I come before you tonight to talk about what is right with America and America's foreign policy. *I am here tonight* to tell you that the United States, no matter how much some may cast doubt on it, is still seen as the land of hope of mankind. *There is the mildest of all the millions* by all around the world who cherish freedom, value the dignity of man, and yearn for peace. Without us there can be no security anywhere. Without us there can be no hope for progress.

And I am here to say that America has been true to its responsibility.

Out of the ashes of World War II, we and our allies *built a new world*. The United States promoted the economic

and political recovery of Western Europe and Japan. We forged our first peacetime alliances — *alliances* which have preserved global stability for a generation and more. We maintained our

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military strength so that the global balance of power could be preserved. We pioneered in arms control, so that the spectre of global cataclysm could be erased. We and our major trading partners built a cooperative global trade and monetary system so that economic growth, prosperity and development could be the heritage of all mankind. We have mediated conflicts helped settle problems and negotiated agreements from the Middle East to Berlin.

The technological and managerial genius of this country has been - and remains - the engine of global change; our science and communications have circled the planet and stretched to the moon and beyond. The American people have reached out with generosity to their fellow men afflicted by disease, hunger, deprivation, natural disaster, war and oppression. We have

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the vision of a stable, peaceful, ~~humane and progressive world.~~

We have had our disappointments and we have made After the bitter experience of Vietnam our mistakes. In the course of a bitter decade America has learned that it does not possess the power to right every wrong ~~to solve~~ the problem or undo every injustice. We know that our influence is finite, ~~and the injustice of the world after~~ though the demands upon it seem infinite. And we understand

that America, like all human institutions is fallible.

But, we will not cower before our mistakes or the magnitude of our challenge, because the vast majority of ~~lonely~~ Americans are convinced -- as your government is -- that if we do not resist aggression, if we do not work for a more equitable and productive world economy, if we do not promote liberty and justice, no nation will take our place -- at least no nation that believes in our values. They know how much our

shares

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dedication means in the struggle against tyranny, and how little
hope there is for peace and freedom if we walk away from our
responsibilities.

I want to speak tonight about the broader vision of
a lasting peace, and about the importance of what America has
done, is doing, and must do to turn that vision into a reality.
I cannot emphasize enough how much depends on America, and
of what this requires of us here at home.

## America and Global Peace

The United States engaged itself in the postwar world
partly out of deeply held moral commitments and partly out
of self-interest. We had learned from bitter experience that
America's safety and world peace, America's prosperity and
the world economy, were inextricably linked.

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maintain it. No great nation leaves its safety to the mercy

or the goodwill of others. Any realistic hope of better

relations with the Communist powers -- and there is such

hope -- depends on a strong America which leaves other

countries no realistic course except restraint and cooperation.

So long as potential adversaries continue to expand and improve
their forces, we will maintain a modern defense that cannot
be challenged.

We have strengthened our alliances with the great
industrial democracies of the Atlantic Community and Japan. As
they have grown stronger -- partly as a result of our policies --

we have adjusted our relations in the direction of greater

equality and sharing of responsibility and initiative. We have

found that shared security is not enough. Democracies can join ed

(N)

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together out of fear; but they can stay united only if they find

some deeper and more positive common purposes. The

unity of the democracies - in an era when these values

cooperation of the industrial democracies on energy, defense

are a minority in the world + buffeted by difficulties at home.
is one of our greatest manners. A sense of solidarity

policy, ecology and the economy is one of the most encouraging

in a turbulent world can help all if one people's economy

phenomena of our time. Their joint efforts are essential above

the confidence that their varieties are vital,

all to strengthen the democratic process in all our countries.

Everywhere no task is more urgent than to bring home to the

peoples of the industrial democracies that they are the masters

of their destiny,'

that they are not subject to blind forces beyond

this control.

This is why the United States attaches so much importance
to the Economic Summit just concluded in France. The agreement
to cooperate in economic policy, energy, and development, the
major progress made on monetary questions could usher in a

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new period of unity, among the industrial democracies.

We strongly support the words of the declaration of
Rambouillet signed by President Ford together with the
leaders of Britain, France, Italy, Japan and Germany:

"We come together because of shared beliefs and shared
responsibilities. We are each responsible for the government
of an open democratic society dedicated to individual liberty
and social advancement. Our success will strength, indeed
is essential for democratic societies everywhere. " Peace
requires that America make a serious effort to ease tensions
with potential adversaries. Economic progress and humane
principle impel our cooperative relations with developing
countries.

But we will never forget that our most important
relationships are with those nations which share our principles,
our way of life and our future.

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We have sought to transform the relationship

with

between the free world and the major Communist powers.

Foreign policy must be based on reality, not rhetoric. And to stay's

is the

involves two major factors: we live in a world of nuclear

equality, which is imposed by technology and cannot be reversed

not alone been provided, it cannot be reversed or ignored

by unilateral decision. At the same time, the Communist

monolith of a generation ago has fragmented into bitter rivalries

and many Communist countries have turned to the West for

more constructive bilateral relationships.

The reality of nuclear parity means that we must manage a
fundamental conflict of values in the shadow of nuclear holocaust;

we are striving to preserve peace while defending our essential

principles and interest. The reality of different Communist

centers of power provides the opportunity for a systematic policy

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of relaxation of tensions. Future generations would not under-
stand it if we missed this opportunity. In the nuclear age,
the relaxation of tensions is a moral imperative as well as
a practical necessity. We will spare no effort in building
habits of restraint and moderation among the superpowers.

And we have made some considerable progress in arms limita-
tions and in the dampening of conflict from Berlin to the
Middle East.

At the same time the relaxation of tensions must
never lead to easing our vigilance. We need both defense and
relaxation of tension, both vigilance in crises and willingness
to resolve problems on a realistic and fair basis. We must be
prepared to pursue whichever course is appropriate. The choice
rests with our adversaries.