Saudi Pact May Set
Pattern in Mideast

By Oswald Johnston

Star-News Staff Writer

The United States intends to make the cooperation agreement with Saudi Arabia that was signed and formalized in recent days a model for expanded American economic and security relationships in the Arab world, government officials said yesterday.

Pointing to the establishment late last month of a "joint cooperation commission" with Egypt — which in many respects resembles the joint economic and security commissions to be established with Saud Arabia — State Department officials forecast a redoubled effort to expand U.S. influence among Arab nations.

Officials mentioned by name only such long-standing friendly states as Jordan as likely candidates, but one official opened the door to speculation by adding: "I would not rule out any state in the Middle East or North Africa."

TWO OBVIOUS candidates on this list are Algeria and Syria — both states which broke off diplomatic relations with the United States after the 1967 Arab-Israel war. Both are gradually

edging back toward a normal relationship with the United States.

It is generally forecast in diplomatic circles that an announcement of renewed relations with Syria will be one of the few concrete results of President Nixon's Middle East trip.

Officials yesterday stressed these broader diplomatic dimensions of the U.S.-Saudi move toward an enhanced "special relationship" in the obvious hope that the agreement, signed yesterday morning, would not be interpreted "narrowly" as an American move to insure a safe supply of oil.

A joint statement setting forth the agreement, which was signed by Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger and Prince Fahd ibn Abdul Aziz, the Saudi Interior minister, likewise underlined the more grandiose hopes for the agreement.

The agreement "enhanced the spirit of friendship and understanding" between the two countries, and described a "friendship" that is "not based exclusively on material considerations" — meaning Saudi Arabia's immense oil reserves and the United States' expanding need to import large quantities of oil.

See PACT, A-8

PACT

Continued from Page A-1

"THE UNITED STATES, for its part, hopes that this cooperation will be the benchmark for its evolving relations with the Arab world," the joint statement added. This was an apparent allusion to the American drive to counterbalance Soviet influence in the Arab world as a result of Kissinger's so-far successful peace efforts.

The statement referred specifically to the Kissinger diplomacy, that Saudi Arabia, last winter the leader in an oil embargo aimed at punishing U.S. Middle East policy, now found "satisfaction" in that policy.

Officials denied, moreover, that the Saudi delegation had sought to impose conditions on the new relationship linked in any way to the Arab-Israeli conflict or future U.S. diplomatic moves in the Middle East.

In a more general sphere, the joint statement speaks of a "broad review of global problems of peace and security" — an apparent reference to the latent superpower confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union in the Middle East.

More to the point, the statement hints broadly at an expanded U.S.-Saudi community of interest in the field of military security.

"It was recognized," the statement declares in cautiously understated language, "that responsibility for maintaining security and promoting orderly development (in the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf) belonged to the states of the region, and that close cooperation

among them is needed for their security."

IT HAS been an undeclared objective of U.S. policy in the Persian Gulf ever since the departure of British forces in 1971 to foster an informal security cooperative among the oil-rich conservative states of the region, in part to counter Soviet influence in neighboring Iraq. Expanded weapons sales to Iran and, to a far lesser extent, to Saudi Arabia, have marked this policy during the past three years.

In the new agreement, a joint commission on security affairs has been established to function as a "final court of review," of on-going U.S.-Saudi weapons supply and military training programs. Robert Ellsworth, Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, is the U.S. REPRESENTATIVE on the commission.

Underlying the whole agreement is clearly a recognition on the part of both parties of a convergence of complementary interests.

The United States needs an assured oil supply. Saudi Arabia an immense oil reservoir, needs U.S. technology and expertise to diversify and industrialize its economy against the day the oil runs out, or is no longer needed as the main source of energy in the world.

ACCORDINGLY, the greater part of the joint statement was devoted to spelling out economic details of the agreement, many of whose specifics have been made public in recent days.

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6/19/74

# Kissinger's Office Said to Order FBI Taps Removed

By Seymour M. Hersh

New York Times News Service

Henry A. Kissinger's National Security Council office was directly responsible for ordering the Federal Bureau of Investigation to end the 17 so-called "national security" wiretaps on newsmen and officials that began in 1969, highly placed sources said yesterday.

The sources said that as late as February 1971, when the last eight wiretaps were shut down, specific termination orders were telephoned to the FBI by Gen. Alexander M. Haig Jr., the current White House chief of staff who was then a Kissinger deputy.

These new allegations, supported by officials closely involved in the wiretapping program, contradict Kissinger's testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last September in hearings on his nomination as secretary of State.

I KISSINGER told the senators that after May 1970, he and Haig were in touch with the FBI only when the wiretaps produced a "particularly egregious" report.

He also told the senators that he never "explicitly" dealt with the question of terminating the wiretaps.

"I assumed that a wiretap which proved unproductive was terminated," Kissinger testified.

The source told the New York Times, however, that FBI records showed that Kissinger, through Haig, rebuffed at least two and possibly three, of the bureau's requests in mid-1969 that a wiretap on the home of Morton H. Halperin, then a Kissinger aide, be terminated because it was unproductive.

One memorandum quotes

Haig as citing Kissinger by name in rejecting the bureau's pleas, which were made in June, a month after the wiretap was put in place, and again in late summer.

HALPERIN, who later quit the National Security Council in protest over the Nixon administration's Vietnam policies, has since sued Kissinger and others on the ground that they violated his constitutional rights.

A high-level White House source acknowledged that Haig had served as a liaison man between Kissinger and the FBI on the wiretaps, but added: "He only did what he was told to."

Kissinger has repeatedly denied that he "directly" initiated the wiretapping program and insisted that the idea to do so originated at a White House meeting he attended on May 9, 1969, with President Nixon and J. Edgar Hoover, the late FBI director.

The Times' sources, in a series of recent interviews, said there was no such White House meeting on May 9, 1969. FBI files show that Hoover dictated a memorandum on that day describing a telephone conversation with Kissinger who was then with the President at Key Biscayne, Fla., about information leaks to newspapers and their peril to foreign policy.

The FBI files also cast strong doubt on Kissinger's assertion to the Senate panel that "my role was limited to supplying names" of those with special clearances who had access to leaked material. Three of the first four officials who were wiretapped by Kissinger's office in May 1969 did not have access to the secrets leaked.

Jack Anderson

# Foreign Aid: A Tale of Generosity

WASH. POST 6/9/94

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger put his prestige on the line last week to sell Congress on another $4.2 billion foreign aid bill. This staggering outlay is "essential," he pleaded, to maintain peace in the Mideast and Southeast Asia.

Maybe so.

But for a quarter of a century, we have watched the dollars rain on the just and the unjust alike. The foreign aid program has produced the greatest financial fallout of all time. We decided to measure its dimensions, if we could, going back to the end of World War II. We interviewed key officials, reviewed the public record and examined some classified documents.

Here are our startling findings:

* Since 1946, the American taxpayers have given or loaned a mind-boggling $164 billion to their neighbors around the world. We traced economic payments to 132 nations and military aid to 31 nations. We didn't bother to compute the additional U.S. millions that were funneled to needy nations through international organizations.

Of the $164 billion, only a paltry $15 billion has been repaid. Uncle Sam didn't expect to get back $127 billion, which was disbursed as outright gifts. A little more than $22 billion is still in the books, as unpaid debts.

On the home front, meanwhile, crime ran rampant, black ghettos were obliterated, drug addiction became epidemic, thousands died from cancer and heart disease. These problems would be less troublesome today, undoubtedly, and they received the same attention we gave foreign nations.

* The United States has supported opposing sides in nearly a dozen wars since World War II ended. Uncle Sam aided both sides, for example, when Nicaragua invaded Costa Rica in 1955; when Honduras and Nicaragua battled over their borders in 1957; when Morocco and Spain fought over Spanish Morocco in 1958; when France and Tunisia collided during the 1961 Bizerta Crisis; when India invaded the Portuguese colony of Goa in 1962; and when Indonesia invaded Malaysia during the early 1960s.

* The Pentagon gave massive doses of military aid to India and Pakistan, whose armies used U.S. weapons to fire at one another in 1965. American military assistance went to both Arabs

and Israelis before they clashed in 1967 and again in 1973; to India and Pakistan before the 1971 Bangladesh war; and to both El Salvador and Honduras during their "soccer war" of 1969.

* For all the talk of rapprochement, the Cold War has scarcely subsided. Most nations still receive military assistance from either the United States, Russia or China. This is frankly described by Pentagon people as part of the world power play. Or as one expert put it, "we want to win friends and influence people." Classified documents refer to military aid as necessary for U.S. security.

* American aid bolsters some of the world's most repressive governments. By our count, at least 34 military and civilian dictatorships in Africa, Europe, Latin America, Mideast and Far East are on the U.S. welfare list.

It is practically impossible to compute the total aid dictatorships have received, as they have risen and fallen, over the past 28 years. But during the last four years alone, according to our calculations, U.S. taxpayers have shelled out $3.7 billion in support of dictators. This doesn't include the $11.4 billion that has gone to the mili-

tary governments of South Vietnam, Cambodia and Thailand since 1970.

Uganda's madman dictator, Gen. Idi Amin, has expelled Americans, detained Peace Corps volunteers and sent insulting telegrams to President Nixon. The United States has shown its annoyance by refusing to send an ambassador to Uganda.

But the United States would never do anything so drastic, apparently, as to halt foreign aid. Gen. Amin went on collecting $5.7 million in grants and loans in 1972 and another $1.6 million in 1973.

* The United States is still pumping millions, incredibly, into the oil-rich countries which have shown their gratitude by soaking their American customers through inflated oil prices. Excluding Russia and Canada, which got no foreign aid, the top nine petroleum-producing countries have collected $5.6 billion from the U.S. Treasury since 1946.

Saudi Arabia has received $327 million in loans and grants, of which King Faisal still owes Washington $50 million. Iran has received a staggering $2.1 billion in American aid during the postwar years. Yet the Shah, afloat in

a sea of palaces, jewels and cash, has an outstanding debt of $230 million.

* Millions of American aid dollars have been used, not to feed the poor, heal the sick and arm the troops, but to line the pockets of the privileged, potentates and petty dictators. In South Vietnam alone, officials estimate, hundreds of American-made millionaires are still stuffing greenbacks in their secret Swiss bank accounts.

"Certainly more than a few (Saigon) subjects are millionaires," reported an independent research group, and "there are probably several hundred who together could pay the Saigon government's bills "each year for a decade hence."

Countless more millions have gurgled down the drain as a result of bureaucratic mismanagement. Over the years, aid officials have given refrigerators to Eskimos; built a sawmill in Iran, where the only available lumber, teak, is too hard to cut with it; shipped thousands of tubes of toothpaste to Cambodia, a nation without toothbrushes.

* America's unprecedented generosity has brought more grumbling than gratitude. Our Latin American neighbors have received $13.6 billion, yet they constantly complain that Uncle Sam neglects them.

The Arabs have raised a howl over U.S. support of Israel. The truth is that Israel has received $2.7 billion in American aid while her Arab enemies have collected $2.9 billion.

The European countries, which the United States rescued from the ashes of war with the Marshall Plan, have gotten $38 billion since World War II. The French, eternally looking down their noses upon Washington, received $8.3 billion.

Some of the worst deadbeats are also some of the most solvent. Austria, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Ireland and Portugal, combined, owe the United States $91.5 million. They weren't even asked to pay back a whopping $2.4 billion in outright grants. England still owes the United States over $1.6 billion, was never asked to repay $4.5 billion.

The American people have been the most generous in history, but they might be excused if they should now ask themselves whether it was worth it.

©1974, United Feature Syndicate

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# A Little Help for Our Friends

## By Russell Baker

As part of its new friendship with the Arabs, the United States has agreed to redesign the camel.

In its present form, as everyone knows, the camel is a horse designed by a committee. Professor Kissinger wanted to avoid a repetition of this botch by designing the new camel all by himself, but he ran into a snag at the White House.

The Kissinger design called for replacing the camel's long, drooping neck with a more rigid upright neck similar to the giraffe's so that the camel would be able to get a better view of what was coming over the next sand dune.

The White House, however, was unhappy with this. President Nixon is concerned about keeping favor with Southern Senators whose votes he may need to avoid conviction on a bill impeachment. For this reason he

wanted the redesigned camel to reflect his love for the South.

And so General Haig, the President's assistant, told Mr. Kissinger to build an alligator snout onto the new camel.

Secretary Kissinger agreed, but under tests at the Pentagon the giraffe neck broke down after less than fifty hours of supporting the massive alligator jaw and left the snout dragging in the sand, which ground down the alligator teeth and damaged the gums.

A subsequent modification removed the neck entirely and attached the snout directly to the camel's shoulders, but this had to be abandoned after Senator Goldwater said it looked too radical.

The final compromise was suggested by the State Department, acting on its basic operating principle, "When in doubt, do nothing." This called for doing away with the neck and snout and, in their place, to keep the South happy, attaching a possum tail.

## OBSERVER

The Pentagon objected that this would give the camel a tail at both ends, which would make it militarily hard to cope with because it would be hard to tell whether the camel was retreating or advancing.

At this point Professor Kissinger produced one of his ingenious solutions, and redesigned the camel so it would move sideways.

The Department of Transportation objected, however, that with the camel's hump and flanks moving sideways into the wind, the creature was aerodynamically unsound and would be blown backwards in high desert winds.

Its solution was to remove the hump and take off the camel's legs, so it would lie close to the desert floor, thus reducing wind resistance.

Professor Kissinger objected strongly.

A camel without legs was useless, he said.

"If you made the possum tail stronger," the President suggested, "you would have a camel that could swing by its tail through the palm trees."

"But there aren't enough palm trees to make tree-swinging a viable means of locomotion," said Mr. Kissinger.

The Agriculture Department said it could plant palm trees along the major camel routes.

"That still doesn't solve the problem of the hump," said Mr. Kissinger. "If we remove the hump as the Department of Transportation proposes, we will have a camel with no hump, and a camel with no hump can hardly be called a camel at all."

"What we could do," said the Army, "is take a lot of horses and put a hump on each horse's back and have the horse's move along the palm-lined camel routes so every camel would

have his hump moving right along under him."

Professor Kissinger said the burden of carrying humps would put a terrible strain on the horses' neck muscles, but the Army said that was easily solved by replacing the horses' necks with the discarded camel necks that had to be removed anyhow to make room for the possum tails.

"And it will be a shot in the arm for employment," said the Labor Department, "with a whole new industry springing up to mount humps and camel necks on horses."

"It is clever," Professor Kissinger admitted. "The Arabs not only get a new camel and plenty of palm trees but also a horse designed by a committee, while the President strengthens his position with the crucial Southern bloc."

"That's government with a purpose," said the President. "Henry, get cracking."

<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>
        <p>dates when the -- when these wire-taps were instituted and by the fact that by -- on the basis of documents that I've submitted.</p>
        <p>SENATOR EDMUND MUSKIE: Did you yourself initiate and originate the recommendation that the wire-tap program be initiated?</p>
        <p>SECRETARY KISSINGER: I did not.</p>
        <p>KALB: KISSINGER said the program was instituted by the President, former Attorney General John MITCHELL and the late FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover. His own role, KISSINGER said, was limited to supplying the names of people who had access to documents that were leaked. The question of whether the committee will further explore the wiretap issue was left open.</p>
        <p>Bernard KALB, CBS News, Washington.</p>
      </td>
      <td>
        <h3>Force Reduction Defeated</h3>
        <p>BLAIR: The administration has won a major foreign policy victory with Senate defeat of proposals to cut back American troops overseas.</p>
        <p>That story from John COCHRAN.</p>
        <p>JOHN COCHRAN: The administration knew it had a tough fight on its hands. Last year it had been over-confident, and the result was a Senate vote to bring more than one hundred thousand cis home. Although the House blocked those cuts, the administration had learned its lesson. And this year Defense Secretary SCHLESINGER and Henry KISSINGER worked hard to round up votes.</p>
        <p>They succeeded with the help of conservative and moderate Democrats, like NUNN of Georgia.</p>
        <p>SENATOR SAM NUNN: Well, I think Secretary SCHLESINGER's made an awful lot of progress in NATO. He has gotten tough with the allies there, and he's made some demands on them pursuant to the JACKSON-NUNN Amendment which was passed last year relating to the offset of the balance of payment. He has made it very well known that we are insisting on a conventional effort by the allies and that we're insisting on a conventional defense, not an exclusive reliance on nuclear weapons.</p>
        <p>COCHRAN: One of the losers, CRANSTON of California, who wanted to bring seventy-six thousand American troops home, had another explanation for his defeat. CRANSTON said a majority of the Senate felt a vote for troop cuts now would embarrass President NIXON shortly before he enters face-to-face negotiations with the Russians in Moscow.</p>
        <p>John COCHRAN, NBC News, at the Capitol.</p>
        <h3>General Abrams Recuperating</h3>
        <p>BLAIR: General Creighton ABRAMS, the Army Chief of Staff, is recuperating this morning after lung surgery for cancer.</p>
      </td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>
        <p>ABC EVENING NEWS ABC TV 7:00 PM<br>JUNE 7</p>
        <p>No News of Relevance to DOD</p>
      </td>
      <td></td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>
        <p>THE TODAY SHOW NBC TV 7:00 AM<br>JUNE 7</p>
        <p>French Tribute on D-Day Anniversary</p>
      </td>
      <td></td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>
        <p>FRANK BLAIR: The thirtieth anniversary of D-Day and the Landings in Normandy was marked yesterday by thousands of allied veterans in France and by a large contingent of French veterans who journeyed to New York for the occasion.</p>
        <p>Robert HAGER reports.</p>
        <p>ROBERT HAGER: Nearly a thousand French veterans of World War II made a pilgrimage to the Statue of Liberty and other monuments as an expression of their gratitude to the Americans who came ashore on the beaches of Normandy.</p>
        <p>Old comrades-in-arms met.</p>
        <p>[Singing of the "Marseillaise."]</p>
        <p>It was a day filled with emotion and the memories of thirty years ago.</p>
        <p>Robert HAGER, NBC News, New York.</p>
      </td>
      <td></td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

3 Monday, June 10, 1974

<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>
        <p><strong>CBS MORNING NEWS</strong> CBS TV 7:00 AM<br>
        <strong>JUNE 7</strong></p>
        <p><strong>Jackson Expresses Summit Concern</strong></p>
        <p><strong>HUGHES RUDD:</strong> One man who seems unimpressed by President NIXON's forthcoming trip to the Soviet Union is Democratic Senator Henry JACKSON of Washington. And JACKSON told Barry Serafin why.</p>
        <p><strong>SENATOR HENRY JACKSON:</strong> He will be going to Moscow under the cloud of Impeachment hearings. And there will be more talk about what's going on in Washington in the context of his talks in Moscow, and it'll be clouded by the nationwide television coverage by that time of the House Judiciary Committee hearings. And I think it's going to be confusion. I believe that they will announce some things, maybe something on limited nuclear underground testing. They may announce some economic deals, and that sort of thing.</p>
        <p>But in terms of meaningful movement towards a lessening of tensions and towards peace, I don't see it.</p>
        <p><em>It's a ceremonial trip.</em></p>
        <p><strong>SVNese Conduct Bombing Raids</strong></p>
        <p><strong>RUDD:</strong> South Vietnamese military sources report that government planes have carried out heavy bombing raids on North Vietnamese positions about twenty-five miles north of Saigon.</p>
        <p>There's been heavy ground fighting in that area for more than three weeks, with government troops trying to drive the North Vietnamese out.</p>
        <p><strong>Conflicting Views on Moscow Summit</strong></p>
        <p><strong>RUDD:</strong> Our "Spectrum" commentaries this morning are about presidential travels and presidential problems. And the commentaries are by Nick THIMMESCH and Martin NOLAN.</p>
        <p><strong>MARTIN NOLAN:</strong> The old American bromide says that politics stops at the water's edge. But not President NIXON's politics. His whole anti-Impeachment strategy --</p>
      </td>
      <td>
        <p>buying time -- goes into effect this month with a trip to the Middle East and then later to Moscow. The political process of impeachment, meanwhile, slows down.</p>
        <p><strong>Richard NIXON</strong> seeking temporary asylum in the Kremlin should be quite a sight, Nick. Is this trip necessary? Maybe. A solid agreement limiting nuclear arms may require a presidential presence in Moscow, no matter how shaky a presence. But a tour of the Middle East seems redundant. It was Henry KISSINGER's clout and credibility that ended the battle of the Golon Heights, not Richard NIXON. KISSINGER was practicing his own summit try, and President NIXON is now crowding into the spotlight. KISSINGER endured that Cairo-Damascus-Jerusalem shuttle for a month. And now his boss is hopping aboard for the sake of politics.</p>
        <p><em>If KISSINGER next starts shuttling between Dublin and Belfast, will President NIXON be far behind, Nick?</em></p>
        <p><strong>NICK THIMMESCH:</strong> That's a cheap shot, Marty, dragging in Dr. Henry KISSINGER to make your argument that President NIXON should cancel his trip to the Middle East and Moscow.</p>
        <p><em>If you ask Dr. KISSINGER, he would instruct you that the man who makes U. S. foreign policy is the President. KISSINGER would also tell you that he supports Mr. NIXON's upcoming trip, agrees with him totally on foreign policy, and that whatever his own successes were in the Middle East, it is the President who calls the shots.</em></p>
        <p>The President goes to the Middle East simply because he was invited by leaders of the Arab countries who are enthusiastic over his trip and by the leaders of Israel where Mr. NIXON is very popular.</p>
        <p><em>The President will make the Moscow trip because the governments of the U. S. and the Soviet Union are engaged in detente and jointly planned this meeting one year ago. This is a government-to-government situation involving world peace.</em></p>
        <p><em>How short-sighted you are, Marty,</em></p>
      </td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

4 Monday, June 10, 1974

Washington Star-News

Friday, June 7, 1974

A-5

# Kissinger Spreads Himself Thin

By Jeremiah O'Leary

Star-News Staff Writer

No one realizes more than Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger how thinly he has spread himself in becoming the sole architect of U.S. foreign policy.

This is especially true in the world of Islam where he has become the friend and confidant of kings and presidents in his efforts to bring an end to the long and bloody feud between the Arabs and the Israelis.

But the rest of the world is waiting in the wings and no one is certain whether Kissinger will continue his one-man-show methods or begin delegating authority to surrogates.

It is not even certain that he can spend more time in Foggy Bottom. There are already reports that such feudal rulers as the sheikhs of Abu Dhabi and Kuwait are holding out for personal visits from Kissinger rather than from his expert Arabists, Undersecretary of State Joseph J. Sisco and Assistant Secretary Alfred L. Atherton Jr.

UNTIL NOW, Kissinger has justified his personal involvement with Egypt's President Sadat, Syria's President Hafez, the reigning monarchs of Jordan and Saudi Arabia and other Arab nations on the ground that they are chiefs of state, deserving of direct attention.

Kissinger's order of priorities dictated a disengagement between Israel and Syria, and a

cessation of the war of attrition between them to prevent an escalation that he felt could lead to a U.S.-Soviet confrontation.

This hypothesis presumed that continuation of the shooting on the Golan front would inevitably lead to a fifth Arab-Israeli war. The Kissinger hypothesis held that Egypt and the other Arab states would inevitably be drawn into a renewed Israeli-Syrian conflict; that the oil mbargo would be reimposed and that the United States would come to a confrontation with the Russians somewhere in the Middle East.

If all that is true, the incredibly complex issues of SALT, mutual balanced reduction of forces, European security and the whole question of detente between the superpowers supposedly could wait. Kissinger aides say that, in any case, the matter of strategic arms limitation is now in the hands of the technicians and that the broad policy outlines are already drawn.

THE KISSINGER theory holds that the technology of long-range nuclear missiles is advancing so rapidly that the lifespan of any agreement is measurably short. While the upcoming June summit is probably more cosmetic than definitive of the future military balance between Russia and the United States, the Kissinger camp holds that there has been

no standstill in work on the next round of talks on the balance of strategic arms and conventional forces.

Detente, in Kissinger's view, is not a term reducible to pact or treaty but a continuing and changing effort for the United States and the Soviet Union to get along.

For these reasons, Kissinger believed he could well afford to invest 33 days away from his Washington office.

The results of Kissinger's Mideast efforts have been impressive. Almost overnight, the Russians have been supplanted by the Americans as Egypt's best friend and there is no special sly. "But we also say that the Soviets either.

"Scratch a Jew and you find a Zionist," said one Syrian official slyly. "But we also say that if you scratch a Russian you find a barbarian."

IN ANY CASE, Kissinger will go to Moscow with a whole new situation going for him in the Middle East. The Soviets have been reduced to wooing the unpredictable Libyans and Iraqis and their whole power position in the oil-rich Arab world has been drastically altered.

Kissinger considers it time well spent and at no expense to SALT or other matters concerning U.S.-Soviet relations.

One theory making the rounds is that Kissinger secretly preferred to be away from Washington as much as possible during the Watergate bloodlet-

## Second of two articles.

ting. But he has denied that disarray in the executive branch has had any impact on the conduct of foreign policy or that any nation can expect to take advantage of it. To be sure, Watergate has been no blessing to Kissinger but he has found that it is almost impossible to explain Watergate to foreign leaders.

Even so, the 33 days spent negotiating the disengagement on the Golan Heights were 33 days he could not spend on other matters. Whether he was indispensible or not to Middle East peace, unquestionably he has let other pressing matters slide. This would not matter much if Kissinger delegated authority, but that is not a thing he does easily.

In the case of the world's other superpower, the Soviet Union, Kissinger was able to have face-to-face meetings three times during his 33-day Mideast peace mission with Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko. They met once in Geneva on April 29; once in Cyprus on May 7 and once in Damascus on May 28. Kissinger has been to Moscow twice to meet with Soviet leaders in the past eight months and will probably go there twice before the end of June in connection with the summit meeting.

BUT AS FAR as the rest of the major powers are concerned, there has appeared to be lit-

tle need for personal contact at the top. The Peoples Republic of China is in the throes of internal changes that indicate a dawning new order. Chairman Mao and Premier Chou En-lai, both aging, are still very much in charge, but foreign policy is increasingly devolving on Vice Premiers Teng Hsiao-peng and Li Shen Yen. Kissinger will go to Peking later this year but this is a flux period with the Chinese, leaving the secretary relatively free of need for immediate personal attention.

The three Western European powers also have had leadership changes since Kissinger took office on Sept. 22, 1973. In all three cases, West Germany, France and Britain, the new leaders are considered here to be closer to U.S. foreign policy positions. This is significantly true of France, whose new President Valery Giscard D'Estaing is more inclined to common Western policy objectives than the late President Georges Pompidou and the former Foreign Minister Michel Jobert.

Kissinger had his hands full with the Europwan Community and NATO nations at the height of the Arab oil embargo and the energy crisis when Western solidarity cracked badly.

There have been no ordinary or normal times since Kissinger became secretary of State but, as his travel has permitted, Kissinger has kept his lines with Congress open and working.