NATIONAL REVIEW

29 SEPTEMBER 1972 (27)

Vietnam-
ization:
Where Now?

JAMES BURNHAM

FOR CAMPAIGN purposes, the President's party points with pride to the "success" of Vietnamization, and the opposition views with alarm its "failure." Let us try to arbitrate these seemingly conflicting claims.

Vietnamization is an amalgam of two goals: that the American troops should get out (Viet-1); that an independent non-Communist South Vietnamese government should stay in (Viet-2).

Viet-1 has not been reached, but performance to date is pretty good as political performances go. From a military force of more than half a million down to 36,000 is an impressive operation at ten thousand miles even if there hadn't been a war on. When you look more closely the reality is not quite so clearly outlined as in the official sketch. There are seventy thousand soldiers and men in neighboring countries and tens of thousands of sailors on the neighboring seas, and they are engaged in some fairly rugged combat. To tell the truth, though there may be no "ground combat units" left inside, there are not a few "advisers" who are still much involved in ground combat. But these qualifications only somewhat blur the Big Picture. Like all sensible rulers, the President hedged his promises with prudent ambiguities.

There is no quantitative standard by which to measure progress toward Viet-2. Mr. Nixon claims success because the South Vietnamese army has not collapsed and the Saigon government continues to function. His opponents charge failure because it was only massive U.S. air and naval support that enabled the South Vietnamese army to survive. We must surely grant the opponents at least the negative sense of their argument on this point. Viet-2 is not a success. Success would mean that the Saigon government could stand on its own feet militarily and politically, and defend its own independence without the military support of the U.S. This it demonstrably cannot do. Even with massive support, Saigon has lost control of a good deal of territory. Without that support, it would not have survived.

The President's defenders can reply that he never gave an exact date by which Viet-2 would be completed. Granted that, we may then say that though Viet-2 has not succeeded, it has not yet failed. The issue remains in doubt. But how much longer does the President ask before the game is to be considered ended and the referees authorized to chalk up the score? Not much longer, it would seem. Mr. Nixon stated flatly to Stewart Alsop while fly-

CONTINUED NEXT PAGE

WALL STREET JOURNAL 27 SEPTEMBER 1972

Vietnam Peace Talks Appear to Intensify;
Some Key Accords Possible by Election Day

By ROBERT KEATLEY
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

WASHINGTON—Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger know. So do Al Haig, Winston Lord and JohnROPENTO.

But outside that small group which includes the President, his chief adviser on foreign affairs and selected staff few Americans know just what Mr. Kissinger is saying these days to Le Duc Tho, Hanoi's senior negotiator at the Paris peace talks.

That said, there is a growing feeling here that they are discussing, probably more seriously than ever before, matters that could bring agreement on key aspects of a Vietnam peace settlement by the Nov. 7 election. In fact, some believe the talks are more intense and more promising than at any previous time during their four-year history.

The evidence is sketchy and must be treated cautiously in the absence of confirmation from the White House—Mr. Nixon sharply restricts the spread of information about the talks. It should also be noted that the road to Vietnam peace is already cluttered with past pronouncements of imminent progress, most of which have proved to be either wishful thinking or poor judgment on the part of those who made them. And even if current talks are moving forward, some basic point could yet prove intractable, thereby canceling any progress achieved on other items.

For all that, however, there is enough evidence around to indicate the talks have taken a serious turn and could reach an important breakthrough by Election Day—a date that impels both sides, for quite different reasons, to push forward.

Two Days in Paris

The most obvious proof is that Mr. Kissinger and Mr. Tho are having an unprecedented two-day session of secret negotiations in Paris, their 13th private meeting and the second one this month. It seems clear they have found much of substance to discuss; it's even possible the talks will be extended beyond today if progress seems likely.

The White House, as usual, declined to give any details about the talks when it announced they would continue today.

Sen. George McGovern has charged, with reason, that Mr. Nixon wants to create the impression that negotiations are progressing for domestic political reasons; doing so undermines one of the Democratic presidential candidate's best issues. He has even called the Kissinger trips "a flying circle," leading to meetings without content. But this argument has a basic weakness: The North Vietnamese are receiving the White House aide and they haven't any interest in making the President look good.

"Le Duc Tho certainly isn't in Paris to help Richard Nixon get reelected," notes one Asian expert who is convinced serious negotiations are under way.

But it is widely assumed that North Vietnam's best negotiating time is also between now and Election Day. Anxious to swamp Mr. McGovern at the polls, this reasoning goes, the President may be more likely to offer political concessions. Conversely, if he wins without a negotiating breakthrough, he would be under little pressure to end the war anytime soon—and North Vietnam knows it would suffer the consequences.

Beyond that, the Vietnamese Communists have recently softened their publicly announced peace terms, though Mr. Kissinger notes they still leave "something to be desired." The softening came Sept. 11 when the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam, commonly called the Vietcong, issued "an important statement" that "clarified" two key points of its previous peace proposal.

The Clarification

The clarification did two new things. It re-

3-F

peated an old demand that South Vietnamese President Nguyen Van Thieu resign, but it dropped demands that his "apparatus"—the civilian and military bureaucracies—be disbanded. Previously, the Communists had insisted that the entire regime be replaced "through any means possible" by one that favored a Communist-defined "neutrality." That new regime, under the Vietcong's old formula, would then negotiate with the Vietcong to set up a "government of broad national concord."

The U.S. has claimed this would require it to overthrow both President Thieu and his government, leading to almost certain Communist rule in the South. Now the Vietcong are demanding only that Mr. Thieu, but not his entire ruling machine, be removed somehow.

Secondly, the Saigon government (without Mr. Thieu) would then deal directly with Communist forces to set up the "government of national concord." This regime, according to the Sept. 11 statement, would consist of one-third Vietcong officials, one-third Thieu regime officials and one-third from other political factions—including exiles—to be picked through consultations between the Saigon and Communist sides.

The statement spells out in some detail how this would be done, which analysts here believe is an effort to make the proposal seem more reasonable and more acceptable to the U.S. It promises the three-part "government of national concord" (which it carefully avoids calling a "coalition" regime) wouldn't be dominated by any faction, and would practice "Mutual nonelimination."

"Dared" the U.S.

On Monday, North Vietnam "dared" the U.S. to accept this proposal and prove it will accept terms that "ensure that neither side dominates the political life of South Vietnam." Hanoi and the Vietcong claim they will settle for an agreement that doesn't lead to Communist control anytime soon, and one that leaves the question of unifying the two Vietnams for the distant future. Now they are questioning whether the U.S. will sign any terms that don't leave Mr. Thieu in firm control of the South.

So far this proposal remains unacceptable to both Mr. Nixon and Mr. Thieu, who wants to keep his job. The Saigon leader recently called it a "trick solution," and said his government won't "accept any formula for a disguised two-way or three-way coalition administration proposed by the Communists." One plank of his tough "four-no" program is "no coalition government."

However, the Sept. 11 statement is a major softening of the Communist position, and indicates—as does Mr. Kissinger's extended stay in Paris—that the negotiations are showing new flexibility.

That clearly is what the hosts—the French government—think. Authoritative sources say France has recently become optimistic about the negotiations, and believes a breakthrough could come soon. This optimism is based largely on recent talks by senior French officials with North Vietnamese diplomats, and with Mr. Kissinger and other American officials. The French claim to have found new flexibility in the approaches of these negotiators.

This has caused the French government to modify its own pronouncements on the war, which have so often irritated the U.S. Just last week, Prime Minister Pierre Messmer repeated the old French stand supporting the "national concord" idea advanced by Hanoi—which the U.S. has considered as taking the Communist side. Then only two days later President George Pompidou carefully reversed this. Because France is host for the talks, "we don't have to take a position of this kind," he told a news conference. It's claimed he changed the official Paris position because he believes the peace talks are making serious progress, and doesn't want to influence them.

CONTINUED NEXT PAGE

VIETNAMIZATION.....CONTINUED

ing down to Miami. It is sure of one thing. The war will be over. The war won't be hanging over us in a second term."

## When We Go, Who Remains?

It is within the President's power to determine that the war is over, so far as the U.S. is concerned. He can order the rest of the U.S. troops out of South Vietnam and stop all military operations in the theater. I am inclined to believe that his statement to Alsop means he intends to just that. Viet-I will then be fully achieved. What about Viet-2?

Holding the North Vietnamese to a stalemate, more or less, this year (a stalemate, however, inside the South) has been possible because U.S. forces have carried out strategic bombing in North Vietnam, tactical bombing in South Vietnam, and a naval blockade of the northern ports. Without these three operations, in addition to U.S. logistic support and command collaboration the South Vietnamese would have been overcome.

If the U.S. gets altogether out of the fighting, can't the South Vietnamese take over these three indispensable operations? The answer is that they cannot. They cannot, if for no other reasons, because they do not possess the necessary weapons—the aircraft and naval vessels. In fact, their prospective situation is still worse. Once U.S. air (and naval air) forces are withdrawn, the North Vietnamese will have air domination. We have given the South Vietnamese no supersonic or other advanced aircraft and not much in the way of armor or advanced anti-aircraft weapons. The North Vietnamese have supersonic MiGs and a large array of anti-aircraft guns and missile weapons.

The Pentagon has told the President that the North has taken such a bad beating that it cannot mount another big invasion attempt for "at least two years. But the South has also taken a bad beating. And there is another, fundamental factor that weights the prospective balance further against the South. Although the North has been supplied from the outside, mostly from the Soviet Union, it has done its own fighting. The South has never fought on its own, either before or after the Americans came. The North has nothing to lose to counterbalance the South's

loss of U.S. military power.

However you add it up, even discounting the North's stronger political structure, the North will have preponderant power over the South for as far ahead as can be figured, once the U.S. military intervention ends. This means the North will be able to—and will—carry through its undeviating goal of dominating the South, by one formula or another. Why should an undefeated enemy give up his goal? And from the beginning, in accordance with our global policy ruling out offensive actions against Communist-held territory, we have been committed against defeating him. As in the past and the present, we can postpone the North's takeover by continuing the U.S. military operations; that is to say, by a failure in Viet-I. Viet-I and Viet-2 are not two compatible elements of a cohesive policy. They are contraries; to succeed in one you must fail in the other.

## Cutting the Knot

My opinion is as it has been, that for reasons personal, domestic and global, Mr. Nixon's commitment to Viet-1, to getting the U.S. out, has priority over his commitment to Viet-2. His statement to Alsop suggests, as I have said, that he may cut the knot of his dilemma fairly soon, get all the Americans out, and settle Viet-2 for almost any formula that does not include an unconcealed "imposing a Communist government on South Vietnam." What else can he do? About the only thing left militarily is to obliterate Hanoi and Haiphong, but this is excluded by domestic and global opinion, and quite possibly wouldn't change anything much anyway. You can't go on forever with this heavy intervention; it becomes absurd, and there are other things besides Vietnam in the world that you have to pay attention to.

I see no way out of this conclusion. And if it is true, it follows that in spite of all the fireworks, there is no strategic difference between the President and Senator McGovern on the Vietnam issue. The difference is tactical only, a question of methods and timing—and probably less of these than McGovern would have us suppose, as he would discover if he were the one carrying out the complex final withdrawal and winding up instead of merely talking about them. ☐

## PEACE TALKS.....CONTINUED

There are also other signs that something is up.

For one thing, Communist forces in South Vietnam are being told that a cease-fire could come any time. Because of this, they are ordered to seize as much territory, and gain control over as many people, as possible—quickly. Such orders have been disseminated before. But the current intensity of cease-fire talk within Communist ranks is taken as one sign that the shooting could stop suddenly due to political agreement.

Meantime President Thieu seems to be taking similar measures. He has abolished village elections, which permits him to appoint local administrators. (Some elected village chiefs

were said to be secret Vietcong officials). He has tightened control over the press, forcing 13 opposition papers out of business. He has replaced several top generals with men who are, in most cases, more competent and more loyal politically to himself. And he has kept opponents from organizing effective opposition to his rule.

All this, some analysts believe, means he is getting ready for a cease-fire. If and when that comes, they say, Mr. Thieu wants to be sure his part of the country is under firm Saigon control, enabling him to deal from strength with the Communists. Mr. Thieu obviously assumes he will remain in office after a cease-fire is arranged.

4-F

THE ECONOMIST

23 SEPTEMBER 1972 (27)

## Still tuning up

Mr. Kissinger's visit to Moscow has eased, but not ended, the difficulties that surround the related projects of a European security conference and talks about mutual and balanced force reductions (MBFR) by the two alliances in Europe. At his press conference on September 16th, President Nixon's adviser could say only that the Nato allies were considering a new Soviet proposal about the relationship between the two projects. Some Nato officials in Brussels are confidently indicating that a deal is already in the bag and that preliminary talks about a pan-European conference can start in Helsinki on November 22nd (the date proposed by the Finns, with enthusiastic Russian support) on the understanding that the Russians will co-operate in starting MBFR talks in January. But on September 14th, just after Mr. Kissinger's meetings with Mr Brezhnev, Pravda published a characteristically intransigent article by Mr Yuri Zhukov rejecting the idea that the two projects should be linked.

The Finns have built a fine new hall in Helsinki, for orchestral or conference use, in which President Kekkonen hopes soon to be able to set a new concert of Europe in swing with a tap of his baton. But the familiar discords of the past four years linger in many people's ears. The Russians' notion of a security conference still seems to be one in which their grip on eastern Europe will be confirmed while the west Europeans are obliged to accept greater insecurity. The general western view is that Europe would feel more secure if its peoples were more free to move and make contacts across the east-west divide, and if there were fewer tank divisions clanking around on each side of that divide.

But Mr Brezhnev is not keen on either of these ideas; and the western allies themselves are far from agreed about the approach to MBFR. The chances of something worth while getting under way in November have now been further diminished by the forthcoming west German elections. It has become hard to imagine a fully instructed representative from Bonn appearing in Helsinki only three days after the polling.

Mr. Thieu's status probably remains the main obstacle to a peace settlement: Hanoi hasn't yet hinted that it will allow him to stay on under any circumstances. Likewise, Mr. Thieu rejects the Sept. 11 "clarification" which states: "Solve the South Vietnamese internal problem on the basis of the practical situation, which is: There are in the South two administrators, two armies and other political forces. National concord must be achieved." The Soviet leader claims the only foe he faces is the invading North Vietnamese army. He claims the Viet Cong hasn't any army, territory or capital of its own, and thus can't be allowed to share power in the South.

How this question can be resolved remains unclear. But Mr. Kissinger's second day of secret talks in Paris reinforces a statement he made 10 days ago: "All I can say is that the fact that these talks are going on would indicate a certain seriousness."

WASHINGTON POST 27 SEPTEMBER 1972

Victor Zorza

Nixon and Hanoi
In a Poker Game

A NEW PEACE formula devised by the Communists just in time for Henry Kissinger's latest visit to Paris suggests that a settlement is much closer than most people think.

Hanoi has now offered to provide "effective" and "necessary" safeguards to insure that neither the Communists nor the Saigon regime dominates South Vietnam after a cease-fire.

In reply to a question put to North Vietnam Prime Minister Pham Van Dong, which sought to establish whether the Communist offer of an "agreement" was merely propaganda, as Washington officials maintained, or a serious negotiating proposal, as this column contended, Pham Van Dong cabled back:

"OF COURSE NECESSARY MEASURES SHOULD BE TAKEN TO ENSURE FIRMLY IMPLEMENTATION OF ABOVE PROPOSAL AND THE PARTIES CONCERNED SHALL REACH AGREEMENT ON THOSE MEASURES."

The original Communist proposal to conclude an agreement that would prevent a Communist take over bypassed the question of safeguards.

Now Dong's offer of "necessary measures" to guarantee the agreement was reinforced by a press article published in Hanoi the day after the cable was sent, and obviously meant to be read together with it. The party

paper Nhan Dan now spoke of "effective" measures to be agreed on by the parties concerned, that is, of safeguards that would be regarded as satisfactory by both sides.

THE ARTICLE and the cable were part of the same campaign designed to impress on the U.S. government the point that Kissinger should bring to Paris. this time his own proposal for safeguards, which he had evidently refused to discuss in previous sessions.

"Does the U.S. dare," the article asked, "to set out and carry out together with the parties concerned the necessary measures to ensure that neither side dominates the political life of South Vietnam during the transitional period? How will the U.S. answer this question?"

Kissinger's answer in Paris was, presumably, to ask more questions about the nature of the safeguards. The outline of what the Communists might reply had been signaled ahead of the Paris session in the virtual acceptance, by Hanoi, of the "leopard spot pattern" of a cease-fire.

The "leopard spot pattern," or the retention by each side of the areas it effectively controls, is implicit in the latest Communist offer that the settlement must proceed "from the actual realities" in South Vietnam, from, it repeats, "the actual situation."

This means acceptance of the fact, it explains, that "there exist two administrations, two armies" which, it implies, should each keep what they have.

The repetitive insistence of the Hanoi article that, under the U.S. proposal now on the table in Paris, the Vietcong and its political arm "would cease to exist," that it would be "eliminated," and the like, sounds close to despair. Some Washington officials maintain that Nhan Dan is merely striking a propaganda pose.

It is this analyst's conviction that the article, far from being a propaganda exercise, is a reflection of the last-ditch effort now being made by the Communist negotiators to save what can be saved.

Readers of this column will, of course, realize that this leaves me in a minority of one. But my analysis suggests that President Nixon has had in his hands a tolerable Communist offer for some time past, as indicated, for instance, by Secretary of State Roger's belief that an agreement was in sight.

For the rest, the Paris negotiations have been a poker game designed, on Mr. Nixon's side, to extract even more concessions from the Communists, and, on the Vietcong's side, to strengthen its own hand by threatening a last desperate rising in Saigon just before the U.S. election.

The outlines of a conclusion became visible in February, from evidence between the lines of the Communist press of pressure, which is still growing, by Moscow and Peking on Hanoi. Mr. Nixon has it made.

©1972 Victor Zorza

month, the airlift of Russian-made arms now averages four to five flights a week and is providing Hanoi with desperately needed military equipment to keep its offensive going against South Vietnam.

Flying from military airfields in Southern Russia, the Soviet aircraft are using military airfields in India for refueling and repairs. Russian ground crews flown to India from Egypt are servicing the aircraft.

The Nixon Administration so far has made no diplomat-

made either to go to New Delhi. American pilots are under strict orders from the White House not to intercept or destroy Russian planes either in the air or on the ground.

In several instances, American reconnaissance pilots have spotted the huge Soviet cargo aircraft unloading weapons, including Russian-made SAMs, ground to air missiles, at North Vietnamese airfields.

While the four to five flights a week cannot decisively help the North Viet-

three-fourths the amount of military supplies entering that country.

To counter the new Soviet threat, the President's military advisers want permanent mission to put all North Vietnamese airfields out of commission.

Another recommendation on the President's desk is that the U.S. stop all grain shipments to the Soviet Union until the Kremlin agrees to stop its airlift of arms and shipment of oil via China to North Vietnam.

## POW'S ... CONTINUED

But Washington's propaganda barrage may have convinced Hanoi that the U.S. prisoners it holds are more valuable than it had realized—that they can be used to manipulate American politics and speed U.S. withdrawal. The recent POW ceremonies in Hanoi indicate that just such a process is under way. A tangential result seems to be better treatment all around for the U.S. prisoners.

A few years ago, North Vietnam paraded a group of prisoners through the streets of Hanoi, to be reviled by the public. Today, it tells its people that downed U.S. flyers are valuable property and urges them to treat kindly any airmen they might capture. Hanoi explains it to the unlearned peasant in simple terms: It makes sense to treat the Americans well because their families will eventually pay high ransoms to get them back, thus aiding North Vietnam's national recovery. (American officials say such talk is for internal consumption and shouldn't be taken literally; they doubt Hanoi would resort to the crude tactic of exacting individual ransoms.)

Meanwhile, Hanoi is broadcasting American testimonials to its treatment of U.S. prisoners. For example, one downed flyer recently broadcast his account of being captured by villagers and, while waiting for authorities to arrive, being offered candy by a little girl. He wondered aloud if his own daughter would show similar kindness to an enemy.

Another prisoner, emphasizing that he comes from Missouri, the "Show Me" state, described his capture this way: "One soldier gave me his rations from his pack and a cigarette. They then escorted me to a safer place and asked me with kindness all the way

were their predecessors, downed before the general bombing halt of 1968 was ordered. This could make them more willing to discuss their present situation and attitudes, without overt pressure from their captors. In fact, the Air Force discreetly encourages such broadcasts (within limits) as a quick way to signal families that they are in fact alive and reasonably well. (The Navy retains a more rigid attitude.) Though no one will say so for the record, administration sources indicate there almost certainly will be no official U.S. reprisals from such statements after the POWs come home.

Former Attorney General Ramsey Clark who recently visited a North Vietnamese prison camp, believes the prisoners-bored and eager to do something to speed their release—basically "talk it up among themselves," and decide to tell their stories if the chance comes. Prison life, by definition, is "a miserable human experience," Mr. Clark says, and the men want to end it quickly. He doesn't think North Vietnam has to use the carrot or the stick to get the statements it so obviously finds useful.

An Air Force captain, for instance, recently warned his buddies back at home that "we are victims of President Nixon's escalation of the bombing of (North Vietnam). There is a chance as this escalation is prolonged daily that you too will become a victim here or worse—you will be killed or wounded." Another man appealed to Congress to end the war; and several made statements along these lines: "We feel that George McGovern's platform of ending the war now and getting the troops out of Vietnam and getting POWs home, and getting America out of a very important

WASHINGTON POST

27 September 1972 P1

# Kissinger
Confers
With Tho

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

Presidential envoy Henry A. Kissinger is engaged in an extended two-day round of private talks with North Vietnamese Politburo member Le Duc Tho in Paris, the White House announced yesterday.

The Kissinger meeting with Tho and Xuan Thuy, chief of North Vietnam's delegation at the formal conference, was disclosed yesterday morning. In mid-afternoon, the White House made the unusual, added announcement that the Kissinger discussions, his 18th set of secret Vietnam talks, will continue for a second day today.

The circumstances under which the second announcement was made heightened speculation that the secret talks may be reaching a decisive stage. The Nixon administration did nothing to diminish—or sustain—that speculation, which is on the rise as the Nov. 7 presidential election date approaches.

White House Press Secretary Ronald L. Ziegler announced continuance of the Kissinger talks to newsmen aboard Air Force One, as President Nixon's party was flying from Washington to New York for campaign appearances. "In accordance with our agreements with the other side," said Ziegler, "I have no further information to provide on this meeting." Because of the continuance, Ziegler said, Kissinger extended his stay in Paris by one day.

The announcements themselves, while unaccompanied by any claim that the secret talks are near or approaching a breakthrough to an agree-

14

The Boston Globe Wednesday, September 27, 1972

# Kissinger extends 18th secret Paris talk

By Murray Marder
Washington Post

WASHINGTON — President envoy Henry A. Kissinger is engaged in an extended two-day round of private talks with North Vietnamese Politburo member Le Duc Tho in Paris, the White House announced yesterday.

The White House disclosed yesterday morning that Kissinger was in Paris for his 18th set of secret Vietnam talks, with Tho and Xuan Thuy, chief of North Vietnam's delegation at the formal conference. In mid-afternoon, the White House made the unusual, added announcement that the Kissinger discussions will continue for a second day.

The second announcement predictably, heightened speculation that the secret talks may be reaching a decisive stage. The Nixon Administration did nothing to diminish — or sustain — that speculation, which is on the rise as the Nov. 7 presidential election approaches.

White House press secretary Ronald L. Ziegler announced the continuance of the talks aboard Air Force One, as President Nixon's party was flying from Washington to New

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HENRY KISSINGER
... both sides silent

The White House is authoritatively reported to be avoiding a public commitment by election day. It quickly backed away last month from a forecast by Secretary of State William P. Rogers that a negotiated settlement will be reached "before the election" or "very soon after." That was promptly labeled a "hope," not a "projection."

Expectations have been aroused privately, however, by others, including a French diplomatic source who last week said he believed a Vietnam agreement was "within reach," but the question was whether the opportunity would be seized on both

sides. French Foreign Minister Maurice Schumann, who conferred with Kissinger in Washington last Friday, virtually said as much yesterday in a prepared speech at the United Nations.

North Vietnam was silent yesterday about the Kissinger-Tho talks, although the Viet Cong delegation spokesman in Paris, Ly Van Sau, issued a statement reiterating the Viet Cong's Sept. 11 plan for a three-segment coalition government in South Vietnam to replace the Saigon regime of President Nguyen Van Thieu.

Sau said: "The form of meetings — whether they

are private or public, does not matter." He said "Our plan is an exceptionally favorable opportunity for President Nixon to disengage himself from Vietnam with honor."

On Monday, North Vietnam provided a clue that the Kissinger-Tho talks might be centered on a compromise combination of the combination of the Communist side's Sept. 11 plan and President Nixon's May 8 proposal for an in-dochina-wide cease-fire, the release of American prisoners and a total US troop withdrawal from South Vietnam.

The Hanoi statement in the official newspaper

Nhan Dan, indicated that North Vietnam is seeking a big power guarantee of what it calls a three-segment government that will be "neither a Communist regime nor a US stooge regime" to replace the Thieu government.

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RADIO-TV
DEFENSE DIALOG

SUMMARIES ARE
NOT TO BE QUOTED

THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1972 (BROADCASTS OF SEP 27)

RADIO TV REPORTS, INC.

WASHINGTON, D. C.

SUMMARY OF NETWORK NEWS IN THIS ISSUE

HOWARD K. SMITH, ABC: Those three liberated American prisoners arrived in Moscow today on their way home from NVN. US Embassy Charge d'Affaires Adolph Dubs said he offered to put them up overnight at the US Ambassador's Residence. He said the pilots told him they would like to spend the night at a Moscow hotel and preferred to continue their flight on a commercial plane. DAVID SCHOUMACHER, ABC: The Pentagon hopes to avoid a repeat of today's run-in when the three airmen return to New York City tomorrow. Several ranking officers perhaps even faces familiar to the men will be on hand to welcome them home and tell them firmly what they should do next. Medical officers have advised the firmness, saying the men are probably confused and should not be offered choices that will increase their dilemma. JOHN HART, CBS: Interviewed the pilots before they left Hanoi. NBC also reported the pilots' landing in Moscow.

WALTER CRONKITE, CBS: The latest round of secret peace talks in Paris have ended. Back in the US rumors swept the country that a peace agreement was imminent and that it involved the resignation of SVNese President Thieu. DAN RATHER, CBS: As Mr. Nixon was circulating in the AF crowd, news secretary Ronald Ziegler, behind the scenes, was busy knocking down reports that a cease fire might be imminent in VN. ABC and NBC reported Kissinger's return.

JOHN CHANCELLOR, NBC: F-111s have been grounded seven times in the last four years because they didn't work right. But now the AF says all the bugs are out. ROY NEAL, NBC: (at Nellis AFB) The first squadron of F-111s took off today, on their way to their new base in Thailand and service over VN; 48 of the big fighter bombers will go to SE Asia.

HARRY REASONER, ABC: In VN enemy gunners fired seven missiles into the big American airbase at Da Nang. The US Command reported meanwhile that American planes attacking NVN destroyed two Mig 21s on the ground in an attack on an airbase 80 miles northwest of Hanoi.

CRONKITE, CBS: In Washington the Senate investigation of unauthorized bombing of NVN is being enlarged to include charges that Navy flyers as well as AF made such strikes. Armed Services Committee Chairman Stennis said the new charges were made in a letter received over the weekend.

CHANCELLOR, NBC: B-52s were in the skies over Eastern Cambodia again today, bombing enemy base camp areas. American planes were out in force again mounting more than 300 flights against targets north and south of Hanoi. A car used by the Charge d'Affaires in Phnom Penh was destroyed when a bomb planted by the roadside went off just it went by. However, the American official, Thomas Andrews, was miraculously unhurt by the blast.

DAVID BRINKLEY, NBC: Around the world, those promoting wars often succeeded and those promoting peace usually failed. There is no Nobel Peace Prize this year and it is not difficult to see why.

PUBLISHED BY THE AIR FORCE(SAF-AA)AS EXECUTIVE AGENT FOR THE DOD TO BRING TO THE ATTENTION OF KEY DEFENSE DEPARTMENT
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NBC NIGHTLY NEWS NBC-TV 6:30

Three US Pilots In Moscow

JOHN CHANCELLOR: The three American prisoners released by the NVNese made their way from Peking to Moscow today and that's where they are tonight, in a hotel.

American Embassy officials offered them beds, medical care and a government flight home, but they refused.

They met the officials, the first they've seen, at Moscow Airport.

ROBERT HAGER: Aeroflot flight 562 taxied into Moscow's Airport 16 hours after it left Peking.

Onboard were the American pilots and their anti-war escorts.

David Dellenger from the Peace Committee; Navy Lt. Norris Charles, free after nearly a year; Lt. Mark Gartley, he'd been in captivity over four years; and AF Maj. Elias, he'd been prisoner for five months.

There was no welcoming committee at plane-side. The Russians were playing the event low key.

American officials who had shown up to meet the group were made to wait back at the terminal.

A few NVNese diplomats who turned up to watch were also kept well away from the group.

The pilots were relaxed and dressed casually, jubilant at their new freedom now, ten days after their release in Hanoi, at last, half way home, scheduled to complete their journey to America by tomorrow.

Inside the airport there was mass confusion, pushing and shoving by dozens of Western reporters and photographers.

US Embassy officials were also waiting to offer overnight accommodations and an AF flight back to the US. But the offers met sharp resistance by the Peace Committee's Prof. Richard Falk.

US Charge Adolph Dubbs listened.
PROF. RICHARD FALK: It is
causing us great distress to have
this kind of scene and confrontation here.

ADOLPH DUBS: We want to facilitate their speedy and rapid return to their native soil, and I have messages to convey to them. I have no hesitation to indicate that you

couldn't make them if you didn't want to.

HAGER: The pilots turned down the US offer, electing to stay in a Russian transit hotel and travel on tomorrow by scheduled airliner.

Finally the pilots agreed to (confusion of voices).

MAJ. ELIAS: As you can see we're all very tired from a very long trip.

First, I'm in good health and I'm looking forward a great deal to going home. My mother's here with me. And I'd like to get this picture-taking over as quickly as possible. We have quite a bit to take care of. That's about all I have to say.

HAGER: Within a few hours of their airport arrival, members of the group settled into their hotel and even took time to go strolling through the Red Square.

And so, tonight the American pilots and their escorts remain here in Moscow. By tomorrow night they're scheduled to be back in the United States.

Robert Hager, NBC News, in Moscow.

## Kissinger Returns Home

CHANCELLOR: Henry Kissinger, the President's foreign affairs advisor, flew home from Paris today after two days of talks with the NVNese, meetings which set off speculation that peace may be about to breakout in VN.

The White House says that's not true, but there hasn't been a breakthrough.

However, other officials say that Kissinger and the NVNese have been discussing formulations and that there hasn't been a breakthrough yet. Formulations in this case refer to the shape of a political settlement in SVN which would follow a cease fire.

The Kissinger speculation drove prices sharply upward on the Stock Market, although trading was only moderate.

The Dow Jones Industrials rose almost 11 points, the biggest rise in more than a month. ****

## Nobel Peace Prize Not Given

CHANCELLOR: This is the Nobel Peace Prize Gold Medal.

In Oswald, Norway, today the Nobel

2 Thursday, September 28, 1972

Peace Prize Committee made an announcement about this year's prize. They're not giving it, which brings us to David Brinkley's Journal.

DAVID BRINKLEY: The Nobel Peace Prize goes to whoever in any one year did the most to reduce or abolish armies and promote peace.

Today the Prize Committee said this year the Peace Prize would not be given to anyone. It gave no explanation, but none was needed.

Nobody in this or any country had accomplished enough to deserve it.

No American president has won the peace prize since Woodrow Wilson in 1919. And since then, war has become by far the biggest industry in the United States. We spend more money on war than we spend on education. All of it, public and private, kindergarten through graduate school.

And since Wilson we have averaged a war every ten years.

We might wonder why this country is not bent on conquering the world, has so many wars.

The British used to have a lot of wars but they did get an empire out of them and make themselves rich. Well, empires are out of fashion now and this country only comes out of its wars in debt.

For two generations each war was started before the previous war was paid for.

Of recent presidents, the one most devoted to avoiding war was one who had spent his life in uniform, Gen. Eisenhower. He stopped one war and refused to start another one. While many of Washington's biggest hawks are civilians who have never spent a day in uniform. Suggesting that those most admiring militarism are those who know the least about it.

In any case there is no Nobel Peace Prize this year, and it is not difficult to see why.

## US Planes Out In Force Over NVN

CHANCELLOR: In the VN War, American planes were out in force again today, mounting more than 300 flights against targets north and south of Hanoi.

Two Mig fighters were hit on the

ground, 80 miles from the NVNese capital.

## B-52s Over Eastern Cambodia

CHANCELLOR: And B-52s were in the skies over Eastern Cambodia again today, bombing enemy base camp areas.

## All The Bugs Out Of F-111

CHANCELLOR: For the last four years the AF's problem plane, the F-111 fighter bomber has not been used in IC.

ROY NEAL: The first squadron of F-111s took off today, on their way to their new base in Thailand and service over VN.

Forty-eight of the big fighter bombers will go to SE Asia. The Pentagon says they will increase all-weather capability for the coming monsoon season.

Those planes carry a special radar which allows them to fly at night or in bad weather, and fly faster than the speed of sound just a few hundred feet off the ground.

This will be the first real combat test of this controversial airplane. Eight of them were sent to VN while still experimental back in 1968. Two were lost and one crashed. Since then the F-111 has been grounded several times for mechanical failures and some major changes have been made.

Now, the AF says it is fully operational.

The F-111s which left Nevada today should be on station in Thailand in a few days. Then the AF will find out how effective they really are.

Roy Neal, NBC News at Nellis AFB.

## US Charge d'Affaires In Cambodia Walks Away From Blown Up Car

CHANCELLOR: This car was used by the American Charge d'Affaires in Phnom Penh, Cambodia and it was armor-plated for safety.

This morning it was destroyed when a bomb planted by the roadside went off just as it went by.

A police motorcycle escort was

3 Thursday, September 28, 1972

killed. A civilian standing nearby was killed and two others wounded.

However, the American official, Thomas Andrews, was miraculously unhurt by the blast and got out of the car seconds after the explosion.

Andrews went on to the Embassy and spent a normal day at his desk.

### CBS EVENING NEWS CBS-TV 7:00

#### Three US Pilots In Moscow

WALTER CRONKITE: The three American ex-prisoners of war, Edward Elias, Mark Gartley and Norris Charles, arrived today in Moscow. They were besieged by newsmen and greeted quietly by Adolph Dubs, the deputy chief of the US diplomatic mission in Moscow, and the first American official to talk with the men since their release.

Dubs offered them sleeping quarters, medical attention and military transportation home. They turned him down on all offers, and said they did so for the sake of other prisoners.

Dubs in turn said he respects their decision. He called them capable and mature and said it's clear they're still US military men.

Before they left Hanoi the three talked with our John Hart, and Gartley explained then their decision to go home with an anti-war delegation aboard commercial airliners.

LT. MARK GARTLEY: The Committee has come over here to pick us up and take us home. It seems natural that we should go home with them. Part of my family's here and I would like to go back and see the rest of my family as soon as I can.

MAJ. EDWARD ELIAS: I just didn't really think this thing was going to be this big, and now as I hear more and more about it, I'd just like to get back to the United States (unintelligible).

HART: Are you going to talk to the intelligence people? They're going to debrief you. All have decided to do that, have you?

MAJ. ELIAS: I perfectly understand the procedure and we used (unintelligible) long ago. This is about what I should do.

HART: Were there any requests that you not tell us these things by

the NVNese?

MAJ. ELIAS: No. None.

HART: Mark, what about you. Full disclosure to the military interrogators.

LT. MARK GARTLEY: Of course, I'll just tell them everything I know and as good accuracy as I possibly can. The events of this last week are fully chronicled by AP and CBS.

HART: Talking about the previous 49 months.

Since you were saying in the previous (unintelligible) if somebody asked you to fly to VN again, what would you say?

GARTLEY: I don't think I'd ever be asked to fly to VN again. That's not plausible.

### Senate Investigation Of Unauthorized Bombing Being Enlarged

CRONKITE: In Washington the Senate investigation of unauthorized bombing of NVN is being enlarged to include charges that Navy flyers as well as AF made such strikes.

Armed Services Committee Chairman Stennis said the new charges were made in a letter received over the weekend. He declined to elaborate but said two Navy flyers who had served on the Aircraft Carrier Constitution would testify tomorrow.

They are Lieutenants William Groper and William Moore, Jr.

### Peace Rumors Accompany Kissinger's Return From Paris

CRONKITE: The latest round of secret peace talks in Paris have ended. After two days of negotiations with NVN's Xuan Thuy and Le Duc Tho, Henry Kissinger flew back to Washington today.

Although Kissinger was reported smiling broadly at the airport before he left, neither he nor the NVNese had anything to say about the progress of the talks.

Back in the US however, rumors swept the country that a peace agreement was imminent and that it involved the resignation of NVNese President Thieu.

In spite of denials, Kissinger's peace rumors accompanied President Nixon's campaign flight from New York to California, in fact they gained strength along the way.

4 Thursday, September 28, 1972

DAN RATHER: As the President stepped from his plane in Oakland, reports say that while airborne he had been talking to Dr. Kissinger. The White House would neither confirm nor deny that.

While saying that story was "without foundation" neither the President nor his aides would comment one way or the other about separate reports that Kissinger may have made some headway in Paris.

From the airport the President went to ride on the new Oakland-San Francisco Bay Area Mass Rapid Transit System train.

As Mr. Nixon rode along, the reports, rumors and counter-reports about VN began to subside somewhat with White House aides finally leaving the impression that while Kissinger may indeed have made some progress in Paris, it is too early to say that with certainty and the President, the White House says, is not preparing any big announcement on the subject.

What the President did do today was issue two written statements and make speeches harshly critical of Senator McGovern's defense and economic plans, saying, for example, that McGovern's income redistribution program, if adopted, would amount to "confiscation of wealth." That amounts to the President's toughest, most direct attack of the campaign so far against McGovern.

Dan Rather, CBS News, with the Nixon campaign in California.

ABC EVENING NEWS ABC-TV 7:00

Former US POW's In Moscow

HOWARD K. SMITH: Those three liberated American prisoners arrived in Moscow today on their way home from NVN.

It was the first chance for American officials to contact the airmen since their release.

Anti-war activists who are escorting the released prisoners led by David Dellenger and Cora Weiss,

at first tried to stop the US Charge d'Affaires in Moscow, Adolph Dubs, from approaching the men at the Moscow Airport.

Dubs said he would not insist on talking to the men if they did not want to listen. But the prisoners made it known they did indeed want to speak with the American official.

The meeting, which lasted about ten minutes, took place with Soviet and NVNese officials present.

Dubs said afterwards, he relayed messages to the three men from their families, gave them American passports and offered to put them up overnight at the US Ambassador's Residence.

Tomorrow the three airmen, two relatives and their escorts fly to Copenhagen, then to New York where they arrive tomorrow night.

ABC's David Schoumacher asked Pentagon officials what kind of welcome awaits the pilots in this country.

DAVID SCHOUMACHER: The Pentagon hopes to avoid a repeat of today's run-in when the three airmen return to New York City tomorrow.

Several ranking officers, perhaps even faces familiar to the men will be on hand to welcome them home and tell them firmly what they should do next.

Based on experiences with prisoners released before, officials expect anything from possible health problems to culture shock to guilt feelings, and they want to help the men with their readjustment.

The Pentagon has watched this prisoner Odyssey with a mixture of anger, frustration, just a bit of secret admiration for what they admit is a propaganda coup, not only for Hanoi, but for David Dellenger and Cora Weiss.

There's a feeling that Hanoi has successfully built the reputation of Weiss and Dellenger to a point that could cause trouble among the

5 Thursday, September 28, 1972

families of other prisoners torn between a desire to go through official channels and the shortcut now being held out.

And there's a sense of outrage at the suggestion that the Pentagon has some sinister reason for wanting to get its hands on its men.

As one general summed it up simply, "After all, they still work here."

David Schoumacher, ABC News at the Pentagon

## Enemy Fires Missiles Into Da Nang AB

HARRY REASONER: In VN enemy gunners fired seven missiles into the big American airbase at Da Nang. But officials reported that all of them exploded in an open field, causing no casualties or damage.

6 Thursday, September 28, 1972

KISSINGER'S TALKS
SPUR PEACE RUMOR

President's Aide Flies Home
—White House Denies an
Accord to End the War

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Sept. 27—
Henry A. Kissinger arrived here
from Paris tonight amid ru-
mors, which were strongly de-
nied by the White House, that
there had been a breakthrough
in Vietnam peace negotiations.

Ronald L. Ziegler, the White
House press secretary, travel-
ing with President Nixon in San
Francisco, said that a radio re-
port that an accord had been
reached was unfounded.

Earlier in the day, when the
rumors first began circulating,
Mr. Ziegler confined himself to
the remark that "I cannot com-
ment at all on the substance of
the discussions" in Paris.

Leaves After 2d Meeting

Mr. Kissinger, who is Presi-
dent Nixon's adviser on nation-
al security, left Paris aboard a
special Air Force jet transport
immediately after a second pri-
vate meeting in two days with
the North Vietnamese represen-
tatives.

This was the first time that
Mr. Kissinger had met with Le
Duc Tho, a member of the
Hanoi politburo, and Xuan
Thuy, the chief North Vietna-
mese negotiator, for sessions
lasting more than one day.

Today's reports of a Paris
breakthrough appeared to be
based on the extension of the
talks and on intensive diplo-

THE NEW YORK TIMES, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1972

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62

CHICAGO SUN-TIMES, Fri., Sept. 29, 1972

KUP'S COLUMN

KUPCINET

Remember way back when the No. 1 com-
plaint among policemen was flat feet? Now
it's writers' cramp! ... Latest in bumper
stickers: "Support your VOCAL police."
... President Nixon, in meeting with a
group of Jewish leaders in the White House,
explained why he doesn't believe in the
quota system: "If it were in effect here, I'd

be able to hire only one-fourth of Henry Kissinger." (Would
Jill St. John love one-fourth of Henry Kissinger just as much?)

THE CHICAGO BAR ASSN. SOON WILL POLL its 10,000 members to determine election endorsements for judges and state's attorney. The poll for state's attorney will carry a memo that the CBA's board of managers considers the incumbent, Ed Hanrahan, "not qualified," and his Republican opponent, Bernard Carey, "qualified with reservations." But even if "not qualified," Hanrahan will win the CBA endorsement if the voting members so decide.

MILL RUN STAR WOODY ALLEN, hottest of the young comedians, and the entire cast of "Don Juan in Hell" (Ricardo Montalban, Agnes Moorehead, Edward Mulhare and Paul Henreid) join our Ch. 5 Kup's Show Saturday. Other guests include Marc Duke, authority on acupuncture; Jon Voight, star of "Deliverance"; Blue Max star Barbara McNair; Zsa Zsa Gabor; Rona Jaffe, author of "The Other Woman"; Pierre Salinger; John Scali of the State Department, comedians David Frye and Benny Rubin.

THIS IS "AWARD WEEK" for the talented Ruby Dee. She andhusby Ossie Davis were recipients of the Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. award at the PUSH Expo and Ruby was announced as "best guest artist" by the Jefferson Awards for her Ivanhoe performance in "The Wedding Band." Ruby currently is appearing in New York in the same show, but fortunately her theater is dark on Monday nights, so she'll be here in person to accept the award on Oct. 9 at the Conrad Hilton. . . . Sid Bernstein, the spirit of Advertising Age, will be feted at the Arts Club on Friday.

GOV. OGILVIE AND HIS DEMOCRATIC opponent, Dan
Walker, "meet the press" Saturday night at 6 p.m. on Ch. 2.
... Maybe politics means having to say you're sorry: When
Sen. George McGovern discovered that his first network TV
show on CBS Sunday was scheduled opposite a sure rating
winner, "Love Story" on ABC, he registered a protest. Result:
CBS said it was sorry and moved McGovern to 7:30 p.m., a half
hour ahead of "Love Story." ... Sports Illustrated reports the
Second City's second player is Billy Williams of the Cubs,
who's having a sensational year. But he's playing in the
shadow of the fantastic Dick Allen of the White Sox and is not
getting the attention due him.

POOR SPIRO AGNEW CAN'T WIN for losing with the press. He was lambasted for his caustic, alliterative commentary as "President Nixon's hatchet man" for the last four years. Now that he's projecting a low profile in the campaign, he's being criticized as a "bore." (Nobody's perfect!) ... Zsa Zsa Gabor, the cosmetics queen, will be feted by drug tycoon Lou Zahn at a reception Friday at the Drake Hotel. ... State St. merchant Lou Goldblatt and his Bobbie celebrate 20 years of wedded bliss Saturday night with a "gypsy" party. ... Ch. 11 airs a special Friday night titled The Quiet War. It's the story of cancer research at the U. of Chicago.

COOK COUNTY CLERK EDDIE BARRETT, indicted by a federal grand jury on bribery charges, is seriously ill at Columbus Hospital. It's the fourth time in a year Barrett has

RUBY DEE

Fired County doc

By Judy Nicol

The five doctors fired 11 months ago from Cook County Hospital have been exonerated of charges that they threatened to close and destroy the hospital, an arbitration panel announced Thursday.

One charge, that of "being
involved in a heal-in," was up-
held against two physicians,
Dr. William Towne and Dr.
Nicholas Rango.

This was one of five charges
added to the original accusa-
tion after the doctors had been
dismissed.

No action eyed

Three of the five doctors are
no longer at Cook County Hos-

pital and a fourth submit
his resignation Thursday.

A statement issued Thursday by Edwin L. Brashears, chairman of the Health and Hospitals Governing Commission that runs the hospital, dicated that no disciplinary tion would be taken against Rango, the one doctor of five remaining at the stitution.

Settles case

"In our view and in the vi
of the executive direct
James G. Haughton, the qu
tion of discipline is moot.
are now a family working
gether for the good of
patients and for the educat

THE S.
OF
The year we become Ame

bara McNair; Zsa Zsa Gabor; Rona Jatle, author of "The Other Woman"; Pierre Salinger; John Scali of the State Department, comedians David Frye and Benny Rubin.

THIS IS "AWARD WEEK" for the talented Ruby Dee. She andpubby Ossie Davis were recipients of the Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. award at the PUSH Expo and Ruby was announced as "best guest artist" by the Jefferson Awards for her Ivanhoe performance in "The Wedding Band." Ruby currently is appearing in New York in the same show, but fortunately her theater is dark on Monday nights, so she'll be here in person to accept the award on Oct. 9 at the Conrad Hilton. ... Sid Bernstein, the spirit of Advertising Age, will be feted at the Arts Club on Friday.

GOV. OGILVIE AND HIS DEMOCRATIC opponent, Dan Walker, "meet the press" Saturday night at 6 p.m. on Ch. 2. . . . Maybe politics means having to say you're sorry: When Sen. George McGovern discovered that his first network TV show on CBS Sunday was scheduled opposite a sure rating winner, "Love Story" on ABC, he registered a protest. Result: CBS said it was sorry and moved McGovern to 7:30 p.m., a half hour ahead of "Love Story." . . . Sports Illustrated reports the Second City's second player is Billy Williams of the Cubs, who's having a sensational year. But he's playing in the shadow of the fantastic Dick Allen of the White Sox and is not getting the attention due him.

POOR SPIRO AGNEW CAN'T WIN for losing with the press. He was lambasted for his caustic, alliterative commentary as "President Nixon's hatchet man" for the last four years. Now that he's projecting a low profile in the campaign, he's being criticized as a "bore." (Nobody's perfect!) . . . Zsa Zsa Gabor, the cosmetics queen, will be feted by drug tycoon Lou Zahn at a reception Friday at the Drake Hotel. . . . State St. merchant Lou Goldblatt and his Bobbie celebrate 20 years of wedded bliss Saturday night with a "gypsy" party. . . . Ch. 11 airs a special Friday night titled The Quiet War. It's the story of cancer research at the U. of Chicago.

COOK COUNTY CLERK EDDIE BARRETT, indicted by a federal grand jury on bribery charges, is seriously ill at Columbus Hospital. It's the fourth time in a year Barrett has been hospitalized for his heart condition. . . . Ch. 5 chief Bob Lemon introduces his successor, Lee Schulman, Monday at a reception at the Merchants & Manufacturers Club. That's the same day WGN hosts a party to commemorate the 20th anniversary of Bears broadcasting for Jack Brickhouse and his silent partner, who shall remain nameless. . . . David the Hungarian (Foote Cone & Belding ad agency's answer to Jimmy the Greek) picks the Bears, 23-17 over Detroit.

THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING UNION has acceptances from top British and American figures for its international conference Nov. 12-15 at the Ambassador East. This is the first time the English-Speaking Union has held its international conference in a city other than a nation's capital, which is a tribute to Our Town. . . . The Ladies' Home Journal salutes Dr. Juliann Bluitt, associate dean of NU's Dental School, as one of its women of the month. . . . Birthdaying: Greer Garson, Anita Ekberg, Gene Autry, Stanley Kramer, Deborah Kerr, Eddie Albert, Truman Capote and Angie Dickinson.

CARDINAL YU-PIN OF TAIWAN will be a Chicago visitor this weekend. He'll be Pat Gorman's guest at a luncheon Monday at the Pick-Congress. . . . Gorman will be one of the three Chicagoans honored at the Old Town Chicago Boys Club's Gold Cup gala on Oct. 27 at the Ambassador West, along with theater mogul Arthur Schoendstadt and Judge William Sylvester White. . . . Friday treat: The Black Tennis Shoe fund-raiser at the Lake Shore Racquet Club to benefit the Easter Seal Society. . . . And on Saturday, a new version of Bill Russo's "Aesop's Fables," opens at the Free Theater. . . . Gil Stern describes the plight of the three recently freed PWs: "From prisoners of war to tug-of-war!"

RUBY DEE

The year we become Ameri-

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If you already drink Canad-
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CANADIAN WHISKY-A BLEND 80 PROOF, BROWN-

KANSAS CITY TIMES 16 September 1972 P5 (29)

# Budget No Burden, Army Chief Says

Robert F. Froehlke, secretary of the army, asserted in Kansas City, Kansas, last night the military budget is no burden on a country whose citizens should be prideful of their government.

Froehlke was the speaker before about 250 persons at the Center City Ramada Inn where area military commanders were guests of the Kansas City, Kansas Area Chamber of Commerce.

Froehlke said that while on various speaking occasions and especially on the college campus the opinion has been that the military has been constantly devouring the country's budget, "the fact is there has been a major reorganization of priorities."

"Last year 9.6 per cent of the G.N.P. (Gross National Product) went to defense compared with 7 per cent this year. We have already reduced the budget drastically. Why more?" he asked.

Froehlke turned his attention to dissidents in the country and challenged them to compare America with any other country and determine what they consider is the greatest.

"When the comparison is done the conclusion is that America is still superb," he said.

The army secretary said he was proud of the mission of the military to be ready for war if civilian political leaders deem it necessary.

He praised those in uniform as being dedicated to their country and their fellow man.

"The man in uniform is far more dedicated than anyone I have ever met," Froehlke said.

He said that on many occasions he has heard comments about a dominating U.S. military force.

"Individuals and families have the duty to defend themselves and the only way to deterrence is to have a force willing to defend," he said. "I believe a world power has the obligation to keep small crises from becoming big ones."

"I don't know what would have happened if 5,000 marines had not gone into Lebanon. All I know is we have peace," Froehlke said.

"In this world a little hostility can lead to a world crisis," he added.

The passed $2.8 billion economic obligation hasn't The vote.

Before rejection by Wis.) to funds halving after-Army Bank million Development

The $5.2 billion House which nomie military relief.

The House's

BALTIMORE SUN 29 September 1972 P1

## Army rights 66-year wrong

### Blacks cleared of guilt for silent solidarity

Washington U—After 66 years, the Army yesterday cleared the records of 167 black soldiers' dishonorably discharged for a frontier shooting in Brownsville, Texas, that resulted in what the Army says is the only documented case of mass punishment in its history.

Declaring it a gross injustice, the secretary of the Army, Robert F. Froehlke, ordered the discharges changed to honorable for the 167 members of the 1st Battalion, 25th Infantry, an all-Negro unit.

President Theodore Roosevelt ordered the men punished in 1906 for their "conspiracy of silence" in refusing to testify against their fellow soldiers during investigation of the shooting that history has come to record as "The Brownsville Affray."

Officials said no attempt will be made to determine if any of the men are still alive and noted that the action rules out

any back pay and allowance for their descendants.

A Pentagon spokesman said that while Mr. Froehlke's action will not do the men any good now, the "secretary felt the record should be cleared and did so."

An Army spokesman said the case was brought to Mr. Froehlke's attention during a review of administrative and judicial policies.

"Although the practice was occasionally invoked under extreme circumstances during frontier times," Mr. Froehlke said, "the concept of mass punishment has for decades been contrary to Army policy and is considered gross injustice."

The spokesman said this is believed to be the only documented case of its kind, in which an entire company was punished.

According to the history books, at about midnight, August 13, 1906, some 16 to 20

armed throughout the city, was killed.

The shelling between 1st Battalion, 25th Infantry, and the town began the next day.

The inattention of the officers on the

riders at Fort Bragg, military grand juries were involved.

Finally, the Company 1st Battalion, on the Brown, step forward, themselves discharging

No longer derided, the company was charged with the Army barred Army "conspire

3

"The U.S. seems to recognize this in proposing that reforms are needed."

Lima: "Peace Angle Welcome"

Conservative-independent El Comercio of Lima stated yesterday:

"There is an agreeable angle to President Nixon's speech. It is the reference to peace. He believes in and advocates the use of economic power in the search for peace. It is an idea that is not always considered in the analysis of economic problems and it deserves to be considered in the context of the reform of the international monetary system."

TALK OF VIETNAM AGREEMENT

Media in several Western European capitals gave prominent play today and yesterday to "an avalanche of rumors" of a basic agreement between Mr. Kissinger and the North Vietnamese negotiators at Paris.

The Italian radio noted this morning that "notwithstanding U.S. and North Vietnamese denials, in the U.S. they continue to talk of decisive progress made in the Paris negotiations." Influential Corriere della Sera of Milan headlined a telephoned report from its New York correspondent, "Negotiations on Vietnam at a Turning Point. Difficulty Is the Future Saigon Government."

A commentator in West Germany's right-center Frankfurter Allgemeine wrote today, "Kissinger and Le Duc Tho have apparently made progress" toward "establishing a three-party coalition is Saigon."

Washington correspondent Hans M. Meyer of independent Tagesspiegel of West Berlin said today:

No. 117

15

9/29/72

"The conclusion that prospects for negotiations are improved is not discouraged by Washington, despite its official reserve. The assumption seems justified that there are more indications for this than mere election campaign concern."

Independent-left *Le Monde* of Paris warned yesterday against rumors of "imminent breakthrough." However, today's Gaullist *La Nation* wrote:

"There is reason to believe that despite the denials from Washington, Hanoi, Saigon and the PRG...the countdown likely to lead to peace in Vietnam has begun."

Roger Massip maintained today in moderately conservative *Figaro* of Paris that "favorable signs are becoming more and more numerous" and that "evidently concessions have been made, and it is a safe bet these concern President Thieu...

"Obviously, 'something is going on' on the Vietnamese side. Once again hope is dawning of seeing the fighting end soon. But we also know that this hope is at least as fragile as all those which professional observers have signaled in recent years."

No. 117

16

9/29/72

6

# Kissinger going back to Paris; secret talks speed up

By Thomas B. Ross

Sun-Times Bureau

WASHINGTON — In a speed-up of his secret peace negotiations, U.S. Presidential adviser Henry A. Kissinger is expected to return to Paris next week to continue his talks with the North Vietnamese.

It will mark the first time since the negotiations began three years ago that the talks will have been held two weeks in a row, just as this week's meeting was the first to be extended to two straight days.

Kissinger flew back here Wednesday night. He reported to Mr. Nixon Thursday night after the President returned to Washington from his West Coast campaign tour.

Both the White House and the North Vietnamese denied reports that an agreement had been reached on a cease-fire and a new coalition government in Saigon. But Mr. Nixon

on added fuel to speculation that a deal may be in the making by declaring in Los Angeles Wednesday night:

"We have prepared the South Vietnamese so that it is now very clear that they will be able soon to undertake their complete defense without our assistance. We are going to end our involvement. We will end the war."

By the same token, White House press secretary Ronald L. Ziegler did not deny that diplomatic progress is being made; he denied only that a final agreement has already been achieved.

Other officials indicated privately that there has been considerable progress and that the negotiations have been narrowed down to the question of a new balance of political power in Saigon.

They acknowledged, however, that a major sticking point is the status of South Vietnamese President Nguyen Van Thieu, whose oust

er is demanded by the North Vietnamese as part of any settlement.

Xuan Thuy, Hanoi's representative to the formal talks in Paris and a participant in the negotiations with Kissinger, said "the positions of the two sides are still far apart and contradictory."

Mrs. Nguyen Thi Binh, the Viet Cong representative, insisted: "All these rumors of an agreement are designed to deceive American and world public opinion."

Advisers to Sen. George McGovern feared Mr. Nixon was getting the best of two political worlds: either a genuine diplomatic coup prior to the election or enough diplomatic mo

tion to persuade the voter that peace will be forthcoming just after the election.

Kissinger is expected to fly to Paris Tuesday following the Presidents' dinner at the White House Monday night for Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko.

If he meets with Thuy and North Vietnamese Politburo member Le Duc Tho that evening, it will mark just a six-day lapse in the talks. The shortest prior interval was 11 days, between the session Tuesday and Wednesday and the previous meeting.

Since the secret negotiations began in August, 1969, no other meetings had been held at a shorter interval than two weeks.

# Kissinger aide will brief Thieu

Los Angeles Times Special

SAIGON — Presidential adviser Henry A. Kissinger's senior aide, Maj. Gen. Alexander Haig, is being sent to South Vietnam to make a personal report to President Nguyen Van Thieu on the Paris peace negotiations.

The South Vietnamese president's office announced Thursday that Haig was expected within 24 hours.

The announcement further fueled speculation that some substantive progress had been made in Paris in secret meetings between Kissinger and North Vietnam's senior negotiator, Le Duc Tho.

Vietnamese officials close to the Saigon cabinet said Haig was bringing with him a personal message from President Nixon.

Thieu received a prelimi-

nary report on the Paris talks Thursday morning during a 50-minute meeting with U.S. Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker. Thieu was also informed at that meeting that Haig would be arriving soon for a fuller report.

The U.S. Embassy in Saigon would not comment on the Haig visit or even confirm that the general was expected.

# Swibel probed in U.S. land offer

The General Services Administration said Thursday that it is investigating the role of Charles R. Swibel, chairman of the Chicago Housing Authority, in the impending sale of Near West Side land to the federal government.

Swibel is a partner in the Madison-Canal Co., the company that acquired two city blocks from the city Department of Urban Renewal for $5.8 million and has offered to sell one of the blocks to the GSA for $7.6 million.

The GSA is considering

building a 10-story, $46-million office building on the block bounded by Washington, Madison, Jefferson and Desplaines.

In a statement released here, GSA director Arthur F. Sampson emphasized that no deal had been consummated with the Swibel company.

"Under no circumstances do we intend to allow anyone a 100 per cent profit on the property," Sampson asserted. He said the GSA will pay no more than the fair market value for any such site.

"If there is any question of

impropriety concerning any parts of these transactions, we are prepared to consider an alternate site," Sampson said.

The GSA announced earlier this month that the office building would be erected to house a Social Security payment center.

At a press conference in the Federal Building, 219 S. Dearborn, John W. Chapman Jr., regional GSA administrator, said he "didn't know he (Swibel) had any interest in the Madison-Canal site."

5

# Tornado injures 18 at Great Lakes

By Bob Olmstead

A tornado ripped through a trailer camp at the Great Lakes Naval Base Thursday night, injuring 18 persons, mostly women and children, a Great Lakes spokesman said.

The tornado was part of a storm system that loosed heavy but scattered rains in the northwestern suburbs, northern Illinois and Wisconsin, raising the threat of renewed flooding along the Fox River.

The tornado hit the Great Lakes base at 6 p.m., knocking trailers off their foundations in the recently completed Forrestal trailer camp.

A spokesman said one woman suffered a compound fracture of the leg. All but three of the injured were treated and released at the base hospital.

The tornado also hit nearby North Chicago and Waukegan, causing what police described as extensive property damage but no injuries there.

## Homes wiped out

North Chicago police said the tornado appeared to touch down four times in that municipality, totally destroying some residences.

Waukegan police said the storm damage there appeared heaviest at the intersection of 10th and Victory, with roofs off and heavy tree limbs blown down. However, there were no reports of injuries in Waukegan, police said.

The National Weather Service said the tornado appeared to continue north along the shore of Lake Michigan, causing damage as far north as Racine, Wis. Police in Racine

pressway, felled wires and blocked highways.

Other flooded thoroughfares were reported at Stony Island and 95th in Chicago; Illinois 90 at 90th, and Illinois 83 between Roosevelt and North, both in Elmhurst, and several underpasses along the Chicago & North Western Ry. in Lombard.

ern suburbs, a spokesman for Commonwealth Edison Co. said.

In the southern suburb of Palos Hills, lightning knocked out a power feeder line, and the power failure in turn stopped the municipal water pumping station. Both were restored to service after an hour, police said.

down to .21 inches at Hazel Crest, the National Weather Service said.

Police in Deerfield reported that electrical power in the northern half of their community went out about 7 p.m. and that it was still out more than two hours later.

Three fires in Deerfield were blamed on the

Tossed by Thursday night's tornado, trailers lie wrecked at Great Lakes Naval Base north of Chicago.

Sun-Times Photo by Duane Hall

WASHINGTON POST

30 September 1972

# Nixon Again
Sends Haig
To Vietnam

By Carroll Kilpatrick

Washington Post Staff Writer

President Nixon yesterday sent Maj. Gen. Alexander M. Haig Jr., deputy presidential assistant for national security affairs, to Vietnam for another "general assessment of the situation."

Haig's trip immediately after Henry A. Kissinger's two-day session this week with Communist negotiators in Paris prompted renewed speculation that significant progress may have been made in

the talks.

But White House officials discouraged such speculation. Press secretary Ronald L. Ziegler said that Haig will discuss Kissinger's latest talks when he confers with South Vietnamese President Nguyen Van Thieu and other Saigon officials. However, Haig's principal reason for going to Saigon is to assess the military and political situation and report to the President, Ziegler said.

He noted that this is the eighth such survey mission Haig has undertaken to Vietnam.

His most recent visit was June 29 to July 4. With one exception, Haig is taking with him the same group of assistants who accompanied him on that trip.

They are John Negroponte, the chief Vietnam expert on the National Security Council

staff; Philip Odeen, head of the program analysis staff; John Bushnell, an expert on the Vietnamese economy, and the following members of Negroponte's staff: Lt. Col. Frederic Brown, Alvin Adams and Sven Kraemer.

Peter Collins, a State Department expert on Vietnam, who did not go on the June-July trip, also is accompanying the group.

They left Washington last night and are expected to return Wednesday. Experts here indicated that one reason for the trip at this time is to advise the President whether a new Communist offensive appears to be imminent.

Haig has been appointed vice chief of staff for the Army. He will be promoted to full general after he leaves the White House staff about Nov. 1.

33

WASHINGTON STAR

29 September 1972

BUREAUCRATS FIRED

Manila Calm, but...

By RICHARD CRITCHFIELD
Special to The Star-News

MANILA — The most unsettling thing of all, somehow, is that Manila has never been more calm.

The equatorial sun blazes down, graceful palms along Manila Bay sway in the breeze, heavy traffic grinds down Roxas Boulevard, tourists jam the Hilton. Relaxed-looking crowds ride the gaily painted jeepneys, throng the markets, joke over iced drinks in the cafes. And there has been no crime at all for six days in a city famous for its lawlessness.

complaints one hears suggest freedom of speech itself has not been much impaired.

And indignation is tempered by an apparently widespread feeling that the country was going to pieces as it was and that, since the August floods created the worst economic disaster since World War II, a less libertarian system was needed if the country was going to survive.

By declaring martial law and assuming extraordinary state powers, President Marcos has temporarily stifled opposition and committed the army to an all-out war with the radical Maoist left. But he

worry that a stronger, secessionist movement might develop among the 2.5 million moslems on the southern island of Mindanao or that the Communists. radical left and moder-ate left might all unite or that all these things might happen at once. Almost no one sees this danger as immediate.

Indeed, in the vast steamy slums of the city one hears a great many expressions of relief. Typical is a 53-year-old docker who said: "All the hoodlums here think that under martial law if you get caught the army might just kill you. Until now any drunk-an tough with a 45 in his hip

have reappeared, warning "Martial Law Means Civil War."

A taxi driver typically commented, "a majority of my passengers favor martial law because according to them it's more peaceful than before. At night you don't have to worry about the drunks, carrying guns, fighting each other."

Another reported, "some people are really scared. They're afraid of getting caught in the crossfire if anything happens."

Many people complain of the lack of news. "It's all mouth-to-mouth, hearsay, gosling"

Max Lerner

JAPAN AS REMODELER

When Henry Kissinger was asked about Japan's Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka, he called him "very forceful, very direct, very attractive, very blunt-spoken." Tanaka is a new figure on the world scene at a time when Japan is recognized as a new major world power — with little land and no war machine. The two superpowers, the U.S. and Russia, both laden with land and weapons, are being most respectful toward the new boy in the class with a big economic clout.

So is China, no superpower, with not much industry, but with land, people, solders, and considerable new prestige. When Tanaka and Chou En-lai signed an agreement for new diplomatic relations, in Peking, it ended a stretch of three-quarters of a century of hostility between the two nations—longer even than the America-China cold war.

Each leader got something he wanted out of it. Chou got good trading terms (probably with soft credits), more prestige, but mainly he firmed up China's position in Asia in the event of trouble with the Soviet Union, which is half an Asian power. Tanaka also got prestige, for Japan and himself, and segments of Japanese industry—autos, shipbuilding, chemicals, fertilizers — have the long-range prospect of a big new market. Each man also gambled—Chou with his image as a revolutionary, Tanaka by breaking Japan's strong political and economic ties with Taiwan.

Nixon gave his blessing last month at Honolulu to Tanaka's Peking trip, which meant something for most Japanese. But Nixon had little choice but to approve of what he had made inevi-

table by his own Peking visit. Shocked at first, the Japanese rallied to take the same road, and the fact that Tanaka has shown a degree of independence from the American tie is likely to be an asset for him with his people.

Tanaka now emerges with the profile of a remodeler in foreign policy, as well as in the domestic area where his plans were more familiar. I take the term from his own book, "Thesis on the Remodeling of the Japanese Archipelago," which has become a runaway best-seller and has stirred up hot discussion. It is a plan for dealing with the overcrowded cities, the environmental pollution, and the rural depopulation which are the price the Japanese have to pay for their "miracle" economic growth. The thesis proposes moving people and industries out of the big cities, choosing rural areas that can receive them, and planning new cities of a quarter-million people in them.

It is a bold idea, has caught the popular imagination, and has given a new energy charge to the ruling Liberal-Democratic Party in Japan. It stole the thunder of critics from opposition parties who have been attacking pollution and congestion as wedded to the status quo. No American party leader has come up with anything like it. It is a sharp break with conventional party wisdom in Japan — also the kind of break that every party and every nation needs periodically. It has already boosted the prices of rural land, on the principle that a speculative plan (in the intellectual sense) is bound to lead to financial speculations based on it.

In purely pragmatic terms it may simply not work. But, if it does, it will

give a fillip of strength and creativity to Japan's new world role, especially since many have tended to dismiss the Japanese as possessing only an "economic mentality."

In many respects, since the end of World War II, the Japanese have followed the American pattern. With a traditional work ethic, with strong family ties, with a high rate of savings and investment, and with an impressive cohesiveness between public and private agencies, they have climbed rapidly to the rank of the third economic power. They have paid a heavy price, much as America has—in crowded and polluted cities, in student rebellions fed by TV and the press and since defused, in the erosion of traditional value-systems, in the multiplying of discontents.

They know now that they must shift from the cult of sheer quantity to a concern about the quality of life, from mounting national income to an enriched psychic income for the people. In all these senses Japan and America are much alike, and face similar problems—which may be the best possible base for continuing their close relationship, whatever the longer-range consequences of Tanaka's China trip.

But Japan has one great advantage over America. It has no armies to emember the young, no navies to cover the oceans, no great air force to darken the skies, no nuclear weapons to form a grim symbol of a possible great Death-happening. Accordingly, it can give more of its attention, as well as its income, to authentic remodeling of the society. True, by a curious accident of history, it was the U.S. which first enforced this on Japan, and it is the American nuclear umbrella which now makes possible the luxury of Japanese military abstinence. That fact, too, should strengthen the alliance. But it also serves to underscore the sweet uses that bitter military defeat sometimes has.

Max Lerner

ON THE PARIS TALKS

Was ever a war pursued so implacably, so wearily? Was ever a peace dragged out so unendingly, with so many tantalizing will-they-won't-they moments?

We are at another such moment in a war without meaning or purpose that won't quite end, and a peace passionately sought that won't quite come off.

This time our tremulous hope is like that of a doe in a barren season who has found some wisps of green to nibble on. Is this wholly an illusion for us, some mirage that in the end offers nothing sustaining.

The mounting tempo of American bombing and the continued Hanoi offensive against Saigon would seem to belie any renewed hope. Yet, in themselves, they don't. The negotiations are the kind in which even a minor bargaining advantage from the battlefield might count in the peace outcome. The slogan on both sides is the familiar Communist slogan, "Fight and talk, talk and fight." Nixon has merely taken it over from the guerrilla tradition. It is part of the craziness of this grim zany war that, exactly when the guns are pounding hardest and the planes are dropping their most lethal installments of death, there may finally be a chance that wily and determined negotiators are talking seriously of how to end it.

Are they always the hollow men? They don't have to be. This seems to be the moment for a raking attack on Henry Kissinger from several quarters in the press, more virulent than I can recall in his career. I don't join in it. Kissinger is what he is, neither a political leader nor the conscience of his time, but a negotiator and an analyst

of world politics. He is very ably what he is. If there is any chicanery in the quest for peace, the target should be not Kissinger but President Nixon.

But is there much chicanery in fact? Some theatrics there must be. If ever there was a wrong timing for the serious negotiaton of peace, it is the weeks before a Presidential election, when Hanoi could feel it had the President strapped into a make-peace-or-lose-the-election straitjacket, and when any move toward negotiation—serious as well as theatrical—would be regarded as politically suspect. The current charges underscore this timing squeeze, which is a problem for the nation as well as a headache for the President.

My own feeling, nonetheless, is that the present flare-up of negotiations is a serious one, not phony, even though the theatrical element is bound to be part of it. I don't base this on Henry Kissinger's travels alone, or on Gen. Alexander Haig's trip to Saigon, for whatever the real purpose may have been. Nor do I base it on the strip-tease release of the three PWs, which must have been planned weeks earlier, and was clearly intended (although probably in vain) to stoke the fires under President Nixon's hot seat.

The main focus must rather be on the travels and talks of Hanoi's diplomats, not just America's. It is easy enough for President Nixon to send Kissinger and Haig wherever he wishes. But he can't send Le Duc Tho to meet Kissinger, and command him to negotiate. When Hanoi's people spend several days talking to Kissinger and agree to another meeting, then it isn't contrived any more, but serious.

Hanoi keeps warning publicly against

the conclusion that a settlement is near, and this may have a measure of truth as well as guile in it, to keep Nixon from getting a free peace publicity ride that could hurt McGovern. But if Nixon were in fact a phony about the negotiations, and Kissinger his patsy, there would be nothing to keep Hanoi from breaking off the series of Kissinger talks and letting Nixon drown in his own duplicity.

The logic on each side is clear enough. For obvious reasons, Hanoi wants Nixon defeated and McGovern victorious. Meanwhile it wants the strongest possible pressures on Nixon, including the release of the PWs. It is also willing, however, to explore how far Nixon will go to get a negotiated peace. Hence, the continued Hanoi presence at the secret Paris talks.

If McGovern wins, and if America withdraws totally from Vietnam "five minutes after the Inauguration," as McGovern has himself put it, Hanoi will have no problems about the kind of regime it will install in Saigon. If Nixon wins, Hanoi's problems will be harder. But aside from the moral outrage at home about more years of bombing, I doubt whether even a victorious Nixon would allow his whole second term darkened by an impossible war, which would block his passion to cut a great figure in history.

As for agreeing on a formula for a new Saigon government, which is the bone in the throat of the negotiations, Nixon wants a formula that will save face for him, and give the non-Communists at least a fighting chance not to be swamped by the Communists. He will probably settle for some coalition regime without Thieu, but it will have to be a formula and regime that don't spell out too bluntly the American failure to prevail.

It is a sticky, messy problem, but not beyond the solution which it cries out for. That is why the present trembling moment—or the next—is freighted with consequence.

time, put a negotiator and an anschluss
negotiator is what he is, neither a polit-
recall in his career. I don't join in it,
in the press, more virulent than I can
Henry Kissinger from several quarters
be the moment for a raking attack on
they don't have to be. This seems to
be they always the hollow men?

how to end it.

The negotiators are talking seriously of
it be a chance that wily and determined
instabilities of death, there may final-
bianes are grobbing their most lethal
guna are bounding bargeat and the
grim sany war that, exactly when the
taken it over from the guerrillas tradi-
talk and fight." Nixon has merely
Communist slogan, "Flight and talk,
slogan on both sides is the familiar
might count in the peace outcome. The
ing advantage from the battlefield
the kind in which even a minor bargain-
save, they don't. The negotiations are
pele any renewed hope. Yet, in them-
tensive against Saigon would seem to
pomping and the continued Hanoi ot-
toments?

nothing at alling.
some nice thing that in the end offers
on. Is this wholly an illusion for us,
found some maps of green to nipple
that of a doe in a barren season who has
This time our tremulous hope is like
stately sought that won't quite come off.
won't quite end, and a peace passa-
on't be a war without meaning or purpose that
We are at another such moment in
moments?

many tantalising will-they-won't-they
dragged out so mending, with so
py, so weskily. Was ever a peace
Was ever a war buraned so implac-
ed.

Hanol keebs warning publicly against
any more, put aeron.

another meeting, then it can't contrive
days talking to Klaasinger and agree to
When Hanol's people abend several
singer, and command him to negotiate.
can't send Le Due Tho to meet Kla-
and Haik wherever he wishes. But he
tor President Nixon to send Klaasinger
not just America. It is easy enough
travels and talks of Hanol's diplomat-
ate. The main focus must rather be on the
under President Nixon's hot seat.

propably in vain) to stoke the fires
and was clearly intended (although
must have been planned weeks earlier,
tense release of the three PMs, which
been. Nor do I pass it on the at-
whatever the real purpose may have
Alexander Hsia's trip to Saigon, for
Klaasinger's travels alone, or on Gen-
part of it. I don't pass this on Henry
the theatrical element is bound to be
a serious one, not poken, even though
the present state of negotiations is
My own feeling, nonetheless, is that
President.

My own feeling, nonetheless, is that
President. It is well as a headache for the
adreese, which is a problem for the
rent charges undercore this timing
garded as politically an aspect. The cur-
sa well as theatrical—would be re-
any move toward negotiation—serious
loss-the-election atraisingscket, and when
ident strapped into a make-bese-or-
when Hanol could feel it had the Pre-
weeke before a Presidential election,
rions negotiator of peace, it is the
there was a wrong timing for the ac-
some theatrics there must be. It ever
But is there much chicanery in fact?
not Klaasinger but President Nixon.

dread for peace, the target should be
he is. It there is any chicanery in the
of world politics. He is very sly what

Max Lerner

ON THE PARIS TALKS

with connaissance.

piling moment—or the next—is freighted
out for. That is why the present trem-
not beyond the solution which it cries
It is a sticky, mealy problem, put
failure to prevail.

shell out too pliantly the American
to be a formula and regime that don't
regime without Thule, but it will have
will propably settle for some coalition
de ambbed by the Communists. He
nata at least a fighting chance not to
face for him, and give the non-Com-
Nixon wanta a formula that will save
bone in the throat of the negotiators,
new Saigon Government, which is the
Ya for agreeing on a formula for a
figure in history.

would block his passalon to cut a great
darkened by an impossible wsr, which
would allow his whole second term
doubt whether even a victorlona Nixon
home spout more years of pomping. I
But saide from the morral outrage at
wina, Hanoi's problem will be harder.
regime it will install in Saigon. It Nixon
have no problema spout the kind of
Govern has himself put it. Hanoi will
minutes after the Insurrection," as Me-
 withdraws totally from Vietnam "live
It McGovern wins, and it America
secret Paris talks.

the continued Hanoi presence at the
go to get a negotiated peace. Hence,
however, to explore how far Nixon will
release of the PWS. It is also willing,
able breaamea on Nixon, including the
Meanwhile it wanta the strongest poa-
on defeated and McGovern victorlona.
For obvious reasons, Hanoi wanta Nix-
tica of Klaasinger talksa and letting Nix-
keep Hanoi from preskling off the ac-
his batay, there would be nothing to
about the negotiatora, and Klaasinger
But it Nixon were in fact a poken
licity ride that could hurt McGovern.
Nixon from getting a tree peace bip-
truth sa well sa guile in it, to keep
near, and this may have a messane of
the conclusion that a settlement is

O-o-oh, Henry!

With a Cheshire cat grin and little else, presidential adviser Henry Kissinger stretches out across the centerfold of a Harvard Lampoon parody of Cosmopolitan magazine.

"All America was waiting for this," said Eric Rayman, president of the Harvard University undergraduate magazine.

Clad only in his glasses, Nixon's chief foreign policy expert is lying on a panda bear rug, with one hand holding a cigar. The photo actually is a composite, Kissinger's head on a nude model.

The centerfold is headlined: "Oh, Henry ... Cosmo's playmate Henry Kissinger is top banana in foreign affairs and the forbidden fruit of the executive branch at home."

Using the Playboy magazine format, Kissinger is described as a "bewitching Berliner" who "cuts a dashing political figure that would make Tallayrand turn in his cod-piece."

The Lampoon spoofed Cosmopolitan, a women's magazine that published a centerfold nude of actor Burt Reynolds in imitation of the famed Playboy centerfold Playmates.

The White House, queried about the photograph, said it had no comment on such matters. One source pointed out, however, that "Henry doesn't smoke cigars."—UPI

challenge of a Senate cut of $515 million in temporary appropriations for foreign aid.

On Saturday, the House voted a $4 billion continuing resolution, intended to maintain foreign aid programs at that level until Feb. 28. But the Senate, acting on a proposal by Sen. Daniel Inouye, D-Haw., yesterday cut the total in its measure to $3.49 billion. A prior continuing resolution expired Saturday night.

Specifically, the Senate continuing resolution, approved by a voice vote, would cut back House-approved provisions for military assistance,

tually all military aid, slightly over $1.7 billion, from the bill.

The lack of regular funding legislation developed because of an earlier disagreement between House and Senate conferees over a Senate-passed section to require Senate approval of all future executive agreements to station U.S. forces overseas.

Whichever version of the temporary funding measure is accepted, it would be substantially less than the $5.1 billion sought by the Nixon administration for economic and military assistance.

AMERICAN STANDARD

The most
delicious
view of
Washington
is from

the

Reservations

NEW YORK TIMES
2 OCTOBER 1972

# Why No Peace?

By DAVID LIVINGSTON

The press continues to report peace rumors. Every time Henry Kissinger travels, there is another flurry of hopeful speculation. Secret talks between Mr. Kissinger and Le Duc Tho take place from time to time. But still there is no peace—the bombings, the fighting, the killing go on.

Over recent months, a delegation of American labor leaders, including this writer, visited North Vietnam, and on a number of subsequent occasions talked to Le Duc Tho, member of the politiburo and chief negotiator for North Vietnam. In our discussions, we did not seek to negotiate or mediate. Rather we sought to understand why there was no peace. As long-time opponents of the war, we knew that public opinion has frequently been manipulated. If we could learn the truth and spread it, perhaps we could help bring peace at least a little closer.

On March 24, our delegation met with Le Duc Tho in Hanoi. In the course of that meeting, he stated that his Government favored a three-segment coalition in South Vietnam. One segment would consist of independents; one would be designated by the Provisional Revolutionary Government (somewhat inaccurately referred to in the United States as the Vietcong); and the third segment would be designated by the present Saigon administration, but not to include President Thieu. Only the one-third representation of the Provisional Revolutionary Government would include Communists, Le Duc Tho noted, and even among this segment, Communists would be a small minority.

In describing some of the persons who might participate in a coalition, he noted that they included merchants and landowners who were obviously opponents of Communism.

Our two and one-half hour talk covered a variety of subjects. The North Vietnamese leader denied that there had ever been a blood bath in North Vietnam or that one would take place in South Vietnam when the war was over. He urged that Paragraph 14C of the 1954 Geneva Agreement which outlawed reprisals be included in any settlement. He said North Vietnam wanted such safeguards as much as the United States.

Le Duc Tho urged that we inform Mr. Kissinger of everything he had told us. On March 31, our delegation met with Mr. Kissinger. Among other things, Mr. Kissinger said that there is no doubt that there must be a coalition government in South Vietnam to end the war.

"The Vietcong," Mr. Kissinger observed, "have been fighting for more than a dozen years, and they cannot be expected to just fade away and disappear."

But, he added, the trouble is that the Vietnamese speak "elliptically" so that it is impossible to tell what they really mean. Le Duc Tho says he is for a coalition, but when specific representatives are discussed, Mr. Kissinger said, not only is President Thieu unacceptable, but it also turns out that the North Vietnamese will tolerate nobody.

Mr. Kissinger stated he emphatically favored a negotiated settlement. He

said that the United States has the power to achieve a military victory but if that power were to be used, it would create unbearable division among our people—it would in effect tear the United States apart.

In May, the United States did proceed to apply such power, resuming the bombing of North Vietnam and mining Haiphong harbor. President

NEW YORK TIMES 2 OCTOBER 1972

# The Kissinger Mystery

By ANTHONY LEWIS

In Richard Nixon's Washington, Henry Kissinger stands out like kill-manjaro on an arid plain. He is a man of broad intellect in a narrow and anti-intellectual world, a self-confident man with a sense of humor among the defensive and the humorless.

His accomplishments assure him a place in the history of American foreign policy. His clear vision of great-power relationships, however flawed by inadequate economic interest or understanding, has begun to make possible a new realism in American dealings with China and the Soviet Union. And he has done an extraordinary amount of the work himself: advice to the President, administration, negotiation.

All this makes Kissinger a fascinating figure, not least to the liberal intellectuals otherwise alienated from Washington. But with them more than curiosity is involved. There is pain, and disappointment, and mystery: How can a man as sensitive and intelligent as Kissinger have let our Government say nothing for months while its Pakistani allies raped and slaughtered the people of Bengal? How, above all, can he justify the continuing American destruction of Indochina?

The mystery is explored in a new book, "Kissinger: The Uses of Power." It is by David Landau, who developed his interest at Harvard College before graduation last June. Landau is misled into a little parlor psychanalytic, perhaps an irresistible temptation with this subject. But he comes back to solid ground in his exploration of the problem to which he wisely devoted half the book: Vietnam.

When Kissinger left Cambridge in 1969, he assured friends that he would have the United States out of that war in months. When his Harvard colleagues came to see him in protest at the invasion of Cambodia in April, 1970, he told them to come back in a year—"you will find your concerns are unwarranted." That confidence about ending the war is a repeated theme. On what was it based?

Kissinger believed in 1969 — and made no secret of his view—that Vietnam had proved to be a poor place for the exercise of American power. He understood that the United States could not "win" over a tenacious nationalist force. He thought the U.S. should get out, preserving its credibility as a world power merely by obtaining an assurance from the Communists of a "decent interval" before they took over in Saigon.

The trouble with that theory was that it took too little account of recent Vietnamese history. Twice before the Communists had been offered a deal and believed it: in 1946 when France promised a Vietnam under their leadership, in 1954 at Geneva. Both times they were betrayed.

## ABROAD AT HOME

It has always been unlikely that the Communists would believe another unsupported promise to keep hands off Vietnam, least of all from a President whose rhetoric seems constantly to escalate the American interest in a non-Communist Saigon. That is why Hanoi has sought formal agreement with the U.S. on the political future of Vietnam—as an assurance against renewed intervention.

When the Kissinger negotiating theory did not work, the United States turned to threat and to force. And so today the man who was a skeptical about America's involvement in Vietnam serves an Administration which has intensified the involvement and the destruction, paying an ever more terrible price for whatever end is reached.

How did it happen? Landau suggests that Kissinger had "an obsession with U.S. credibility" that obscured his original understanding of realities in Vietnam, and a deep fear of reaction from the right in the U.S. Landau may overestimate Kissinger's ability to influence the President on this issue. And there is the factor of time: As Kissinger said when he went to Washington, he probably had only two years until his ability to innovate faded and he found himself defending policy.

Still, the questions about Henry Kissinger remain: If all he wanted was that facade of a "decent interval" in Vietnam, how could he keep working for a Government that killed so many people for such a shadowy cause? And if the aim was really to crush Hanoi into submission, how could he of all people support such an old misconception?

It is as if there were a gap in his intellect or character. One person who has known Kissinger says that in his focus on the application of power in the world: He fails to understand that foreign policy has moral consequences—for one's self as for others. Another puts it more bluntly: "He does not care enough about killing people."

A year ago Kissinger told some reporters: "What we are doing now with China is so great, so historic, that the word 'Vietnam' will be only a footnote when it is written in history." His tragedy, and ours, is that he was wrong. The United States has been more deeply affected by the disaster of Vietnam, and will be, than by any other contemporary event. Kissinger must know that, and accordingly must yearn for a settlement as much as anyone. The alternative is to believe that a brutal, unending use of force to make one small country conform is Henry Kissinger's Pax Americana.

Nixon made two speeches declaring these measures to be necessary to prevent a Communist takeover in South Vietnam. Mr. Kissinger in an extended press conference described Le Duc Tho's proposals as merely a "thin veneer" for a Communist assumption of power.

CONTINUED NEXT PAGE

7-F

RADIO-TV PART
DEFENSE DIALOG II

MONDAY, OCTOBER 2, 1972 (BROADCASTS OF SEPT 29)

RADIO TV REPORTS, INC.

WASHINGTON, D. C.

SUMMARY OF REPORTS CONTAINED IN THIS ISSUE

JOHN CHANCELLOR, NBC-TV, Harry REASONER, ABC-TV, and Walter CRONKITE, CBS-TV, all report on the return of the three US POW's to the US. There was much controversy over the way the military handled the situation, however, family members of the POW's have said that the men did accompany military officials to three separate hospitals for medical check ups on their own. The GARTLEY family did express some dislike for the way the homecoming was handled - the fact that it was not a hero's welcome - and Mr. GARTLEY was displeased with having to wait in the cold wind a half hour before his son could emerge from the plane. Dr. Roger SHIELDS (?) of the Pentagon talked about the procedure established for returning POW's and said that the POW families have been informed of the procedure. CHANCELLOR reports that the two members of the peace group that arranged for the release told news men at Kennedy Airport that the POW's had been recaptured by the US military upon arrival. Mrs. ELIAS says that statement was baloney, and so does the military, reports CRONKITE, but not in so many words.

TOM STREITHORST, NBC-TV, and Walter CRONKITE, CBS-TV, both report on further negotiations taking place between Henry KISSINGER and the NVNese. KISSINGER's deputy, General HAIG (?) is flying to Saigon to talk with officials there including President THIEU about further peace plans.

JOHN CHANCELLOR, NBC-TV, reports the military has returned the F-111 to the war zone in SE Asia. Radio Hanoi claimed it shot down two more US planes over the north but did not identify the type of aircraft. It also said the pilots were captured.

TOM JERRIEL, ABC-TV, also reports on speculations about further peace talks between KISSINGER and the NVNese delegations in Paris. KISSINGER is saying, however, that there is no magic date to having peace wrapped up in a tidy package.

TED KOPPEL, ABC-TV, talked with Lt. GARTLEY on the place back to the US. GARTLEY could not speculate on why he was chosen for the release as he said he was completely surprised by the announcement.

WALTER CRONKITE, CBS-TV, reports Admiral Thomas MOORER testified before the Senate Committee investigation the John LAVELLE case. MOORER believes the incident was not of the magnitude that would warrant a breach of civilian control over the military.

PART II

NBC NIGHTLY NEWS NBC-TV 6:30 PM

SEPT 29

POW's Arrive Home

JOHN CHANCELLOR: When the prisoners got home last night to Kennedy Airport in New York City, they were taken quickly to military hospitals around the country.

One in Alabama, one in southern California, one in New York.

There is disagreement about precisely what happened at the airport.

The mother of Lt. Mark GARTLEY cried because the Pentagon said she couldn't have three days with her son immediately.

But, the wife of Air Force Major Edward ELIAS said she didn't mind at all.

The prisoners are being processed under a plan the Pentagon calls Operation Egress Recap. Which was explained in Washington today.

RUSS WARD: The Pentagon defended its handling of the returning POW's reception saying the procedures followed were standard operating policy and will be followed for all returning prisoners of war.

Medical evacuation planes are provided if they are needed, military uniforms are offered. The men themselves decided whether to wear them.

There is no coercion and no attempt to isolate the men.

DR. ROGER SHIELDS (?): We believe that the - our experience with men who have returned, talking with them about their experiences, their exposure to the press, their desire to debrief and other things indicates that these procedures that we have made are the best procedures to follow.

Families of our prisoners and missing have been briefed in this area - in fact, we had briefing teams out talking about these plans long before we had indication of this release.

So the families are aware of these and many families have expressed a complete agreement and satisfaction with these plans and indeed have said that medical consideration should be of primary importance.

Now, the services have an obligation to these men to be sure that

they are treated medically in a proper manner so that we are assured that not only in the short run but in the long run their rehabilitation and readjustment will be complete and thorough.

So that they can carry on and assume with dignity the careers that they choose.

Homecoming Hectic Affair

CHANCELLOR: The three released men were tired but looked healthy when they arrived last night.

Their homecoming, however, was a hectic affair.

They arrived on an SAS airliner from Copenhagen and the biggest greating - the ramp - was for Navy Lt. Norris CHARLES. He was wearing his uniform complete with medals.

The Navy had sent uniforms to Copenhagen and the men put them on while flying across the Atlantic.

CHARLES was greeted by his three year old daughter among others.

The other Navy flyer, Lt. Mark GARTLEY who had been a prisoner for more than four years followed CHARLES off the plane.

His mother had gone to Hanoi with the peace organization that went to pick up the prisoners.

And the third man was Air Force Major Edward ELIAS, a prisoner for five months.

His family had not gone to Hanoi but his wife was at the airport.

It was quiet a scene with the lights and the cameras and the relatives. There was reportedly some pushing on the plane between the press and the officials.

And there were Mrs. GARTLEY's tears but it didn't take long to get the families sorted out and the men on their way to military hospitals around the country for medical check ups.

Left behind were the American anti-war activists who had arranged the release.

Among them David DELLINGER and Mrs. Cora WEISE.

DAVID DELLINGER: Mrs. GARTLEY said I have not cried since four years ago when my son was shot down but you are driving me to tears now.

MRS. WEISE: We have just witnessed on this aircraft a recapture scene. Replacing one incarceration for another, a hell of a thank you.

2

Monday, October 2, 1972

PART II

improve it but I don't know what
it would be.

REPORTER: One of - one of the
people last night - one of the
anti-war activists said, as your
husband got into a car, you've just
witnessed a recapture scene.

MRS. ELIAS: That's baloney.

Plans Of Released POW's Not Clear

CHANCELLOR: The story may end here or it may cause more controversy.

The plans of the released flyers
are not clear although in general
they have carefully stayed away
from political talk.

Hanoi complained today about the
way they were treated when they got
home but there is no reason to believe tonight that their handling
will jeopardize the release of any
more prisoners, if the NVNese are
inclined to release any more at all.

More Meetings Going On Over Negotiations

CHANCELLOR: General Alexander HAIG (?), Henry KISSINGER's deputy, flies to Saigon tonight to brief NVNese President THIEU on the meetings which KISSINGER held in Paris last week with the NVNese.

There have been rumors of a
possible peace settlement - dis-
counted publicly by both sides and
presumably HAIG will tell THIEU
what did happen in Paris.

In Saigon, President THIEU said
again, he will not accept a cease
fire while the NVNese hold territory in SVN.

And he will not accept a coalition government which includes the VC.

Such a proposal has been advanced by the other side, but there are indications that one neutral, France, likes the idea.

TOM STREITHORST: In Saigon's
coffee shops and other VNese gathering places, there is one subject
which is talked about only in
whispers.

The VC tri-party (?) peace plan.
The plan calls for a government
composed of elements from the present pro-American regime, from the
pro-Hanoi National Liberation Front
and from the neutral third force,

in which VNese exiles in Paris
figure prominently.

Here, foreign minister Tran
Van LAM (?) appeared at the lower
house to denounce the plan and to
condemn the Paris exiles.

Then he accused of being slack-
ers, (?) criminals and dupes of the
communists.

Still, the plan seems to have
appeal to many war weary SVNese.
Especially those who have no link
to the THIEU regime.

The French maintain important
economic interests in SVN. A mon-
opoly on tobacco and one on beer
for example.

President THIEU threatened reprisals against French interests if France attempts to impose a peace settlement on his country.

France remains the dominant
foreign cultural force in SVN. Despite France's current unpopularity
with the THIEU government, the
elite here continues to go to French
schools and to look to Paris as a
cultural model.

Through this low key policy of
cultural impact, and technical
assistance, Paris sees itself as
able to maintain its present influence and expand it as the US role
declines.

French policy is founded on the
belief that the THIEU regime will
not last forever. There are half
a million VNese exiles in Paris.

If peace were to come to this
country based on the VC formula or
a modification of it, the Paris
oriented VNese exiles could play a
decisive role.

According to this scenario, you
would have on the one-hand the VC,
on the other, the pro-American
faction and in the middle, exercising perhaps the balance of power,
the neutral third force.

F-111 Fighter Bombers Return To
SVNese War

CHANCELLOR: F-111 fighter bomb-
ers have returned to the air war
against NVN for the first time in
four and a half years.

A dozen of the F-111's arrived in
Thailand yesterday and were used in
raids against the north that afternoon and again today.

Radio Hanoi claimed it shot down
two American planes. It didn't

4

Monday, October 2, 1972

PART II

CHANCELLOR: Here are reports now from the places where the prisoners were taken - California, Alabama and New York, all military hospitals.

CARL STERN: Lt. GARTLEY was taken to St. Albans Naval Hospital in New York. He had been in prison for four years, far longer than the others.

His parents visited him today and said he was well but both were disturbed about the handling of his return last night.

MRS. GARTLEY: Well, I don't think it was a very happy situation - I think it rather put quiet a damper on a happy homecoming, what we had hoped to have and it really didn't seem like it was a heros welcome.

That, you know, that his first step on US soil was to me not what I hoped it would be.

Perhaps his father would care to comment on how he felt about that.

MR. GARTLEY: I was a little disappointed that they couldn't have had a heros welcome instead of walking down the ramp crying.

I understand they had the VIP treatment all over the world and don't understand why they couldn't have had it here.

STERN: Mrs. GARTLEY denied her son is being held against his will.

She said he'll soon be given leave.

The second Navy pilot, Lt. Norris CHARLES is in a hospital in San Diego.

DON OLIVER: It was the middle of the night when Lt. Norris CHARLES and his family finally landed near their home in San Diego. He smiled a lot and waved, but the Navy kept him away from reporters and would not allow him to talk.

He was taken immediately to a Naval hospital in San Diego for examinations which began today.

The Navy says it will be several days before Lt. CHARLES will be allowed to talk to reporters even though he says he feels fine he has to stay here for complete testing as part of what the Navy calls the new program to evaluate former prisoners of war.

MAN: He would appear at this time to be most understanding and cooperative and a very pleasant individual.

OLIVER: Did he indicate any unhappiness of being brought here and any desire to leave immediately.

MAN: None whatsoever. Nor did - did his wife.

OLIVER: Would you like to be with your husband right now, would you like to have him home?

MRS. CHARLES: Well, of course, who wouldn't, but I know - he knew and I knew that he had to go through this so, I mean, it is not like a shock to me and I was very fortunate in that I could spend that week or so with him before coming back.

OLIVER: Although understanding, the CHARLES family still seemed a bit unhappy about some of the release arrangements.

The third pilot was taken to Maxwell Air Force base near Montgomery, Alabama.

LOU DAVIS: Major Edward ELIAS arrived at Maxwell Air Force base in Montgomery, Alabama last night. He was accompanied by his wife who had flown to New York to meet the Major.

She said she didn't go to NVN because she had been ill.

ELIAS was taken to a waiting car and then to the hospital on the air base.

Air Force officials said Major ELIAS was undergoing a series of medical examinations and would not be available. But his wife Georgia said that she was pleased with the way the Pentagon handled her husband's transfer.

MRS. ELIAS: It is really hard to describe how one feels. I feel very glad and very thankful and I - I'm also sad that I can be so happy and there are still people who aren't as fortunate as I am.

And I want everyone to know that we won't forget that those men are there.

REPORTER: Would you have preferred that his release not been associated with anti-war activists?

MRS. ELIAS: I had no choice.

REPORTER: You are happy with the way the Pentagon has been handling this?

MRS. ELIAS: Everything has been absolutely perfect. I had no complaints. I wish - I wish I had something to tell them that something was wrong so that they could

3

Monday, October 2, 1972

PART II

identify the type of aircraft but it
did claim the pilots were captured.

In the south, US Navy planes and
ships firing from off-shore, caught
a NVNese battalion in the open and
it reportedly killed at least three
hundred and sixty of its members.

This happened in Quang Nai (?)
province three hundred miles north-
east of Saigon.

ABC EVENING NEWS ABC-TV 7:00 PM

SEPT 29

Both Sides May Listen In Paris

HOWARD SMITH: For four years now
what's been called a dialogue of the
deaf has been going on between the
US and Hanoi.

Now, for the first time, there
are indications that both sides are
beginning to listen to one another.

Last night Henry KISSINGER brief-
ed President NIXON on his two days
of talks with Hanoi representatives
in Paris earlier in the week. To-
day the White House announced that
KISSINGER's deputy, General Alexander
HAIG is leaving for SVN tonight to
confer with President THIEU and with
US officials.

There is no official word on what
went on in those Paris talks but ABC
White House correspondent Tom JER-
RIEL has indications that the gears
are beginning to mesh.

TOM JERRIEL: Dr. KISSINGER is
believed now to be engaged in earn-
est negotiations with the NVNese,
defining and narrowing views on a
broad range of complex differences.

This represents progress and that
both sides are showing a serious
willingness to devote long hours
over the conference table without
simply exchanging previously known
attitudes.

However, reports of an impend-
ing breaktrough on a single major
issue which might dramatically wrap
up the talks over night, are des-
cribed by White House sources as
being inaccurate.

After tedious discussions on in-
ter-related military and political
differences, the current round of
KISSINGER's talks holds hope for a
negotiated peace.

However, sources explain, a com-

bination of many factors must be
pulled together before that goal
is reached.

White House sources also deny
KISSINGER's increased pace in con-
ducting pirvate talks and he is
expected to return to Paris again
next week, is tied to trying to
produce a grandstand agreement
before election day.

KISSINGER's attitude is said to
be, there is no magic date to have
peace wrapped up in a tidy pack-
age.

POW's In Military Hospitals

HARRY REASONER: The three Amer-
ican pilots released by Hanoi are
at military hospitals today. Mili-
tary spokesmen say they all seem
in good health that they slept late
and all ate good breakfasts.

The spokesmen say the former
prisoners are seeing their fami-
ies and will hold news conferences
when they choose.

On their arrival they were pro-
emptly claimed by the military but
charges that they were coerced
seemed less substantial today.

GREGORY JACKSON: The three
flyers changed clothes in mid-
flight and when they touched down
in New York, they emerged dressed
in their respective uniforms.

They were promptly taken to
military hospitals giving rise to
accusations from the anti-war
groupd accompanying them that the
pilots were being incarcerated.

Today the parents of one of the
flyers, Mark GARTLEY, visited their
son in a Naval hospital here in
New York and afterward they said
their son was not being held.

MRS. GARTLEY: There is some
perhaps misunderstanding about him
being incarcerated at the present.
I think the word would be better
that he is getting a preliminary
medical check up and that reason-
ably soon he will be given leave
and we're very anxious to have
that.

JACKSON: Mrs. GARTLEY was with
her son on the long trip home but
not his father.

With other family members of the
pilots, he was left waiting at the
airport ramp while conferences
went on in the plane. And today
he was still annoyed.

5

Monday, October 2, 1972

PART II

MR GARTLEY: We stood out there
in the wind for a half hour, just
like teasing a dog with a bone.

Waiting for him to show up,
waiting for him to come down that
ramp. And (words unintelligible)
in there discussing where they were
going and what they were going to
do.

I would have appreciated it
greatly if they would have let us
join them and taken those things in-
to consideration afterwards.

JACKSON: A major question answ-
ered today was why the flyers turn-
ed down an offer to come home
aboard an American military air-
craft.

MRS. GARTLEY: I would like to
make very clear the reason that the-
se men came back civilian aircraft
and did not accept the option that
was given them in Moscow to come
back Medivac from Copenhagen.

They made it clear in their own
decision in Hanoi that they desired
to come back with the committee
that had arranged for their release.

And I would like to make several
things very clear. Number one, all
three of them have said, and I would
like to make this clear too, that
there were no conditions when the
NVNese announced to them that they
were being released.

They were told no conditions.

The Committee of Liason was in-
formed very definitely by the NVNese
that they wished the committee to
bring them back civilian aircraft
and to deliver them to their fam-
ilies in the US.

That if this procedure was in-
terferred with by the American mil-
itary as it had been in the past,
that this would seriously jeopardize
the possibility of the release of
any other prisoners.

## Pentagon Defends Handling Of POW's

DAVID SCHOEMACHER: At the Pen-
tagon officials defended their hand-
ling of the POW's in the wake of
charges they had somehow, according
to peace groups, recaptured the men.

Dr. Roger SHIELDS briefed the
three before they left their jet-
liner in New York City last night.

DR. ROGER SHIELDS: You know,
these are officers - three pilots,
officers in the US military services
who had been appointed by the Presi-
dent and confirmed by Congress. Now

the services have an obligation to
these men to be sure that they are
treated medically in a proper man-
ner so that we are assured that not
only in the short run but in the
long run their rehabilitation and
their readjustment will be complete
and thorough.

Now these men are pilots and for
a pilot who wants to continue his
career in the military and who wants
to continue flying, physical condi-
tion is a very, very important
thing.

REPORTER: The men were obvious-
ly in good health when they ar-
rived. Would it have made any dif-
ference if you would have allowed
them two or three days to have been
with their families before you put
them through the medical routine?

DR. SHIELDS: Well, I don't know
what you mean when you tell me they
were obviously in good health.

Our doctors could not tell by
looking at these men that they were
obviously in good health.

REPORTER: They said so them-
selves.

DR. SHIELDS: I may tell you
that I am also obviously in good
health but I'm not a doctor, I'm
not competent to speak to that.

SCHOEMACHER: Despite some pub-
lished reports to the contrary, Dr.
SHIELDS insisted there was no
shouting match on board the jet-
liner last night. He said all three
men willingly agreed to enter the
hospitalization and debriefing pro-
cess.

But Dr. SHIELDS did admit Lt.
GARTLEY's mother required special
handling as he delicately phrased
it for unique personal reasons.

## Lt. Gartley Talks About Release

TED KOPPEL: Why you, why Mark
GARTLEY. Why do you think you were
released and the question, the
correlary question, did you cooper-
ate with the NVNese - is that why
you were released?

I ask it only because I am sure
a lot of people are thinking that or
asking themselves that question.

MARK GARTLEY: That's a good
question and I have been asking my-
self the very same thing. My re-
lease, I don't - it is really, I

6

Monday, October 2, 1972

12

## ADMINISTRATION

Noting speculation that Rogers, and HAK, will leave Admin, Stu Alsop in *Newsweek* says it's now a good bet they'll both stay. "From RN's point of view, the RN-HAK-Rogers team has been a winning one." W/Rogers smoothing things down, RN and HAK "have been left free to make foreign policy on their own." While RN's foreign policy decisions have been basically his, he'd hate to lose HAK.

But Alsop says there is a good reason to make a change -- State is demoralized. So, best thing could be to send HAK to State, as State people feel power would shift back then. Alsop says HAK at State would also serve 2 other useful purposes: it'd make a Mideast settlement easier to accept by Israelis and US Zionists; and it'd temper possible hubris by RN in foreign policy actions after a landslide victory.

"HAK -- Uses of Power" author Landau, on *Today*, said HAK abhors ideology in diplomatic and foreign affairs and draws a rigid distinction between domestic policy and internatl. conduct of a nation. He feels foreign policy shouldn't infringe on domestic affairs and visa versa. Landau said HAK and RN have a subconscious ideology tho re: the US role in the world -- that of world policeman. Landau said HAK's view of revolution is limited to the foreign sphere, and he doubts HAK would frown on the Greek junta, as HAK would feel it justified as long as Greece behaves internat'ly in a way that suits US policy. Landau sees HAK's kind of diplomacy as unsuitable for today, as the bureaucracy is more unweildy than during Metternich's time; the military is less susceptible to diplomacy, and public participation has removed autonomy of past state leaders. Landau said HAK, believing the US shouldn't appear to fail in defense of an ally, is privately willing to allow Thieu's collapse after US withdrawal. Landau, who thinks US credibility would "absolutely not" be harmed w/a more flexible VN policy, doesn't think HAK will succeed in NVN negotiations as VNese lost twice before on similar proposals in '46 and '54 and there's no reason for NVN to believe HAK.

Klein told UPI editors and publishers he was "particularly pleased" to extend invitation to reception because it gives him a chance to be w/ people whose profession he plans to "rejoin soon."

Once Over, Briefly, for GOP Hopefuls

By Myron S. Waldman

Newsday Washington Bureau

Washington—The Executive Office Building where Henry Kissinger's offices are located is several blocks from the Potomac River. This should reassure those who believe that politics stops at the water's edge.

Yesterday, President Nixon's foreign policy adviser and members of the National Security Council staff met with 10 New York candidates for Congress. None of the candidates is an incumbent and all are Republicans.

One of them was Joseph H. Boyd, who issued a press release Sept. 19 which stated that the briefing by Kissinger was to have been held on that day. When Boyd finally got to meet Kissinger, he found that the term "briefing" was well-chosen. "Kissinger shook hands all around," reported Nassau County Controller Angelo Roncallo, who is running in the new two-county Third District on Long Island's North Shore. "He spoke for a few minutes. He spoke very briefly."

Boyd, who is facing Rep. Otis G. Pike (D-Riverhead), agreed that Kissinger's appearance was short. But then, Boyd's was not very long, either. Boyd left the meeting about 4:15 PM, while the National Security Council staff was only half through the background session, to catch a chartered plane back to New York for a Brookhaven Town Republican dinner.

"I thought it was a very worthwhile session," Boyd said as a taxi waited for him on Pennsylvania Avenue. "It helps me in terms of getting background, getting more of the information than I can pick up in the news."

Roncallo and John Gallagher, who opposes Rep. Lester Wolff (D-Kensington) in the Sixth District, agreed that the information given them in confidence would help them in debating their Democratic foes. "I'll be able to address myself to some of the questions that might arise in debates without breaking confidences," Roncallo said.

Roncallo said he first heard of the session when he

received an invitation to attend it from James Cannon, a special assistant to Gov. Rockefeller. It was the governor's office that apparently arranged for a backgrounder, Roncallo said.

For Roncallo and Gallagher, this was the first time they had ever met Kissinger or had been inside the columned, gray Executive Office Building. Boyd, a former Rockefeller aide, said he had seen Kissinger several times before in the course of his work for the governor.

"I think Kissinger has a nice demeanor," Roncallo said, adding that he thought that the presidential adviser was charming. Some of those at the meeting around the table in a conference room said that they not only were listening to foreign policy words but also were watching Kissinger's reaction to Jane Langley, the good-looking singer who is running against Rep. Edward Koch (D-Manhattan). But despite Kissinger's reputation, one of those present admitted, "I couldn't see him try to catch her eye."

PEOPLE

Rep. Bella Abzug (D-Manhattan) played day-care attendant in her congressional office yesterday. A group of mothers who came to Capitol Hill to lobby against the elimination of day-care center funds in a District of Columbia appropriations bill left their children in Ms. Abzug's office.

FROM THE OFFICE OF THE AMBASSADOR

To Dr. Henry Kissinger

Dear Henry,

This Bleeding Heart has become the
biggest bore.

Walter Annenberg

Attachment

10-4-72

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and has since been successfully
author of a brand new major-
Scotsman, "The Camerons." It is
of the Book-of-the-Month Club
, a leading journalist asso-

Robert Crichton

Midge Decter

H. Teichmann

Jerre Mangione

cated for several years with Harper's maga-
zine, last year authored her first book, "The
Liberated Woman and Other Americans." As
lively and no less controversial is her newly-
published "The New Chastity and Other Argu-
ments Against Women's Liberation."

Philadelphia's Mangione, who directs the cre-
ative writing program at the University of
Pennsylvania, is author of the just-published
comprehensive study of the Federal Writer's
Project of the Thirties, "The Dream and the
Deal." His now-classic novel of American-Si-

Subsequent Book and Author Luncheons on the new series are scheduled for November 17 and April 4, also Wednesdays. Larry Swindell, Inquirer book editor, is master of ceremonies for the programs conducted in the Bellevue Stratford main ballroom.

Luncheon reservations are $6.50 and may be
obtained through Mrs. Marion Rochler of The
Inquirer promotion department, LO 3-1600,
Ext. 7096.

Teichmann is a playwright, theater execu-
tive and English professor (Barnard College)
and was one of the late George S. Kaufman's
collaborators ("The Solid Gold Cadillac" and
other plays). His memoir, "George S. Kauf-
man: An Intimate Portrait" is one of the
year's acclaimed biographies and a current
nonfiction best-seller.

He Was the Kissinger of a Flamboyant Era

AFTER MORE than a
century of abuse and
neglect, the Austrian
diplomat Clement von Metter-
nich is fashionable again. The
style of diplomacy favored by
Henry Kissinger, President
Richard Nixon's Man Friday
for foreign affairs, has so
often been compared to Met-
ternich's balance-of-power ap-
proach that it is worth a few
minutes at least to consider
the original model.

Metternich was the foreign
minister of the Austrian Em-
pire for almost 40 years, from
1809 until 1848. He first made
his reputation by negotiating
with Napoleon and finished
his long life (he died at 86) as
a diplomatic tutor to the
young Bismarck.

"Error has never come into
my mind," Metternich once
said. He wasn't quite infalli-
ble, but his record during the
Napoleonic era was manifestly
a marvel.

Austria fought France al-
most continually for 23 years
and almost invariably lost.
Several of Napoleon's most
brilliant victories were over

was well-satisfied with this. "I
want no change," was the at-
titude he held steadily until
his death in 1835. "This is no
time for reforms."

By juggling the interests of
Russia, Prussia, Great Britain
and post-Napoleonic France in
such a way that Austria ei-
ther held its own or came out
ahead, Metternich saw to it
that there were as few
changes as possible. Mean-
while he amused himself with
a love life that makes Kissin-
ger and his much-publicized
dates with movie starlets look
like a college freshman still
trying to figure out how the
world's greatest game is
played.

Metternich's mistresses in-
cluded Katherina Bagration, a
Russian general's wife who
bore him his only known ille-
gitimate child; Wilhelmina,
Duchess of Sagan, whose fa-

vors he shared with Czar Al-
exander I of Russia; Caroline
Murat, Napoleon's youngest
sister; and several others.
Metternich also had three
wives, outliving them all al-
though the last two were
more than 30 years younger
than he.

A student revolt finally
dropped Metternich from
power. Generally self-satis-
fied, he complained only
about the material he was
given to work with:

"I came into the world too
soon or too late ... I spend
my life in propping up build-
ings in decay. I ought to have
been born in 1900 and to have
had the 20th century before
me."

He must be smiling now in
diplomat's heaven to see how
his memory lives.

Lee Winfrey
Of The Inquirer Staff

BOOK OF THE WEEK:
NONFICTION

METTERNICH

By Alan Palmer

Harper & Row. $12.50.

the Austrians—Austerlitz in
1805, Jenain 1806, Wagram in
1809.

But after Waterloo, Metter-
nich was the winner. Austria
emerged almost 50 percent
bigger than it was when Met-
ternich took over as foreign
minister, a sprawling empire
embracing all of present-day
Austria, Hungary and Czecho-
slovakia, and substantial por-
tions of contemporary Ru-
mania, Yugoslavia, Italy, Po-
land and the Russian Ukraine.

Perhaps understandably, the
Austrian Emperor, Francis I,

The Bridge That Changed It All

Prince Metternich

BY STEWART ALSOP

NIXON, KISSINGER AND HUBRIS

WASHINGTON—It has been widely assumed in Washington that Secretary of State William Rogers would be leaving the State Department soon after President Nixon's expected re-election. It has been almost as widely assumed that Henry Kissinger would be leaving soon after Rogers.

What is assumed in Washington quite often turns out to be true—but not always. It is now a rather good bet that Secretary Rogers will carry on at the State Department, while the President and Henry Kissinger continue to make all the key foreign-policy decisions at the White House.

This is a good bet partly for atmospheric reasons. "A few months ago," says one attentive Rogers watcher, "Bill Rogers was making noises like getting out. He's not making noises like that any more—very much the opposite." It is a good bet also for reasons of simple logic. Logic suggests that any change in the present foreign-policy setup could make trouble—perhaps bad trouble—for President Nixon.

The assumption that Henry Kissinger would leave the White House was based on the assumption that William Rogers would leave the State Department. Any new Secretary of State would immediately set out to show that he was Secretary of State in fact as well as in name. This would instantly embroil him in dubious battle with Kissinger, who is Secretary of State in fact though not in name. As one close to the situation puts it, "a new Secretary would have to prove he was master in his own house, and to do that he would have to shove Henry out of the door of the White House." Kissinger would presumably rather leave on his own than get shoved.

WHY CHANGE?

A good deal would depend, of course, on who the new Secretary turned out to be. Kissinger is an old Rockefeller man, the two are still close, and he and Nelson Rockefeller could perhaps work successfully in harness. But Rockefeller is passing the word that he has no intention of leaving Albany until his term as governor ends in 1974.

A more likely replacement for Rogers is John Connally. Connally would presumably take the State Department with one eye on the White House. The Secretaryship of State has not been a

good launching platform to the White House since the days of the Virginia Dynasty, and it would be a very bad launching platform if the Secretary were seen to be a mere front man, or supernumerary. John Connally is not in any case designed by God or nature to play that role. Connally and Kissinger express high regard for each other, but hardly anyone supposes that Kissinger will stay on if Connally moves into the State Department.

A lesser political figure, like Elliot Richardson or some Mr. X, would be under a special compulsion to prove his standing in the pecking order. In the case of Connally or Rockefeller, moreover, there is the rivalry, not only with Kissinger, but with the President himself. A Secretary of State who wants to be President—or who thinks he ought to have been President—has a compulsion to make foreign policy on his own.

So why change? Why, in the President's phrase in another context, break up a winning team?

THE PANTS PRESSERS AT STATE

From the President's point of view, the Nixon-Kissinger-Rogers team has been a winning one. Secretary Rogers has done a useful job of playing golf with Senator Fulbright (who calls him "Bill"), dining out with Ambassador Dobrynin (who calls him "Beel"), and generally performing as a likable pourleur of oil on troubled waters.

Meanwhile, the President and Kissinger have been left free to make foreign policy on their own. The foreign policy they have made has been eminently successful, from the President's point of view—it is the chief reason why the President is currently so far ahead of Senator McGovern. It may even turn out to be eminently successful from history's point of view.

As for the Nixon-Kissinger relationship, there are some who see it as the relationship between Linus and his security blanket. In fact, the President has been annoyed occasionally by suggestions that Kissinger is his gray eminence. The basic foreign-policy decisions of Mr. Nixon's first term have been Mr. Nixon's. But there seems little doubt that the President has deep respect for Kissinger's unmatched expertise both as adviser and as the increasingly public exegete of the Nixon foreign policy, and that he would hate to lose him. So why change?

There is, in fact, one good reason to change. That is that the present setup is destroying the State Department. There are a lot of able people in the State Department, and since the true power of decision on every foreign-policy issue above the vice-consular level has shifted to the White House, these able people have nothing worth doing to do. A great power does, after all, need a foreign service—an experienced body of foreign-policy professionals. The Foreign Service is now more than ever moribund, and the department is dominated by what the old Foreign Service elite called “the pants pressers”—the Administrative bureaucracy.

THE PRO AT THE ELBOW

There is one change that would permit the President to keep his Kissinger and at the same time get a new Secretary of State—by making Kissinger Secretary. The best of the foreign-policy professionals would dearly love to see this happen, because they know that power would then shift back to the department, and within the department away from the pants pressers and back to the professionals.

There might be another peripheral benefit. As the West's dependence on Middle East oil increases, so does this country's interest in promoting a Middle East settlement. Any settlement the Arabs could conceivably accept would be bitterly resisted by many Israelis and American Zionists. But the first Jewish Secretary of State in American history could not easily be charged with promoting an anti-Jewish policy.

There might also be another, less easily defined but more important, benefit. If the President is re-elected by anything like the majorities forecast in the polls, he seems certain to suffer, like Franklin Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson after their landslides, from hubris, a fatal sense of infallibility. Because foreign policy is the President's special pride, it is in that area that the President would be most likely to risk the destruction that, the Bible warns, pride goeth before. In that case, the President will badly need a Kissinger at his elbow, as a pointer-out of pitfalls and a general balance wheel. You don't have to be a Nixon hater to sense that a Kissingerless Nixon filled with hubris could be a rather scary prospect—and there is, after all, only one Kissinger.

116

Newsweek, October 9, 1972

MUSIC

The Stardust Kid

Whatever world of rock is ultimately to succeed the Beatles, the Stones and the Who, it's having trouble being born. This is a time of confusion, a middle ages, an appropriate breeding ground for the dark, satanic majesty of England's David Bowie.

Until last month, Bowie was known in the U.S. largely through his RCA records, especially the last, "Ziggy Stardust." But in his first American appearances—in Cleveland, Memphis and, last week, in New York's Carnegie Hall—a vast underground army of supporters has surfaced. And Bowie's momentum is accelerating. He originally intended to perform in seven cities. That number has jumped to 25, enough to keep him in America through December.

Well-publicized rumors of blatant homosexuality preceded Bowie's arrival—and proved misleading. Not that he reflects the wholesomeness of Sunday school. The whip-slender, cat-like Bowie, 24, comes out like a souped-up harlequin in a sequined, multi-colored jump suit, beautiful face painted ash white, eyes black with mascara, hair orange-colored. His three-man back-up band, led by blond guitarist Mick Ronson, almost matches him sparkle for sparkle. Rarely is there anything explicitly suggestive in Bowie's movements. But he moves, smiling faintly, about the floor with feline grace and delicacy, a soft counterpoint to the hot and heavy rock that underscores his songs.

Bent: He sings songs about homosexuals, such as "Queen Bitch," or about bisexual experience, such as "The Width of a Circle," but there are just as many straight songs as bent ones. In any case he's concerned with the emotion behind the sex rather than its gender. Bowie, who has an acrobatic, diverting vocal style, is much more an entertainer than a singer, his performance not so much a concert as pure theater, in which his group, called the Spiders from Mars, performs with crackling precision. More than a sex symbol, Bowie is a clown, a sexless, faceless figure, whose songs present a view of the world that is despairing and apocalyptic.

In such songs as "Running Gun Blues" or "All the Madmen," Bowie is against war or the establishment, for individual freedom and the virtue of being different. In his space songs, Bowie seems to say, "If you can't beat 'em, flee 'em." Electronic equipment provides realistic space-flight accompaniment, the sexual man becomes loftily androgynous, the jumpsuited clown is transformed into an astronaut. Space is the ultimate escape in "Starman" or "Life on Mars"—the longest and last journey, like that of the astronaut in "Space Oddity" who prefers death in clean space to life on earth.

Not that the lyrics of the songs are

readily accessible. Bowie is amazed that audiences like him. "I suppose most of them are as confused about things as I am," he says. "I console them in their confusion, they're not alone. I've stopped analyzing it. Cataloguing confusion is courting suicide."

But he is turned inward as well as toward society and space. On "Ziggy Stardust" he chronicles the rise and fall of a rock superstar, unmistakably Bowie, since one song, "Lady Stardust," is about an androgynous performer: "And lady stardust sang his songs/Of darkness and

Bowie: Souped-up harlequin

disgrace." "I'm not what I'm supposed to be," says Bowie. "What are people buying? I adopted Ziggy onstage and now I feel more and more like this monster and less and less like David Bowie."

Bowie grew up in Brixton, South London. The child of middle-class parents, he wanted to be a commercial artist before becoming what has been called the Lauren Bacall of Rock. Perhaps his freakiness is an antidote for his self-confessed emotional numbness. "Offstage I'm a robot. Onstage I achieve emotion. It's probably why I prefer being Ziggy to David. Who's David Bowie? I can't seem to understand the 'why' of things, like 'why we are'." His world-weariness does not seem at all affected.

The homosexual interpretations of his songs, he feels, came about after he had admitted his bisexual nature. "My sexual nature is irrelevant," he says. "I'm an actor, I play roles, fragments of myself." One role is that of husband. He and his

wife, Angela, have a son, Zowie Bowie, left at home during this important American journey. "When I was a boy we were all fascinated by America. I read Jack Kerouac's 'On the Road.' It was the most important thing that ever happened to me." He smiled his sweet smile and waved a forlorn arm and said, "But now that I'm here I've forgotten why I wanted to come."

-HUBERT SAAL

Discord in Russia

For fourteen years, Vladimir Andreyevich Kolesnik was one of the pillars of the Russian musical establishment—the conductor and eventually the managing director of the third-largest opera company in the Soviet Union, the 105-year-old Kiev Opera. Increasingly critical of the Soviet cultural system, Kolesnik was recently forced out as director. Two months ago, the stubby Ukrainian bundled his wife, Anna, a mezzo-soprano at the Kiev, his 12-year-old son and the family of his wife's sister into a Volga sedan and fled to Vienna, where they now live, waiting for an immigration visa to Australia. Recently he granted an exclusive interview to NEWSWEEK's Milan J. Kubic.

One major frustration, says Kolesnik, was his sense of isolation in the Ukraine. "Because the U.S.S.R. does not belong to the Universal Copyright Convention," he says, "we never see foreign scores. I once borrowed the piano score of Monteverdi's 'The Coronation of Poppea' from a friend, and my hopes were so high that we included it on the season's program. But we could never get an orchestral score." Innovative composers are discouraged. "The old Stalinist pressures on composers are gone, but economic pressures are used to the hilt. We're exploited and pushed around worse than you under capitalism."

Kolesnik scorns those who think that, ideology aside, the Soviet Union has at least brought culture to the masses. "The pre-1917 bourgeois audience has died off," he says, "and the promised new audience has not materialized. It's all the fault of the school system, which teaches culture with primitive slogans and posters hailing the party heroes while losing the students' interest. Last summer, my family and I drove all over that great country of ours. We saw the Ukraine, so rich yet living like a beggar. We crisscrossed White Russia, Siberia—do you know that a port as big as Murmansk does not have a single orchestra? I once inspected one of the more prestigious institutes of higher learning in Kiev. It had no orchestra, no choir, not even a small ensemble. The music hall stank from vodka, and the dirty walls were plastered with political slogans." For Kolesnik, the Soviet Union has tragically betrayed its cultural promise. "All those years of neglect are hurting now. Our revolution never really tried to create a new cultural man."

Newsweek, October 9, 1972

115