THE
MORAL AND POLITICAL
CATECHISM OF MAN;

OR, A
DIALOGUE
BETWEEN

A CITIZEN OF THE WORLD AND AN
INHABITANT OF BRITAIN.

BY GEORGE MEALMAKER, M. B. C.... N.

To which is added,
A NARRATIVE

OF

The Arrest, Examination, and Imprisonment of the AUTHOR,
for supposed treasonable and feditious practices; with CO-
PIES OF THE LETTERS written by him to the MAGI-
STRATES OF ARBROATH, during and after his Confinement.

AND
AN ODE TO LIBERTY,

WRITTEN BY MY FELLOW PRISONER,
while under confinement.

SECOND EDITION.

Edinburgh :
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR,

1797.

CONTENTS.

I INTRODUCTION—Of Man; his social nature, and responsibility—Of Slavery and Oppression; their moral evil—Power gives no right to Dominion—Of Privileged Orders; their rife and progres—Of Monarchy; its rife and spread—The lawfulness of Kingly Government—Of Hereditary Systems—The Sovereignty of the People—The Independence of Nations—Of Rebellion—The right of Resistance in Christians and others—On the Equity of Rulers—The Rights of Man—Equality—Hereditary Nobility—Liberty, Civil, Political, and Religious—Public Discuſion, and the Liberty of the Preſs—Of Sedition—Despotism, Tyranny—The road to Liberty—Of Constitutions, free and otherwife—Of Anarchy—The different Forms of Government; their nature and conſequences—The end, use, and design of Government—Of War, juſt and unjust—Of Allies—Peace, and the way to ſecure it.

MORAL AND POLITICAL

CATECHISM OF MAN.

BRITON.

CITIZEN, From your independent principles, and
being void of these prejudices which dark-
en the minds of the most of men, and unfit them for at-
taining competent measures of knowledge and a true
judgment, whereby to distinguish between truth and
error, and between men and things,—I am led to think
you capable of removing my doubts and settling my
judgment, giving me right ideas concerning a number
of moral and political questions that have long agita-
ted the minds and divided the opinions of men.

CITIZEN.

Your confidence in my abilities may in the sequel
prove ill founded; but according to my knowledge, I
shall endeavour to answer you agreeable to truth, in-
dependent of prejudices or parties.—However, to a
mind darkened by bigotry, and haunted by superil-
tion, truth is too strong; its full blaze startles, con-
founds, and amazes, and often leads to extreme ex-
cessions. This ought always to be studiously guarded
against, left truth be branded with having its dangers
as well as error. But this is owing to the weaknesses
of man, a want of well-principled knowledge, and a
lack of time to digest properly what is newly seen
and imperfectly learned, the former ideas being de-
ranged, and new ones not rightly formed.

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BRITON.—What is Man ?

CITIZEN.—Man is a rational and social creature, poſſing powers and faculties which, if cultivated and brought into action, make him a noble and exalted crea- ture, the image of the Eternal,—a free and voluntary agent, having his reaſon to guide him in his ſervice to God, and his behaviour to fellow-men: for the proper use of which, he is responsible both to God and to his brethren, each having the fame latent powers and facul- ties, and capable of the fame rights, and ſubject to the fame general laws.

BRITON.—Does this hold good with reſpect to all men without exception ?

CITIZEN.—Yes.

BRITON.—How then does the White oppreſs and enslave the Black with impunity ?

CITIZEN.—It is becauſe of the ignorance and weak- nes of the one, and the ſtrength and wickedneſs of the other.

BRITON.—Why then, it is by ſtrength or force, and not by reaſon, that men are governed in this world.

CITIZEN.—In moſt places, alas ! it is too true.

BRITON.—Is it then a moral evil to do so ?

CITIZEN.—Moſt certain it is; for the beneficent Father of all, who alone hath a right to bind all by one common obligation, hath given us a maxim, as an eternal rule whereby to diſtinguish between right and wrong, good and evil, among our fellow men, “ What- “ foever ye would that men should do unto you, do “ ye even so unto them.”

BRITON.—Do you then mean to ſay, that ſtrength and power imply no right ?

CITIZEN.—Yes, I do; for if ſtrength and power give a right to domineer, why ſprosecute the highway- man ? On the contrary, whatever ſtrength or power a man or a number of men may fairly acquire, it ought to be employed for the good of all; for man hath only a right to do good to his fellow men; and e- ven that he hath no right to impoſe becauſe he may think it good, except by mutual conſent.

[ 9 ]

BRITON.—Hath no man a right to give laws to or reign over another without his conſent, given by him- self or another in his ſtead ?

CITIZEN.—No.

BRITON.—How then comes it that almoſt all the world is ſubject to privileged caſes of kings and lawg- vers, without any conſent or choice on the people's part ?

CITIZEN.—’Tis becauſe of a mutual compact betwixt the governors to ſupport each other; and, being poſ- ſeſſed of all the wealth of the earth, they are enabled to hire the one to keep down and enslave the other. Moreover, the people, by long habit, are inured to paſſive tameneſs, mean ſervility, and bafeaſs of ſoul; yea, through ignorance and prieſcraft, they are made to believe, that whoever has the preſent power has law and right on his or their ſide; and without any enquiry, ſit still, and bear all with a weakneſs and ſtuo- pidity becoming brutes rather than men.

BRITON.—Have men been always in this ſtate of thraldom and ſlavery to one another ?

CITIZEN.—No: If that had been the caſe, we might yet be thought impious if we doubted what they would vainly arrogate to themſelves, viz. a divine right to king it over us: But so far from this being the caſe, when men firſt commenced a social body, there was no other headship among them than that of a father of a family; and when more numerous, the oldeſt and wi- ſeſt were looked to for advice and counsel, their ad- vice, with the general concurrence, being the law.— This may be seen in many places ſtill where men are in a ſtate of nature: Besides, the many ſtruggles which we read of in history between the people and their go- vernors, and the recurring often to firſt principles, are living testimonies against absolute Kingly government.

BRITON.—At what time did the Kingly ſystem com- mence, and where ?

CITIZEN.—It commenced, according to ſacred chro- nology, in the third perſon from Noah. His name was Nimrod, or a rebel, (as the text reads in bibles that

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have notes); a mighty hunter, famous first for hunting beasts pernicious to man (in this he was praise-worthy); but forgetting the fear of God, and by his benefits acquiring a ferocious nature, and being stimulated by a diabolical thirst of power and dominion, instead of a love for fellow men, he rebelled against his God, the only sovereign of mankind; and with the help of his fellow hunters, now become soldiers, he became a mighty hunter of men, an usurper, and a king. The theatre of his wickedness was Assyria, the first of monarchies.

BRITON.—But how came it that almost all nations followed this rebel's example?

CITIZEN.—This new thing was invented in the fight, as it were, of all men, viz. before men had spread far from each other, so that all saw and heard of it; and mankind being bent upon other pursuits than that of forming political systems of government, gave early scope to equally wicked usurpers every where. But another cause tended at first, and even at later periods, to inundate the world with these usurpers, and that was—the overrunning power of the Assyrian and other monarchies made it necessary to adopt some mode of defence; for this purpose, military arrangements were made, and military chiefs chosen: These, after the business was over which gave them birth, with the help of their soldiers, continued in power; and, through a want of knowledge and public spirit in the people, they bequeathed their office to their sons and successors as their heritable property. Hence commenced and continued that system throughout the most part of the world: The meaner chiefs under them were guaranteed by the higher feizing the land and other valuable property; so that betwixt the different orders of princes a strong coalition was formed, and riveted together as with bonds of iron, the effects of which are seen and felt to this day.

BRITON.—Since it is necessary in the present state of society to have political systems of government, is it lawful to chuse a Kingly one?

[ 11 ]

CITIZEN.—All governments are lawful, and their origin just, in which the voice and will of the people is consulted and acted upon; for the people is the sovereign, and all legitimate sovereignty and power is derived from them as the alone just source.

BRITON.—Hath the people a right to make a system of government hereditary?

CITIZEN.—No; for as all sovereignty is in the people, and continues unalienable in them, they cannot finally give it away; for, as every generation of men have a right to choose for themselves only, and to dispose only of what is their own, to do or pretend to do more is robbery, impudence, and the very summit of weakness; for they cannot stay to put in execution their design—and they that trueth to such pretenitions confide in a nonentity, and mock themselves with a shadow that is gone; for as good a right had the Antedeluvians to legislate for us, as they who died the last age.

BRITON.—Hath the people a right to alter or change their form of government without being chargeable with rebellion?

CITIZEN.—Yes: When the majority in a nation willeth a change, it ought to take place, and they are justifiable in making it.

BRITON.—Is it just that one nation should interfere with another in matters of government, internal police, or whatever alteration a nation may think proper to make?

CITIZEN.—No: As well may my immediate neighbour assert it is just of him to come into my house, and compel me to live upon one meal per day, because he may be pleased to live in that manner. God hath so ordered in his providence the local situation of countries, by seas, rivers, lakes, and ridges of mountains, and more especially by the diversity of languages, that each nation is as distinct as distinct families are in each of them: Therefore, as families are in a nation, so are nations in the great family of mankind. All mankind are subject to the immutable laws of nature.

[ 12 ]

ture and nature's God; but locally, in all the world, man is and can be bound only by the laws of that community or nation of which he is a part; therefore, no nation hath a right to domineer over or legislate for another.

BRITON.—What operation of man in a state constitutes rebellion?

CITIZEN.—In the present and bygone ages, ever since governments were assumed over or formed among men, whatever opposed the reigning faction or power, if unsuccessful, was termed rebellion, however just and necessary; but in my opinion, the act that is worthy of the hated name of *rebel*, and constitutes a rebellion, is, the usurpation of an individual or individuals, who forcibly seize the sovereign power over their fellow-citizens; or a minority who levies war against the majority without any just cause, and who would destroy the established rule and authority guaranteed by the majority; or a man or faction of men who may be in power, and who may break through the established order of things settled by the will of the people, and rule in contempt of them by a new order of ways or things. But no operation can be justly entitled rebellion, when the will of the majority of the people is confuted and acted upon: In this case, the voice of the people is the voice of God.

BRITON.—Hath a minority no right to resist or oppose the will of a majority in a nation?

CITIZEN.—In certain cafes they have; for example, when one part of a nation tyrannizes over another by wicked councils, or one set of men over another, laying grievous yokes upon their persons, property, or consciences; in such cafes, *resistance is a necessary and moral virtue*, and may be only blamed if there be no probability of successes.

BRITON.—Is not resistance to oppression inconsistent with Christianity, and unbecoming a real Christian?

CITIZEN.—No, very far from it; though designing knaves and impudent impostors, to serve their own vicious purposes, teach men such doctrine, and call it

[ 13 ]

Christian, it is heterodox and a lie; and they are of their father the Devil who teach such, and wreathe the scripture to their own destruction.

BRITON.—Doth not the scripture state, that you ought to be subject to the powers that be, for there is no power but of God? Rom. xiii. 1.

CITIZEN.—Yes, it does; but you must here, as well as in other places of Scripture, and every other book, mark the connection the passage hath, and what is the scope the writer is driving, and to whom he is writing. In the letter where this is mentioned, the apostle who writes it, after summing up the nature and operation of faith, its consequences, and the effect which it should have on the conduct of men, both towards God and their neighbour, goes on to enumerate the duties, and point out the line of conduct becoming and necessary to Christians placed as they were to whom he writes. Among other necessary duties, he especially noticeth that to civil magistrates, viz. those who bear rule as such, in name, and who had the dispensing of the civil police, of the city of Rome. To under-stand it the better, read towards the close of the former chapter, where he exhorts to humility, not to be high-minded or revengeful, as they, by the Christian宋tem, were lifted above their fellows in civil as well as in religious things, and might dispense the authority of the magistrates, and revenge themselves; and downwards, he endeavours to inculcate the same principle, in opposition to the traditions of the Jews, that even tribute-paying was a duty of Christians as well as others. This he no doubt found necessary also, as Christians might be ready to drink in the Jewish principles so far, and like them, think it a grievance to be under what they might term a heathen government, and be obliged to contribute to its support.—This is all, I apprehend, that is meant here in this passage. When the apostle faith, in support of his hypotheses, that magistrates are the ministers or servants of God to curb vice and support virtue, and he who, by his enthusiasm or ignorance, despises or resists

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them shall receive damnation or judgment,—he faith no more than the greatest friend to necessary resistance to oppression would also heartily subscribe to. To refasten a power because its rulers, in our opinion, are heretics or heathens, is so absurd, that none ever proposed it but judicial Papists and Mahomedans. Besides, the perjons to whom this was written, and their situations as men in that body politic to which they belonged, being considered, throws farther light on the subject. They to whom this letter and these words in it were addressed, were a few Christian converts in Rome, part Jews and part Romans; their number in proportion to the rest of the city was very small: Therefore, as it would have been unwife, yea wicked, and a great error, to refasten because of religion, and impolitic for such a few to attempt to withstand and refasten so many,—in such a case they must needs meet with destruction from men, and the displeasure of God; for God, by his ordinary providence, had brought this power to what it was, and when it was his will, he would raise up means to cast it down.

BRITON.—You have satisfied me with respect to the Romans; but is not this rule universal and binding upon all Christians, and in all cases, as well as in the case of the Romans here spoken of?

CITIZEN.—No; it is not, and cannot. There is a great difference between the case of a small number of a people, bearing no weight either in point of numbers, riches, or power, and a whole people professing the same belief, both rulers and ruled. This injunction is only given to the Romans, demanding obedience for this benefit of all reasons, because of the goodness, justice, and protection afforded, they being “a “terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do “well.” This letter, in every part thereof, hath a particular and not a general end in view. It was addressed to the converts at Rome: In it their interest, circumstances, and local situation are considered and spoken to, and not that of Christianity in general.—Had the apostle meant otherways, he would have spou-

[ 15 ]

ken otherwife, and would have stated what degree of obedience and non-resistance was due to the different governments that were or might be in the world,—what to those who were the very reverse of what he stated the magistrates of Rome to be, the minifers of Satan, a terror to good men, and a praise to them that do evil: And, as I stated above to you, the main point here insisted upon is obedience to civil rulers, or those who had the distribution of justice in civil cases between man and man; and not the political power, or the imperial, as it then was and is now by many falsely trumped up, to answer their finifter de- signs. Had any other than a particular and single case acted the mind of the apostle, when writing this direction for the conduct of the Romans, we must be led to think of him in this case, what in no other we have ground to do, that he was diffuse without conci- sion; that he exhorted to avoid what none would at- tempt; that, instead of enlightening, he had thrown us back into darknes; and that he had given us words without meaning, and found without fense. Had any precept been laid down for the ruled in future to all ages to walk by with respect to government, sure there would have been, at the same time, laws equally bind- ing on the rulers: Or do you think it lawful for Christians when in power to do what evil they may, while those who have the misfortune to be ruled are- bound to take all for good, and say it is the ministry of God, altho’ the plain works of the Devil? To say so would be blasphemy. Or do you admit that there is a reciprocal precept for the guidance of both rulers and ruled? Then you must own that there is duty equally binding on both parties; and when either steps aside from the rule of rightitude, then the other has a right to enquire, remonstrate, or refast. That this latter is the case will easily be found by every one who reads the scriptures either of the Old or New Testament, but especially the New. In it, the strictest system of po- litical equality is uniformly held up to view from the pastor to the hearer, between servants and master, sub-

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jects and lord; yea all this is taught by Jefus himself,
who alone justly challenges the title Lord, and takes
it to himself, and declares them all to be equal and
brethren, Deuter. xvii. 14, to the end; Matthew
xx. 25, —28. Mark x. 42, 43, 44. Luke xxii. 25,
26, 27. John xiii. 12, —17. I might go on to enumerate
thouands such like passages; but why should I go
about to establish with numberless proofs a truth which
is allowed by all, either in theory or practice? Let
the most violent pleader for non-resistance and the divine
right of Kings be affailed by a highwayman or
a number of house-breakers, see then if he will not
reflict, if able. Now, if all power be of God, surely
that of the highwayman and house-breaker is equally so;
yea, I trust that none will deny it who believe
that the general providence of God, the great
Parent of all, for his own secret and all-wife purposes,
permits such beings, and suffers them many times to have
power, and by it to prevail. Again, let a foreign
power attempt an invasion upon the country of these
devotees to non-resistance, by which their temporal
interest may be injured,—those who but a week ago
preached non-resistance, will preach resistance now
with a vengeance; while the invader hath the fame
obedience as the power invaded, his or their power
being equally of God with that which before governed
them. Besides, confidering rationally that all evil
is penal and a punishment for sin, (and surely a greater
evil cannot afflict a nation than wicked rulers) now,
if when God fends the pestilence, he and nature allows
that, (notwithstanding it be a punishment for inequality
done) we seek for every possible cure or remedy,—sure
it is allowable on the same principles, that
we take the best and most efficacious measure in our
power to get rid of this evil also; yea, it is as just for
a people to cut off one or a number of tyrants, as it is
to cut off a member of the body affected with a cancer,
that the rest may be faved; for their destruction is the
people's deliverance, the fame as with the natural
body of man.

[ 17 ]

Having thus given you my opinion on this head
very fully, I would warn you also how many split upon
such rocks as this is; they attend not to the sense of
the words so as to discern whether it be general or
particular, partial or moral, prefent or future. The
want of this consideration, and a misconception of the
scriptures on this head, hath driven many persons to
Deism, they alledging, as the scriptural inculcation of o-
bedience to tyrants, it could not be of God.

BRITON.—What portion of equity have men a right
to expect from their rulers?

CITIZEN.—Men have a right to expect, and a title to
demand, the strictest equity and the most impartial justice;
one particle less is derogatory of his honour, and
inconsistent with his rights.

BRITON.—What are the Rights of Man ?

CITIZEN.—The Rights of Man are, Equality, Liberty,
Property, and Resistance to Oppression.

BRITON.—What is Equality ? Is it equality of property ?

CITIZEN.—No; it is equality of rights—for man has
no right to equality of property.

BRITON.—What is equality of rights ?

CITIZEN.—It is that all men have an inherent right
by birth equally to titles, powers, and places either of
honour or of profit among their brethren, according as
their talents and abilities, acquired or natural, may re-
commend him to their choice; that all powers and places
be elective; and that none whose vices and imbecility
do not unfit, should be kept back from chusing or being
chosen; that no person claim an exclusive right, title,
or privilege by his birth; that the law alone be fu-
preme; that it be the fame to all whether it reward
or punish; and that all have an equal voice themselves
or by delegation in making of the laws.

BRITON.—Is hereditary Nobility contrary to man's
rights?

CITIZEN.—All hereditary orders of men, be they
stiled noble or ignoble, free or bond men, whatever
makes a distinction in birthright, except to property,

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(and that equal in each family) are contrary to justice, and inconsistent with the rights of man. Man may become noble by his learning and virtue; but one class of men to be hereditary, noble, or born noble, and not another, is impossible: To affect such doctrine mocks our senescha, and inflicts our judgment.

BRITON.—What is true Nobility?

CITIZEN.—True nobility confers in a constant love of and practice of every virtue, a promoter or a doer of great and praise-worthy actions, professing a great-ness of soul that defies whatever is mean or base.

BRITON.—What is Liberty?

CITIZEN.—Liberty is the opposite of slavery. It is a science of which the mind of man is as yet unprepared to think justly. It naturally divides itself into three parts, viz.: civil, political, and religious.

BRITON.—What is Civil Liberty?

CITIZEN.—Civil Liberty confers in the perfect security of our persons and property, and the freedom to do whatever is not contrary to the rights of our neighbour, or the general interests of the community; that none dispose of our persons and property but ourselves, or persons chosen or entrusted with that charge, in which every person affected has an equal voice; that all laws be the general will, and equal to all in their operations and tendency.

BRITON.—What is Political Liberty?

CITIZEN.—It is that each state or community that is or may be in existence, have the power to make what manner of government they please, without the intervention of any other state or community; that no state or community have a right to domineer, insult, or give laws to another; that all persons entrusted with power and authority in the state or community, from the legislator to the meanest executors of the laws, be chosen by the universal suffrage of those composing the state or community; and that they, from the highest to the lowest, that bear an office, be responsible to the people who choose them.

BRITON.—What is Religious Liberty?

[ 19 ]

CITIZEN.—It is, that all men, be their religion what it may, be equally protected, and it equally established to them; that no person be bound to observe or keep the days, times, rites, or ceremonies of another person's religion; that no person be obliged to pay for or support any establishment of religion; that all systems, schemes, notions, and effects, be equally tolerated and equally established,—and that no one feel be allowed to usurp or tyrannize over another; that all felt acts and penal statutes respecting religion are subversive of, and absolutely contrary to religious liberty.

BRITON.—What do you mean by resistance to oppression?

CITIZEN.—By resistance to oppression I mean, that when the rulers of a nation, or one party tyrannizes over another, the oppressed or injured party has a right to resist such, and demand redress; for no part of a nation, however great or powerful, has a right to opprobse and trample upon another, however few or mean: The rights of the one are equally sacred with the other.

BRITON.—Can a nation be called free, where public discussion on any subject, whether moral, political, or religious, is forbidden?

CITIZEN.—No: The right of enquiry, and the free expression of opinion, either public or private, forms a principal part of rational liberty.

BRITON.—But may not this right in the best of states be used for the worst of purposes?

CITIZEN.—It may; but the indiferention of one or a few, or their evil designs, can be no just cause for depriving the many of their best rights: Let him that finneth suffer, and none but him. In a free state, it cannot be taken away; for, take this away and freedom is no more. In despotic states it is never allowed.

BRITON.—What is Sedition?

CITIZEN.—Sedition is a cant term, often used against the best of men, and the most praise-worthy and laudable endeavours to reform men, manners, laws, and

[ 20 ]

customs: The real meaning of it is leafing-making, endeavouring by lies and misrepresentations to raife up and inflame the people against their governors, or the governors against the people. To speak the truth is not fedition.

BRITON.—What do you mean by defpotic States?

CITIZEN.—By defpotic States I mean, those nations who are ruled by one or more despots, whose only mode of rule is their arbitrary will; from whom no account can be demanded, nor retribution obtained.

BRITON.—What is a Despot?

CITIZEN.—The title Despot, in the Greek empire, was, like that of Cæsar, given to the chief or next favourite of the Court: Then and since, the title hath and does still apply to sovereign Princes, whose power is absolute over the lives and property of their subjects, whose will is law, and subject to no controul, nor liable to any account for their conduct.

BRITON.—What is a Tyrant?

CITIZEN.—The title of Tyrant was, by the Ancients, given to every King without exception: But that King who truly deferves this execrable epithet, is one, who, poſſing the power of a despot, uſeth it to the deſtruction of the lives, perſonal liberty, and property of his ſubjects; is deceitful and ungrateful to his friends, cruel and implacable to his real or pretendèd enemies; inconſtant, ſuspicious, miſtrutſul, reſvengeful, and blood-thirsty; who reigns by violence, doing unjustly and oppreſſing.

BRITON.—By what means can a nation funk under defpotifm and tyranny obtain their deliverance?

CITIZEN.—When a nation finds itself in this dread abysm of miſery, and would be delivered, let them unite, refiſt the oppreſſion, and diſcard the oppreſſors; for no government, however powerful in appearance, or ri-gorous in efforts, can oppoſe with ſucces the united wifdom and energy of a determined people: If they ſpeak, they tremble; if they act, they are undone.

BRITON.—But may not a nation, freed from the thraldom of one or a number of tyrants, be in danger of again falling the victim of other tyrants?

[ 21 ]

CITIZEN.—They may, if they attend not to their duty and intereſt, in laying ſuch checks and reſtraints upon the new government as to prevent a future re-lapſe.

BRITON.—What antidote would you recommend to a nation ſo situated?

CITIZEN.—The ſcheme I would recommend to the people, freed from their old tyrants, would be, to chufe ſo many of their number as they thought would be competent to inſtruct them to make out a new conſtitution, in which the nature, power, and relations of their new government are deſcribed, with every check and reſtraint neceſsary to the prefervation of li-berty: Let this be preſented to the whole people, and by them be either amended, or accepted as theirs in the ſtate preſented.

BRITON.—You have ſpoken of a conſtitution being the means of preferving from tyranny and ſlavery:— But does not every kingdom and nation pretend to have a conſtitution, and yet many of them are in a ſtate of degradation and ſlavery?

CITIZEN.—True, they have conſtitutions; but what are they, and by whom made? The name and form of government is all that is meant by the conſtitution in many nations: In them it is ſimply this—the con-queror or uſurper willeth to rule by a certain mode, and ordaineth the fame for his ſuccesſors—the ſuc-ceſſor receives the kingdom as his inheritance, and may rule after the will and manner of the former, or adopt a new ſystem at pleasure; and this is called a Conſtitution. Others are made and guaranteed by a few, who claim it as their right to govern the many, and frame their conſtitutions ſo, that the people have no voice in the making of them, neither are they re-cognized by them. This is not the conſtitution I allude to, that which will ſave a nation from tyranny on the one hand, and from anarchy on the other: It is a free one, an act of the whole people, wherein their rights, and the power of the government, are aſcer-tained, and equally ſacred and protected.

[ 22 ]

BRITON.—What is Anarchy?

CITIZEN.—Anarchy is a licentious use of liberty, a state of confusion and disorder,—only seen in tumults, insurrections, and the first movements of a revolution, when each individual affumes the power of legislator and judge for himself.

BRITON.—How many forms of government are there among the civilized nations?

CITIZEN.—There are as many forms, in one sense, as there are nations; for the government of each nation (though many of them be from one principle) differ a little in their mode of administration;—but they may be fairly and justly stated to be only four in number, viz.:

ABSOLUTE MONARCHY,
LIMITED MONARCHY,
ARISTOCRATIC REPUBLICS, and
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICS.

BRITON.—What is the nature of Absolute Monarchy; and what are the good and the evil consequences which naturally flow from it?

CITIZEN.—The nature of Absolute Monarchy is, that all power is lodged in the hands of the Prince; and that he is above any controul, and not subject to any account. The good of this form is, the uniting under one head, to refill invasion from abroad and incorrection at home: The ills of it are, tyranny, oppression, and slavery, with every other evil that can deprec the man or debate the mind.

BRITON.—What is the nature of Limited Monarchy, and what are its consequences?

CITIZEN.—The nature of limited monarchy is, that though the executive government be entrusted to the Prince, yet he is subject to certain laws and principles, according to which he must act; and is liable to controul by a Senate or Council, chosen by the people, or part of them. The good of it is various, according to the nature of the limitation: In some cases, there is personal liberty; in others, it is confined to a part only. The evil of it is, bribery and corruption, and

[ 23 ]

a vast consequent expence. To the people, this is the most expensive of the two: A despotic Prince will not dare to impose the burdens that a government will in which there is the shadow of the representation of the people.

BRITON.—What are the nature and consequences of an Aristocratic form of a Republic?

CITIZEN.—The nature of this is—The Nobles, or those who are possessed of hereditary titles and great possessions, choose so many of their number as their particular form admits of, and commit the making of laws and the execution of them to these or a part of these; and in some, the Senators are born so, and need no election; at least part are so. The good of this form is, the conjunction of counsel in those who are, in many places, in man's present and bygone state of society, thought to be the ablest persons of a state for the public good. The ills of it are, faction and division, with lordly power and vast riches in the few; while the majority are miserably poor, and in the most abject state of slavery.

BRITON.—What are the nature and consequences of a Democratic form of a Republic?

CITIZEN.—The nature of this form is, that all the people, for themselves, or by delegates chosen by universal suffrage, unite and assemble to make what laws they shall see best for the general good; that every office and place is elective, and these attainable by any in the state, criminals and idiots excepted. The ills of it are, tumults and licentiousness. The good of it is, liberty, and the happiness, courage, and industry that liberty begets.

BRITON.—May not a limited monarchy, of the nature and kind of the British, give sufficient power and efficacy to the government on one hand, and a sufficiency of liberty and security to the people on the other?

CITIZEN.—Yes: It is, in my opinion, the only fyttem of Kingly government now existing capable of answering both these ends, were the democratic part of the Constitution reformed upon the principles of

[ 24 ]

universal suffrage and annual election; the executive branch being made responsible for their administration: But a fief system of this kind, whose representation is partial, unequal, and corrupt, whose election is seldom and that bought and fold,---is the most expensive, deceitful, and mischievous, that ever was formed or furped over men.

BRITON.---What is the pretended or real end, use, and design of Government?

CITIZEN.---The pretended use, end, and design of government is---The governors say, and claim it as their right, to take, do with, or dispose of the people and their property as they please, all being theirs by a divine and indefeasible right: But the real end, use, and design of it is, to obtain to the people security and protection, external and internal, to all in general, and to individuals in particular. For this they give up with part of their liberty and property, that the rest may be secured to them. A government failing in these respects becometh a nuisance, and hath no just title to the support and allegiance of the governed.

BRITON.---But as the notion of external security and protection may lead to wars both just and unjust, What are the general principles by which we may distinguish the one from the other?

CITIZEN.---No war can be termed just and necessary, except in defence of frontier or other property, unjustly seized and forcibly detained from a nation or its allies, without any aggression by the party aggrieved. All other wars, whatever may be the specious pretences for commencing them, are unjust; and what is unjust, is always unnecessary. The following are among the many features of an unjust war:---For religion; for balance of trade, and balance of power; for conquest; for order and good government; or to prevent nations from exercising their natural and unalienable right to alter, reform, or amend their own government. War is one of the greatest evils a nation can be afflicted with, and is productive of the most destructive consequences to population, commerce, agriculture,

[ 25 ]

and liberty; brings in its grim train, famine, pestilence, heavy taxes, individual and national poverty and bankruptcy, corruption and depravity of morals—with every other evil that can bring misery and wretchedness.

Seeing what a terrible curse war is, just or unjust, what hell-born monsters are they, who, sporting with human woes, delight in this daemon of Tophet, and eagerly grasp at the most slimy pretext to plunge nations in this gulph of ruin and valley of sculls. How absurd and blasphemous to pretend the support of religion by that which cuts up virtue and morality by the roots! To obtain the balance of trade by war is impossible; to pretend so, betrays not a little of the idiot. Every new war must have its proportion of new taxes;—this makes it more difficult for the merchant and the manufacturer, while materials rise in price, and labourers wages advance, to rival others whose taxes are less. But above all, this should be remembered, that trade is like water, it will find its own level: He who can outsell his neighbour must certainly have the balance in his favour. The balance of power is a state trick that has often been played off too successfully for commencing ruinous and unjust wars; while those who make the most noise about it could, when it suited their circumstances and answered their designs, diffuse with and violate it, in the most wanton, unprovoked, and outrageous manner.

To show the utter impossibility of keeping the balance of power by war, I shall adduce the following remarks:

It is with nations as with individuals; they have their time of growth and decay—of virtue, national energy, and public spirit,—and of vicious lethargy, meanness, and debauchement of spirit; of warlike prowefs and a love of liberty,—and a want of military skill, with a peaceful endurance of slavery. All nations, through the lapse of time, do change their characters, laws, manners, customs, and usages. These who at one time have been the terror and masters of the world,

C

[ 26 ]

have, at another, funk to a nothingneſs, the prey of eve-
ry petty invader. The defendants of the ancient Af-
ſyrians, Persians, Greeks, Carthaginians, and Romans,
are so many living proofs of this. How great and
powerful have ſome ſtates become, from, as it were, a
mere nothing, in ſpite of all the efforts of surrounding
neighbours, who became their enemies in order to ſtop
and depreſs their growing greatneſs! While a nation
is poſſeſſed of the qualifications neceſsary to, and the
attainments which mark the character of a growing
ſtate, then it is worſe than vain and fruitleſs to attempt
by wars their humiliation. The longer the ſtruggle
is continued, the wider they are from the mark. The
very idea of a neighbouring power growing great,
and becoming a dangerous rival, to the calm enquirer
hath this language—*We want that virtue and energy
our neighbours have.* Now, a nation in the decline at-
tempting to raife itself by war, and thereby depreſs its
reſoſing rival, is too ridiculous to need farther com-
ment. Such policy, however, hath haſtened the fall
of many powerful ſtates. To go to war for conqueſt
hath ever been viewed by good and wive men as worſe
than canine madneſs and fatanic wickedneſs. To go
to war with a nation to prevent a reform, civil or reli-
gious, few will fay is not unjuſt; but were it juſt, in
this caſe it would be unnecessary—for, when a nation
is determined on a change in its civil or religious po-
lity, or in both, and thinks it neceſsary to its well-
being and happineſs, to effect a hinderance is impoffi-
ble: Experience faith, an hoſt of kings and myriads
of armies are inadequate to the taſk.

BRITON.—You have ſpoken of Allies—What kind of Alliances ought nations to form ?

CITIZEN.—No alliances ought to be contracted but
for mutual defence in all things juſt and honourable;
such as, to counteract the ambitious deſigns of neigh-
bouring powerful ſtates that may aim at their invaſion
or subjugation, and to fruſtrate the Machiavelian in-
trigues and wicked policy of other coalitions for war and
conqueſt: But alliances having for their object offenſive

[ 27 ]

war, subjugation of nations, and partition of conquer-
ed territory, are accurſed;—and their death-dealing
authors are worthy of the eternal execration of all
men.

BRITON.—What are the happy effects of external
and internal peace in a nation ?

CITIZEN.—Peace enſureth conſequences the very re-
verſe of war. The following are among the happy ef-
fects of peace: It cauſeth riches and plenty, promotes
health, and ſupports liberty; it increaſeth population,
commerce, and agriculture; is the nurſery of the arts
and ſciences, and cauſeth knowledge to ſpread; crea-
teth national and individual prosperity and indepen-
dence—Finally, it is the greateſt of all human bleſ-
ſings.

BRITON.—By what means may peace be continued
and enſured to a nation ?

CITIZEN.—The only means whereby peace may be
ſecured to a nation is, to adopt and perſevere in an o-
pen and ſincere line of conduct towards neighbours,
with a ſtrict regard to the eternal principles of justice
and true honour.

BRITON.—Citizen, I return you my grateful thanks
for the ſincere and disinterested manner in which you
have anſwered the many momentous queſtions about
which I was in doubt, but am now reſolved by you,—
and, for the present, bid you farewell.

C 2

A NARRATIVE

OF

THE ARREST, EXAMINATION, & IMPRISONMENT

OF

GEORGE MEALMAKER,

For supposed Seditious and Treasonable Practices;

WITH

COPIES OF THE LETTERS

Written by him to the MAGISTRATES OF ARBROATH, during
and after his Confinement.

TO bring about a Reform in Church or State, hath
always been marked with danger, if not deftrue-
tion, to the individuals who would attempt the arduous
task: To overthrow the Herculean pillars of superflition
and prejudices, or cleanse out the finks of long-gathered
national corruptions, is not the work of a day, or the
doings of eafe. But, that the Eighteenth Century, by
fome called the age of Reformation, should be mixed with
the days of Commodus, and be tiled in Britain the age
of espionage, proscription, duplicity, and intrigue,—
will hardly be credited from the pen of the faithful
historian—that Britain, who for ages was the boast
and glory of the world for liberty and freedom of
discussion, should, at this time of day, be fettered with
the tatters and ruins of that venerable and now moul-
dering and broken machine, the Constitution, once the
envy of strangers, now the manacles to bind and en-
slave its owners: Yet true it is that a Court Junto, with
the word Constitution ever in their mouths, have raiſed
a hue and cry, commenced and carried on a ſystem of
terror, fit only for Turkey. Suppofing the people their

C 3

[ 30 ]

confiant and devoted dupes, they have terrified them
with alarms; and have invariably held out those as
their most deadly enemies who wished to promote any
public good, though no more be proposed by them-
than this very Junto themselves openly espoused, and
by doing so, obtained their respective places. Every one
will remember to what a height this new system of
terror and alarm was carried on, in Ninety-Three and
Ninety-Four, by our English Robespierrians: Mult-
titudes of honest plain-hearted, sober men were thrown
into dungeons, while some were condemned, and sent
with the worst of felons, to the bleak and barren
thores of New Holland—their families and connec-
tions left in want, anxiety, and diffair—persecuted and
despised by their deceived neighbours and fellow ci-
tizens, whose welfare they fought. Stern and una-
banked did this Junto go on, till checked by the decifion
of an English jury. This, in some measure, hath put
a stop to the inroads of these disturbers of public and
private peace and happineſs, theſe children-damners,
who dealt destruction by wholesale to families and in-
dividuals. To such a height was this black fyſtem
carried, that in every town, village, and hamlet, were
found Spies, informers, and pROfessors; and he only
was thought most worthy who excelled most in this
glorious miſchief.

The following Narrative will partly shew the nature
of this ſystem, and the ſpirit of theſe times in which we
live.

From the commencement of the Society of the
FRIENDS OF LIBERTY IN DUNDEE, I was a member of
that Society, and had served them in various situations,
according to their choice. I was sent their delegate
twice to the Scotch and British Conventions, in Octo-
ber and November 1793; after that, I continued their
Secretary till the 16th of May, 1794;—when a war-
rant came down from Mr DUNDAS, to seize all books and
papers belonging to the Society or me, and to search all
of us for arms. A few confitables broke into the Socie-
ty's meetinghouse, and carried off the books; while ano-

[ 31 ]

ther poſſe came to me at the fame time, and searched my
mother's house for arms, but found none, (for I had
none to find.) They seized all my private manuſcript
books and papers. I went away to go to the Town
Clerk's office, to demand time to take a copy of ſome,
or all of them, if they were determined to detain them;
but calling at a friend's house, I was earneſtly solicited
not to go, as they might detain me alſo—for no man
could tell to what length the buſineſs might be car-
ried, all the ordinary barriers of justice being broke
through. They prevailed with me not to go. Next
day's poſt brought intelligence of great numbers of peo-
ple, in various parts of the country being arreſted.—
My friends and acquaintances adviſed me not to wait
till I alſo should be seized, as the want of the ordinary
course of law by Habeas Corpus left us at the mercy
of those from whom we need expect no quarter. My
health at that time being a little impaired, I found
myself unwilling to run the riſk of a long confinement;
so I took the advice of my friends, and retired to Ar-
broath, where I put up in the house of Robert Sands
ſen. the father of him who was my ſellow prifoner.

Here I ſtaid till the 31st of May, when Robert Sands
jun. came to his father's house. When he arrived, I told
him that I had been warned not to go into the town,
as an idea had gone abroad that I had fled from Dun-
dee to evade being taken up, and that a reward was
offered both for him and me. He ſaid, he ſcorned
to mind ſuch foolish ideas: So he and I went into the
town together, and called on his relations, who received
us very kindly, and entertained us hospitably with both
meat and drink, and detained us till near night. On
our way home, we went into the coffee-room, to have
an opportunity of seeing the news of the day. On
leaving that, to go to his father's house, at the corner
of one of the streets, a number of men, to appearance
maſons and weavers, were standing, who, on our paſ-
fing them, bellowed out a number of opprobrious epi-
thets, and abusiſve language. On this, my friend turned
round, and asked them, how they could infult two in-

[ 32 ]

offensive persons who were pafling. Upon this, one of
the floutest, with oaths and imprecations, fell upon
him and beat him, and was joined in the fame by the
rest. I endeavoured in vain to get him rid of them;
but they would not let him go, but must have him
before the Magistrates, when tired maltreating his bo-
dy. So away they went with him: I went along with
them to the Provost. When we arrived before him,
they fet up a great accufation against him, viz. Ro-
bert Sands. Both Robert and I offered to find suf-
ficient security to appear on Monday, or any day he
might chufe, to inveftigate the matter concerning him:
But the multitude, as on another occasion, cried out,
Away with him. So away he was carried to the Court-
house.

The Provost and Bailie Renny attended, with the
Town Clerk; when thofe persons who infulted us, and
afterwards flruck and maltreated my friend, accufed
him of beating them, without any offence on their part.
Proof was offered to the contrary, but in vain: He was
immediately condemned to pay a fine of Ten Pounds
Scots, and to be confined two days in prifon. Upon
this, a perſon complained that I alſo flruck him, in en-
devouring to rid my friend; whereupon I alſo re-
ceived the fame ſentence. This flruck me with ſur-
prife and horror; for it was eaſy to obſerve the inten-
tions of our Right Worſhipful Judges. My name was
aſked—I was not rafh in anſwering them; when a
perſon in the Court inſ instantl called out, that it was
George Carmichael; which name they immediately fet
down as mine. We were then ordered to prifon. A
meſſenger was ſent off to Dundee for perſons to iden-
ify me, and to know whether I was not George Meal-
maker, and if I had not left that town to evade being
taken up. It being Saturday on which we were ſeiz-
ed and put into prifon, on the morrow our friends con-
ferred with us on the buſineſs. They hinted to us,
that it was a pity we ſhould flay in till our time was
out, as, they ſaid, they found they meant more with
us than they avowed. We wrote to the Town Clerk

[ 33 ]

that we were ready to pay the fine, though conscious
of its injustice: The Town Clerk informed us, that
was not what was meant; the fine he did not ſuppofe
would be exacted. We then ſaw their drift fully.—
Some ſpoke to us of the impropriety of waiting the
iffue, and, if poffible, to evade it anywife. We told them,
that we should wait patiently the result, let the conſe-
quences be what they would. However a fellow-pri-
ſoner, confined for debt, privately informed the jailors
that we were to attempt breaking the prifon, in order
to escape. Upon this, a watch was ſet upon the pri-
ſon secretly. My brother, who came with Robert to
ſee me, and who was to ſet out directly for Dundee,
came to ſpeak with me at the window before he went
away: Some others came with him, who again wifhed
to ſpeak to us of the impropriety of our conduct in
not trying to effect our escape. When they approached
near the window, the ſecret watch fired a gun at them
loaded with flug, which made them make a precipitate
retreat. On the morrow, we were again brought up
from our cell for examination. William Moncrief,
town officer, from Dundee, was in the Court, to i-
dentify my perſon. We were accuſed of an attempt
to break the prifon—we denied it. The examination
then took place. They aſked my name and occupa-
tion—I told them. They then commenced an exa-
mination concerning my political conduct: I told them,
I did not think they had any right to examine me on
that head; and therefore, I refuſed to anſwer them a-
ny question they might put to me. But leaſt I might
bring any perſon in Arbroath to trouble, when aſked
whether I had any meetings with the people in Ar-
broath, I anſWERED, that I had been at no political
meeting in that place. As I refuſed to anſwer any
more of their questions, I was remanded back to pri-
ſon, along with my friend. And now commenced the
horrors of a baſtle. The door of our cell was not
allowed to be opened but in the preference of a guard
of twenty-five or thirty men, raiſed for the purpose of
guarding us every night.—No perſon was allowed to ſee

[ 34 ]

us but in the preference of our keepers, and that only
at our window—Our letters going and coming must
be inspected by the Town Clerk, or some of the Magi-
strates—Our victims must also pass through the grates
of the window, after being strictly examined what they
were:—For three days no water was allowed us:—
Our bed must be the hard flooring, no sftraw, nor bed-
clothes being permitted us, though we were willing to
purchase or get either for ourselves. For eight days
we continued in this state; and we were denied the
use of fire during our stay, though the damp was fore
against us.

A few days after our second commitment, a meeting of
the Justices of the county was held in Arbroath, when
our cafe, we underflood, was spoken of. One of our keep-
ers came to the window, and asked for a snuff from my
friend: He gave him it, but was told, that was not the
box he saw before. I immediately smelled what he
wanted, and gave him my box; and ordered him to
tell them to take off it what they pleased, but return
me my own again,—as I underflood he or some other
person had informed them we had a box with some
inscriptions on it. However the box was not returned.
After we were confined seven days, I wrote the follow-
ing letter, which we both signed, and sent it to the
Magistrates.

TO THE

MAGISTRATES OF ARBROATH.

GENTLEMEN,

Necessity obliges us to write you again
from your Bastile,—deeply impressed, though not de-
jected, by our present treatment, as we are given to
understand that our present suffering is for the cause

[ 35 ]

of truth; to suffer for support of which we are happy,
and return you thanks for the refined manner you have
chosen in order to excite our gratitude; sensible from
past experience, (though not in ourselves) that such
good things, so liberally beftowed, are only congenial
to you and your worthy town. Had we been crimi-
nals, guilty of the most desperate and felonious action
that can degrade human nature, little more could have
been done in many things, and not so much in one.
We are deprived of the society of every good and
charitable person who might wish to fulfil the duty
of a Christian towards us. Though our lives and
health should be the sacrifice, we, at your exprefs com-
mand, are forbid the use of fire to warm and exhilarate
our nerves, and destroy the damp of our execrable cell;
even our victims cannot be conveyed to us but through
the grates of our window,—and such only as can be so
conveyed in this way we receive. It is in vain for us
farther to enumerate our many blessings, which are
all known to you, and lavished upon us with the ut-
most profusion; and all this given unto us for allega-
tions as yet unfounded by proof, or supported by pre-
cedent, and which we deny as manifeft falſchoods.

Gentlemen, we would remind you what the laws of
your country allow, and which you seem to have forgot,
that every man ought and should be supposed innocent,
ntil legally found guilty upon trial. We would ap-
peal unto yourselves, if this has been obſerved in re-
ſpect to us. Thinking it a mistake or neglect, we pe-
titioned you for the use of fire. We regret that we were
under any neceſsity to petition, as we must appeal to
yourselves if the health of innocent men, your fellow
mortals, are to be put in imminent danger without ajuſt
reafon. No reafon can be produced. You yourſelves
know that our characters stand fair and unspotted in
the places of our refidence. Besides, we have lain
these seven days, suffering the most unmerited and un-
precedented usage, without being asked by you or any
other, whether we had any thing to ſupport us. Is

[ 36 ]

this the manner of the British Constitution which you pretend so much to revere ? No.

Upon the whole, your conduct to us has been one act of despotism and tyranny, more becoming a Turk-than-Bahaw than Magistrates in this kingdom under his gracious Majesty King George the Third. To your own confidences we leave you; act as you pleafe : We are ready to suffer any punifhment or hardship for the cause of truth that can be inflicted.

GEORGE MEALMAKER.
ROBERT SANDS.

P. S.—We have been these three days without so much as a single drop of fresh water.

UPON receipt of this letter, and some from gentlemen, our friends, in our own places of refidence, we were allowed straw and some bed-clothes, and a fix-pence each per day for our subsistence. All the other parts of our rigorous usage were continued with unabated fury; for, when our bed-clothes were handed through the window-grates to us on the night following, though we received nothing but in the preference of our keepers, the whole of them, armed, broke in upon us in the middle of the night, searched and uncovered us, under the pretence we had received firearms along with our clothes. After glutting themselves with the fight of our naked bodies, they departed, railing and cursing us as they went;—and such was their usual mode of conduct, that we could scarce find any rest because of the noise of our motely guard, they seemingly delighting in our disturbance. Such, in short, was our usage, that when we sent an account of it to our friends in the west country, they were determined to make an application to Parliament on the subject.

We continued in this situation, till an order arrived to send us to Edinburgh; and about two o'clock in the morning of Wednesday the 18th of May, the door was opened,—when the Captain of the guard asked us, if we

[ 37 ]

would wish to go to Dundee: We told them, we would willingly go to any other town but theirs. We were then ordered to prepare to go immediately.—We did so. When ready, in a few minutes a pair of shackles were brought, wherein we were locked like a couple of hounds, and put in a chaife with one of the train of artillery along with us, a meffenger and two other artillery-men on horseback. We arrived in Dundee ahout fix o'clock, and were put in the tolbooth there, till preparations were made to take us farther. In about an hour after, we were taken out again, and walked down to the shore, where we were put on board of a vessel, guarded by a party of soldiers, and by them convoyed to the other side. Here William Moncrief and John Cameron, constables, with the meffenger who attended us from Arbroath, formed our guard to Cuper. When we arrived there, we received some refreshment and a new guard, and proceeded straight to Edinburgh, which we entered with our shackles on. We were ordered to a room where several others were confined for different matters. Here, indeed, we experienced a different mode of treatment: We were allowed every comfort we could procure for ourselves; which, however, could not be great, being allowed only three pence per day. That we found insufficient to satisfy the greedy maws of trippers and jailors, for doing any little service to us which we could not do for ourselves.

On the morrow after our arrival in Edinburgh, we were taken to the Sheriff Clerk's office, where I underwent the following examination, in preference of the Sheriff, Procurator Fiscal, Mr Warrender, and the Sheriff Clerk.

I was asked my name, trade, and place of residence;—whether I was a member of the two last Conventions held in Edinburgh;—whether I was secretary to the society of the Friends of Liberty;—whether the books and papers found, belonging to the society, were my writing: Also, whether the other books and papers found when searching the house of

D

[ 38 ]

my residence, were mine and my hand-write. They
being shewn me, I anſwered in the affirmative to all
the above queſtions, I was then aſked, whether I
knew of a Convention to be held in London: —I an-
ſwered, I had heard ſo, by a letter ſent to me from
Edinburgh, but knew not who wrote the letter. I
was aſked if we had not delegated Mr M'Ewen, mi-
nifter in Dundee, to be our delegate at that Conven-
tion: They ſhewing me a copy of his powers as ſuch,
in the books of the ſociety, I told them, we had wrote
him a letter empowering him to be our delegate; but
that he wrote us a letter, ſtating, that he could not
accept it. They then aſked me, what was the objeſt
of our ſociety; and whether we meant to accompliſh
our objeſt by arms. I told them the objeſt of our
ſociety was to obtain a Reform in the Commons Houſe
of Parliament, but that I never heard of arms. They
then deſcended to aſk me ſeveral frivolous queſtions,—
whether I knew ſuch and ſuch men,—and then re-
manded me back to prifon.

We continued there till the 28th of June, when we
we were both brought back to the Sheriff-Clerk's office.
The Procurator Fiscal aſked us, whether we would with
to go out upon bail, as we could not be liberate any
other way. We anſwered in the affirmative; and that
we would write to our friends for the bail required.
Accordingly we procured the bail demanded, and ob-
tained a warrant of liberation; but we found our ſeves
in a fresh dilemma. The Captain of the jail preſented
an account to us amounting to One Shilling per day
for our lodgings. This we thought an impoſition,
and, in our condition, a thing unattainable. We wrote
to the Sheriff, but he would do nothing in it. My
friend compounded with the jailor, and went out; but
this I could not—so I wrote to the Provoſt, who or-
dered my immediate liberation.

Once more, then, I breathed a better air. But,
alas! what ſituation did I find myſelf in! My health
and constitution not a little injured,—without a farthing
in my pocket, ſave one penny Sterling,—at a diſtance

[ 39 ]

from home;—and through the horrors of a wicked
perſecution,—lies and defamation, malicious detraſion
and calumny had ſucceeded in ſhaking to the founda-
tion all confidence between man and man, and tearing
up by the roots wonted friendſhip and ſocial intercourſe.
All was terror; and each ſeemed to act upon the de-
bating and low motives of fear, and a falſe notion of
ſelf-prefervation; ſo that whom to apply to I knew
not. However, one of my friends, who ventured to be
bail for me, willingly advanced me as much as carried
me home.

On my arrival there, what a ſcene preſented itſelf
to me! Some of my deareſt connections injured by
galling apprehenſions for me, both in their body and
mind,—myſelf involved in debt, and robbed of my books
and papers, the labour of years, which I accounted
more valuable than their weight in gold.

Ah! blinded Britons! for what was all this, but
for ſeeking your good more than my own. Zeal for
the happineſs of mankind in general, and my own na-
tion in particular, prompted me to adopt that course,
for ſteering in which I ſuffered. Short ſighted and
ſhallow mortals, do not your preſent ſufferings and late
conduct ſhew plainly that you were the blind dupes
of worthleſs Court intriguers, ignorant alarmiſts, de-
ſigning knaves, hired ſcribblers, and priefly impoſors?
Did I, or any that walked with me, aſk any more or
intend any greater innovation, than ſome of thofe
who were our jailors, guards, and moſt violent perſecu-
tors, now contend for in open face of day, for which
they feel a little of the fame perſecuting arm that de-
ſigned to crush us?* You will now fee to your coſt,

* Captain (now Major) FRAZER appeared the boldest of our guards; for he would, when our night table was removing, advance within a yard of me, having a pair of loaded pitfols preſented, and was preſent, in caſe of need, almost every night.

See the LORD LIEUTENANT's Letter to Maj. FRAZER, and the
Answer of Mefirs. MAULE, FRAZER, BRUCE, &c.

D 2

[ 40 ]

that 'tis easier to give unlimited power and unbounded
confidence in a time of delusive alarm, than to take it a-
way when the mask is withdrawn, and the delusion
ceaseth to charm. But as, doubtless, you now see your
errors, I will not grant you more with the recital of
them.

Shortly after my arrival, I wrote a letter to the
Magistrates of Arbroath, demanding my snuff-box (viz.
Letter Second) ; and in January following, I wrote a
third letter to them, which was likewise signed by my
fellow prisoner, (see Letter Third). My snuff-box was
fent in answer to the second, but I received no answer
to the third.

GEORGE MEALMAKER.

[ 41 ]

## LETTER SECOND.

(Referred to in the Narrative.)

TO THE

LORD PROVOST OF ARBROATH,

MR. ABERDEEN.

SIR,

WHEN I was examined in Edinburgh,
all my papers were shewn me, the which I identified,
—for, Sir, I will ever dare to be honest in the work of
times. But how was I aftonited at not seeing my
snuff-box there also! In my opinion, Sir, you and
some others have combined to ill-use one who could
never allow himself so much as to think for a moment
of violating private property, or hurt the person of a-
ny man. Your temerity, after using me and my friend
in so extraordinary a manner, to keep the least article
of my property from me, was truly shocking. How-
ever, this I will inform you, you have acquired fame
by it; and if we had been kept longer in your custody,
you would have acquired infinitely more, as the whole
was to have undergone a Parliamentary discussion;—
and surely it would have redounded to your immortal
honour, as no such things are experienced any where
but with you. But leaving these things to remain in
silence, I now make the demand of an honest man.—
Remit immediately to me my own, or I will be under
the necessity of prosecuting you. In so doing, you
will do justice so far to

GEORGE MEALMAKER.

D 3

[ 42 ]

LETTER THIRD.

TO THE

LORD PROVOST OF ARBROATH.

SIR,

WE have wrote to you on various occa-
sions, demanding justice of you in various ways and
shapes: Indeed I am forry to have it to say, and with
truth too, at your instance we were incarcerate for one
thing, and served with a commitment for another; and
all this upon no other ground than your bare suspicion
that we were Parliamentary Reformers. To you it is
known, (I shall not say you had connivance with these
wretches who affaulted us upon the street, and after-
wards safely belied the truth,) that we were innocent
of the first charge brought against us before you, as
one of your chief servants allowed one day to ourselves,
viz. the Town Clerk. What ground you then had
to detain us upon the other, remains to be diffused.
Perhaps you will say, the Habeas Corpus act was re-
pealed, and we were left to act according as our will
might be with respect to the liberty of the lieges. If
this was your thought, you betrayed the groftest igno-
rance along with the most criminal intentions; for the
act which suspended the grand palladium of our liber-
ties, the Habeas Corpus act, only militated against
treasonable plots and conspiracies suppoſed then to
exist in the country, which now have been proved not
to have any existence, but in the wild imaginations of
a base and wicked Ministry, who wifhed to ruin, in-
fult, and enslave a virtuous and a loyal people, in or-

[ 43 ]

der the better to hide their crimes and folly, and en-
fure them in their ill-gotten places and power: And
even those men who were suppoſed to be guilty of trea-
son and conspiracy were not to be apprehended, but
upon information being fsworn to, on papers found,
giving reason to believe that they might be guilty; and
a warrant for their apprehension was not to be uſed
except signed by fix of the Privy Council. Were any of
these forms obſerved with respect to us? No—you exer-
ciſed a palpable degree of power towards us, unprece-
dented even in this time of chicane, perſecution, de-
ceit, violence, and oppreſsion. Mr Sergeant Adair
hath ſaid, although the friend and ſupporter of the pre-
fent Administration, that notwithstanding the ſupſenſion
of the Habeas Corpus, any perſon who may be appre-
hended on ſuspicion of being guilty of treason, if prov-
ed innocent, may procure the Ministry for damages;
intimating to us, that though this act be repealed, we
are not left without protection. But we have not them
to prosecute, for they did not apprehend us, although
they have declared us innocent. We then muſt say, we
were apprehended by you in a wanton and illegal man-
ner. 'Tis to you then we muſt look for redreſs, and for
that competent allowance given to those who are im-
prisoned for crimes against the ſtate, of that nature
which you incarcerate us for. We wait not for your
deliberate decision;—we have experienced your ge-
nerality, and deſpife it: We demand it in name of juſ-
tice; and if you refuse to comply with our just de-
mands, we shall immediately take our measures for re-
dreſs, to another and more reſpectable quarter.

When we reflect for a moment on the manner we
were uſed while in your custody, it fills us with hor-
ror; and, if your measures prevent it not, ſhall fill
you with ſhame yet in another place. When illegally
confined by you, we were confined in a place hardly
fit for a condemned felon, without any of these indul-
gences that might have tended to make it leſs horrible.
For several days we had nothing to reſt our fickly
bones upon but the hard flooring, no bed-clothes being

[ 44 ]

allowed by you to be brought in;—even straw, which
is allowed to them who to-morrow are to give fatis-
faction to an injured country and a defiled law, by a
shameful death, was denied us. Three days were we
without water. Almost overcome with the damp of
our execrable cell, we petitioned you for fire;—it was
refused, although at the risk of our lives in the situa-
tion our health was then. Like dangerous reptiles or
ferpents, none were allowed to see us, but an inflicting
crew of an armed mob, raging with drunkenness, in-
fulting us in our mifery, which was against and oppo-
site to law; and in their drunken fallies, as though
nothing could be too cruel that was in their power to
do to us, would break in upon us in the middle of the
night, search and uncover us; then, after inflicting us,
would again retire to a more distant place with noife
and tumult, there to continue their curling, railing,
and disturbing us. Also, we were not allowed any
thing to support us, although the highwayman, who is
condemned by a jury of his own countrymen, receives
as much as is thought sufficient to retain his miferable
life, till the sentence of the law makes him expire; yet
we, who were then innocent, as we are now declared
to be by his Majesty's Ministers, received nothing till
compelled by our distant friends to give us a small pit-
tance as felons. Our very victims, which were brought
us by one of our relations, as though it would have
been dangerous to come within reach of us, were al-
lowed only to pass through the grate of the window.
And to conclude the whole of the wicked scene with
one act of more refined barbarity, after you could keep
us no longer, nor infult us any more, you put chains on
us to depart from you, as a mark of your inflexible
malice and refined cruelty to Reformers; for it was
not us, but the cause of mankind, which is ever the
cause of God, which you was inflicting, and vilifying.
These are noble fears to us, but to you they are a shame,
and a terrible ulcer not easily to be healed. God
will support truth and virtue, if all men should be
made liars.

[ 45 ]

Now, Sir, though we have reminded you of these
things, we are, as then, free of malice, detesting only
vice, pitying the actors of it. And, Sir, as our claim is
foolish, we expect an answer from you by course of post,
either giving us that which the law directs we should
receive from you, or informing us whether we are not
to receive it. Upon no answer being given to this, we
shall adopt that path, which thank God, is still open
to the injured.

GEORGE MEALMAKER,
ROBERT SANDS.

DUNDEE, January, 1795.

Mr ABERDEEN, the Lord Provost of Arbroath.

F I N I S.

[ 46 ]

ODE TO LIBERTY.

WRITTEN BY MY FELLOW PRISONER, WHILE UNDER
CONFINEMENT.

TUNE---" Wae's my heart that we should funder."

O LIBERTY, thou darling maid,
Hear our request we do implore ye;
O grant to us thy powerful aid,
And we for ever will adore ye.
Too long has thy bright form been hid,
That form which yeilds the greatest pleasure;
By knaves too long has man been led,
And robb'd of thee, his only treasure.

2.

Kings and Priests in ev'ry age
Have held it as their bounden duty,
T' oppose, with the most violent rage,
The smallest knowledge of thy beauty.
But man at length begins to know
His own importance, and thy glory :
And all that tyrants now can do,
Will never one moment stand before ye.

3.

Without thy aid no man can live
A happy life in any station;
Thy beauties do all blessings give,—
Without them mischief and vexation.
Then come, and shine in every land,
Bring peace and knowledge in thy features;
'Tis thou that tyrants can command,
And give all blessings to the creatures.