by the beft and worst writers of all ages, from
Aritotle to the news-paper politicians of the
present times, nothing can be added, which
can afford either inftraction or entertainment;
but so many absurd principles, concerning go-
vernment and liberty, have of late been dif-
minated with unusual industry; principles as
falle as mieſchous, as inſ confident with com-
mon ſenſe as with all human ſociety; that it
ſeems neceſſary they should not pafs quite un-
ticed, eſpecially as they require nothing more,
than to be fairly ſated, to be refuted. The
moſt considerable of them are the following;
to each of which I ſhall ſay a few words.

" It. That all men are born equal.

" 2dly. That all men are born free.

" 3dly. That all government is derived from
the people.

" 4thly. That all government is a compact
between the governors and the governed.

" 5thly. That no government ought to laſt
any longer than it continues to be of equal ad-
vantage to the two contracting parties, that is,
to the governed, as to the governors.

" First then; That all men are born equal,
by which proportion, if it is only meant,
that all men are equally born, that is, that one man
is as much born as another, I ſhall not dispute
its truth; but in every other ſenſe it is intirely
ſalſe; for we daily fee, that ſome are born with
beautiſh and healthy bodies, and ſome with
frames diſtorted, and filled with the moſt deplo-
rable diſeasés; ſome with minds fraught with
the feeds of wisdom and genius, others with
thofe of idiority and madneſs; ſome, by the
laws and ſtitutions of their countries, are
born to the inheritance of affluent fortunes and
difſtinguifhed honours, others to a life of pover-
ty, labour, and obſcurity. How theſe can be
faid to be born equal, I cannot comprehend.—
If by this proportion is to be underſtood, that,
at the time of their birth, all men are poffeſed
with an equal ſhare of power, wealth, wifdom,
learning, and virtue; when they are equally
incapable of poffeſing any; this would be no
leſs ridiculous, than to affaſt, that all men are
born with teeth of the fame length, when none
of them are born with any teeth at all. But,
fuppofing they were all born equal; would this-
prove, what is always intended to be proved by
it, that they ought always to continue ſo? or
can any argument be drawn from thence, against
their future inequality, and subordination?
muſt no man preſume to be ſix feet high, be-
cauſe perhaps he was born of the fame ſize as
another, who is now but four? muſt no man
aſſume power over another, becauſe they were
born equal, that is, becauſe at their birth they
were incapable of exereſing any power what-
ever? Thus, we fee, this mighty argument,
drawn from the ſuppofed natural equality of
mankind, by which all powers and principali-
ties are threatened to be overthrown, is intire-
ly ſalſe, and if true, is nothing to the purpofe
for which it has been ſo often and ſo pompouſly
introduced.

" Secondly; That all men are born free.—
This is ſo far from being true, that the firſt
infringement of this liberty is being born at
all; which is impoffed upon them, without their
conſent, given either by themſelves or their re-
presentatives; and it may eafily be ſhewn, that
man, the constitution of his nature, never
ſubſills a free and independent Being, from the
firſt to the laſt moment of his residence on this
terrefrial globe; where, during the firſt nine
months of his exilſe, he is confined in a
dark and ſultry prſon, debarred from light and

by the best and worst writers of all ages, from Ariftotle to the news-paper politicians of the present times, nothing can be added, which can afford either inſtruction or entertainment, but so many abſurd principles, concerning government and liberty, have of late been difſeminated with unuſual industry; principles as false as mischievous, as inconſistent with common ſense as with all human ſociety; that it seems neceſsary they should not pafs quite unnotic ed, eſpecially as they require nothing more, than to be fairly ſtated, to be refuted. The moſt considerable of them are the following; to each of which I ſhall ſay a few words.

" Iſt. That all men are born equal.

" First then; That all men are born equal; by which proposition, if it is only meant, that all men are equally born, that is, that one man is as much born as another, I ſhall not dispute its truth: but in every other ſenſe it is intirely false; for we daily fee, that ſome are born with beautiful and healthy bodies, and ſome with frames diſtorted, and filled with the moſt deplo- rable diſeafes; ſome with minds fraught with the feeds of wisdom and genius, others with those of idiotism and madneſs; ſome, by the laws and constitutions of their countries, are born to the inheritance of affluent fortunes; and diſtinguished honours, others to a life of povert y, labour, and obſcurity. How these can be faſd to be born equal, I cannot comprehend.— If by this proposition is to be underſtood, that, at the time of their birth, all men are poſſeſſed with an equal share of power, wealth, wisdom, learning, and virtue; when they are equally incapable of poſſeſſing any; this would be no leſs ridiculous, than to aſſert, that all men are born with teeth of the fame length, when none of them are born with any teeth at all. But, ſuppofing they were all born equal; would this prove, what is always intended to be proved by it, that they ought always to continue ſo? or can any argument be drawn from thence, against their future inequality, and ſubordination? muſt no man preſume to be ſix feet high, be- cause perhaps he was born of the fame ſize as another, who is now but four? muſt no man affume power over another, because they were born equal, that is, because at their birth they were incapable of exercising any power what- ever? Thus, we fee, this mighty argument, drawn from the ſuppoſed natural equality of mankind, by which all powers and principali- ties are threatened to be overthrown, is intirely false, and if true, is nothing to the purpofe for which it has been ſo often and ſo pompouſly introduced.

" Secondly; That all men are born free.— This is ſo far from being true, that the firſt infringement of this liberty is being born at all; which is impoſed upon them, without their consent, given either by themſelves or their re- presentatives; and it may eafily be ſhewn, that man, by the constitution of his nature, never ſubſilts a free and independent Being, from the firſt to the laſt moment of his residence on this terreſtrial globe; where, during the firſt nine months of his exiſtence, he is confined in a dark and ſultry prison, debarred from light and

" Secondly; That all men are born free.—
This is so far from being true, that the first
infringement of this liberty is being born at
all; which is imposed upon them, without their
consent, given either by themselves or their re-
presentatives; and it may easily be shewn, that
man, by the constitution of his nature, never
substitutes a free and independent Being, from the
first to the last moment of his residence on this
terrestrial globe; where, during the first nine
months of his existence, he is confined in a
dark and sultry prison, debarred from light and
air; 'till at length, by an Habeas Corpus brought
by the hand of some kind deliverer, he is fet
at liberty; but what kind of liberty does he
then enjoy? he is bound hand and foot, and
fed upon bread and water, for as long a period;
no sooner is he unbound, than he makes so bad
a use of his liberty, that it becomes necessary
that he should be placed in a state of the sever-
eft discipline, first under a nurse, and then a
school-master, both equal tyrants in their feve-
ral departments, by whom he is again confined
without law, condemned without a jury, and
whipt without mercy. In this state of slavery
he continues many years, and at the expiration
of it, he is obliged to commence an involunta-
ry subject of some civil government; to whose
authority he must submit, however ingeniously
he may dispute her right, or be justly hanged
for disobedience to her laws. And this is the
sum total of human liberty. Perhaps it may
be said, that all this may be ingenious ridicule,
but cannot be intended for serious argument;
to which I reply, that it is the most serious ar-
gument that can be offered, because it is deriv-
ed from the works, and the will of our Crear-
tor, and evidently shews, that man was never
designed by him to be an independent and self-
governed Being, but to be trained up in a state
of subordination and government in the present
life, to fit him for one more perfect in another;
and, if it was not a reflection too serious, I
should add, that, in the numerous catalogue of
human vices, there is not one, which so com-
pletely disqualifies him from being a member of
that celestial community, as a factious and tur-
bulent dispoſition, and an impatience of con-
troul; which frequently assumes the honourable
title of the love of liberty.

(To be continued.)

ON GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL LIBERTY.
IF any one caſts his eye on the title of this
eſtay, ſhort as it is, he will feareely be
perſuaded to read any farther; as he will rati-
onally conclude, that, on a subject so hackneyed

mankind, by which all powers and principali-
ties are threatened to be overthrown, is intire-
ly false, and if true, is nothing to the purpose
for which it has been so often and so pompously
introduced.

" Secondly; That all men are born free.—
This is so far from being true, that the first
infringement of this liberty is being born at
all; which is impofed upon them, without their
confent, given either by themselves or their re-
presentatives; and it may easily be shewn, that
man, by the constitution of his nature, never
subfills a free and independent Being, from the
first to the last moment of his residence on this
terrestrial globe; where, during the first nine
months of his existence, he is confined in a
dark and sultry prison, debarred from light and
air; 'till at length, by an Habeas Corpus brought
by the hand of some kind deliverer, he is fet
at liberty; but what kind of liberty does he
then enjoy? he is bound hand and foot, and
fed upon bread and water, for as long a period;
no sooner is he unbound, than he makes so bad
a use of his liberty, that it becomes necessary
that he should be placed in a state of the fever-
eit discipline, first under a nurse, and then a
school-master, both equal tyrants in their feve-
ral departments, by whom he is again confined
without law, condemned without a jury, and
whipt without mercy. In this state of slavery
he continues many years, and at the expiration
of it, he is obliged to commence an involunta-
ry subject of some civil government; to whose
authority he must submit, however ingenuously
he may dispute her right, or be justly hanged
for disobedience to her laws. And this is the
sum total of human liberty. Perhaps it may
be said, that all this may be ingenious ridicule,
but cannot be intended for serious argument;
to which I reply, that it is the most serious ar-
gument that can be offered, because it is deriv-
ed from the works, and the will of our Crea-
tor, and evidently shews, that man was never
deligned by him to be an independent and self-
governed Being, but to be trained up in a state
of subordination and government in the prefent
life, to fit him for one more perfect in another;
and, if it was not a reflection too serious, I
should add, that, in the numerous catalogue of
human vices, there is not one, which so com-
pleatly disqualifies him from being a member of
that celestial community, as a factious and tur-
bulent dispoſition, and an impatience of con-
troil; which frequently affumes the honourable
title of the love of liberty.

(To be continued.)

ON GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL LIBERTY.
IF any one cafts his eye on the title of this
effay, short as it is, he will fearely be
perfused to read any farther; as he will rati-
onally conclude, that, on a subject so hackneyed

above, may be accommodated to advantage—
Country People, for their Commodities by
may find Patrons for their Commercies by
enquiring at the Intelligence Office—Clerks,
Shopmen, Mechanics, Servants, Waiters, Bar-
keepers, &c. &c. who may be out of employ,
will here find Places, if they produce necessary
recommendations.

Bills of Exchange, Insurance, and Freight for Ships, procured at a short notice—Money advanced at a reasonable interest—Vessels chartered or fold, and every business relative to a Broker's Office transfacted in a secret, cheap, and expeditious manner.

As a candidate for public patronage and favour, the Subscriber well knows that the extent of his encouragement will be regulated by his exertions to pleafe; therefore, as it will be his own interest, a tie which supercedes almost every other obligation, he humbly hopes his endeavours to give general satisfaction, may not be unworthy a common share of public reward: —which will ever be acknowledged with gratitude and respect, by their most humble servant.

Æ. LAMONT.

New-York, August 18, 1785.

40—

## C A S H,

And the HIGHEST PRICE GIVEN,

FOR FLAXSEED, GINSANG, BARREL STAVES, PUBLIC and STATE SECURITIES, CLASS RIGHTS of LAND, NEW EMISSION of THIS and the JERSEY STATES.

ALSO,

A General Affortment of EAST-INDIA and EUROPEAN GOODS for SALE, for any kind of LUMBER whatsoever, by JOHN KEATING, junior, No. 220, Queen-street. 501

## Certificates

Of the State of New-York,
ALSO

### Continental Certificates

Of every Species, bought and fold, at the Office of JOHN DELAFIELD, No. 28, Water-Street.

Wanted a large quantity of the Certificates of this State for which the most liberal price will be given in Cash.

ALSO,

An Abundance of Old Continental Money, Apply as above. 99

## William Hamilton, & Co.

B

EGS leave to inform their friends and the Public, that they have now opened a
Vendue and Commission Store,

At No. 33, Wall-Street, second door below the Coffee House, where the first attention will be given to pleafe those who will favour them with their commands.

New-York, Sept. 21, 1785.

71

And those indebted to all or either the above-mentioned firms, are requested to fettle their accounts the tenth of next month, as all unfettled will then be put in suit.

By Order of the Affiggnees,
ISAAC MOSES,
SAMUEL MYERS,
MOSES MYERS,
Agents
New-York, Jan. 12, 1785.

## Archibald Blair

At his Broker's Office and Commission Store,

No. 16, Little Dock Street, between Old and Coenties Slip,

B UYS and fells all kinds of PUBLIC and STATE SECURITIES, MILLITIA CLASS RIGHTS, NEW EMISSION of this and JERSEY STATES; also OLD CONTINENTAL MONEY.

## FOR SALE,

A

Few hogsheads choice old Jamaica Spirits, Antigua Rum, Loaf Sugar, Hyson, Soufthong, Sequin, and

Bohea, Swedes Bar Iron, Indigo,

TEAS.

10,000 feet Oak Scantling.

ALSO,
An Affortment of Seasonable

## DRY GOODS,

Cheap for Cash or Country Produce.
New-York, Jan. 9, 1786.

65—

## New-York State Certificates,

P IERCE's final Settlements, Loan Office Certificates, and every kind of public Paper bought and fold, by ISAAC GUION, at GUION, CAPTHY, and Co's Store, No. 33, Little Dock-Street.

Every transaction in the Commission and Brokerage Business done with secrecy, punctuality and precison.

For Sale, a considerable Sum in final Settlement Notes, and some New Emission of this State. Apply as above.

New-York, Dec. 6, 1785.

37

A WET NURSE with a good breast of milk, would be willing to go into a gen- tleman's family, or take a child to her houfe.—Enquire of the Printer.

22

is to emerge from the tin-mines of Cornwall, or
the coal-pits of Newcastle. These are not the
people whom I should choose to trust with unli-
mited power, because I know they are totally
incapable of employing it to any salutary pur-
pose, even for themselves; and, whatever might
be our grievances, redress from such hands
would be much more intolerable.

"Fourthly; That all government is a com-
pact between the governors and the governed.
This imaginary compact is represented by some,
as a formal agreement entered into by the two
contracting parties, by which the latter gives
up part of their natural independence, in ex-
change for protection granted by the former;
without which voluntary surrender, no one
man, or body of men, could have a right to
controul the actions of another; and some have
gone so far as to affert, that this surrender can-
not be made binding by representation, that pa-
rents cannot consent to it for their children, or
nations for individuals, but that every one muft
give his personal concurrence, and that on this
alone the constitution of every government is
or ought to be founded: but all this is a ridi-
culous fiction, intended only to subvert all go-
vernment, and let mankind loose to prey upon
cach other; for, in fact, no such compact ever
was proposed or agreed to, no such natural in-
dependence ever posseffed, and consequently
can never have been given up. We hear a great
deal about the constitutions of different states,
by which are understood some particular modes
of government, settled at some particular times,
which ought to be supported with religious ve-
neration through all succeeding ages: in some
of these, the people are supposed to have a
right to greater degrees of liberty than in others,
having made better bargains for themselves, and
given up lefs of their natural independence:
but this, and all conclusions drawn from these
premises, must be false, because the facts on
which they are founded are not true; for no
such constitutions, established on general con-
sent, are any where to be found; all which,
we see, are the offsprings of force or fraud, of
accident, and the circumstances of the times,
and must perpetually change with those circum-
stances: in all of them, the people have an e-
qual right to preserve or regain their liberty,
whenever they are able. But the question is
not, what right they have to liberty, but, what
out accomplishing the ends of government,
and happier without them.
The Supreme Go-
vernor of the world has not determined who
shall be his vicegerents, nor what forms of go-
vernment shall be adopted; but he has unalter-
ably decreed that there shall be some; and there-
fore, though no particular governments can lay
claim to a divine right of ruling, yet govern-
ment itself is of a divine institution, as much
as eating, and for the same reason, because we
cannot subvert without it.
*(To be continued.)*

CONTINUATION OF OBSERVATION 1715-1716
GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL LIBERTY.

"THIRDLY; That all government is derived from the people. This is another fallacious proposition; which in one fenoe is true, but, with regard to the principles so often established upon it, intirely falfe. It is true, indeed, that all government is so far derived from the people, that there could be no government if there were no people to be governed: if there were no subjects there could be no kings, nor parliaments if there were no confituents, nor shepherds if there were no sheep; but the inference usually drawn from this proposition is utterly falfe, which is, that because all government is derived from the people, the people have a right to reſume it, and administer it themselves, whenever they please. But whatever claim they may have to this right, the exercise of it is impracticable, from the very nature of government; for all government must conſist of +, governors, and the governed; if the people at large are the governors, where ſhall we be able to find the governed? All government is power, with which ſome are intrusted, to controul the actions of others; but how is it possible that every man should have a power to controul the actions of every man? this would be a form of government, which we have heard ſometimes recommended as the moſt perfect, in which all are governed by all; that is, in other words, where there is no government at all. I agree with theſe pretended patriots, that the people in every country have a right to reſift manifeit grievances and oppreſſions, to change their governors, and even their constitutions, on great and extraordinary occafions, whenever they groan under the rod of tyranny, they have a right to ſake it off, and form a constitution more productive of liberty; and, in like manner, if they find themselves torn by irreconcilable factions, and debilitated by internal contentsions, they have an equal right to change it for a government more arbitrary and deſive. But we shall not agree ſo well in our definition of that important and miſapplied term "the people," by which I would be underſtood to mean the whole body of a nation, adviſed and directed by the moſt reſpectable members of it, who are poffeſſed of rank, property, wifdom, and experience: But who are thofe in this country, whom our modern demagogues diſtinguifh by this name, and velf with this ſupreme dominion? Not the hereditary peers of the realm; not the reſentatives of this very people in parliament affected; not the pafitors of the church, the fages of the law, or the magiſtrates who are forſors of landed property, the opulent STOCKHOLDER, or the wealthy merchant. There are all very, united in a confiracy to diſtroy their country and ruin themselves: they point out to but thofe who have themselves neither; no public ſpirit, but in the garretes of Grub-street; no reformation, but from the purliues of St. Giles's; nor one Solon, or Lycurgus, but who

flances: in all of them, the people; but in none, the quality right to preſerve or regain their liberty, whenever they are able. But the question is, not, what right they have to liberty, but, what is the nature of the government, with-
out accomplishing their own deſtruction. In ſome countries this is very ſmall, and in none can it be very great, because the depravity of human nature will not permit it. Compact is repugnant to the very nature of government; whose effence is compulſion, and which originates always from neceſſity, and never from choice or compact; and it is the moſt egregious abſurdity, to reaſon from the ſuppoſed rights of mankind in an imaginary ſtate of nature, a ſtate the moſt unnatural, because in ſuch a ſtate they never did or can ſubſiſt, or were ever deſigned for. The natural ſtate of man is by no means a ſtate of ſolitude and independence, but of ſociety and ſubordination; all the effects of human art are parts of his nature, because the power of producing them is bellowed upon him by the author of it. It is as natural for men to build cities, as for birds to build neſts; and to live under ſome kind of government, as for bees and ants; without which he can no more ſubſiſt than thofe ſocial and induſtrious inſects; nor has he either more right, or power, than they, to reſufe his ſubmiſſion. But if every man was poffeſſed of this natural independence, and had a right to ſurrender it on a bargain, he muſt have an equal right to retain it; then he has a right to chufe, whether he will purcufe protection at the price of freedom, or whether he prefers liberty and plunder to faſety and conſtraint: a large majority of mankind, who have neither property nor principles, would undoubtedly make choice of the latter, and all theſe might rob, and murder, and commit all manner of crimes with impunity; for, if this their claim to natural independence is well ſounded, they could not be juſtly amenable to any tribunal upon earth, and thus the world would ſoon become a ſcene of universal rapine and bloodſhed. This ſhews into what abſurdities we run, whenever we reaſon from ſpeculative principles, without attending to practicality and experience: for the real truth is no more than this, Every man, by the constitution of human nature, comes into the world under ſuch a degree of authority and reſtraint as is neceſſary for the preſervation and happineſs of his ſpecies and himſelf; this is no more left to his choice, than whether he will come into the world, or not; and this obligation he carries about with him, ſo long as he continues in it. Hence he is bound to ſubmit to the laws and ſtates of every country in which he reſides, and is juſtly puniſhable for diſobedience to them. To aſk a man whether he chufes to be ſubject to any law or government, is to aſk him, whether he chufes to be a man, or a wild beaſt, and wifhes to be treated accordingly. So far are men from being poffeſſed of this natural independence, on which ſo many ſytems of anarchy have been erected, that ſub ſion to authority is eſſential to humanity, and a principal condition on which it is beſtowed; man is evidently made for ſociety, and ſociety cannot ſubſiſt without government, and therefore government is as much a part of human nature, as a hand, a heart, or a head; all theſe are frequently applied to the worſt of purpofes, and ſo is government; but it would be ridiculous thence to argue, that we should live longer

On the Philosophers of the last age.
By Madame le Marchioness De Sillery.

IT seemed that these sublime geniusses, (the
Philosophers of the last age) had reaped all
the laurels which reason and virtue, united to
talents, could obtain. Struck with these
discouraging considerations, the great wits of
the day engaged in desperate measures. Well,
said they, let us strike out another road; let
us confound all ideas, overturn every principle;
let us flatter the passions, destroy religion,
and we will call this doctrine philosophy;
we will write philosophical tragedies,
and introduce therein a certain number of feti-
ditions maxims, and an infinity of verities against
priests and religion. We will write philoso-
phical tales licentious ones, and full of im-
piety, we will also be moralists; for that
purpose will pilfer from Fenelon, Paschal,
Maitillon and others; and we will add there-
to a fund of philosophy, that is to say, of
Pythagorism, and of free and voluptious de-
scriptions, which may seduce and corrupt
youth. We will write history, not like
Boffuot, but like philosophers, insolently
apostrophising kings, treating contemptu-
ously sovereign authority, as well as whole
nations; calumniating the clergy, popes, and
religion. It must be acknowledged, that
Corneille, Rache, Boileau, Fenelon, &c.
were men of genius; but in all our works we
will criticise those of the great men, some-
times openly, and at others by appearing to
admire them. We will remark, that the
prose of Telemacus is a little tiresome; we
will add, that Paschal was a mad man; we
will also say, that Boileau was only a man
of wit; we will make notes full of injustice
and partiality against the great Corneille;
we will repeat that there is in the inelastic
fables of La Fontaine but one only merit, that
of their being natural; we will maintain,
that Boffuot, that elegant and sublime de-
fender of the faith, was but an Atheist, &c.
and afterwards we will add that all these
writers were deficient in philosophy, and that
none but philosophical authors ought to be
admired. Our morality, much more com-
modious than that of Fenelon, Paschal, or
Boffuot, will without doubt, procure to us
a great number of partisans; we will give
the title of philosopher to all our admirers; and
we will cover with ridicule all who shall reject
our doctrine. If our falsehoods and erreurs
be animadverted upon, or detected, we will
answer by injuries, calumnies, and pleasan-
try, infallible forcing in the end, reason to
silence. Then, absolute masters of the field,
we will repeat for forty years, without in-
terruption, all that our adversaries shall have
refuted, from the first step we made in our
career.

Cloves, pepper and allspice

Mustard and ginger. Fruit in brandy

Sallad oil. French olives.

Spermaceti candles, &c. &c. &c.

The Factorage business

Continued, and hopes, by attention and the strictest punctuality to merit the esteem of his employers.

010—6w

Stop Thief!

The subscriber's house, No. 12, Meeting-street, was broke open on Tuesday night last, and the following articles stolen:

A STRIPED green and black cloth coat with black buttons; in the pockets was a large red handkerchief, and a red Morocco pocket book containing a flippers and pencil, seven ten thilling bills of the corporation money, a note of hand signed William Nixon, dated Halifax, Nova-Scotia, for fifty three pounds ten thillings, equal to forty eight pounds seven thillings sterling, and fundry other papers of no use but to the owner; also, a bunch of keys, one blue handkerchief, one black fattin waistcoat one sliding pencil, and some small change two men's hats, one new cocked, and the other round, one small red trunk, containing two pair of earrings, one marquise, the other pale, and fundry other articles. Any one that will give information of the above articles, so that the owner may get them again, shall be handsomely rewarded; and for the apprehending of the thief or thieves shall on conviction receive a reward of twenty dollars in specie; or those that will return the note of hand, the pocket book with the rest of the contents, and the small trunk shall receive the same reward and no question asked. Payment of the note of hand is stopped.

010

Abraham Forst.

Apply at No. 15, Union-street continued or to James Beutham, Esq. No. 4, Cum berland-street.

Thomas Ham, jun.

No. 3, Bedon's Alley.

Next door to Messrs. Lawson Price & Co. has just received by the ship Philadelphia, Capt. Jones and the Philadelphia, Capt. Strong, from Philadelphia, the following Articles, which he will dilipose of on reasonable terms, for Cath, or Produc, viz.

SUPERFINE Philadelphia flour in barrels and half barrels of the most approved brands, loaf sugar in hogs. fresh Philadelphia butter in kegs, ship bread in barrels, biscuits.

MISCELLANY.

Extracted from "An Effray on Liberty" lately
published in Halifax Nova-Scotia.

THE LIBERTY of the PRESS, comes now under
consideration. But firſt,—What is that
PRESS, the liberty of which attacks our notice?
For there is a PRESS gang, for inflance, that
sometimes will take great liberties; which has been
much complained of, & much argued againſt, even in
the lands of liberty. Now, if I look further into the
Chapter of PRESSES, it will make me write non-
ſenſically, I am afraid; for whatever liberty they
may claim, ſtume, or have any right to, the end
that will be no better for VANITY. But, Sir,
that preſs and its liberty, which will ſo ſtump
this upon damp paper, that it may when
dry challenge your perſuall, being a matter of
conſequence, it certainly deferves some notice,
and ſome attention to find out, whether it will or
not turn to vanity.

Is not this a glorious privilege, that every mem-
ber of the Commonwealth, if aggrieved by any of
thofe who ſhare in the government, may lay open
his caſe to the public; and thus kindle the fire of
general abhorrence on the guilty head of his oppreſſ-
ſors? And is not the dread of this a bridle in the
month of the moſt dominoering favorite, and of
the moſt arbitary Tyrant? AMEN! ſo it is, as far as
it anſwers. But has this bleſſed liberty never been a-
buſed? has it never propagated falſehood, nor ſo men-
ted rebellion? Were we to draw the account of the
good and the evil which in ſact accrue from this
liberty, I do not know but the balance would be
found on the wrong ſide; and declare this alio to be
more vanity.

To affirm, that the abuscs of this glorious privi-
lege are ſew, comparatively to its good effects, would
be ſuppluring men better than they are; but it is tru-
to too notorious, that good, worthy and ſenſible people
don't constitute the generality of mankind. And
another truth is, that ſuch men as theſe have but
little call for that liberty; and even, they know ve-
ry well how to do without uſing it. That it pro-
cures eafe of mind, and promotes the happineſs of
its enjoyers, are propofitions which generally expe-
rience doth contradict: For if we compare the
ſtate of that nation which enjoys moſt of it, even
the Britifh, to that of thofe who are utterly decri-
ved of this and every degree of liberty, even the
French, we ſhall find how it ſlands. Let us draw
the parallel; and joining this to political liberty,
let us fee which are the happier people in general
—the English or the French. But to do this fairly,
we muſt take in the moſt inſignificant particulars as
well as the great points.

The English are richer and ſed better than the
French. There is no poor English belly, but what
if ſed with white bread, and good wholeſome beef,
pork, and mutton. While many of even the
French gentry, have nothing to eat but ſoup maigre,
black bread, and on ſeffivals, a meſs of ſheep's
troſzers. Granted, if you inſiſt upon it; but what
has this to do with happineſs? —O! but the En-
clig are a ſet of fat, jolly companies; and the
French a parcel of lean ſarved locking creatures.
That is to ſay, at a cannical meſs, they would pre-
fer to eat English ſleth as more ſuſcient than the
French. A notable advantage to be ſure! But
per contra, Monſieur will run away from danger,
ten times faſſer than Jack Roaſh-beef: And fetting
danger ſide, the one has but a light burden to
carry, at all times; while the other is confined in
a barrel of hog's lard, which he muſt luge

Very true! But even upon this article, the French
lament more their King's caſe than their own.
Helas! will they mournfully ſay, of a hundred
foſs we are forced to pay, not above five come in-
fuſing the blood of his ſubjeſts, while he almoſt
flarves on the poor leavings of his Fermiers Gene-
raux, and their rapacious retinue.

But, ſay ye, the French talk in that ſtrain, be-
cauſe they are under the tremendous fear from
the Lattres de Cachet ? but by which any man is
liable to be taken up, and caſt into the Baſſille, or
any other dungeon without being told why,
and there to be dealt with as nobody knows.
More noſe is made about this than harm done;
and even the French live very eafy, without any
Habeas Corpus: Beſides I don't know whether it
would not have been as well, for theſe forty years
paſſ, a ſaw a few Lettres de Cachet could have been in-
duced into England. There is no example in
France of windows being broken for not having
lights in compliment to a favorite of the mob;
much leſs of any Gordonian riots and conſlagra-
tions. Thoſe exertions of arbitrary power, are in
truth very ſcareſ; and when they take place, it is
not once in twenty times that it is done unjuſtly :
Ah! but what is done unjuſtly once, by uncontroul-
ed, deſpotism, may be done again over and over;
and you and your children, to the end of time, are
liable every day and every hour, to be ſeized im-
prifoned, and ruined, &c. Et bien! will the
French reply if ever it happen, that the nation is
oppreſſed as to loſe patience, Dieu fait ce qui en ani-
vera: And why should we make our ſelves miſera-
ble d'avance? Sans doute, it is a difficult thing to pre-
serve one's ſelf from poverty; but we are taught that
it is better for us to be poor—that no rich people can
go to Heaven, except they ſell all and give the pro-
duce to the Monks, or to the church: And ſo it
comes to the fame, if we are kept poor by taxes
and oppreſſion; nous ſerons aſſes riches dans notre
monde.

Thus, will the French argue; at least the tenor
of their general deportment ſhow this to be their
ſene of the matter. They have enough to do, to
earn a maintenance, and if they are content with it,
though it be ever ſo ſcanty, are they not happier
than both thofe, whose neceſſities grow ſaſſer than
wealth accumulates, and thofe who make a point
of leaving much behind them?

The time which the English take 'in confidering
and talking over the affairs of the nation, the French
generally employ in ſome harmleſs diverſions, and
much of it in devotional occupations: And is not this
moſt profitable, and more likely to procure
eaſe of mind (even if that turned out at laſt like the
bafeleſs fabric of a vifion) then all your ſtruggles
after liberty? And if their be ſuch a thing as exſi-
ſence after death, which I never found any that
could inſuſe againſt, how shall thofe whole mortal
life is taken up and ſpent in aſcertaining, main-
taining and defending that idol of their heart, Li-
BERTY? How shall they have time and powers of
mind to qualify themſelves for another world?

Hufh! Mr. Eſſaiff, let's have no preaching.
Well! I beg pardon; —but ſeriously, how can
LIBERTY, and all the liberties of any kind that peo-
ple can take, turn out otherwise than in vanity,
while all along they are the ſlaves of their own paſ-
ſions? And as a fair argument, that is always ſo
with the warmeſt advocates for liberty, I will only
challenge experience, that old recorder of events.
This will not be able to produce one, who after (and
even while) exerting all his powers in pleading and
fruggling for liberty, has not become ſuch a ſlave
to his paſſion for leading influence, as to turn out an
abſolute dictator over all who follow his ſtandard:
And who, while they madly hollow after him LIBER-
TY! LIBERTY! are blindly lead to do whatever he
will direct, without mindiing the conſequences.