3

LYJ

the essence of the idea I would like to place before you this evening.

In an 1899 speech in Chicago he said:

> "Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to take rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much, because they live in the gray twilight that knows not victory nor defeat."

That statement epitomizes the *spirit* and strength of this nation.

It is the *spirit* that has led us to seek new challenges rather than old comforts. The growth of America has been identified with the existence of the Frontier -- a term that is, in itself, interesting. In Europe, frontier has always indicated something permanent and sacrosanct; in America it connoted something constantly shifting, and always *behaving* in a way that was a physical state; in America it was an emotional commitment -- a belief that greatness is an idea before it becomes a reality; that man fulfils himself by striving. This common experience kept us from erecting the social, economic, and political barriers that brought so many other nations into permanent and irreconcilable division. It led us to look upon ourselves and what we did as a nation as having universal meaning -- a relevance that transcended national boundaries to encompass the well-being of all mankind. America was not itself unless it had a meaning beyond itself.

4

The frontier disappeared, in the physical sense, in Teddy Roosevelt's day. But its psychology, remained with us, for many decades. Americans have always seen their foreign policy as the outward manifestation, if I may use an ecclesiastical term, of an inward state of grace. As such, foreign policy, was an expression of the collective spirit as well as the will of the entire nation, not the product of one man, one group of men, or one party. It is in that context -- the belief that foreign policy is, and must be, the expression of a national and not a partisan purpose -- that I gratefully accept this award tonight.

What is so striking as we look back at the America of Theodore Roosevelt's time is the feeling of self-confidence, the sense of optimism, we displayed as we went about our business, foreign and domestic. Both that self-confidence and that sense of permanence are far less in evidence today. Both must be regained.

A series of tragic events over the course of the past decade has contributed its part to our current sense of uncertainty. A young and popular President assassinated; his brother, and a great civil rights leader murdered; Lyndon Johnson returned to office by an overwhelming majority, only to see that vast majority dissipated within little more than a year; ever greater involvement in a war we were for so long; apparently unable to win or to end; riots and civil disobedience on a

5

[N]

massive scale. And the agony of our present ordeal for all participants
requires no restatement.

The impact of this decade of tragedy and trauma on some
Americans is deeply profound. It has become quite the fashion to
debunk and deride -- often with a vengeance-- the spirit Teddy Roosevelt
so uniquely personified. But in the process, the once apparently
inexhaustable reservoir of simple faith in our ability to do, and of
confidence that the future would be better than the past, has been seriously
taxed.

We are tired and we need a rest. We would like to enjoy
the current tranquillity without further effort.

And yet our children will not judge us by the magnitude of the
challenge, but, rather, by the adequacy of the response.

6

If history teaches nothing else, it makes clear that when the moment comes, in Teddy Roosevelt's words, "to dare mighty things" no nation can afford to pass that moment by. No amount of internal debate, no paroxysm of self-doubt or self-criticism, can keep opportunity in suspension. And once the opportunity is past, no amount of rationalization or self-justification will bring it back again.

The United States faces, in my view, such an historic moment. And we face that moment as a people, not as partisans of any particular cause. The consequences of failure will be borne not by this Administration, but by its successors in the decades to come. How we meet history's challenge will have a lasting effect on the lives of all of us -- not just or even primarily by those who happen, for a time, to exercise the responsibilities of government.

Over the past four years major changes have been registered in this nation's relationships with others:

- We have ended a war in Southeast Asia. We now seek to create conditions which will convince all parties that recourse to future bloodshed can bear no fruit as worthwhile as the rewards of peaceful competition and development.

- We have developed a new understanding with an old adversary -- the People's Republic of China. The tangible results of our understandings with that great nation are

[Y]

7

important not because of their still modest scale, but
because we have at last put behind us much of the mutual
distrust and antagonism built up over more than two decades.

-- We have worked hard to resolve by negotiation many of the substantive differences that have for so long plagued us in our dealings with the Soviet Union, and for so long threatened world peace. But equally important, through the very process of negotiation, we -- and I think the Soviets as well -- have developed a much better appreciation of the other's perceptions and motivations.

-- We are embarked upon reinvigorating traditional friendships with our Western European allies and Japan. It is a journey we hope will end not simply in a new affirmation of old ties, but rather in a new declaration of interdependence -- a recognition that what binds us as a community of free nations far transcends the essentially secondary issues that divide us.

We found a world so accustomed to the ubiquity of the Cold War that even the most routine business of peaceful relations among nations could not escape the shadow of global confrontation. Today that confrontation casts a much shorter shadow. Fundamental problems persist; but they are no longer so acute that the lasting pursuit by all nations of

8

[Y]

the goals of peace and prosperity becomes a realistic prospect. The rigidity that we found has been replaced, in part, by a sense of confidence that our ambitions need not be the captive of our fears about the future.

While we have not succeeded in removing all the hurdles to a truly lasting peace, we have at least sketched -- for ourselves and our adversaries -- the outline of a code of conduct by which we can prevent the remaining hurdles from becoming immovable and insurmountable. We now have reason to hope that our blueprint for stability -- while still clearly in need of improvement -- can provide the basis for the establishment of an international structure capable of containing serious disturbances. The history of the Post-War era is one of constant effort to maintain peace through crisis management. The structure of peace we now seek would, instead, be sustained by its own inherent quality of permanence -- a structure in which the major participants recognize their stake in the maintenance of peace and act from a sense of justice.

But these are only beginnings, not accomplished facts. The end of American engagement in armed conflict brings with it the temptation to take for granted the new conditions of stability, to believe that this stability can be enjoyed without a positive involvement on our part. Should we succumb to this temptation, we risk doing fatal damage to the still tender shoots which have grown from our efforts. Whether these

9

shoots will mature will depend in large measure upon how we conduct
ourselves as a nation over the course of the next decade. And what
we are ten years hence, depends upon what we do today, next week,
and in the years that follow. Other countries will judge us by our
steadiness, our ability to make meaningful undertakings from self-
confidence. Our foreign policy will mean little if other nations see
our actions as transitory whims with little institutional or popular
support. No foreign policy -- no matter how ingenious or well-
intentioned -- has any chance of success if it is born in the minds of a
few and carried in the hearts of none.

Foreign policy cannot become an alibi for domestic wrongdoing.
But, equally, domestic failings must not be used as an issue for escaping
from our international responsibilities. In the 1920's, we were isolationists
because we thought we were too good for the rest of the world. Today we
stand in danger of turning isolationist because we fear that we are not
good enough. Either course is disastrous. As we purge ourselves of our
errors we must preserve those goals which unify all America and
which, if not achieved, mortgage the futures of all of us. There can be
no moratorium in the quest for a peaceful world. And as we pursue
that quest we will need to draw upon the country's best minds, no matter
what their partisan political persuasion -- not on a bipartisan but on a
nonpartisan basis.

[N]

10

Only in this manner can we recapture the spirit and optimism of
Teddy Roosevelt. For that spirit, that vitality, still run deep in the
American soul. Roosevelt did not insist on moral perfection before
action, because he knew that to do so would mean that we would
achieve neither perfection nor action. But, equally, he never forgot
that we had to strive for moral greatness, for it alone made action
worthwhile.

It would be idle to deny that today we are not a happy nation.
But we still have a great opportunity. As someone who came to this
country as a refugee from totalitarianism, I know -- perhaps better
than many -- what America can still mean to the world, and how a
withdrawal of America from the world would deprive mankind of hope
and purpose. This is why I am confident that we will recapture the
spirit of adventure that Teddy Roosevelt so completely represented,
and that once more America will be the country that dares and strives
mightily on frontiers that are set by our faith and our morality.

REMARKS TO THE INTERNATIONAL PLATFORM ASSOCIATION

AUGUST 2, 1973

Mrs. Longworth, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Roosevelt, ladies and
gentlemen:

I am deeply grateful for the honor you have bestowed upon me this evening, not only because it represents something of an encouragement at a time when we in Government are not exactly overwhelmed by expressions of approbation, but also, and more importantly, because the award bears the name of a man -- Theodore Roosevelt -- whom I have, both as an historian and public servant, admired above most others in our nation's history.

You have flatttered me, as well, by seating me next to one of the great women of our time, Mrs. Alice Roosevelt Longworth. Mrs. Longworth, who has brought grace and dignity to two already renowned names in American political history, is one of that handful of people who makes living in Washington a worthwhile experience. Her presence here tonight adds luster to the occasion and does honor to us all.

Last week, while I was preparing my remarks for this evening, I spent some time looking for an appropriate Roosevelt quote. One particularly struck a responsive chord, since I had not too many weeks before returned from the latest of my seemingly unending sessions with

2

Le Duc Tho. In 1905, during his mediation of the Russo-Japanese War, the President confided to a friend:

"Dealing with senators is at times excellent training for the temper, but upon my word dealing with these peace envoys has been an even tougher job. To be polite and sympathetic and patient in explaining for the hundredth time something perfectly obvious, when I really want to give utterance to whoops of rage and jump up and knock their heads together -- well, all I can hope is that the self-repression will be ultimately good for my character."

When I read that passage I felt closer to Teddy Roosevelt than ever before. How often I, like he, was tempted to explode in "whoops of rage and jump up and knock heads together." I, like he, can only hope that my character has been improved by self-repression--though many of my colleagues would question whether self-repression is my most distinctive trait.

However, given the temper of the times I do not want to seem disrespectful of the Senate. So let me say for the record [---] and in the ecumenical spirit so characteristic of the place where I work [---] that I have never encountered a member of the Upper House who has tested my temper. So one of two things must have changed since Teddy Roosevelt's time; either the nature of Senators or the sincerity and courage of public officials. I will let you choose which.

3

In a more serious vein, something that Theodore Roosevelt once said -- something quintessentially American and Rooseveltian -- contains the essence of the idea I would like to place before you this evening.

That statement epitomizes the essence and strength of this nation.

It is the spirit that has led us to seek new challenges rather than old comforts. The growth of America has been identified with the existence of the Frontier -- a term that is, in itself, interesting. In Europe, frontier has always indicated something permanent and sacrosanct -- a barrier. In effect, In Europe the frontier repelled; in America it beckoned.

In America it connoted something constantly shifting. In Europe the frontier was a physical state; in America it was an emotional commitment -- a belief that greatness is an idea before it becomes a reality; that man fulfills himself by striving. This common experience kept us from erecting the social, economic, and political barriers that brought so many other nations into permanent and irreconcilable internal division.

It led us to look upon ourselves and what we did as a nation as having universal meaning -- a relevance that, beyond national boundaries, encompassed the well-being of all mankind. America was not itself unless it had a meaning beyond itself.

5

leader murdered; Lyndon Johnson returned to office by an over-
whelming majority, only to see that vast majority steadily eroded;
ever greater involvement in a war we seemed for too long unable to
win or to end; riots and civil disobedience on a massive scale. And
-- for the whole nation --
the agony of our present ordeal for the whole nation is too obvious
to require commentary.

The impact of this decade of tragedy and trauma has been profound. It has become [quite] the fashion to debunk and deride the spirit that Teddy Roosevelt so uniquely personified. In the process, the once apparently inexhaustable reservoir of faith in our ability to do, and of confidence that the future would be better than the past, has been seriously taxed. We are tired and we need a rest. We would like to enjoy the current tranquility without further effort. We who once withdrew from the world because we thought we were too good for it stand in danger of [auditing] interrupting our involvement because we think we are not yet good enough or not sufficiently relevant.

Yet our children will not judge us by the magnitude of the challenge,
but, rather, by the adequacy of the response. If history teaches nothing
else, it makes clear that when the moment comes, in Teddy Roosevelt's
words, "to dare mighty things" no great nation can afford to pass that
moment by. No amount of internal debate, no paroxysm of self-doubt
or self-criticism, can keep opportunity in suspension. And once the

- 6 -

The United States, in my view, faces such an historic moment.
That moment exists for us as a people, not as partisans of any
particular cause. The consequences of failure will be borne not by
this Administration, but by its successors in the decades to come.

-- We have ended the war in Southeast Asia. We now seek conditions to create conditions of stability and accommodation, that will continue all parties to have recourse to bloodless conflict, so that political competition to replace bloodied and enable political competition to replaceungsht while economic development, and the rewards of peace, will worthwhile efforts to base peace on competition and economic development.

-- We are building a new relationship with an old adversary --
the People's Republic of China. The tangible results of
this rapprochement are important not only because they
mitigate the hostility of two decades, but because for the
first time since the end of World War II all great nations
have become full participants in the international system.

-- We have worked hard to resolve by negotiation many of the
political issues which for so long have made our relationship
with the Soviet Union contentious, and which for so long
threatened world peace. Even more importantly, the very

7

process of negotiation, over a wide range of issues, has
created the possibility of a strong and lasting mutual
interest in peace and cooperation.

We are embarked upon a reinvigoration of traditional friendships
with our closest friends and allies in Europe and with
Japan. It is a journey we hope will end not simply in a
repetition of familiar liturgies but in a new recognition
that what unites a community of free nations far transcends
the secondary issues that divide us.

We found a world so accustomed to the ubiquity of the Cold War
that even the most routine business of peaceful relations among nations
was carried on in the shadow of global confrontation. Fundamental
problems persist; but they are no longer so pervasive that the pursuit by
all nations of the goals of peace and prosperity becomes the dominant
opportunity. The history of the Post-War era has been a constant effort
to maintain peace through crisis management. The structure of peace
we envisage would, instead, be sustained by the recognition of the
major participants that they have a stake in stability, and that they must
act from a sense of justice and with moderation. The world is beginning
to sense that our purposes need not be the captive of our fears, that they
can be shaped by our hopes.

8

But these are only beginnings, not accomplished facts. The end of American engagement in armed conflict brings with it the temptation to take this new peace for granted, the new conditions of stability to believe that this stability can be enjoyed without a positive involvement or major effort. This is an illusion should we succumb to this temptation, we risk the collapse of what has been achieved. Whether the shoots that have been planted will mature will depend in large measure upon how we conduct ourselves as a nation over the course of the next decade. And what we are ten years hence, depends upon what we do today, next week, and in the years that follow.

HAKR Problem Here is where we are talking, I think, about a different kind of stability from the preceding one. Thus, the word peace.

9

Other countries will judge us by our steadiness. Our influence for good ~~will~~ will be measured by the world's judgment of our constancy and self-confidence. Our foreign policy will mean little if other nations see our actions as sporadic initiatives of a small group reflecting no coherent national purpose or consensus. No foreign policy -- no matter how ingenious -- has any chance of success if it is born in the minds of a few and carried in the hearts of none.

Foreign policy cannot become an alibi or distraction from domestic ills. But, equally, domestic failings must not be used as an excuse for abandoning our international responsibilities. There can be no moratorium in the quest for a peaceful world. And as we pursue that quest we will need to draw upon the country's best minds, no matter what their partisan political persuasion -- not on a bipartisan but on a nonpartisan basis. Especially at this moment, as we search our national soul, we must also reaffirm the basis of our national unity.

For the spirit and vitality that Teddy Roosevelt represented still run deep in America. Roosevelt did not insist on moral perfection before action, because he knew that to do so would mean that we would achieve neither perfection nor action. But, equally, he never forgot that we had to strive for moral greatness, for it alone made action worthwhile.

It would be idle to deny that today we are not a happy nation. But we still have a great opportunity which, if we fail to grasp it, would be an

10

even greater tragedy than our present agonies. As someone who came to this country as a refugee from totalitarianism, I have a special feeling for what America can still mean to the world, and how a withdrawal of America from the world would deprive mankind of hope and purpose. This is why I am confident that we will recapture the spirit that Teddy Roosevelt so well represented, and that once more America will be the country that dares and strives mightily on frontiers that are set by our common purposes.

AUGUST 2, 1973

I am deeply grateful for the honor you have bestowed upon me this evening, ~~for one thing,~~ it represents something of an encouragement at a time when we in Government are not exactly overwhelmed by expressions of approbation, ~~But also, and more importantly,~~ ~~because~~ the award bears the name of a man -- Theodore Roosevelt -- whom I have, both as an historian and public servant, admired above most others in our nation's history.

You have flatttered me, as well, by seating me next to one of the great women of our time, Mrs. Alice Roosevelt Longworth. She, ~~Longworth, who~~ has brought grace and dignity to two already renowned names in American political history, is one of that handful of people who makes living in Washington a worthwhile experience. Her presence here ~~tonight~~ adds luster to the occasion and does honor to us all.

Last week, while I was preparing my remarks for this evening, I spent some time looking for an appropriate Roosevelt quote. One particularly struck a responsive chord, ~~since I had~~ not too many weeks before returned from the latest of my seemingly unending sessions with

2

When I read that passage I felt closer to Teddy Roosevelt than ever before. How often I, like he, was tempted to explode in "whoops of rage and jump up and knock ... heads together." I (like he) can only hope that my character has been improved by self-repression--though many of my colleagues would deny seeing any evidence of this. question whether self-repression is my most distinctive trait.

However, given the temper of the times, I do not want to seem disrespectful of the Senate. So let me say for the record -- and in the ecumenical spirit so characteristic of the place where I work -- that I have never encountered a member of the Upper House who has tested my temper. So one of two things must have changed since Teddy Roosevelt's time; either the *quality* of Senators, or the *honesty of White House* sincerity and courage of public officials. I will let you choose.

3

It is the spirit that has led us to see new challenges rather than old stagnation. The growth of America has been identified with the existence of the Frontier. The term "frontier" is a term that is, in itself, interesting. In Europe, a

frontier has always meant something permanent and sacrosanct -- a barrier, in effect.

In Europe the

fulfills himself by striving. This common experience kept us from erecting the social, economic, and political barriers that afflicted so many other nations.

into permanent and irreconcilable internal divisions.

universal meaning -- a relevance that (beyond national boundaries) encompassed the well-being of all mankind. America was not itself unless it had a meaning

beyond itself.

We represented something great.

The historian's conclusions about the disappearance (in 1909) of the great historian Turner wrote an essay about the disappearance of the frontier and the impact of this event on the American people. He was a premature. To be sure, the frontier disappeared, in the physical sense, in Teddy Roosevelt's day. But its psychology has remained with us. Americans have always seen their foreign policy as the outward manifestation, if I may use an ecclesiastical term, of an inward state of grace. Foreign policy was therefore an expression of the collective spirit and common aspirations of the entire nation, not the product of one man, one group of men, or one of the interests of one group or class or party. It was neither an esoteric exercise of specialists nor the reflection of the interests of one group or class or party.

It is in that context -- the belief that foreign policy is, and must be, the expression of a national purpose -- that I gratefully accept this award tonight.

What is so striking as we look back at the America of Theodore Roosevelt's time is the feeling of self-confidence, the sense of optimism, that we displayed as we went about our business, foreign and domestic. This both self-confidence and optimism are far less in evidence today. The national consensus that sustained our international relations is in danger of exhausted. being shattered. It must be restored. participation weakened and

A series of tragic events over the course of the past decade has contributed to our current uncertainty. A young, dynamic and popular President assassinated; his brother, and a great civil rights

5

leader murdered; Lyndon Johnson returned to office by an over-
whelming majority, only to see that vast majority steadily eroded;
ever greater involvement in a war we seemed for too long unable to
win or to end; riots and civil disobedience on a massive scale. And
the agony of our present ordeal for the whole nation is too obvious
to require commentary.

The impact of this decade of tragedy and trauma has been profound. It has become quite the fashion to debunk and deride the spirit that Teddy Roosevelt so uniquely personified. In the process, the once apparently inexhaustable reservoir of faith in our ability to do, and of confidence that the future would be better than the past, has been seriously taxed. We are tired and we need a rest. We would like to enjoy the current tranquility without further effort. We who once withdrew from the world because we thought we were too good for it are moving to terminate our involvement because we think we are not good enough or not sufficiently relevant.

Yet our children will not judge us by the magnitude of the trauma challenge, but, rather, by the adequacy of the response. If history teaches nothing else, it makes clear that when the moment comes, in Teddy Roosevelt's words, "to dare mighty things," no great nation can afford to ignore that moment. No amount of internal debate, no paroxysm of self-doubt or self-criticism, can hold history events or self-opportunity in suspension. And once the

- 6 -

Over the past four years, major changes have been registered
in this nation's relationships with others:

-- We have ended the war in Southeast Asia. We now seek to create conditions of stability and accommodation, to enable political competition to replace bloodshed, in order to reduce the danger of new turmoil and new involvement to base peace on competition and economic development.

7

We are embarked upon reinvigorating traditional friendships
with our closest friends and allies in Europe and with
Japan. It is a journey we hope will end not simply in a
repetition of familiar liturgies but in a new recognition
that what unites us a community of free nations far transcends
the secondary issues that divide us.

We found a world so accustomed to the ubiquity of the Cold War
that even the most routine business of peaceful relations among nations
was carried on in the shadow of global confrontation. Fundamental
problems persist; but they are no longer so pervasive that the pursuit by
the Conduct of international affairs of all nations of the goals of peace and prosperity becomes the dominant
opportunity. The history of the Post-War era has been a constant exercise
of to maintain peace through crisis management. The structure of peace
that we envisage would, instead, be sustained by the recognition of all
major participants that they have a stake in stability and that they must
act from a sense of justice and with moderation. The world is beginning
to sense that our purposes need not be the captive of our fears, that they
can be shaped by our hopes.

AUGUST 2, 1973

2

When I read that passage I felt closer to Teddy Roosevelt than ever before. How often I, like he, was tempted to explode in "whoops of rage and jump up and knock ... heads together." I, like he, can only hope that my character has been improved by self-repression--though many of my colleagues would question whether self-repression is my most distinctive trait.

However, given the temper of the times I do not want to seem disrespectful of the Senate. So let me say for the record -- and in the ecumenical spirit so characteristic of the place where I work -- that I have never encountered a member of the Upper House who has tested my temper. So one of two things must have changed since Teddy Roosevelt's time; either the nature of Senators or the sincerity and courage of public officials. I will let you choose.

3

It is the spirit that has led us to seek new challenges rather than old comforts. The growth of America has been identified with the existence of the Frontier -- a term that is, in itself, interesting. In Europe, frontier has always indicated something permanent and sacrosanct -- a barrier in effect. In Europe the frontier repelled; in America it beckoned.

It led us to look upon ourselves and what we did as a nation as having universal meaning -- a relevance that beyond national boundaries encompassed the well-being of all mankind. America was not itself unless it had a meaning beyond itself.

(4)

In 1909 the great historian Turner wrote an essay about the disappearance of the frontier and the impact of this event on the American people. He was premature. To be sure, the frontier disappeared, in the physical sense, in Teddy Roosevelt's day. But its psychology has remained with us. Americans have always seen their foreign policy as the outward manifestation, if I may use an ecclesiastical term, of an inward state of grace. Foreign policy was therefore an expression of the collective spirit and common aspirations of the entire nation, not the product of one man, one group of men, or one party.

What is so striking as we look back at the America of Theodore Roosevelt's time is the feeling of self-confidence, the sense of optimism, we displayed as we went about our business, foreign and domestic. Both self-confidence and optimism are far less in evidence today. The consensus that sustained our international relations is in danger of being shattered. It must be regained.

- 6 -

- We have ended the war in Southeast Asia. We now seek to create conditions of stability and accommodation to enable [political] competition to replace the bloodshed and hatred which have so long reached that one to base peace on competition and economic development.

7

We are embarked upon reinvigorating traditional friendships
with our closest friends and allies in Europe and with
Japan. It is a journey we hope will end not simply in a
repetition of familiar liturgies but in a new recognition
that what unites us as a community of free nations far transcends
the secondary issues that divide us.

We found a world so accustomed to the ubiquity of the Cold War
that even the most routine business of peaceful relations among nations
was carried on in the shadow of global confrontation. Fundamental
problems persist; but they are no longer so pervasive that the pursuit of
all nations of the goals of peace and prosperity becomes the dominant
opportunity. The history of the Post-War era has been a [constant] effort
to maintain peace through crisis management. The structure of peace
we envisage would, instead, be sustained by [the recognition of] the
major participants that they have a stake in stability and that [they must
act from a sense of justice and] with moderation. The world is beginning
to sense that our purposes need not be the captive of our fears, that they
can be shaped by our hopes.

8

But these are only beginnings, not accomplished facts. The end of American engagement in armed conflict brings with it the temptation to take this new chance for granted the new conditions of stability that are needed to believe that this stability can be enjoyed without a positive involvement or major effort. This is an illusion. Should we succumb to this temptation, we risk the collapse of what has been achieved. Whether the shoots that have been planted will mature will depend in large measure upon how we conduct ourselves as a nation over the course of the next decade. And what we are ten years hence, depends upon what we do today, next week, and in the years that follow.

9

Other countries will judge us by our steadiness. Our influence for good will be measured by the world's judgment of our constancy and self-confidence. Our foreign policy will mean little if other nations see our actions as sporadic initiatives of a small group reflecting no coherent national purpose or consensus. No foreign policy -- no matter how ingenious -- has any chance of success if it is born in the minds of a few and carried in the hearts of none.

10