of last June was missed and still is slipping.

UNDER PENTAGON pressure, the SALT team directed by Kissinger had to demand Backfire's inclusion and reject Soviet insistence on counting cruise missiles, on which the United States' development is far ahead of the Soviets'. The status of the missile-size argument is unclear.

Brezhnev has made a fourth issue, Soviet acceptance of a U.S. system of counting multiple-warhead missiles, conditional on the United States' dropping of the Backfire argument.

The Pentagon viewpoint on these matters will not change with Schlesinger gone. But there have been reports of personal animosity developing between Schlesinger and Kissinger, complicating the debate on principles.

In getting the latest Middle East interim peace agreement, Kissinger promised to consider supplying Pershing missiles to Israel. The Pentagon apparently was not fully informed of the offer, and immediately objected when the promise leaked out — from a Pentagon leak, according to some sources.

# Mr. Ford's Machismo

By James Reston

WASHINGTON, Nov. 4—Some Presi-
dents lead the country and some
merely give the appearance of leading
it, and President Ford's slap-dash
shuffle of his face cards falls in the
latter category. He didn't reorganize
his Administration but disorganized it.

Leaving politics aside for a minute,
an original idea in this town, there is
simply no way for these new men to
get confirmed by the Senate and mas-
ter the devilish intricacies of vast or-
ganizations like the Department of
Defense, the Department of Commerce,
and the Central Intelligence Agency
in the short time left before the election.

It will be Thanksgiving at the earli-
est before this divided and hag-ridden
Democratic Congress approves all these
switches, with Ronald Reagan tossing
the 19th century into the ring in the
meanwhile. Then Congress will be off
for the Christmas holidays and the
President will be off to the ski-slopes
of Vail, Colo.; and when they come
back, the politics of the Presidential
campaign will dominate everything.

In this situation, the President might
have left bad enough alone. At least
his Cabinet, whatever their differences
—and they were honest differences
about arms control, budget priorities,
and the urban fiscal crisis—knew the
cards in the deck and could have held
things together during the, coming
political storms.

But it will be harder for these new
appointees to provide the continuity
and stability Mr. Ford felt he needed
after the fall of Nixon, and will need
in the coming months while he's run-
ning around the country seeking a
new term. It takes at least a year for
a new boy to know the cast of char-
acters at the Pentagon, and Donald
Rumsfeld and George Bush will be
spending most of this time on Capitol
Hill trying to give answers before they
have had time to master the questions.

There is no doubt about who was
responsible for this upheaval. Wash-
ington loves conspiracies and is bub-
bling now with theories that Kissinger
or Rumsfeld tossed Schlesinger, Rocke-
feller and Colby to the photographers.
But while Kissinger and Rumsfeld are
not above playing these executive-
suite games, the fact is that both ob-
jected, for different reasons, to Ford's
sudden and dramatic decisions.

Rumsfeld was out at R.F.K. Stadium last Sunday afternoon watching the hot war between the Redkins and the Dallas Cowboys when the President called him from Florida and traded him across the Potomac to the Pentagon. Rummy didn't want to go, and would have preferred to stay in the White House as Kissinger's replacement at the head of the National Security Council, but he is young and ambitious, and apparently didn't struggle too hard against being one of the youngest Secretaries of Defense in the history of the country.

Kissinger's objections were more
subtle, as usual. He has had his differ-
ences with Schlesinger over reaching
an accommodation with the Soviet
Union on the limitation of strategic
arms, and he has not been amused by
reading in the papers and hearing from
the Hill of proposals by Schlesinger
which were not argued out within the
National Security Council. But he re-
spects Schlesinger's intelligence, and
while nobody around here seems to
believe it, my information is that he
opposed Secretary Schlesinger's dis-
missal. After all, this pleases Moscow
but displeases Peking, and forces Kiss-
singer to explain the muddle to both.

President Ford, however, had his
own reasons for asserting his authority,
and while it's treacherous to speculate
on personal motives, some facts seem
clear and relevant. There has lately
been a sense of drift in the country,
even an articulate longing for strong
leadership.

Sometime in the last few weeks,
faced by the fiscal crisis in New York
and the conservative challenge of Rea-
gan, he apparently decided that the
nice-guy image wasn't good enough.
So he hit New York hard, and after he
was benched for a week by a bad cold,
reading his critical reviews and sliding
polls in the press, he came back to the
Oval Office and changed the question.

Now the "good guy" is the "take-
charge" guy, and in the present ab-
sence of leadership, it may work. But
you could make a plausible argument
that almost everybody has lost in this
turmoil. The country has lost by trad-
ing an experienced team for an inex-
perienced team. The resignations of
Dave Packard as Republican finance
chairman and of Rockefeller as Vice-
Presidential candidate next year have
given a sense of disruption and even
of impending defeat.

The dismissal of Schlesinger at the Pentagon, far from consoling Reagan and the Republican conservatives, has removed the most knowledgeable critic of Kissinger's policy of accommodation with the Soviet Union. "I am not appeased," said Reagan, which is the most presumptuous political comment since Mayor Hague said, "I am the law."

And even Kissinger, who has emerged
from these Halloween antics with his
position intact, his two major critics,
Schlesinger and Rumsfeld, moved from
their main centers of influence, will
now be blamed for a reorganization
he opposed, and become the major
target of the right and a personal
issue in the Presidential campaign.

He is not happy with this or with
the withdrawal of Rockefeller, who
made him a world figure in the first
place. But the President has proved
his machismo and evidently feels lib-
erated and even exhilarated by throw-
ing his bombs. The only trouble is that
it was all so sudden, personal and
even capricious. Now all he has to do
is live with the consequences.

(c)

Joseph Kraft

# The Crumbling Administration

By chopping and changing top national security advisers, President Ford has tried to reassert personal authority over his crumbling administration. But in the process he stimulated new doubts as to whether he has the brains to be President.

For the Sunday massacre advertised disarray in a way that makes Mr. Ford easier meat for his political foes in both parties. Hence the logic of Vice President Nelson Rockefeller's decision to take himself out of the running for 1976.

The sweeping change on Sunday had its point of departure in three glaring exceptions to the "let's all be buddies" spirit which is Mr. Ford's idea of running an administration. First there was the problem of a seemingly omnipotent Secretary of State.

The symbol of Dr. Kissinger's power was his unprecedented double role as Secretary of State and head of the National Security Council. Resentment of his power inside the government was so great that two of the best men in the administration—Assistant Secretary of Defense Robert Ellsworth and Assistant Secretary of the Treasury Charles Cooper—have quietly resigned their jobs because they couldn't even get a hearing on issues where they differed with Kissinger. Some of the President's closest aides, moreover, believed that Kissinger tended to overshadow the President in the eyes of the public.

The second problem was Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger, a man of rugged honesty who probably takes defense more seriously than any of his predecessors. Mr. Schlesinger was repeatedly at odds with Dr. Kissinger on matters of substance that were leaked to the press and thus became presidential headaches.

For example, Mr. Schlesinger complicated conclusion of another arms control deal with Russia by insisting that the new deal include provisions on weapons not covered in the President's first discussion of the matter with Russia's leader Leonid Brezhnev, a year ago. Mr.

James Schlesinger

William Colby

Schlesinger also objected vigorously to profligate gifts of American weapons to other countries in order to achieve the appearance of diplomatic success.

At a time when the President was pin-

ning his electoral hopes on budgetary stringency, furthermore, Mr. Schlesinger was fighting vigorously against cuts in the defense budget. Last week, he told Gen. Brent Scowcroft, then Dr. Kissinger's deputy at the National Security Council, that he would resign rather than let projected budgetary cuts interfere with the integrity of the defense program.

Finally there was the sad case of William Colby, the head of the Central Intelligence Agency. Mr. Colby, genuinely shocked by disclosures of past CIA horrors, broke the cardinal rule of the intelligence game.

Rather than take the blame chin out, he came clean. He thus kept passing to Mr. Ford hot potatoes the President couldn't, and still can't, handle—including notably the stories of assassination plots.

Superficially Mr. Ford got all these problems out of his hair by the Sunday massacre. He took Dr. Kissinger down a notch by replacing him as head of the NSC with his deputy, Gen. Scowcroft. He is putting two old congressional buddies—Donald Rumsfeld of the White House staff and Ambassador to China George Bush, respectively—at the troublesome Pentagon and CIA jobs.

But, in fact, Gen. Scowcroft is so much the loyal No. 2 that Dr. Kissinger's power will only be clipped slightly. It remains to be seen—to put it kindly—whether Messrs. Rumsfeld and Bush have the weight to manage the Pentagon and the CIA during times of stress.

The seemingly arbitrary decisions, moreover, betray a President who seems not to know what he's doing. The Republican right has been outraged by the firing of Mr. Schlesinger, whom they admire, and the mere slap on the wrist to Mr. Kissinger, whom they suspect. With the President's own party thus keenly divided, the Democrats will be that much more eager to move in for the kill next year. In those circumstances Vice President Rockefeller does himself a favor by getting out of the murderous infighting which is now getting under way.

Field Enterprises, Inc.

Rumsfeld: Silent Architect

Chief of Staff Seen as Force Behind Shake-up

By Lou Cannon

Washington Post Staff Writer

White House chief of staff Donald Rumsfeld, considered the master maneuverer of the Ford administration, was widely credited yesterday as being the silent architect of the President's dramatic Cabinet shake-up.

The soft-spoken, hard-driving former Illinois congressman emerged as the big winner from the Byzantine battle for power that went on behind the closed doors of the supposedly open Ford administration.

Not only did Rumsfeld wind up with an important Cabinet post and equal access with Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger to President Ford, but he also left behind him in the White House as chief of staff his deputy, Richard B. Cheney, who is considered highly capable and totally loyal to Rumsfeld.

While Kissinger retains enormous power and prestige within the inner councils of the administration, it was clearly Rumsfeld who gained power yesterday and Kissinger who lost.

Rumsfeld left no fingerprints on any of his internal recommendations that helped produce the shake-up within the White House.

He was not even around Sunday when Mr. Ford fired Secretary of Defense

James R. Schlesinger and Central Intelligence Agency Director William E. Colby. Instead, Rumsfeld took a rare day off and went to the Washington Redskins football game.

The official White House position, stated curtly by Mr. Ford in his press conference last night, was that Rumsfeld did not have any input in the Cabinet changes.

"I did it totally on my own," the President said.

Mr. Ford said repeatedly at the press conference that he desired to form his own team after 15 months in office. He said he did not change foreign policy assignments when he became President in the interest of maintaining continuity with the Nixon administration.

Privately, however, a variety of administration officials were saying that Rumsfeld accomplished the dual purpose of diminishing Kissinger's authority and finding a job for himself at the same time.

He also presumably made himself available for the vice presidential vacancy that was created yesterday by the withdrawal of Nelson Rockefeller from the 1976 GOP ticket.

The precise reasons for the timing of the President's decision were not known. But it was known that Schlesinger argued vigorously in behalf of the Pentagon's request for $97.8 billion in new obligatory

The President had held separate and private discussions during the past two weeks with Rumsfeld and Kissinger to discuss changes in Cabinet assignments relating to foreign policy. He did not discuss his plans with Schlesinger, who has clashed repeatedly with Kissinger on strategic nuclear policy and detente policy.

In fact, Mr. Ford was described as ready to get rid of Schlesinger months ago. A Senate source recalls that Mr. Ford quizzed Schlesinger sharply at National Security Council meetings over Schlesinger's optimistic estimates of congressional action on the defense budget.

On Oct. 21, Schlesinger called a news conference—his first in four months—to denounce "deep, savage, arbitrary cuts" that were made in the defense budget by the House Appropriations Committee.

This attack angered committee Chairman George H. Mahon (D-Conn.) who is a friend of the President's and who played golf with him a couple of days later.

Yesterday, Mahon took the news of Schlesinger's firing with equanimity and said, in words similar to those used by many White House officials:

"An administration has to speak with

See SHAKE-UP, A16, Col. 1

defense authority at a Saturday budget
conference.

When Mr. Ford said that Congress will
vote a lower budget. Schlesinger said he
might not be able to support a lower figure
and left the White House. The next day he
was fired by Mr. Ford.

one voice...I'm not greatly surprised. They
(Schlesinger and Colby) were not Ford's
men. Every President has a right to pick
his own people."

Mr. Ford has a reputation of finding it
difficult to fire anyone, a tendency that
drew critical attention in the first months
of his presidency when he kept Nixon
holdovers far longer than expected.

In the case of Schlesinger and Colby, it
was clearly the President's intention not to
arbitrarily dismiss them but instead to
offer them substantive appointments,
which would be announced as transfers
rather than firings.

Colby was offered the post of am-
bassador to NATO and Schlesinger
reportedly was to have become head of the
Export-Import Bank. Both men turned
down the offers in conversations with Mr.
Ford before he flew to Jacksonville, Fla.,
Sunday morning.

According to well-placed White House
sources, the Rockefeller letter announcing
he did not wish to be the vice presidential
nominee next year was scheduled for
announcement yesterday morning. The
announcement of the Cabinet shake-up
was scheduled for Wednesday.

"But leaking of the Cabinet shake-up
screwed up the timing," said one high
White House official, who added that Mr.
Ford had no choice but to announce the
Cabinet changes last night.

The President knew that the Rockefeller
letter was coming. White House press
secretary Ron Nessen said the two men
had discussed it late last week.

But it was possible that Rockefeller and
Mr. Ford also had talked about it Oct. 22,
when a scheduled 15-minute meeting
between the two lasted for more than an
hour.

In political appearances in the Midwest
in the two days after this meeting,
Rockefeller repeatedly left the impression

it didn't matter greatly to him whether he
was on the ticket in 1976.

He said in an interview with The
Washington Post at the end of the trip that
he agreed completely with Mr. Ford that
the decision should be made at the
Republican convention next August.

The withdrawal of Rockefeller was
widely viewed by White House officials as
a plus for Mr. Ford in his impending battle
with Ronald Reagan for the GOP
presidential nomination.

For this reason, it was considered
desirable to release the news of
Rockefeller's withdrawal before the firing
of Schlesinger, who is popular with con-
servatives for his advocacy of big defense
budgets.

But the leaking of the Schlesinger firing
on Sunday ruined this timetable and
conceivably may have hurt Mr. Ford more
with the conservatives than the
Rockefeller withdrawal will help him.

"I think it's a sop to keep us from raising hell," said one prominent conservative officeholder. "But I'm still going to raise hell because this is more important than politics."

A private adviser to the President
believes that Mr. Ford's decision to make
the Cabinet changes crystallized during
the three days of Oct. 20-22 when he was
confined to his residence with a severe
cold.

"It may just be that while the President
had a cold that slowed him down for 15
minutes it gave him time to think about the
stresses and strains in the ad-
ministration," this adviser said. "There's
never an ideal time."

Mr. Ford's most controversial and
difficult decisions, most notably the Nixon
pardon, were closely held and discussed
with only a few persons before an-
nouncement.

This policy of the President's of avoiding
wide discussions of his planned policy
changes gives an enormous advantage to
those few aides who do know about
them—and it was the general opinion in
the White House that Rumsfeld was the
chief beneficiary of this.

Even the nomination of George Bush as

CIA director could conceivably benefit
Rumsfeld if Mr. Ford seeks a vice
president from within his administration.

The CIA directorship probably would be
a political liability for Bush, who was
second choice for vice president at the
time Mr. Ford chose Rockefeller. And by
taking over as director before the
congressional investigations of the CIA are
completed, Bush conceivably could be put
in the position of having to defend past
excesses of the intelligence agency.

But there were other substantive
reasons for appointing Bush, presently

as chairman of the Republican National
Committee from late 1972 until September,
1974.

"What is needed is an outside guy, nationally known, who can work with Congress," said a high White House official. "You've got to have support on the Hill."

The big benefit for Rumsfeld in the Cabinet shake-up is the equal access he will enjoy with Kissinger on foreign policy matters.

Ever since Mr. Ford has become President, he has spent an hour each day with Kissinger in private conversation, a personal access enjoyed by no one else in the administration.

The President also has spent 20 minutes each day with Brent Scowcroft, Kissinger's deputy who will become staff director of the National Security Council in Kissinger's place.

Both of these daily private meetings will be eliminated.

Instead, as a White House official put it, Mr. Ford will now adopt "a team approach" and schedule a one-hour meeting each day with top foreign-policy advisers.

Mr. Ford indirectly confirmed at his press conference that Kissinger's access will be reduced. He added, however, that Kissinger "will have the dominant role in the formulation and the carrying out of foreign policy."

Later in the press conference Mr. Ford used the same "dominant role" phrase to refer to Rumsfeld and defense policy. He also said that Rumsfeld, a former director of the Office of Economic Opportunity and a former NATO ambassador, was qualified for his new post because he had "worked with the Department of Defense as a naval aviator."

Kissinger was described by informed sources as being unhappy with the changes but prepared to accept them. He was said to believe that the move was a concession to GOP conservatives.

Government sources said that Kissinger was opposed to the removal of Schlesinger. Kissinger's relations with Rumsfeld, who has been suspected of trying twice before to reduce Kissinger's status, were described as "restrained" and as "not antagonistic, but neither are they friendly."

One source said that Kissinger also was unhappy about Rockefeller's decision to leave the ticket. Kissinger and the former New York governor are close friends, and the source said that Rockefeller's leaving reduces any chance that Kissinger might remain during a full Ford term.

A former high-ranking CIA official said that the new setup was a definite setback for Kissinger.

Both Kissinger and Rumsfeld will attend these meetings.

This official said that Scowcroft will forward his intelligence report to the President, who will read it privately and call Scowcroft in if he has any questions.

A former high-ranking CIA official said that Kissinger had "won a pyrrhic victory in getting rid of Schlesinger."

"First, he loses his job as head of National Security Council. something he has said he would never give up," this ex-CIA official said.

"This means he will no longer be in charge of reorganizing the intelligence community when Ford gets around to that. It also means he can no longer duck his battles with (the) Secretary of Defense by pushing one of his pet schemes through the NSC."

Additionally, Rumsfeld is likely to be a far more formidable opponent for Kissinger in the sense that he has the confidence of Mr. Ford.

And Rumsfeld, who favors a strong defense policy, is likely to pick up Schlesinger's fallen standard and fight against congressional slashes in the defense budget.

White House officials purported to be unconcerned about the impression of confusion and uncertainty that the slowly leaked story of the shake-up caused over the weekend.

It was referred to jokingly by some aides as "the Sunday morning massacre" or "the weekend wipeout." And there was no unusual atmosphere of tenseness. Nessen said he had "never seen the President in a better mood."

Officially, at least, the view of the White House is that the shake-up would wind up as a considerable plus for the Ford administration.

One official said that the new Cabinet lineup would clear congressional confirmation hurdles by Christmas and give the President a stronger administration in the election year.

"The whole thing is obviously a bold move: it's Ford's feeling that he ultimately strengthens his hand both in Congress and the country," this high-ranking official said.

Kissinger loses more than National Security

By Dana Adams Schmidt
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Washington

Almost every morning since early 1969 a black limousine has stood outside the west wing of the White House with a stationwagon full of Secret Service men close behind. It was Henry A. Kissinger's limousine as Assistant to the President for National Security; he spent half of the day at the White House, including

an hour briefing the President personally.

Now Dr. Kissinger's limousine may not be there so often ... and when it is, it will be there for shorter periods.

Analysts here conclude that a close examination of President Ford's Cabinet shake-up indicates that Dr. Kissinger's real power in foreign affairs has been reduced.

Until now, Mr. Ford has been meeting with Dr. Kissinger for an hour or so each day on foreign policy. While it is not clear whether

Council pos

Dr. Kissinger will be meeting with Mr. Ford from now on each and every day (the White House says exact details have yet to be decided) the analysts expect that Dr. Kissinger's preeminent access to Mr. Ford will now be shared with Donald Rumsfeld (new Secretary of Defense), George Bush (new CIA director) and Lt. General Brent Skowcroft (who will take over the daily duties of briefing Mr. Ford as White House national security adviser).

In effect, Dr. Kissinger will have to compete with these men, as he has not had to do before.

Along with his second hat as Assistant to the President for National Security, Dr. Kissinger lost the chairmanship of subcommittees of the National Security Council which control the many strands of the intelligence community.

These subcommittees are:

- The Senior Review Group whose far-flung tasks extend to analysis of the defense budget and arms control issues.

- The Washington Special Action Group, which coordinates policy during crisis and presents options to the President.

- The Intelligence Committee, and the 40 Committee, which coordinated CIA and defense intelligence.

Dr. Kissinger's control of this National Security Council machinery, led a senior Kissinger aide to remark that the Secretary's power was based not on his position as Secretary of State but on his position as adviser to the President and his daily access to the President.

He also once said that the Secretary would rather some day leave office quietly rather than wait until he was taken out and "shot."

But it was Dr. Schlesinger, not Dr. Kissinger who was fired. Nonetheless Dr. Kissinger appears to have lost his daily access and more, and some observers are wondering whether he might not be looking for the opportunity to leave quietly.

A022

R B

KISSINGER 11-4

DAY L

BY RICHARD M. GROWALD

UPI: SENIOR EDITOR

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- THE AGE OF KISSINGER MAY BE OVER.

IN THE EYES OF WHITE HOUSE OFFICIALS, PRESIDENT FORD HAS STRIPPEO.

HENRY KISSINGER OF HIS PRIME POWER SOURCE -- HIS WORKaday MORNING
HOUR IN THE OVAL OFFICE.

KISSINGER, INSELF WAS BASED HIS CLOUT NOT ON BEING SECRETARY OF
STATE, WHICH HE REMAINS.

KISSINGER WAS NOT BUILT HIS POWER THROUGH BRING THE PRESIDENT'S
NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS ADVISER, THE KEEPER AND ADMINISTRATOR OF
THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE S FOREIGN AND DEFENSE POLICY MATTERS, THE POST
FORD WAS TAKEN AND GIVEN TO KISSINGER'S DEPUTY, LT. GEN. BRENT
SCOWCROFT.

KISSINGER BUILT HIS POWER AND HIS GLORY THROUGH EXERCISING ON
FORMER PRESIDENT RICHARD "NIXON" AND ON FORD THE TALENTS WHICH -- IN
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE RUSSIANS, THE CHINESE, THE CAPTAINS AND KINGS
OF OTHER LANDS -- ONLY RECENTLY MADE HIM THE WONDER OF THE DIPLOMATIC
WORLD.

THE OUTWARD AND VISIBLE SIGN OF KISSINGER'S POWER WAS NOT BEEN HIS
U. S. AIR FORCE BEING 707 JET. IT WAS NOT EVEN BEEN HIS CORNER
OFFICE, DECORATED WITH PRECIOUS ORIENTAL CARPETS AND A CLASSIC ALBERS
OIL PAINTING, DOWN THE WALL FROM FORD'S OVAL OFFICE.

IT WAS BEEN THE SIGHT OF HIS BLACK LIMOUSIN TAILLED BY HIS STATION
WAGON LOAD OF SECRET SERVICE BODYGUARDS PARKED ON THE DRIVEWAY OUT
FROM WHILE, INSIDE THE WHITE HOUSE WEST WING, KISSINGER WAS TAKING
HIS HOUR WITH FORD.

KISSINGER, WITH HIS REPUTATION FOR TARDINESS, MIGHT SKIP A
CONFERENCE OR KEEP AN AMBASSADOR WAITING. WE WAS ALWAYS ON TIME FOR
THOSE OVAL OFFICE MEETINGS.

IN NIXON'S DAY, TWO WHITE HOUSE CHIEF OF STAFF V. R. "POD"
HALDEMAN MANAGED TO DOMINATE ALL PRESIDENTIAL AIDES BUT KISSINGER.
WE TRIED AND WE FAILED. KISSINGER SAW NIXON WITHOUT GOING THROUGH
"HALDEMAN!"

UNDER FORD, KISSINGER KEPT HIS VISITING RIGHTS. DONALD RUNSFELD,
WHITE HOUSE CHIEF OF STAFF UNTIL PICKED MONDAY TO BECOME DEFENSE
SECRETARY, AND HIS NEW GREW IRKED. THEY CLAIMED KISSINGER REFUSED TO
FUNNEL HIS WORK THROUGH THE WHITE HOUSE PAPERS, ULL AS DID ALL OTHER
AIDES. THEY SAID HE WAS NO TEAN PLAYER.

KISSINGER LOVED THAT. WE PROCLAIMED HE WAS NO TEAN PLAYER.

KISSINGER WORKED ON THE PRINCIPLE THAT HIS BUSINESS WAS STRICTLY WITH
THE PRESIDENT AND NOT WITH THE WHITE HOUSE STAFFERS.

MENCHEFORTH, WHITE HOUSE OFFICIALS SAY, PLANS ARE BEING DRAWN UP
THAT WILL GIVE KISSINGER -- CARRYING ENIGMATES -- CHIEFLY ONE
MEETING A WEEK WITH THE PRESIDENT. NO MORE THE OUT-A-DAY.

FURTHER, THE OFFICIALS SAY, KISSINGER WILL NOT BE MEETING ALONE
WITH FORD. WE WILL SPARE THE SESSIONS WITH RUNSFELD AND GEORGE BUSH,
"MALED BY FORD AS THE NEW DIRECTOR OF THE CIA."

UPI 11-04 02:04 AET

A023

An Exit Near for Kissinger?

(ud)

By ROBERT KEATLEY

WASHINGTON—The long run of Henry Kissinger is not yet over, but the pace is slowing and the end is finally in sight.

Seven years ago, a fairly obscure Harvard professor was ushered into Richard Nixon's suite at the Hotel Pierre in New York and hired as the President-elect's assistant for national security affairs. Soon he became Secretary of State—first in fact, eventually in name. Since then, no important U.S. foreign policy move has been made without Mr. Kissinger's acting as instigator, implementer or manipulator, if not all three.

It has been a remarkable run. A maze of relationships with the Soviet Union has been created, perhaps firmly enough to lock the nuclear superpowers into a lasting, if suspicious, state of peace toward each other. Political relations with China are developing. The first serious moves toward a Mideast peace have been achieved, however far away a final settlement remains. Vietnam involvement finally has ended, though as a total defeat for American policy.

Through all this Mr. Kissinger was the dominant figure. Now, in the aftermath of President Ford's personnel shifts, the Secretary of State's role appears to have been changed, if only in degree. As the election nears, Mr. Ford may be retreating a bit from any statesmanlike ideas he entered, and becoming even more of a politician seeking votes. There may be decreased interest in trucking with foreigners, particularly in controversial ways which his chief foreign policy expert might advise.

This doesn't mean Mr. Kissinger's influence has ended, or that he is relegated to secondary status. "... Secretary Kissinger will have the dominant role in the formulation of and the carrying out of foreign policy," President Ford said Monday night. He also emphasized that there will be "stability and continuity in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy," as designed by the Secretary. It's said that Mr. Kissinger remains serene about this week's administration shakeup, and that he expects to retain the presidential ear—even if he has fresh competition from Mr. Ford's political loyalists.

But it's possible to argue that the President has looked at 1976, and seen much potential trouble ahead in foreign affairs. Thus he may be putting a little political distance between himself and that subject, along with the man mainly responsible for its management.

If the early word from the White House is correct, Mr. Kissinger will no longer have his daily hour alone with the President, in which he pushed his diplomatic ideas and battered down contrary thoughts served up by other bureaucrats. Though Mr. Kissinger's only intellectual rival in the administration—James Schlesinger—is leaving the Pentagon, the new man, Donald Rumsfeld, is an ambitious politician whose advice most likely will be more concerned with winning votes now than with historians' respect later. The new man at the Central Intelligence Agency, George

Bush, is another upward striving office-seeker, who is unlikely to tell the President things he doesn't want to hear.

In addition, Mr. Kissinger's longtime friend and sponsor, Nelson Rockefeller, has just bailed out. A convinced internationalist, the Vice President concluded he

> Mr. Kissinger has had a gaudy string of successes, but now the administration's emphasis seems more on domestic politics than on imaginative foreign diplomacy.

had no political future with President Ford and so decided to leave on his own terms. Though this is much more a matter of domestic politics than foreign affairs, it must be dispiriting to Secretary Kissinger and another indication that the President's people aren't necessarily his kind of people.

For Henry Kissinger is a confirmed believever in strong, imaginative leadership. Those who make executive decisions must practice "the refusal to confine action to average performance," he has written, and must have vision enough to "define purposes only vaguely apprehended by the multitude." There are few around Washington who would call such traits the hallmarks of Gerald Ford's career, or of those he chooses as associates.

Instead, Mr. Ford may believe strong leadership during the next 12 months will bring him nothing but problems. Despite some diplomatic good beginnings and interim successes, little of a lasting nature has been accomplished and major reverses are all too possible. A foreign setback could help either Mr. Ford's opponents on the right, endangering his chances for the Republican nomination, or his adversaries on the left, endangering his chances to be elected President.

The potential trouble areas include most major aspects of American foreign policy:

DETENTE. Whether future Soviet-American relations can be amicable depends largely on the two countries' abilities to restrain weapons competition and avoid nuclear showdowns. But the current Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) are stalled. There are differences within the U.S. administration, and with the Russians, about how to handle certain weapons programs.

Mr. Kissinger has apparently won the immediate internal battle, now that rival Schlesinger is leaving. But if his views are accepted by the Russians in a SALT agreement, loud and angry protests could erupt from would-be Presidents (perhaps with Mr. Schlesinger testifying before Congress against a pact). Therefore, rather than do something on Mr. Kissinger's advice and risk controversy, President Ford might instead choose to do nothing about SALT before election time. "... We're under no time pressure," he noted Monday night, even though his Secretary of State believes

the two superpowers must act quickly to prevent dangerous consequences.

The President has particular reason for caution. There is a widespread public belief that, in detente, "they" are getting the better of "us," and that this must be stopped. Both Democrats and Republicans seem ready to exploit this attitude politically, to Mr. Ford's disadvantage. Thus, the President's interest in taking political chances must be dissipating quickly as 1976 nears, despite whatever counsel he gets from Mr. Kissinger.

MIDEAST. Three interim agreements have nudged Arabs and Israelis toward a final peace settlement, though nothing is yet guaranteed. The American public is also accepting the idea that supporting Israel's short-term demands isn't necessarily the best way of assuring its long-term survival. Mr. Kissinger receives and deserves the credit.

But what to do next is the problem. The U.S. is trying to arrange a new pact between Israel and Syria, two nations which thoroughly distrust each other. The effort could easily fail at any time, leading to little skirmishes or big war. Then there would be political pressure to give Israel massive support again. Mr. Kissinger might counsel caution so that recent American gains in the Arab world wouldn't be lost, but Candidate Ford would find that hard advice to follow.

CHINA. The opening to Peking was another success, but now the relationship is fraying. China apparently is losing confidence in American willingness to stand up to the Soviets, and therefore is losing interest in being good friends with the chief capitalist state. Peking now may cancel the Ford visit scheduled for the end of this month. Again, a campaigning President could well prefer to let things slide rather than make tough decisions about Taiwan or other subjects which divide Washington and Peking.

None of this should be construed as Mr. Kissinger's diplomatic epitaph. He emerges from the recent shakeups as the only top man with extensive experience in, and knowledge of, complex diplomatic and intelligence affairs. The President will still need him.

But it would seem that President Ford's elevation of two ambitious politicians into defense and intelligence jobs previously held by professionals must also inject more politics into decision-making. White House reports say a little committee that includes Messrs. Kissinger, Rumsfeld and Bush will soon begin meeting often with the President to set major policy lines, replacing the old system whereby the Secretary of State had daily private access.

Years ago, historian Kissinger gave his opinion about committees. They are "concerned more with coordination and adjustment than with purpose," he explained, and act as "consumers and sternizers of ideas, rarely creators of them." With the election approaching, a little sterilization may be exactly what Gerald Ford has in mind.

Mr. Keatley, a member of the Journal's Washington bureau, covers foreign affairs.

Ouster of Schlesinger May
Further Sour China on Ford Trip

By Henry S. Bradsher

Washington Star Staff Writer

The implications of President Ford's Cabinet shakeup will drop the temperature a few more degrees on a visit to China which begins Dec. 1 and is already expected to be cool.

When Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger was in China last month preparing for the visit, the main Chinese theme was that the United States should be wary of the Soviet Union. Detente is dangerous, according to Peking.

Now the removal of James R. Schlesinger from the Defense Department implies that the administration is going to be more willing to reach agreement with the Soviets on a new strategic arms limitations agreement, known as SALT II. In an honest difference of opinion between professional military men and diplomats on what kind of agreement is safe to make, Kissinger seems to have won.

THIS IS the conclusion being drawn around town despite Ford's denial last night that there were any policy differences behind the decision to change what he repeatedly called his foreign policy team.

The Chinese were publicly on the side of the American military men, agreeing with them that the Soviets do not deserve an ounce of trust. While Moscow has been attacking Schlesinger's recent warnings about the size of the Soviet military machine and its growing preponderance over U.S. armed forces, Peking has quoted these statements with implied endorsement.

The Chinese see any deal with the Soviets which restricts American armaments as adding to an already dangerous imbalance that threatens world security — and their own. They fear that a relaxation of Soviet-American relations might encourage the Kremlin to act more aggressively on the disputed China border.

The Cabinet shakeup might also imply to the Chinese a downgrading of the Ford administration's view of the importance of a close relationship between Washington and Peking, because of the failure immediately to announce a successor to the head of the U.S. liaison office in the Chinese capital. The head, George Bush, is coming home to direct the CIA.

FORD'S VISIT to China was already looking cool enough before the

changes that the President announced last night.

U.S. refusal to abandon the Chinese Nationalist regime on Taiwan and other factors had reduced the visit to a social call with an exchange of opinions on world affairs, but no substantive negotiations are expected. Kissinger has already exchanged opinions, leaving Ford to get an update but possibly little more, except an earful on not trusting those Russians.

Ford was asked last night about speculation that the length of the visit to China had been cut short — he is expected to spend only four days on the mainland — because of policy problems and also about speculation that the Chinese might be unhappy over his including other countries on the trip. Then-President Richard M. Nixon crossed the Pacific in 1972 just to visit China, but Ford is also going to Indonesia and the Philippines.

The President dismissed this speculation, saying that so far as he knew the Chinese were not unhappy.

He went on to say that the length of the visit "will be decided in negotiations" between Kissinger and the Chinese foreign minister. In fact, it was decided when Kissinger was in

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W S

11/4

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China two weeks ago but has not yet
been announced officially.

AN ADVANCE team from the White House and U.S. television networks had been scheduled to leave yesterday for China to make arrangements for the trip but its departure was postponed. Officials said the reasons were only technical and did not imply any difficulties concerning the trip.

The fact that the Chinese Communist party chairman, Mao Tse-tung, met with Kissinger indicated that all is not chilliness. It also held out the promise of Ford's seeing the chairman.

Senior U. S. officials note that it is not only toward the United States that China has seemed chilly and sometimes a little testy of late. It seems to be a universal viewpoint, with the same sort of things said during the last few days to West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt as were said to Kissinger.

China and the Soviet Union have escalated their name-calling recently, the first India-China border clash in many years has occurred, and Peking's relations with North Vietnam are tense.

These might reflect an instability

within the Chinese leadership. Premier Chou En-lai has not been publicly active for almost two months and his health, long poor, might finally have broken; Mao is feeble if still sometimes alert as his 82nd birthday approaches; and leftist radicals continue to snipe at the Chinese administration. Foreign relations have always been domestically controversial because of the ideological complications of doing business with the outside world.

THERE HAS been, in short, no reason to feel that the United States was particularly singled out for Chinese chilliness, according to senior U. S. officials. But that reading as an explanation for the Kissinger visit and the approach of Ford's trip was valid only up to Schlesinger's dismissal.

Now the Chinese will feel reinforced in their apprehension that U.S. policy is heading in the wrong direction of further detente rather than drawing back from the Soviet connection.

The removal of George Bush from heading the U.S. liaison office in Peking will also be viewed with suspicion there. Ford faces the prob-

lem of reassuring China that he is not downgrading the Peking connection.

Bush was sent there last year to replace David Bruce, one of America's most prestigious diplomats, because Bush had enough political importance to exemplify the significance of the job. But it is essentially a showpiece assignment, frustrating for an active man because the liaison office conducts little substantive business. Bush, like Bruce before him, might well have wanted out after getting bored.

FORD TOLD his news conference last night that he had not yet thought about a replacement for Bush. This followed reports that Sen. Hugh Scott, R-Pa., would be given the job.

When Bruce was changed for Bush, the White House was careful to make it plain to the Chinese that a politically important man was being kept in Peking. The failure now to fill the job immediately implied that the administration was no longer showing the same concern for Chinese sensibilities.

The day-to-day work of the liaison office is done by State Department specialists, but the top man has to be a personal contact between Ford and whoever the Chinese leaders are.

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The View From the Top

ESSAY

By William Safire

WASHINGTON, Nov. 5—My campaign organization is in a shambles, there's all this bickering going on in the Cabinet, and nobody thinks I'm really a President.

So I better do something before
Reagan announces his candidacy, or
else it will look like I'm responding
to that.

Rocky's got to go, that's first. I gave
him his chance and he blew it. Now
he's dragging us all down. I'll let him
know he can get out with dignity now,
because he's too proud a man to want
to be dumped later.

That'll satisfy the right for a while,
and give me a chance to get rid of
Jim Schlesinger. He won't get on the
team and cut the defense budget the
way I want him to, and he took a shot
at George Mahon. That means Defense
won't have a chance on the Hill. Bes-
sides, I never liked Jim from the start;
he patronizes me and that's got to
stop. Remember Truman and Mac-
Arthur.

I have to take Henry down a peg,
too, but still keep him on. He's always
insisted he could never give up his
N.S.C. hat, that it would ruin his pres-
tige. He's bluffing, though—he wants
to stay. But I can't have it look like
I'm just Henry's puppet anymore.

So I'll tell Henry he can obscure the
blow to his ego with Schlesinger's
scalp. I'll tell him I want Jack Marsh
for the N.S.C. job, and let him talk me
into General Scowcroft — everybody
thinks he's Henry's boy. Actually Scow-
croft was the Joint Chiefs' boy—he
came to the White House originally
after the brass was caught stealing
secrets from the White House, and
Nixon wanted to tell the Chiefs he
still trusted them.

After a couple of months in that big
corner office, of course, General Scow-
croft will be my guy, not the Chiefs',

not Henry's. But putting him there
will cool the Joint Chiefs off about
Schlesinger, a nice added benefit. I'd
better get the staff to stop calling him
"General"—it's really wrong for a mili-
tary man to be in charge of civilians
in that job. Call him "Brent." No more
uniforms.

Funny how these problems, which
are so hard to solve one by one, can
be easy when you put 'em all in a bag.

The big thing, as soon as Rocky
steps down, is for me to put some
Vice-Presidential candidates in the
field. Rummy is dying to move, and
I can't ask him to sacrifice his career
running my campaign, so I'll slot him
at Defense. He can use the money
raise, too. He'll be good on the Hill,
which is what the job needs and hasn't
had since Mel Laird.

George Bush is another good pros-
pect for a running mate. I'll make him
take the C.I.A. George Shultz and
Larry Silberman wouldn't touch it,
and who can blame them; but Bush
needs to come home from Peking,
otherwise he can't be a factor for
V.P. And I've got to have a man I
trust at the C.I.A.

Rumsfeld, Bush, what about Elliot
Roosevelt? Richardson! Watch that.
Gotta get well on Watergate, take the
sting out of the pardon. I'll get ol' Rog
Morton to step down at Commerce, he
wants out anyway, and lean on him to
run my campaign. Be the first Com-
merce Department with its own for-
eign policy.

Hey, this is fun. I can even give
Peking to Hugh Scott, which he wants.
He collects Chinese porcelain. But that

would mean Shapp in Pennsylvania
would appoint a Democrat to the seat.
Better go slow on that. Not so much
fun.

Okay, now how is this going to look?
The pundits are going to make a big
deal out of the victory of Kissinger
over Schlesinger, and Henry will pre-
tend he was really Jim's buddy, but
not much of that is going to bother
the folks.

What counts with the people is that
I'm in charge. I hire 'em and fire 'em,
and move 'em around. They'll be my
team now, not a bunch of leftovers,
even though nobody's new.

The decision will be seen to be mine,
all mine, which is what Presidents do.
Oh, there'll be the usual Henry-staged-
this, Rummy-engineered—that, but the
impression in the country will be—
here's a president who's his own boss,
who can dominate the headlines when-
ever he wants.

The other impression it will make
is this: Here's a whole bunch of bright
guys to talk about for Vice President.
If necessary, they can all run for Presi-
dent and hold their delegations—
Illinois, Texas, Massachusetts—away
from Reagan. Rocky may cross me up
and jump in for the top job at the
end, but what little support he has
will be used to stop Reagan.

So I'll give the old pot a stir. Get
'em all talking about us, not the Demo-
crats. And if everything goes to hell
in a barrel next spring, I can pull out
and toss the nomination up for grabs
—at least there'll be a lot of good
guys around to fight for it.

Okay, it's vital for the Rockefeller
announcement to come first. Then the
reshuffle. If the hiring and firing starts
to leak out first, then nobody will ever
be able to figure out what I had in
mind.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Washington, D.C. 20520

EXECUTIVE ASSISTANT TO THE SECRETARY

November 5, 1975

Sir:

In the attached 3 papers I have attempted quickly to summarize all of the press stories since the Cabinet change. Here are the conclusions:

1. Even the stories which imply positive benefits to you from the change are essentially negative (Tab A). That is, if you are the victor, you may have become too powerful; your new power will cause you new troubles on the Hill.

2. The negative stories are far more numerous (Tab B). And it is clear that starting Nov. 4 someone has been actively pushing the line that you are the loser because you have had your access reduced to the President and will now have to play with the rest of the new "team". You will have more trouble on the Hill. Today at least three separate stories quote administration sources as saying Richardson may replace you within a year.

3. Virtually all of the Congressional reaction which I can find in the press is negative. It is also primarily conservative (Tab C).

Jerry

November 5, 1975

# Press Stories Implying Kissinger Advantage in Cabinet Shift

## November 3

1. Rather, CBS News: Kissinger will remain no worse than the second most powerful man in the US Government.

2. Kalb, CBS News: Kissinger is even stronger than before.

3. Washington Star Article: Deals with the Kissinger/Schlesinger disagreements on SALT; quotes a congressional source as saying, "Henry got him"; but adds that the victory could provoke a major battle on the Hill over arms sales.

4. O'Leary, Washington Star: Administration sources say that Kissinger is in an excellent power position.

## November 4

1. Washington Star Editorial: Kissinger is the winner but it may prove risky to remove the last major obstacle to his policy. Bears close watching since Kissinger already has enough -- and perhaps a good deal too much -- power.

2. Gwertzman; NYT: A victory of sorts for Kissinger; though Ford will probably have more trouble than before getting Congress to approve SALT.

3. NYT Editorial: "Decisive confirmation of Kissinger's power."

4. Kraft article: Kissinger is down a notch but with Scowcroft appointment his power is clipped only slightly; mere slap on the wrist.

5. Baltimore Sun Editorial: Schlesinger departure is a victory for Kissinger but many on the Hill worry that he has too much power.

## November 5

1. Ellis, Christian Science Monitor: Kissinger and Simon will now dominate the Cabinet. Kissinger's wings clipped but he will be the dominate voice in US foreign policy.

2. Washington Post Editorial: It makes sense to split Kissinger's jobs, but with Scowcroft at the NSC, it remains to be seen if his hegemony has been weakened.

November 5, 1975

# Press Stories Implying Kissinger Disadvantage in Cabinet Shift

## November 3

1. Koppel, ABC News: On paper at least Kissinger has lost ground. His normal daily access to the President could be reduced; Rumsfeld will give him a harder time within government councils than Schlesinger did; Kissinger is more the survivor than the winner. He is less powerful.

## November 4

1. Growald, UPI: Ford has stripped Kissinger of his prime power source -- his morning hour report. Kissinger will see him once a week with Rumsfeld and Bush. Kissinger has not been a team player and has refused to send his papers through the White House paper mill. Source: WH officials

2. Cannon, Wash. Post: Clearly Rumsfeld who gained power yesterday and Kissinger who lost. The big benefit for Rumsfeld is equal access to the President on foreign policy matters. Ford will adopt a team approach according to a WH official. A former high-ranking CIA official says the new setup is a definite setback for Kissinger, who won a pyrrhic victory over Schlesinger. Rumsfeld likely to be a far more formidable opponent because he has the confidence of Ford.

3. Howard K. Smith, ABC: Kissinger gains nothing from the deal. Rumsfeld an expert at infighting and at cutting Kissinger's influence with the President.

4. Dana Adams Schmidt, CSM: Kissinger more than ever preeminent in foreign policy but more exposed on the Hill. Except for Simon without a challenger in the Cabinet. Threat is from the Hill because Kissinger has lost his "point man" and will therefore clash more directly with the legislators. Jackson says he will be resented and knowledgeable zionists are worried that he will push harder for close relations with Egypt.

5. Helen Thomas, AP: Kissinger has lost great power; he loses his White House office and will have his access to the President severely reduced according to Administration officials. The officials speculated that Richardson may have accepted his new job with the expectation that he would replace Kissinger -- perhaps even before the elections.

## November 5

1. Daniloff, UPI: Kissinger is "maneuvering" his own man into the NSC. Knowledgeable and high administration sources said that if Scowcroft is the graven image of Kissinger, Hyland is more so. A Congressional source said wherever Hyland goes, that institution will be Kissinger's creature. Kissinger lost great power; will see the President 1 hour per week;

Richardson being groomed to succeed Kissinger within a year according
to informed Administration sources.

2. Keatley, Wall Street Journal: The President sees foreign policy as troublesome in an election year and is putting distance between himself, foreign policy and Kissinger. Kissinger will no longer have daily hour alone with the President but will have a committee meeting with the President according to White House reports. The elevation of Rumsfeld and Bush may inject more politics into the decision-making.

3. Bartlett, Star; Kissinger will be the net loser because it will enlarge his problems with Congress.

4. Reston, NYT: My information is that Kissinger opposed Schlesinger's dismissal, which will be hard to explain in both Moscow and Peking.

5. Schmidt, CSM: Kissinger's real power in foreign policy has been reduced according to analysts. He will share his access to the President with others and has lost the chairmanship of various subcommittees of the NSC. Some observers wonder if he might not be looking for an opportunity to leave quietly.

6. Sperling, CSM: Sources here say Richardson has moved one step closer to "higher things".

7. UPI: Some informed administration sources suggested Richardson will succeed Kissinger within a year.

8. George F. Will, Wash. Post: The President has been subservient to Kissinger's desires; Kissinger is the real winner because it purges the executive branch of those who dissent from him. Kissinger's replacement by Scowcroft is a transparent ruse. The nation will pay a price for protecting Kissinger from competition of men like Schlesinger.

Congressional Reaction as Quoted in the Press

Bentsen: He is becoming President Kissinger.

Robert Byrd: Kissinger is the winner. He may stifle dissent to his policies; the Scowcroft change is cosmetic.

Harry Byrd: There will be more and more emphasis on detente and on concessions to the Russians.

Helms: There are no more critics of detente left in the administration.

McClellan: The WH is giving Kissinger too much power.

Jackson: Ford has turned it all over to Kissinger. The last vestige of dissent to Kissinger has been wiped out.

Harrington: There is no longer any doubt if there ever was any who is running our foreign policy, security and intelligence apparatus.

[LC]

## Pre-Announcement

-- Kissinger was a political liability: not responsive enough to domestic politics; Middle East policy stalled; detente moving much too fast; fumbled the China trip.

## Post-Announcement

Wednesday Evening News

November 5, 1975

ABC EVENING NEWS -- HARRY REASONER

Although Secretary of State Kissinger has lost his job
as National Security Affairs adviser to the President,
it's clear he's not closing his grip on the NSC.
ABC News has learned that William Hyland, the head of
State Department Intelligence and Research will be
named the Number 2 man on the Security Council staff.
Hyland is a frequent traveling companion of Secretary
Kissinger and a close adviser and confidant.

NBC NIGHTLY NEWS -- RICHARD VALERIANI

CHANCELLOR: COULD the firing of Schlesinger make the
Chinese postpone the President's trip?

VALERIANI: I've been told in very emphatic terms, John,
that the trip is on, that dates have been set. The
Chinese are delaying the announcement about the trip and
are being inscrutible about that. Nobody here really knows
why they're doing it. One line of speculation is that
they're in effect retaliating for the President is shortening
his stay in China. Another line is that that faction in
China opposed to improve relations with the United States,
thus to study the implications of Schlesinger's ouster
and implications of the removal of the American Ambassador
in Peking to come back here and run the intelligence
community.

CHANCELLOR: What effect do you suppose that the Schlesinger
firing will have on the Russians? Will it make the Russians
any happier because Schlesinger is out?

VALERIANI: The Russians are certainly not unhappy about the
fact that Schlesinger was fired, but they're sophisticated
enough to know that both Mr. Ford and Mr. Kissinger are
advocates of strong defense as the underpinning for detente,
and they probably do not forsee any significant changes.

CHANCELLOR: The White House today denied reports that
Secretary of State Kissinger may eventually be replaced
by Elliot Richardson, who is coming home from London.

EVENING REPORT

TUESDAY

NOVEMBER 4, 1975

INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE VOTES

Harry Reasoner, ABC Evening News

The House Intelligence Committee, which has been trying to get an internal State Department memorandum criticizing the handling of the Cyprus crisis last year, today accepted a compromise from Secretary of State Kissinger. The Committee will get the memorandum, but it will be buried in a batch of other materials with no names attached. That way, the recommendations of a specific State Department officials cannot be identified.

COMMENTARY ON FIRINGS

Howard K. Smith, ABC Evening News

All the President's shake-ups make some kind of political sense except the firing of Schlesinger at the Defense Department. Rockefeller was an obstacle to Ford's fight for his party's right wing against Reagan; Colby was meant to be a CEA sacrifice all along; Kissinger's loss of his second job may appease a Congress grown critical of the Secretary's power. But Schlesinger seemed to meet the need every Executive has-- the first in his post to be an expert weapons specialist. He was, TIME Magazine said, the best qualified Secretary of Defense we've ever had. He opened his first meeting with his military men saying, 'No. Pentagon bologna, please. Just give me the facts.' For once they had a boss who knew more than they did. Politically he offended neither right nor left, and contrary to reports, he handled Congress well. When he presented this year's budget to a House committee, something unique happened. The committee burst into applause.

Though Mr. Ford denied it last night, Schlesinger's famous feud with Kissinger may have been the reason. But if so, Kissinger gains nothing from the deal. He loses an equal in the Defense Department that he can argue knowledgeably with, in favor of Donald Rumsfeld, the new man, the President's personal favorite, who is an expert at in-fighting, at cutting Kissinger's influence with the President.

The President may have sound reasons for dismissing about the second most competent man in his Cabinet, but he certainly would not give us any clue last night.

-2-

SHAKE-UP EFFECT ON SALT

Bernard Kalb, CBS Evening News

Detente was formally unveiled at the US/Soviet Summit in 1972 -- an attempt by the two nuclear super-powers to try to settle their differences without annihilating each other in the process. The center piece was SALT, the historic first effort to impose limits on strategic weapons.

But the ink was hardly dry when a controversy erupted in Washington -- conservative critics arguing that Moscow got the better deal.

The groundwork for SALT II was set up at the 1974 Summit in Vladivostok; the two countries agreeing to a ceiling on the number of strategic weapons each side could have, details to be negotiated later.

This only escalated the controversy, and Schlesinger's warnings about growing Soviet power were seen at the State Department as exaggerated when compared to US power, as contributing to a climate of distrust, and thereby impeding a new SALT agreement.

Kissinger has countered that the US is not relaxing its guard or giving up any vital interests. In a nuclear world, he says, detente is not something that the US grants to the Russians as a favor or withholds as a punishment.

There is a widespread impression that Schlesinger's ouster will give Kissinger greater negotiating latitude for concluding a SALT II agreement -- to be signed at another US/Soviet summit. But there is a critical, unanswered question in the mix: whether the Kremlin will see the shake-up in Washington as a sign of weakness and toughen its bargaining position, and demand even more.

REFUGEE SHIP RETURNS

Walter Cronkite, CBS Evening News

South Vietnam has announced that that ship filled with more than 1500 Vietnamese repatriates from Guam arrived eight days ago at an undisclosed port in South Vietnam. They

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
---
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY

November 4, 1975

HAK:

The following is a quick run-down on themes running through TV commentary regarding last night's press conference:

Ford:

No longer the image of the "nice fellow."
Disingenuous at the press conference last
night, and it showed; purpose of moves murky,
but probably a move toward the right.

Rockefeller:

Doubt that he really decided to do it on his
own; did it on his own because unhappy with his
role; some diminishment of HAK's power because
the 2 so close; moved out to compensate the right
for Schlesinger.

HAK:

Many contradictory strands: HAK's role clearly
diminished because Rumsfeld close to the President
and HAK's access to be reduced; victory for HAK
over Schlesinger, but the latter will be dangerous
for HAK and Ford now if they get any SALT or Middle
East agreements; disagreement between HAK and
Schlesinger got so bad that Ford felt he had to
remove Schlesinger; Ford and HAK can't tolerate
dissent and disagreement; Scowcroft nothing but
HAK tool -- no real change there.

Comment:

Thus far the trend with regard to HAK is running in
the two directions you predicted: 1) victory for
Kissinger, with a strengthened position and fear
over your power; 2) reduced access plus the loss of
the Assistant position and the emergence of Rumsfeld
/close to the President) inevitably mean a loss of
influence. The significance of the White House leaks
has not been lost on most of the commentators I heard.

USE

NO13

R
URGENT

KISSINGER
BY BARRY SCHWEID

WASHINGTON (AP) -- SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER SAID TODAY
HE HAS HAD NO DISCUSSION WITH PRESIDENT FORD OR ANYONE IN THE
ADMINISTRATION ABOUT GIVING UP HIS JOB AS SECRETARY OF STATE.

ASKED TO RESPOND TO REPORTS THAT AMBASSADOR ELLIOT RICHARDEON IS
BEING GROOMED TO SUCCEED HIM, KISSINGER SAID WITH A CHUCKLE:
"CERTAINLY, NOBODY HAS TOLD ME."

GROWING SERIOUS, KISSINGER ADDED; "I HAVE HAD NO DISCUSSION OF ANY
KIND ABOUT LEAVING, WITH THE PRESIDENT OR WITH ANYONE IN THE
ADMINISTRATION. I CAN'T ANSWER FOR ANYONE ELSE, BUT AT LEAST I CAN
ASSURE YOU THAT CERTAINLY NOBODY HAS TOLD ME THAT.

"I HAVE HAD NO DISCUSSIONS OF ANY KIND WITH THE PRESIDENT OR
ANYONE."

AT THE WHITE HOUSE, DEPUTY PRESS SECRETARY WILLIAM GREENER DENIED
THE REPORTS THAT RICHARDSON WAS BEING BROUGHT BACK TO THE UNITED
STATES IN A MOVE THAT EVENTUALLY WOULD PUT HIM IN THE STATE DEPARTMENT
JOB.

"THERE ISN'T ANY OPENING AND THERE ISN'T ANY ANTICIPATED," GREENER
DECLARED.

11-05-75 09:59EST

(EUROPEAN REACTION)

BRUSSELS (UPI) -- AMERICA S EUROPEAN ALLIES TODAY SAW THE OUSTER OF DEFENSE SECRETARY JAMES SCHLESINGER AS A VICTORY FOR SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY KISSINGER.

EUROPEAN GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS AND COMMENTATORS, IN THEIR FIRST TENTATIVE ASSESSMENT OF THE U.S. CABINET SHAKEUP, FORESAW A BOOST FOR SOVIET-AMERICAN DETENTE, BUT SAID SCHLESINGER S REPLACEMENT BY DONALD RUMSFELD WOULD HAVE LITTLE OTHER MAJOR EFFECT.

"THE POWER OF HENRY KISSINGER HAS GROWN AND HE NO LONGER HAS A COUNTERBALANCE OF ANY IMPORTANCE IN THE FORD ADMINISTRATION," THE DUTCH NEWSPAPER DE VOLKSKRANT SAID. "KISSINGER WILL HAVE A FREE HAND MORE THAN EVER, BECAUSE THE PRESIDENT IS SUPPORTING HIM SO DISTINCTLY THAT A CAPABLE MAN LIKE SCHLESINGER HAD TO MAKE WAY."

IN BRITAIN, THE LONDON DAILY TELEGRAPH WARNED THAT SCHLESINGER S DEPARTURE "COULD BE BAD NEWS FOR THE NATO ALLIANCE" BECAUSE THE FORMER SECRETARY HAD BEEN AN ADVOCATE OF A STRONGER WEST.

NATO SECRETARY GENERAL JOSEPH LINS SENT BOTH A CONGRATULATORY TELEGRAM TO RUMSFELD, WHO WAS U.S. AMBASSADOR TO THE ALLIANCE IN 1973-74, AND A PRIVATE LETTER TO SCHLESINGER.

BOTH NATO AND THE EUROPEAN GOVERNMENTS REFUSED OFFICIAL COMMENT, ON GROUNDS THAT THE SHAKEUP WAS AN INTERNAL AMERICAN AFFAIR. BUT NATO CIRCLES REPORTED SURPRISE AT THE CHANGE, COUPLED WITH A PREDICTION THAT U.S. DEFENSE POLICY WILL REMAIN BASICALLY THE SAME.

IN WEST GERMANY, THE NEWSPAPER STUTTGARTER ZEITUNG SAID THAT "KISSINGER APPARENTLY CONVINCED PRESIDENT FORD THAT FURTHER OBSTRUCTION BY SCHLESINGER COULD BURDEN RELATIONS BETWEEN THE TWO SUPERPOWERS TOO HEAVILY."

UPI 11-04 10:35 AES

[LC]

The Washington Star

JOE L. ALLBRITTON, Publisher

JAMES G. BELLOWS, Editor

SIDNEY EPSTEIN, Managing Editor

EDWIN M. YODER JR., Associate Editor

TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1975

# Dr. Kissinger's power

Obviously the loser in the so-called "Sunday night massacre" is Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger and the winner — even if he must now surrender the chairmanship of the National Security Council — is Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.

There is always some hazard in speculation. Such an affair can be made to seem more Byzantine, in hindsight, than it really is. But in this case the danger seems remote.

The donnish brawling of these two principal members of the President's cabinet over defense and foreign policy issues dates at least from the October War in the Middle East. It suggests, incidentally, that a university senior common room is not bad training ground for the gentlemanly arts of bureaucratic self-defense.

Recently, however, Secretary Schlesinger made a critical error. To the liability of having stepped once too often in Dr. Kissinger's way he added the mistake of lecturing the House Appropriations Committee about the pending defense budget, calling the cuts of that body "savage." Until he tangled over the defense budget cuts with Chairman Mahon, Mr. Schlesinger could have counted on more congressional sympathy in his losing battle with Dr. Kissinger than he is now likely to get.

Whatever one may think to be the policy or political — or personal — questions that occasioned Mr. Schlesinger's unceremonious ouster, the main issue is institutional: It is the power of Dr. Kissinger.

Like many brilliant and determined men, Dr. Kissinger does not submit gladly to the dispersal of power. He seems to regard it as sufficient check on his operations that he is answerable to the President. The defense secretary made the mistake of interfering. He became a nuisance to Dr. Kissinger during the October War in the Middle East, when the two disagreed over the timing and amount of U. S. resupply to Israel. Since that confrontation — resolved in Kissinger's favor by President Nixon — their disagreements have reportedly multiplied. They include some critical differences over the current talks on strategic arms limitation with the Soviet Union.

"The nature of that disagreement is not entirely clear; but the least we know is that the secretary of defense is worried about American strategic strength while Dr. Kissinger has been heard to ask what, in the nuclear age, strategic superiority could possibly mean.

"Moreover, Dr. Kissinger is obviously anxious to resolve or put aside the technical defense policy questions that are impeding a second SALT agreement — the crowning touch of detente with Mr. Brezhnev.

Whoever has the better of these substantive questions — a question we do not dwell on here — it may prove risky to remove the last major obstacle of resistance to Dr. Kissinger's policy. Mr. Schlesinger is to be replaced by presidential assistant Donald Rumsfeld, who also enjoys immense presidential confidence. But even if Mr. Rumsfeld in his new constituency did become a significant check upon Dr. Kissinger, would it happen quickly enough to make a difference in the SALT negotiations?

Similarly, the belated resignation of Dr. Kissinger from one of his two major jobs in the foreign policy establishment — that is, as chief of the National Security Council — is diminished in short run importance by the nature of his replacement. That replacement is Gen. Brent Scowcroft, a loyal Kissinger lieutenant.

"And what different does it all make? Perhaps none, if this country exercises good judgment in the last stages of the SALT talks. One's optimism in that regard will depend on one's confidence in one-man shows in foreign policy during presidential election years. In 1972, Dr. Kissinger and President Nixon undoubtedly cut some corners to deliver the first SALT agreement. We draw from that memory the lesson that one man's judgment in an election year is not enough protection in anything so crucial as strategic arms negotiations.

Insofar, then, as the "Sunday night massacre" proclaims a further accession of power and influence for Dr. Kissinger, it will bear close watching. We have the highest regard for the abilities of the secretary of state. But he already has enough power — and perhaps a good deal too much of it.

UP-009

(SHAKEUP REACTION)

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- PRESIDENT FORD S DRAMATIC WEEKEND CABINET REVISIONS BROUGHT FORTH STINGING CRITICISM OF SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY KISSINGER'S POWERFUL ROLE IN THE ADMINISTRATION.

"HE'S QUICKLY BECOMING PRESIDENT KISSINGER," SAID SEN. LLOYD BENTSEN, D-TEX.

FORD SHED DEFENSE SECRETARY JAMES SCHLESINGER AND CIA DIRECTOR WILLIAM COLBY SUNDAY. SCHLESINGER AND KISSINGER WERE KNOWN TO HAVE HAD DIFFERENCES ON POLICIES ON DETENTE AND ON SUPPLYING WEAPONS TO THE MIDDLE EAST.

KISSINGER REMAINED AS CHIEF SPOKENMAN FOR POLICY IN THE CABINET, BUT HIS DEPUTY ON THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL WAS NAMED TO SUCCEED HIM AS SPECIAL ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND DIRECTOR OF THE COUNCIL.

SEN. ROBERT BYRD OF WEST VIRGINIA DECLARED THAT UPGRADE OF A KISSINGER DEPUTY, LT. GEN. BRENT SCOWCROFT, WAS "COSMETIC".

"THERE'S NO DOUBT IN MY MIND THAT THE REAL WINNER OVER THE WEEKEND WAS SECRETARY KISSINGER," BYRD SAID YESTERDAY.

BENTSEN SAID HE WILL REDOUBLE HIS EFFORT TO SEPARATE THE RUNNING THE WHITE HOUSE-BASED NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL AND THE JOB OF SECRETARY OF STATE.

SEN. HUBERT HUMPHREY, D-MINN., SAID OF THE DISMISSALS OF COLBY AND SCHLESINGER THAT HE HOPED LOYALTY TO THE PRESIDENT DID NOT REQUIRE "STIFLING HONEST DISSENT AND DISAGREEMENT." SEN. HENRY JACKSON, D-WASH., SAID FORD WAS "INSECURE AND HE HAS TURNED IT ALL OVER TO DR. KISSINGER."

UPI 11-04 08:48 AES

FBIS 69 (SEE 35)

TASS REPORT ON CHANGES IN FORD ADMINISTRATION

LD 04 1255 MOSCOW TASS IN ENGLISH 1218 GMT 4 NOV 75 LD

(TEXT) WASHINGTON, NOVEMBER 4 TASS--PRESIDENT GERALD FORD ANNOUNCED AT A PRESS CONFERENCE CHANGES IN THE U.S. ADMINISTRATION, DONALD RUMSFELD, WHO WAS WHITE HOUSE CHIEF OF STAFF, REPLACES JAMES SCHLESINGER AS DEFENCE SECRETARY. GEORGE BUSH, THE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE IN THE PRC, IS APPOINTED NEW DIRECTOR OF THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY TO REPLACE WILLIAM COLBY. ELLIOT RICHARDSON, THE U.S. AMBASSADOR IN GREAT BRITAIN, WILL BECOME COMMERCE SECRETARY TO REPLACE ROGERS MORTON.

THE PRESIDENT ALSO ANNOUNCED THAT HENRY KISSINGER, KEEPING THE POST OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE IS RELIEVED OF HIS DUTIES AS ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS. THESE DUTIES WILL NOW BE PERFORMED BY GENERAL BRENT SCOWCROFT WHO WAS DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS.

ANNOUNCING HIS DECISION, GERALD FORD POINTED OUT THAT HE DEEMS IT NECESSARY TO GUARANTEE STABILITY AND CONTINUITY IN CONDUCTING THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES.

THE PRESIDENT SAID HE WISHES TO HAVE HIS OWN TEAM IN THE AREA OF FOREIGN POLICY AND THAT HENRY KISSINGER WILL HAVE THE DOMINANT ROLE IN THE FORMULATION OF AND THE CARRYING OUT OF FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES.

ASKED WHAT THE POLICY OF EASING OF TENSIONS BRINGS TO THE UNITED STATES, GERALD FORD SAID:

BELIEVE THAT IN RELATIONS WITH BETWEEN THE SOVIET UNION AND THE UNITED STATES WE HAVE ACHIEVED A TWO-WAY STREET. (AS RECEIVED) I BELIEVE THAT THE POLICY THAT I WILL FOLLOW, THE TEAM THAT I HAVE, WILL CONTINUE THAT POLICY IN THE FUTURE. RECALLING THE VLADIVOSTOK AGREEMENT ON FURTHER LIMITATIONS OF STRATEGIC ARMMENTS, THE PRESIDENT SAID: WE EXPECT TO CONTINUE TO PURSUE NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE SOVIET UNION IN STRATEGIC ARMS LIMITATIONS. WE HAVE DIFFERENCIES. BUT I THINK IT IS IN THE NATIONAL INTEREST FOR US TO CONTINUE TO WORK TOWARD ACHIEVING THE AGREEMENT.

4 NOV 1355Z BR/RB