THE PLAIN DEALER

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THOMAS VAIL
PUBLISHER AND EDITOR

AREA CODE 216
523-4220

August 23, 1973

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
The White House
Washington, D.C.

Dear Henry:

Congratulations on your new appointment as Secretary of State. American foreign policy will be quite different in the next two or three years as the result of your accomplishments in the first four years of the Nixon administration. It appears your new position will fit in with a new approach and consolidation of the breakthroughs you have made in the past.

You were good enough to help me with my trip to Europe and I am enclosing a pamphlet of the results. Regardless of our domestic problems I find the well of good will, even love, for the United States to be as strong as ever. Somehow Europeans with whom I spoke are worried we may have overestimated political and economic rapport with the communists, or at least that we anticipate more from the communists than we are likely to get. I found the trip interesting and quite heartening coming as I do from a country that must include the greatest number of self criticizers in the world.

In any case many thanks for your help in my seeing most of the heads of government and finance ministers who are playing major roles in European affairs.

Best wishes and best of luck.

Thomas Vail

Young Industry
Official Typifies
Britain's Boom

Walker

By Thomas Vail

LONDON—Britain's booming optimism is based on men like Peter Walker, secretary of state for trade and industry and president of the board of trade.

At only 41 Walker is a rising star in Conservative party affairs and the boss of the government department embracing industrial activity, export, shipping and most of Britain's economic sinews.

Walker is typical of the new wave of government and industrial leaders everywhere—not a member of the establishment, young, informal, ambitious, not interested in tradition, practical, optimistic, energetic.

As he points out, British industry has given up the "old school tie" and is off on an economic boom fueled by new leadership, Britain's entry into the Common Market and new and increasing government participation in the nation's economic affairs.

Walker is typical of the new optimism evident everywhere here. Nothing seems impossible to him as he talks of record productivity, employment, sharply rising trade with the European Common Market, although admitting to sharply rising prices too.

Although all this sounds like home, it

is a new world for British trade and industry. The conservatism is gone, Commonwealth ties are less important every year as Britain looks to great advantages from the new European trade connections. The only disadvantage so far, according to government leaders, is that food in Britain now costs more because of agricultural price supports in the European Common Market.

British leaders are smart and polite enough not to mention Watergate, but with or without it the United States is still regarded as the biggest and most important economic power in the world. British observers see the United States as now changing from a local to a world economy as we reach outside our borders for energy and markets to keep the mammoth U.S. economy growing.

At the same time British government economics planners do not plan to follow the United States by allowing Japanese imports to destroy British efforts in such fields as electronics and autos. Japanese products will be, and are, allowed into Britain but only as British products are also allowed into Japan. And, if British products such as steel, autos and television sets are threatened to too great an extent, the government will act to limit imports.

Somehow, the problems of the rapid growth of the economy do not bother men like Walker, who predict nuclear energy will solve that problem. They envision lots of technology to clean up automobiles. One

wonders if people like Walker are so optimistic because Britain has been lagging until recently behind the most advanced economies and is just now starting to surge. If growth continues at present rates, environmental technology will have to accelerate at a faster pace perhaps than even an optimist like Walker would like to admit.

But whatever the consequences, Britain is enjoying the biggest boom in its history, with economics the major topic and interest here. Naturally the Conservative government of Prime Minister Edward Heath is feeling good as it celebrates its third year in power.

Meanwhile, the Labor party opposition is hard pressed to mount attacks against the booming economics the Conservative party is enjoying. The opposition leaders fill the papers with talk of more nationalization and left-wing dogma of a past generation.

Just as the Republican administration in Washington moved in first with economic controls, so has the conservative Heath government adopted them in Britain. The "free-economy" platforms were forgotten when both parties found an economy out of control. In Britain, however, there is no talk of letting up on economic controls as was done in the United States during Phase 3.

Walker, like so many of the new leaders of Britain, symbolizes the professional manager in a technocratic society. To run the economy effectively is Issue No. 1 and the whole apple of political survival. Government control of every aspect of economic activity is accepted and increasing.

Trade is all important to Britain, for without it she would die. The Walkers of Britain are not interested in empires and the pageantry of changing of the guard but in economics and trade and how to become the major force in the combined power of Europe. The British have plenty of experience for this challenge, but now they have a new optimism and new leaders like Walker to help.

VAIL

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, June 19, 1973

PM's Residence Unpretentious

# Britain's Heath Is Informal, Low Key

By Thomas Vail

LONDON—A visit with the prime minister of Britain at No. 10 Downing Street has nothing in common with visiting a President at the White House.

Unlike the imposing White House, No. 10 Downing Street is a low key government headquarters rather like a nice apartment house on a side street of any city. And inside this livable abode there is none of the pomp and constant bustle of people and staff encountered at the White House.

When I went to see Edward Heath, Conservative party leader and “the Queen’s first minister” there was minimum security, no military, a relaxed talk with a chief aide and then on to a quiet garden where the prime minister was sitting in the afternoon sun.

It must be noted the U.S. and British systems of government are quite different. The British head of government is not elected directly by the people but by the majority party in Parliament. The real, though only symbolic, head of the British government is still the Queen. Clearly a prime minister has less power than a president and it is obvious by the way the P.M. acts and lives.

But having said all that, Prime Minister Heath is even more low key than most of his predecessors. He represents a new breed of leader throughout the world—informal, moderate, practical, business like. These new men of affairs like Heath are concentrating on economics as the life blood of their political life. They are all experimenting with a controlled economy, sometimes at variance with the programs they espoused when running for election.

I talked with Heath on the third anniversary of his election. A prime minister—and the members of Parliament—must stand for re-election in their districts every five years at most.

Heath seemed relaxed, tanned from weekend sailing his own boat, fairly satisfied with Britain's booming economy, unhappy with business leaders who seek security not risk, and more conscious of mass opinion than leader opinion. The new men of politics everywhere understand that leaders can no longer deliver their members and constituents, and that direct appeals to the voters and consumers are essential.

None of the British leaders will comment for the record on Watergate but they

are interested, very interested. So far Watergate has not affected British-U.S. relations or the rather good personal relations between Heath and President Nixon. The prime minister does not worry about the current Russian-U.S. trade and arms talks and thinks President Nixon will hold up his side perfectly well.

Heath, like Nixon, is more the listener than the talker. A bachelor with some sense of humor, and perhaps a bit of an introvert, Heath fits the current pattern of professional management in high government and business posts. He is certainly not a charismatic personality, but he is professional and well informed.

Heath worries about what he believes is a growing interest in security rather than a willingness to take a chance for greater accomplishment.

All the government leaders I have spoken with in Britain still rate the United States as the most important factor in the world, particularly the Western world. All are watching the United States for ideas and leadership.

In wages and prices, Britain will stick to controls, with some exceptions where necessary. While hoping to avoid our failures in economic planning, the British still feel their strength depends on the strength of the U.S. economy. Whatever happens, British plans do not include trying President Nixon's current program of freezing prices but not wages. They say it did not work when tried in Britain.

Britain now accepts a realistic role as a secondary power, but its leaders reflect good humor based on a booming economy and a new role in Europe.

Their moderate, practical prime minister seems to fit the current British mood very well. Most political observers believe the Conservatives would be returned with bigger majorities if an election were held today.

As we sat together in the simple garden of the residence of the head of the British government, sipping champagne, my host seemed to be momentarily enjoying himself and the current popularity of his government.

Prime Minister Edward Heath, left, and Thomas Vail

AP Wirephoto

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, June 21, 1973

## Publisher's Column

# British Upswing Ignores the Past

By Thomas Vail

LONDON — When you talk to enough people there develops either a blur or a pattern.

The people I have talked to here, including Prime Minister Edward Heath, the first lord of the admiralty, the commander of U.S. naval forces in Europe, the chancellor of the exchequer, a banker named Rothschild, an opposition party leader, industry and trade officials and some well informed taxi drivers leave me with a pattern, not a blur.

VAIL

The pattern is Britain on the upswing, and never mind past glories and empires.

The military, particularly the naval fellows, are quite hung up about the fantastic growth of the Soviet navy to the position of first in the world. The highest British and U.S. naval leaders feel that, as there can never be a nuclear war, navies are more important than ever as they can bring pressure without resorting to suicidal nuclear attack. The naval view is that visible surface craft can be sent anywhere for the smaller, more-likely confrontations.

WHILE MEMBERS of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) may have their differences, military leaders feel that cooperation has been good and, despite a worry that the United States will do less in the future, that NATO is alive and well. It is obvious the enormous increase in the Russian navy has kept the Western allies on their toes and working together.

As for economics and money, the leaders in this field are looking forward to talks this fall among the Western nations about reform of the international money system. What all this means to the laymen remains a mystery as no one has a definite view of how to finally stabilize exchange rates. All hope the dollar will not weaken too much as it, with the British pound, remains the currency against which Western countries still measure their money values. London remains the financial clear-

inghouse of the world because of the central geographic location of the city and the flexible, free-swinging, worldly banking system the British developed for their former empire. Britain wants free trade in goods and money as it is her trading that keeps her alive.

NO PERSON IS MORE aware of the new British upswing in economics than one of the leaders of the opposition Labor party, Roy Jenkins, former chancellor of the exchequer. A broad-gauge intellectual and friend of the American Kennedys, Jenkins knows that British prosperity will keep the Conservative party under Prime Minister Heath in power for several more years unless there is an economic downturn. The Labor party here seems caught in the dogma of the past, arguing with itself over things no longer relevant, looking for the so-far-elusive effective opposition program.

Harold Wilson, the Labor party leader and former prime minister, opposed Britain's entry into the Common Market while No. 2 Labor party leader Jenkins supported it.

Like some U.S. leaders of the Democratic party, Jenkins admits that his opposition party has a tough time appealing to the voters as long as the British economy is going well. Labor party leaders here know that the ruling Conservative party can defeat itself but cannot at this time be defeated by the Labor party.

BUT, IF THINGS CHANGE, Jenkins is a man to watch. Thoughtful, wide-ranging, an appealing personality with a keen wit, Jenkins offers sharp contrast to the machinelike professionals running the Conservative government of Prime Minister Heath. At 52 there is still time for Jenkins to be prime minister. Right at the moment it is difficult to discern that if he were running the government things would be much different at No. 10 Downing Street, except it would be a bit more exciting and a lot more fun.

So there is the pattern. A Britain under a moderate businesslike government management with medium imagination enjoying an economic upswing, and an opposition party divided and biding its time looking for a main chance.

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, June 22, 1973

## Publisher's Column

# A Report on Royal Ascot

By Thomas Vail

LONDON — If you did not see the play or the movie "My Fair Lady," you should try out Royal Ascot. Why not?

It is all a scene not be believed in this day and age.

Ascot is a small town 30 miles from London which includes a major horse race course. For four days in June the best English and some foreign horses compete in a race week. These four race days are called Royal Ascot for no particular reason except that the English like royalty (still) and besides, the Queen and most of the royal family are extremely horsey, to put it mildly.

VAIL

The whole affair, as George Bernard Shaw and others characterized it, is more social than sporting, more fashion than horses.

The Ascot track, like all others here, is grass. The race is run clockwise (the reverse of U.S. tracks) and the stands are similar to U.S. horse tracks except for a British special called the "royal enclosure."

This is "Royal Ascot," not just another race week, and there must be a place for the Queen to sit and be looked at with all her entourage. So there is the "royal enclosure" in the middle of the stands. This amounts to a semi-circular glass-enclosed box for the Queen and attendants and a long sloping awning in front for the upper crust and friends of same.

MOST RACEGOERS sit or stand outside the royal enclosure in the stands. But it was inside it that the scenes from "My Fair Lady" took place, and no wonder.

The costumes are outlandish for some and 19th century for most.

Since few would spend money on such gear, there is a store called Moss Bros. in London which rents everything from scuba tanks or ermine robes to, you guessed it, "morning dress."

So for about $12 for the day you can rent the whole works so as not to disgrace yourself, your family or your country in the royal enclosure. As for your wife, she does not have to rent anything, but she must wear a hat and have some gloves too.

TO CARRY ALL THIS OFF you might throw in a rented Rolls Royce and driver and take a picnic to have on a lawn outside the race course before the race.

If by this time you don't feel like King Edward VII, who died in 1910, you must not be in the swing of it.

When you get into the royal enclosure, you do not feel quite as silly as when you left your hotel in your costume. Every other male there has on the same gear. Even within the royal enclosure there is the "holy of holies," the Jockey Club. Here you can get up above all the gray toppers so you can see something like the race and get yourself a drink and something to eat.

Let's start at the beginning with this royal enclosure business. To get in, you need to be a friend of a member or be approved in a "drawing" by an official of the U.S. Embassy. If "approved" you get vouchers for tickets (for which you must pay) along with eight million instructions about going here and not there. You must park in this place but not that, go not where the Queen goes, not where the "public" goes, but only where the "members" go.

Included in the instructions is the notation that in the royal enclosure men must wear "morning dress." So what is

"morning dress"? Why, as anybody would guess, it is a gray top hat, black "penguin-type" cutaway coat, gray vest, white stiff collar (yes, stiff collar), gray tie and striped pants.

As this is "Royal Ascot," as distinguished from just any old "Ascot," there is the grand entrance of the Queen before the race begins. Off down the course there appears what first looks like the Bengal Lancers or the Charge of the Light Brigade. As this group of horses and people gets closer, moving along the grass race course, it turns out to be five open carriages with four horses each, carrying Queen Elizabeth II, the Duke of Edinburgh and other members of the royal family all wearing pretty hats (the females, that is).

While I was thinking what a great entrance this would be for someone like Mayor and Mrs. Perk, it suddenly occurred to me that there was, besides the gray toppers, the ladies and their hats, the Queen and her consort (husband to you), also a horse race to be held this particular afternoon.

THE BIG PROBLEM (even in the royal enclosure) is how to find the betting odds, as there is no automatic tote board. This is another bit of 19th century at Royal Ascot. Anyway, it develops the "bookies" have the odds, and no way are these types going to get into the royal enclosure. Anyway, you go to a window and a little old lady tells you the betting is about the same as in the U.S.A. though slower.

Finally a race starts, few people pay attention, the Queen looks up from her program, and there begins this slight diversion from the social scene. And what a scene it is. All those ladies and gentlemen on the grass with their queen looking just like a scene from "My Fair Lady."

I have been writing from Britain that this country now looks to the future and not the past. Perhaps true for government and business leaders, but make no mistake about it, the British still love their past and their Queen. If you don't think so, then try a day at Royal Ascot. Why not?

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, June 24, 1973

## Publisher's Column

# Key to Paris Is Checkbook

By Thomas Vail

**PARIS**—If you think prices in the United States are high, a trip to Paris will stop your complaints.

Take almost anything, double it and it spells France. Cars, food, clothes, anything. Even wine fits the formula of twice the price in the United States.

All the museums charge entrance fees. It cost more than $2 to visit the latest exhibition of art from the Peoples Republic of China, which the Cleveland Museum hopes to get when the exhibit tours the United States. Gas runs at least $1.40 a gallon.

There is no public debate about wages and prices here. Both have been controlled by the government for years. The government is all powerful with management and labor.

**FRANCE IS STILL** the most unusual member of the European Economic Community. It has few natural resources, a high 8% of its income from agriculture and a sensitive pride about almost everything. It still wants the abandoned gold standard and, unlike Britain, is cautious to downright reticent about free world trade. Somehow this country is more content and more interested in itself than in the rest of the world. It has an internal protectionist controlled economy.

In French politics the moderate center is weak to nonexistent and voters must choose either the ruling Gaullist-Pompidou right or the Communist left. Increasing affluence and the fear of communism gives the right wing ruling party of President Pompidou a clear majority at the moment.

Current French views of the United States are favorable at the street level if sometimes difficult at the governmental

level. As for Watergate, it makes for wry jokes which boil down to wonderment, not about the affair itself, but about how the fellows were stupid enough to get caught.

Political life to a Frenchman is more a game than a profession, although this country has today probably its most professional management ever, particularly in the area of finance. The food is as good, the flowers and the girls are as beautiful as ever, and I am told by the best authorities that these items are also as expensive as ever.

**NEW BUILDINGS**, particularly tall ones, are being constructed outside the center of Paris to preserve the priceless and superb old architecture of this beautiful city.

Radicalism, individualism, revolution: Those three perennials of the French political character still show up on occasion. Last week there were riots on the Left Bank near the Sorbonne and students threw Molotov cocktails at the police. Outside that district the rest of Paris paid no attention.

Most Frenchmen are enjoying new affluence and are against radical change because they now have a stake in the system. Inflation here, like elsewhere, is good politics, so it continues. Although there are the usual complaints, life for most Frenchmen is better each year, and that favors the political right against the left. The new young generation in France looks and acts the same as its counterparts elsewhere: long hair, blue jeans, gals working, lack of worry or concern about war or depressions, interest in religion or the glories of the French past.

The outstanding thing that strikes the traveler today is that national differences in the Western world are becoming fewer and fewer. Nuclear power, media power, space exploration, energy shortages, survival in general are making us one world.

VAIl

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, June 26, 1973

## Publisher's Column

# France Looks to Europe Role

By Thomas Vail

PARIS—The headquarters of the heads of government in Britain, France and the United States speak volumes about the character of these nations. In Britain No. 10 Downing Street is modest and low key. The president of France has his offices in the beautiful Elysee Palace on one of the most fashionable streets in Paris.

The Elysee Palace is more grand and much more elegant than No. 10 Downing Street although smaller and with less staff than the White House; the president of France has more individual power than the British prime minister and is the head of a lesser power than the United States.

WHEN YOU ENTER the main gate of the Elysee Palace from the main city street you are in a symmetrical, graveled, square courtyard surrounded by buildings. Immediately in front of you is a beautiful 18th-century large town house, which is the palace, the central office of current French President Georges Pompidou and his staff.

You are escorted to the front door by a soldier in colorful red and black uniform and presented to the palace attendants, who wear white tie and tails even in the morning.

The inside of the palace is a magnificent town house with beautiful paneling, chandeliers and gilt in every room and a perfectly groomed garden in the back. One feels as if King Louis XIV had just left the place.

I went to the Elysee Palace to meet high French officials on an off-the-record basis, at least as far as direct quotes are concerned. However, some comments are in order.

French officials are a bit more friendly toward the United States at the moment and are more worried about how to keep their position against Germany and Britain in European affairs. French individuality remains strong. But this country has come a long way in giving a little toward European cooperation and British entry into the Common Market. While France remains a rather controlled and protectionist econo-

my, it has bent a little to be part of a more powerful European whole.

AS FRANCE MOVES away from agriculture and toward more rapid industrialization, the migration from farm to city has given her a very fast, 5.8% annual real (price adjusted) growth in her economy. There is only 2% unemployment, wages are going up now about 12% a year and prices are rising about 9% a year. These statistics bespeak a France on the move.

The French leaders say their major problem is prices and inflation and they admit being stumped on how to control prices. France has had controls for over 50 years and still does not feel happy about them, her leaders confide.

On Japanese goods French leaders have a simple policy. They control the situation thoroughly. No way are they going to allow the kind of Japanese market penetration in France similar to that in the United States.

On finance, the French view is that the U.S. dollar, now at a low point, will strengthen in the months ahead and remain the strongest currency in the world.

The Nixon-Brezhnev peace accords agreed to last week are regarded by French leaders as "very good for everyone."

WHAT EMERGES from talks with the men who run France is that French individualism and nationalism have given a bit of ground to European unity, especially economic unity, but that she still worries how to maintain a strong position in relation to Germany and Britain. As for Japan, as one top official told me, "She will stay at arm's length in France and, besides, Japan is not even linked to us by the Atlantic Ocean."

Finally, in spite of the 18th-century elegance of the Elysee Palace and the dressed-up attendants, one is conscious of the central fact that this headquarters, this government, is much smaller and represents a much smaller country than the United States. As I got up from a gold chair in a gilded room and shook hands with my host I realized it really has been more than 150 years since the head of the French government was the most important political figure in the world.

VAIL

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, June 27, 1973

Brandt's Top Goal Is United Europe

By Thomas Vail

BONN—In a world with few leading personalities, West German Chancellor Willy Brandt is a standout.

He is jolly and full of humor and has a profound and realistic mind.

I met Brandt at Frankfort on his seven-car private train that used to belong to Hermann Goering, to ride with him two hours to Bonn the capital. There is security around the West German head of government, but less people and commotion than surround our President:

I sat with Brandt in his private car while we both sipped a drink that he had suggested. The chancellor could not be more fun. He is often smiling, loves jokes, likes newsmen, maintains an informal atmosphere and will talk on absolutely any subject. All this is in sharp contrast to former German prime ministers and the atmosphere around our White House.

On serious subjects the central point of Brandt's thinking is a united Europe. Gone are any traces of German nationalism or dreams of great power status. Brandt feels the only role for Germany in today's world is as part of a united Europe.

Every problem or concept for Germany, Brandt relates to this central political principle of his. He sees this union first in economics, then in politics, and, at the right time, eventually in defense.

There are no price or wage controls in West Germany and the government is skeptical of them. But Brandt feels that if some action is necessary to control the current high rate of inflation it will have to be worked out among the member nations of the European Common Market.

And so it goes. Every West German problem, Brandt says, must be worked out with other European nations. Prices, wages, defense policies someday, even the question of the division of West and East Germany must, to Brandt, be worked out with a united Europe.

At 60, Brandt is healthy and energetic. He is of medium height and has a friendly round face. He has the "human touch" of the politician and still likes to write, reflecting his two years as a journalist before entering politics.

In addition to his main theme of a united Europe, the next most significant part of Brandt's thinking is a profound respect, even love, for the United States.

He expressed it very well, if rather emotionally, that it was not just U.S. power and size but its commitment to high moral

objectives that set it apart from all other nations.

I got the feeling that Brandt was not just saying this for U.S. newspaper consumption, as he proceeded to recount friendly and touching experiences of himself and his family during trips around the United States, when Brandt was both in and out of power.

Brandt is a world leader because he has a concept, a realistic concept, and he is not afraid to pursue it. To bring Europe together he had to secure a relationship with Russia and Communist Eastern Europe, and he did it. To bring Europe together, Brandt must work with individualistic France, and he does it.

Although West Germany has diplomatic relations with China, Asia as a whole is beyond Brandt's major concern because he does not see Germany alone as a world power. He sees Europe some day as the third major power center in politics, economics and defense, but not Germany alone.

On Japanese trade, Brandt does not take a hard a line against Japanese goods as do the French. Brandt, with the Common Market, would like to work out some agreements with the Japanese.

Brandt does not see the United States ever returning to isolationism, as he feels our interest and our needs are now outside as well as inside our own borders.

The biggest problem for Brandt right now is—you guessed it—prices and inflation. But, as he says, a solution, if there is one will be a European solution and not a German one.

One has the feeling in talking with Brandt that after years of struggle he knows now that he has "made it"; that what he has fought for all his life has finally come about; that a major role for Germany, not as a world power but as a leader in a united Europe, is here and now.

To this end, Brandt maintains good relations with other European government leaders and with the superpowers, the United States and Russia, as well.

Brandt knows it is hard to fathom Russian politics but he must deal with it. His regard and friendship for the United States seems as sincere as it is realistic.

No wonder Brandt comes through as perhaps the world's leading personality today.

He looks it, he acts it and he thinks like the leader he is.

As our train sped along the Rhine toward Bonn it seemed to me Germany has come a long way these past few years, mainly because of the friendly, strong fellow across from me—Nobel Prize winner, United Europe advocate, West German chancellor Willy Brandt—a wonderful companion for that scenic ride from Frankfurt to Bonn.

Willy Brandt, West German chancellor, left, and Thomas Vail

AP Wirephoto

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, June 28, 1973

## Publisher's Column

# Europe's Topics: Trade, Money

By Thomas Vail

PARIS—What world leaders need is one massive conference call.

This excellent service of the telephone company hooking everyone into the same telephone would save taxpayers money and the world leaders a lot of time.

Right now everyone is meeting with everyone else. Brezhnev is first in Washington, and then he is in Paris telling the French not to worry about what he said to President Nixon. West German Chancellor Willy Brandt met last week with French President Pompidou. And then the Romanian president visits Germany and the Italian president is coming to Paris, perhaps.

All this coming and going may be difficult to keep track of, but certainly it is a good thing. The world is coming together, although it must be noted it is all about trade and money; and this is a dialogue of the "have" nations. The "have not" nations are not in it.

EUROPE IS GEARING UP for some big economic talks with the United States this fall. French financial leaders are concerned that the United States is now talking like a debtor nation instead of having the creditor nation views it expressed for more than 20 years following World War II.

French government and private financial leaders also express the view that America takes its position for its own internal political reasons and somewhat disregards the new united financial power of Europe. There will be hard bargaining with the United States this fall. The U.S. imbalance of trade and desire for flexible monetary exchange will be up against a hard-money creditor attitude in Europe and the European Economic Community will not give free access to U.S. agricultural products either.

In any case trade and money are the

topics this year in Europe. And it is trade and money with all the "have" nations, regardless of their political ideologies, Communist or otherwise. As the threat of war becomes nonexistent for Europeans, it is inflation at home and trade and money abroad that fill the newspapers and dominate conversation here.

ALL THE LEADERS in the countries I have visited have one thing in common. They cite inflation and high prices as their worst domestic problem. None has any idea what to do about it. As it is better politics to lean toward larger wage increases, and there seems no way to raise prices equitably, the awful spiral goes on and on.

"The fact is, the desires of people exceed their willingness to pay," one leading French official told me.

The European government leaders I have seen have one other thing in common. Even off the record they do not yet appreciate the seriousness of the Watergate affair. The story is run here but there is naturally less interest in what goes on in another country.

The leaders here tend to relate Watergate to some problem they have encountered themselves, such as officials stealing money or getting mixed up with shady ladies. The full implication of Watergate and how it may eventually affect the U.S. governmental system has not yet dawned on our foreign friends.

HOWEVER, U.S. government officials in Europe working with their home offices notice a lot of difference, because of Watergate.

"It is now much harder to get answers to even the simplest questions," was one off-the-record comment.

For Europe, Watergate is still a bit far away, but they will feel it more here as it affects the inner workings of the U.S. government. Meanwhile, money and trade will dominate European thinking and the leaders will keep traveling and talking whether they go in for conference calls or not.

VAIL

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, June 29, 1973

Belgian Prime Minister Edmond Leburton and Thomas Vail

AP Wirephoto

# Amid Summitry, Europe Fears Crossroads Will Become Byway

By Thomas Vail

BRUSSELS — This city is quite unusual. For no special reason it is the crossroads of Europe.

Brussels looks a bit like Cleveland, but in addition it includes a square of 15th century buildings, a king with no children for succession and three U.S. ambassadors. The "crossroads" and the three ambassadors are related.

Brussels is headquarters for the main defense establishment of the Western world — the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). It also is headquarters city for the European Economic Community (EEC), the most important multination trade organization in the world.

The United States sends ambassadors to both NATO and EEC, and to Belgium as well.

The conversation here reflects the best current European thinking on econom-

ic, military and political questions.

I have had talks in Brussels with Belgian Prime Minister Edmond Leburton, the leading figures in NATO, bankers, newspaper publishers, barbers and taxi drivers.

Whether it is politics, economics or military affairs, it all comes to this, in a nutshell: Is the United States so preoccupied with Moscow and Peking that it has downgraded the importance of Europe and the Atlantic connection?

European leaders in all fields here know the United States wants to change the rules of the post-World War II era, when the United States had everything and Europe had nothing. They know the United States wants to do and to pay a bit less—all along the line.

Naturally these changes will create wonder and apprehension until new formulas are understood and agreed. But what

worries Europeans is that the United States will look to Moscow and Peking to secure peace, putting less emphasis on Europe. The Europeans fear that if the United States does less here, then pacifism may grow as it did in the 1930s.

A brilliant foreign diplomat laid it out cold. He said "summitry" among the superpowers creates the illusion that conventional NATO forces are not so necessary. The diplomat also said that each bit of U.S. withdrawal would create a vacuum for other, more dangerous, elements to move into and replace U.S. influence.

While all this talk is a bit self-serving, it is clear that European leaders all suffer from a fear of neglect. Things occur, at the summits and elsewhere, on which European councils are neither consulted nor informed. They feel left out, and it hurts.

On the military side, besides the fear of pacifism, is the view that improved chances for avoiding nuclear war make conventional forces all the more important for diplomatic and political leverage. The United States contributes about 25% of the total NATO effort. But against the Communist forces facing us in Eastern Europe, NATO runs a poor second by two to one or worse.

In short, there is concern at NATO and in the highest financial and political circles here that the United States is less concerned with Europe than it used to be. If this is so, what is Europe to do about it?

In Germany Chancellor Willy Brandt says the answer is European unity. In France leaders affect unique positions so people will pay attention. In Brussels, where it all comes together, people talk and worry but as yet have no united European plan of action.

Behind it all lies another worry expressed only after confidences are established. Can President Nixon continue to govern effectively after Watergate? Will internal U.S. politics confuse the conduct of foreign affairs and create even more confusion in Europe? Only time will tell.

You may be sure they are anxiously awaiting the answers in Brussels, the crossroads of free Europe.

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, June 30, 1973

24 Hours Are Quite Enough
Behind Berlin's Iron Curtain

By Thomas Vail

BERLIN — The question about divided Berlin is what it means right now.

No city in the world is like it. Its geographic area is vast. The streets are wide and long and it has two masters, one Western and free and one Communist.

Next to the Great Wall of China, Berlin has the most famous wall in the world, the ugly Iron Curtain wall erected by the Communists in 1961 as a physical symbol of the cold war at its worst.

VAIL

The wall is built of cement block and stands about 9 feet tall. Behind it is a 50-foot wide no-man's-land with mines and barbed wire patrolled constantly by the Communists. Check Point Charlie where you enter to visit Communist East Berlin is grim enough for an Alfred Hitchcock movie. Armed guards and soldiers with binoculars are everywhere.

You can go behind the wall for 24 hours and that is more than enough. Most of the historic buildings of Berlin are in East Berlin and many are still in ruins, a terrible reminder of the complete destruction of the city in World War II.

On the Communist side is the famous Brandenburg Gate, the triumphal military gate of imperial Germany; and there is a mound of earth over a bunker where Hitler ended his days.

A few buildings from imperial and Nazi days remain but many of the most beautiful ones—theaters and opera houses—are still in ruins with trees and grass growing among the walls. It is rather quiet in East Berlin in sharp contrast to the bustle and traffic of West Berlin where capitalism and freedom have been maintained at great expense and effort 110 miles inside East Germany.

Many new government apartment buildings of cheap steel and plastic construction are going up. There are signs of

an increasing Communist effort to rebuild after years of neglect.

The continuing toughness of it all was brought home when we passed through Check Point Charlie and our Associated Press companion was asked to take off all his clothes in a small room because he had written a story that former East German President Walter Ulbricht was ailing on his 80th birthday.

The Berlin Wall is made for drama. It helped make a national figure of Willy Brandt, former West Berlin mayor and now German chancellor. President John F. Kennedy gave a dramatic speech not far away on June 26, 1963. There are hundreds of stories of heartbreak and death at the wall and there is the marked grave of an 18-year-old boy who bled to death after being shot by the Communists when neither side would go to his rescue.

The Berlin Wall represents not only the division between the Communist and the free world but also the division of Germany itself.

While no well-informed German expects the wall to come down in the near future, opinions differ about what the wall means today.

The older generation of West Germans, which was decimated in World War II, feels the unification of Germany to be of high priority. Many of their friends live in East Germany and they remember the days of a strong, united fatherland.

But the far more numerous younger generation of West Germans has grown up with the division, and accepts it. Unification with the young is not a major issue; they seem more interested in the material gains of West Germany's booming economy.

The Berlin Wall is a frightening reality to the people of free West Berlin, 110 miles inside Communist territory in a divided city supported by an allocation in the West German budget. But for the rest of West Germany, Berlin's division and German unification is not so important.

In my talks with Chancellor Brandt it was obvious that to him a United Western

The Berlin Wall
AP Wirephoto

Europe comes first and a united Germany is way, way down the road.

Previous West German chancellors talked a lot of reunification and refused to deal officially with Communist East Germany. Brandt has begun to change this and in doing so he reflects the current majority mood in West Germany as best I can sense it.

Having twice been devastated by European conquerors in this century, the Russians are not likely to allow German reunification in the near future. One of Russia's ablest and most durable diplomats confided as much to me and a few other publishers more than a year ago. He said the Russians are willing to negotiate anything in the world except their first line of defense in East Europe. "We have learned our lessons the hard way," he said.

So the Berlin Wall remains a grim reminder of the tragedies of men and nations. Whether or not it is as critical a situation as it was a few years ago, a trip to its gray walls is well worth while.

The Berlin Wall will remind you how lucky you are to be an American and that freedom is worth fighting for.

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, July 3, 1973

May Succeed President Pompidou

French Finance Chief on Way Up

By Thomas Vail

PARIS — Valery Giscard d'Estaing, French minister of finance, is now the star of French politics.

With President Georges Pompidou not looking well, all eyes are on the brilliant, respected Giscard d'Estaing, who heads one of the two top Cabinet posts in the French government.

Only 47, he is tall, lean, intellectual and courteous to the end. He explains his position on financial matters with the precision of the highly educated intellectual he is.

As the world knows, France differs from many of her friends in money matters by preferring fixed rates of exchange and the free buying and selling of gold.

Giscard d'Estaing is a type of political leader not often encountered in the United States. He is a complete professional in his field of finance and is, in the French tradition, a philosopher as well. He believes in combining thought with action.

The finance minister is an accomplished accordion player, likes bird shooting and is widely read on subjects outside his field. With all this, he is also most respected by his opposite numbers in other governments, who pick him as a standout among finance ministers.

While Giscard d'Estaing is now most talked about as the next president of France, he has some political hurdles to jump. Although Pompidou relies on him, the politically moderate finance minister is not a member of the ruling Gaullist party. But Pompidou this spring singled him out as among the three or four statesmen who have a national role to play.

Whether or not Pompidou completes his term to 1976, Giscard d'Estaing will be a star to watch.

I went to see the finance minister in his classically ornate Louis XV style office in the Ministry of Justice, opposite the Louvre. After a long conversation about the French position on international finance, I asked him about his own political future.

PARIS PARLEY — Thomas Vail, publisher and editor of The Plain Dealer, confers with Valery Giscard d'Estaing, right, France's finance minister.

AP Wirephoto

Naturally, he said he was now only interested in his present job. But when a photographer appeared as I got up to go, he smiled his best smile like most politicians, even intellectual ones.

Courteous, charming, professional, Giscard d'Estaing is a man we will be hearing a lot more about in the future.

Some one-line notes and observations made by Europeans in France and Germany:

* Germany's biggest problems are a shortage of skilled labor, low corporate profits and inflation.

* The U.S. dollar's "low" is not supported by economic facts and it should recover considerably in the months ahead.

* Europeans are optimistic about the economic future.

* European unification will encounter difficulties in the short run, but will gain support in the long run.

* Multinational corporations used to be more desirable to Germans because people figured U.S. investment would ensure military protection. Now there are some doubts.

* France will be the next country in Europe to "take off" economically because its big agricultural base is now moving to industry—as has happened in other countries—and the government is strong enough to contain labor increases.

* Germany, like France, is talking about some agreed exchange rates between the money of one country and another, as opposed to the current U.S. position of "floating valuations."

* The great thing about the United States is that the newspapers, the public and the Congress are interested enough in political morality to cause an uproar over something like Watergate. In Europe most people would say: "Watergate is just normal politics, so why get excited about it?"

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, July 5, 1973

## Publisher's Column

# Still Time for U.S. Leadership

By Thomas Vail

BERN — This capital of ever-neutral Switzerland is an appropriate place to end my five-nation tour of Europe.

Switzerland is a banking center, a country with fewer people than Ohio, geographically in Europe's center but neutral in all aspects. It is not a member of any European trading or financial organization.

The decline of the U.S. dollar in world markets is creating the biggest worries here since World War II. The leading bankers and government officials cannot believe it and do not understand it.

VAIL

"The whole thing is ridiculous and not supported by economic facts. The U.S.A. must support its currency or the whole economic life of the Western nations will suffer," one leading Swiss banker told me.

Confusion and pessimism about U.S. financial leadership best describes the attitude of Swiss bankers and government leaders. They fear what is happening to the U.S. dollar and do not know what to do about it.

ALL OF A SUDDEN NO one wants dollars and the value of the dollar drops every day to the consternation of everyone, especially us travelers whose costs rise by the hour.

Regardless of what may be said about a lower profile for the U.S.A. in Europe, this part of the world relies primarily on U.S. power and policy in finance as well as military security. "When America has a cold we sneeze," a high government official said. Right now there is plenty of sneezing in Switzerland and very little financial aspirin available.

Unless the U.S. dollar can be stabilized in Europe, no one here thinks much can come of the high-level trade and security meetings going on and planned for the fall.

"Why bother with trade and security questions when we do not know what a U.S. dollar is worth," a top Swiss banking official said.

And so it goes: confusion in all quarters. In addition, inflation here is running at a record 8% and no one knows what to do

about that either. The Swiss franc remains strong along with German marks but no one wants dollars until the U.S. steps in to support its own currency.

WHILE EUROPE WAITS AND worries, here are some final observations from my talks with leaders in five European countries.

European unity is a child of the fear of Russian communism. Without this common enemy, differences in politics, language, government and economics are difficult to unify. It is of no small significance that the biggest country close to communism is Germany and it is the country whose leader, Chancellor Willy Brandt, talks most about European unity.

President Nixon's summit with China and Russia works against European unity by reducing the urgency in Europe to combine against communism. These superpower conferences also leave European leaders with the empty feeling that the United States will be less interested in Europe in the years ahead. One gets the impression that if this trend continues, European nations will look increasingly for ways to go it alone, first economically and politically and finally militarily.

THE U.S. BALANCE OF payments deficit combined with the Watergate publicity is giving Europeans the impression that the giant U.S. ship of state is founding. What is most heartening is that respect and goodwill toward the U.S. remain high and no one wants the foundering trend to continue. My strongest impression of the last three weeks of news gathering is that the U.S. remains to most Europeans the main best hope for peace and stability in the world.

If the U.S. presents a new program to Europe I would guess this part of the world might argue the details but accept the principles. Perhaps the confusion in Europe is a prelude to a new U.S. policy thrust, which will set a pattern to replace the postwar policies of the last 28 years. There is still time for the U.S. to draw on its traditional and real IOU's in Europe. The time is running out on the setting of a new course. Right now Europe is looking for policy leadership from the U.S. Never was there a time when this leadership was more important.

It is with these thoughts I conclude what has amounted to a fascinating, if sobering, trip to this third most influential part of the world.

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, July 8, 1973

## Publisher's Column

# A Parting View of Europe

By Thomas Vail

A few final observations on my recent trip to Europe.

The magnificent churches of Europe dramatize the decline of the influence of all established religions among the young.

No traveler in Europe can ignore the priceless and superb architectural symbols of the great civilizing role established religion has played over the centuries.

However, except for tourists, the young everywhere express little or no interest in the activities of established religion in Europe today.

Talks with young people indicate most of them are uninterested and untouched by the dogma of the church and the views of its representatives.

ALTHOUGH RELIGION has always had a changing role, especially following civilizing the world from the fall of Rome to the beginning of the Renaissance, the decline of the influence of established religion in the last 10 years in Europe among people under 40 years of age is as dramatic as the magnificent churches that remain standing as symbols of past glories and contributions.

Visits to embassies always confront one with the question of the role of diplomats in today's world.

With the coming of instant communications and jet airplanes it is often observed that a diplomat today is left with the worst of all possible worlds.

Our diplomatic representatives do the public relations work while for the impor-

tant matters White House representatives come flying in from Washington or give instructions directly by telephone.

IN DAYS GONE BY diplomats had to act on their own. The job then required very able representation.

Now revolutionary groups are, when it suits them, harassing our diplomats and endangering their lives.

In our present government the boss of our diplomats around the world, the current secretary of state, has taken an obvious second position in foreign policy making.

In spite of all this, personalities still can be important.

A vigorous diplomat knowledgeable of the problems of the country he or she represents still can make a difference.

But this takes a lot of hard work and a very unusual personality to overcome the observation that U.S. diplomacy around the world today is an elegant, dangerous, essential business more often than not removed from policy making.

In any case the position of the U.S. government toward a foreign country is usually determined more by internal American politics than by the problems of the country where the diplomat resides.

If I may be permitted a self-serving comment, a trip to Europe will tend to make you appreciate American newspapers.

IN MOST COUNTRIES newspapers run 24 to 30 pages and print only 10% or 15% as much news as our leading newspapers.

Most foreign newspapers are highly partisan. Often they are owned by political parties and are unreliable.

An obvious exception is the outstanding Daily Telegraph of London. There are a few other exceptions, but not many.

VAIL

American journalism may leave a lot to be desired but the news reports of most leading U.S. newspapers are of a comprehensive depth almost unknown abroad.

In the area of television news the U.S. effort also is obviously superior.

Something like the NBC "Today Show," where news and comment goes on for two hours in the morning, is unknown in Europe. Morning TV news is either government controlled, unavailable or boring.

YOU MAY NOT like a lot of what you see in the American media but if you are willing to make the slightest effort you can get here a news report in depth unknown in any other part of the world.

The current European thinking on Watergate is turning toward an admiration for the U.S. system in that we are concerned enough about the morality of our political life to conduct such an extensive investigation.

In most countries a Watergate affair would be accompanied by a shrug of the shoulders and the view that this sort of thing happens in politics all the time.

The fact that America has the institutions and the public concern to change this course increases U.S. prestige abroad.

The most startling development in Italian politics is the change of the Communist party of Italy to a more responsible and accommodating role in the economic and political life of that nation.

Perhaps because of the new attitude of Russia toward the West, the Communist part of Italy is emerging as the one force with some discipline even to persuading unions to stick by the deals they make with employers.

The result is that employers such as the giant Fiat auto maker are working with the Communists more and more.

Whether this era of Communist party accommodation will last remains to be seen.

Reprinted from The Plain Dealer, July 22, 1973

MOTION PICTURE ASSOCIATION
OF AMERICA, INC.

1600 EYE STREET, NORTHWEST
WASHINGTON, D. C. 20006

JACK VALENTI
PRESIDENT

PERSONAL

August 14, 1972

You might be interested to hear about a description of Kissinger from an extraordinarily talented and intelligent Minister of Foreign Relations for Mexico, Emilio Rabasa.

Emilio is probably the closest friend I have in Latin America. He and his wife are dear intimate loyal people whom Mary Margaret and I love very much.

We visited with Emilio yesterday at the Watergate Hotel.

He said to me:

"I like this Kissinger. He is a genius or as close to one as a man can get. He never lies and I trust him as a man who keeps his word, a very important asset. Also, he never beats around the bush, but comes straight to the point. Another thing, when I said something that he thought was right, though it may have been counter to what he was saying, he gave it some thought, and then he would say, 'you are right'."

Because Rabasa is a sensitive, deeply cultivated, civilized public official, his opinion is, to me, of more than substantial value.

Honorable Henry Kissinger
The White House
Washington, D.C.

Leo Valiani, 20123 Milano
Porta Vercellina 5

Milan, December 17, 1968

Dear Professor Kissinger,

I was just about writing you, in
order to make you my sincerest compliments for
your nomination, but I was wondering where I should
address my letter.

Your kind X-mas card has given me
your Boston address. I seize the opportunity to
tell you (of course, you already know it) that
lots of people in Europe are putting their hopes
in your foresight and energy. The situation has
steadily deteriorated for lack of broadminded
guidance, but it can still be rescued.

I wish you a happy X-mas and a
very good new year.

CENTRAL FILES

MARS 4 1969

RECEIVED

Henry A. Kissing

Warm regards,

Thank you again for your congratulations.

always a pleasure to hear from past Seminars.
kind words and thoughts on my appointment. It is
time wanted you to know how much I appreciated your
I hesitated to write at this late date, but at the same
attention.

in New York and has just now brought it to my
secretary misplaced it during the transition period
delay in applying to your December letter. My
I hope you will accept my sincere apologies for the

Dear Mr. van Bilen:

Bruxelles 1, Belgium
2, rue Quatre Brae
Ministère Des Affaires Extérieures
Mr. Jet van Bilen

March 22, 1969

KISSINGER, HENRY V.

PROF. DR E. H. VAN DER BEUGEL

DEN HAAG, March 17, 1971.

SMIDSWATER 1
TEL. 070-653850

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

PERSONAL

My dear Henry,

Many thanks for your letter of March 9th.
It is indeed very, very kind of David Young to invite
Theo Max to stay a couple of days with him, but in the
struggle between his embarrassment about so much hospitality
and his eagerness to accept it, his eagerness clearly won,
and he has written to David how pleased he is that he can
stay with him.

I really hope very much that he can shake hands with you,
because that would be something he would like to do very
much.

I have now read the full State of the World
Report and I think it is a masterpiece. I find the paragraph
about Europe not only wise but in the present political
climate generous and very couragious. When I think of ten
years ago where you and I had some difficulties with our
friends Monnet and Kohnstamm I am struck by the fact how
the controversy between atlanticism and Europe has died down.
Max was tremendously impressed by the speech you made at
the dinner in honour of Jean Monnet.

My thoughts are very, very often with you,

Max was tremendously impressed by the speech you made at
the controversy between atlanticism and Europe has died down.
friends Monnet and Kohnatamm I am struck by the fact how
years ago where you, and I had some difficulties with our
climate generous and very corrections.When I think of ten
spont Europe not only wise put in the present political
Report and I think it is a masterpiece. I find the paragraph
I have now read the full state of the World

much.

because that would be something he would like to do very
I really hope very much that he can shake hands with you,
atay with him.

and he has written to David how pleased he is that he can
and his esoterica to accept it, his esoterica clearly won,
atrualle between his embarrassment about so much hospitality
Theo Max to stay a couple of days with him, put in the
It is indeed very, very kind of David Younq to invite
Many thanks for your letter of March 9th,

My dear Henry,

BERGONNT

KISSINGER, HENRY V.

TEL. 010-623820
2MD2WATER 1

DEN HAYG. MARCH 17, 1971.

PROF. DR. E. H. VAN DER BEUGEL

PROF. DR E. H. VAN DER BEUGEL

DEN HAAG, March 17, 1971.

SMIDSWATER 1
TEL. 070-653850

both in the personal field and in the burdens of the job,
but when I look at the many, many pictures I see of you
I am not concerned about your physical situation.
You look better than you ever did.

When you arrange your own kidnapping please do it
after the Woodstock Conference.

Miekje is very well, but is not going with me to Woodstock,
primarily because females are not admitted into this
exclusive club and second because it would still be a little
too tiring.

No specific news from this side of the ocean which
you don't know already through the superb intellectual
efforts of your Ambassadors. The only thing I deplore is
that the only really civilized community - the United
Kingdom - is having such a hopelessly difficult time.
It is rather unfair of our Lord that He put such a nice
group of talented and civilized men and women in such a
hell of a spot.

I will certainly see you in America and I can't wait
for the moment.

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
The White House
WASHINGTON D.C.
U.S.A.

U.S.A.

WASHINGTON D.C.

The White House

Dr. Henry A. Klaasen

for the moment.

hell of a spot.

group of talented and civilized men and women in such a
It is rather unfair of our Lord that He but such a nice
Kingdom - is having such a hopelessly difficult time.
that the only really civilized community - the United
efforts of your Ampsaasadora. The only thing I deplore is
you don't know already through the superb intellectual
No specific news from this side of the ocean which

too tiring.

exclusive club and second because it would still be a little
primarily because females are not admitted into this
Miekje is very well, but it is not doing with me to Woodstock,
after the Woodstock Conference.

When you arrange your own kids/binding please do it

I am not concerned about your physical situation.
but when I look at the many, many pictures I see of you
Both in the personal field and in the burdens of the job,

PROF. DR. E. H. AAN DEB BEUGEL

TEF 030-623820

SMIDDMATER 1

DEN HAYG. MARCH 17, 1971.

BdV

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

PROF. DR E. H. VAN DER BEUGEL

DEN HAAG, March 1, 1971

SMIDSWATER 1
TEL. 070-41-08-01 65 38 50

PERSONAL.

My dear Henry,

Theo Max will spend a couple of weeks in the U.S. between
his Master's Degree and his military service in the beginning
of May.

You know his great interest for American politics and he
will spend a couple of days purely as a tourist in Washington
D.C. This will happen in the week of April 26.

My request to you is whether he could get an introduction
to one of your assistants who could guide him a little bit in
what he wants to see very much in Washington. His ideal is
really to see the inside of The White House, perhaps to attend
a few meetings of the Congressional Committees in particular
the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, etc.etc.

If David Young would still have been in your personal staff
I would have directly written to him but you told me that he
still works for you but not in his former position. Would your
secretary be kind enough to let me know whom Theo Max could
approach before he goes to Washington. I would be very grateful
for your assistance.

I do not ask you to see him but perhaps when he tours The
White House he might, if allowed, wave to you through the window.

With all best wishes and I am delighted by
your letter that you will come to Woodstock.

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
The White House
WASHINGTON, D.C.
U.S.A.

U.S.A.

WASHINGTON, D.C.

The White House

Dr. Henry V. Klaasen

your letter that you will come to Woodstock.
With all best wishes and I am delighted by

White House he might, it allowed, wave to you through the window.
I do not ask you to see him but perhaps when he tours the
for your visitance.

I would have directly written to him but you told me that he
still works for you but not in his former position. Would you
I would have been very grateful
secretary because he should let me know how Theo Max could
approach before he does to Washington. I would be very grateful
for your assistance.

a few meetings of the Congressional Committees in particular
resulted to see the inside of The White House, perhaps to attend
what he wants to see very much in Washington. His ideal is
to one of your assistants who could guide him a little bit in
My request to you is whether he could get an introduction
D.C. This will happen in the week of April 26.

will spend a couple of days purely as a tourist in Washington
You know his great interest for American politics and he
of May.
his Master's Degree and his military service in the beginning
Theo Max will spend a couple of weeks in the U.S. between

My dear Henry,

PERSONAL

TEF 010 - 198808 083820

SMIDSWATER 1

DEN HAYG.

March 1, 1971

PROF. DR. E. H. VAN DER BENGEL

BQA

PROF. DR E. H. VAN DER BEUGEL

DEN HAAG, July 19, 1971.

SMIDSWATER 1
TEL. 070-653850

PERSONAL

Just to let you know that the events of last week and
your vital role in these events are not only very impressive
but give deep satisfaction to your friends.

It must be a unique experience to be so instrumental in such
a historic decision and I am proud and happy for you that
the outcome was so successful and that it has been possible
to keep the secret till the President announced the agreement.

To keep it secret is in itself a fantastic achievement
but the substance of the decision goes far beyond that.
Your present work always has the danger of being monopolized
by the day to day pressures and decisionmaking. It must be
an immense satisfaction for you that besides these very
heavy day to day burdens you have been able to work on this
long term issue, the importance of which goes far beyond what
anybody could expect.

It will not be an easy road but the fact that there is a
road at all and the way the access to the road was arranged
is without any doubt due to your presence in The White House.

Miekje and I send you our fondest greetings and the
assurance that we share your success and your very legitimate
pride.

Bridge.

Insurance that we share your success and your very legitimate
Měěkje and I send you our fondest greetings and the
is without any doubt due to your presence in The White House.

It will not be an easy road but the fact that there is a
long term issue, the importance of which does far beyond what
heavy day to day burden you have been able to work on this
an immense astatistaction for you that besides these very
by the day to day pressures and deciaionmaking. It must be
Your present work always has the danger of being monopolised
but the importance of the decision does far beyond that.

that could expect.

The importance of which does far beyond what
heavy day to day burden you have been able to work on this
an immense astatistaction for you that besides these very
by the day to day pressures and deciaionmaking. It must be
Your present work always has the danger of being monopolised
but the importance of the decision does far beyond that.

To keep the secret till the President announced the agreement.
the outcome was so successful and that it has been possible
a historic decision and I am proud and happy for you that
It must be a unique experience to be so inextrnmental in any
but give deep astatistaction to your friends.

your vital role in these events are not only very impressive
Just to let you know that the events of last week and

PERSONAL

PROF. DR. E. H. AVN DER BEUGEF

JET. 010-923820

2MIDSWATER 1

DEN HAVG. DRJØ 10, TÆL7.

KISSINGER, HENRY 17

The White House
Washington

1973 MAY 26 AM 10 47

WN3 42 VIA RCA

SGRAVENHAGE 1607 MAY 25 1973

DR HENRI KISSINGER

THE WHITE HOUSE

MANY HAPPY RETURNS FOR OUR FIFTY YEARS OLD FRIEND STOP THE FIRST

HALF OF THE CENTURY HAVE BEEN MIRACULOUS STOP OUR WARMEST WISHES

OF FRIENDSHIP FOR THE SECOND HALF

MIEKJE AND ERNEST VANDERBEUGEL

RECEIVED
JUN 6 1973
CENTRAL FILES

FORM 0805 PRINTED BY THE STANDARD REGISTER COMPANY, U. S. A.

CENTRAL FILES

MAR 5 1969

RECEIVED

Henry V. Klessinger

Best wishes,

justify your confidence.
appreciated and I hope that I will be able to
Your kind words and thoughts are greatly

led to your present position.
participants and am pleased that your participation
I always enjoy hearing from former Seminar

your letter to my attention.
secretly misplaced it and have just now brought
the delay in replying to your kind letter. My
I hope you will accept my broken apologies for

Dear Klaus:

New York, New York
111 Third Avenue
Mr. Klaus Ann Dirk
KLAUS
VAN DIJK

March 22, 1969

KISSINGER, HENRY V.

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

AUG 10 1971

Dear Barry:

Many thanks for your note of August 3.
It was good to hear from you again, and
your words of encouragement and support
are greatly appreciated.

Please stay in touch.

Mr. Barry L. Van Lare
Executive Deputy Commissioner
Department of Social Services of
the State of New York
1450 Western Avenue
Albany, New York 12203

jlp:8/9/71

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

The White House
Washington

RECEIVED
KISSINGER'S OFFICE

WHD037 WAG063(1042)(1-007567A027)PD 01/27/73 1042

ICS IPMBNGA BRID

1973 JAN 29 AM 8 36

1973 JAN 27 AM 11 11

ZCZC 01179 NS FCA021 FUF507 INTL PARIS VIA FRENCH 026 27 1010

PMS ZMONSIEUR HENRY KISSINGER

MAISONBLANCHE

WASHINGTON DC

VOUS FELICITE LA REUSSITE DU GRAND TACHE VOUS AIME ET VOUS ADMIRE

SOUHAITE VOUS APPARTENIR DANS L AVENIR

NORMA ADELA VENEGAS

FORM 0805 PRINTED BY THE STANDARD REGISTER COMPANY U. S. A.

10172

NORMA ADELA VENEGAS

SOUHAITE VOUZ APPARTEUR DANS L'AVENIR

VOUS FELICITE LA REUSSITE DU GRAND TACHE VOUZ AIME ET VOUS ADMIRE

WASHINGTON DC

MAISONBLANCHE

PMS SMONZIEUR HENRY KISSINGER

SCSC 01119 W2 FCAOS1 FUE201 INTL PARIS VIA FRENCH OSB ST 1010

IC2 IPMBNGA BRIO

WH003T WAG063(104S)(1-001287A0ST)BC 01/ST/73 104S

KISSINGER, HENRY A. / Msq.-REC'D/U*

18641

RECEIVED
KISSINGER'S OFFICE

The White House
Washington

WHD016 WAB710(2346)(2-043733E025)PD 01/25/73 2346

ICS IPMMTZZ CSP

1973 JAN 26 PM 12 36

ZCZC 3016722210 NL TDMT FORT MEAD MD 100 01-25 1146P EST

1973 JAN 26 AM 12 43

PMS DR HENRY KISSINGER
SPECIAL ASSISTANT TO PRESIDENT

WASHINGTON DC

CONGRATULATIONS ON THE SUCCESSFUL CONCLUSION OF A CEASE FIRE
IN THE REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM. BEST WISHES FOR A PERMANENT PEACE
OFFICES AND MEMBERS OF VFW POST 5922 LAUREL MD

FEB 19 1973
CENTRAL FILES

18642

OFFICES AND MEMBERS OF AFV POST 26SS LAUREL MD
IN THE REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM. BEST WISHES FOR A PERMANENT PEACE
CONGRATULATIONS ON THE SUCCESSFUL CONCLUSION OF A CEASE FIRE
WASHINGTON DC

SPECIAL ASSISTANT TO PRESIDENT
PM2 DR HENRY KIRRINGER
SCSC 2016155510 ML TDMT FORT MEAD MD 100 01-S2 1146P E2T
IC2 IPMMT2S CRP

WH0016 WAB110(C546)(S-042132E052)B0 01\52\13 5346

10600

H-Pere

KISSINGER, HENRY A./MSQ-REC'D/U*★
The White House
Washington

WHC271(2358) (2-076512E023)PD 01/23/73 2325

ICS IPMBNGZ CSP

ZCZC 8153996186 NL TDBN ROCKFORD IL 100 01-23 1125P EST

PMS DR HENRY A KISSINGER

WHITE HOUSE DC

JOB WELL DONE YOU ARE A SALESMAN EXTRAORDINARY
MR AND MRS DEAN C VOGELER ROCKFORD ILLINOIS

1973 JAN 24 AM 12 00

1973 JAN 24 AM 9 05

RECEIVED
KISSINGER'S OFFICE

FORM 0808, PRINTED BY THE STANDARD REGISTER COMPANY, U. S. A.

MEMORANDUM

NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL

25091

ACTION

January 28, 1971

MEMORANDUM FOR MR. KISSINGER

FROM: Helmut Sonnenfeldt

SUBJECT: Letter from Otto von Habsburg

In the letter at Tab B, which reached us only on January 15, Otto von Habsburg expresses his appreciation for his most recent meeting with you and inquires whether you would permit the Hungarian emigre review *UJ Europa*, with which he is associated, to publish one of your recent writings or speeches on international affairs. He states that the journal, published in Munich in Hungarian, is an educational review with a circulation among Hungarians all over the world.

After checking into the journal, it seems quite undesirable for you to have even a pre-1969 article published in it. The editor of the review apparently has a history of Nazi ties, and the review is not particularly well known. No useful purpose would seem to be served by your publishing in a Hungarian emigre journal.

At Tab A is a negative reply.

RECOMMENDATION

That you sign the reply to Otto von Habsburg at Tab A.

HINDENBURGSTRASSE 15

8134 PÜCKING b. STARNBERG
(OBERBAYERN)

December 18th, 1970

TELEFON: FELDAFING 379

Dear Professor Kissinger :

Having safely returned to Europe I want to write
you these lines to tell you what great joy it was to see
you once again. I was so happy at the opportunity of talking
with you on so many problems which are of common interest
to the United States and Europe.

I come to you today with a request. Since many
years I do my best to help a monthly Hungarian review,
the "UJ Europa", which appears in Munich in Hungarian
language. This review studiously abstains from all the
small questions of domestic affairs and exclusively deals
and treats international matters. It thus does a very valid
educational work among the Hungarians scattered all over the
world. As far as emigrant papers go and considering its high
intellectual level, it has achieved quite a circulation.
The editor of the paper who works in Munich at Radio Free
Europe, a man of great intelligence and energy, has just
come to see me and has asked me to write you on his behalf.
He would be very grateful, if you would permit the paper to
translate into Hungarian one of your major statements, - be
it an article or a lecture of relatively recent times dealing
with international affairs - so that the Hungarians all over
the world might be able to know your thoughts on the great
problems of the day. Knowing the paper and appreciating its
value I would enthusiastically support this request.

In case you would be disposed to reply to the
paper's request in the affirmative, could your office let
me know and eventually send me either an article or the text
of a lecture you have delivered and which you think is most
significant as to your thoughts in the present time. I can
guarantee you that the translation will be very well made,
as you will be able to ascertain when it is sent to you.

I would like to take this opportunity to wish you
a very blessed Christmas Season and a happy New Year. May
the year 1971 be for you most successful and fulfill many
of your wishes.

With warmest regards,

yours very sincerely,

OTTO VON HABSBURG

HINDENBURGSTRASSE 15
8134 POCKING b. STARNBERG
(OBERBAYERN)

February 8th, 1973

TELEFON: FELDAFING 379

Dear Professor Kissinger :

Since you told me to inform you when I should be
in Washington, I want to tell you that I shall arrive
in Washington on Saturday March 3rd in the evening
and shall stay there at the Watergate Hotel till
Wednesday March 7th noon. I am going to the United
States to make a few addresses and taking this
opportunities for staying for a short while in
Washington. If you desire something just let me know.
I shall not bother you by asking to see you, since
I can well imagine how overloaded with work you are.

May I tell you once more, as I did already in
my preceding letter, how much I congratulate you on
the extraordinary success of your diplomacy and how
much you and the President have done to raise the
prestige of the United States on this side of the
ocean. It is a sight worth seeing to see all the
permanent critics of your country now gasping for
breath and not knowing what to say and what to think.

Wishing you after these tiresome times at least
a little bit of rest and with my warmest regards,

forwarding address :

A-672, Lans, Tyrol, Austria.

Dear Dr Kissinger,

these lines are written to congratulate you for your appointment !

I hope that you remember me from Confluence-Days. Ever since 1956-7 I have been circling the Globe annually or have made the Big Loop (Europe-California-South America-West-Africa-Europe). Thus I have been to Peru 5 times, to Vietnam 4 times, to Rhodesia twice, to India 6 times etc. Once(1963) I spent a summer in the USSR and since I speak Russian I got a great kick out of it...many depressing but also some very encouraging experiences.

If there is anything I can do for you, please contact me at the above address. I am just leaving the USA for Santo Domingo, Bogotá and Lima where I will spend Christmas and New Year with the American Consul V.T. Blacque. (I continue to Bolivia, Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Senegal, Spanish Sahara and Western Europe.).

I have not published much in English for some time, but a lot in other languages. I am still connected with the National Review and lectured last year in the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions in Santa Barbara. It was great fun, as you easily can imagine.

Since I am lecturing annually in the United States I do hope to see you sometimes in October or November. Perhaps I can provide you with one or the other information, useful or otherwise....

Yours ever sincerely

DEC 1-3 1968

DER BOTSHAFTER
DER BUNDESREPUBLIK DEUTSCHLAND

P.O. Box 48

Tehran, December 5th, 1968

Professor Henry Kissinger
Harvard University

Cambridge / Mass.
U.S.A.

Dear Professor Kissinger,

It was with great pleasure and satisfaction that I read about your appointment as a Special ~~Secretary~~ to the President in yesterday's Herald Tribune. I had always hoped that one day you may be coming to Washington on a more permanent basis and I derive great comfort from the knowledge that your experience and good judgement will be at the new President's direct disposal - especially in the difficult times ahead. I am sure, a great many people in Europe - especially in my country - feel the same way.

I had hoped to come to Cambridge to say good-bye to my many friends there, but unfortunately there was not enough time left, when I was last in Washington in October. Some day, I hope, I will be back in the United States again.

With a great many thanks for all the cooperation and kindness always shown to me during my stay in Washington and with all very best wishes, also for the coming holidays and especially for your new appointment, I remain,

very sincerely yours.

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

March 24, 1969

Dr. Edgar yon Schmidt-Pauli
Minister Plenipotentiary
405 Lexington Avenue
New York New York 10017

Dear Edgar:

I realize you didn't expect an answer to your letter, and I even hesitate to reply at this late date. My secretary misplaced your letter and it was just brought to my attention a couple of days ago.

I just wanted you to know how much I appreciated hearing from you and also for sending your good wishes on my appointment.

The U. N. post is fascinating and I'm sure it will continue to be.

Thank you again for your letter, and give my best to Monika.

RECEIVED
MAR 27 1969
CENTRAL FILES

RECEIVED
MARCH 24, 1969
GENERAL FILES

Henry A. Klausinger

Best regards,

to Monica.
Thank you again for your letter, and give my best

continue to be.

wishes on my appointment.

hearing from you and also for sending your good
I just wanted you to know how much I appreciated

brought to my attention a couple of days ago.
secretary misplaced your letter and it was just
and I even hesitate to reply at this late date. My
I realize you didn't expect an answer to your letter.

Dear Edgar:

New York New York 10017
402 Lexington Avenue
Minister Plenipotentiary
Dr. Edgar von Schmidt-Pauli

March 24, 1969

KIRRINGER, HENRY A.

Federal Republic of Germany
The Permanent Observer
to the United Nations

Dr. Edgar von Schmidt-Pauli
Minister Plenipotentiary

405 Lexington Avenue
New York, N. Y. 10017
Murray Hill 7-6882

December 9, 1968

Professor Henry Kissinger
c/o Center of International Affairs
Harvard University
Cambridge, Mass.

Dear Henry:

Let Monika and me be among the many friends who want
to express their congratulations and their delight
about the decision the President-elect has made on
your behalf. Please accept our warmest wishes for
success and satisfaction in your new important assign-
ment.

You will be burdened by mail by now and you shouldn't
bother about an answer. But, maybe, against all odds,
we still hope to remain in contact with you, looking
back to so many interesting and pleasant meetings
during our happy years in Boston. If you ever have
a moment please give us a call or drop a line. Our
home address is 5261 Independence Avenue, Riverdale,
N.Y. 10471, Tel. No. TU 4-0377.

The U.N. is quite fascinating and we are satisfied at
the time with both work and home. But I do miss oc-
casionally the direct involvement in American affairs.

Friedrich Graf von Westphalen
4006 Erkrath-Unterbach
Vennstrasse 184
Germany

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Divinity Av.
Cambridge/Mass. 02138
Harvard University
USA

JAN 2 1968

JAN 4 1968

am 14.12. 1968

Sehr verehrter, lieber Herr Professor Kissinger !

Ich beeile mich, Ihnen sehr herzlich zu Ihrer Ernennung zu gratulieren. Sie können sich kaum vorstellen, mit welcher Genugtuung und Befriedigung wir alle in Deutschland diese Nachricht zur Kenntnis genommen haben. In meinen beiden Zeitanlagen habe ich auch sogleich etwas über Sie geschrieben und erlaube mir, es Ihnen anbei zur Kenntnis zu bringen.

Ich hoffe sehr, im Laufe des nächsten Jahres nach den USA zu kommen, wenn es geringt sogar als Stipendiant des John-F-Kennedy-Memorial Scholarship. Ob es dann möglich ist, Sie nochmals zu sehen oder bei einem Ihrer Besuche in Europa ? Es wäre mir jedenfalls ein Vergnügen.

Für Ihre neue Aufgabe wünsche ich Ihnen - darf ich so unbescheiden sein ? - alles Gute, Mut und Kraft, Ausdauer und Beharrlichkeit, um Ihre Ideen durchsetzen zu können. Für das bevorstehende Weihnachtsfest aber wünsche ich Ihnen "merry Christmas and a happy New Year"

stets Ihr sehr ergebener

# Europäer hoffen auf Kissinger

Von Friedrich Graf von Westphalen

KUNFTIGE GESCHICHTSSCHREIBER werden wahrscheinlich Präsident Johnson bescheinigen, bereits er habe die Wende der amerikanischen Außenpolitik von Asien nach Europa eingeleitet. Der Stichtag für diese Entwicklung wird der 21. August 1968 sein. Das wachsende Interesse der USA an Europa läßt sich sehr genau bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt zurückverfolgen. Es begann mit einer recht lahmen Erklärung des State Department nach dem Überfall auf Prag. Einige Tage später aber attackierte Präsident Johnson von seiner Ranch in Texas aus mit aller Heftigkeit die Sowjetunion und warnte sie, unter gar keinen Umständen in Rumänien das Gleiche zu versuchen. Ein vorläufiger Höhepunkt war dann der Besuch des stellvertretenden US-Außenministers Nicholas Katzenbach in Belgrad, der hierzulande viel zuwenig beachtet worden ist. Unterstrichen wurde diese Tendenz der amerikanischen Außenpolitik dann auffällig auf der Brüsseler NATO-Tagung, als Außenminister Dean Rusk in einer geheimen Sitzung Moskau vor einer Attacke auf Österreich, Jugoslawien und Rumänien warnte und versicherte, dies sei ein Angriff auf die Sicherheit der westlichen Allianz.

Die Ernennung des Harvard-Professors Henry A. Kissinger zum Chef des „Nationalen Sicherheitsrats" durch den kommenden US-Präsidenten Nixon bestätigt diese Entwicklung. Man hätte sich keinen geeigneten Kopf für diesen Posten vorstellen können. Kissinger, der bekanntlich deutscher Abstammung ist, ist einer der besten Europakenner der Vereinigten Staaten. Für ihn gibt es gar keinen Zweifel daran, daß Europa der Hauptschauplatz des künftigen amerikanischen Engagements sein muß. Immer wieder hat er diese Notwendigkeit unterstrichen, in seinen ausgezeichneten Büchern, in vielen Vorträgen und persönlichen Gesprächen. Kissinger ist ein genialer Kopf. Nicht umsonst hat man ihn den „Clausewitz des 20. Jahrhunderts" genannt. Seine Logik ist messerscharf, seine Ausführungen klar und luzid — bei alldem aber bleibt er immer auch sehr hilfsbereit für die kleinen Anliegen seiner Mitmenschen.

Kissinger ist im Grunde seines Herzens ein Historiker. Das hat ihn schon in der Vergangenheit dazu befähigt, Analysen zu erstellen, die über den Tag hinaus Bedeutung und Gültigkeit haben. So hat er seit jeher die mangelnde Konsultation zwischen Washington und den europäischen Allierten bemängelt, wofür freilich in den meisten Fällen Washington die Schuld trägt.

Noch vor kurzem unterstrich er, daß es ein Unding gewesen sei, den Atomwaffensperрr- vertrag mit der Sowjetunion auszuhandeln und dann den Europäern zur Unterschrift vorzulegen. Denn solche Verfahrensweisen führten nur zu Mißverständnissen und Veränderungen — es sei eine Mißachtung der Partner des Bündnisses. In ähnlicher. Weise geißelte er wiederholt die fehlende Reformfreudigkeit im atlantischen Bündnis, das nie zu einer politischen Einheit finden könne, solange das erdrückende Ubergewicht der USA in Fragen des atomaren Einsatzes nicht zufriedenstellend im Sinne eines partnerschaftlichen Verhältnisses gegenseitigen Vertrauens geregelt sei.

Europa wird also aufatmen können. Und es darf als sicher gelten, daß die amerikanische Außenpolitik, deren langfristige Planung ja Kissinger obliegt, in Zukunft von den pragmatischen Ansätzen der Johnson-Politik Abstand nehmen wird, um auf eine „größere Kontinuität“ hinzuarbeiten. Das stärkt naturgemäß die Bande wechselseitigen Vertrauens, zumal Kissinger — wie kaum ein anderer — in der Lage ist, psychologische Folgen dieser oder jener Politik vorauszusehen und vorauszuberechnen. Als Historiker weiß er, daß in Europa für die Zukunft nichts so schwerwiegende Folgen haben kann wie ein Gefühl der Ohnmacht, des Ausgeliefertseins an die Politik der Supermächte. Seine Planung wird also auch bei dem notwendigen strategischen Dialog zwischen den USA und der Sowjetunion diese Gesichtspunkte in Rechnung stellen. Die Zeit dürfte daher zu Ende gehen, daß über die Köpfe der Europäer hinweg ein „Dialog der Supermächte" geführt wird.

Freilich, das alles ist sehr verheißungsvoll. Und wenn es nach Kissinger ging, könnten sich die Europäer zufrieden ihren eigenen Problemen hingeben. Aber Kissinger ist nur ein kleines Rad in der großen Maschinerie der amerikanischen Regierung. Wunderdinge kann auch er nicht vollbringen. Und so ist es wahrscheinlich besser, die amerikanische Politik insgesamt im Auge zu behalten. Erst das ist der richtige Hintergrund: die amerikanische Außenpolitik als Politik einer Weltmacht.

Kissinger hat soeben in einem Essay ver-
sucht, diese Grundsätze darzustellen. Wie
schon so oft geht es von der Forderung aus,
die USA müßten sich zunächst einmal klar
werden, welche Gestalt dieser Welt sie sich
für die Zukunft wünschen — als „Politik

in einer militärisch bipolaren und politisch
multipolaren Welt". Daran aber fehlt es
zur Zeit unter dem Eindruck der Erfahrung-
gen des Vietnamkrieges. Unverkennbar hat
sich in der jüngeren Generation ein Hang
zum Isolationismus ausgebreitet. Man hat
aus dem vietnamesischen Debakel die Kon-
sequenzen gezogen und weigert sich fortan
mehr als zuvor, irgendein auswärtiges En-
gagement einzugehen. Der scheidende
Außenminister Dean Rusk hat soeben erst
mit ernsten Worten vor dieser Gefahr ge-
wartet und meinte, die USA befänden sich
„am Ausgangspunkt einer großen Debatte
über den Isolationismus", und er fügte hin-
zu, er fürchte, die Lehren der Vergangen-
heit seien vergessen.

Mit diesen politischen Gefühlen, die frei-
lich vom Typus des früher bekannten Iso-
lationismus sich beträchtlich unterscheiden,
wird aber die Regierung Nixon auskommen
müssen. Was die Stunde geschlagen hat,
wird klar, wenn man den Text einer Se-
natsresolution zur Kenntnis nimmt. Darin
wird jedes weitere auswärtige Engagement
der USA von der Zustimmung des Kon-
gresses ausdrücklich abhängig gemacht. Es
soll also nicht mehr vorkommen, daß wie
in Vietnam die Verwicklung in den Krieg
nach und nach zunimmt, ohne daß der Senat
dies hindern kann.

Auch gilt es zu bedenken, daß der Viet-
namkrieg noch keineswegs beendet ist. Das
Nachgeben Saigons hat allerdings in den
USA und auch in anderen Teilen der west-
lichen Welt dazu geführt, daß viele glau-
ben, der Friede stehe unmittelbar bevor.
Das ist beileibe nicht der Fall. Und es wird
auch für die nahe Zukunft nicht so sein.
Die Probleme scheinen vielmehr so ver-
trakt, daß man kaum auf ein gutes Ende
hoffen kann. Dies gilt für Vietnam ebenso
wie es für die vielfältigen ungelösten Pro-
bleme der Vereinigten Staaten selbst — es
sind wahre Jahrhundertprobleme. Diese
aber lassen es, je näher man hinsieht,
immer schwieriger erscheinen, daß Nixon
und Henry Kissinger eine grundlegende
Neuorientierung der amerikanischen
Außenpolitik fürs erste zuwege bringen
werden. Kissinger selbst hat eingeräumt,
das es leichter sei, derartige Forderungen
zu erheben als sie durchzuführen. Es wird
sich noch zeigen müssen, wie die harte
Tagesrealität gemeistert wird. Aber sicher-
lich wird Kissinger eins erreichen, daß das
gegenseitige Vertrauen zwischen der Neuen
und der Alten Welt wieder mehr gefestigt
wird. Das ist schon sehr viel.