New Haven, Conn.

May 23, 1939

My very dear friend

I cannot tell you how much your letters encourage me. My relations with friends are all on concrete things and we never say any thing personal and inward, as if we were bound by a tacit convention in that sense. There is something wholesome in expressing mutual trust and affection only through concrete ways, but one sometimes likes more direct word. You are the only friend who is unafraid to say them. I would perhaps be even more grateful to you if I might be honored now and then with frank warnings of my sloth and pettiness. These are the implicit things between us, and I try to read them between the lines.

It does not seem possible that America would take an active part in an European war, if it should break out. The sentiment against it seems general and desiccative. The situation might change if England and France were actually losing in war; for the conviction and faith in democracy in this country seems to have deepened in recent months. But even then, the participation would not necessarily take the form of sending soldiers over, though this might occur if the allied defeat were decisive. I believe this last event would be unlikely.

Perhaps the next few days will give a clearer indication whether there will be a war or not. If war were provoked by Germany and Italy--- which would be unlikely, it seems to me,-- that would be a deliberate act of gambling: neither country can be confident of ultimate victory, Italy less than Germany, and they could only stake everything on the chance of an early decisive victory, failing which they would expect to be effaced altogether as forms of government. For the ultimate good of the world, this latter issue would be a great blessing outweighing the fearful loss of life this would involve, provided the victors would be much wiser in their treatment of Germany after the war than they have been since the

2

May 23, 1939

last war. This is a cold, seemingly cynical thing to say, but without
a war and defeat, the fall of the enslaving regimes would be longer delayed.
On the other hand, if they should fall through a war, the world would have
to endure the greater and more lasting danger of communism.

I am deeply impressed by the new demonstration of the powers of
democracy given by England in the response of the nation to the sudden
change of policy and by France in her Presidential election and in the
quiet resolution to endure the sacrifices of war. This moral element is
absent on the other side. Another contrast seems to me equally instructive
- the great difference between the two sides in their sense of faith
(Treue) and honor (Ehre). In this there is to me an immense historical
significance. I regard the difference as due to the differences in the
experiences in the past of the nations, especially in the Middle Ages.
Such sense of honor and faith as is the heritage of England and France
was prevented from developing far and was largely neutralized by circum-
stances in Italy and Germany—by political history, by the condition of
classes of people etc. Besides the present leaders in these two coun-
tries have risen from classes in them in which the same moral qualities
were even more arrested than in their nobler classes. The same is true
with the high command of the Japanese army. To these leaders is alien
the feeling of repugnance and shame of ignominious acts which is shared
in England and France even among the humbler people. When there is no
"noblesse oblige", any non-moral short-cut for the sake of quick success
is made without natural compunction.

But this old moral heritage, where it exists can hardly last forever.
It must gradually wane, and should be replaced by a new way of training
the qualities without which there could be no democracy or civilization.
er
Such training is not yet in evidence in America Here is a great peril
than war, for ot would permit extreme rightest or leftest movements to
prevail, and oppression and unreason and war would make an unending vicious

New Haven, Conn.

July 12, 1939

My great friend,

Your letters are always encouraging and strengthening, as letters
from no one else are, but they amaze me by the intensity of some of your
feelings that they reveal. Is it that my power to feel has ebbed, and I am
no longer capable of great repentance or exultation? I have, it seems,
censed to be restlessly tormented with a sense of estrangement and lone-
liness and to desire a sudden enlightenment. Nor will I plead that I be-
long to the type that is not saved by an ictic concersion, but by a slow
gradual approach; for, looking back, I do not see I have been making any
notable progress. On the contrary, I appear to be stationary, my ups and
downs seem small and I often catch myself lapsing into snugness. I feel
constantly sustained, it is true, and it is enough for me to look at the
leaves and growing plants in order to come to the Presense. But I am
likely famished and need to be stirred by coming in contact with a foreign
nation or a great face of Nature. It is so quiet here at College in summer
that occasional voices of friends, men or women, seem unusually welcome.
I need to be steeped in Nature, so to speak, before I can feel at home.
I envy you spanning the ocean and visiting Old Ireland. I am looking for-
ward to August in New Hampshire. I shall then throw myself down on the
ground and give me up to insects, lose myself in woods in day and meadows
at night, and allow myself to be wet to the skin by showers.

This is foolish talk, but you have induced it by implying that Zen
demanded an abrupt change of soul. I should hesitate to agree completely
with that interpretation. What comes abruptly in the Zen method is not,
as I understand it, a change of soul, but the falling down of its fences,
freeing and universalizing it and then its returning to its individuality.
This is not a change, but home-coming and self-discovery. Need that be
and is it always sudden? Is not Zen rather an artificial if forceful
method, useful only under unusual conditions? I admit suddenness, even

July 12, 1939

2

in the Christian discipline, at a certain point. Every conversion is that. But only figuratively it may be called a change of heart, for the heart could not change unless there was a heart, and one's heart it must remain after the conversion. Afterwards it must " change " on and on, but it must always be the same heart. During life the heart is chained to its mortal coil; after death, it will in some fashion be freer, but there still may be the same " heart ", though I don't know nor, at this moment care.

All this is, I suspect, the same thought as yours, except perhaps on the last point. There too, I lack feeling.

Have you seen Freud's new book on Moses ? ( I have not ) I think there is truth in his thesis that every one labors with complexes. I have had several in my past. But I discover none in me now. I seem to take nothing seriously about myself and to moved all seriousness to spheres beyond myself, or, more accurately, to spheres in which I am a speck, if an integral speck. To what can be said to be of myself apart, I seem to be nearly indifferent.

I have been reading, as my bed-reading, about Bertrand du Guesclin, of Brittany, 1320-30, who became the Connetable de France during the early stages of the Hundred Years War between France and England. The story written shortly after his death, throws light upon the French and English sense of personal honor and loyalty of those days. There was a marked difference in this respect between chevalier and commoner or merchant, and, among the chevaliers, between the English and French on the one hand and the Spanish on the other. The first two fought according to the rules of war and admired and often helped an honorable foe. They were in many ways savage in comparison with the modern man, but much more delicate and susceptible concerning the one point to which I have referred.

3

July 12, 1939

I hope to read German chivalric literature in order to see if there
is a difference. I know the Germanic peoples from ancient times had a
strong sense of *Träue* and *Ehre*, But I think those were different concepts
and expressed themselves in different forms from chivalric. Hitler in
Mein Kampf reveals himself much nearer the ancient Teuton that the medieval
knight. It is the reaction that chivalry, as it was accepted in Germany,
made upon these older ideas, that I am curious to know, I am keenly in-
terested in these problems because of their great significance at present
and in the ages to follow.

Your devoted friend,

K. Asakawa.

From the moral standpoint, I think what is more
important than anything else, and far more important
in democracies than in others, but also needed in
absolute regimes,--is the *personal* (individual) sense
of one's *own* faith and honor. And it is precisely
what is waning in political life everywhere, this
country not excepted. This is the universal trend.
In the Middle Ages, this moral sense was guarded and
cultivated by very strong social sanction, which no
longer exists and has not been replaced by any equally
effective force to maintain it. In the Middle Ages,
the loyal sense developed in different degrees and in
different forms in the various countries. They are
still alive in the two countries where they developed
best, and where their political experience since early
modern times has kept it alive and trained it in new
forms,--namely, England and France. Elsewhere, in-
cluding Japan, so far as her ruling forces are con-
cerned at the present moment, either the development
was retarded, or it took forms inadequate for national
political life, or rulers have risen from classes
whose forefathers were beyond the chivalric circles

- 2 -

and therefore do not understand what responsibility
to one's own honor means. I could illustrate these
assertions by concrete facts which are occurring daily,
if I had the time to do so. The thing is waning and
it is futile to bewail its passing where there is
nothing to train it. Neither science, education,
economic efficiency, nor law and treaties, can nourish
and cultivate it. Only the home, and the democratic
citizen's life, feebly demand it, but apparently they
are too weak even to arrest the decline which goes on
a pace. People are unlearning what is honorable and
what is mean; they do or condone mean acts, because
they do not feel their ignominy, not because they
prefer meanness. One very salutary tendency in America,
England, and France, is the growth of candor and ob-
jectivity among the young people. But they make only
for efficiency, which is not a sufficient guide for
political life and can be turned to dangerous uses.
For these qualities are in the sphere of intellect
only. But it is impossible to ignore that man is also
a moral being, in all spheres of his activity. When
there are two persons, and two nations, they must cease
to be human; but become brutes or machines once they

- 3 -

forget to be alive to their sense of individual
honor and human dignity. Some regimes can for a
time flourish by killing these virtues, but democracies,
it appears to me, are built upon them.

What can the democratic statesmanship devise to
make secure this foundation of all political existence?

Pray forgive this tedious soliloquy.

Very sincerely yours,

Plymouth, N.H.

Sept.3,1939

My fellow Traveler,

To you on your way home I write this on one of my last days in
this very sweet farmland. You are probably about to trust yourself for a
few days to another element.

You must be leaving Ireland with deep feelings of relief for your-
selves but of anxiety for your sister and friends you leave behind. I have
been following the great events occurring East and West, and my mind and my
heart are full. I often feel in my arrogance that I wish I were directing
affairs in England or Japan, or were near Hitler to soothe and change his
heart. I cannot help feeling much sympathy for the personal tragedy into
which his tortured mind has led him, the single mind on which the fate of
the world has come to depend. By a glorious defeat and downfall he may
yet atone for himself and his country which he has led astray, but at what
sacrifice! But no more of this subject in this letter.

I have as usual been able to do much solid work in this quiet re-
treat. But my gains in spirit have been, if I am not mistaken, much greater.
In this, the month in the woods has been as gratifying as my spirit would
permit it to be. Nature in all her varied moods and aspects on land seems
more intimate and more live than she has ever seemed to me. Every thing
speaks of all that is wisdom, love and power, to which man also is another
testimony. Wisdom and love are vast and overwhelming, but never before have
I felt so much the Power that sustains and realizes the love and wisdom
of creation. Perhaps this experience has been aided by the astounding
marks left by the recent hurricane, by the stream of power-driven cars that
pass on the near road and also of the tremendous force of history that is
in evidence in the present world.

Power is **pouvoir**, the sum total of all potentialities. It expresses
itself in Force of all degrees. When man misuses force or when Nature
employs it suddenly, it is Violence. But in Nature, Power appears to work

2

Plymouth, N.H.

Sept. 3, 1939

with more directness and in simpler and purer forms; even her violence
may in her inscrutable way be wisdom and love for all man knows.

That power speaks constantly in and behind every cloud, every tree
and grass. See the swift spread of the Northern Light across the sky, the
strong encrusting of the pine bark, the irresistible ascent of the tip of
a blade of grass. Hitler is propelled and Mussolini is buffeted by an un-
known wind before which they are no more than straws. All this is common-
place but, it is some gain more or less truly to learn it.

Pray give me crumbs of your table.

Your devoted friend,

K. Asakawa

10th September. These pages were written in Plymouth. They are self-
complacent and presumptuous, even as a soliloquy, but I send them as they
are, as a sort of penance, with a renewed begging of your crumbs. An
ocean voyage always is an opportunity for observation and reflection, so
you will have fared very well.

How difficult it seems for the poor Germans, especially for Hitler,
to understand democratic peoples. It appears that, when Hitler launched
upon his Polish venture, he believed that it would not be a gamble but a
certain investment and another stroke for popularity with his nation; he
would quickly conquer a Polish territory, and then detach France from her
ally and induce her to agree to his peace proposed upon the basis of the
fait accompli; as for England, she too, had no drive to fight and would be
compelled to acquiesce for the present. With the resources and power thus
gained, and with further acquisitions, Hitler thought, Germany might
leisurely prepare for a final conclusion with the decrepid empire. If he
has not begun to discover the colossal folly of this miscalculation, he will

3

September 3 and September 10, 1939

beforelong be forced to come to his senses; and then it would be for
him at last a true gamble and the logical tragedy of his whole Promethean
life. He might either die a hero sword in hand, while heroism was still
possible for him, or see his hold upon the German nation rapidly decrease
and his regime fall ignominiously. That regime has been of extreme
fragility, based as it is upon sheer organization and upon national con-
fidence in his single person; and the latter will now begin to evaporate.

As for the organization he has built, if it should collapse abruptly
and if Germany should be thrown into a chaos, what a disaster it would
be for Europe in general. The victorious allies should this time be wise
and equitable in their treatment of Germany and help to make this trans-
ition in a new regime as smooth and harmless as possible. In the mean-
time, an ultimate victory of the allies is certain. Only its price!

I must not write any more of such things. How peaceful it is here
and how blessed to be able to revel in the feast of Nature. The soldiers
too must at moments experience this bliss, given probably in acute and
poignant forms.

K.A.

New Haven, Conn.

September 20, 1939

Very dear friend,

Many thanks for your letter and the enclosed views of Ireland
which were received yesterday.

In today's paper I see that the Mauretania has safely arrived
and I am very much relieved. But your heart must ache for your mother
whom you left behind this time.

There can be no society which has not needed to develop some sense
of honor and truthfulness, but there must be differences of degree of
that development between the various societies and also differences of
quality. The Russians have not had influence of Roman fides and jus, nor
have experienced but slightly and partially the feudal and chivalric dis-
cipline the other Europeans have. Nor has the modern challenge of demo-
cratic civics been the lot of Russians. Probably they cannot well
understand either the English or French honor or the democratic scruples.
Since Russia is bound to have a more and more important place in the
comity of nations, we are indeed faced with a situation hitherto unknown.
This may well change the face of things very radically. Russia may well
be a much greater problem that the Nazi Germany has been.

The latter is, I believe, doomed, and a better sense will prevail
in Germany. Russia, too, will learn in course of time, for no two persons
and no two nations can long exist without trust in each other and with out
each being worthy of trust by the other. But I fear a long period of
conflict will intervene before that time dawns, as regards Russia.

I hardly meant to write in this vein when I began and I can
hardly make myself clear without writing much longer.

Your grateful friend

K. Asakawa.

Oct.8,1949

Letter from K. Asakawa to T.M. a teacher and author. Freely translated

Hitler's psychology which was revealed in his recent speech before the Reichstag, should be of great interest to the Japanese nation. His violent criticism of the Polish government may possibly contain some grains of truth. But while he extolled to the utmost the efficiency of the German army, he did not spend a single word of sympathy or praise upon the brave self-defense of the Polish nation, but condemned it as the blinding wrigglings of worms, - a fact showing how alien he is to the chivalric sentiment of Western Europe, and reminding one of the characterizations of the Chinese army by such newspapers as the Tokyo Nichi-nichi. He held the German conduct toward Poland as faultless, while he attributed all her ills to her own insincerity, faithlessness and cruelty. In proposing a peace to England and France, he asserted its necessary condition to be their recognition of the " new order " which he would establish upon the basis of accomplished fact of Polish conquest. Who but he alone could accept such arbitrary and comical a logic ? He would set up a peace of his own device; may nation that didn't accede to it was " insincere" and " stupid "; he would straightway enforce upon the others the condition resulting from the execution of his plan as an immovable " new order ", and if you rejected it the responsibility of the war he would therefore declare would be upon you. What can be a more willful argument or a narrower and more self-stiltifying policy than this ? What madness to lead his own and other nations to an inevitable tragedy by a conduct so utterly contrary to Nature and humanity ? Yet such words and acts unfortunately are not Hitler's alone.

October 22, 1939

Letter to T.M. regarding Ambassador Grew's Speech Freely translated

---
As you know, there were three things which had not been well understood in Japan: - 1. that conditions in China were much more fully reported in American papers than in Japanese; 2. that antipathy against Japan pervaded all classes in America,and that the few Americans who defended Japan were either of the German and Italian school of thought or those whose points of view were warped and otherwise devoid of influence; and 3. that what the Japanese publicists called American misunderstandings though these betrayed some errors, were in reality for the most part the self-misunderstandings of the Japanese caused by their self-imposed restriction of vision. To the realization of these three points it is to be hoped that Mr. Grew's frank address may have contributed something.

How absurd and narrow Hitler's logic is whereby he would forbid other nations to disturb his " new order " of Eastern Europe based upon his Polish conquest, will be plain to Japan on a little reflection. Since such reasoning can convince no one abroad, and will only deepen the resentment of the defeated Poles, the " new order " can be executed only by a constant application of force. In case of Hitler, this very policy of his is a cause of the present war. Even if the war had not broken out, and the nations had tolerated him yet longer, it is clear that his attitude would have brought more suffering to Germany herself and been the source of a constant unrest in Europe. Japan's " new order " fortunately has not yet brought her into conflict with the powers, and it may even ve conceded that its conception, different from Hitler's, contains some element of possible truths; but, since it too, has been born of force and of immense destruction and slaughter, it also would have to depend upon a continued use of large force and artificial policies, if Japan would enforce it literally. Also as it means an unendurable humiliation for China --- as Japan herself would see if she placed herself in China's place, -- I

October 22, 1939

be lieve China will continually oppose it, whether passively or actively, and it will surely bring a terrible discater to Japan herself. So I believe that, if Japan did not reflect at this time upon her " new order " from its foundation and reconstruct it thoroughly and wisely, perils in the future would be incalculable. Such reflection and reconstruction would not be easy, for it would demand an abrupt and complete re-shaping of the mind and the heart. Indeed the Bane of Japan's eternal conduct in recent years has precisely been her forgetting of this historical discipline of Zen, and her loss of the perspicacity of a Katsu or a Saigo or even of an Ito. But however difficult, it is Japan's proper responsibility and absolute necessity to reflect and repent before it is too late. Else she is in danger of sooner or later casting herself into an abyss, and so betraying the sacred obligation of the generation to guard the heirloom of its ancestors, the precious nation and culture built through milleniums of Japan's unique history.

Time is fast passing when those Japanese who think this can continue to fear to express their opinions. What would be the utmost danger that might be incurred by a free expression ? Why desist in the face of a little persecution ? In comparison with the perils to life which the poor soldiers at the front are risking every moment, the dangers of honest discussion would be a trifle. If the newspapers hesitate to lend their col- umns, why not issue one's own broadside ?

One reason that I think the present is the time for reflection is because I believe it will have a direct bearing upon the manner of conducting (concluding) the China war.*****

October 27, 1939

Letter to J.N. Freely translated.

Ever since the beginning of the Manchurian affair, the political mind of Japan has been viewing the world through the colored and bevelled spectacles of her own making, and struggling to assert her place in the sun among the distorted images which she conjured up and hated. Her every act unnatural and every word defiant, she has been able to carry out a few of her desires only in such limited fields of economic affairs as were comparatively free from interference by other wills. Nearly all else has been miscarriage after miscarriage, failure upon failure. One may well imagine the errors and troubles that would attend the conclusion of the Chinese was and the complex adjustments that would have to follow.

Even for a person of sound perception, to fancy as Japan does that future history could be made to order, would be a piece of foolhardiness and arrogance which no one who had had the least experience of the study of human history would perpetrate. That in the modern age one can hardly foresee the future of even two or three years ( except within the small limits where purely impersonal forces determine the course of events ), has been demonstrated every single year since the World War.

This fact, however, does not counsel an aimless opportunism that drifts with the wind, for that way must point to a shipwreck under a sudden storm so frequent today. Human history had taught before the War, if it had taught anything, that the safety of the individual person and the security of society, both of men and of nations, depended upon the observance of certain irreducible principles, without which man would revert to the level of the beast. The apparent failure of civilization of the post-War generation probably means, not the futility of these principles, but simply a maladjustment of them to the conditions that are new and largely different from those under which the principles had been discovered and developed. It therefore seems to me that what one may today attempt to do in the political sphere is to hold these principles

October 27, 1939

which are found to have been established through long experience as the most indispensable and most advanced guide for conduct, and to seek to apply them with painstaking care, if not always in perfect forms, to the social conditions that momentarily change. This may be considered as a general mode of conduct, but could scarcely be made a fixed, immovable policy. Even general principles that have been proved safe in the past may, except those which should guide one's attitude toward oneself, no longer be always rigorously enforced with any degree of safety; one needs always to be on the alert, ever ready to revise them in humble spirit in the light of the lessons gained in the school of actual experience. After all there can be no finitenity to these man-made principles of group-action, for neither the group or its surroundings are ever static; the swifter the movement of the age, the greater the need of pondering and improving them. If, on the contrary, one made it as inflexible policy strictly and unvaryingly to apply them, I fear one's vision would be so warped that one would be unable to see in their true perspective even those things to which the principles might appear to be properly applicable, to say nothing of those these innumerable events which would arise in apparent disorder and so often defy any system of accustomed rules. Such a course of action maybe likened to that of a bird-catcher who spread a net across a field and beat the bushes in the rear, and found that some fowls were large enough to break through the net, and others were small enough to slip through the mesh, while the greatest number merrily flew away and above the net. In human affairs, very quickly will the unexpected complexity and the subtle, in calculable changes of reality leave the planner disconfited and bewildered. That is why I think that the statesmen of the future needs to possess something of the respect for and insight into objective facts that characterizes the trained historian. In my observation, the two classes of people most lacking in these qualifications are men of the Army and Labor.

Nov.5,1939

As for the phoenix building the phoenix' nest, I agree with you. Man does not die. He builds culture, which, given time, improves through trials. I do not think there is such a thing as death of Civilization. It is man and civilizations that die and civilizations that are perishable are not worth keeping. But man and his Civilization are immortal. Defective therefore advancing. I am sure of that.

But there may be a temporary retrogression in some periods. I fear one such period is ahead after the present war, unless the Prussian regime radically changes. This is my new problem, and it is much larger and more difficult to understand historically than the Hitler problem, which is on the way to solution.

The most important, (to me) of your thought is what is implied in your words : " I am trying to build up another world within ". I wish I might be privileged to hear more of this.

New Haven, Conn.

Nov. 12, 1939

Dear Friend,

In writing this to you, I am talking aloud to myself. It is on the
difference of the sense of honor between Germans and French or English.
I have not yet had time to study German medieval chivalric literature
sufficiently to enable me to make comparisons. But I feel I can sense at
least one great point of difference as follows;—

In a recent novel by Paul Schreckenbach, the Treue and Ehre of its
hero, Markgraf Gero, and his king Otto I, is fully described. But in one
place Gero is made to exclaim proudly: "Meine Feinde habe ich oft mit
Listen getauscht. Wer mir vertraute, dem habe ich nie gelogen." Here is
a tell-tale explanation of the whole thing.

In the exchange of personal letters between Deladier and Hitler on
the critical days April 26 and 27 last, Deladier wrote: "Unless you
concede the French people a less high conception of honor than I am con-
ceding the German people, you cannot doubt that France will loyally ful-
fill her obligations to other Powers. Powers such as Poland ......
" These two conceptions are fully compatible with each other ". " ....
no honorably motivate man c'd und rstand how a war of destruction c'd be
entered into without a last attempt at peaceful solution bet. Germany
and Poland. Your desire for peace could be used therein with our
damaging German honor." " I, as the head of the Fr. government... being
bound to Poland by ties of friendship and the pledged vow, am prepared
to make all efforts which an honorable man c'd bring to this attempt at
successful conclusion."

In reply the Fuhrer wrote; " You are a
Frenchman ... I am German... Do not doubt my sense of honor nor my
consciousness of duty to act exactly like you... It is impossible for a
nation of honor to renounce the claim of almost two million human beings
and to see them maltreated at its own borders --- I should despair

2

Nov.12,1939

of an honorable future for my people if we were not determined under
such circumstances to solve the problem in one way or another.... I see
no possibility for us on our part to exert influence in the direction
of reasonableness in Poland for correcting a situation that is unbearable
for the German people and the German Reich." " The Polish State of today
will be lost in anyway you calculate." ( This correspondence was sent
me by a German agency in New York as a piece of propaganda for Germany! )

Further light is thrown by what official Germans and official
German Press are saying what should be done with the Poles in the annexed
parts of Poland. " Their fate will be hard, but just." " The Poles must
work for the reconstruction of this land ... under conditions which will
be prescribed and fixed by Germans according to local conditions." " The
cultural difference between Germans and Poles must receive clear express-
ion in the future in all walks of life. That applies also to the right
of possession which in all States with a healthy rank and order are con-
ditioned on certain moral obligations. A strong, thoroughly German
peasantry, conscious of its rights as masters, shall find a permanent home
in this land. "

What answer to the question I have posed do you find in these quo-
tations? I should prize your philosophical analyses. To me the answer
is fairly clear.

When German tribes lived for many centuries ( before written
history ) in communities of freemen, they hardly had an organized State
life, but had to depend on the mutual *treue* of members within each group.
That quality was difficult to keep and was therefore all the more em-
phasized and demanded and any *untreu* person was severely punished by the
community. The sense of *thre* was taught to depend on *Treue*, and the group
was the sole guardian of these necessary virtues. Inside the groups,
peace and support by *treue* and *thre*; outside, enmity and plunder.

3

Nov. 12, 1939

Tacitus attests this state of things. Groups gradually enlarged but the basic conditions -- self reliance of groups in the face the weakness of the central power --- continued through the Middle Ages. Feudalism and chivalry came, and with the aid of the Church sought to ennoble the same social virtues. But throughout, these have remained intra-group qualities, which have been applied outside. A multitude of things in German history ( which I do not dwell upon here ) have prevented these qualities from successfully becoming intrinsic virtues of the individual, applicable equally to all things and to all relations. True and false the German does not owe to himself so much as he does to the group to which he belongs. This is true I take it with all peoples in this world who have not had the benefit of a different sort of training; and is repeated in several races I know. But the pity of it is that the Germans have always prized these virtues more than others and have prided upon their possession as a nobler race than others.

This, I think, is at least one explanation. I beg you to criticize it and help me.

Yours

K. Asakawa.

New Haven, Conn.

November 26, 1939

Dear Friend,

How grateful I am for this very rare blessing of corresponding with you! Gratuitously I foisted upon you a great question called forth by my immature thinking, and you say that it put you into a state of feremnt and high stimulation and that you love that excitement. I am glad that the excitement was not of an unpleasant sort and am grateful that you reward me with a greater thought than mine. It is, as you say, that man has an intrinsic value of the highest order; that it is the foundation of even homely relations of daily life between men and between groups and nations; and that an exaggerated application of a moral principle to a definite sphere at the exclusion of others is destructive of the actor, his sphere, and the others against whom the principle is employed. Yes, this is obvious, has been often demonstrated and is now being shown in unusual magnitude.

All I could have implied was that one who as a man was responsible to
oneself would be responsible to other men and to groups of men and
that in that sense, democracies needed this more than any other form of
government. ( When the laborer serves only his union or his "class",
and when the government benefits " Labor " at the expense of " Capital",
and when an industry controls legislation and tariff without any sense of
responsibility, to other interests and other nations, - democracy is already
being undermined as surely as a nation is debased and weakened by a tyrant)
That to cut loose from the whole man's value is destructive, is your
conclusion. And I agree with you heartily.

On two points I differ from your wording; probably you did not quite
mean it. I do not think Germans have " debased " their old ideals of
Treue und Ehre. From the first, they were for the sake of one's own
Genossenschaft ( throughout the varied evolution of the body), and have

November 26, 1939

not much advanced from bringing group-ideals in the direction of becoming personal virtues for their own sake. The French and the English started in the same way, but have been enabled to fare much better. With all of them, originally the ideals emerged because without them group life was not possible. But apparently there has been important difference in historical experiences through long ages between these three nations. The point is too long and too complex for discussion here.

You say Hitler's " rushing back is prehistory". But I have noted ever since he came to power in 1933 that his ideas, probably unknowingly on his part, agree very largely with the time-old Germanic manner of thought, so strongly coloring all the customs, law and institutions of the Germans. It seems relatively recent that they adopted other ideas of soc. and pol. life in addition to their old ones, so that the latter were somewhat obscured. Probably unconsciously, Hitler reverted to a purer form of Germanic Genossenschaft. That I have often tried to tell my colleagues. That also is, I believe, one of the secrets of Hitler's success in leadership. Germans are one another's Genossen; one side-product of this which also is very old is the hostile feeling toward other groups. Since the last war, this last feeling has taken the form of hatred of the alleged persecutions by the victors -- only a recent form of the old mental habit. Hitler has identified his own grudge in life with this common resentment of his Genossen.

Behind this inveterate habit of spite, there is a wry inferiority complex. For this "complex" one has to seek another origin, which I think is double. "Einnal" (!), it is the historic urge of aggressiveness: northern Germanic tribes from pre-historic times have waged terrific struggles with inclement Nature and with one another and Slavic tribes, so that another ideal has developed as far back as one can go in history

3

Nov.26,1939

is that of personal valor, reliance on one's arm to hack the way out
of the enemy's circle. This alone is not enough to account for their
sense of inferiority, but does for the manner of expressing it. The other
cause I have in mind is the extremely unfortunate history of the German
(not all Germanic) State, which has indeed been tragic. I have as deep
sympathy for it as I do for Hitler (as a persona dramatis). I may refer
in passing only to topics; - the whole State arising (in 842 or 911) as
nothing but a loose federation of autonomous duchies; long involvements
with Italy and the Papal politics; the feudal reorganization of the fragile
State during the Hohenstaufen period; the long Interregnum; and the utter
decentralization into innumerable "territories" for more than six cent-
uries; finally this defeat in the last war. The disasters of the thirty
years' war is rather a minor incident but enough to have made another
nation sour. It is the combination of the innate aggressiveness and the
frustration of history, added to the group-way of life never completely
forgotten, that may account for the German attitude of spite toward others.
And unfortunately the Versaille treaty and the subsequent treatment
by others have served to rub the Germans the wrong way and to keep the
sore open. Hitler has succeeded because his life had enabled him to make
the national grievance his own. This is the lesson that the others should
take to heart.

There are other things I might say in this connection, but I must
not prolong this letter further.

***** Your friend ever

K. Asakawa

P.S. I am not satisfied with my interpretation I gave you last
time. It is a working hypothesis for the moment. I wish I had kept a copy
a part of
of my last letter.

K.A.

New Haven, Conn.

Dec.3,1939

Dear Friend,

Your recent letter gives me a guilty feeling. I never meant you
did not touch my question. On the contrary, I thought that on the very
question I fished from your mind a whale with a shrimp, as the saying is
in Japan. What you said is no " truism ". What could be truer and more
real than that personal faith must issue from one's faith in oneself ?

In my last letter, in trying to understand the German kind if in-
feriority-sense, I touched upon their innate aggressive tendency, that re-
acted upon their extremely unfortunate political career. That aggressive-
ness is evident on every hand. It seems to control also a large part of the
emotional and philosophical activities of the Germans. There is a powerful
aggressive subjectivity that informs their inner life. The conduct of
medieval German ecclesiastics and religious people often moves one with its
compelling force , but it cannot be said to have been characterized as much
by sensitiveness to others' feelings and by humility as may be seen with
those in other Christian nations whose lives are known. I am not comparing
only the higher clergy of the different nations, for they have everywhere
been liable to be domineering, but Christian life in general as is recorded.

Much the same thing may be said of emotional life. Before I came to
this country, there was a time I was deeply struck by Goethe's Wester.
That book seems to have made a tremendous appeal to the German youth of
that age. But even in those days, could it have moved other peoples in the
same way ? Goethe says that many persons came to him in response to his
Leidender Jungen Werters and were disappointed by his cold reception.
Goethe quickly got over such absurd manner of taking oneself seriously. It
is almost comical to look back upon that age, but the same immense sub-
jectivity that had produced it is now in evidence in another form. When
others do not see things as the Germans do, they are dumbstruck.

2

Dec. 3, 1939

Parallels may be seen in German philosophy. Has not Kant's categorical imperative been perverted in Hegel and Schopenhauer and Hartmann? How can any stranger (but a medieval ecclesiastic) propound such a thing as the cat. imperative, to say nothing of the Will that evolves the Universe and reaches its climax in the German State and the will of the German nation? It is in essence the same trend that destroys other nations and justifies oneself with a forced structure of principles that every one else finds to be artificial and egocentric. The German mind is the self-consciousness of God! Pace Fidete und Hitler wrapped up in their mental grist that is devoid of humor.

This leads me to Stalin. Here is a man who even does not speak his human language. He or Molotoff is different from the Germans in that he does not justify his amoral conduct; what occasional justifications he throws out are not what he believes and he probably expects no one to believe them. Western Europe can not understand him except in the light of the self-interestedness of Russia and his own power. How is the world going in the coming age to treat with people with whom it has no common ground,--- who have not ever been submitted to Roman law or to chivalry? A more sinister shadow than Hitler will face the coming age.

It is needless to say that Germans and Russians have other admirable traits and that many of them are alive to what I have attributed to some of them. I know from my German and Russian friends that they are deeply humiliated. But what is real is world problems that effect every one now and later. It must require utmost tact to refrain from giving treatment that should irritate the everplatonic dangerous traits in these peoples.

I am watching with very deep interest the searchings of heart that are going on among thinkers in England in regard to the war and its conclusion. In their thoughts, too, is reflected something lacking in

3

Dec.3,1939

in Germans and Russians. Historical discipline of nations is a thing of
tremendous import. Statesmen have to be historians, not so much of
knowledge as of insight.

Pray give me more of your thoughts on these problems.

P.S. I shall write you later on the Teutonic Knights.

I have not read Arnold Toynbee and have not felt attracted by it. I may
change my mind. I shall read the article in the Spectator you refer
to. Thanks.

New Haven, Conn.

Dec. 6, 1939

Dear Friend,

I enclose a list of books on the Teutonic Order from my own
collection. Those on purely political or institutional side have been
omitted, as they may not interest you.

Ludtke and Perlbach may interest you most. Whenever you can use them, I
shall be pleased to send any or all of the list to you.

1. Max Perlbach, Die Statuten der Deutschen Ordens nach den alteston
Handschrigten 1890

2. Hans Pruz. Der Antal der geistlichen ihren Rittevorden an dem geistigen
Leben Zeit. Festrede 1908

3. Wilhelm Kotzde. Der Deutsche Order im Werden. Vergehan 1928

4. Franz Ludtke, Der Deitsche Ritterorden 1900

5. Erich Casper. Hermann von Salza 1924

6. Willy Cohn. Hermann von Salza 1930

I have omitted books on the purely political side 3. 5. 6 touch more
or less that side.

4. Ludtke is a brief collection of sources.

I is the ruler of the order and should be most fundamental, they are in
old German and Latin. I have not yet studied it.

New Haven, Conn.

December 17, 1939.

Dear Friend

I shall send you any book or books on the Teutonic Knights whenever you wish. There may be better books which I do not have in my library.

I have not yet studied Eckhart seriously, but have two editions of his which I hope to read sometime. I am reading the recent work on Germanic Gefolgschaft by Naumann. He continues this development in another book on knights of the Staufen period. He is helpful in that he quotes

freely from sources, but his appraisals are too German and boastful. What little of Eckhart I have seen makes me feel he was a rare soul.

I should like to meet the Kluckhohns. I go to Washington Dec. 28-30 and on my way may have occasion to meet them. Do you think they would come if I invited them to a Japanese dinner in New York ?

I thank you for the clipping from the Spectator. I think it is true that there is a difference between the Rhine- Danube regions and the rest of Germany. The former was under Roman influence and some of the Rhine land was in close contact with Flandre or Hainant. But it is easy to stretch the contrast too far. It is difficult to draw a line between the Roman regions of west Germany and Westfalen and the main basin. Moreover since 911, Germany was a separate state, lived its own national life, under a regime in which political institutions were common but were developing independently from France. I believe there are more traits in common in East and West Germany than there were differences between them. The latter seem to me much smaller than the differences between Germany as a whole and France as a whole.

In personal relationships western and south Germans are more companionable to Americans than eastern and northern ones, and even than the French. But that is a different matter. I am speaking of the inner

Dec. 17, 1939

qualities of Germans as political beings. In this, I think they show
deep imprints of their long unfortunate political career.

My having to go to Washington to attend a meeting reduces my
chances of visiting Boston and seeing you during this two-week vacation
(from Dec. 21) unless you will be accessible on one of the first days
of the new year.

Jan.13,1940

Letter to Mrs.W.I. ( President of a large university for women in
Tokio . Freely translated )

****** You may be aware that a very bad reputation of Japan's action
in China prevails here among all classes high and low. The ground for this
must be the simple facts which are so plain that no one can help seeing
them; namely, that the Japanese army has invaded China but no Chinese army
is in Japan; and that the former has been and still continues to be
dlaughtering great numbers of non-combatant Chinese. So the ill feeling
cannot be attributed to an American "misunderstanding." For the same reason
the Americans condemn the German action in Poland and the Russian in Fin-
land. But it is said that the numbers of innocent people sacrificed in the
more cruel of these two wars, the Polish, were smaller than those of the
Chinese war, even if compared within the same space of time. It is true
that another reason enters into the criticism; the fact that the Americans
from their innate dislike of an aggression by any one upon another's
independence and freedom, naturally feel that it would be untrue to their
own conviction not to disapprove the conduct of those nations that dare to
do these evil things. But a deeper and more common reason for the present
dislike is, I am sure, the simple human sentiment reacting upon the elemen-
tary facts I mentioned at the outset. So it is a reason that can hardly
be explained away by pleading this or that special circumstance.

After referring to the recent unilateral denunciation by the U.S. of
the commercial treaty with Japan *** I believe that Japan needs to under
stand well the great fact of the American criticism of her action, before
deciding upon her attitude toward not only American but all countries .
Since this dislike is deeply implanted in them all, it cannot be eradicated
by little clever concessions made to them here and there. Japan has to
realize first of all that for the present she is wholly friendless and
solitary in the world, and pndder deeply the reason for this fact; only
then she may be in a position to consider calmly what her attitude should

2

Jan. 13, 1940

The toward each country.

This would not be so easy as it might seem, for she has for several
years lost that remarkable candor and capacity for resiliency with which
she met great crises and turned them to her advantage so often in her
history.

But more difficult for Japan than revising wiselt her attitude and
policy toward other nations will be not to let this growing dislike abroad
made her mind more and more closed and spiteful. This will be extremely
difficult for the reason that, in general, Japan does not possess a true
understanding of the psychology of liberal nations, but only a super-
ficial and latterly a highly distorted conception of it. This puts her
at an initial disadvantage, which is in danger of growing worse as she
tends to become the prey of an increasing spite against the world; the
world would then respond with still more dislike. He is a chance for a
rising spiral of vicious circles. No one but Japan herself can spare the
world such an ugly spectacle.

Here the essential need for Japan is, as I have said, to understand
the liberal psychology. For gaining a better insight into it, a good way
is offering itself; - to inquire deeply as to why the American mind so
unanimously reacts in the manner it has upon the given facts; what lies
constantly in the psychological background of the Americans which seems
to make them respond in the same form and with the same instantaneous
spontaneity to every occurrence of similar events; whether the response
of this kind is more characteristic with all democratic nations than with
others, and, if so, why. In addition to this Japan may derive a valuable
lesson from a careful observation of the conduct of the English and
French nations in the present war; she may study whether there is some-
thing common in the attitudes and aims of these two leading democratic
peoples of Europe, and to what special differences in the character of
liberal politics are due any minor differences which may be discoverable

3

Jan. 13, 1940

in the feelings and acts of both nations.

The liberal mind is precisely what Germany and Russia fail completely to understand. Germany has been compelled unwillingly to make enemies of England and France exactly because of her misconception of them. Who can say what a similar lot would not be Japan's some day if her present lack of real understanding were not remedied?

Since the present is the time when the world is sharply divided in two opposite " ideologies ", such understanding as I would see in Japan is rendered all the more difficult by the passion which this rivalry has aroused everywhere and which has already involved her own partisanship on the non-liberal side. But, for the same reason, the perils attending a lack of understanding and the consequent wrong choice of sides are bound to be extremely grave. I dare say so, because I think that what the trend of the world- movement after the present war will be is already clear to all clear-sighted persons ; because I believe that, since both the causes of the war and the character and the aims of the combatants on both sides are quite different from those in the last war, the post-war tendency among them and most other nations will also be the reverse of that which followed the last war; that is, internal liberalism and international faith will be their common desire and so will make a decided advance. A country which pursues a policy based upon an antipathy to liberalism is most likely to find herself isolated and destitute, madly contending against the world-current, and ostracized by all.

Having so many years crammed her mind with her own shackles, it would be extremely hard for Japan to win the necessary understanding, of a Only by probing her heart as if it were that third person and making a complete turn-about would an enlightenment be possible. And yet if the nation looked back upon its past career, it would find that the power to reflect it in this drastic manner was peculiarly its own. ****

January 28, 1940

Letter to I.H. a veteran parliamentarian, ex-member of Education.
( Freely translated )

******** As you know so well, Germany and Russia are unable to understand the minds of the liberal nations, and Germany for this same reason has made open enemies of England and France and a silent one of the U.S. Liberalism as a policy is easy enough to comprehend in theory, but such comprehension is merely of the eternal form. Perhaps the liberal mind is the most difficult to understand for others. From the past attitude of Japan, it seems clear to me that she, too, lacks a proper understanding, perhaps even among many members of the supposedly more liberal parties in the House of Representatives. To say nothing of the military minds that presume to dictate Japan's policies, I find that none of the travelers passing through here possesses anything beyond a theoretical idea of democracy; not a few of them are wilfully biased; and all of them seem satisfied with their views and determined to disregard facts that contradict or can supplement them. Even if Japan thinks that her own polity is conceived on a different plane from that of democracy, she cannot possibly associate with liberal nations without understanding them. An understanding is not only desirable but now a positive necessity, as it is certain that after the war the trend of the world will be greatly more liberal than ever before.

I think that the present moment affords a rare opportunity to attain this understanding. Before Japan there lie two great object lessons. One is the contrast between the conduct of Germany and Russia on the one side and that of England and France on the other. Much insight may be gained if the actions of the governments and the beliefs and the emotions of the peoples of the two sides are studied, not externally, but from the inside. The other is the present universal feeling of the American nation regarding Japan. To see candidly why all Americans without any guidance

Jan. 28, 1940

but spontaneously and uniformly have come to share this feeling, would be to get a key to unlock the minds not only of the American but also of all liberal peoples. Why do the Americans feel as though their honor as a free and civilized nation would be hurt if they did not show their disapprobation of Japanese conduct?

I a clue to this understanding were discovered then Japan would be on the way toward finding the truth of her own situation in the world. Why has she not succeeded in overcoming China, but on the contrary has created vast new difficulties for the future on the continent? Why have the Japanese Cabibats had to change so often, and why have they proved so incapable of steering the ship of State? Why are the Russian relations so insecure; why has Japan had to taste the bitterness of being deserted by Germany, her supposed companion in an anti-Comintern movement; why has Japan come to antagonize the U.S. and England, with whom all her true interest is fundamentally common? Whose fault is it that she has been carried into a position which no one could have dreamed bare ten years ago? If the attitude that had been persisted in since the Manchurian affair were further continued, what path would her foreign relations internal government, economic and social life travel in the years to come? If there were a radical error in the past policy, and if unknown calamities were seen to be in store, how might Japan extricate herself from the predicament and emerge into the light of day?

What such momentous problems stare in the face, it is an amazing spectacle that one should be prattling about a "New order" in Asia to be created through the present policy, and should be fancying that there from a miraculous fortune would dawn upon Japan and peace and concord would smile upon the whole of East Asia. A "new order" to be spun out of unreason and blind force, and to be maintained with still more force and oppression! A long history to be made to order for hundreds of

January 28, 1940

of unwilling peoples! Germany, too, has come to a predicament by pursuing her doctrine of a " new order ", and is rushing headlong on the same road to a fatal catastrophe. She, too, would go ahead, savagely trying to hack her way in the blood of every nation in the path. And it has verily come to the pass that Japan's mind, words and acts, theories and policies, coincide as if by concert with Germany's, even to the smallest detail. Can it be that Japan is proud to sing in this devil's harmony?

Surely has Japan's long history presented so urgent a need of an objective scrutiny of herself as does this moment. It would be no abuse of the word to call the present junction a crisis.

New Haven, Conn

Feb. 25, 1940

Very dear Friend,

I am sorry that I have been unable to write for three weeks or more because of my unusually close labor for a seminar class. There I carefully select passages from medieval texts for the students to analyze and then carefully prepare myself to direct discussion in the class; and these two aspects of work require vastly more time and thought than any one knows. Sometimes, as in these few weeks, the work proves executionally heavy.

Gradually I am learning more of the historical moral equipment of the nations at war. Sometimes novel conditions that have developed demand wide readjustments of the application of this equipment, and during that interval the latter may seem dormant, as was the case, for example, during the Industrial Revolution, and when the colonizing nations were thrown in contact with backward peoples in remote oarts of the world. In such times, the best men may forget their historic training and conduct themselves unmagnally. The modern conception of capital and mechanical progress have also brought about temporary moral derangement. Individual self-in-terest for a time blots out the better instincts and can result in acts of great injustice and cruelty which their authors would not do in their normak relations. But what is all-important is the moral foundation of the national mind, which is ever present in the background and to which it returns sooner or later. It is on the differences of this foundation in the different nations that I am being enlightened. But there still remain many problems about it which I am unable to solve. These things are not discussed anywhere, and must be freshly considered in the light of the past training and the present conduct of the nations.

If one approached the subject from the past or from the present only, one would fail even to formulate problems sufficiently. Nor should one, in studying both the past and present, read the one into the other.

Feb. 25, 1940,

These two would be radically errors of method. But I find that the method
that most needs right vision and delicate handling is to analyze the
subtle differences that I have gradually discovered in the long normal
evolutions of the nations; of which they are unconscious and which are
therefore never discussed by them with correct perspective, though they
often reveal them unknowingly through words and acts.

I am sorry that I can write only this in abstract terms and I
would not unduly lengthen this letter.

In the enclosed picture, Nature in winter generously expends her
beauty in a lone tree over the town humanity.

Ever yours

K. Asakawa

THE MEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

23 March 1940

Dear Mr Asakawa,

As you will have seen from the printed programme of the coming annual meetings of the Academy which was mailed you recently, there has been planned a session of discussion on the topic 'The Origin and Significance of Feudalism.' Professor Carl Stephenson of Cornell University has agreed to open the discussion with a paper of about half an hour's length. There will be no other set papers, since our plan is to render the ensuing discussion as informal and as open as possible. At the same time, however, it has seemed to us desirable that some of those present should be specially prepared to take part, in order that the discussion may be kept in focus. We are therefore distributing copies of Mr Stephenson's paper to a few persons in advance of the meeting, in the hope that they will come prepared to carry on the discussion. I should emphasize, however, that, as present plans go, there will be no formal calling of speakers. What we are aiming for is a really open discussion, yet one given direction by having some of those present familiar in advance with the introductory paper.

We have thought of you as one of those to receive a copy of Mr Stephenson's paper. Do you think you may be able to come to the meeting? If so, and if you are interested, I should be very glad to send you a copy. The copies will be ready for distribution in a few days.

We hope very much that you will like the idea, and, still more, that you will be able to participate.

Professor K. Asakawa
Box 988, Yale Station
New Haven, Connecticut

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

28 March 1940

Dear Mr Asakawa,

I am enclosing a mimeographed copy of the
paper by Carl Stephenson which will open the dis-
cussion to be held under the auspices of the Acad-
emy on April 26 (building of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences, 4:00 p.m.).

Mr Stephenson has indicated that he would
be glad to receive any corrections or suggestions
before he comes to the actual reading of the paper.

New Haven, Conn.

27 April, 1940

Dear Friend

I have returned and just had a supper of two grapefruits and a bababa. It was an unusually clear sky and the sea was the smoothest. As the sun was sinking, Venus was already high and shining alone over the hopeful trees.

I looked over the butterfly pictures over and over, and compared the lines (apart from the colors). Purely from the standpoint of my own narrow taste, none of the specimens seems absolutely satisfactory. The lines of some appear weak or flabby, others failing in perfect grace, and still others either too utilitarian or not quite harmonious with one another. For a combination of purity, strength, grace and harmony, I would choose the following. The numerals stand for plate; order from above; right (A) and left (e) when there are two side by side. I disregard the body, but consider only the wings.

For masculinity --- II 2; next V. I.

For power --- II 2; XII, I (In XII I the upper sweeping lines lack the classical quality of II 2)

For feminine grace --- VIII, 2 r and 1 and X 3 r. I prefer the latter for harmony and coherence.

VI 1 and 3 offer an interesting trait: The upper lines of I are the better but its side lines (upper wings) are weak convex; but the whole makes an amazing ensemble. 3 gives a sense of greater fullness and whole sameness, though the lines are less aristocratic (except the body). If one could have side views and also the creatures in motion, one might get a different idea as to preference. But, regarding the mounted specimens and appraising only the wings' lines, I like the above the best. In comparison, the others are only interesting as illustrations of how varied the forms can be, they are for me rather departures from the purest

April 27, 1940

forms, or else of inferior design in one respect or another.

Such is my sacriligious criticism. No two persons taste will agree, thereby proving their woeful limitations. But can there not be degrees of success in Nature's workmanship as in man's ( who is only a sort of indirect Nature, clumsy but really a second cousin ? )

Many thanks for giving so much of your time and the pleasure of seeing your daughter and other people. Above all it was heavenly to see you again.

May 12, 1940

Dear Friend,

Today the *N.Y. Times* brings the enclosed picture of the swimmers and it makes me understand your shells somewhat better. I have always marvelled at the great strength of the curves of the wings and bones of birds and at the gliding grace of those of fishes. They are evidently adapted to the media in which creatures of the two kinds move. For planes therefore must reproduce the bird's lines and when a human being swims, not only his motions but also his lines change at once, and he turns a fish for the moment.

Now the same train of thought enables one to understand the meaning of shells' spirals. A shell's existence is double; it lives in water but attaches itself to earth. In water it needs lines which should enable it to elude its buffeting by their gliding quality offering the least resistance and friction. It should be able to cling to the ground while at the same time yielding itself to the washing of the waves. The shell must combine upward growth with a lateral unresisting surface and the result is a spiral. Circular in cross-section, but more or less pyramidal in elevation. Nature as usual, adds beauty and grave to these bare economic needs.

Personally I feel more drawn to larger, or more varied, or changing, or evanescent forms of Nature, such as the whole trees, leaves, movements of fishes and birds, rolling and breaking waves, clouds, the play of light and shadow, the passing figures that reflected light throws upon a wall, winds upon trees and grass, the transition of weather and seasons. There is enthralling beauty in change and disappearance. I am not able to observe half as much beauty in living human beings as in Nature for I am so petty as to be obstructed too often by their seeming offensive surface. I can only hope for a slow increasing tolerance and understanding of man and the course of his history, in which there must be inexhaustible grace and beauty to an open eye.

May 12, 1940

But after all, what is the place of the mere contemplation of
beauty in one's true life ? Is it not a by-product, and only one of the
minor fruits of one's progress in larger attainments ?

Of course, vision of beauty reinforces them, as it is a mysterious source of the soul's strength.

Please write something!

Votre petit devoue

K. Asakawa.

New Haven, Conn.

June 23, 1940

Dear Friend,

For me, the situation has changed, but not so essentially as to
affect my faith in the ultimate triumph of the Allied cause: I rather
think it is all the more assured by the unexpectedly easy victory of
Germany for the moment.

I do not know exactly what lies behind the French capitulation,---
just what has caused it, and what is its motive for the future. There may
be a something more than inability to fight longer without needless
slaughter; the case may be quite different from the surrender of the
Belgian king. Whatever the reason, the final outcome has only been
deferred. The simple reason for my faith in the rightness of the
Allies. It is not merely morally right- moral right can succumb before
force -- but also historically right. There is tremendous power in
a historical current; and what we see is not current of the history of
a short duration or of a small part of mankind, but the history of the
entire human race at the head of its irrestible onward rush . This
mighty current a brute force harnessed only by blind science is seeking
to stem. You cannot doubt the inevitable outcome of such madness.

I may take a simple parallel: the relation between France and
England in the Middle Ages. When the Duke of Normandy conquered England
and still remained a vassal of the French king, an anti- historical sit-
uation was created, for the steady current of the subsequent history of
Western Europe was toward the unification of the national State. The
English kings rode this current in their own country, but sought to con-
tend against it in France ; and in the latter often were stronger than
her proper sovereign, and came sometimes near vanquishing him. France
on her part also tried at one time to annex England, and was many times
defeated at home and more than once yielded to English and allied forces.
The struggle lasted for centuries, in which the battle of Bouvines and

June 23, 1940

and even the long Hundred Years' War were episodes. But the outcome
was pre-determined the moment the powers began to fight; and at no time
France doubted her ultimate triumph, and never ceased to fight till it was
accomplished.

History has since made long strides, and is now a much richer and
stronger tide. At its forefront stand these very two nations; they are
the main carriers, as they also are the creators, of the best flower of
the political culture of the entire human race. Behind them, the history
and the general civilization of mankind is borne by the independent
nations of the world, each rooted in its individual history and historic
culture, and all slowly advancing toward a freer sharing of the fruits of
progress which has been and will always be the product of the independence
of the spirit and of mutual respect. This movement can be momentarily
obstructed, but can never be arrested for long by any force less powerful.
And no unhistoric force as strong is at man's command. And no person or
nation can hope to contend against history without incurring a terrible
punishment. To doubt it is to believe that humanity is a mockery.

Modern science, it is true, has enabled man to act quickly. Such
leisurely war as that between Medieval France and England is no longer
possible. But science is the common possession of both friend and foe.
However slow the democracies may be to arm themselves, they, too, will
be ready sooner or later. And, besides, they have what their enemy lacks,
the mighty power of history, which has deeply entered into the mind and
body of their individual citizen.

Ever yours

K. Asakawa.

Jan. 25, 1940

New Haven, Conn.

Dear Friend,

I wrote you the other day why I think liberty and independence will triumph in the end. I shall add some of the reasons on the negative side of the same thought namely, the impossibility of the Hitler policy to succeed. These reasons are all summed up in that it goes against the tide of all history. But one may consider more specifically one or two points implied in this general thesis.

In the first place, in all nations the desire to conserve the independence and culture they have won through long ages of struggle and sacrifice, especially in the democratic nations, with whom this desire is innate in every citizen, is stronger than the force of any organization and scientific machinery that may be pitted against it. It is only the amazingly swift progress of the Nazi arms that has stunned us and caused in us and in the Germans the delusion that any resistance against them would now be impossible. But it seems to me clear that the larger and more varied the conquests, the more fatally they will dissolve. Disolution will begin both within and without.

Within Germany, a latent cause of the certain failure of the Nazi rule lies within its self; namely, its personal character. It began and will end with Hitler. Of course, his success has been largely due to the accident that he has proved to be a concentrated embodiment of certain German characteristics and emotions. But he does not represent the whole German character. What he does embody consists, in part, of a few old national peculiarities in a very distorted form, and, for the rest, of some national feeling that is temporary and are shared by only a few classes of people. The whole background has already changed, and will undoubtedly change further. No other man after Hitler will be able to make the same appeal and win the same fanatic devotion. The regimented education with

2

June 25, 1940

which Hitler is hoping to perpetuate his regime will begin to seem even to his docile pupils jejune and hollow the moment he passes away; and the discipline and sacrifice he is continuously exacting from the whole people will seem no longer tolerable. His successors, whether they be his party or the Reichswahr, not only cannot hope command the same loyalty, but also will be quickly compelled by circumstances to modify the regime in a drastic fashion. It will inevitably return to a national-istic basis, instead of keeping its fantastic super-national frame. This would be the more certain and complete of a freer and saner regime should succeed at any time.

Outside Germany, even in Hitler's natural life, a hundred fissures will appear in the system, now here, now there, and then everywhere. First, within the orbit of the group of the nine conquered nations, no human wisdom of the Nazi rulers will be equal to the task of keeping for long the rebellious spirits of the subject nations even in sullen obedience. From the beginning their rule will have to be most skilfully variegated: it cannot be the same in France as in Poland, or in Norway as in Bohemia. The only sphere where uniformity can be possible will be the economic. Not without a strict economic co-ordination will the policy of Lebensraum be possible of realization. Now such a system may conceivably bring about some benefit to the nations, but clearly at the cost of harsh oppression and injury to the daily life of people. So heterogenous a policy and so tyrannous an economy can hardly be maintained without stationing every where vast military forces; and, even so, individual national spits will find innumerable ways to bore under and sap the mechanical, topheavy structure. Under such condition, any hope of prolonging the rule would have to be based upon its strength, attempt to animate the nations with some sense of loyalty to itself. It is true that in most nations there is prevalent in the younger generation a sort of disillusionment and godlessness; and that is precisely one of the reasons of Nazi success

June 25, 1940

within Germany. She might exploit the same feeling in the conquered nations. But, even if this were not a temporary mood, it is purely negative, and can hardly be transformed into a positive loyalty. Nor can it ever be stirred into a force strong enough to counterbalance the national feeling outside Germany. Where else may the Nazi find material to creat a moral ideal that would inspire other nations with devotion ? Clearly the race theory is provacative in the opposite sense. Nor can the Nordic paganism help repelling even the Scandinavians.

The friendship of Germany's only European ally, Italy, is precarious, as no one knows better than Hitler. It is unpopular in Italy. Any of her equality with her partner is incompatible with the Nazi race theory which admits no race which should not be subject to the German; Mussolini must know it, and know that he is being used as a momentary tool. What is more, the Fascist rule itself is as personal as the Nazi, and as ephemeral. Only the fact that it has not an unwidely made itself un-national as the other might help its holding itself longer through expedient modification..

The last but not least danger lies in nations standing beyond Germany's armed control. The Balkans, Spain and Portugal may for a time yield in different degrees. Omitting the South American and Asiatic nations, there are Russia and the United States, Of these two, the U.S. will suffer economically the more, but will know in time how to make itself militarily and morally impregnable, only if it can successfully withstand the subversive elements at home that may raise their heads under economic distress caused by the European coordination of trade, and if its younger generation can awake to a sense of responsibility. If these conditions obtained, the U.S. would prove to be an immense moral force that would steadily inspire hope in subject nations and dread in Germany. Russia's menace to the latter can be positive, for

4

June 25, 1940

she is more self-sufficient economically, and possesses a revolutionary
doctrine that can be more independent of personalities and can exert a
more universal appeal to the discontented classes of all nations. In fact
I regard Russia, if she remains unchanged, as a power much more to be
feared by the world than the Nazi Germany. She is the more non-moral and
the more revolutionary of the two. Germany as the next neighbor will be
the most threatened. There may come a time at last when the Slav and the
Teuton, who have quarreled ever since the tenth century, may come to
grips with their whole might.

All the foregoing argument has ignored England and the British
commonwealth of nations, as if I had included them among the nations
subject to Hitler. But their self defense is now to begin. You know well
that most Americans fear that, with all the courage and resources they
admire in the English people, the contest may prove unequal and be lost
within a few months. I have never seen American so fatalistic as in this
general fear. But even such an outcome would not deject me; on the con-
trary, I would look upon it as a most important assurance of the ultimate
tragedy of the German Napoleon. I confess I can in no way share the gen-
eral feeling. I confidently hope to see the success of British defense in
the long run, though perhaps after terrible trials. The more they suffer,
the more determined they will be. The longer they hold out, as they
surely will, the more certainly will be hastened the process of Nazi dis-
integration which I have contemplated above. I have no time now to
state at length my reasons for this hope, but one. Ever since the English
barons successfully compelled the king to acknowledge their legitimate
rights, England has been singularly favored to be the nursery of human
liberty in its most tempered and richest form that man has known so far.
Today she is the heart of a vast Empire of Liberty, enlisting, without
compulsion, the honorable devotion even of the non-Christian India.
It cannot be without profound historical significance that England has

5

June 25, 1940

received the glorious appointment as the single-handed champion of
human freedom, of national independence, and of Christian civilization.

In spite of all their past sins and present defects, these things are the
best heritage that the human race has won through centuries of effort and
sacrifice. I firmly believe they will prevail, if humanity means anything
human, and prevail through the English.

Yours always,

K. Asakawa

New Haven, Conn.

July 7, 1940

Dear Friend,

Pray forgive me as I again presume to vent upon you my self-
communion which can be of little interest to any one. Only the present
predicament of France and the recent British treatment of her fleet have
deeply stirred me.

Before I turn to these topics, I wish to add a word to what I said
in my last letter concerning my belief that the Hitler rule over the
nations will be short-lived.

Recently the suspicion I had had for a long time was confirmed by
one of Mr. Harold Nicholson's writings, who as you know as a British di-
plomat in Germany had observed at close range for several years . There
appears to be a curious weakness inherent in Hitler's makeup as a man.
Granting that he had extraordinary gifts as a popular leader - his ability
to spellbind the masses by his oratory and to utilize every opportunity
to fasten his hold upon them; his uncanny cleverness in detecting and ex-
ploiting weaknesses in others; his great persistence and will power to
execute the gigantic political programme which he took it upon himself to
carry out; and his peculiar kind of audacity when the object of his
assault is vulnerable; yet he is said to be subject to sudden fits of
hesitation and despair when confronted by difficulties which he has not
forseen, cannot comprehend, and therefore cannot conquer. This is the
moment when his remarkable intelligence is soon to betray blind spots,
and his strong will proves brittle and appears to lack true courage.
Many adversities he has indeed shown himself able to subdue by dint of
the powerful organization he has built up; but there are forces he is
incapable of understanding or can not provide against by any method at
his disposal. They are, for example, a superior physical force applied
with determination, or a higher and more dynamic mental energy than his
own, or a spiritual element of the human being to which his mind is

2

July 7, 1940

similarly alien. When faced with these things, he would rage a while, but be likely to be suddenly thrown out of balance and be abjectly unmerved. One such crisis overtook him in 1923, when the army at Munich resolutely attacked on the street his "Putsch", which he had carefully organized and was well manned. He proved to be the first to desert the band and to flee for life; later he invented a lie to justify his cowardice, saying he had to rescue a little boy caught in the army's fire. During some ten years thereafter he met several minor troubles that came near making him lose self-control. Even after he became the head of the German government, he knew no other manner, in 1934, of dealing with certain possible braitors to his party than brutally myrdering them in an unexpected " purge "; this time they were not ready and given no chance to defend themselves in any way. Even all his conquests since September 1939 have been accomplished by sudden attacks upon unprepared foes, and in nearly every instance with the air of treacherous means and of treasonable subjects of the enemy country. It seems to be this same ignavia and this same gap in his character that also deny him the power of sustained concentration of the mind in the face of problems too deep and complicated for his untrained intelligence; here, too, his stamina and perseverance desert him. The driving force of his great power appears to be his demonic fanatic impulses; its instruments are the blind physical forces he has organized; and the material upon which they work so well is nothing other than the ignorant masses, in whom he knows how to arouse rancorous emotions and to whip them to frenzy. He may yet encounter higher and subtler forces or those of universal human nature against which his machinery would be futile, and he might find himself as helpless as a babe. Then he would be like a magician whose magic is exhausted or a somnambulist as the brink of a precipice.

Of course, Hitler with his mighty power might luckily be spared

July 7, 1940

such humiliation during his lifetime, but this is a constant possibility that faces his regime. Its downfall or radical change in character after his death is a certainty. One may assume that even now there are in Germany many enemies of his, whether Communists, or army leaders, or self-seeking politicians, who are unable to organize their forces and are feigning loyalty for the time being. Besides these there must be an increasing number of doubting or critical souls- for few can have a lower ethical standard than he- who have no intention of rising against him but whose sense of decency and honor is outraged. These are among the people who are likely to welcome a change of regime when an opportunity comes, and may even yield important leaders from their ranks. Such opportunity will come when some years hence these internal fissures which I predicted in my last message begin to increase. The more repressive and brutal the rule, the more surely will it crack within Germany; no military glory and no economic prosperity brought by the Nazi arms will be able to prevent the rising misgivings of sober people even of that country. No empire known to history, whether the Parthian or the Mongol has ever been sustained by force only, and no State can long endure with a rebellious conscience. A debacle will come more quickly in modern times than of old, because of the advance of science and of the stronger political conscience within and nationalism without that have been gained.

What then? I can only look forward to new troubles of greater dimensions. The world will probably be divided into two opposing camps I fear. Again, on the one hand, liberal nations, and on the other totalitarian ones; and the division will be sharper than in recent years, and the aggression by the second group of nations upon the first more insidious or terrible. My chief reason for this fear is the disparity that has been greatly widened lately in the sense of political honor between the two sets of nations : it has been further quickened in the one and

July 7, 1940

further dulled in the other. This moral inequality will be the root
cause of conflict. No abiding reconciliation between them will be
possible, for no law or treaty will have force against dishonorable hearts.
Nor will totalitarianism have any other raison d'etre than aggression.
If the Slav and the Teuton quarrel, and if the smaller democracies are
jealous of the others, these differences may in a measure confuse for a
time the issue between the two main groups of nations. But the great
issue will lie between these two; and the general trend may well be for
them to compose their internal discord in the best manner they can, and
to prepare for a joint struggle for life. And the struggle may again ex-
plete undr the pretex that the democracies do not deal fairly with the
totalitarians; for I doubt if there is enough wisdom in the former's
statesmanship to devise a just mode of treatment of the latter. The only
salvation would be an equalization of the sense of political honor of the
nations, which alone could rob totalitarianism of its reason of being,
but the great differences that that exist in the past historic training
of the different nations would make such equalizing almost hopeless.
Short of that, temporary easing of the situation may result from internal
changes in Fasist and Soviet States, a mere palliative. Men must expect
ages of strife, and not those of perpetual justice and peace. The future
of the human race, in my understanding, depends above all things upon the
moral education of the individual person. A modern form of education
in that sense is yet to be invented.

Now, to return to the present moment.

It now seems clear that France has failed because the same malady
with which all the democracies are more or less afflicted was more ad-
vanced in her than in the others; that is, the relaxation of the moral
fibre of the citizen, which is the foundation and the constant need of
democracy. Democracy is the most difficult regime imaginable, for it
must at any instant be vigilant and self-scrutinizing. Democracy, needless

July 7, 1940

to say, is the self-rule of the citizens. The citizen can rule only if he is free; but freedom is as much obligation as right. In the elaboration of democratic institutions, public and private, emphasis has been laid far too much and too long upon the promotion of personal interest and individual liberty. Since mutual sacrifice is not cultivated and adequately organized, democracy inevitably sickens, whether in its politics, or its economics, or its defensive system; then man takes short cuts of different types to cure the ill, instead of strengthening individual responsibility and sacrifice; and a democracy finally resorts to a total or communist regime as a cowardly escape. Which democracy in existence is free from this prevalent illness and defeatism? In France, where Democracy is of relatively recent origin, the citizens have come to regard the State as a mere guardian of personal case and wellbeing, even as a perpetual milch cow. People closed their eyes to unwholesome symptoms that multiplied, but gradually tried defeatist short cuts; now and then a Laval a Blum, or a Soviet alliance, gave a precarious respit, till the nation allowed itself to be caught unready by a long-threatening external disaster. Shortcutters, who can readily veer either Naziward or Sovietward, have surreptitiously and dishonorably gained control, and, upholding the respectable old Petain as their figurehead, betrayed their natural ally and their own history and culture, and meekly submitted to the enemy, in order to make an attempt to save themselves and the innocent nation by a feeble makeshift totalitarianism.

More or less the same sort of totalization may take place in all the recent democracies that have collapsed; all will be drawn into a vast system of co-ordinated economy and federation of States contributing power and wealth to the "masquer race". But as I tried to say in my last letter, I can not think for a moment that such a system can at the longest outlast Hitler. Especially true this will be with France. Relatively

6

July 7, 1940

short as her democratic career has been in comparison with that of
England, the training of the French in personal rights and obligations
and in individual faith and honors as demanded by their feudalism and
chivalry, is older and longer even that of the English; the peculiar con-
stitution of their Third Republic, as also their experiences during the
great Revolution, have developed in all the classes of the French people
a strong individualism in the political sphere. It is this individualism
that has unfortunately been corrupted by selfishness and has proved too
feeble to resist the organized forces of a dictator. The causal evil is
in part a product of France's faulty democratic institutions, but not of
democracy as such. If Laval and his friends attribute the disease to de-
mocracy itself and think that salvation lies in keeping step with Nazism,
they not only misread French national history, but also are digging their
own graves. I feel certain that they are not France, and that the true
France will be reborn in course of time, chastened and purified by the
bitterest experience that even France, with all her history of invasions
and defeats, has ever tasted. If nowhere else, in France at least of all
the conquered countries I expect to see a renaissance of liberty.

The present humiliation of France may be called the scourge of God
mercifully visited upon all the indolent democracies of the world, in
order that they should repent and purge their bodies of the poison that
has paralyzed them. They must learn to educate and organize the responsi-
bility and sacrifice of the citizen, besides strengthening their historic
safeguards of his right and interest, in peace as in war, with what wisdom
and discipline they can command. The education and the organization of
sacrifice should be the new art to the perfection of which they should
address their best effort, without causing any injury to the essentials
of personal freedom. A Hitler of the present or a Roosevelt of the future
can organize sacrifice only, an infinitely easier task, if the nation is

July 7, 1940

I look to England after her victory, and then to France after a period of suffering, for a successful invention of a juster balance of the two moral requisits of democracy.

Please criticize my views if your spirit moves. And please call a halt if I am being an intolerable bore.

New Haven, Conn.

July 21, 1940

Dear Friend,

Many thanks for your letter and its typed enclosures. Where
did you copy the piece on the nebulae? Is its theory of spirals in
keeping with the present knowledge of nebulae? The extract from the
N. Guardian letter is interesting. But the vows of poverty and obedience
are not peculiar to the Teutonic Knights. The love of order and meticulous detail and tidiness is found with peasantry in old countries
besides Brandenburg. What is more peculiar and has more influenced later
Germany seems to me to be the relatively early centralization of the
Mark of Brandenburg, and the relatively authoritarian rule of the Teutonic
Knights in Prussia.

There seems to be much suggestive thought as to the contributions
to civilization by successive ages since the Greek, in Ramsey Muir's
"Civilization and Liberty" recently published. I have only seen a
notice of it in the T. L. A. Did you order Dorothy Sawyer's "Begin Here"
to be sent to me? It came the other day from a Boston bookstore. Another copy had come before from New York I receive British pamphlets
from different sources, but don't know to whose suggestions they are due.
If you did not send me the Sawyer book I shall send you a copy. I haven't
had the time to glance over it.

I hope to go to New Hampshire early in August.

I have started a long letter on France and England but it will be
some Sundays before I can finish it.

New Haven, Conn.

July 23, 1940

Dear Friend,

Widerkind, a monk of Korvey, wrote the well-known account of the reigns of Henry I and Otto the Great. It was written soon after the latter's death in 973. The other day, recalling Widerkind's account of the famous battle of Lechfeld in 955, by the victory of which Otto put a stop to the marauding invasions of the Hungarians into Germany and France I again looked over the speech that Widerkind says the king made to his army immediately before the beginning of the decisive phase of the great battle. I was rather struck with the applicability of the speech to the present moment in England. But for the words I have underlined in the translation, or by slightly changing them, George VI might have said the same thing today. So for your amusement I have copied the text for you.

The editor of the text shows how Widekind borrowed phrases from Sallust, but it appears that they had been cleverly stylized for the general setting. The speech must of course be the chronicler's invention. I presume to append a free English translation, which certainly is worse even than Widekind's Lain;---

"--- The King exorted his comrades with the following speech--- 'My warriors, you yourselves see that in this hour of our need we should prove of stought hearts,-- you who observe the enemy not far but directly in front of you. Hereto fore, thanks to your active hands and ever invincible arms, have I by gloriously fighting conquered everywhere abroad my land and kingdom; and now am I in my own country and kingdom to show my back to the enemy? He, indeed, excels us in numbers, but not in prowess, nor in arms. We know that he is for the greater part almost bare of arms; and, above all the greatest consolation is ours, namely, the help of God. The enemy's sole support is his daring, while ours

July 23, 1940

is hope and divine protection. It would be a shame for us, who are
lords of nearly the whole of Europe, to offer our hands to the enemy.
We will rather die fighting gloriously, of worst should come to worst,
my warriors, than submit and live in slavery, or be strangled surely like
wild beasts. I would speak more my warriors, if I thought I could thereby
inspire in you more prowess and valor. But now let us begin to speak with
the sword rather than with the tongue."

New Haven Hospital
New Haven, Conn.

August 5, 1940

Dear Friend,

The letter in the Manchester Guardian which you copied
and sent to me is splendid. The self-criticism of the British is always
refreshing. Now is the time when all the democracies should search their
hearts to the depths. England is probably doing this more thoroughly
than others. France seems barely to have begun. There is far too little
of it here in this country.

Now as to why I am in a norses' hands at this place. For some months
I have noted a slightly heavy feeling in the stomach when I stretched
myself in bed. Otherwise there was no discomfort. About two weeks ago I
had a complete physical examination here, as I did last year. The phy-
sician found nothing unusual in the region mentioned; on the contrary
he found all parts in perfect order. Even the blood pressure, which was
180 last year, was now 155. But on his advice, I had a half doxen X ray
photographs taken of the abdomen. They showed that every organ was sound,
except in one unexpected detail- presence of stones in the gall bladder.
And yet I had not the slightest distress from them. But I decided at once
that I should have an operation and that this was right moment to submit
to it, while it was a vacation and while I was well. The longer I delayed
it, the greater would be the risks.

I came here July 29 and was operated on the next day. Since then,
recovery has been as good as the Doctors could hope. I expect to be able
to return to Saybrook College about Sunday the 11th.

Forgive me for inflicting upon you disagreeable personal details.
Though personal illnesses are also attended with things of general import
in other than the pathological sense, as is familiar to you from your
own experience and observation. The light that illumes the outer world
follows one into the sick room, but illness itself serves either to

2

Aug. 5, 1940

intensify the light on certain points or to refract it into unusual colors and forms. From a prostrate position and in a physically helpless state, one is surprised to discover novel aspects and new meanings in what would pass as common facts of life; flowers on the table, but but slowly opening to full bloom; the fresh morning light on a brick wall opposite; some one's figure seen through a distant window; voices of patients and visitors from near rooms; unconscious revelations of their purest nature by nurses and doctors etc., etc. Those things take on as fresh appearance as do trees and mountains seen with inverted eyes. I only regret I fail to see much that must be exposed to a better vision. Certain conditions of my illness account for this in part; there never has been any pain or distress, nor has there been the remotest danger of my life. Insight peculiar to an intense suffering and to the supreme moment is denied me. But the chief obstacle is without doubt the crude ego that dims the mirror. I think that if one could place oneself below all people and all things, one would begin to understand and love them all.

August 25, 1940

Dear Friend,

The train from New Haven was late, the connection at North Station failed, and I am passing the night in this noisy house (Hotel Manger). Tomorrow I shall arrive at Plymouth, N.H., and stay some three weeks in that sweet country.

On the train I started to read Racene's Athalie for the first time. This was his last tragedy and he was 52 years old, weary of the vainglory of the gilded age of Louis XIV, and again living in the beauty of classics and in the peace of Catholic faith which had been instilled in him in his youth at Port Royal.

Probably you know the drama well. I have not made much progress with it, but already see his unutterably exquisite language. How deep the feeling but how simple the words and what masterly control of his art. Still more notable is the Catholic sentiment that informs the piece from its beginning, expressed as it is in the guise of orthodox Judaism. Last year the Literary Supplement in commenting on Racine, quoted the phrase, "la belle mesure française", and also Mme Duclaux's remark "Tonblin(?) itself is less essential to the grandeur of France than Athalie."

But where is that belle mesure and that grandeur of France? Every news that comes from Vichy and even from Paris adds proof to the suspicion that the Third Republic had long been sinking before the war. That wonderful courage and sacrifice which was so evident in the first World War and which made France the strong power of Europe soon after, seems to have momentarily ebbed. What is being done, since July, is pitiable when seen at this distance. The true France is silent. When at the hospital I read Edouard Herriot's "Les Sources de la Liberte" interpreting the great Revolution, that magnificent upheaval was the concentrated expression of the French spirit, which was more over inspired by a generous idealism probably unparalleled in history. Herriot was widely

read, does not seem to have exerted any appreciable influence on
the French reader.

The collapse of French democracy is, I think, a deeply disquieting
portent for all liberal regimes. Therefore it merits profound study
of the complex causes of this most surprising phenomenon. I have thought
and thought, but my poor knowledge of modern history falls far short of
probing the matter at the bottom. Please call my attention to anything
which comes your way in the analysis of the causes.

The Third Republic may have died, but I firmly believe the old
France is alive and will arise soon in grandeur. She has known such mo-
ments before, but her resurrection has each time been surprisingly ener-
getic and sometimes very quick. The pathetic Petain regime may be striv-
ing to prepare the ground for another rebirth within the limits that are
possible under the conqueror's supervision.

I shall write more from New Hampshire. I hope you are being
benefited by your rest at the shore.

August 26, 1940

[Aug 1940]

Countless are the wishes
That are going from the heart
To hope that happy days of health
May very quickly start
And when you're up and out again
And feeling as you should
One wish will still go out to you—
"May health be yours for good!"

Helen Zulkowski

26 Admiral St.
New Haven.

To W. G. Stoughton, 10 IX '40.

You refer to the "moral disintegration" here.
Democracies, as they are constituted at present, are
in constant danger of moral relaxation; and require
at the moment, I am convinced, deep searchings of
the heart, if they would survive the dangers that
are menacing them within as well as without. Young
people's way of thinking is sometimes disheartening.
This, I think, is due in part to the after-effect of
the general reaction against the last war that swept
over the nation; but also to the utter absence of an
inspiring ideal. Human nature, especially the young
nature, always has an unconscious yearning for
heroism and disinterestedness. The totalitarian
rulers have furnished ideals that, however wrongly
conceived, have struck a responsive chord in the
younger generations. Democracy, emphasizing as it
does freedom and personal security, is liable to
rest on its oars in its moral life, or at most to be
satisfied with pursuing ideals of mere intelligence
and efficiency. These ideals are needed, but leave
the deeper nature of the citizen untouched. Vacant

To W.G.S. 10 IX '40

- 2 -

hearts are readily enticed by the mock ideals of the
Right or the Left; and the danger is at our door.
The ideal most necessary in a democracy is, I believe,
in the last analysis, each citizen's responsibility
to his *own* sense of truthfulness and honor; that is,
not to the truth and honor (Treue und Ehre) of the
State, but to one's own as a civilized human being.
Devotion to the former is compatible with dishonor
to and destruction of other States and persons, but
devotion to the latter is of universal application,
and includes fidelity to the nation. Knowledge of
civic obligations can be trustworthy only if it is
possessed by citizens responsible to their individual
consciences. Only on this basis, common service and
sacrifice can be expected of every man and at all
times. This is the ideal which should inspire the
young and their educators, and should become the
criterion of a spontaneous social sanction. It
should eventually become a general moral atmosphere
in which the nation should live.

Such a state of things requires great *leadership*.
But leaders are not always present, but rather should
be evoked by the impulsion of a general demand. I

To W. G. S. 10 IX '40

- 3 -

think the democratic institutions themselves have
to be reformed, so that they would naturally and
steadily guide the common trend of political life
in that direction. College education needs to be
overhauled. All this should proceed preferably
from the combined wisdom of the best and most un-
selfish persons in the nation. Hardly anything has
yet been attempted in this initial task. Those who
are awake to the need of conserving democracy appear
to be moving round the edge of the real problem.

Pardon me. I did not mean to write so long.
I must have wearied you. For me, what I have said
has resulted from my meagre understanding of history
and of the present conduct of the nations.

1940. IX. 29. To T. M.

(freely translated)

..... [Referring to what I wrote on democracy in an earlier letter] ... What I meant to say was that democracy was at the same time the highest and most rational form of government that man had devised and also the most difficult to hold in a sound state. It carries in itself a constant cause of its own failure; its very foundation, upon which its whole structure rests heavily, -- the sense of responsibility of the individual, -- can be as well the toughest as the most fragile thing known in the human world. The regime can live only by the perpetual self-scrutiny and the self-renewal of this ultimate moral element; for, when it is relaxed in one citizen or another, the weight he should bear is shifted to the others, and soon the habit of shifting the common burden is liable to infect the community, and its general vitality to be sapped with an accelerating speed. There is not a single democracy today that is not more or less afflicted by ills caused by the deterioration of its cells and functions; even England showed until a few months ago certain symptoms of the malady. And the French may

'40 IX 29

- 2 -

be cited as the most striking case of an advanced
corrosion of the marrow from a wide disintegration
of the cells. (I shall revert below to the case of
France.) As for the authoritarian regimes of Germany,
Italy, and Japan, they seem to me as nothing other
than abject capitulations to that defeatism which
saw only the difficulties of liberalism and, instead
of wrestling with them like a man, deserted the
laborious career of constitutional progress, and
chose the infinitely easier course of dedicating the
State, at the deliberate sacrifice of all human values,
to the sole purpose of developing brute force, by
taking any cheap short-cuts that presented themselves.
This not only is a perverse course contravening the
current of the great history of man, but also indicates
a deplorably weak will and a callous betrayal of
national honor and faith of the people.

I am aware that it is not common with the pro-
ponents of democracy to stress as much as I do
the conscience and the responsibility of the individual
citizen; but I am sure that I am right. It needs all
the more emphasis because one has dwelt far too much

'40 IX. 29

- 3 -

and too long upon the benefits of democracy and
neglected to point to the necessary investment of
sacrifices of which alone they can be the reward.
Many vaunt a Bill of Rights, and latterly also a
bill of economic rights, but few speak of a bill
of civic obligations and service. But how can there
be freedom without sacrifice; what can be the value
of the rights of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness" of citizens who do not respect themselves
as honorable persons and do not guard their neighbor's
rights as much as their own? Mutual guarding is
mutual sacrifice; and constant sacrifice is possible
only with a person who is constantly true to his own
conscience.

The fact that the democratic polity is funda-
mentally moral in nature, and moral on the part of
each citizen, is why it is a more precious prize
man has won than any other known polity; for man is
essentially a moral being; and democracy draws his
integral moral nature into its political life and
relies ultimately upon naught else. Democracy demands
the integrity of every citizen. But this is also the
very reason why the regime is constantly exposed to

'40 IX. 29

- 4 -

inherent risks. Its State should be the exclusive
property of all its members in equal share, and its
quality is immediately determined by that of each
one of them. The democratic nation can live a common
life only because every citizen as his own master
voluntarily and continuously gives up to the community
a part of his life's interest, and daily and individual-
ly controls the State's conduct of the joint concern.
Nowhere can democracy escape the direct influence of
the quality of its individual members. The moment
one of them foregoes his self-imposed responsibility
to his own civic conscience and shifts his burden to
a neighbor, begins the downward course of the whole.
It is thus that the members of this regime must never
relax their vigilance over the inner life of each
and all of themselves. Its success can be the reward
only of this perpetual alertness of the citizens, and
of their voluntary and concerted sacrifice, their
unceasing experimentation and reflection, and their
frequent improvement and, if need be, re-organization,
of details of their common existence. The task is not
ended when a constitution is framed and the machinery
for its execution is set up, but on the contrary is

'40 IX '29

- 5 -

begun only then upon an arduous road on which the
liberty of each person has to be bought daily at
the price of his willing sacrifice; and that sacri-
fice should in all reason be more constant and heavier
than can be commanded by any dictator, though, unlike
the latter, joyous in the performance and direct in
the resultant benefit. From all this, it is obvious
how decisive in a Democracy is the intrinsic moral
nature of the individual, and how subtle and delicate
is the structure of the entire organism.

As a most striking proof of this, I may be
permitted to refer again to the example of France of
1940. With her glorious career as the inspirer of
the world in democratic revolution, with her long
tradition of courage and bravery so splendidly demon-
strated again on the Marne and at Verdun only less
than a generation ago, and with her proud armament
and fortifications, why did she this time so igno-
miniously surrender to her historic enemy after a
bare month of feeble resistance? Why was she so
suddenly seized by deep despair, and collapse so
completely, that she should meekly submit to the new
government which had betrayed her and for which she

'40 IX 29

- 5 -

had no respect? It has now been gradually revealed
that the fundamental cause was the sad deterioration
of the civic morality of her citizens that had for
years been sapping the foundation of the entire
structure. They had been so confidently and so ex-
clusively devoting themselves to the pursuit of their
individual security in "life, liberty, and the pur-
suit of happiness," in a complacent indifference to
the moral health of the State, that her parliamentary
institutions - which, unfortunately, were not wisely
framed at their original conception - had tended to
become finally mere organs for petty contentions
among local interests, divided classes, multiple
political parties, and self-seeking politicians.

The whole organism had gradually been so sadly im-
mobilized by the growing inertia of its various
organs and functions, that what few far-seeing
patriots were present could no longer arouse it to
the pressing need of a drastic re-organization.

Opportunities that successively recurred for attempt-
ing radical reforms were let pass one after another;
the weak governments that came and went with extreme
frequency on no great national issues were not even

'40 IX 29

- 6 -

trusted by the indifferent nation, much less
actively controlled by any vigilant public
opinion. In the face of the rise of an aggressive
Germany across the border, whose ultimate designs
upon France she never ceased to fear, she was too
relaxed to concentrate her mind upon the immediate
task of achieving a unity of national purpose, even
to arouse a sufficient will and energy to harness
her industrial production and to strengthen her
military efficiency. It was sweet enough to sleep
upon the personal savings, the forty-hour week, and
the Maginot line, a slumber which the occasional
scandals and riots that rumbled in the street could
hardly disturb. In such a general state of things,
the conscience of the rulers could only reflect
that of the citizen. While both the government and
the people never forgot to speak in the traditional
vocabulary of the French democracy, they in reality
were so little animated by mutually sympathetic
understanding and trust, that the government kept
the people in ignorance of even the parlous state
of the military defense, and spoke to the last
minute as if it were determined to repulse the enemy,

'40 IX 29

- 7 -

when it had for some time been convinced of the
futility of further resistance. The inevitable
result was the sudden crumbling of the whole edifice
of the State that stunned the people and surprised
even the army. Then a group of minor men seized the
rule, and, setting up a mimic authoritarian regime,
without any mandate of the nation, gave up the
greater part of France to the enemy, threw away the
liberal constitution, and, probably under an indirect
prompting by the new foreign master, began to
prosecute for treason former servants of the State
whose crime was but their patriotic struggles to
defend France and democracy amid insuperable diffi-
culties against a traditional enemy. The logical
inference that compels itself upon one would seem to
be that the rulers of Vichy would have preferred to
see France at the outset make a voluntary offer of
her body and soul to Germany, and then eke out a
precarious existence under her aegis at the complete
sacrifice of her historical identity. However that
may be, one can hardly escape the feeling that, if
the successive governments that preceded the present
had thus hoodwinked the nation somewhat ironically

40 IX. 29

- 8 -

after the manner of the totalitarian dictator, that
was scarcely an unnatural reflection of the loosened
moral fiber of the individual French citizen. Even
in this hour of disgrace, there appear to be many
in the nation who, instead of reflecting that the
citizens themselves were primarily responsible for
it all, are eager to vent their chagrin upon the
scapegoats at Riom. If there be some who are deeply
searching their hearts, the nation seems at this
moment still far from having become repentant of its
past moral lassitude. The true France that rose
from the ashes of Sedan is dormant and is inertly
awaiting the harsher fate that might yet beset her.
Her democracy, neglected and diseased, far from
saving her as it would have done even as it did a
quarter century ago, had it been live and alert,
has proved to be the very cause of her downfall.
The tragic lesson of poor France is patent to all
democracies: the best polity must be maintained with
the greatest and most unremitting moral effort.

I wish now to turn to another point about
democracy which I have reserved for special con-
sideration: namely, the perfectible and, therefore,

'40 IX '29

- 9 -

creative character of the regime. When I say that it is the most advanced and most difficult form of political culture that has been attained thus far, the statement already implies that democracy in actual life is relative and conditional; that it is capable of a progressive approach to an ideal state through an advanced equalization of the civic integrity of its members, provided of course they are sufficiently alert not to lapse into a condition such as overtook the French Republic. Liberalism perfects itself in an exact parallel with the perfection of the civic conscience of its citizen. Citizens are still widely disparate in their moral attainments, for these are fashioned largely by complex forces of heredity, environment, education, and association, forces which, in a free community, can at best only very slowly rise toward an equal state. It will be only when the citizens reach a point which is palpably near an equality of civic capacities for a responsible discharge of the citizens' duties, that a democracy can be said to be true and real; for then nothing would be more natural and reasonable than that all people should share the cares and

'40 IX 29

- 10 -

benefits of a complete self-government.

And the perfectibility of democracy means
at the same time its intrinsic creative power. For
the moment, let us ignore the material and intellec-
tual but consider only the moral aspect of this
creative capacity. Democracy, as we have seen,
constantly makes an imperative demand upon the moral
energy of the individual, and therefore stimulates
his independent effort to develop and invigorate it:
no one may derive a full benefit from the common
life who does not willingly accept his proper part
of its common burden; no community may be prosperous
whose members are not livelily responsive to the
needs of its joint utility. A democracy will be of
little worth if it fails to be a school of pro-
gressively training the moral vigor of its citizens
and creating worthier individual and collective
personality; it will then in reality be no longer a
liberal State, and will be little better than a
totalitarianism, whose main condition for existence
is to cease to call for its subjects' participation
in public affairs, and, so to divest them of all

'40 IX 29

- 11 -

opportunities to educate their civic capacities.
It is not, therefore, too much to say that the
ultimate ends of democracy are the perfection of
itself and the creation of better characters, the
double purposes which depend upon each other through-
out their progressive fulfilment.

From all the foregoing, does it not seem that
two conclusions naturally emerge: that, so far as
one can judge in the present state of human experience,
an ideal liberal polity alone can be the rational
goal worthy of the perfectibility of man and his
community; and also that such an ideal regime still
remains a thing of a far distant future? It may be
freely admitted that the existing democracies are of
immature moral statures, and that it is the premature
lapses of some of them that have occasioned the
growth of the malignant tumor of totalitarianism
and the consequent surgical operation which Europe
and Asia are undergoing. One would expect to see
after this clinic a cessation of defeatism and short-
cuts and a general repentance and moral hygiene in the
democracies old and new, the movement probably
radiating from England.

Nov. 7, 1940

Here is a great field for original comparison. I cursorily touched
on the contrast last April in the paper I read at the Medieval Academy
meeting in Boston. Would you care to see it ?

I have not seen either the Spectator article or Ker's book.
The latter I shall look into and may order a copy of it.

New Haven ,Conn.

Dec. 12,1940

Dear Friend,

In an earlier letter, you referred to an article by Etienne Gilson
on Thomas Aquinas. I have recently heard a lecture by another French
Thomist, Jacques Maritain, on cooperation among different creeds. He
had an immense audience, so that it was necessary to move to a larger
auditorium. His argument was a pure deduction from the single idea of
personal love among devotees of different faiths, each holding his creed
and all meeting on the ground of love of person, not of thought. He
talked for an hour, but did not go beyond this general thesis, and offered
no specific proposal. He impressed me as a lovable, spiritual man, but
I was a little disappointed by his cast-iron Catholic logic. I once had
as a student for two years a Jesuit priest, and came to admire the
Catholic mutality. But often I regretted that he was too much immured
in a defensive attitude to understand other viewpoints. Sometimes touch-
es of peculiar acerbity seemed to mar his vision, and to make him appear
prone to be intolerant and demuniatory. When he carried this attitude
to purely intellectual matters once too often, I ventured to suggest
that, if he found fault with some scholars, he at least owed to them his
discovery of their supposed errors and his chance of denouncing them.
Then he proved suddenly humble and grateful. We have been good, under-
standing friends. Maritain showed no trace of this defensive bitterness,
but I am not certain if he, too, would not show it at times. There is,
indeed too much Pros and n't misunderstanding and prejudice about Ca-
tholicism, but the latter can hardly be said to be immune from its own.

I enclose a copy of a recent letter, which contains no new idea.
The " predisposing causes " referred to in the second sentence need much
thought for definition, if one would see them connected. This, I think,
is needed especially in the democratic nations. What is your analysis ?

2

Dec. 12, 1940

Sometime ago you were kind enough to say that you would care to
see my New York lecture on chivalry given about a year ago. I answered
that it was never written down and had been given in Japanese, but could
show you another paper that touched on a relative matter. I do not know
whether you care to see this.

The manner in which the Norwegian people are expressing their unwillingness to submit to Nazi rule reminds me of the behavior of their ancestors as shown in the sagas I am reading. Here is for me another illustration of the persistence through the ages of traits and habits which were bred in this race through the influence of its habitat and experiences. Each historic nation that has abided in the same environment seems to have developed and confirmed these characteristics. But how difficult it seems for the student to see them to express them correctly. Right vision and right analysis seem often to be two different things: some are more gifted with the one, others with the other, and to most of us are denied both. Nor are the nations equally difficult to understand. The Germans and the Scandinavians seem sensibly easier to understand than the English and the French. The complexity of race and of history may be among the reasons for this difference in the degree of understanding the nations. One should be grateful that there are differences and that data for understanding them are revealing themselves daily.

I believe that a just adjustment of things can be made after this war, of statesmen do not possess some insight into these national differences it will be not only inadequate but also dangerous to aim at justice only in regard to boundaries and economic needs.

But how can one look for anything like a complete justice in
peace arrangement, when a true understanding of the nations is still so
incomplete even with scholars of history? Must one think that the
world is bound to continue in its past manner of repeating the method of

Dec. 12, 1940

hit-and miss ? -- that it must be reconciled to continual recurrence
of crises and conflicts ?

Our Christmas vacation starts in less than two weeks. Will you
be in Boston at the end of the year ?

Dec. 18, 1940

I enclose copies of a few recent letters to friends, which only repeat what I have been saying to you. I have written some long letters to friends in Tokyo on Europe, democracies, and Japan's alliance with the axis Powers. They contain thoughts not expressed to you but freely written to them. But these concern mostly Japan and the East, and I see no point in translating them and showing them to friends out of Japan.

What you deplore of the young people's egotism is so real and prevalent that I, too, think its effects upon the next age will be serious, if there is not a general awakening in the meantime. I have said what I think in one of my letters, so far as the political side of the question is involved. The matter of course has broader implications. There should be a wide moral and spiritual awakening that should come like an invigorating wind from the mountains. As yet I see no signs of its coming, and I may be blind. The sermons reported every Monday in the papers sound so distant and weak that they make one feel that churchmen have not even conceived the problem that states at them. The Pope has a heavy responsibility as a world-leader at this moment. Why does he not lead, instead of compromising right and left as in ordinary times? Perhaps the crusade should issue from outside the ecclesiastical circles, and should carry them along with the secular.

The immediate need being political, or politically moral, reform perhaps should and might begin in this sphere and extend itself thence beyond.

As illustrations of the poisoning of the present political thought, I may mention the following facts.

There are several on our Faculties, even in the History department, and many more in other Colleges, who, confusing national independence and rivalry, with the evils of extreme nationalism, would welcome a co-ordinated Europe built over levelled national boundaries. When one asks if a Hitler should be the co-ordinator, they hesitate to say yes, but, since they generally reject any voluntary federation of nations on an equal footing as

Dec. 18, 1940

utterly impossible, the logical conclusion must be a co-ordination by
conquest or compulsion of unwilling nations. One native Frenchman ardent-
ly advocates a totalitarian regime as the only cure for all ills of de-
mocracies. I ventured to say to him that such a regime could be sound
only if it resulted from a common consent of the people, and that in that
case the qualities of the people would at once determine the quality of
the polity; and that, on the contrary, if such a regime were imposed by
force, it could only be maintained by a forcible regimentation of the people,
which would inevitably deteriorate their quality still more; in short, that
I believed that in the last analysis the base, as well as the ultimate
purpose, of a State must be the improvement of the individual person.
Such a point of view was utterly alien to this friend's mind, and there was
no meeting ground between us. And such views are typical and widely held.

But these men think as they do because they are in their way more
or less interested in public affairs. Most others are blissfully innocent
of the challenge of the age, hold feeble grudges against this thing or that,
and merely drift with the crowd. All of them especially the student, are
well-meaning, and so are likely to respond when a general breath of re-
naissance sweeps over them. The evil of the moment is rather the half
thought that prevails among the best and noblest men of the nation, who
should give the first impetus to a new movement striking at the root of
the universal malady.

I think the present Presidential campaign is useful in this di-
rection. Wilkie now and then strikes the true note, as when he speaks
of every person's faith to himself as the foundation of American de-
mocracy. The manner of popular response seems somewhat encouraging,
though both the call and the response are still too weak, and the response
is even more indirect than the call. I hope most seriously that Wilkie
will be elected, for it would mean a milestone on the right road. But

4

Dec. 18, 1940

man and at all times. This is the ideal which should inspire the young and their educators and should become the criterion of a spontaneous and social sanction. It should eventually become a general moral atmosphere in which the nation should live.

Such a state of things requires great leadership. But leaders are not always present, but rather should be evoked by the impulsion of a general demand. I think the democratic institutions themselves have to be reformed, so that they would naturally and steadily guide the common trend of political life in that direction. Challenge education needs to be overhauled. All this should proceed preferably from the combined wisdom of the best and most unselfish persons in the nation. Hardly anything has yet been attempted in this initial task. Those who are awake to the need of conserving democracy appear to be moving round the edge of the real problem.

Dardon me. I did not mean to write so long. I must have wearied you. For me, what I have said has resulted from my meager understanding of history and of the present conduct of the nations.

To Y. Minakuchi I IX '40

France seems to have been sick for some years, without our knowing much about it. But my general faith in the future has not changed in any way. The collapse of France and others is a good lesson for all democratic regimes, and the lesson will be taken to heart by some of them. From its very nature, the Nazi triumph can be only temporary, for it contravenes the mighty currents of history. Only the time and the manner of its failure is the question. England's staying power will facilitate it. The true France, which has repeatedly rebounded after defeats, is simply dormant for the moment. Only in the southeast, Germany may achieve more lasting results. There, the structure of States is recent and arti-

Dec. 18, 1940

under and blots their work out. It is true that history is wrought
through the strifes and sacrifices of innumerable men, which she often
needs for the progress; but it is truer that history is the combined
work of man and higher powers. It is for these reasons that I have a
clear conviction that any success of unhistorical forces is ephemeral,
as it has always been in the past; and that a momentary retrogression
is a phropheny of a new stage of the eternal progress of human advance.
It matters little if we may not witness sure signs of revouery in our
brief span of life. Let us have faith in the work of the human race.

5

Dec. 18, 1940

ficial and therefore a major Power can revise their forms in its own interest. Here the future will largely depend upon the relation of Germany and Russia, as also upon the ultimate destiny of the Western States.

Konoe is not purely totalitarian but a feeble compromiser, who has neither a sufficiently strong character nor the necessary perspicacity. His cabinet I regard as transitional. The later trend will be either more militant or more liberal, very likely the former for some years. If so, Japan would plunge deeper into dangerous waters, which would surely be followed by disappointment and suffering and humiliation. I only hope that the constitution will not be changed. Here, again, the ultimate failure of such imitation regimes will be due to its utterly unhistorical and unnatural character.

To Mrs. S.C. Bartlett

8 IX 1940 Plymouth.

As you say, the whole world is in turmoil and things are rapidly changing. This will not be followed by a permanent peace, but by difficulties of adjustment. For sometime, I fear, there will be no happy equilibrium. But I believe one has to take a long view of the past and the future. The economic distress that was widespread and the sins of liberalism caused the rise of Totalitarianism. The latter is a sheer product of defeatism combined with brute force that is harnessed with modern science. It is essentially unhistorical and entirely cowardly in spirit. It is not, however efficient and successful for the moment, what the human race can endure for long. Authoritarian States would make history to order, but history is never tailored by man like a garment. History is infinitely more complex and subtle and mightier than any work by the utmost wisdom and effort of a few schemers or States that try madly to subdue her to their wills and silently but surely buries them

Jan. 12, 1941

New Haven, Conn.

My dear Friend,

Please forgive my slowness in answering you. My working on a
paper on Feudal Contract has been engrossing my mind, and I have been
declining to take part in anything beyond my bare duties.

My heart is with the English, whose courage and faith are most
admirable. America should aid them more effectively than she is doing.
This cannot be done without devising a more concentrated and efficient
husbanding of resources than the present Administration seems capable
of doing.

Other motives, as well as lack of sustained concentration, appear
to vitiate the whole attempt at every step. I also fear there will result
attendant evils for this country. The universal desire of the people to
help England is not well and properly directed by the Government. The
only hope is that, somehow, they will get into the stride before it is
too late. Wilkie, I think, could have done more efficiently and with a
single and sincere purpose.

You ask for my notes on chivalry. But my notes on it are very
bulky and mostly in Japanese except quotations in European languages.
What I asked of you would care to see was a paper that is a year old on
European feudalism, not chivalry. It remotely suggests certain roots of
chivalry as it was bound to vary in France, England and Germany, but
does not even mention the word "chivalry". I am not yet ready to write
on that subject. None the less, I am sending you the paper on feudalism.
Probably the matter will not especially interest you. In that case,
kindly return the paper at your leisure.

Chivalry is allied with feudalism, for in relation with the latter
some sort of chivalry is certain to appear. And I am sure that the
character of a feudal system will largely influence the character of its
chivalry. It is the difference of different feudal systems and of differ-

Jan. 12, 1941

ent types of chivalry - and their historical roots, and their effects
on national culture and character, - that fascinate me. At present I
am concentrating on feudalism (especially its heart, namely, the quality
of the relation between lord and vassal). As for chivalry, I am in this
stage of studying and thinking about its development of types, and am
far from having reached the point of being able to generalize about it.

The shell you sent me ( the large one ) is quietly shining in
the dark when I come into my room and greets me as from you. Please give
me the light of your letters, too.

To Mr. and Mrs. C. M. Andrews

16 II '41

I hear awful stories of hunger in Spain. Much
the same thing may soon be true in the countries
overrun by the Nazi. Others in Europe are only
relatively better off. Why this immense suffering;
and why the advent of its direct cause, namely, the
few aggressors? It all is inscrutable. But I can-
not help thinking that, for one thing, men are reaping
the consequences of the moral relaxation they have
indulged during the past decades. I fear they have
been too self-complacent to meet resolutely the great
moral problems created by their own pursuit of science
and technology, and individual comfort, and so have
failed in their mission as moral beings. In this,
the modern nations have been all alike, different only
in degrees. The democracies, too, are very guilty;
for they have only remembered that their regimes are
the best and most rational, but forgotten that they
are also the most difficult and most exacting of the
moral obligation of the individual citizen. In my
understanding, democracy is the highest and hardest

16 II '41

- 2 -

known polity precisely because it challenges the civic
morality of every man. When his sense of respohsi-
bility is not alive, democracy becomes a false pre-
tense. And such hypocrisy, if long continued, cannot
escape a retribution.

From the beginning I have never wavered in my
belief, and am more than ever convinced, that democracy
will _ultimately_ win. It may not win the war itself,
but will win through the war in a little time; it
cannot win of itself, but can win if it spares no ef-
fort to save itself. But, after its rehabilitation,
will it have sufficient moral force to make itself
at last what it should be? Will it again be a cycle
of relapse, punishment, and costly restoration? Can
the young people of today be depended upon, when their
time comes, to rise to a higher moral level than their
fathers, as they should have to?

- 1 -

To C. M. Andrews - 10 III '41

I am pleased to note that our thoughts run
much in parallel. I only wish to add one point to
what I said in my last letter. You say that moral
laxity is usually concomitant with a forward movement
in social organization. This must be all the truer
in such a daring experiment as democracy. But I
think that, for that very reason, and for another,
even more important reason, such laxity is all the
more dangerous in a democracy. For, I hold, dem-
ocracy is the most advanced and the most difficult
polity precisely because it is built solely upon the
civic morality and intelligence of the individual
citizen. Unless he is vigilant and active in the
common conduct of this great experiment, the regime
will have nothing solid to depend upon, and will be
unable to withstand the physical or moral assault
by a centralized and united aggressor State. Then
almost certainly would rise men, whether of the right
or of the left, who in their desperation would set
up a "new order" intended to achieve momentary
efficiency through drastic shortcuts.

- 2 -

I think the general history of recent years
is a demonstration of this on a large scale. The
whole world may be said to have been in birth pains
of liberalism when the modern progress in industry
and technology had caused the liberal spirit to
spread more or less everywhere. Nearly every self-
respecting State had been moved to adopt liberal in-
stitutions in some measure, and had started on the
new path with a high hope. But a few decades' ex-
perience had proved that one was too ill prepared to
emulate what England herself with her long record was
still finding it difficult to manage in perfect order.
It is probable that every one was allured by its form,
but few really understood its spirit. Perhaps the new
type of liberalism was in itself unsound and contained
inherent causes of its own defeat. It had been born
of the growth of the consciousness of the material man
in a modern industrial age; and lacked the more remote
historical background of the long training in the
feudal contract, chivalry, and the gentlemanly code,
that was a heritage of the English nation, and also
of the influence of the classical spirit and of
humanism shared by certain West European peoples.

- 3 -

The new liberalism was in its essential character much more material than moral. It seemed to liberate the individual person at the expense of the solidarity of the nation. Unfortunately, it was soon overtaken by another modern movement. Some States were utilizing the same advance in technology for the purpose of harnessing themselves into aggressive machineries in both military and economic sense. In the juxtaposition of these two trends, sometimes combined in the same nation, a conflict soon began between them in different degrees of intensity within and between nations. And the contest proved unequal for the ease-loving new liberalism in the face of the concentrated forces of the new nationalism. At any rate, it was in those countries whose past training was especially poor for a successful liberal career that defeatist reactions first arose in various forms of authoritarianism. In them the immediate occasions for the reaction varied, but the fundamental common cause was defeatism pure and simple - defeatism from the seeming impossibility to be at once liberal and efficient. All other excuses were self-deception, perhaps one, that no existing democracy seemed

- 4 -

free from serious defects and even from disloyalty
and corruption. This latter fact gave the reaction-
aries their justification and their chance. If the
world-wide movement toward liberalism is viewed as a
whole, this recent reaction comes very near being
liberalism's own lack of faith and determination.
It is simply the weakest links of the chain that
snapped so soon, and, forging their weapons, are
attacking the others with such vengeance.

Other links have proved of soft metal; only
one remains in its place. That is the one that has
been the longest and best tried; inspired all others
before the French Revolution and the American
independence; and will, I am certain, again fulfill
its historic mission in the world. But, on the
whole, what a terrible retribution for so many
nations, friend and foe, that so lightheartedly
ventured on the liberal path and so soon lapsed into
selfish ease. Never again would liberalism fare well
in that manner. Much deeper searchings of the heart
than are being done seem to be called for.

As you say, the new democracy will have to
be more real and just than heretofore. A greater

- 5 -

justice between the classes, though difficult,
may prove to be the easiest part of the task. It
can be in a large measure a matter of law and insti-
tutions. Far more difficult and necessary will be
the tightening of the civic moral fibre of the citizen.
This seems to me basic, for in the last analysis
democracy is moral. And the moral sense has to be
alive and alert in every person. Without it, law and
institutions would surely be evaded with ease.

We must devise a sound system of education,
and then must continually improve it in the light of
its practice. For adults, their actual participation
in the conduct of government, if it continues wholesome,
should in itself be a good method of their natural
education. This should be supplemented and quickened
in some wise manner. For the youth before they begin
to share the common responsibility, an adequate form
of school and social education must be thought through
and then be steadily revised by the combined wisdom
of the best brains of the nation. It would have to
be framed in such a way that it would, besides
giving intellectual and professional training, create
an atmosphere that should encourage the cultivation

- 6 -

of habits of civic honor and integrity by mutual approbation and sanction among the students. How this might be done without officious guidance from above but in a natural but strongly persuasive manner, would probably tax the utmost wisdom of social philosophers. But nothing could be more important in a democracy than a proper method of education, and no effort made in establishing it would be too much. I have been trying to follow discussions in the country on this point, but have so far been much disappointed by what few opinions I have noted. I am not certain that the very problem in all its magnitude and delicacy has so far been grasped by leaders of public opinion.

The present tendencies are too haphazard.
On the one hand, they are cluttered with inert traditional elements, and, on the other, are too ready to indulge either cheap tinkerings of detail or concessions to the unthinking demands of the students.
There are various new movements, but they are for the most part too personal or too partial, and few seem robust or catholic enough to bear thoughtful criticism.
Something much more fundamental and sincere is called

Yasukawa.

Let us probe a bit, for we cannot do otherwise.

Advances the more surely for the errors, penalties and miner retrogressions.
Tions of the slow-learning humanity, and leave it at that. Perchance man
bated to spolish air wariness. One must attribute it all to the imperfec-
present. The fees aid of it, the better. Now is it in the least comfem-
open our eyes to what immunities man is capable of at such a time as the
Yes, the horrors of war, especially in Japan, but and to come,
I touched on her too in my letters to George.

About Batais, I have a great deal to say, but I must deal with now.

Opinion to Comell "diacronian" was logged.
to look at it he still has kept it, though it was written before the Batais
hoped for from it. I wrote something about it to George, which you may see
been going, within the modest scope of achievement that can at best be
I feel encouraged by the way the Sam 'rakofaco conference has

S

July 11, 1944

To C.G.C.

Sept.23, 1945

( I have sent him a 3 volume encyclopedia of agriculture and two salad bowls. )

I demur to both your assertions, that I am generous, and that another year I should display my dexterity in dressing salads. Both are unwarranted and contrary to fact. I know only how to eat salads; one who mixes silo must be a salad expert, not I. And it is hopeless for me to match your boundless generosity, which, as applied to me, would amaze anyone if I told him its long record. For this I leave the bestowal of your due rewards to a high power. May I call to your attention that you gave Crane fifteen punds to carry on his person, besides a possible added inch or two!

Guy's stretching of the paralyzed right arm is glad news to his friends.

I enclose two clippings from one week's London Times, Little Supplement. Graham's book should be instructive. Perhaps some day man may learn to utilize the hidden atomic energy for the fertilization of soil also. The comment I have marked in the notice of the priest MacLean's book hits a nail on one common foible of many American ( perhaps also Dutch and Slavic) writings, which often seem to me constipated, so to say, in their thinking, and staccato in their expression.

I see more and more that sytle is a matter of personal culture in humanity. It must grow out from within a growing person; then only can his polishing of the external part be truly effective. One should search all the human relations and implications of a subject before one puts pen to paper, even though one intends to treat of only their small fraction.

I have been continuing the reading in bed of my old diary, and am in the year 1913. That year covers my wife's death (Feb. 6) and its deep effects upon my inner life. I would like to show you that part of some time, if you ever cared to glance over it. Mrs. Tucker and Bill Hughes saw it. You yourself figure in it several times.

Yours always, K

Young People

if you want to figure in it, never mind.

Time, if you ever earned to finance over it. Here, under and above all, should be established upon my firm belief. I would like to show you just what some of the best things in the world are.

If we had been continuing the resulting in bed of my old duty, and to better even growth one intends to treat of only their small fraction, all the human relations and obligations of a subject before one has been the benefit of the entire and be truly grateful. One should search in humanity. It must grow one from within a growing person; then only can we see more and more that life is a matter of Bernard culture and appreciation in their expression.

Writing which often seems to me contributed, so to speak, in their thinking, still on one common fable of many American ( perhaps also Dutch and Swedish) comments. I have marked in the notice of the brief article a useful the highest atomic energy for the fertilization of soil, etc. The German's book should be instructive. Perhaps some day may learn to

I enclose two copies from one week's London Times, respectively.

Once a correspondent of the Saturday Evening Times, I was in a bad mood to carry on the person, because a noble idea or two!

To a high degree. I could to you an attention that you have Crane fifteen him the long record. For this I leave the personnel of your one remarkable personageography, which is applied to me, would make someone if I told him he is a sald expert, not I. And if in proof for me so much your and contrary to fact. I know only how to set safe; one who makes a lie of it should display my certainty in drawing up a list. Both are unwarranted.

I deem to do you an honour, that I am generous, and that another year past.

( I have read him a 3 volumes encyclopaedia of architecture and two other volumes.)

H.G.S.

Yale University

Nov. 4, 1945

Dear Friend,

I am sending you in another package what may perhaps arouse your interest. It is little pine sticks brought back from Plymouth, N.H. You will see on them marks the busy worms have made. The worm of this kind always works under the bark of every dead pine without exception; it is not the same kind as the one that eats through the bark and makes in the wood, also, coarser though similar incisions, so that the works of the two can be well distinguished. The specimens that I am sending testify only for the first kind.

What stirs me is the pattern these little creatures create while while making their meals. The lesson I draw from them is that some, perhaps most or all, patterns of Nature repeat themselves everywhere of which their immediate makers are blissfully unconscious. This is seen not only in the animal, vegetable and mineral 

kingdoms", but also in every phenomenon that meets our eyes. See, for example, the forms that soap suds make as they gradually disolve in water in the wash-basin; animal heads and tails and plant forms appear and reappear and disappear. Last winter I observed on pavements in the morning the night rain frozen in perfect shapes of bunches of ferns with stems and leaves complete. And many of the patterns of these and other events seem to be common to animals and plants as well as to more casual and evanescent things. And maybe this is true with vast occurrences in Nature, likethe paths of winds and storms and clouds, the curves of ocean waves, even with the history of man's thoughts and actions, and the evolutions of the heavens. We live in an august universe which with all the wisdom and power behind it, none the less reveals to the susceptible eye infinite patterns in infinite repetition, thus uniting all beings and becoming in a vast kinship of line, form, color and substance. What do you think? Your spirals are an illustration. I think the same may be said of all other lines and their combinations, as also colors, scents, tastes etc.,

all other lines and their combinations, as also colors, acids, bases, etc.,
think ? Your aspirations are an illustration. I think the same may be said of
coming in a sort kinship of lines, forms, color, and atmosphere. What do you
infinite patterns in infinite repetition, fine musing all penks and pe-
the wisdom and power behind it; none the less reveals to the susceptible eye
evolutions of the heaven.
We live in an ageat universe which with all
of ocean waves, even with the infinity of man's thought and action, and the
heaven in nature, like the barbs of wind and atoms and clangs, the curves
more canst and evanescant things. And maybe this is true with what occur-
and other events seem to be common to animals and plants as well as to
of terms with atoms and leaves complete. And many of the patterns of these
bavements in the morning the night rain frozen in perfect shapes of plants
plant forms appear and reappear and disappear. Last winter I observed on
gradually dissolve in water in the wash-pool; animal, weed and tinsel and
that means our eyes. See, for example, the forms that acid and base make as they
make their meals. The reason I draw from them is that some, perhaps
kind.
What attracts me to the pattern these little creatures create while

that means our eyes. See, for example, the forms that acid and base make as they
make their meals. The reason I draw from them is that some, perhaps
while making their meals. The reason I draw from them is that some, perhaps
kind.
What attracts me to the pattern these little creatures create while
distinguished. The phenomenon that I am sending teatly only for the first
cosquer through aimless incalories, so that the works of the two can be well
same kind as the one that creates through the park and makes in the wood, 'Tao,
works under the park, every dead pine without exception; it is not the
will see on them marks the dust which have made. The worm of this kind always
interest.
If it is little pine attacks brought back from Plymouth, N.H. You
I am sending you in another package what may perhaps souse your

Dear Friend,
I am sending you in another package what may perhaps souse your

Dear Friend,

H.C.S. Yale University Nov. 4, 1942

2

Nov. 4, 1945

that man can perceive, -as least in this way he perceives them.

You once pointed out to me that all twining vines went up
clockwise, I have since never seen twining grass do otherwise, but have
discovered one plant, which is not grass but a shrub, that runs up the post
in an exactly opposite direction. There is a group of this variety in a
university ground here, and every one of that group, all of the same species
( whose name is unknown to me ) behaves in the same manner. Yesterday I
passed the place and noted that the gardener had pulled them up, perhaps for
the winter. I hope he will replant them next year.

Ever Yours

K. Asakawa.

K. J. Valsamis.

Rover Yonka

the winter. I hope he will remain there next year.

based on the place and noted that the gardener had buffeted them up, perhaps for
( whose name is unknown to me ) because in the same manner... yesterday I
universally ground here, and every one of that group, off of the same species
in an exactly opposite direction. There is a group of this variety in a
discovered one plant, which is not green but a shrub, that runs up the boat
clockwise. I have since never seen a plant go otherwise, but have

You once pointed out to me that all training vases were up
that can be overcome--as least in this way he believes them.

Nov. 4, 1948

2

H.G.S.

Nov.27, 1945

Dear Friend,

I thank you for the letter and the passages from Coptic. These
again suggest that it matters little how primitive racial beliefs may
be so long as they are lifted up and transfigured by a religious in-
spiration of high order. I am told that native Samoans, though they have
been Christians for a century, still retain many pagan vestiges. When I
was studying Meroringian texts ( in Latin ), I was often struck by simi-
lar phenomena in that age; no doubt many priests of Frankish origin shared
the same taint for the Church Councils respectively deplored both facts.
I should presume that the same must have been true with Germanic and
Slavic converts in the early Middle Ages. When there is harm in such blend-
ing, it must all depend upon how gross the alien factors are and how much
they obstruct or obscure the essential Christian spirit. When they are
nothing other than common early human beliefs of the soul and spirit and
have been thoroughly transformed and woven into the general Christian
texture, as in Coptic examples, they may even result in making the fabric
all the more poetic and captivating, again as in the present instance.
Many legends of hegography, and that of Saint Nicolas and Christman
are among the parallels.

When in a recent letter I referred to shadows on the wall, I
meant to mention another thing which had been interesting me for several
years that is, the beautiful work that light does for us; sunlight above
all, but even artificial lights. The matter of shadows is an illustration
of this. If the artist's mission may be said to be to idealize common
phenomena of Nature through his genius, then Light is the greatest
artist imaginable.

So the shadows on the walls are far more beautiful
than are the real trees that are their immediate sources; Light
has rectified their irregularities, veiled their blemishes and sublimated
and idealized them into perfect creations. Even more notable is this

and identified them into perfect categories. Even more notable is the
and rectified their irregularities, called their figures and subfigurations
from them are the real ones that are their immediate sources: light
and light are the real ones that are their immediate sources: light
So the shadow on the wall is less more beautiful
artistic imagine.

beneath the sun through the window, then light is the greatest
or that. It is the greatest when we can be said to be to identify common
light, even artificial light. The matter of shadow is an illustration
because that is the beautiful work that light does for us; sunlight above
meant to amuse another thing which had been interesting me for several
when in a room later I referred to shadow on the wall, I
are most the beautiful.

Many legends of photography, and that of Gains Rietveld and Caravaggio
all the more beautiful and captivating, again as in the present instance.
texture, an in Copic examples, they may even result in making the fabric
pale been thoroughly transformed and woven into the General Caravaggio
nowing other than common human perfections of the soul and spirit and
fancy operator or operator of the essential Caravaggio spirit. Often sex is
the secret alluded upon how great the alien Tuonore are and how much
Copic converts in the early 19th century. When there is a man in such place
I often breathe that the same must have been true with Germaine and
the same that for the Church Communion respectively deforested both faces.
I am therefore in that same degree many thanks to Bramin or certain friends
was studyingier horologium texta ( in Latin ) I was often struck by aim-
been Caravaggio for a community, still retain many began to appreciate
the same that for the Church Communion respectively deforested both faces.
I am therefore that the same must have been true with Germaine and
the same that for the Church Communion respectively deforested both faces.
I thank you for the letter and the beautiful from Copic. These

Dear friend,

I thank you for the letter and the beautiful from Copic. These
I thank you for the letter and the beautiful from Copic. These
again suggest that it matters little how arbitrary results may
be so long as they are lifted up and transfigured by a religion in-
追 I thank you for the letter and the beautiful from Copic. These
I thank you for the letter and the beautiful from Copic. These
I thank you for the letter and the beautiful from Copic. These

H.G.S.

Nov. '94, 1945

2

Nov.27, 1945

work of idealixation when sunlight falls on smooth surfaces or shines through transparent objects. And so casts reflected or refracted images traced in delicate lucent lines upon the ground or a near-by wall. The images are harmoniously balanced and artistic to a transcendent degree, no matter how homely or misshapen may be the objects that have been struck or pierced by the light. One can readily demonstrate this wonder by letting bright sunshine upon plates or partially filled tumblers. Observe how fascinating patterns atr thrown at once upon a wall or upon thr table cloth. Like images may be seen in innumerable situations in daily life in the action of light upon humble things about us.

You may agree that the simile is not too farfetched when I place these phenomena of light beside the transfiguration wrought upon heathen superstitions by Christian grace.

Ever your grateful friend,

K.A.

K.A.

Even your grateful friend,

Amherstiaus by Christian Bruce.

these phenomena of light peep the transillumination wright upon heaten
You may agree that the smile is not too faretched when I face
action of light upon humpie things about us.

Like images may be seen in immersible substances in daily life in the
fascinating patterns air thrown at once upon a wall or upon the table cloth.
Bright amorphine upon blades or partially filled humpers. Observe how
or pierced by the light. We can readily demonstrate this wonder by letting
no matter how homely or unshaven may be the objects that have been struck
images are parsonially balanced and artistic to a transcendental degree,
traced in delicate incense lines upon the ground or a near-by wall. The
through transparent objects, and so can be reflected or refracted images
work of idefixation when anlight falls on smooth surfaces or lines
Nov. 57, 1942

S

Dear Friend:

It seems to me that Anthony Eden's address May 29, regarding an aspect of the peace-terms that England would propose after a victorious war, is of the greatest significance, and merits more attention than it seems to have received. so far in this country. It, for one thing, presents an important solution of a problem - that of the misery and starvation of many nations of Europe - which is already acute enough and will surely force itself upon the world immediately the war is over. To this point I shall return later.

For another thing, the address effectively disposes of the argument we often hear expressed by those who take a defeatist and cynical view of the present war and of the part in it that England is playing. They say that she is fighting for her own imperial interest only, and that all her avowed motives are hypocritical propaganda calculated to deceive other nations into cooperating with her; for, they argue, she has learned nothing from the last war, and would, if she should by any chance win this war, again throw down her mask, and be as eager as she was after the last to impose upon the exhausted world unreasonable and selfish peace-terms, again sowing the seed of an age of chaos and of a consequent world disaster.

I had, for one, felt that the present war was of a very different character from the last, and that the whole English nation was perfectly aware of this fact, and was prose-

Entitled nation was periodically aware of this fact, and was probably a very different character from the fact, and that she whole
I had, for one, left that the present war was of
far greater.

nowing the seed of an age of chaos and of a consequent world
exhausted world unrescued and settled peace-terms, again
and be as eager as ever was after the fact to impose upon the
should pay any chance who this war, again throw down her mask,
she has learned nothing from the last war, and would, if she
other nations into cooperating with her; for, they argue,
movements are hyperbolic prophecies calculated to deceive
for her own imperial interest only, and that off her stowed
in it that England in fighting. They say that she is fighting
detachable and analytical view of the present war and of the part
of the arguments we often hear expressed by those who fake a
for another thing, the address effectively diacovers
the war is over. To this point I shall return later.

enough and will amply force itself upon the world immediately
atrocution of many nations of Europe - which is already some
an important solution of a problem - that of the majority and
received so far in this country. If, for one thing, presents
influence, and writes more of attention than it seems to have
world problems after a victory, then is of the greatest aid.
May so, requesting an aspect of the peace-ters that England

Dear friend:

-2-

cuting the war with ideas and resolutions of a new order and
with a unanimity, in that sense, which was not nearly as
evident in the last war. That is to say, I had believed that
England had, at least since the German air raids upon her
started, deeply taken to heart the lesson of the calamities
of the past quarter-century. Thus I had thought, because I
could not help noting how much searching of the heart was going
on among all classes of the English people. Now I feel that
Mr. Eden's address has proven the general correctness of my
observations. The address, to me, marks a stage in England's
continued deliberation upon the shape of things that should be
created through the war. And this fact indicates that she
recognizes her share of the responsibility as well for the
causation of the war itself, as for the healing of the wounds
it is inflicting.

"We have learned a lesson," says Eden, "in the
interregnum between two wars. We know that no escape can be
found from the curse which has been lying on Europe except
by creating and preserving economic health in every country."

I confess I have not been a hearty admirer of
Mr. Eden as a statesman. He has given me the impression of
a man prone to be influenced in public conduct by his per-
sonal animus, even as the late Lord Curzon seemed to be.
With his undoubted ability in certain directions, Eden appeared
to be a sort of person somewhat framed within his moustache
and his clothes, upon both of which he seems to bestow much

-3-

thought. For this reason, I rather regretted that he should
have been chosen as the man to make the recent important
round of visits to the Balkan and Turkish governments. I
do not know whether I have been unjust in my estimation of
him. But his recent address excels his usual performance,
in both ideas and language. It is at once noble and clear.
It is definite in thought and crisp in expression. It has
nothing of the half thought-through and vaguely framed
speeches of another politician, who propounds four freedoms
to be realized "everywhere in the world", the establishment
of which "is no vision of a distant millenium". Eden has
taken only one of these four, the economic, and would apply
it only to Europe and to regions immediately related thereto.
The proposals he makes in this respect are an extension of
the general thought which, to my delight, was lately expounded
briefly by his chief. It would seem Eden has been going to
school with Churchill.

"Today I wish to put before you," said Eden, "certain practical ways in which 'freedom from want' may be applied in Europe. We must put our own conception before the world." I shall quote his further words, for they not only vindicate my measure of the English mind in the present war, but also are very heartening to all of us who have been harboring some fear that the victors might again prove shortsighted in their disposition of post-war affairs in Europe.
I quote:

I agree:

agreed in their diagnosis of best war attitude in Europe.
interfering some fear that the victors might again prove aright
war, but also are very concerning to all who have been
only wrong idea of the American mind in the present
course of the world." I think maybe in their words, for they not
applied in Europe. We must, but our own conception before
can be based solely on which 'freedom from want' may be

"Today I wish to put before you," said Eden, "an
classroom and Churchill."

frustrated by his chief. It would seem Eden has been going to
the General thought which, to my delight, was lately expounded
The proposals he makes in this respect are an extension of
it only to Europe and to regions immediately related thereto.
Given only one of these two, the economic, and would apply
not which "in no vision of a distant millennium" Eden has
to be realized "everywhere in the world," the satisfaction
abound of another politician, who proposes two truisms
nowing of the past thought-through and adequately framed
It is definite in thought and crisp in expression. It has
in both ideas and language. It is at once noble and clear.
 him. But his recent address exceeds his usual performance,
but not whether I have been wrong in my estimation of
round of views to the British and Turkish Governments. I
have been chosen as the men to make the recent important
thought. For this reason, I further regretted that he should

-8-

-4-

"We have declared that social security must be the first object of our domestic policy after the war. And social security will be our policy abroad not less than at home. It will be our wish to work with others to prevent starvation in the post-armistice period, currency disorders throughout Europe and wide fluctuation of employment markets and prices which were the cause of so much misery in the twenty years between the two wars.

"We shall seek to achieve this in ways which will interfere as little as possible with the proper liberty of each country over its own economic fortunes.

"Countries of the British Empire and their Allies, with the United States and South America, are alone in a position to carry out such a policy. For, irrespective of the nature of the political settlement, Continental Europe will end this war starved and bankrupt of all foods and raw materials which she was accustomed to obtain from the rest of the world.

"She will have no means, unaided, of breaking the vicious circle. She can export few goods until she has first received the necessary raw materials. Wasteful wartime cultivations in many lands will leave agriculture almost as weak as industry. Thus

leave after-funeral services at 8 o'clock at night. This
will be attended by friends and熟人. The last dance will
be at 8 o'clock, and the dance will begin at 9 o'clock.
There will be no music at the last dance.

which she was accustomed to obtain from the rest
afternoon and bank holiday week holidays and the like.
Assuming that the Queen will be at the宫
for the whole of the week, and that the King
will be at the宫 for the whole of the week, and that
the King will be at the宫 for the whole of the week,
and that the Queen will be at the宫 for the whole
of the week.

The King will be at the宫 for the whole of the week,
and that will be the case for the rest of the week.
Assuming that the Queen will be at the宫 for the
whole of the week, and that the King will be at the
宮 for the whole of the week, and that the Queen
will be at the宮 for the whole of the week,
and that the King will be at the宮 for the whole
of the week.

-4-

-5-

Europe will face vast problems of general demobilization with a general lack of the necessary means to put men to work.

"It is right to think of these things now.

"Let no one suppose that we, for our part, intend to return to the chaos of the old world. To do so would bankrupt us no less than others. When peace comes we shall make such relaxations of our wartime financial arrangements as will permit the revival of international trade on the widest possible basis. We should hope to see development of a system of international exchange in which the trading of goods and services will be the central feature.

"I echo Mr. Secretary Hull's admirable summing up in his recent declaration when he said:

"Institutions and arrangements of international finance must be so set up that they lend aid to essential enterprises and continuous development of all countries and permit payment through the processes of trade consonant with the welfare of all countries."

"However to meet problems of the immediate post-war period, the immediate postwar period, action in other directions will also be required. Liberated countries, and maybe others too, will require initial pool resources to carry them through the transitional period.

period.

**Loan Resolutions** to carry them through the transitional countries, and make of them so, will require (if any) other directions will arise be required. Impaired credit, however, to meet problems of the immediate post-war trade consistent with the welfare of all countries, will be considered with the payment of all countries, and will be paid through the processes of credit must be so set up that they can be used to establish institutions and arrangements of international

trading in the recent declaration when he said:

> "I echo Mr. Secretary Huff's admirable advice that will be the central theme of national exchange in which the trading of Goods and should hope to see development of a system of international trade on the adest possible basis. We financial arrangements so will permit the revival of commerce we shall make such references to ourwartime needs during the no less than enormous period to return to the order of the old world. To do so is to return to the cause of the old world. To do so is to return to the cause of the old world. It is right to think of these things now.

"Let us one suppose first we, for our part, intend to do so.

But men to work, action with a General face of the necessary means to Europe will face new problems of General beneficence.

-8-

-6-

"To organize the transition to peaceful activities we will need the collaboration of the United States, of ourselves and of all other free countries which have not themselves suffered the ravages of war. The Dominions and ourselves can make our contributions to this because the British Empire will actually possess overseas enormous stocks of food and materials which we are accumulating so as to ease the problems of overseas producers during the war and of a reconstructed Europe after war. The Prime Minister has already made clear the importance he attaches to this.

"No one can suppose that economic reorganization of Europe after the Allied victory will be an easy task. But we shall not shirk our opportunity, and our responsibility will be to bear our share of these burdens.

"A peaceful brotherhood of nations, with due liberty to each to develop its own balanced economic life and its characteristic culture will be the common object of us all. But it is the transition to this end which presents the problem. It is the establishment of an international economic system capable of translating the technical possibilities of production into actual plenty and maintaining the whole population in continuous fruitful activity. It is that which is difficult.

continuing its fruitful activity. It is in that which is
actual benefit and maintaining the whole dependence in
faring the technical difficulties of production into
of an international economic system capable of trans-
mitting the problem. If it is the solution
object of us all. But it is the transition to this end
and its characteristic feature will be the common
ery to each to develop its own balanced economic
A beautiful program of nations, with due fip-
dence.

responsibility will be to bear our share of these pur-
case. But we shall not shrink our opportunity, and our
of Europe after the Allied victory will be an easy
No one can suppose that economic reorganization
ought made clear the importance he attaches to this,
affirmed Europe after war. The Prime Minister has of-
of overseas problems during the war and of a recon-
which we are committing so as to same the problems
these overseas enormous stocks of food and materials
to this because the British Empire will actually be-
the Dominions and overseas can make our contributions
which have not themselves sustained the ravages of war.
States of our own and of all other these countries
which we will need the collaboration of the United

To organize the transition to a peaceable activity

-8-

-7-

"The world cannot expect to solve the economic riddle easily or completely. But the free nations, America, the Dominions and ourselves alone possess a command of the material means.

"And what is more important, these nations clearly have the will and intention to evolve a postwar order which seeks no selfish national advantage for any one of us, an order where each member of the family shall realize its own character and perfect its own gifts in liberty of conscience and person."

Does this not place the matter within the limits of definite practicality? Here is a vision of the beginning of a livable world in which European nations may slowly regain their independent and yet mutually dependent existence. I say, nations, rather than governments; for an association of governments, falsely called a league of nations, imposed by external legislation upon mutually distrusting nations without their willing consent, would again be doomed to fail. What is needed first of all is the assurance of a tolerable physical existence accorded by wealthier nations. Such an aid given in the hour of need may go a long way towards inclining the suspicious nations to a sense of the desirability of a truly voluntary league of themselves and their stronger neighbors.

And I venture to suggest that the proposed measure

and I venture to suggest that the proposed measure
should be extended to other nations.

Desireability of a joint voluntary league of the nations
and of the associated nations to a sense of the
united States given in the form of a treaty to a long way
further by the existing existence recorded by weightier nations.
What it needs there is the assurance of a

without their willing consent, which again be deemed to
be external legislation when mutually diametraling nations
of governments, respectively called a league of nations, imposed
by any nations, rather than governments; for an association

of a flexible world in which each separate nation may slowly re-
quire definiteness, practicality. Here is a vision of the beginning

its own title in liberally of conscience and honor.

family shall recognize its own character and perfect

any one at all, an order where each member of the

order which seems no different national advantage for

they have the will and intention to evolve a posterior

And what is more important, these nations clear-

of the material means.

America, the Dominions and empires alone because a

rightful easily or comfortably. But the free nations,

"The world cannot exist to solve the economic

-8-

proves the injustice of those who have been pointing an
accusing finger at England for her alleged disregard,
under the excuse of military necessity, the sufferings
of the countries of western Europe overrun by Germany since
last year. A practical nation as she is, England has been
biding a proper moment to accord relief.

Now she even anticipates that moment by present-
ing in advance a practical plan of relief on her own initia-
tive and out of resources of her own empire.

Also, is not England's proposal voiced by her
Foreign Minister a remarkable example of enlightened imagi-
nation for a country that is in the throes of a bitter strug-
gle for her very life? Nay more, does it not mean a repent-
ance of the indifference with which she seemed to ignore,
during the years before the outbreak of the war, the repeated
complaint made by the less fortunate nations of the meager
share of natural resources which was their lot? It is indeed
impossible to deny, and all candid Englishmen will admit, that
in the past the richer nations, England in the lead, have
seemed callous to the plight of the "have-nots" of the world,
and so have furnished a pretext for the latter to wreak their
anger upon rich and poor alike. Besides, in the veritable
war of tariffs, quotas, preferences, and other measures of
excessively nationalistic economies, which preceded the
armed conflict, and which contributed not a little toward

armed conflicts, and which contributed not a little toward
excessively nationalistic economies, which preceded the
war of territoire, disputes, preferences, and other measures of
war upon rich and poor allies. Beatrice, in the variable
and no have launched a pretext for the latter to break their
accord, as well as to the flight of the "has-moja" of the world,
in the last the richer nations, England in the lead, have
impossible to deny, and if candid Englishmen will admit, that
some of natural resources which were their left. If it is indeed
complacent made by the less fortunate nations of the messer
during the years before the outbreak of the war, the repeated
accuse of the intolerance with which she seemed to ignore,
the for her very title? Why more, does it not mean a rebuff-
nation for a country that is in the face of a bitter war-
front? Minister a remarkable example of unoffended multi-
Viva, it is not England a proposal voiced by her
tive and out of reason of her own empire.

How she even unilaterally that moment by present-
digging a proper moment to second relief.
Is that last. A practical nation as she is, England has been
of the countries of western Europe overrule by Germany since
under the example of military necessity, sheuttering
accusing finger at England for her alleged diatribe,
bravened the infatuation of those who have been pointing an

-8-

-9-

the mutual distrust of the nations and the pitiful "neutrality"
of the smaller ones, - in this, the greater nations have been
among the chief offenders. England has not been the least
guilty, if not of excessive protectionism, at least of not
willingly cooperating with others or initiating a positive
policy to facilitate a more rational distribution of material
goods. It is from this indifference and this guilt that
she now is the first to awake, and to come forward, not with
a theoretical counsel given to all but herself, but with a
concrete measure to be carried out chiefly at her own ex-
pense and with her self-imposed responsibility. What else
but enlightenment can a proposition be called which its
sponsor knows to be a true assurance of the common interest
of both others and himself?

On the other hand, it is now clear to every one
that the familiar argument concerning "haves" and "have-nots"
of which the Axis Powers have been vociferous has not been
all what they pretended. The argument which seemed intrin-
sically true has proved to be very largely a cloak for a
political philosophy of spite, of "new orders" and "pros-
perity spheres", to be inflicted by force against their
will upon neighbors who are worse "have-nots" than them-
selves. The Axis governments have by intensive propaganda
convinced their own peoples and perhaps even themselves of
the specious justice of this theory of hatred and of master
races, so that they have now fallen slaves to their own

["race, so that they have now left slaves to their own\nthe abolition of this theory of slavery and of master-\ncaptivity. The Slave Government have putative probabilities\nbefore neighbors who are worse \"slave-slave\" than their\nbrethren, squares,\" to be inflicted by force against their\npolitical philosophy of abate, of \"new slave\" and \"pro-\nsecution\" true has proved to be very largely a close for a\nkill what they intended. The argument which seemed in-\nferential, which the Axis Powers have been encouraging \"pavement\" and \"have-slave\"\nelse, the familiar argument concerning \"pavement\" and \"have-slave\".\nOf this other land, if it is now clear to every one\nof both others and himself?\n\nA man knows to be a true assurance of the common interest\nin enfranchisement can be carried out clearly at his own ex-\nc成本 measure to be carried out clearly at her own ex-\ncuse and with her self-imposed reasonableness. What else\nconcrete measure to be carried out clearly at her own ex-\ncuse and with her self-imposed reasonableness. What else\nis necessary to be carried out clearly at her own ex-\ncuse and with her self-im

-10-

thought. Their minds are revolving round and round within
the narrow cage of their spiteful logic, with little present
sign of their being able to free themselves from its prison.
Eden's proposal would be a godsend to peoples subdued by
the Axis, but it would need something more than that to sub-
due the Axis itself with reason.

Probably even a Churchill is not yet in a position
to devise a manner of liberating the Axis nations from their
self-bondage. Probably nothing short of the calamity which
they have thus invoked upon themselves can create a back-
ground favorable for any possible proposition for their de-
liverance to be made by an outside statesman. The enormity
of their crimes is so great that a retribution and suffer-
ing would seem to be their inevitable lot; only then could
their reconstruction begin. The retribution and repentance
are their own affair, but the reconstruction that shall
follow will be the supreme concern of the whole world of
tomorrow. In this, the further lesson that may be learned
from the last war and the needful disposition that must be
made after the present, will be far more difficult than
the economic rehabilitation of non-Axis nations, and will
demand a far wiser and more enlightened statesmanship of
the peace-maker.

Will there be a sufficient wisdom in England and
elsewhere for the solution of this, the greatest of the
post-bellum problems? Are we again to give to some of the

host-domicilium problem? Are we again to give to some of the
eccentricities for the solution of this, the greatest of the
will there be a sufficient wisdom in England and
the legislation maker.

demand a far wider and more enlightened legislation of
the economic legislation of non-Axis nations, and will
made after the present, will be far more difficult than
from the fast war and the needful legislation that must be
concerned. In future, the further lesson that may be learned
from will be the supreme concern of the whole world of
are their own effect, put the legislation that shall
their legislation begin. The legislation and legislation
ing would seem to be their invitable fact; only then could
of their crime is so great that a retribution and utter-
liability to be made by an outside statesman. The enormously
broad lewdish for any possible legislation for their de-
they have done invoked their themselves can create a pack-
off-pandemic. Properly made, short of the elasticity which
to devise a manner of liberating the Axis nations from their
propably even a挑chill is not yet in a position
due the Axis itself with reason.

the Axis, but it would need something more than that to sup-
ply its brood should be a thousand to beables supplied by
arm of their being able to free themselves from its bridle.
the narrow scale of their abject factor, with little present
thought. Their mind are revolving round and round within

-10-

-11-

present Axis partners a justification for a pretended rage;
are we again to witness their progressive enslavement to
another form of a philosophy of spite, revenge, and robbery?
Is the civilization man has won so painfully through the
centuries so impotent as to be unable to prevent the re-
currence of its own crisis; even so absurd as to aid in
their creation? The answer to these questions must depend
upon the one thing, - the insight of the eventual victor
of this war. That he will ultimately be found on the side
of human freedom cannot be doubted, for it alone is his-
torically right and possesses the will that only that faith
can give. But whether he will display sufficient justice
and wisdom in dealing with this crucial problem remain to
be seen.

Would it not be the part of wisdom even now to
begin to ponder the essential elements of the problem;
and so to prepare the ground for the development of an
intelligent public opinion on the allied side that would
demand a sane solution, when the retribution of the enemy
should have taken place? This task of preparation would
require something more than the talent of lawyers and
economists. What is needed is the combined wisdom of true
statesmen, above all, of historians of philosophic insight,
who are capable of analyzing the complex situation in con-
crete terms. It would be the greatest hazard to come to a

create terms. If we put the greatest demand to come to a
who are capable of analyzing the complex situation in con-
dition, above all, at materialism of philosophy insight,
encompass, what is needed is the combined wisdom of true
requirement something more than the fact of laws and
should have taken place? This lack of comprehension would
demand a same solution, when the reproduction of the enemy
intelligent public opinion on the allied side that would
and so to prepare the ground for the development of an
begin to ponder the essential elements of the problem.

Would it not be the part of wisdom even now to
be seen.

and wisdom in dealing with this crucial problem remain to
be given. But whether he will display sufficient justice
frequently right and because the will that only that truth
of human freedom cannot be denied, for it alone is life-
of this war. That he will ultimately be found on the side
when the one thing, - the insight of the essential factor,
their creation? The answer to these questions must depend
onence of life own criteria; even so admitted as to aid in
conclude so innocent as to be made to prevent the re-
from the civilization man has won so beautifully through the
another form of a philosophy of life, Lawrence, and property?
are we again to witness their progress? Enquiry to
present Axis barriers a justification for a preferred route;

-11-

-12-

peace conference with vague ideas, and to try to make an
improvised bargain on the spot between the contending
opinions of the participants who happened to have been
sent there.

Yours always,

K. Asakawa

To William D. Geer, Publisher of Fortune April 1, 1946

Please accept my sincere thanks for sending me a reprint of Mr. Galbraith's article " Japan's Road Back". I have read it with great interest and much profit. I will say frankly that the second paragraph on Page 15 ("Whether etc.) stands conspicuously alone out of the whole article and seems to fall far below the high level of the rest. The article is a survey of present facts, but the paragraph in question belongs to a wholly different sphere and requires in the writer an entirely different equipment. It involves an unknown future of which only a man of rare insight into the spirit of the complex institutional and mental life of a very old nation may be so bold as to attempt any forecast. I know no one alive who is so qualified. One who has not had an opportunity to study long in that difficult field is generally unaware of one's lack of training or of the subtle harm that might be wrought by the hasty assertions one might have been led to make. Pray forgive my ungracious words. I have ventured to utter them, for sins that are unconsciously committed seem for that reason all the more regrettable.

That solitary paragraph apart, I admire the objective study of pertinent facts that has produced the excellent article. I have reaped many useful data from it, and am grateful to the author.

To Hugh L Latham Assistant to the Managing Editor " Fortune " Empire State Building. April 1, 1946

I thank you cordially for your kind letter of April 29, though the pressure of my work has prevented me from acknowledging it sooner.

Let me hasten to say that, in my letter to Mr. Geer, I did not imply that Mr. Galbraith's article had actually done any "Subtle harm". That phrase was used in a general way about those who, on the strength of casual knowledge or even with no knowledge, presume to write on the conduct of any nation of long cultured history. In case of Japan, we see daily how much writers' judgements are swayed by either casual fragmentary facts on the

writers, judges, are allowed by either counsel fragmentarily to use on the
nation of long established history. In case of Japan, we see clearly how much
knowledge or even with no knowledge, prose to write on the conduct of any
bureaus was need in a general way, about those who, on the strength of causal
that is, Geisaku's article had actually come out "Subtle point." That
let me happen to say that, in letter to Mr. Geer, I did not imply
proseme of my work has prevented me from acknowledging it sooner.

I thank you cordially for your kind letter of April 30th, though the
Building.

To Hugh I. Latimer Assistant to the Managing Editor "Fortune" Empire State
useful data from it, and am grateful to the author.

timent facts that has produced the excellent article. I have read many
that arbitrarily paragraph short. I admire the opt. active study of per-
table.

that are unreasonably committed seem for that reason all the more regrett-
ing. Torque my illustrations wrong. I have attempted to alter them, for aims
that might be wrong by the least assumptions one might have been led to make
tield is generally unworthy of one's lack of training on or the subtle point
field. One who has not had an opportunity to study long in that difficult
be so bold as to attempt any forecast. I know no one alive who is so dull-
spirit of the complex institutional and mental life of a very old nation may
influence an unknown future of which only a man or a rare insight into the
entire sphere and require in the writer an entirely different equipment. If
of present facts, but the paragraph in question belongs to a wholly different
as to tell us below the high level of the rest. The article is a survey
(Whether etc.) at least comprehensively alone out of the whole article and
and much better. I will say simply that the second paragraph on page 12
praiseth a article "Japan's Road Back". I have read it with great interest
Please accept my sincere thanks for sending me a reprint of my Gai-

To William D. Geer, Publisher, of Fortune April 1, 1946

April 1, 1946

surface, suspicion of motives, or an unconscious attitude of superiority and self-complacency. There are of course notable exceptions among reporters. In the reports from Tokyo to the New York Times, for example, Mr. Crain stands in a marked contrast with Mr. Parrott. The one is conscientiously factual; the other seems unable to deal with any fact without inflicting upon it a cheap interpretation clothed in " smart " phrases. But generally speaking an understanding of " imponderables " comes hard to any but one who has been deeply trained in the humanities. I feel this quite keenly from my own failures, and of my experience of over thirty years with graduate students in my seminar discussion classes here. Most persons are blissfully innocent of the deficiency.

You refer to the difficulty of Occidentals understanding the Japanese mind. But I can assure you that I have rarely seen native Japanese who are able to describe its operation in any satisfactory terms.

I am grateful to the publisher that he has from time to time favored me with reprints of articles in Fortune and Life.

I fear I have no time to prepare a letter for publication such as you kindly suggest. I am writing a long personal letter analyzing the Japanese mentality as revealed in the political history of the last thirty years or so; but I am so occupied with my proper work that the writing progresses very slowly. Besides, it is too long and is written in a style not suitable for your publications.

Again thanking you for your letter, believe me,

progresseea very slowly. Beaudes, it is too long ago written in a style
as you or so; but I am so occupied with my proper work that the writing
Japanese mentality as revealed in the political history of the last thirty
as you kindly anggest. I am writing a long personal letter analyzing the
I mean. I have no time to prepare a letter for publication and
I favored me with reprints of articles in Fortune and Life.

I am grateful to the publisher that he has from time to time
are able to describe its operation in any satisfactory terms.

see mind. But I can assure you that I have rarely seen native Japanese who
You refer to the difficulty of accidents underestimating the Japan-
piasefully innocent of the deficiency.

Graduate students in my seminars discussion classes here, float bereave are
from my own families, and of my experience of over thirty years with
who have been deeply trained in the humanities. I feel this quite keenly
abashing an underestimating of "inconsiderateness" comes hard to any but one
now it is a cheap interpretation clothed in "error" purchases. But generally
typical; the other seems made to deal with any fault without inflicting
attempts in a marked contract with Mr. Parrott. The one is conscientiously
era. In the reports from Tokyo to the New York Times, for example, Mr. Cahn
and self-complacency. There are of course not so few exceptions about report-
ance, anabiction of motives, or an unconscious attitude of superiority.

April 1, 1946

To Mary Rouse

May 5, 1946

I hope every thing is going well with you and the baby. You will now be busy and absorbed in your precious darling. Whenever I think of motherhood, I always feel something profound and sacred. I use this last word advisedly, for it is the mother who bears the high mission of carrying on the human race on earth. What could be more basic or nobler than that? What note touching to man's heart? All works of education and of the Stareall activities of persons and of the world build upon what the mother has reared. When a woman becomes a mother, she is at once transfigured; she is henceforth the ministering angel upon whose work of love humanity must wait upon.

Pray don't think I am sermonizing. Were I a minister, I should have much more to say than I am capable or willing to do. I am saying that I feel about every mother, especially mother of a new-born child; and I am as sure as I am of anything that I am saying what is literally true, as you as a new mother must know more deeply than I ever can.

K. Asakawa

By Virginia

..................

You are a new mother and know more deeply than I ever can,
so sure as I am of affecting that I am acting what in literally true,
I am about every mother, especially mother of a new-born child; and I am
much more to say than I am capable of writing to do. I am asking that I
may not think I am a minister. Were I a minister, I should have
humanly said that upon.

Figured the door in front of the ministering under whose work of laws
mother has remained. When a woman becomes a mother, there is at once transa-
gency of activities of bacteria and of the world built upon what the
mother made touching to make a person. All works of education and of the
on the human race on earth, what could be more delicate or tender than that?
advantage? for if in the mother who bears the light responsibility of carrying
food, I always feel something brooding and sacred. I see this last and most
pity and appreciation in your braveness grateful. Moreover, I think of mother-
I hope every thought is going well with you and the baby. You will now be

To Mary House

My Name Is

To G.G.C. (Clark)

Sept. 29, 1946

******* There have been two or three things out of the routine. Medics that a cycle of flu epidemic is due this winter. The University is giving precautionary inocculations to students and to others who wish them but warns that those who are allergic to eggs or chicken are likely to have bad reactions. The injection is said to have proven remarkably effective. A whole stream of people — men and women, young and old — is lined up every afternoon for the little prick. I got mine the other day. Sid Lovett was having his too. I was told that I might possibly have a little fever, and if I had a headache I might take aspirin. I had neither form of reaction. The thing is supposed to work for six months. I would like to know of what and how it is made.

Somedays before that I had a call from a stranger. He declared him self to be the French professor, Jounon des Longrais, Director of the Ecole des Hautes Etudes of the Sorbonne, and also of the Maison France-Japonaise in Tokyo. He spent seven years there, then went to Australia, and was now waiting in New York for the end of the strike of seamen, before returning to Paris. He came to see me, for he had carefully used my Iriki book and others of my writings. Fortunately I also had read his monumen tal work on the English 'seisin' (12th to 14th century). So he is a dis tinguished scholar of medieval institutions of Europe and knows a lot about medieval Japanese sources. Helen Dunham had him as one of her lecturers when she studied in Paris, now I am told. So our Graduate His tory Dept. is considering his availability to fill the post of medieval history left vacant after my retirement. It would be a great gain if that could materialize, though it is very doubtful that he would give up his high and responsible position at the University of Paris. ( Please consider this last part as confidential. I may speak to Pres. Seymour about des Longrais.)

about de Loubignac.)

consider this last part so confident. I may ask to see. Schommer
in his room and reasonable position at the University of Paris. (Blessed
that that could materialize, though it is very doubtful that he would give
plenty left vacant after my retirement. It would be a great gain it
Sory. Debt is considering his availability to fill the post of medieval
instructors when he attended in Paris now. I am told. So our graduate his-
apprenticed scholar of medieval institutions of Europe and knows a lot
of work on the English, especially, 15th to 14th century. So he is a dis-
book and others of my writing. Fortunately I also had read his monumen-
tary to Paris. He came to see me, for he had carefully need my aid
now writing in New York for the end of the strike of students, before re-
als in Tokyo. He spent seven years there, then went to Australia, and was
desires Etudes of the Sorbonne, and also of the Collonc France-Japon-
sian to be the French professorships de Loubignac, Director of the Ecole
soms before that I had a call from a correspondent. He declared him
to know of what and how it is made.

The thing is abandoned to work for six months. I would like
of reaction. The thing is abandoned to work for six months. I would like
fever, and if I had a headache I might take aspirin. I had neither form
loveset was having his foot. I was told that I might possibly have a little
up every afternoon for the little brick. I got nine the other day. Big
A whole afternoon of people ------men and women, young and old------ I find
bad reactions. The injection is said to have proven remarkably effective.
while that those who are allergic to eggs or chicken are likely to have
brescanfully inconvications to students and to others who wish them put
that a cycle of the epidemic is due this winter. The University is giving
******** There have been two or three things out of the routine. Notice

To C.C. (Clark)

Sept. 23, 1946

Sept. 29, 1946

Another bit of news is that I have been fortunate enough to get hold of the memoirs of the late ex-premier Prince Konoe( who recently killed himself rather than be tried as a war criminal ), about which we, you and I, wrote recently. He wrote of his arduous struggle to prevent war with the United States between April and October 15, '41, when he at last had to resign. The same volume also included the memoirs of the Cabinet Chief Secretary in '45 till Japan's surrender on Aug. 14, describing all the meetings in the government and before the emperor and currents of opinion and feeling behind the scenes. In both memoirs the poor young emperor's strivings for peace against the mounting arrogance of the army are tragically depicted. The navy and the civil part of the Cabinet throughout remained as reasonable as could be desired. Konoe was one of the sacrifices on the altar of history. The stories of both times ('41 and '45 reveal intimately traits of the Japanese political mind and the traditional non-autocratic attitude of emperors. Unfortunately, the Allied (American) occupation army has purged indiscriminately all men involved in the wartime government, thus depriving the nation of the services of some who would have been most useful in the new reconstruction. The Emperor, Konoe, and several others had a clear vision of the situation and were of surprisingly sweet temper, without the remotest touch of a sense of future revenge. The army, on the other hand, represented a certain evil mood that had long lurked in the mind of a small part of the nation. As unconscious expositions of Japanese political psychology---- its strikingly good and strikingly bad sides---- I had taken full notes from both memoirs before I returned the volume to a friend in Washington.

Poor, poor Truman! Struggling between his honesty and compulsion for political manoeuvering. He pays homage to the New Deal philosophy against his conscience; problems that face him are too often too big for him and half the time he seems innocent of what he is doing. Pathetic.

him and left the time he seems innocent of what he is doing. Barbietic.

Sugat his conscience: problems that face him are too often too pig for

for political unreasoning. He beaute homage to the New Best philosophy

Boon, Boon Truut! Strangling between his poneaty and comblation

in Washington.

Taken full notes from both memoirs before I returned the volume to a friend

behalf ofly--- its arduously good and arduingly bad edges--- I had

part of the nation. We unconscionable expositions of Japanese political

sented a certain self mood that had found inked in the mind of a small

touch of a sense of future revenge. The study, on the other hand, repre-

sation and were of abruptly sweet temper, without the remoteat

of the Emperor, Konoe, and several others had a clear vision of the

services of some who would have been most useful in the new reconstruc-

involved in the maritime government, June depriving the nation of the

Vilified ( American ) occupation and had buried indiscriminately all men

traditional non- autocratic attitude of emperors. Unfortunately, the

and 42 reveals intimately traits of the Japanese political mind and the

the sacrifices on the after of history. The authorities of both times (41

throughout remained so reasonable as could be desired. Konoe was one of

are tragically depicted. The many and the civil part of the Cabinet

emperors' activities for peace against the mounting arrogance of the授权

of opinion and feeling behind the scenes. In both memoirs the book young

Cabinet Chief Secretary in 42 till Japan's surrender on Aug. 14, descrip-

Is that had to reign. The same column also included the memoirs of the

war with the United States between April and October 18, 41, when he at

Kon and I wrote recently. He wrote of his arguments attitude to prevent

killed himself rather than be tried as a war criminal ) upon which we,

held of the memoirs of the late ex-bromier Prince Konoe ( who recently

Another bit of news for that I have been fortunate enough to get

Sept. 28, 1946

Sept. 28, 1946

Yale University

Nov. 17, 1946

Dear Friend,

Hearty thanks for your letter I, too, hardly recall whether you or I had written last. And I, too, have often and often mantially talked and thought with you. Your letter is always an event of my life.

What you tell me of Pittsburgh and its "noble" people is new to me, and I envy you for knowing them. A difficulty with me is that here I have too few opportunities for good conversation; and I am famished for it. My germinating thoughts often wither out before I can bring them out to the sum, air, and wind, and let them grow to maturity. The fault is largely mine for it is my self-inflicted preoccupation with work that prevents me from seeking the many stimulating people who must be here.

I was not aware that your daughter was so deeply interested in South American culture.

From your description of your recent doings I gather that you have been well, in spite of so many claims upon your time and energy. You kindly ask how I am. I am thankful that I can say that my usual good health continues and enables me to do the close work that is my lot. This August I did not go to my usual haunt in New Hampshire for the homely reason that they could not get a cook there. Instead I spent the month at a country inn in southern Vermont, a novel experience which I fully enjoyed. There were some amusing details of it, which I omit here because they are of no significance. I cannot be said to suffer from the Whill James" graphobis " for I spent a great part of every Sunday in writing such letters as I must but the time is so short and the pressure of my little work so continuously weighs upon me that I seem to be perpetually running behind in my correspondence.

You refer to the little sticks I sent you long ago. You have still kept them. I think I wrote you sometime of the enchanting shadows cast by dogwood trees upon perpendicular walls late Spring afternoons. Now the days

dramatic changes upon berberians, waffe late Spring afternoons. How the girls kept them! I think I wrote you sometime or the enchanting ads some coat by you refer to the little girls. I sent you four. You have a still bongence.

weighs upon me that I seem to be herpetually running behind in my corres-
pond the time is so short and the breather of my little work so continuous.
for I spent a great part of every Sunday in writing such letters as I met
aftirrificance. I cannot be said to another from the Writsme." Erprobbe "
were some amzing details of it, which I out here became they are or no
ime in southern Vermont's novel experience which I fully employed. There
they could not get a cook there. Instead I spent the month at a country
did not go to myhausn pump in New Hampshire for the homely reason that
fimes and expenses me to do the close work that is my job. This Anglaf I
sak how I am. I am thankful that I can say that myhausl food health com-
peen well in spite of so many claims upon your time and energy. You kindly
from your description of your recent doing I rather than you have
American culture.

I was not aware that your daughter was so deeply interested in South
seeking the many stimulating people who must be here.

for it is my self-inflicted preoccupation with work that prevents me from
am's strict and wind's let them grow to maturity. The fault is largely mine
Terminating thoughts often afternoont before I can print them out to the
too few opportunities for good conversation; and I am satisfied for it. My
and I envy you for knowing them. A difficulty with me is that here I have
what you tell me of Pittsburgh and its people " people is new to me,
thought with you. Your letter is straight an event of my life.

I had written last. And I 'fool have often and oftener than you recall whether you or
Dear friend,

Yale University

Nov.15,1946

2

Nov. 17, 1946

are too short to bring about the marvellous sight at that hour. But I find the same wonders, for this very reason (the shortness of day) on eastern walls in the morning. Often on my way back from breakfast I linger on sidewalks, entranced by the beauty; every time it strikes me as a fresh revelation.

Nearly all my readings are, I am sorry to say, food for the mind rather than the spirit. Only in bed I snatch a few minutes to dip into the other kind, — verses or prose, or historical writings whose authors display disciplined imagination. Recently I have been glancing at poems of Shelley and Keats and some prose by the former and have committed a few pieces to memory, including Shelley's To a Skylark. The contrast between these two young poets intrigues me. Someday I hope to take up Virgil among others. During mealtime I read some American and British papers and magazines. I, too, feast upon the Times Literary Supplement; there is nothing that at all approaches it among the American journals that I know.

Please give me some excerpts from Reysbrouk, if it is not too much trouble to you, for I am wholly ignorant of him.

I thank you for the quotations of others you have sent me. From what works is St. Augustine's passages quoted? I want to track its Latin original. The one on St. Rose of Lima is charming. Such response of Nature to saintly persons appears to form the theme of legends similar in several cultures, though so far I have not met with the like in Japanese or Chinese literature. But mysterious, unconscious response by men, women, or children is not seldom experienced in our daily contacts. Somehow the better nature of these people is called forth, sometimes even in spite of themselves. An evil character could hardly bring out such beautiful reflections in others. Therefore ot encourages its recipient. But every time I chance to be the beneficiary, I unwarily cry; Beware, do not flatter thyself therewith, it is far less an occasion for they complacency than for

themselves therewith; it is far less an occasion for their complicity than for
I chance to be the beneficiary. I unwarily cry: Beware, do not flatter
flections in others. Therefore of encourages its recipient. But easily find
themselves. In every character could hardly bring out any beautiful re-
peter nature of these people is called forth, sometimes even in spite of
children is not seldom experienced in our daily contacts. Someone the
literature. But waterstone, moonstone reasonae pa men, women, or
culture, though so far I have not met with the like in Japanese or Chinese
saintly persons appears to form the theme of legend similar in several
works. The one on St. Rose of him is channing. Such reasonae of nature to
I thank you for the quotations of others you have sent me. From what
trouble to you, for I am wholly ignorant of him.

Diese Gute me some exercises from Regebruck, if it is not too much
just at all approaches it among the American journals that I know.
magazine. I, too, test now the Times, New York Supplement; there is nothing
others. During mealtime I read some American and British papers and
these two young bores intrigues me. Somehow I hope to take up Art Critic among
pieces to memory, including Shelley's To a Skilnik. The contrast between
Shelley and Keats and some prose by the former and have committed a few
play disciplined imagination. Recently I have been financing at least of
other kind, --- verses on prose, or historical writings whose authors die-
rather than the spirit. Only in bed I am sure a few minutes to dip into the
Nearly all my readings are, I am sorry to say, food for the mind
a great revelation.

linger on aldewaals, enhanced by the beauty; every time it affords me as
enjoyment, wile in the morning. Often on my walk back from prescience I
find the same wonders, for this very reason ( the afreshness of day ) on
are too short to bring about the marvellous sight at that hour. But I
S
Nov. 15, 1948

S

3

Nov. 17, 1946

thy self-admonition and greater aspiration.

It has long been on my mind to write you something of my cogi-
tation of the political mentality of Russia. But I am still thinking of it.
When I seem to have come to a point where I can formulate my thought on
the subject, I shall venture to write you and ask what you would think
of it.

It was pleasant to read a report in this morning's paper of an
address by Mr. Aydelotte on modern education delivered at Haverford College

( rest of the letter is missing )

( beat of the letter is missing )

addressed by Mr. Wadefolt on modern education delivered at Haverford College

If was pleasant to read a report in this morning's paper of an

of it.

the subject, I shall venture to write you and ask what you would think
when I seem to have come to a point where I can formulate my thought on
condition of the political mentality of Americans. But I am still thinking of it.
If I have long been on my mind to write you something of my own

myself -قنful and greater aspiration.

Nov. 17, 1949

To H.D. (a friend and former student)

Dear Helen,

I had a grand walk back to home Sunday for almost 40 minutes, and
it did me much good. But in this letter I wish to try to reflect why I
was so dull in conversation on that visit. Many things I had on my mind
did not come out, and even on some of the topics that did come up for dis-
cussion, my ideas hid themselves in the inner shrine. Why was I so inexcusa-
bly stupid? Perhaps it was a mistake that I neglected to write you while
you were both away. A year is a long time for active minds; new ideas are
formed, old ones are changed, and the very points if view may shift. So
after this space of time, friends have, so to say, to get acquainted afresh.

I do not wish to find a scapegoat, but it is a fact that the unrelieved white of the interior of your house was so novel that I unconsciously failed to rise above the momentary effect it produced upon my mind. While the sheer blank was refreshingly cheerful, it seemed to stupify me in a way, and make me irritatingly ( to me ) literal and banal. How feeble my mind is, to be so affected by physical surroundings. Perhaps I shall feel more domesticated on my next visit.

Now I may venture to explain somewhat how, on my own part, I have
travelled too far during your long absence and even after your return, too
far to be bridged over by one or two conversations. And my journey is not
physical, but of thought, and therefore all the more difficult to overtake.
You will readily see that, since I have no home and no children to look
after, one of the chief concerns that engross me is broad human affairs
past and present. Under their shadow, my own affairs in the worldly sense
are apt to be neglected outrageously.

It is true that I have in recent months made wide mental peregrinations
Old values have been revised and new ones discovered, both rather exten-
sively, and they are continually undergoing tests and clarifying processes.
Ideas criticize one another, form themselves in changing figures, at the
same time integrating and diversifying themselves. The central question

some time investigating and diversifying themselves. The central direction
ideas critical one another, form themselves in changing fashions, of the
evenly, and they are continuously undergoing change and clarifying process.
Old fashions have been revived and new ones discovered, both rather exten-
tive.

If it were that I have in recent months made wide mental bereginnings
are able to be neglected gratuitously.

but and present. Under their shadow, my own affections in the worldily sense
after one of the chief concerns that emerges me is proud human affections.
You will readily see that, since I have no home and no children to look
beneath, but of thought, and therefore all the more difficult to overcome.
far to be prudged over by one or two conversations. And my journey is not
travelled too far, going your long absence and even after your return, too
now I may venture to explain somewhat now, on my own part, I have
felt more domesticated on my next visit.

my mind is, to be so affected by physical surroundings. Perhaps I shall
not, and make me irritatingly ( to me ) fitter and better. How feeble
the sheer疯 was retreating cheerfully, it seemed to astound me in a
triumph to raise above the momentary effect it produced upon my mind. While
ed white of the inferiority of your home was so novel that I uncompletely
after this space of time, friends have, so to say, to get accustomed to
formed, of old ones are changed, and the very points it view may shift. So
you were both away. A year is a long time for active mind; new ideas are
plenty enough? Perhaps it was a mistake that I neglected to write you while
enormously ideas find themselves in the inner circle. Why was I so inexhaust-
did not come out, and even on some of the topics that did come up for dis-
was so dull in conversation on that visit. Many things I had on my mind
it did me much good, but in this letter I wish to try to reflect why I
I had a grand walk back to home Sunday for about 40 minutes, and
therefore, I am sure, I shall be able to write you again.

I do not wish to find a seaplane, but it is a fact that the unrelief-
after this space of time, friends have, so to say, to get accustomed to
formed, of old ones are changed, and the very points it view may shift. So
you were both away. A year is a long time for active mind; new ideas are
plenty enough? Perhaps it was a mistake that I neglected to write you while
enormously ideas find themselves in the inner circle. Why was I so inexhaust-
did not come out, and even on some of the topics that did come up for dis-
was so dull in conversation on that visit. Many things I had on my mind
it did me much good, but in this letter I wish to try to reflect why I
I had a grand walk back to home Sunday for about 40 minutes, and
therefore, I am sure, I shall be able to write you again.

Dear Helen,

To H.D. ( a friend and former student )

2 To H.D.

around which they revolve include among others the very problem, what
is History ? The occasions to impel me to travel in the direction of
these questions have been and are multiplying thick and fast these
stirring days, for the great events occurring in this crisis of human
history are the stuff that challenges the student of history on the very
ground on which he stands, Has he been really learning and teaching history
What is history ?

One practical effect of my intense mental activity has been that I
find fewer friends than ever to exchange my ideas with. So much wider
does the gap seem to have grown that my journeyings have created. This fact
is becoming more painful and oppressive than I could have expected. If I
venture to talk with some colleague, I find him either too deeply sunk in
national ways of thinking in spite of himself, or too literal and un-
susceptible and unimaginative, or perhaps blandly uninterested, in any way
to be able to reciprocate, correct and stimulate me. Aside from the rare
chances I enjoy to snatch partial satisfaction from contacts with a few,
the only relief has been to scribble, either to a few out-of-town friends
or to myself.

But the precious souls who have understanding and enough patience
to be victimized by my daring outpourings are very scarce. Still scarcer
are those who would respond. And I am too weak a person not to feel the
rebuff keenly. A corner of myself was exposed, but it was greeted with
stony silence; the channel is automatically closed.

I would not wish you to think that I were so absurd as to fancy
that the function of friends was to form a community of ideas. What I eager-
ly desire is a stimulating friendship. Diversification is the only foun-
dation of true stimulus. Nothing could encourage one more than understan-
ding criticism. And, I believe, in the large economy of things, it is only
through endlessly free divergence that any sound unity in the broad sense

through embarrassingly free divergence that any around unity in the proud sense
ding criticism. And, I believe, in the large economy of things, it is only
diffusion of true animus. Nothing could encourage one more than underestan-
ily desire is a stimulating friendship. Divergence is the only tom-
that the function of friends was to form a community of ideas. What I egger-
I would not wish you to think that I were so spurious as to pretend
a commodity influence; the channel is automatically closed.

reality keenly. A corner of myself was exposed, but it was greeted with
are those who would reach out. And I am too weak a person not to feel this
to be victimised by my during outpourings are very sensitive. Stillnier
But the precious sons who have understanding and enough patience
or to myself.

the only relief has been to scribble, either to a few out-of-the-way friends
chances I enjoy to match bartered satisfaction from contracts with a few,
to be able to reciprocate, correct and eliminate me. Value from the rare
unsatisfactory and unimpressive, or perhapsранly uninterfered with, in any way
national way of thinking in spite of myself, or too liftless and un-
venture to talk with some colleagues. I find him either too deeply involved
in becoming more brimful and obsequious than I could have expected. If I
dose the job seem to have grown that my journeyings have created. This fact
find fewer friends than ever to exchange my ideas with. So much wider.

One practical effect of my intense mental activity has been that I
what is history?

Ground on which he stands, has he been really learning and teaching history
history are the students that challenges the student of history on the very
striking days, for the great events occurring in this era of human
these questions have been and are multiplying thick and fast these
in History? The occasions to impel me to travel in the direction of
ground which they revolve include among others the very problem, what

S. To H.D.

3 To H.D.
can emerge.

Another of my devices for relief is to write out or make a sketch of a line of thought as a sort of private memorandum, with no intention of giving it the light of day. This, I find, has to be continually gone over and recast. In this way I have on taois, among other topics, What is history, and what is " Imagination " in history; what is freedom in human history, where is the place of democracy in the evolution of freedom, what are its earlier stages and in what order, what are, precisely, the contributions made to that evolution by the Greeks, by the Hebrews, by the medieval Church, by Protestantism, by modern agencies, etc.

I set aside only Sunday evenings for such gratuitous excursions. For the study of a matter ( the historical psychological habits of the Japanese nation, and their evolution), which touches my main field but is, after all, a side issue, --- for this study I reserve the weekly evenings. There are literally hundreds of contemporary ( or nearly such ) works on events that have been written in Japan ever since the earliest times, which are for a student like me unconscious self-revelations of the people, so that their study is a long process that has already taken several years of my reserved time. But my main work, to which the rest of my working hours is given, is also being largely influences by the re-vitalizing process that has been going on within me.

On the background of all I have said above, you will see how dense and regid I seem to myself to have been in my conversation with you Sunday. I think you would help me if you took the attitude of drawing me out. It is not that I should depend upon that, but that it would make the path somewhat smoother when it seemed too labored. On the other hand, if effort were spared to cultivate free commerce of ideas, there would be the danger that friends would gradually drift apart, each withdrawing into his little castle and ending in becoming an irresponsible creature in one vital aspect of life.

ing in becoming an irrepressible creature in one vital respect of life.
would gradually drift apart, each withdrawing into his little castle and eng-
to cultivate free commerce of ideas, there would be the danger that friends
amplifier when it seemed too far advanced. Of the other hand, it effort were absorbed
not that I should depend upon that, but that it would make the bath somewhat
I think you would help me if you took the attitude of drawing me out. It is
and regard I seem to want to have been in my conversation with you Sambay.
On the background of all I have said above, you will see how dense
peen going on within me.

Given, is free being largely influenced by the re-vitalising process that has
arisen, is free being largely influenced by the re-vitalising process that has
their study is a kind process that has already taken several leaves of its re-
are for a student like me unaccustomed to the books, so that
events that have been written in Japan ever since the early times, which
there are literally hundreds of contemporaries ( or nearly enough ) works on
after all, a side issue,--- for this study I reserve the weekly evenings.
banshee nation, and their evolution, which concerns me mainly field put in
for the study of a matter ( the historical psychologicalJB of the Is-
I set aside only Sunday evenings for such institutional excursions.

by protestantism, by modern agencies, etc.
made to that evolution by the Greeks, by the Hebrews, by the medieval Church,
seller stages and in what order, what are, precisely, the contributions
where is the trace of democracy in the evolution of freedom, what are the
and what is "Imagination" in history; what is freedom in human piety;
and recent. In this way I have on several, among other topics, what is piety,
giving it the light of day. This, I find, has to be continually gone over
of a time of thought as a sort of private memorandum, with no intention of
another of my devices for relief, is to write out or make a sketch
can emerge.

S. To H.D.

S. To H.D.

Yale University

Date ?

Dear Friend,

Thanks for the samples of your recordings and your comment on Karma.

When I wrote my last letter the matter of vicarious action was on
my mind, but I did dwell on it, because I thought it was probably not con-
tained in Buddha's original teaching. I cannot speak authoritatively on
such matters but; but it seems to me he has made over the traditional
Indian ideas of Karma and rebirth into an inexorable doctrine of the re-
sponsibility of each individual. That was but a logical deduction from
his fundamental themes : - that there were no soul, no ego, no god, as
entities; that, yet, each man continuously acted under the delusion that he
was an ego; that no action done in the service of this non-existent self
could achieve its purpose but would set a-working a grasping force of
unsatisfied will, namely, karmic force; and that when one died and one's
component elements dissolved, the accumulated karmic power of One's life-
long deluded acts, added to the karma of one's lives would bring to-
gether elements into a new composition ( "rebirth" not transmigration,
for there was nothing that could transmigrate ), strictly in accordance
with the quality of this confined karma. It is as if Buddha spught to
account for all the phenomena in the universe as results of the karmic
action generated by the conduct of all sentient beings, each one in his
own way. Each being is the sole creation of its own past acts and the sole
creator of its own future state.

As regards human beings, Buddha taught that each should aim at ex-
tinguishing the cause of his present rebirth and adding no new cause for
a next rebirth; the purpose of his life should be the complete annihilation
of self, cessation of his chain of rebirths. So Buddha called the goal of
his doctrine " the cessation".

In order to achieve this supreme object, each person should act
never with a view to conserving his illusory self, but always away from it,

never with a view to conserving his illusory self, but always away from it.
In order to achieve this supreme object, each person should act

of self, cessation of his chain of rebirth. So Buddha called the host of
a next rebirth: the purpose of his life should be the complete annihilation
tinglinging the cause of his present rebirth and adding no new cause for
A regards human being, Buddha taught that each should aim at ex-
creator of its own future state.

own way. Each being is the sole creation of its own beat acts and the sole
action generated by the conduct of all ancient beinga, each one in his
account for all the phenomena in the universe as results of the karma
with the quality of this confined karma. It is as if Buddha ought to
for there was nothing that could transmigrate ), an act of transmigration
better elements into a new composition ( "rebirth" not transmigration,
to whom defined acts added to the karma of one's
lives would bring to-
component elements dissolved, the assimilated karma power of One's life-
unstaffed will, namely, karmaic force; and that when one dies and one's
confound sufficient its purpose but would set a working a grasping force of
was an ego; that no action done in the service of this non-existent self
entitles; that, yet, each man continuously acted under the delusion that he
his fundamental theme : - that there were no self, no ego, no god, as
abomniplicity of each individual. That was put a logical deduction from
Indian ideas of karma and rebirth into an inexorable doctrine of the re-
ality, matters put; but it seems to me he has made over the traditional
famed in India's original teaching. I cannot speak authoritatively on
my mind, but I did dwell on it, because I thought it was properly not con-
When I wrote my last letter the matter of various actions was on
Thanks for the samples of your recordings and your comment on karma.
Dear friend,

Yale University

Date :

2

Date ?

and among other things in ways to help others to destroy this karma.
Thus Buddha posed selfless, good acts in opposition to selfish, bad acts.

Buddha seems to have said very little as to why man was fated to be born with this dense " delusion " of self. It is far more striking that Buddha apparently did not develope the idea of the universal ego ( the world of truth ) which seems implicit throughout his teaching of good act and good karma, which I think was another Indian tradition, was not, so far as I recall, expanded by him. At any rate his entire doctrine strikes me as negative and hard to the extreme. Each one must work out his entire destiny exclusively by his own effort. And the heaped-up karmic effects of one's countless past lives might be so clogging that they could be extinguished only by dint of unremitting good acts through many successive existences that should rise to higher planes step by step until they should cease altogether.

During several centuries after Buddha's own extinction, the speculative minds of Indian Buddhists elaborated what came to be Mahayana ( Great vehicle " ) by expanding the basic implications of the Founder's teaching ( truth and enlightenment ) and by interpreting older traditions of the origin of delusion and of vicarious karma and by rewriting Buddha's life and work in the light of the developed philosophy.

By the way, the vivacious in Buddhism did not take the form of vicarious suffering or punishment, the word you use, but rather of vicarious merit. Several tenets of different Mahayana schools -- such as those of the Bodhisatva Avalokitesvara ( Kwannon ), the Buddha Amitabha, and the power of the text Saddhama-pandarika ( the Hoke-kyo, for Nichiron) -- are based upon vicarious suffering. This you will see was natural from the intrinsic nature of Buddhism.

Zen, like all the other Mahayana schools, was founded upon truth and Universal Ego, but resolutely rejected all " other-power " , and held

and universal ego, put resolutely rejected all " other-power ", and held

Sem-like all the other Haineyama schools, was tombed upon truth

from the intrinsic nature of Budhian.

------ she passed upon vicarious annullment. This you will see was natural
and the power of the text Sakkharu-pandurika ( the Hoke-ko, for Mohonon)
close of the Bodhianta Vastokiteavans ( Khamou ) , the Budhia Vaitapin,
curieone meant. General teneta of different Haineyama schools -- auch sa
Alicuons annulling or buntainment, the word you use, put rather of ai-

By the way, the alvarone in Budhian did not take the form of
file and work in the light of the deformed buffoobhy.

of the origin of definition and of vicarious kara and dy rewriting Budhia's
describing ( truth and enlightenment ) and--dy interpreting older traditions
( Great vehicle ) dy expanding the basic implications of the Hombier's
native minds of Indian Budhiate elaborated what came to be Haineyama
During several centuries after Budhia's own extinction, the epoch-
until they should cease altogether.

many successive existences that should rise to higher planes at each
they could be extinguished only dy dint of unmitting good acts through
karmaic effects of one's a countless past lives might be so clogging that
his entire destiny exhalably dy his own effort. And the peabag-nb
strikes me as negative and hard to the extreme. Each one must work out
not, so far as I r eelf, expanded dy him. At my rate his entire doctrine
good set and good karma, which I think was another Indian tradition, was
( the world of truth ) which seems implicit throughout his fashioning of
that Budhia abpersonally did not develop the idea of the universist ego
to be born with this degree " definition " of self. If he far more striking

Budhia seems to have and very little as to why man was tated

This Budhia based selfless, good acts in opposition to selfish, bad acts,
and among other things in ways to help others to defeat this karma.

Pages 3

3

35P A. Penjon, Cluny, la ville and l'Abbaye. 1884.

37 E. Galtier, Histoire de Saint Maur des Fosses.

39 Peigné-Delacourt, Talleau des abbaye... 1768. 1875.

40 R. Genestal, Le Privilegium Forti en France du decret de Gratien al la fin du XIVe siecle.

45 P. Fourneir, Les Officialites au Moyen Age. 125 frs.

47 P. Senn, L'Institution des Avoueries Ecclesiastiques en France. 99.20 frs.

48 P. Senn, L'Institution des Vidames. 71.55 frs.

48m R. Merlet, Les Vidames de Chartres au XIIIe siecle. 1890. 0.30

49 N. Didier, La Garde des Eglises au XIIIe siecle. 65.45 frs.

55 R. Genestal, Une Modalite d'Appropriation de la dime par les seigneurs laiques.

60 J. Gaudemet, La collation par le roi de Fr. des benefices vacants en regale. 1935. 3.00

90 H.H. Parkhurst, Cathedral, a Gothic Pilgrimage. 1936. 1.80

91 Pelites monographises des grands edifices de la France. 1930-51. 2.00

35 L. H. Champly, Histoire de l'Abbaye de Cluny. 2.20

34 L. de Laeger, Histoire de Castres et de son Abbaye, de Charlemagne a la guerre des Albigeois. 1938. 1.15

35g P. Giseke, Ueber d. Gegensatz d. Cluniacenser u. Cistercienser. 1886. 1.15

12 A. Galton, Church and State in France (1300-1907) 1907. 1.40

16 K. Schleyer, Anfänge d. Gallikanismus im 13. Jh. 1937 2.75

11 J. Dombrowski, Ivo, Bischof v. Chats. I. Th. 1881. 60

35k. K. J. Coust - Med. academy events at Cluny. 1920.

jj. CHURCH, by nation

jj20. Germany

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53 H. Barion, Das frankische - deutsche Synodalrecht des Fruhmittelalters. $ 6.55

55 G. von Below, Entstehung des Ausschliesslichen Wahlrechts der Domkapitel.

57 W. Kisky, Die Domkapitel der geistlichen Kursursten. 5.55rmk & $ 0.40

62 A. Schulte, Der Adel und die deutsche Kirche im Mittelalter. 3.57 & 1.75 bndg.

70 K. Blume, Abbatia - Kirchlichen Rechtssprache. 2.10

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72 J. Engelmann, Untersuchungen zur klosterlichen Verfassungsgeschichte. 1.80

73 E. Landers, Die deutschen Klöster... 1938 2.30

74 A. Pischek, Die Vogtgerichtsbarkeit Suddeutscher Klöster. 1.30

75 J. Bührl, Klosterleben im deutschen Mittelalter. 10 rmk.

<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>76</td>
      <td>Ch. Pfister, Le duché ... l'Alsace et la légende de St. Odile. 1892</td>
      <td>2.35</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>77</td>
      <td>K. Hofmann, Die engere Immunität in deutschen Bischofsstadten im Mittelalter.</td>
      <td>0.65</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>78</td>
      <td>H. Hirsch, Die Klosterimmunität seit dem Investiturstreit.</td>
      <td>6.15rmk & 0.40</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>79</td>
      <td>B. Krusch, Die Hannoversche Klosterkammer, '19</td>
      <td>1.00</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>80f</td>
      <td>O. Redlich, Die Traditionsbucher des Hochstifts Brixen.</td>
      <td>6.10</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>80f, J.</td>
      <td>Gegenbaur, Das Kloster Fulda. 3 books P. Lehmann, Fuldaer Studien.</td>
      <td>5.00 mk</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>80f, F.</td>
      <td>W. Hack, Die Standesverhaltnisse der Abteien Fulda und Hersfeld.</td>
      <td>$ 0.14</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>80f, E.</td>
      <td>E. Stengel, Urkundenbuch des Klösters Fulda.</td>
      <td>2.90</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>80a</td>
      <td>E. Jacobs, Klosters Ilsenburg 1003-1460</td>
      <td>0.54</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>80p</td>
      <td>H. Wohltmann, Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Landeshoheit des Abtes von Prüm.</td>
      <td>2 mk.</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>85</td>
      <td>H. Geffcken, Die Krone......</td>
      <td>Jena 1890 $ .95</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

jj. CHURCH, by nation

jj20. Germany

10 A. Werminghoff, Geschichte der Kirchen verfassung
Deutschlands im Mittelalter.

12 As above, Zweite Auflage. 15.40rmk.

15 J. W. Thompson, Church and State in Mediaeval
Germany.

20 J. Schur, Königtum und Kirche im Ostfränkische
Reiche. $2.15

28 25 J. Kirchberg, Kaiseridee und Mission. 3.85

29 A. Werminghoff, *Dit dtn. Reichskriegssteuergesetz*, 1916. 2.60

30 F. Kurze, *Der Streit zwischen Kaisertum und
Papsttum.*

31 T. F. Tout, The Empire and The Papacy, 918-1273. 1.40

33 G. Ladner, Theologie u. Politik vor dem
Investiturstreit, 15 0.75

35 R. Holtzmann, Der Kaiser als Marschall des Papstes. 3.90rmk

41 A. R. Cavanagh, Pone Greg. VII & the theocratic

j. CHURCH, general

j50. Church land, regalia, spolium.

10 H. Larmann, Christliche Wirtschaftsethik in d. spat-
rom. Antike. 1935.
$1.60

30 E. Lesne, Histoire de la propriete ecclesiastique en
France. 4 vols.
51 fre.

40 W. Schneider, Papst Gregor III u. L. Kirchengut. 1919
2.60

50 E. Lesne, L'Origine des Menses.
21.25 frs.

55 A. Pöschl, Bischofsgut u. mensa episcopalis. 1908-12. 3 vols.
8.65

10 F. Prochnow, Das Spolienrecht und die Testierfahig-
keit der Geistlichen im Abendlande bis zum 13
Jahrhundert.

51 U. Stutz, Lehen u. Pfründe, 1899.
80.75

40 R. Weyl, Das frankische Staatskirchenrecht zur Zeit der Merovinger. 2.05

41 P. Cloche, Les elections episcopales. 1.00

42 A. Hauck, Die Bischofswahlen unter den Merovingern. '83. 1.45

43 L. Levillain, Les Reformes ecclesiastiques de Nomenoe.

45 J. Schindler, Geschichte der Begrundung des Prager Bisthums. 3.00

48 F. Arnold, Das Diozesanrecht nach den Schriften Hinkmars von Reims. 3.00

49 E. Lesne, La Hierarchie episcopale, provinces, metro-politains, primats en Gaule et Germanie. 24 fre.

50 A. Nissl, Der Gerichtsstand des Clerus im frankischen Reich. 5.90rmk.

61 R. Pourpardin, Etude sur les diplomes de Charlemagne pour l'abbaye de Saint-Claude.

65 L. Levillain, La translation des reliques de Saint Austremoine a Mozac et le diplome de Pepin II d'Aquitaine.

70 A. Nissl, Chlotan Edicts of 614. 2.50rmk.

Das Schisma im Metzer Sprengel
des Bischofs Theoderich Beyer von
Die Wahlkapitalationen der B
Re (1728-1697).

eber, Die Paderborner Fürstbisch
ter der Glaubensneuerung.

minetti, Klemens Wenzlaus und d
liche Reformbewegung.

45 A. Marignan, Les Premiers Eglises Chreti
els Forderung der Gegenwart.
Oeuvres, VI, 1925, p. 81.

40 E. Magnin, L'Eglise Wisigothique au VIIIe-Siècle, 1925-1945.

25 H.M. Gwatkin, The Arian Contraryay.

26 H. M. Gwatkin, The Arian Contraryay.
K, Die Beziehungen von Staat u
erreich. 1904.

20 Hans von Schubert, Staat und Kirche in
dem Königreichen und im Reiche Chlodwigs.

14 T. Hanlein, Die Bekehrung der Germanen im
V. J.

jj10. Old Germans - not Frankish

jj. CHURCH: by nations

Schutz der Stadt der St.
Der Grosse Kampf...... Berlin

j. CHURCH, general

j80. Biography

5 Sanctus. 1927. $2.25

1 Les Legendes Hagiographiques. 1927. 1.80

8 H. Delehaye, Cinq Lecons sur la Methode Hagiographique. 1934. 1.40

10 N.E. Hutton, Influence of sex upon nat. character. 1903, $5.05

d10 A. Wambera, Der hl. Petrus Damiani.

d15 G. Bohmer, Petrus Chrissloogus, Erzbischof von Ravenna als Prediger.

a10 S. N. Deane, St. Anselm.

b10a Abbe E. Vacandard, Vie de Saint Bernard. 2 vols. 3.20

b10a1 Ass. Bour. d. Soc. Sav. Congres d. 1927, Saint Bernard et son temps. 1928. 2.25

a10 B. Lanfranci cantuariensis archiepiscopi opera omnia. (J. P. Migne, Patrologia Latina t. 150). Paris 1854.

j. CHURCH, general

j40. Canon law

1 W. K. Boyd, The Ecclesiastical Edicts of the Theodosian Code. 1905 $0.75

5 U. Stutz, Die Kirchliche Rechtsgeschichte. 2.50rm.

6 P. Hinschius, Kirchenrecht. 1905. 1.20

10 C. Fleury, Institution au droit ecclesiastique.

12 Bohmer, G. L. (G. Schonemann ed.), Principia Juris Canonici. 2 copies. 1.00
.95

15 V. Del Studice, Delituzioni di diritto canonico. 1936. 2.00

17 E. Ruck, Kirchenrecht. 1.60

20 A. Migne, Dictionnaire Raisonne de droit et de juris- 90.25 frs.
1-3 prudence civile-ecclesiastique. 3 vols.

30 E. Eichmann, Quellensammlung zur kirchl. Rechtsgeschichte und zum Kirchenrecht. 2 vols. 2.40

31 R. Sohm, Kirchenrecht. 2 vols. 30 rmk.

32 Sohm, R. Wesen u. Ursprung d. Katholizismus. 1912. 3.20

j. CHURCH, general

jl. Sources.

5a Socrates, History of the Church. 7s. 4d.

10 The Bible. Tubingen. G. Gruppenbach. 1593. 20 rmks.

15 Novum Testamentum Graece et Latine. 3.70 rmks.

20 The Holy Bible. American Bible Society. 1883.

22 The Comprehensive Teacher's Bible.

25 Das Neue Testament. Ubersetzt von Carl Weizsacker.

21 Le Nouveau Testament. Revu par David Martin.

30 Holy Bible with References in Japanese.

50 D. C. Munro and E. Bramhall, The Early Christian Persecutions and other translations and reprints from the original sources of European history.

52 J. C. Ayer, A Source Book for Early Church History. Durfee

j. CHURCH, General

j15. Papacy

696 O. Thielepape, Das Verhältnis Papst Cœlestins zu den Klöstern.

70-6 A. Luchaire, Innocent III. 6 vols. 10.50

71 L. E. Binn, Innocent III. 1931. 4 1.20

75 W. Sievert, Das Vorleben des Papstes Urban IV.

76 R. Stapper, Papst Johannes XXI.

47 N. Backes, Kardinal Simon de Brion. (Papst) Martin IV

78 B. Pawlicki, Papst Honorius IV.

78F T.S.R. Boase, Boniface VIII. 1933. 4 1.90

79 F. X. Seppelt, Studien zum Pontifikat Papst Cœlestins V.

80 W. Otte, Der Historische Wert der alten Biographieen des Papstes Clemens V.

82 K. Jacob, Studien über Papst Benedict XII.

92 M. Prou. Et. sur. Urban V (1362-70) 1888 0.85

85 M. Rothbarth, Urban VI und Neapal

86a T. Graf, Papst Urban VI

87 Zur Geschichte Papst Johannes XXIII

88,2N. Valois, Le Pape et le Concile 2 vols.

89a L. Salembier, Le Grand Schisme d'Occident 200 frs

89 N. Valois, La France et le Grand Schisme d'Occident. 4 vols. 6.30

90 P. M. Haferkorn, Leo X, der Maecenas des Christlichen Roms.

95 F. Diehl, Venedig und Rom: XVI Jahrhdt.

97 E. Schweitzer, Leopold von Ranke, Das Papstum zur Zeit der Reformation und Gegenreformation.

155 Pertinax, Le Partage de Rome 1.10

160 G. Goyau, André Pératé, P. Fabre, Le Vatican - Les Papes et la Civilisation. 2.70

165 M. Williams, The Catholic Church in Action. 2.25

167 R. Sencourt, The Genius of the Vatican. 1935. 2.75

300 F. Mahon de Monaghan, Et, sur les annates, (1909) 1.95

72 S.B. Packard, Europe and the church under Innocent III. 1930. $ .80

j. CHURCH, general

j 1. Sources

90a P. Fabre, Etude der Kirchenstaat im 10 und 11

90b w.m.E. Lunt, Hinsichtliche Reform. 3.75

93 P. Jaffe, Reges 1.00

94 O. Posse, Analekstaat unter Klemens V. '07

95 S. Mathews, Selapstliche Schutz im Mittelalter. 1.35

96 E. Bernheim, Quellenstrenische Zweigewaltentheorie. 1936. 3.25

96a Same as above. sche Investiturstreit. 1884. 1.90

96b Same as above. la Polémique Religieuse. 1916. 1.70

110a E. Caspar, Das Ruffstieg des Papsttums 1047-1095. 5.40

110b E. Emerton, The Age of the IX und die Simonie.

110c G. Michou, Les D et la Shte des Pontificats Alexanders II

46 W. Ribbeck, Friedrich I. Und Die Römische Curie in den Jahren 1157-1159. 1881. 0.75

47 A. Fliche, Saint Gregoire VII. 1.30

48 W. Wuhr, Studien zu Gregor VII. 2.95

49 A.J. Macdonall, Hildebrand, 1932. 8.120

51 M. F. Stern, Biographie des Papstes Urban II

53 J. Roskens, Kaiser Heinrich V und Papst Paechalis II

55 u. Robert, Histoire du pape Calixte II. 1891. 2.30

63 P. Adamczyk, Die Stellung des Papstes Honorius II zu den Klöstern.

64 G. Wieczorek, Das Verhältnis des Papstes Innocenz II zu den Klöstern.

67 C. Zimdars, Das Verhältnis des Papstes Urban III zu den Klöstern.

68 G. Kleeman, Papst Gregor VIII.

69 F. Kersting, Das Verhältnis Papst Clemens III zu den Klöstern.

j. CHURCH, general

<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>j15.</td>
      <td>Papacy</td>
      <td></td>
      <td></td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>&gt;1</td>
      <td>G. Bagnani, Rome and the Papacy. 1929.</td>
      <td>0.75</td>
      <td></td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>&gt;5</td>
      <td>F. Philippi, Geschichte des Papstthums. 6 Vols.</td>
      <td></td>
      <td></td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>6</td>
      <td>J. Haller, Das Papsttum, 1936 -</td>
      <td>each vol.</td>
      <td>5.40</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>6.3</td>
      <td>" " " 1939</td>
      <td></td>
      <td>6.10</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>7</td>
      <td>J. Turmel, Histoire des Dogmes. La Papaute'. 1933</td>
      <td></td>
      <td>4.35</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>8</td>
      <td>G. Jacquemet, Tu es Petrus. Encyclopédie Populaire sur la Papaute'. 1934.</td>
      <td></td>
      <td>3.60</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>9</td>
      <td>H.E. Symonds, The Church universal. - - 1939.</td>
      <td>3.04</td>
      <td></td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>10</td>
      <td>M. I. M. Bell, A Short History of the Papacy.</td>
      <td></td>
      <td></td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>11</td>
      <td>Eckhardt, C. E., The Papacy and World-affairs, 1937.</td>
      <td></td>
      <td>3.60</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>12</td>
      <td>F. X. Seppelt und K. Löffler, Papstgeschichte.</td>
      <td></td>
      <td>2.70</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>13</td>
      <td>G. J. Ebers, Der Papst und die Römisches Kurie</td>
      <td></td>
      <td>1.21</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>14</td>
      <td>G. De LaGarde, La Naissance de L'Esprit Laique au Declin du Moyen Age. 2 vols.</td>
      <td></td>
      <td>5.00</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>15</td>
      <td>E. Caspar, Geschichte des Papstums. 2 vols.</td>
      <td></td>
      <td>9.25</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

16 D. G. Rietschel, zur Feier des Reformations-festes. 1.50 mk.

17 F. Kurze, Die Entwicklung des Papsttums bis auf Gregor VII.

18 La Salle de Rochemaure, Gerbert. 1914 3.50

19 Ch. Poulet, Guelfs and Gibelins. 2 vol. 1922. 2.25

20 S. H. Scott, The Eastern Churches and the Papacy.

24 A. Schäfer, Die Bedeutung der Päpste Gregor II. u. III. 1913. 1.10

25 L. Duchesne, Les Premiers Temps de L'Etat Pontifical. 2.05

25a L. Duchesne, Beginnings of the temporal sovereignty of the Popes. 1908 1.65

26a Th. Sickel, Das Privilegium Otto I. fur die Romische Kirche. 2.60

26 J. Haller, Die Quellen zur Geschichte der Entstehung des Kirchenstaates. 2.90

26b H. Proehl, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Entstehung des Kirchenstaates. 0.70

26c S. Sugenheim, Geschichte der Entstehung und Ausbildung des Kirchenstaates. 1854. 2.65

26d H. Hubest, Ét. s. la formn des états de l'eglise, 1899. 1.05

26e M. Moresco, Il patrimonio di San Pietro. 1916. 4.35

4 W. Barry, The Papal Monarchy 1906. $.80

## j. CHURCH, general

### j10. Church History, general

5. H. Weingarten, Zeittafeln und Überblicke zur Kirchengeschichte. 1.00

7. W. F. Adney, Greek and Eastern churches, 1908. 2.30

8. G. Kruger, Die Evangelische Theologie. 1.55

10. K. Aner, Kirchengeschichte, Altertum 3.25 mk.
2. " " Mittelalter for I & II
4. " " Neuzeit $0.50
3. " " Reformation .50

11. H. v. Schubert, Grundzüge der Kirchengeschichte. 1937. 2.70

12. R. W. Dove and W. Kahl, Richter, Kirchenrecht. 2 vols. $5.42

14. G. Phillips, Due Droit Ecclesiastique. 3 vols. 20 frs.

15. P. Maillard, Histoire sociale de l'Eglise. 1939. 1.40

20. H. Lietzmann, Geschichte der Alten Kirche. 1.75

2. " " Vol II. 1.80

3. " " Vol. III. 1.50

22. J. Zeiller, L'Empire Romain et l'Eglise. 30 frs.

23. E. R. Goodenough, The Church and the Roman Empire 75 cents

j. CHURCH, general

j 1. Sources

480 Benedicti Papae XV, Codex Iuris Canonici. 1.65

485 R. Kostler, Worterbuch zum Codex juris canonici. 127. 6.55

210 Richier (W. N. Bolderston, ed.) La Vie de Saint Remi. 1.37

400 C. Small (trans.) Selections from the Gesta Romanorum.

910 H. D. Madge (ed.), Leaves from the Golden Legend.

920 G. G. Coulton and E. Power (eds.), Miracles of the Blessed Virgin Mary. 2.15

940 C. of Heisterbach (H. von E. Scott and C. C. S. Bland eds.), The Dialogue on Miracles. 2 vols. 4.30

950.55 Petronologia latina, tom. 155. 1880 2.60

270 Consuetudines monasticae. Rec. B. Albers. Vol. 1-2. 2.80
1900-05.

ii. MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY AND INSTITUTIONS

ii73. Livland, etc.

<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>10</td>
      <td>J. Mauclere, Le Pays du Chevalier Blanc.</td>
      <td>1.40</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>13</td>
      <td>H. Kruus, Histoire de l'Estonie.</td>
      <td>2.15</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>20</td>
      <td>B. Russow, Livlandische Chronik.</td>
      <td>3.30</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>30+30</td>
      <td>a F. G. v. Bunge, Altlivlands Rechtsbucher.</td>
      <td>2 copies. 2.05</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>32-1+2</td>
      <td>F. G. v. Bunge und O. Q. v. Madai, Sammlung der Rechtsquellen.</td>
      <td>3 vols.</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>33</td>
      <td>E. Seraphim, Aus Livlands Vorteil.</td>
      <td>1925.</td>
      <td>.80</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>35,1+2</td>
      <td>F. G. v. Bunge, Die Quellen des Revaler Stadtrechts.</td>
      <td>37.40</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>4D</td>
      <td>O. Schmidt, Rechtsgeschichte Liv, Est und Curlands.</td>
      <td>12.20</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

H.G.S.

Yale University

March 18, 1947

Dear Friend,

It gave me joy to see your handwriting on the envelope, though the contents were too brief to quench the thirst they sharpened.

How pleasant it would be to visit Mrs. Moore next week! I wish I could share a bit of your conversations.

Thanks for your copy of your reply to your Oxford friend. In it you refer to Perry's " threats " in 1853-4. Long ago I went through all his statements and studied his conduct during his two visits. No doubt many of his words and acts were harsh and arbitrary. But, aside from his manner, much the same spirit often inspired the attitude of the West toward Japan for some sixty years thence. Fortunately, the responsible men in the Japanese government steadily ignored these indignities inflicted and strove first of all to set their own house in order, showing gratitude to Perry and others for the stimulus they had given to these efforts, despite the lack of appreciation abroad and the rebuffs they continued to receive from the " superior " Anglo Saxon.

The significance of these efforts for self-reform and of this long forbearance of insults looms the higher the more I study them. But in the West, the historical implication of these efforts are not even yet fully grasped, as is evidenced daily in the words of writers and of the occupation army. As for the meaning of the official forbearance, I can recall only one author during that time who seemed to sense the fullness of its galling character that international free lance, the late E.J.Dillon.

In this forbearance, the nation as a whole admirably followed the government's lead; and also the political parties, on the whole. But not so with that section of the officialdom which shared no direct responsibility in foreign nations. The army had been adding yearly to its fund of resentment against foreign arrogance, both real and fancied. "Its positively aggressive policy broke out from the 1930's and rapidly grew both in scope

aggressive policy broke out from the 1930's and rapidly drew power in scope
reaction against foreign arrogance, both real andumesed. "The positively
pity in foreign nations. The army had been adding slowly to its fund of
so with that section of the officialdom which shared no direct reproduct-
Government's feed; and so the political parties, on the whole. But not
In this torpor, the nation as a whole socracritly followed the
character that international free issue, the late H. L. Dillon,
one author during that time who seemed to sense the fullness of its failing
army. As for the meaning of the official torpor, I can recall only
grasped, as if evidenced early in the words of writers and of the occupation
year, the historical implication of these efforts are not even yet fully
forbearance of injustice looms the higher the more I attack them. But in the
The significance of these efforts for self-reform and of this long
time "anterior" to Anglo Saxon.

Back of appreciation abroad and the results they continued to receive from
and others for the attaining they had given to these efforts, capable of the
first of all to set their own house in order, showing gratitude to Berry
Japanese Government at times ignored these ambiguities and drove
Japan for some aright years hence. Fortunately, the reasonable men in the
manner, such the same spirit often inspired the attitude of the West toward
many of his words and acts were baneful and expatriary. But, aside from his
all his statements and studied his conduct during his two visits. No doubt
you refer to Berry's "threats" in 1883-4. I long ago I went through all
thanks for your code of your reply to your Oxford friend. In it
congratulations a bit of your conversations.

How pleasant it is you are to visit there. Moore next week! I wish I
contributed too briefly to dispatch the thrust they announced.

It gave me joy to see your handwriting on the envelope, though the
Dear Friends,

H. G. W. Bush
Yale University
June 18, 1994

2

March 18, 1947

and definiteness. I feel quite certain that this was largely due to the
long due pent-up anger, under which the army had chafed for many years,
and which, when its schemes began to be conceived and elaborated, it delib-
erately nurses with ulterior motives in its rank and file and among cer-
tain elements of the people.

Did you have this evolution in mind when you wrote that phrase
on Japan ?

I wish to write on some other matters, but must hold them until
another time.

Pray give my cordial regards to Mrs. Moore, if she seems still to
recall me.

Your grateful friend

K. Asakawa.

K. Aasgaard.

Your grateful friend

recall me.

Bray give my cordial regards to Mr. Moore, if she seems affil to
another time.

I wish to write on some other matters, but must hold them until
on Japan?

Did you have this evolution in mind when you wrote that burrs
in elements of the people.

erately burned with inferior motives in its rank and life and among cer-
and which, when its schemes began to be conceived and elaborated, it delib-
long the bent-up smoker, under which the study had chanted for many years,
and definiteness. I feel quite certain that this was largely due to the

S

March 18, 1947

Mar. 24, '47

Dear Squire,

I itch to answer your grand five-typed page letter of March 6, but
must defer it till next time; for I wish to send you first the recent "Human
Events" & also the last issue of the "Review of World Affairs", and to write
something in relation to their contents before they cool off.

The two imaginary letters of Ambassadors in London in the "Review
of World Affairs" seem to me illuminating. I should advise you to read them
before the other enclosures, & then keep the latter & return the Review only
rather soon.

The following letter is hardly an essay on the subject it touches
upon, but rather a sketch or frame-work of one.

It would be trite to say that Mr. Truman's address to Congress to
aid Greece is of momentous import. To me it is not so much the speech itself
that is of tremendous significance as the historical background which has
impelled him to say what he did; the background seems fraught with a far deeper
meaning than is reflected in the speech. As I see it, briefly stated, the vast
current of history during the last thirty years has flowed into such scenery as
no one could have imagined in 1917; and, within the past few years, the flood
has so gathered its momentum that it is at last joining together in a single
flux of destiny the three streams that have been flowing separately: the
British, the Russian, & the American aspects. Who could have foreseen that
they would so abruptly become fused & so menacingly push us all into a future of
unknown perils? I shall venture in a few words to touch upon these three
aspects, as I understand them.

1. The British aspect.

This is nothing other than a physical and moral fatigue of Great
Britain which compels her to withdraw herself from much of the almost world-
wide responsibilities she has long borne, so as to leave a respite for more
concentrated recuperation. As if in order to emphasize the crisis and the
more to harden British resolution, heaven is sending down meteorological
disasters of unwonted severity.

The exhaustion seems to have been caused in part by certain short-
sighted policies of the Labor government, of which wise statesmanship could
from the first be hardly expected. But it seems clear to me the chief cause
is the fact the meaning of which does not appear to be fully appreciated here
namely, the fact that during the six gruelling years of war Britain bore its
major brunt with staunch national determination, thereby demonstrating her moral
stamina, & contributing more than any single Power to the preservation of
Occidental civilization and the human heritage of liberty, so far as it was
possible. What other nation has done so well, or could have done in her place?
But, in this unrelenting struggle, her material resources & equipment have been
much depleted, her man-power crippled, & there has naturally intervened a period

2

of relaxation & retrenchment. For foreigners to take comfort in the alleged decline & fall of the British Empire reveals hardly a more enviable state of mind than their indulgence during a war of the habit of attributing to every enemy the possession of all vices & the lack of every virtue. But now, that Britain is retracting unto herself, the world, including the Americans, would begin to see something of what the British commonwealth of nations & the British navy have meant to the welfare of mankind as a whole.

## 2. The Russian aspect.

The establishment of Soviet power in 1917 and its expansion & its international policies & conduct through & since the late war signify to the world, in my view, much more than the mere growth of a new type of totalitarianism. Certainly, that growth is most ominous, especially because, in the actual state of exhaustion & unrest in many nations, Communism appears to them to offer ready, attractive shortcuts to salvation. But I cannot help regarding that phase of the problem as but an effect of the basic attitude of the Russian mind upon which Communism seems to rely and on which alone it seems able to prosper; and thinking that that attitude is the exact reverse of the foundation of that Western culture which we feel to be a natural & proper stage in man's ascent. An undoubted basis of the latter & its undoubted right to existence is, in the last analysis, its dependence upon real facts, — facts both material & moral, external & mental. Ever since ancient Greeks, whose cultural traits still form an integral factor of our civilization, the West has constantly & with unflagging faith built upon facts, continually correcting errors relative to old facts and seeking & testing new facts. Otherwise, the whole complex of this civilization & its history would never have come into existence. And it is safe to say that both our conscience regarding facts and our embodiments of them in our lives have steadily improved through the centuries, & that our faith in man's future progress is upheld by our innate confidence in and aspiration for a future advance of this development. We can never think of denying that a stone has fallen of its weight, that one has made a promise which one has made. Or else, we believe, the world would be a chaos and all civilization would crumble to dust. For us, neither that promise nor this conclusion admits of any doubt for one moment.

The Western faith in facts is, indeed, so universal and deep rooted that, with the disproportionate advance of science and technology in modern times, there has even developed a danger among many persons of being too exclusively devoted to physical facts to keep alive their inherited respect for intangible, spiritual facts. Material data and men's knowledge of and craving for them are so increasingly engrossing men's interest as to threaten to blot out their vision of the supreme values of the human soul. "Researches" and "surveys" of external facts are so feverishly pursued that man has come near forgetting man. How, but for his fact-smothered spirit, could one man have brought himself to the point of making & casting an atomic bomb at another? Tragic as it appears, however, this is without doubt a passing phenomenon: it is not the fault of facts, but men's one-sided view of them, which, from his very constitution, cannot long endure. Already reflection and reaction are visible in many quarters of the West; the lost ground will be regained with an intensified zest.

Now has arisen upon the horizon a much more ominous cult, — a strange code which seems to teach that one's own political interest justifies the ignoring of facts that one sees and the fabricating of pretended facts that

3

one knows to be non-existent; and that a more denial or assertion establishes its truth which others must accept despite the speaker's own disbelief in it. The very word "underground" with which devotees of the cult openly characterize their methods of propagation & their loyalty to the teaching seems to denote a philosophy of deception & defiance. Nor can one be altogether confident that the Soviets themselves always really believe in the truth of the Communist doctrine they profess; that they are not often employing it as a mask & a tool to further secret political designs. Scholars among them must be well aware that the fallacy of the Marxist interpretation of all history by a theory of class-struggle has long since been exposed. What further shakes a belief in their sincerity is the notorious opportunism and relativism of their policies; their aim of universal revolution of nations has been now withheld & then again attempted according to momentary expediency; nor have they scrupled to strike a pact with the Nazis, their avowed arch-enemy in doctrine, involving in the bargain a division of large spheres of aggression upon independent nations, thus solemnly feasting with a sworn enemy upon the flesh of innocent bodies. At the same time, it is noted that the Russians are diligently cultivating the cult of facts - science & technology - at home: does the heart love facts, & do the lips deny or falsify them?

Implicit consequences upon man's world of a cult that plays such hide-and-seek with facts are too staggering merely to contemplate. Secretary Marshall has well pointed out the corrosive effects of Communist rule upon freedom & upon man's inner life. This in itself is most ominous. But, as he must know, the significance is infinitely wider & deeper. The attitude, if ruthlessly executed, would not only destroy man's precious, hard-won gains in liberty & personality, but also overthrow nothing less than the entire structure - human culture & human history. Even an immediate effect one sees everywhere in Communists is their adhesion to the cult at once abolishes their need of and desire for individual thinking: power and numbers dictate, and the masses automatically inhibit their personal thought but join in the chanting of shibboleths, calling the same things by the same names, putting all nations into two boxes, and erecting arguments like pre-fabricated houses. President Bierut of Communist Poland has said, with a view of convincing foreign reporters that the Poles under his rule were more "democratic" than the Anglo-Saxons: "In our country, truth is decided by the majority, not by a minority". An English poet before him had sung:-

> ".................. from the pageant starts
> As to oblivion their blind millions' fleet,
> .................. What are numbers knit
> By force or custom? Man who men would be
> Must rule the empire of himself; in it
> Must be supreme, establishing his throne
> On vanquished will, quelling the anarchy
> Of hopes & fears, being himself alone."

For the peculiar attitude of the Russian mind to political facts, I can hardly think that Communism alone is accountable. Not only is it doubtful that the Soviets truly believe its tenets; but also in my study of the foreign relations during the past hundred years of the Far East (in the Kuriles and Sakhalin, in Korea, in Manchuria & Mongolia), I am possibly struck by the fact that Czarist agents, too, in their dealings with natives and others, habitually disregarded evident facts and asserted false ones in order to gain or to hold illicit advantages at others' expense. There is little doubt that the same trait had characterized the Russians elsewhere in like situations. It is of course true that, even in Western Europe, what may be termed "intellectual conscience", that is, scrupulous regard for fact, has been a gradual growth, as witness

4

the forging of documents and the romancing of chronicles practised by monastic scribes of the Middle Ages. It is also true that even in modern times Western men of honor have many a time, in loyalty to their comrades or to their communities & countries, felt themselves obliged to deny, or profess ignorance of, real facts, at a critical juncture. Nor can one ever forget that Hitler has so recently exploited to the utmost for aggressive ends the common German sense of *Traue* (personal fidelity) to the nation right or wrong. But the supremely important point is that, while in the West regard for fact has now become so prevalent as to be a second nature of every person, the Russians, on the contrary, appear always to have been prone, in their political life, to manipulate facts at will to a degree unknown elsewhere; and that this has not only persisted without abatement, but been enormously aggravated since their adoption of Marxism, whether as a creed or as an instrument.

Perhaps we are justified in thinking that this difference regarding facts between Russia & the West may itself be but one of the symptoms of a deeper & broader divergence that exists between them. It would hardly be within reason to suppose that the Russians have elected to resort only to the vice of deception or denial of facts and no other, and to apply it only to the field of politics and to no other; it would seem more likely that their essential difference from Western peoples may be their different conception of decency and honor in the whole political conduct, and that therefore their disregard of factual reality in the political sphere may be simply one of the manifestations of their conception therein. Even in my nearly total ignorance of the cultural & spiritual history of Russia, I can scarcely close my eyes to the geographical and political milieux in which she has lived her life as a State and nation; and to the fact, besides, that she was hardly touched by the discipline of feudal contract and chivalry and other great historical movements which have gone far toward molding the political character of the West. Apart from the common human nature and common Christianity, there is not much that could have powerfully tended to build a common political mentality in both regions, while the separate forces that have diverged them from each other may be found to have been many & potent. However that may be, that the actual effects of the past that have been imprinted upon the Russian political mind vary radically from the present heritage of the Western is patent to us on every side. In the governance of her own people, one notes in Russia a persistent absolution, a vigilant political police, a harsh penal law of political crimes, a resolute seclusion of the masses from free commerce of news & ideas with Western nations, and a strenuous effort to inculcate upon the people a belief in the superiority of their regime to all others and in the reactionary & oligarchic character of the latter. As towards other governments, engagements are honored or denounced according to her unilateral convenience, treasonable movements in foreign countries are now forstered and then left in the lurch, official and private espionage is everywhere employed as a matter of course and almost openly; a world organization for international peace and security is subscribed to but its action toward herself is effectively blocked, while whatever arts of potential aggression are being cultivated are sedulously concealed. All such political conduct is past belief of the common cultural sense of the West, which is none the less compelled to take note of it in constant fear of what it may portend for the morrow. From all the foregoing, is one to infer that there lies an impassable chasm between Russia and the West (in whose orbit may be included Germany also), and that, therefore, a coming conflict, if it must come, of the two antagonistic views of political life is bound to be far more terrible and fatal than the savage war from which we have just emerged?

Indeed, the word "fatal" we have employed would not seem too strong, if the apparently diagonally opposite views remained equally rigorous and at last sought a decision through a total war. Let us revert for a moment to the matter

5

"facts" only, for, after all, it is a veritable index to all the other differences and remains the most important question from the standpoint of international relations. "Facts", I repeat, comprise what is thought or believed as well as what has been externalized; as well data that are merely physical as those charged with values moral & spiritual. A triumph of a cult categorically denies inexpedient facts would be nothing short of what the churchman might call a second fall of mankind more fatal than the first. It would result in the negation of the whole known & knowable system of man & the universe, in which we have our very being. Is this to be the destiny of man after his long march on earth which, it has seemed, would be perpetual and perpetually upward?

I am reluctant to believe so; for already I seem to perceive small fissures appearing in the armature of each side, especially in that in the Communist camp. I shall venture to dilate a little thereon. My chief reliance is upon two things: on the Communist side, the common human nature & human needs which the Russians share with the rest of mankind; and on the Western side, the candor & wisdom of which its capability has not lacked proofs.

Men, whether Communist or "fascist", has his being in a world of interests; also he is bound by a logic of facts, whatever he says or does to the contrary; and, finally, he has an innate yearning for a fuller personal liberty, so that Marxism itself has to promise a species of liberty, the only true "democracy" as it claims. The Russians' very manipulation of facts and their flexible opportunism betray their ultimate faith in fact & logic, for thereby they try to affirm that their denials & conceptions are truths; is this not an abuse rather than a negation of fact & logic? And their own pursuit of science & technology conclusively demonstrates their inner faith in universally valid facts, no matter how much they may for the moment be perverting the gained facts in the interest of an all-devouring State. Indeed, apart from their political behavior, individual Russians are as scrupulous of personal truthfulness and fidelity as any one else, and often even excel many another in their human kindness & generosity. One may confidently look forward to their gradual, increasing yielding to the inexorable order of factual reality even in the political sphere, no matter what they may asserate to the contrary in the meantime. Nor can we doubt that they would, no less than other men, discover sooner or later, however costly the process may be in their case, that this true interest did not lie in the road of an enslaving totalization and wilful suppression of common human nature. With their native shrewdness, their leaders must already be beginning to notice that their lone-handed doings with other nations have perceptibly alienated the sympathy of those among the latter who were once stirred with admiration for the heroic defence of Russia against the invader and for her vast enterprise to achieve an economic renovation. Nor may her satellites be expected all to remain long subservient to her dictation: their material interest may be found not to have been promoted as was anticipated by their obedience to the behests of the Kremlin; and their citizens may more & more chafe under the yoke that strangles. And, in Russia herself, an enlarging section of the people may come to compare their state of existence with that abroad, and to cast about means of raising themselves. In short, all round the Communist circles there would arise struggles of human nature to realize somewhat its deeper longings by whatever means seemed available, whether gradual or explosive. One may indeed fully expect to see, during that process, many a clash of interests and many an abortive upheaval and merciless retribution; but from the essential needs of the human being, one would think that the movement would soon or late become irrepressible, defy and finally overcome this form of unnatural attempt at strangulation, as man has so often conquered other forms

6

in the past. Or else, the creation of man were a mockery.

With all our faith in the eventual triumph of man's nature & needs,
however, none of us can blink the immense hazard of protracting the present
period of dangerous suspense. Every moment hastened in the awakening of the
dormant multitudes under the Soviet rule, and then in the achieving of their
freedom, would be an incalculable blessing to the entire world. Can we of the
West in any way facilitate that awakening and that achievement while abstaining
from obstrusively interfering in their internal affairs, as we certainly should
abstain? That is the great problem. I think that, for that end, it is not al-
together hopeless to pursue certain legitimate & honorable ways, ways which are
neither of compromise with evil nor of competitive denunciation, but are ways of
reciprocity and of persuasion; reciprocal learning of virtues and defects, and
mutual understanding of anxieties and fears. Let us explain.

In the first place, the Western nations would be wise to learn what
they might from certain meritorious phases of the social policies of Soviet Russia,
even as the letter might reap salutary lessons from the former's long discipline
in free institutions. The more harmful abuses of capitalistic economy have in
recent decades awakened the Western governments, in various degrees, to the need of
considering more fully than heretofore the increasingly pressing demands for the
social security of the less favored part of the people. No longer are these
governments inclined complacently to barricade themselves behind mere political
institutions, immensely more human as they are than the Communist constitutional
frame. Some degree of economic planning is recognized everywhere as imperative,
and is being tried in one way or another. It would seem that, in this new field,
the more systematic effort that the Soviets are making may offer to the West
aspects worthy of examining and adapting to its own needs. In a word, just as
the Soviet may to his enduring benefit deepen the State's sense of duty to the
citizen's personality, so in the free West the individual in every walk of life
should be trained in the obligation he owes to society as a whole, in social &
economic spheres as much as in the political, if he would conserve and extend
in this age the very civic liberty he prizes. What is counselled here is no less
than a change of the whole mental attitude of the West & Russia toward each other,
from one of rival criticism & vituperation to one of reasoned study and frank
readiness to learn & profit.

The same spirit, I believe, can inspire broader & more fundamental
aspects of the relation than an exchange of useful experiences; not only govern-
mental actions but also private undertakings of citizens & their groups. But,
before I may specify these aspects, I wish to stress one point. In the task of
reciprocal give-and-take, especially in acts looking toward mutual persuasion,
it seems clear that the initiative must rest primarily with the West; or else,
since Russia is unlikely to mend spontaneously her habitually arbitrary and
secretive manner, the interval of latent danger might prove long & costly. For
the same reason, also, the West's initiative might work more harm than good if
it were not directed with uncommon wisdom and forbearance. Forbearance is not
appeasement; on the contrary, it should mean firm insistence upon reason & truth,
tempered by caution as to time and manner. Always the core of action should be
plain truthfulness expressed at appropriate opportunities and within the bounds of
propriety and consideration due in all peaceful intercourse between sovereign
nations. To veil or bend principles would, in its reaction upon the Soviet
habit of mind, prove so disastrous as ruthless endeavor to impose them.

Now I shall suggest a few directions in which this may be found
practicable: how the governments of the West may address themselves to the
Russian government; how, at the same time, the Russian people may be approached,

7

indirectly by way of their own government or directly, through either official or private channels.

On the one hand, while willingly adopting, as I have said, such measures of the Soviet social-economic regime as may be valuable in promoting its own internal welfare, the West should demonstrate, by actual results only, that these measures could be applied in a manner that did not curtail the existent freedom but rather reinforced it where it had been threatened by unbridled competition. On the other hand, the West should improve every suitable chance - at all "psychological moments" - and within the bounds indicated above, but in unmistakable, clearly analytical language, to achieve such aims as the following: - to expound the essential but specific divergences between Western democracy and Communist governance; to express, frankly but cordially, the precise points of the West's anxiety concerning Soviet diplomacy, and to solicit in the same spirit an unvarnished statement of the exact grounds of the deep suspicion with which Russia has always seemed to attribute to the Western Powers hidden hostile motives; and, - the phrase that would demand the greatest wisdom, - to lay bare how the isolated history of Russia has bred in her leaders, Czarist and Soviet alike, their traditional mentality of domestic absolutism and of unilateral diplomatic behavior, wherein they may discover the false logic, the anachronism, & the perilous gaps, of the policies born of this ingrained mental habit; and to expose to daylight the basic self-contradiction and the ultimate self-injury inherent in their herding of subjects & satellites and their high-handed treatment of other nations.

The task will be of utmost delicacy and Herculean magnitude. No radical alteration from the Communist to another policy may in any event be hoped for, but it may not be wholly impossible by skillful dealing to induce the Russians to reflect and reform piecemeal and progressively; and every such step would be so much amelioration of the general situation. In all this, however, the clarity and strong cogency of words uttered on proper occasions would seem to be the essential requisite. It may also be noted that the Russians generally appear to have large tolerance for bare frankness, analytical form, and prose and reftitious style, of expression. Nor shall one neglect, in this analytical discussion, to clarify in what respects the Western political ethics had much improved within the last hundred years, so that Russia's traditional interpretation of the West's present acts and motives in the light of her experiences long past was incongruous and was needlessly breeding dangerous fears in herself and in others. By skillful interchange of expression in the manner suggested, and by no other method, might the Moscovite be dealt with as an equal, the exasperating suspicions be dissipated, and any possible way to a viable concord be blazed. Beyond that auspicious point once attained, Russia's sagacity and the West's wisdom might perhaps be relied upon to lead the way to sanity.

In the approach to the Russian populace, Western governments or citizens should never use broadcasts of a purely ideological nature; and never indulge in investives, in either the semi-official or the private Press; on the contrary, should on proper occasions indicate that we looked upon such methods as ignoble and could not but feel aversion to any one who would resort to them in preference to straightforward exchange of news and views. While strictly abstaining from everything not above board, the West should, of its initiative, actively study the history, literature, general culture, and language of Russia, with a view to gaining an insight into wherein there was deep human kinship and where else the two political minds were really incompatible; and should, at the same time, explore the possibility of interchanging books, other fruits of advance in the arts, and living exponents & students of them. Such appear to me as honorable and effective ways of first appreciating, then bridging, the gulf

8

that separates the Russians & the Occidentals. Parallel with this cultural movement, as generous and wise an aid as possible should continue to be extended to the suffering millions of Russia, who are groaning under the untold burden they have endured in the late war.

### 3. The American aspect.

At long last, the American government, if not quite the Congress & the people, seems to have approached the cardinal point above indicated in the art of official treatment of the Russian political mind. Secretary Marshall's statements so far made at Moscow (made perhaps in collaboration with Ambassador Gen. Smith) have been pointed and incontrovertible yet prudent; President Truman's recent address to Congress proposing aid to Greece & Turkey, despite its rather loose & porous texture, honestly and boldly enunciated the government's view of the radically altered situation in the Middle East between Britain, America, and Russia, and of the consequent need of a novel orientation of American foreign policy. Nor is it difficult to surmise in a general way some of the stages through which the Administration has been led to assume this course, even though it would be premature to appraise the shares in it of the few guiding spirits within the government. Between November 1943 and August 1945, the heads of the three governments, through the conferences held at Moscow, Cairo, Teheran, Yalta, and Potsdam, strove to adjust their divergent moods and attitudes regarding problems of common concern, - adjustments now & then between Mr. Churchill (before his retirement from office in July '45) and Mr. Roosevelt (till his death in April of the same year), and always between them together and the Russian spokesman, - and so to devise at least provisional modus vivendi. Every time, it seems to have been Mr. Churchill who accommodated Mr. Roosevelt, and both these men who appeased Mr. Stalin or Mr. Molotov. And every time, the opportunistic compromise made has entailed a legacy of incongruities and even injustices to other nations, of which it would henceforth be extremely difficult to rectify the consequences without disarraying the situations and vested interests that have grown out of the casual makeshifts. In the midst of this confusion, or rather at its early stage, dawned the present post-bellum age; Russia's wilful declarations, demands, and protests, as well as manoeuvres behind the scene, have persisted and multiplied; the British and the Americans, learning from experience, gradually dared to take more positive positions than before, without, however, wholly discarding their earlier tactics of accommodation with Russian desires. The tangles already present have thereby been more knotted and duplicated with fresh ones. It must have been chiefly through this series of painful experiences, added to the rather suddenly accelerated difficulties and retreats of Great Britain, and to some critical developments in the Balkans, that has stirred the conscience of the President and the incisive intellect of the new Secretary of State sharply to arrest the unhappy course of compromise and to take the decisive stand now in evidence concerning the shape of the new world and the United States' responsibility therein, a stand all the more decisive because of the bitterness bequeathed by the earlier meanderings.

The stand is not only new, but also, as has been instantly felt by all, little short of revolutionary for the foreign policy of the United States. It is no wonder that two great questions are being debated everywhere: Is this drastic change necessary? What would it lead to? Neither question, it is clear, can be discussed singly but both must be weighed together in the light of one's view of each.

The question of necessity can no doubt admit diagonally opposite views. On the one side, men who argue like Felix Morley of the "Human Events" would not recognize any fundamental change of the times, and would view the

9

place of America in the present age from the traditional angle of nonentanglement; for them the proposed venture were purely Don Quixotean. On the other side, the facile imagination of some would impel them to aver that a wholly new era has suddenly supervened, and it is the ordained destiny of this nation, as the unquestioned champion of the free West, to ride upon the crest of the wave and do all in its power, at whatever cost, to create a world in which totalitarianism of whatever form can have no place and the straggling nations can rise and grow in the full sunshine of freedom. Neither of these extreme views will be likely to commend itself to the common sense of the masses. Between the two, there may rise attitudes and opinions of wide variety. Among them, many Congressmen, especially Republican, may hesitate to take a position of heartily supporting the new policy, being deterred by the inevitable uncertainty of its consequences, but yet may fear that an outspoken isolationism would be unpoetical, and that not to uphold the government in some measure after the President's open pronouncement before the world might impair America's prestige abroad and encourage Russia's aggression. It would appear that on the whole the nation at large would be inclined passively to acquiesce in the government's lead; and also that the obstruction from the leftist and "liberal" quarters would not avail much.

For one, I rather fear that the President's address, so apparently contradictory with actions elsewhere past & present, has raised, in both American and foreign minds, more questions of great moment than it has clarified. It is a pity that it did not indicate, even in the most general terms, the bearing of its particular proposal to related large phases of the new policy in Europe & Asia. Only by collating the President's words with Secretary Marshall's in Moscow, as well as with the further steps to be taken in other parts of the world that are being proposed by the Administration, supposing there was an organic unity between all three, may one form a vague picture of the whole; but this may only result in raising further doubts & fears of a serious nature. I also fear that any support accorded by the nation to the government at this time which was either half-hearted, narrowly conditioned, or closely tied to domestic politics, might evaporate before long and leave the harassed world to drift no one knew whether. The need of a farsighted leadership of an age has seldom appeared more urgent.

To G.G.C. 24 III '47

I itch to answer your grand five-typed-page letter of March 6, but must defer it till next time; for I wish first to send you the recent "Human Events" and also the last issue of the "Review of World Affairs", and to write you something in relation to their contents before they cool off.

The two imaginary letters of Ambassadors in London in the "Review of World Affairs" seem to me illuminating. I should advise you to read them before the other enclosures, and then keep the latter and return the Review rather soon.

- 2 -

It would be trite to say that Mr. Truman's address on March 12 to the
Congress on aid to Greece is of momentous import. To me, it is not so much the
speech itself that is of tremendous significance as the historical background
which has impelled him to say what he did; the background seems fraught with a far
deeper meaning than is reflected in the speech. As I see it, briefly stated, the
vast current of history during the last thirty years has flowed into such a scenery
as no one could have imagined in 1917; and, within the past few years, the flood
has so gathered its momentum that it is at last joining together in a single flux
of destiny the three streams that have been flowing separately: the British, the
Russian, and the American aspects. Who could have foreseen that they would be so
abruptly become fused and so menacingly push us all into a future of unknown perils?
I shall venture in a few words to touch upon these three aspects, as I understand
them.

1. The British aspect.

This is nothing other than a physical and moral fatigue of Great Britain
which compels her to withdraw herself from many of the almost worldwide responsi-
bilities she has long borne, so as to gain a respite for more concentrated
recuperation. As if in order to emphasize the crisis and the more to harden British
resolution, heaven is sending down meteorological disasters of unwonted severity.

The exhaustion seems to have been caused in part by certain shortsighted
policies of the Labor government, of which wise statesmanship could from the first
be hardly expected. But the chief cause is obviously the fact that, during the six
gruelling years of the war, Britain bore its major brunt with staunch national
determination, while at the same time giving large aids to several European
countries; thereby, not only again demonstrating her great moral stamina, but also
contributing more than any other single Power to the preservation of Occidental
civilization and human heritage of liberty. What other nation has done so well, or
could have done in her place? But, through this unremitting struggle, Britain's

- 4 -

never have come into existence. And it is safe to say that both our conscience regarding facts and our embodiment of them in our lives have steadily improved through the centuries, and that our faith in man's future progress is upheld by our innate confidence in and aspiration for further advance of this development. We can never think of denying that a stone has fallen of its weight, that one has made a promise which one has made. Or else, we believe, the world would be a chaos and all civilization would crumble to dust. For us, neither that premise nor this conclusion admits of any doubt for one moment.

The Western faith in facts is, indeed, so universal and deep-seated that, with the disproportionate advance of science and technology in modern times, there has even developed a danger among many persons of being too exclusively devoted to physical, quantitative facts to keep alive their inherited respect for intangible, spiritual facts. Material data and men's knowledge of and craving for them are so increasingly engrossing men's minds as to threaten to blot out their vision of the supreme values of the human soul. "Researches" and "surveys" of external facts are so feverishly pursued that man has come near to forgetting man. How, but for his fact-smothered spirit, could one man have brought himself to the point of making and casting an atomic bomb at another man? Tragic as it appears, however, this is without doubt a passing phenomenon: it is not the fault of facts, but man's one-sided view of them, which, from his very constitution, cannot long endure. Already reflection and reaction are visible in many quarters of the West; the lost ground will be regained with an intensified zest and a richer mind.

Now has arisen upon the horizon a much more ominous cult, —a strange code which seems to teach that one's political interest justifies the ignoring of facts that one sees and the fabricating of pretended facts that one knows to be non-existent; and that a mere denial or assertion establishes its truth which others must accept despite the speaker's own disbelief in it. The very word "underground" with which devotees of the cult openly characterize their methods of propagation and their loyalty to the teaching seems to denote a philosophy of deception and

- 5 -

defiance. Nor can one be altogether confident that the Soviets themselves always really believe in the truth of the Communist doctrine they profess; that they are not often employing it as a mask and a tool to further secret political designs. Scholars among them must be well aware that the fallacy of the Marxist interpretation of all history by a theory of class-struggle has long since been exposed. What further shakes a belief in their sincerity is the notorious opportunism and relativism of their policies: their aim of universal revolution of nations has been now withheld, and then again attempted according to momentary expediency; nor have they scrupled to strike a pact with the Nazis, their avowed arch-enemy in doctrine, involving in the bargain a division of large spheres of aggression upon independent nations, thus solemnly feasting with a sworn enemy upon the flesh of innocent bodies. At the same time, it is noted that the Russians are diligently cultivating the cult of facts---science and technology---at home; does the heart love facts and do the lips deny or falsify them?

Implied consequences upon man's world of a cult that plays such hide-and-seek with facts are too staggering merely to contemplate. Secretary Marshall has well pointed out the corrosive effects of Communist rule upon freedom and man's inner life. This is in itself most alarming. But, as he must know, the significance is far wider and deeper. The attitude, if ruthlessly executed, would not only destroy man's precious, hard-won gains in liberty and personality, but also over-throw nothing less than the entire structure of human culture and human history. Even an immediate effect seen everywhere in Communists is that their adhesion to the cult at once abolishes their need of and desire for individual thinking.
Power and numbers dictate, and the masses automatically inhibit their personal thought but join in the chanting shibboleths, calling the same things by the same names, putting all nations into two boxes, and erecting arguments like pre-fabricated houses. President Bierut of Communist Poland has said, with a view to convincing foreign reporters that the Poles under his rule were more "democratic" than the Anglo-Saxons: "In our country truth is decided by the majority, not by a minority"!

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"..................from the pageant starts
As to oblivion their blind millions' fleet,
..................What are numbers knit
By force or custom? Man who man would be
Must rule the empire of himself; in it
Must be supreme, establishing his throne
On vanquished will, quelling the anarchy
Of hopes and fears, being himself alone."

For the peculiar attitude of the Russian mind to political facts, I can
hardly think that Communism alone is accountable. Not only is it doubtful that
the Soviets truly believe its tenets; but also, in my study of the foreign relations
during the past hundred years of the Far East (in the Kuriles and Sakhalin, in Korea,
in Manchuria and Mongolia), I am forcibly struck by the fact that Czarist agents, too,
in their dealings with natives and others, habitually disregarded evident facts and
asserted false ones in order to gain or to hold illicit advantages at others' expense.
There is little doubt that the same trait had characterized the Russians elsewhere
in like situations. It is of course true that, even in Western Europe, what may be
termed "intellectual conscience", that is, scrupulous regard for facts, has been
a gradual growth, as witness the forging of documents and the romancing of chronicles
practised by monastic scribes of the Middle Ages. It is also true that even in
modern times Western men of honor have many a time, in loyalty to their comrades or
to their communities and countries, felt themselves obliged to deny or profess
ignorance of real facts at a critical juncture. Nor can one ever forget that Hitler
has (so recently exploited to the utmost for aggressive ends) the common German sense
of Treue (personal fidelity) to the nation right or wrong. But the supremely
important point is, that, while in the West respect for fact has now become so
prevalent as to be a second nature of every person, the Russians, on the contrary,
appear always to have been prone, in their political life, to manipulate facts at

One of these forces, or rather, one result of the forces, may be found in the sort of *pan-Slavism* which, with shades of regional differences, appears to have come to be shared by the Slavs in Poland, Czechoslovakia, and the Balkans, as well as in Russia. I have not had the good fortune to read M. Albert Mousset's studies of the subject, and can only set down my vague impressions of it.

Apparently, the Slavic doctrine of *nasí liudi* (our folk) has been repeatedly modified under the impact of successive processes of history, and still shows a great deal of local nuances beside certain common traits. An earlier form in Russia was echoed in the occasional outpourings of Dostoevsky: a species of racial sense of mossianic mission in the world. It suggests to the outsider a profound feeling of inferiority and frustration that vented itself in this form of compensation and self-justification. The creed may have experienced obbs and flows in the course of the history of Czarist Russia. In parallel with the Russian sentiment, but independently of it, the west and south Slavs, especially of the Balkans, seem to have been nursing womawhat different sorts of Slavism; they were blends of reaction against the foreign monarchical Powers that ruled over these nations, and of the hope of a glorious ora traditionally predicted for a remote future. These forms contained something akin to the Russian mysticism in that there were in them both a resentment of non-Slavic superiority and a consequent self-promise of a triumph ahead; but the Balkan type appears to have been more realistic and far less visionary than the Russian, due to the actual political humiliation which had created for the southerners urgent problems of revolt and liberation. Yet the east and south Slavs may have been gradually drawn together by the common ties of blood and language and the overshadowing might of Mother Russia, particularly after her repulse of the Napoleonic invasion,---both these considerations overriding the religious and other differences that often troubled non-Russian Slavs among themselves. Then, with the advent of the Communist rule in Russia thirty years ago, the situation abruptly changed: not only was Russian Slavism thereby converted into a stark realism and so was brought nearer to the southern, but also both types

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were together absorbed and transfigured in a radically new ideology. Marx himself, had, in 1852, forcibly repudiated the old messianism, denouncing it as "this ludicrous, this anti-historical movement...which intended nothing less than to subjugate the civilized West under the barbarian East, the town under the country, trade, manufacture and intelligence under the country, trade, manufacture and intelligence under the primitive agriculture of Slavonian serfs." Now the Russian Communists, perhaps without wholly discarding the traditional emotion of a chosen people, and certainly retaining the hostility toward Western Powers, none the less, in their conscious, theoretical expressions, replaced the passive messianism with an aggressive theme of a worldwide social revolution. This last article of the creed was destined soon to be changed into an opportunism to which we have alluded before. But the sudden realistic turn that was taken in 1917 was powerfully confirmed in the Russian mind by the great success in the second world war and the following expansion westward, which quickly established Russia as the supreme Power in the eastern half of Europe, as well as in vast regions in Asia. This fact has, not only drawn the other Slav nations firmly into the Russian or bit, but also elevated the racial self-confidence of the entire Slavdom: the galling inferiority of centuries is no more, except its after-effect in the form of a "persecution complex"; equality or even intrinsic superiority has been demonstrated, which may now be expressed in positive counter-action upon the West. Unity and hope have inspired the whole Slav world, it seems, with a defiant, aggressive mood.

These considerations lead me to the haunting mystery of the *subconscious* minds of certain nations, including the Russian and the German. Indeed, there are large similarities in those two in this respect. If one ignored the differences between them, one could note, especially in the pre-war Germans, but to an extent also in the Russians of the Czarist age, even of today in some respects, those traits among others:--- in-group fidelity justifying out-group treachery: resentment of self-imputed inferiority, as well as self-pity; a dense mood revealing itself, under certain conditions, in a surprisingly romantic or fanatical sentimentality: and, as

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towards other nations, these tendencies translating themselves, or those weaknesses
seeking compensation, in the assertion of self-will, in the refusal or inability to
understand others or to make just compromises, all under justifications which no one
can else could comprehend. The Germans' pan-Teutonism was much older than the Russian
pan-Slavism; the latter may in part have been inspired by the former. These and
other manifestations of subconsciousness in these two as well as in some other
nations suggest how deeply it must be rooted in their mentalities. It must be regard-
ed as cumulative results of subtle interactions that have occurred through long ages
between old and complex external forces and the peoples' own minds: physical surround-
ings; ever-changing social, political, cultural experiences; myths, legends, beliefs,
customs, and institutions; purposeful conservation and fostering by the ruling classes;
propagation and nurture through breeding, education, and the arts and special agencies;
and intricate and shifting reactions between all those and many other influences.
Every nation must have, or must have once had, a subconscious mind more or less
peculiar to itself; but what strikes me as equally important as its contents is what
I may term its *destiny*. As the word indicates, the subconscious is imbedded in the
noter strata of the mind into which conscious thought rarely penetrates or which
would defend themselves against such intrusion. That is to say, light of reason is
the fatal enemy of the subconscious, which would be routed out of its lair when rude
scrutiny and analysis invado it. What might remain thereafter would be hardly more
than certain lingering modes of reacting upon external stimuli; the substance had
 Lease, but some habitual manner of response might have survived. And if I am not
mistaken, the most potent power that introduces the light of conscious thought into
the dark recesses is the common practice of free discussion among all classes of
people living under a democratic regime. When specific issues of local, national,
and international concern are continually debated between men of contending ideas,
the habit of colloquy and consequent self-examination extends from the center to
the districts, from political and public to cultural and personal issues; and the
hidden, hitherto vague contents of the minds are gradually forreted out into daylight,
and their dross is washed away without malice and without regret. One may illustrate
the effect by pointing to the proneness of the English to disparage and laugh at them-

selves, or to the refreshing frankness with which the French speak to understanding friends of their own shortcomings. It is conceivable that a somewhat similar result might obtain in a small community which, though without the benefit of free institutions, yet existed under special conditions that caused among the populace a frequent talking-over of certain political matters. Such appears to have been the case with the Croats, Serbs, Slovenes, etc., before their present ago, when they were scheming to overthrow an alien rule that oppressed them. Naturally, however, under such circumstances, the discussion, illicit and clandestine as it was, could touch only a small part of the people's lives, and only the part that related to concerted plans of rebellion; the discussion, that is, would not only leave much of the cherished subconscious heritage unexplored, but also result in solidifying all the more those phases of it which had been conditioned by the common anti-foreign sentiment, instead of sifting them and purging them of irrational elements. Now these very residues would seem to have been further fortified in those peoples by their open adherence to Communism, and been converted into a naive but ardent faith in the "new democracy". How much more formidable must be the new form of the subconscious of the vast Russian nation goes without saying. All the foregoing I have dwelt upon in order to suggest that the obstable that confronts any attempt at a concord between the Slavs and the West is of no mean dimensions.

I must repeat that what I have said in the last two paragraphs is a wild venture beyond the limits of my personal knowledge; for I know far less the positive factors than the negative that have pulled apart the Russians and the Westerners from each other. Whatever the causes may have been, however, that the actual effects of the past which have been imprinted upon the Russian political mind vary radically from the present heritage of the Western, is evident to us on every side. In the governance of her own people, one notes in Russia a persistent absolutism, a vigilant political police, a harsh penal law of political crimes, a resolute seclusion of the masses from free commerce of news and ideas with the outside world, and a strenuous effort to create in the people a delusion of the superiority of their regime to all others and of the reactionary and oligarchic character of the latter. As toward other governments, engagements are honored or denounced at her unilateral convenience; treasonable movements in foreign