CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES
THE HONORABLE GEORGE BUSH

EISENHOWER
EXCHANGE
FELLOWSHIPS

256 South 16th Street
Philadelphia, PA 19102

HONORARY CHAIRMAN
THE HONORABLE GERALD R. FORD

CHAIRMAN EMERITUS
DONALD H. RUMSELD
Former Secretary of Defense

VICE CHAIRMAN
E. B. LEISENRING, Jr., Chairman Emeritus
The Philadelphia Contributionship

CHAIRMAN, EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
THOMAS J. WAGNER, Executive Vice President
and General Counsel, CIGNA Corporation

PRESIDENT
ADRIAN A. BASORA

Tel 215-546-1738

Fax 215-546-4567

E-mail ike@eef.org

May 10, 1999

MAY 1 3 1999

BOARD OF TRUSTEES

WALTER H. ANNENBERG, Chairman
The Annenberg Foundation, St. David's, PA

CHARLES BENTON, Chairman
Public Media Inc., Chicago

GEOFFREY C. BIBLE, Chairman and CEO
Philip Morris Companies Inc., New York City

RICHARD P. BROWN, Jr., Counsel
Morgan Lewis & Coopers, Philadelphia

W. THACHER BROWN, President
1838 Investment Advisors, L.P., Radnor, PA

PEGGY COOPER CAFRITZ, Founder
Duke Ellington School of the Arts, Washington, DC

CHARLES M. CAWLEY, Chairman and CEO
MBNA America Bank, N.A., Wilmington, DE

RONNIE C. CHAN, Chairman
Hang Lung Development Company, Hong Kong

DEREK CHILVERS, President and CEO
John Hancock International Holdings, Inc., Boston

JOHN GILRAY CHRISTY, Chairman
Chestnut Capital Corporation, Philadelphia

ROBERT F. DEE, Former Chairman and CEO
SmithKline Corporation, Philadelphia

H. E. SULEYMAN DEMIREL, President
Republic of Turkey

KENNETH T. DERR, Chairman and CEO
Chevron Corporation, San Francisco

JAMES DUFFY, Chairman, President and CEO
St. Paul Reinsurance Management Corporation
New York City

DAVID EISENHOWER, Historian
University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA

SUSAN EISENHOWER, Chairman
Center for Political and Strategic Studies, Washington, DC

JEREMY K. ELLIS, Chairman
BHP, Melbourne

CONRADO ETCHEBARNE, Jr., Partner
Arias, Martinez Ruiz, Etchebarne, Buenos Aires

THEODORE FRIEND, President Emeritus
Eisenhower Exchange Fellowships, Villanova, PA

JEAN-PIERRE GARNIER, Ph.D., COO
SmithKline Beecham, Philadelphia

YALE GIESZL, Executive Vice President
Toyota Motor Sales, U.S.A., Inc., Torrance, CA

THOMAS MICHAEL GOODRICH, President and CEO
B&K Inc., Birmingham, AL

DEREK C. HATHAWAY, Chairman and CEO
Harsco Corporation, Camp Hill, PA

JAMES W. HOVEY, President
The Fox Companies, Wayne, PA

RAYMOND JOHNSON, Retired Chairman, President and CEO
Caltex Petroleum Corporation, Dallas, TX

EMMANUEL A. KAMPOURIS, Chairman, President and CEO
American Standard,iscataway, NJ

NEMIR A. KIRDAR, President and CEO
Investcorp, Bahrain

JEFFERY L. S. KOO, Chairman and CEO
Chinatrust Commercial Bank, Taipei

WILLIAM P. LAUGHLIN, Former Chairman
Sigma Corporation, Woodside, CA

KENNETH L. LAY, Chairman and CEO
Enron Corp., Houston

CHARLES E. LONG, Vice Chairman
Citibank, New York City

JOHN R. LORD, President
Carrier Corporation, Farmington, CT

HENRY LUCE III, Chairman and CEO
The Henry Luce Foundation Inc., New York City

JOHN A. LUKE, Retired President and CEO
Westvaco Corporation, New York City

JAMES L. McCABE, President
McCabe Capital Managers, King of Prussia, PA

PETER McCAUSLAND, Chairman and CEO
Airgas, Inc., Radnor, PA

MARC R. OLIVE, President, WV BPO
Armstrong World Industries, Inc., Lancaster, PA

H. ROSS PEROT, Jr., The Perot Group, Dallas

WILLIAM PERRY, Former Secretary of Defense
Stanford, CA

C. RICHARD PETERSON, Partner
Welwyn Management, Rosemon, PA

D. HOWARD PIERCE, President
Steam Power Plants and Environmental Systems
ABB Ltd., Norwalk, CT

RAYMOND RICHELSEN, Executive Vice President
3M Company, St. Paul, MN

JOHN A. H. SHOBER, Managing Director
ESU Associates, Plymouth Meeting, PA

W. LLOYD SNYDER III, Principal
Sterling & Co., Philadelphia

JOEL SPIRA, Chairman and CEO
Lutron Electronics, Cooperstown, PA

FREDERICK A. TERRY, Jr., Partner
Sullivan & Cromwell, New York City

JUNICHI UJHE, President and CEO
Nomura Securities Co., Ltd., Tokyo

H. A. WAGNER, Chairman and CEO
Art Products and Chemicals, Inc., Allentown, PA

DAVID I. J. WANG, Retired Executive Vice President
International Paper Co., Naples, FL

MARILYN WARE, Chairman
American Water Works Company, Voorhees, NJ

PADRAIC A. WHITE, Director
Dresdner International Finance Plc., Dublin

JOHN C. WHITEHEAD, Chairman
AEA Investors, New York City

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates
Washington, D.C.

Dear Henry:

We have been proud to chair the Eisenhower Exchange Fellowships, a unique
leadership organization fostering international understanding and productivity.
For 45 years EEF has provided an intense, high-quality exposure to the U.S.
for over 1300 emerging leaders. This shared experience has forged strong
bonds among alumni Fellows who have made a difference in overcoming
national, ethnic and social divides.

Three weeks ago President Suleyman Demirel showed his loyalty as an
Eisenhower alumnus by stopping in Philadelphia for a working lunch with his
fellow EEF trustees. The Eisenhower network includes several hundred
Fellows who have reached the top: heads of government, ministers, rectors,
CEOs and leaders in other sectors. They have made a difference both in their
own countries and beyond.

The time has come to renew the EEF Chairmanship, with a new term to begin
in January. We have concluded that you are the ideal candidate. Yours is a
name that commands international recognition and respect. Your many years
of involvement at the top levels of international leadership fit perfectly with
EEF's mission.

We know the extraordinary claims on your time but ask that you nevertheless
seriously consider this request. The time commitment is modest: the
equivalent of one full day per year. EEF's President, Adrian Basora, a former
ambassador and NSC alumnus, would be happy to make a brief call on you to
discuss the details.

FILE PHOTO/BY JAMES P. MCCOY FOR THE WASHINGTON POST

Betty Ford are trying to walk through life without Penny Brown, inset, who went for aDNA test to see if her father was a Native American, N.Y., home. A Native American teenager has been charged in the murder.

## Two Nations

### *Her Seneca Neighbors at a Loss*

Park Road. His voice is says, turning around, the back of the house,

year, the day Penny her came home. She was other of two girls, ages when their mom walked dogs, Nancy and Keeper, the next morning, more not reported Penny miss- her body in a small ra-

vine next to the jogging path, buried beneath a pile of leaves, branches and twigs. She had been raped, then strangled with the leash of one of her own dogs. It was the first murder to take place in this tiny city of 6,000 in 27 years.

Immediately, the residents were transfixed with horror: Who could have done this? A stranger who stopped off Route 17 for gas or a snack at the nearby Burger King? One of a handful of newcomers spotted downtown? Or—heaven forbid—one of their own?

One day after recovering Penny Brown's body, the

See SENECA, C8, Col. 1

## Gerald and Betty Ford, Serving Their Country Well

### Congress and Clinton Join In Praise of Couple Who Weathered Tough Times

By CHARLES BABINGTON

Washington Post Staff Writer

Wash Post
10/28/99

Gerald R. Ford returned to Washington yesterday for a congressional honor and a presidential absolution.

A quarter-century after assuming the presidency at Watergate's culmination, Ford, 86, sat serenely erect in the Capitol Rotunda as House and Senate leaders bestowed accolades and the Congressional Gold Medal on him and his wife, Betty. Then, in the solemn afternoon's emotional high point, President Clinton praised Ford for the decision that probably ended any reasonable chance he had of winning the presidency in his own right: his pardon of Richard M. Nixon.

"It was easy for us to criticize you because we were caught up in the moment," Clinton said. "You didn't get caught up in the moment, and you were right. You were right for the contro-

See FORD, C9, Col. 1

BY GERALD MARTINEAU—THE WASHINGTON POST

Gerald and Betty Ford kiss in the Capitol Rotunda yesterday after the former president and alcoholism treatment crusader both received Congress's highest civilian honor.

### TEXAS TWO-STEP:

["THE WASHINGTON POST", "STYLE", "Congress Honors the Fords", "FORD, From C1", "versal decisions you made to keep\nthe country together.\"", "The audience, which ranged\nfrom young congressional pages to\nFord peers such as Melvin Laird\nand Robert and Elizabeth Dole,\nerupted in applause. So it went on\na day when soft autumn light filtered\nthrough the towering dome's win-\ndows, the Navy Ceremonial Band\nplayed \"Hail to the Victors\" and one\ncould almost imagine Republican\nand Democratic congressional lead-\ners not only standing together to\nhonor Jerry Ford but also working\ntogether to solve such pedestrian\nmatters as a federal budget.", "Ford, looking fit and content, a\ngenerous thatch of gray hair ring-\ning his familiar bald top, basked in\nthe glow.", "\"It's customary for former presi-\ndents to lie in state in this magnif-\nicent Rotunda,\" he noted. \"Listen-\ning to all those fulsome tributes, I\nwondered if maybe you weren't\njumping the gun just a bit.\"", "In giving Ford the highest honor\nthat Congress can award a civilian,\ncongressional leaders saluted him\nfor being a decent, honest and patri-\notic president at a time when the\nnation needed exactly those bed-\nrock qualities. Above all, it seemed,\nthey honored him for being one of\ntheir own, an accidental president\nwho toiled for years as the House\nRepublican leader and was never\nelected by voters to anything bigger\nthan the congressional seat from\nGrand Rapids, Mich.", "This was no day to haggle over\nhis 2½-year administration's dim-\nner moments—the lame “Whip In-\nlation Now” buttons, the debate\ngaffe over Eastern Europe, the loss", "BY GERALD MARTINEAU—THE WASHINGTON POST", "The Fords receive the Congressional Gold Medal from President Clinton. With them are House Speaker Dennis Hastert and Sen. Strom Thurmond.", "to Democrat Jimmy Carter in 1976. And when the Nixon pardon was al-luded to at all, it was couched as a courageous move by a new presi-dent eager to end the \"long national nightmare\" of Watergate.", "\"As president, he did more than\nwake us from a nightmare,\" said\nSenate Minority Leader Thomas A.\nDaschle (D-S.D.). \"He made it pos-\nsible for us to dream again.\"", "Senate Majority Leader Trent\nLott (R-Miss.) recalled the honor-\nee's famous 1974 admonition, \"I'm\na Ford, not a Lincoln.\" Lott added:\n\"He was a Ford, and he was just\nwhat America needed at that point\nin our history.\"", "Each speaker seemed to see a bit\nof himself as he spoke about the\nFords and the 1970s. Clinton nod-\nded to the Fords' children Susan\nand Steven, but surely he was also\nthinking of his daughter, Chelsea,\nwhen he said: \"Their children are\nhere still rooting for them. And\nthat's something, because kids go\nthrough hell if their folks are in poi-", "tics. They get all of the burdens and\nnone of the benefits.\"", "Even more poignant for Clin-\nton—who asked for prayers and\nforgiveness after his impeachment\ntrial acquittal—were his remarks to\nBetty Ford, best remembered for\npublicly battling breast cancer and\nalcoholism.", "\"Because I lost my mother to breast cancer, Betty Ford is a hero-ine to me,\" Clinton said. \"Because my family has been victimized by alcoholism and I know what it's like to see good, fine people stare into the abyss of their own personal despair, I will be forever grateful for the Betty Ford Clinic. . . . She showed them it was not wrong for a good person and a strong person to be imperfect and ask for help.\"", "In his 13-minute speech, Ford left\nlittle doubt he was referring to to-\nday's Washington when he cited the\npostwar creation of NATO and the\nMarshall Plan to make a pitch for\ncooperation between Congress and\nthe White House. \"[That] kind of", "arm-in-arm working relationship\nwas a critical, important factor in\nthe fact that we won the Cold War,\"\nhe said.", "On the surface, the current presi-\ndent and the one who's barely re-\nmembered by today's schoolchil-\ndren seemed to have little in\ncommon: Clinton, the Southern\nDemocrat so politically gifted that\nhe can talk his way out of almost\nany jam, vs. Ford, the Midwestern\nRepublican whose political style\nwas so unpolished that comedian\nChevy Chase made a career out of\nlampooning him as a bumbler.", "But surfaces can deceive. Ford\nwas a football star at the University\nof Michigan, and he graduated in\nthe top third of his class at Yale Law\nSchool, where Clinton also earned a\ndegree. Each was born with a name\nthat gave way to a stepfather's re-\nnaming—Leslie Lynch King Jr. be-\ncame Gerald R. Ford, and William J.\nBlythe became William J. Clinton.", "More than anything else, per-\nhaps, the two men are linked by the\nironies and whims of politics and\nscandal. Ford never sought the\npresidency until he had it, and then\nhe lost it. (Betty Ford, in her four-\nminute speech, turned to House\nSpeaker Dennis Hastert and said,\n\"Mr. Speaker, as you know, your job\nis the only one Jerry ever want-\ned.\")", "Clinton wanted to be president\nsince he was a teenager, and he won\nthe prize twice, only to end up won-\ndering how much his own scandal\nwill shadow his legacy.", "Sen. Spencer Abraham (R-\nMich.), one of seven speakers who\npraised the Fords, called the ex-\npresident \"the man Fate picked for\nour highest office.\" He's right, of\ncourse—American voters never\nelected Ford to the presidency.", "Yesterday Clinton and the con-\ngressional leaders agreed that Fate\ngot it right.", "WASHINGTON, DC", "CINEMEX ODEON\nAVALON 2", "567 Comm. Ave., N.W.\n(202) 333-1677", "MARYLAND", "AMC ACADEMY 14\nGreenbelt, MD\n(703) 998-AMC", "AMC\nCITY PLACE 10\nSawtong, MD\n(703) 998-AMC", "CINEMEX ODEON\nLAKEFOREST 5", "Gaffersburg, MD\n(202) 333-1671", "CINEMEX ODEON\nMONTGOMERY\nMALL 3", "Bethesda, MD\n(202) 333-1675", "AMC / RIVERWORLD 12", "THE M", "WASHINGTON, DC", "AMC UNION STATION 9\n(202) 333-1671", "CINEMEX ODEON\nTENNEY 3", "Cathedral, 1000 1st Ave. N.W.\n(202) 333-1671", "AMC ACADEMY 14\n(202) 998-AMC", "CITY PLACE 10\n(202) 333-1671", "DURROWTOWN 12\n(202) 333-1671", "COSTUMED COSTUMES ACCES", "\"WHAT COULD\nA GULF W", "WASHINGTON, DC", "AMC UNION STATION 9\n(202) 333-1671", "CINEMEX ODEON\nWISCONSIN AVE.\nCINEMAS 6", "COSTUMED COSTUMES ACCES", "MARYLAND", "AMC\nACADEMY 14\n(202) 998-AMC", "CITY PLACE 10\n(202) 333-1671", "CINEMEX ODEON\nLAKEFOREST 5", "DURROWTOWN 12\n(202) 333-1671", "AMC\nAVERROWTOWN 12", "Accessible to Disabled Patrons", "Modified for the Hearing Impaired", "Sign Interpreted Performance", "THURSDAY, OCTOBER 29, 1999", "Audio Described Performance", "GUIDE TO THE LIVELY ARTS", "THEATRE", "TODAY AT 7:30 pm!", "A COUPLE OF\nBLAGUARDS", "FINAL 5 PERFORMANCES!", "Written by Frank McCourt\nand Malachy McCourt", "Schedule: Tues-Sun 7:30 pm\n(wed.-Mon)", "The Kennedy Center\nTheater Lab Cabaret", "Tonight at 8\nTomorrow at 9", "\"The most fun I've ever had at the Kennedy Center\" — Architect, WRC-TV\n\"Very funny! A wonderful show to take visitors!\" — Roger Meersman, Journalist", "SHEAR\nMADNESS", "Tickets: $28 & $32", "Special group rates Available", "202) 415-4400", "Perfect for Holiday Parties", "MYSTERY ON THE MENU\nInteractive Mysteries Since 1986\nA DEADLY CRIME", "HALLOWEEN! Sat., Oct. 30, 7 pm, Gtown\n202-333-6875", "WEST END\n46 15 Duke St., Alexandria, VA", "WEST SIDE\nSTORY", "S10 OFF PER COUPLE\non selected dates. Not valid w/\nany other discounts", "(703) 370-2500", "FREE EVENTS", "- MUSIC -\nCHORAL", "J. Reilly Lewis, Music Director\nGisèle Becker, Assistant Conductor", "Benjamin Britten", {"bbox": [766, 1174,

OCT - 4 1999

10/27

AI 109.

10/19

The Congress of the United States

requests the pleasure of your company at a
Congressional Gold Medal Award Ceremony in honor of

President Gerald R. Ford and Mrs. Betty Ford

on Wednesday, the twenty seventh of October

Nineteen hundred and ninety-nine

from three until four o'clock

The Rotunda

Capitol of the United States

R.S.V.P. by October 15

(616) 451-9263 ext. 34

South Visitors Entrance

Please arrive no later than 2:30 p.m. for seating

For security reasons tickets will be issued upon receipt of R.S.V.P.

Invitation and Ticket Non-Transferable

HENRY A. KISSINGER

April 29, 1999

To The Editor:

In his condescending review of _Years of Renewal_, Philip Zelikow indulges the fantasy that there is a treasure trove of documents available only to me that I am mining to the exclusion of other researchers. He writes "...meticulous notes were made of his meetings, internal and external. Kissinger eventually installed a taping system to relieve weary staffers and transfer the burden of drafting transcripts to a night shift. (This taping system, analogous to the one Lyndon Johnson used, was quite separate from Nixon's own, about which Kissinger says he was ignorant until shortly before it was disclosed to all in 1973.) The products of these extraordinary efforts--which extended beyond the usual official practice of tracking conversations with foreigners to include contacts with anyone, including government colleagues and the president--are quoted frequently in _Years of Renewal_ but without any notation of the source."

Not a word of this passage is true. There was no taping system of any kind for meetings with officials, colleagues or the President. Notes were taken by visible notetakers of meetings with foreign leaders, staff meetings and interdepartmental meetings. For meetings with President Ford, Scowcroft acted as notetaker part of the time. These memoranda were deposited in the appropriate government files. I have duplicates in the Kissinger Collection in the Library of Congress. Every conversation quoted in _Years of Renewal_ is available under the date quoted in the departmental archives or Presidential Library files. Phone conversations are so identified with the appropriate date.

The principal differences between my memoranda of conversations and those of other administrations are that my notetakers were instructed to get the conversations down as close to verbatim as possible. I did this because Dean Acheson had warned me that he had never seen a memorandum of

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR • 350 PARK AVENUE • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 • (212) 759-7919

Page 2/

conversation in which the author had lost the argument.
Contrary to Zelikow's innuendo, my purpose was not to shape
the interpretation of events but to leave the most accurate
record possible for others to interpret.

The only tapes were of phone conversations while I was at
the NSC. These were transcribed and the tapes were
destroyed. The transcripts are available in the Kissinger
Collection in the Library of Congress and are being reviewed
by State Department historians for possible inclusion in
their publications.

In the same carping spirit, Zelikow argues that "little
analysis of the national interest in Vietnam and Cambodia
can be found in *Years of Renewal*." The reason for this can
be found explicitly on page 463 where I state that I would
confine myself to the pain of the final three months of the
Vietnam tragedy: "I will not review here the decisions
which preceded the ultimate disaster; the literature
regarding them covers shelves in libraries, and I have dealt
with them elsewhere." A footnote then cites no fewer than
eleven chapters in previous volumes dealing with precisely
our perceptions regarding Vietnam strategy. When Mr.
Zelikow gets around to reviewing the book I did write, he
might address those chapters.

Mr. James Hoge
Editor
*Foreign Affairs*
58 East 68th Street
New York, NY 10021

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[25]

Foreign Affairs

Review Essay

May/June 1999

released 4/19/99

# The Statesman in Winter

## Kissinger on the Ford Years

Philip Zelikow

*Years of Renewal.* BY HENRY A. KISSINGER. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1999, 1,119 pp. $35.00.

In 1979 Henry A. Kissinger published his memoir *White House Years*, dealing with the first term of the Nixon administration, in which he was the president's national security adviser. In 1982 came *Years of Upheaval*, dealing with the year and a half of Nixon's foreshortened second term, in which Kissinger was both national security adviser and, from October 1973, secretary of state. Now Kissinger has finally completed the trilogy with *Years of Renewal*, dealing with the two and a half years in which he served President Ford, first in the same two jobs and then, from November 1975, only as secretary of state. In this new volume Kissinger also reflects at length, and with more distance, on the time with Nixon that so deeply shadowed everything Kissinger would do afterward.

No American statesman has done more to document and explain what he did and why he did it. Not only has he now produced nearly 4,000 pages of memoirs, but Kissinger has also set the standard for recording every policy-related utterance while in office. His phone conversations were monitored and meticulous notes were made of his meetings, internal and external. Kissinger eventually installed a taping system to relieve weary staffers and transfer the burden of drafting transcripts to a night shift. (This taping system, analogous to the one Lyndon Johnson used, was quite separate from Nixon's own, about which Kissinger says he was ignorant until shortly before it was disclosed to all in 1973.) The products of these extraordinary efforts—which extended beyond the usual official practice of tracking conversations with foreigners to include contacts with anyone, including government colleagues and the president—

PHILIP ZELIKOW is Director of the Miller Center of Public Affairs and White Burkett Miller Professor of History at the University of Virginia.

[123]

Sept. 22,
1973

Philip Zelikow

are quoted frequently in *Years of Renewal*
but without any notation of the source.

Kissinger argues, correctly, that for all
its preoccupation with secrecy, the Nixon
administration is the most thoroughly
documented and recorded presidency in
American history. But why did they do
it? Kissinger writes:

For Nixon, it was an extension of his
permanent nightmare that, in the end, all
his efforts—the self-discipline, the strong
decisions wrung from nagging self-doubt—
would vanish into thin air, defeated by
the hostility of contemporaries and the
indifference of historians. At regular
intervals, Nixon would send me lengthy
memoranda on how to interpret for
posterity the various actions in which
he had been involved. The purpose of
these memoranda was less to affect imme-
diate publicity—they were too complex
for that—than to influence the judgment
of history by becoming part of the
permanent record.

So too for Kissinger's even lengthier
memoranda, these memoirs.

SELF-PORTRAIT OF A MIND

Every account of Kissinger allows that he
is very intelligent. Those hostile to him
then add other adjectives like vain or
devious. His admirers use those adjectives
too—but return to the intelligence.

What really were Kissinger's extraordi-
nary gifts? Kissinger himself argues that
he (and Nixon) stood out against a back-
ground of utopian zealots, both liberal
and conservative, because of their realistic
analysis of national interests. (Kissinger
grants Nixon great strategic insight but
portrays him here as given to constant mus-
ing, throwing off sparks of brilliance and
foolishness in almost equal measure. It was
thus left to Kissinger and H. R. Haldeman,

the priests at the oracle, to interpret
the rumblings and judge what should
actually be done.)

In the author's preferred paradigm
of intelligence—one of utopian crusaders
vs. cool realists—Indochina is a prime
example. Kissinger writes that he and
Nixon "never blamed our predecessors for
the mess" in Vietnam, but he certainly
blames them now: "Wilsonianism had
involved the United States in Indochina
by means of universalist maxims which
had proved successful in Europe and
were now applied literally in Asia. . . .
Wilsonianism rejects peace through
balance of power in favor of peace through
moral consensus. It sees foreign policy as
a struggle between good and evil. . . ."
Kissinger says that he and Nixon knew
instead that these ideals were worthy
but impractical and saw "foreign policy
as a continuing process with no terminal
point" in which they would be guided by
"a concept of the national interest," and
a "realistic assessment of our own and
others' interests."

This self-portrait is largely false, how-
ever much Kissinger may believe in it.
Yet its falsity actually makes Kissinger
more interesting.

To begin with, the Wilsonianism he
describes is a cartoon originally drawn
by Wilson's popularizing worshipers and
polemical detractors. Kissinger's use of
this label blurs together Wilson and
William Jennings Bryan, Harry S Truman
and Henry Wallace, John F. Kennedy
and Adlai Stevenson. And it hardly seems
to fit the principal architects of Indochina
policy, McGeorge Bundy and Robert
McNamara. As the former said to the
latter about Vietnam in October 1963,
"You're going to have an authoritarian

[124]

FOREIGN AFFAIRS · Volume 78 No. 3

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AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS

*The Advocator: Kissinger lectures in Manila, 1997*

regime, and the question is whether they
make asses of themselves." Not terribly
Wilsonian—and not so objectionable to
the younger Kissinger, who privately wrote
to Bundy in 1965 that the administration's
course in Vietnam was "just right—the
proper mixture of firmness and flexibility."

Kissinger offers himself as a model
of cool analysis of the national interest.
In this book he proudly quotes his first
foreign policy report to Congress: "Our
interests must shape our commitments,
rather than the other way around." Yet
nowhere was this credo followed less
than in Indochina, the problem that
consumed more blood and treasure
than any other on Kissinger's watch
and drove so much of his agenda with

his main adversaries, Russia, China,
and Congress.

Little analysis of the American na-
tional interest in Vietnam and Cambodia
can be found in *Years of Renewal*. At the
time Kissinger frequently invoked fears
about the loss of American credibility. But
that argument's force has faded over the
years, as history has revealed few ripples
beyond the watershed of the Mekong,
and it is barely mentioned here. Vietnam
had its greatest effect on America not in
causing foreign dominoes to fall but in
changing the way Americans thought
of themselves.

Instead, Kissinger stresses again and
again the need to maintain the national
honor of the United States. Discussing

FOREIGN AFFAIRS · May/June 1999

[125]

Philip Zelikow

the war's agonizing denouement, he emphasizes that "neither the Ford nor the Nixon administration ever invoked a legal obligation to assist Vietnam. What we insisted on was something deeper—a moral obligation."

This is not the rhetoric of a dispassionate geopolitical chess player. A chess player does not sacrifice half his pieces to defend a vulnerable rook out of moral obligation. But then, Kissinger never was an especially dispassionate person. As a supervisor and colleague he was hot-tempered; as a statesman and friend he was often sentimental, even if the sentiment was filtered through his usual sardonic mask.

Where his emotions are touched so deeply, Kissinger's memoir-writing is at its worst. His chapters on the fall of Cambodia and Vietnam are fierce indictments of those who opposed more U.S. intervention or aid. Yet these same chapters include practically no analysis of the violations by all sides of a 1973 peace accord that few thought would bring peace, of the internal pathologies that so limited the military effectiveness of the Thieu government in South Vietnam, and of the proposed aid's likely impact. The administration's requests for aid, therefore, look like palliatives for a bad conscience.

But Kissinger reminds readers that others should have bad consciences as well, and here his Cambodia chapter is especially wrenching. Some of his opponents in Congress and the media, for example, professed a belief that communist victories would bring a peaceful political settlement. *The New York Times* reported the approach of the Khmer Rouge to the gates of Phnom Penh under the headline, "Indochina Without Americans: For Most, a Better Life." Those who check

Kissinger's footnote will learn that the author of the *Times* article was Sydney Schanberg, who would later come to prominence as a leading American witness to Cambodia's "killing fields."

REGARDING HENRY

Kissinger's great gifts as a statesman, at least from the evidence in these pages, lay less in analyzing the national interest—where he was neither particularly original nor innovative—than in two other spheres.

First, Kissinger had a great talent for cutting through reams of information to find the operational essence within. He could see the real issues in time, moving backward or forward, and envision the next sequence of bureaucratic and diplomatic moves. It was by harnessing this ability that Kissinger was able to turn abstract wishes into concrete policies. This was, for example, his singular achievement in the opening to China. He found a halting and ineffectual American policy driven mainly by shifts in Chinese politics. Urged on by Nixon's geopolitical musings, Kissinger crafted channels and opportunities for movement.

By the time of the events described in this memoir, however, the Sino-American relationship had been hollowed out by lack of substance and the turmoil of Chinese politics during Mao's last years. In this book the best illustration of Kissinger's operational skill comes in his chapter on the Cyprus crisis of 1974. The analysis of American interests is ordinary, but the analysis of how they could actually be advanced is illuminating, as Kissinger deals first with the Greek moves and then the Turkish response, all the while limiting damage and avoiding ill-considered commitments.

Kissinger bacle is right, raises an ar- while true between Cuban and the con- aid, and calculat- ingly frustrat- ion given that the poli- ize the even be- but had capaci-

Kissinger is ac- curate in situate and ad- ditional ad- if they played East and West.

The out, no- efforts cessful states- are act- rather brough- g could passag- e become of his not or- those al-Sac- to the

[126] FOREIGN AFFAIRS · Volume 78 No. 3

The Statesman in Winter

Kissinger's chapter on the Angolan debacle is also well done. He conscientiously raises and addresses his critics' arguments while tracing the destructive interaction between his diplomatic strategy to restrain Cuban and Soviet military intervention, the congressional cutoff of U.S. covert aid, and Soviet political and military calculations. The memoir shows how Kissinger's perceptiveness could lead to frustration: he and Ford set a general direction for U.S. policy—covert aid—but, given the battered leadership at the CIA, lacked subordinates capable of operationalizing their abstract wishes and addressing the policy's temporizing drift. Kissinger had the insight to see it was not working even before Congress killed the program, but had no one with sufficient will or capacity to fix it.

Kissinger's second great gift was an acute intuitive ability to assess other people, situate them in their political environment, and adapt himself to their needs—at least if they were foreigners. This gift is displayed best in the chapters on his Middle East diplomacy, which are gems.

They are gems, it is worth pointing out, not necessarily because the diplomatic efforts they recount were especially successful. It is a common fallacy to judge a statesman by policy outcomes, which are actually influenced by many variables, rather than by the quality of thought brought to bear on the circumstances he could reasonably have understood. The passage of time has helped Kissinger become more detached, producing some of his finest writing to date. He reflects not only on his own constraints but on those facing Egyptian President Anwar al-Sadat. He shows exceptional sensitivity to the situation of embattled Israeli

Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. And he recounts the determined and courageous struggle, with very narrow room for maneuver and with his own star waning in Washington, to achieve what became the 1975 Sinai II accord.

Kissinger has empathy—yes, empathy, however clinical—for his foreign interlocutors. It is finely displayed not only in his chapters on the Middle East but also in those on his diplomacy in southern Africa, which describe his 1976 efforts to work toward a settlement on the future of Rhodesia. Setting the policy in context as a successful adaptation to the failure in Angola, describing a situation in which he had practically no assets but his own skill and celebrity, Kissinger charts the maneuvers and shows a penetrating and generous understanding of his African and British counterparts.

YEARS OF DECLINE

The book is mistitled. The years 1974-76 were bad for America, and for Henry Kissinger. The memoir is often hard to read because it evokes so many painful memories of retreat and ruin—even putting aside the sagging, inflation-ridden economy, which gets little space here. Nixon's excesses and the passions summoned by Vietnam ushered in other excesses from Nixon's victorious enemies, epitomized by the infamous Pike Committee investigation of the intelligence community.

The great issue in East-West relations was the future of détente, the relaxation of tensions and attempt to stabilize and regulate what both sides had thought to be an enduring rivalry. The political base for the Nixon-Kissinger policy of détente had eroded badly during 1973-74 under the

[127]

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steady drip of events: Andrei Sakharov's support of trade sanctions, the scapegoating of Kissinger for lack of support to Israel during the Yom Kippur War, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's exile, Albert Wohlstetter's declaration that the United States was actually losing the arms race.

By mid-1974, when the respected strategic analyst Wohlstetter spoke out and Paul H. Nitze resigned from the SALT talks, domestic support for détente was all but gone. Liberal Democrats despised Kissinger for Vietnam and the Watergate-era abuses of power. Conservative Democrats like Senator Henry Jackson and AFL-CIO President George Meany considered him indifferent to human rights behind the Iron Curtain and were increasingly worried about the arms race. Reagan Republicans shared those concerns and were inflamed by Kissinger's stance on the Panama Canal and Taiwan. What was left was a slice of moderate Republicans so thin that they could barely secure the nomination of President Ford in 1976, a feat accomplished only by political legerdemain in which Kissinger was a liability, not an asset.

From mid-1974 onward any major policy initiative of Kissinger's was targeted as soon as it came into view, to be destroyed as quickly as his opponents could wheel their guns into position. In early 1976 they waited until he was actually negotiating in Moscow to cut the legs out from under him—and these were his colleagues within the administration! Kissinger quotes example after example of situations where everyone seemed to gang up against him whatever the issue, even contrary to their apparent interests (e.g., conservatives refusing to help on Indochina or Angola). As the lightning rod for criticism of a foreign

policy with no appreciable general backing, he might well have felt beleaguered.

Détente could have been saved only if Ford had recast the policy, coopting either centrist Democrats (difficult, since Jackson had presidential ambitions in 1976) or a significant portion of the emerging Reagan wing of the Republican Party. The ideal time for such a move would have been August 1974, when Ford replaced Nixon. But Kissinger's memoir offers no evidence of deep thinking, amid the turmoil of the succession, about a domestic political strategy to sustain Ford's foreign policy. Critical but little noticed, Ford had no real presidential transition, no comprehensive reappraisal of people and policies that would reposition and ostentatiously distinguish his administration from his predecessor's.

So Kissinger charged ahead, striving against all odds to hold détente together without a political base. Ford stood by him as best he could, a debt Kissinger repays with an extremely flattering portrait of Ford as president. But under these circumstances Kissinger's fight was not the policy of a master of realism. It was the policy of a Man of La Mancha. The best defense for it might be that it helped delay or mute the swelling forces of reaction, but that is a tough case to make and Kissinger does not try.

Still, once again this Kissinger seems more interesting than the one in his preferred self-portrait. This memoir is the story of a man trying, in his last years in office, to stand by a few ideals of statecraft and conceptions of national honor. To his foes he was benighted but to his friends he might, during these years, have seemed a bit, just a little bit, gallant. ❧

[128]

Suitable developmental
not assure the right
the government must
development or improve-
education and act
us economic growth,
es poverty, even when
come more than others.
s use quantitative
they skillfully render
 nonspecialists and
observations.

'Exclusion: An
of Latin America in

ury. BY ROSEMARY
Johns Hopkins Uni-
70 pp. $24.95 (paper).
orp provides a com-
of the economic
of Latin American
Despite the sprawl-
ent countries—she
their due while
c focus on the larger
rative country data.
America has expe-
nomic progress
ith its economies
than they were
these gains, the
richest countries
has only now
ited States enjoyed
s how the region
terious setbacks,
s and in the 1980s
developments like
sometimes inhibited
inflicted wounds
onist measures
ration. Chrono-
the entire region,

this book provides a good introductory
overview of its topic.

The United States

PHILIP ZELIKOW

The Kissinger Transcripts: The Top Secret
Talks with Beijing and Moscow.
EDITED BY WILLIAM BURR. New
York: New Press, 1999, 515 pp. $30.00.

A handy compilation for readers wanting
to see Henry Kissinger's negotiating
style for themselves, with extensive and
indispensable introductions for each
chapter. Drawn mostly from 1973 to 1976,
the selected excerpts from memoranda of
conversations ("memcons") focus more
on the Chinese than the Soviets. Readers
should not be misled: the book includes
no transcripts from the Nixon or the
Kissinger tapes of meetings and phone
calls. Unfortunately, Burr's zeal for sniping
against Kissinger sometimes compromises
his editorial role. The symbolism of the
initial opening of China aside, the
transcripts suggest there was little
substance in the U.S.-Chinese
relationship, which does seem
more like a pantomime to
impress the Soviets than a
real partnership. Indeed, only
when Kissinger and Mao talk
about the villainous Soviets
can they find a truly engaging
subject—if only for a few
minutes. In the end, the
transcripts are more interest-
ing for what they reveal
about the Chinese and the
Soviets than about the
better-known Dr. Kissinger.

Recent Books

Waging Peace: How Eisenhower Shaped an
Enduring Cold War Strategy. BY
ROBERT R. BOWIE AND RICHARD H.
IMMERMAN. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1998, 317 pp. $49.95.
This book is a portrait of a genuine
analysis of the national interest. Bowie
was a key planner in the Eisenhower
administration; Immerman is a respected
historian. With superb scholarship, they
tell how Eisenhower tamed the Korean
War military buildup and developed en-
during policies of nuclear deterrence and
limited containment (while not solving
the dilemmas posed by the Third World).

Combined with other recent work, the
evidence increasingly shows that the na-
tional security policy document NSC-162/2
of October 1953 was much more important
as a blueprint for the Cold War than the
far better known NSC-68 of 1950. More
than any president this century, Eisenhower
took analysis seriously, and it shows.
Consider this sample from NSC-162/2:
"Over time, changes in the outlook and
policies of the leadership of the U.S.S.R.

may result from such factors
as the slackening of revo-
lutionary zeal, the
growth of vested man-
agerial and bureaucratic
instincts, and popular
pressures for consumption
goods. Such changes,
combined with the growing
strength of the Free World
and the failure to break its
cohesion, and possible aggra-
vation of weaknesses with the
Soviet bloc . . . might induce a
willingness to negotiate [to end
the Cold War]."

[137]

HENRY A. KISSINGER

May 13, 1999

Dear Mr. Hasson:

I am extremely disappointed that a promise I made months ago to give a speech in Denver will keep me from joining you tonight to pay tribute to my good friend, Ted Forstmann. Ted is one of the most remarkable men I have ever known, and I have enormous admiration and respect for him. Ted is both a visionary and a realist, having taken it upon himself personally to improve public education in America. Through the creation of scholarships that will give low-income families a choice among schools, and by the competition for students among schools this will promote, the quality of _all_ schools will be raised.

The Children's Scholarship Fund, of which Ted is a Founder and Chairman, will this year award 40,000 four-year scholarships to children in kindergarten through eighth grade, chosen by national lottery from among 1.25-million applicants who met the financial guidelines.

For Ted, this is not merely a matter of giving money, although his generosity is extraordinary. For him it is a personal commitment. Ted's aim is to expand the opportunities available to those who might otherwise have none, by changing the entrenched politics of American public education and by bringing parents, children and schools into a partnership to give all students a quality education that will equip them to function productively in society.

Those who know Ted do not doubt that he will do it. I can think of no one who better deserves the honor of receiving the Becket Fund's Canterbury Award.

Mr. Kevin J. Hasson
President
The Becket Fund
2000 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20006

THE BECKET FUND
FOR RELIGIOUS LIBERTY

APR 05 1999

April 3, 1999

The Hon. Henry A. Kissinger
Chairman
Kissinger Associates.
350 Park Ave., 26th Floor
New York, NY 10022

Dear Dr. Kissinger :

I'm writing to ask your help in honoring Ted Forstmann at a dinner at the Metropolitan Club in New York this May 13th.

Every year we at the Becket Fund award our Canterbury Medal to a public figure who has advanced the cause of authentic religious liberty based on human dignity. Last year's Medalist was Elie Wiesel. This year's medalist is Ted Forstmann. Ted will be taking the occasion to give a major speech on his school choice efforts. Cardinal O'Connor and Rabbi Ronald Sobel are honorary co-chairs. (In fact, the Cardinal will give Ted the Medal.) The Host Committee includes Nick Forstmann, Sir John Templeton, and Steve Forbes, among others. And tables are filling up nicely with our friends from previous years.

What we are missing is a friend of Ted's with sufficient stature to be listed as Dinner Chair on the formal invitations, perhaps to make a few phone calls to Ted's peers, and to make some welcoming remarks at the Dinner itself. In short, we are not asking for a financial contribution, but only for the use of your name and a small amount of your time in Ted's honor. Ted himself served in this capacity for our dinner last year and it was a great success.

As you may know, The Becket Fund is a bipartisan and ecumenical 501(c)(3) organization that protects the free expression of all religious traditions. Needless to say, I will be happy to answer any questions you may have and I am grateful for your consideration.

BOARD OF ADVISORS

Hon. William P. Barr
Former Attorney General
of the United States

Prof. Mary Ann Glendon
Harvard Law School

Hon. Orrin G. Hatch
United States Senator
(R-Utah)

Hon. Henry J. Hyde
United States Representative
(R-Illinois)

Prof. Douglas Kmiec
Notre Dame Law School
Former Assistant Attorney General
Office of Legal Counsel

Jay P. Lefkowitz
Former Director of Cabinet Affairs
The White House

Prof. Michael McConnell
University of Chicago Law School

Rev. Richard John Neuhaus
President, Institute of Religion
and Public Life

His Eminence John Cardinal O'Connor
Archbishop of New York

Eunice Kennedy Shriver
Founder and Honorary Chairman,
Special Olympics International

Sargent Shriver
Chairman and Chief Executive Officer,
Special Olympics International

Dr. Ronald B. Sobel

Senior Rabbi, Congregation Emanu-El
of the City of New York

2000 Pennsylvania Ave., N.W.
Suite 3580
Washington, D.C. 20006
202-955-0095
800-BECKET 5
FAX: 202-955-0090

MAY-25-99 10:14 FROM:

ID:

PAGE 1/1

channel
A UNIT OF FOX TELEVISION

400 North Capitol Street N.W., Suite 550
Washington, DC 20001

25 May 1999

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Kissinger & Associates

Fax: 212-753-7248

MAY 2 5 1999

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I am writing to invite you on Fox News Channel's *Special Report* with Brit Hume tonight or any night this week to discuss US-Sino relations and the Cox Report on Chinese espionage. Our show airs daily from 6-7 pm with an 8-minute one-on-one live interview at 6:20 pm or 6:30 pm. We could conduct the interview from our studios in Washington DC or our New York headquarters.

Besides from being the host of *Special Report*, Brit Hume is also Washington correspondent and managing editor in which he is responsible for overseeing all news content for Fox News' Washington bureau. Before coming to Fox in 1996, Mr. Hume spent 23 years at ABC News where he covered the White House since 1989.

Fox News Channel is a national 24-hour news network that began in 1996 and is available over 40 million households. Fox and its companion networks SKY TV and STAR TV make our brand a news powerhouse worldwide.

I hope that you will be able to give this request favorable consideration and I look forward to having you on our air. Many thanks.

Jacqueline Pham
Producer
202-824-6487

A NEWS CORPORATION COMPANY

30 1999

THE RT HON MALCOLM FRASER

SPECIAL ENVOY TO YUGOSLAVIA

26th July 1999

SENDER TO KEEP
LX004842355AU

Dear Dr Kissinger

You know of the two Australian humanitarian workers who are captive in
Belgrade.

I have had a special appeal from their Yugoslav colleague's wife, Mrs Nadia Jelen, who has written to me asking that everything possible be done to secure the release of her husband. She has specifically asked that the enclosed letter be forwarded to you.

When there is an opportunity of making an approach on behalf of the CARE captives, I hope you will also remember that one of them is a Yugoslav national.

I would like to thank you for the efforts you have made in the past for these people. The Appeal process led to a reduction in the prison terms for all three but this of course did not resolve the matter.

Now that the Appeal process has concluded, we are using the provisions of the Yugoslav law which allow a formal Appeal for Clemency to be placed before the President. This will be done this week. There is also provision for third parties to lend support to such Appeals. We would be very grateful therefore for any support that you can give to the Appeals on behalf of Branco Jelen, Steven Pratt and Peter Wallace.

Dr Henry Kissinger
Suite 1021
1800 K Street, NW
WASHINGTON DC 20006
U.S.A.

Mrs Nadia Jelen
CARE International (Nis)
Jovana Ristica 21
18000 Nis, YUGOSLAVIA

Fax: +(381) (18) 220 65

Dear DR HENRY KISSINGER

I am writing to you concerning my husband Branko Jelen, an employee of the humanitarian organisation CARE Australia who was recently sentenced to 6 years imprisonment in Yugoslavia along with two Australian colleagues, Steven Pratt and Peter Wallace on charges of espionage.

My husband is innocent of this charge. Branko has worked for CARE since October 1994, as the Co-ordinator of Southern Serbia including Kosovo, where he oversaw the delivery of assistance to 15,000 Serbian refugees from Croatia and Bosnia. He has worked very hard all these years to help our people, and he has never done anything to hurt our country.

He was arrested on 8 April at our own home in Nis without any explanation. For 7 days we did not know where he was or even if he was alive. He was treated very badly in jail as he was accused of being a traitor.

The trial of my husband and his colleagues was a farce held in secret to hide the truth of their innocence. In fact the Yugoslav authorities motive for falsely convicting my husband was to use them as wartime propaganda.

There are possible mitigating factors related to this issue: (1) Catholic religion; (2) Slovenian origin, his father is Slovenian; (3) Chief of CARE sector for South Serbia and Kosovo; (4) Steve Pratt has said that my husband was one of the best field workers in CARE and that he trusted him. It was made clear that they are not interested to prove the truth about this case; I'm afraid for him, for our two children (daughter Manon 11 years and son Filip 7 years) and for me.

The appeal of my husband and his colleagues against their sentence was held on 13th July. I expect his sentence as well as those of his colleagues will be upheld after which I shall apply to the President of Yugoslavia, Mr Milosevic for clemency.

The Government of Australia is lobbying the Government of Yugoslavia on behalf of my husband and his colleagues, but they have less influence over the fate of my husband than that of his colleagues. I am aware of the efforts undertaken by many eminent people on behalf of my husband and his colleagues for which I'm very grateful. But I hope that you will understand that

I am very concerned about the safety of my husband and his colleagues as well as my family.

I am greatly concerned of what could happen with my husband if they release only his colleagues (because they are Australians). His life will be in danger.

Therefore I desperately need your help, assistance and influence to convince President Milosevic to grant clemency for my husband and his colleagues. I hope that your influence will result in a solution to the injustice that has occurred and that my husband will soon be reunited with me and our two children.

Please, help my husband and my family.

22 July 1999

TOTAL P.16

HENRY A. KISSINGER

By Facsimile

(011/61-3/9654-1301)

August 19, 1999

Dear Malcolm:

The Yugoslav Ambassador has informed me that
a favorable outcome of the amnesty appeal is
almost certain. However, they would prefer
that there be no announcement or press story
until the legal procedure is complete.

I leave it up to you on how to handle.

All the best,

Dictated by Dr. Kissinger and signed in
his absence.

The Right Honorable
Malcolm Fraser
Special Envoy to Yugoslavia
ANZ Tower, 44th Floor
55 Collins Street
Melbourne, Victoria 3000

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE MALCOLM FRASER, A.C., C.H.

44TH FLOOR
ANZ TOWER
55 COLLINS STREET
MELBOURNE, VICTORIA 3000
TELEPHONE: 61-3-9654 1822
FACSIMILE: 61-3-9654 1301

16th September 1999

SEP 27 1999

Dear Dr Kissinger

I would like to thank you very much indeed for your efforts in helping to secure the release of Steve Pratt and Peter Wallace. I have received letters from Steve and Peter which have asked me to pass on their thanks to you. They are now at home with their families and friends. We are very grateful to you for adding your weight and support in achieving that objective.

We are all still very concerned about Branko Jelen, who remains in jail. If there is an opportunity to exercise any influence with President Milosevic to apply an act of clemency also to Branko Jelen, that would be very much appreciated by everyone at CARE and by everyone in Australia.

With the release of the two Australians, CARE is now beginning to rebuild its programmes in Yugoslavia where there is massive humanitarian need. There are half a million refugees from earlier conflicts, expelled from Croatia, 200,000 from Kosovo because KFOR was unable to protect them, in addition to those who were bombed out of their homes during the raids.

I am very concerned at the shortage of electricity and running water for the coming winter. Without electricity for heating in many parts of Serbia it will create a new and enlarged humanitarian disaster. There is now a need for urgent action in this regard, which so far is being ignored by most of the international community. We will have the support of UNHCR and ECHO and other donors, however, the

Dr. Manfred Freise

53177 Bonn

Steglitzer Str. 2 b
Tel. 0228/33 1835

19.2.1999

FEB 25 1999

Sehr geehrter Herr Dr.Kissinger:

Ob Sie gehört oder gesehen haben, daß Helmut
Schmidt eine Hörsturz hatte? Der ist immer
streßbedingt. Er hat sich seit Jahrzehnten
übernommen und bleibt der "Pflichtmensch, der
sich im Dienst des Vaterlandes verzehrt."

Wir brauchen ihn mehr denn je, wenn er das
zuweilen auch nicht mehr wahrhaben will.

Vielleicht wollen Sie ihm eine "Get well"
Karte schicken.

Mit freundlichen Grüßen
Ihr

P.S. Mit gleicher Post geht sein letztes
Buch an Sie ab. Er listet alle Defizite auf
und verlangt das, was er "öffentliche Moral"
nennt. Was fehlt ist der Hinweis, daß 2/3
unserer Arbeitslosen unqualifiziert sind
und damit nicht vermittelbar. Leider sehr
viele davon Türken und Kurden, von denen er
schon als Bundeskanzler 1981 beklagte, daß
nur eine Minderheit von ihnen "integrations-
fähig und integrationswillig" seien.
Wir haben kein Ausländerproblem, wir haben
nur ein Türkenproblem.

fr.

LUFTPOST

USA

Dr.Henry A.Kissinger
350 Park Avenue
26th floor
New York, New York 10022

SCHEHEN

WELT am SONNTAG - Nr. 51 - Seite 34

# Patriot, Preuße und Pflichtmensch

VON KLAUS BOLLING

Wenn der Hamburger in Tokio, London, Houston oder irgendwo in der Bundesrepublik ans Rednerpult tritt, um einem ausgewählten Auditorium seine Ansichten über den Zustand der Weltwirtschaft darzulegen, wenn er den eigenen Landsleuten, zumal den jüngeren Politikern, plausibel zu machen versucht, welches die Schwerpunkte einer strukturrellen Erneuerung sein müssen, findet Helmut Schmidt allemal konzentriert lauschende Zuhörer. Auch außerhalb von Vortragssälen mischt er sich ein, gibt denen Rat, die ihn darum bitten und hält mit seiner Kritik an den jüngeren Parteifreunden nicht hinter dem Berg.

Wenn sich am 6. Januar im Hamburger Thalia-Theater einige hundert seiner Freunde und Weggefahrten versammeln, um ihm ihre Reverenz zu erweisen, ehren sie in Helmut Schmidt einen Staatsmann, von dem der Kölner Historiker Hans-Peter Schwarz in seinem noch druckfrischen Buch „Das Gesicht des Jahrhunderts“ sagt, er sei der „effektivste aller deutschen Sozialdemokraten“ gewesen, der „in der deutschen Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft eben deshalb tiefe Spuren hinterlassen hat, weil er sich von dem sozialistischen Flügel der eigenen Partei so nachhaltig abzusetzen verstand“. Der Hamburger Jubilar wird dieses Urteil des renommierten Adenauer-Biographen für etwas einseitig halten, aber doch nicht für falsch.

Helmut Schmidt, für den der Begriff des „workaholic“, also eines bis zur Erschöpfung arbeitenden Menschen, er funden sein könnte, vollendet am 23. Dezember sein achtzigstes Lebensjahr und lebt unverändert eine vita activa, schreibt immer wieder neue Bücher, ignoriert körperliche Gebrechen, reist von Kontinent zu Kontinent und mahnt die „politische Klasse“ zu verantwortungsbewußtem Handeln und will ihr

## Altbundeskanzler Helmut Schmidt wird am kommenden Mittwoch 80 Jahre alt

mehr Mut zu unpopulären Entscheidungen einflößen. Das Paradestück mutiger Entschlossenheit und Tatkraft lieferte der junge Hamburger Innensenator in den Tagen der seine Vaterstadt heimsuchenden Flutkatastrophe.

Unlängst hat sich Schmidt „auf die Suche nach einer öffentlichen Moral“ begeben - so der Titel seines vor wenigen Wochen erschienenen Buches, in dem er - das war ihm ein ganzes Leben lang fast das Wichtigste - für ein neues Wertebewußtsein plädiert, für die Wiederentdeckung oder doch die Rückbesinnung auf die Kardinaltugenden, nämlich Klugheit, Gerechtigkeit, Tapferkeit und Maß. Wer will ihm widersprechen, daß solche Qualitäten, die der hanseatische Preuße Schmidt in seinem Leben stets selber beherzigt hat, in manchen Kressen hierzulande nicht mehr hoch ni tiert werden.

Wobei Helmut Schmidt, oft in seinem Leben hart am Wind segelnd, auch die „Sekundärtugenden“ hochhält, als da sind: Höflichkeit, Pünktlichkeit und Selbstdisziplin, denn er weiß, daß, wenn solche Tugenden vergessen werden, „der Alltag schnell zur Qual“ werden kann.

Es gibt in der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik nur ganz wenige Politiker, die sich den Ehrentitel eines Staatsmannes verdient haben: Adenauer, Brandt, Kohl und eben Schmidt. Diesen Rang hat sich der fünfte Kanzler nicht nur durch die auch von seinen Gegnern neidlos anerkannte Fähigkeit des Krisenmanagements erworben.

Schmidt war der Initiator des NATO-Doppelbeschlusses, den er, verlassen von der Mehrheit seiner Partei, durchzusetzen wußte und damit das strategische

Gleichgewicht gegen eine hemmungslos aufrustende Sowjetunion bewahren half. Gorbatschow hat Schmidt spater bestätigt, daß diese Entscheidung die Kreml-Machthaber zur Besinnung brachte.

Schmidt hat die Herausforderung durch den politisch camouflierten Terrorismus der RAF angenommen und bestanden. Er hat im politischen und menschlichen Gleichklang mit Giscard d'Estaing das Europäische Währungssystem konstruiert. Er hat, wie Hans-Peter Schwarz festhält, „die Bundesrepublik ziemlich unbeschädigt durch eine turbulente Ära gebracht“.

Das ist Schmidt in der letzten Phase seiner Kanzlerschaft durch die FDP, vor allem jedoch durch die eigene Partei schwer gemacht worden. Die Genossen verweigerten die Einsicht, daß sich sozialdemokratische Politik nicht länger im Verteilen immer neuer Wohltaten darstellen könne. Eine unverändert aktuelle Mahnung an den dritten SPD-Kanzler.

In dem Hamburger verbinden sich die Qualitäten des homo politicus mit den Eigenschaften des homo öconomicus. Das hat ihm den Respekt und die aufrichtige Bewunderung von vielen „bürgerlichen“ Deutschen eingebracht, die bisweilen meinten, er sei ein hervorragender Kanzler, nur eben in der falschen Partei. Das ist Unfug.

Richtig ist, daß sich Schmidt zu keiner Zeit seines Lebens als Sozialist im Sinne von Willy Brandt verstanden hat. weshalb es zwischen den beiden Männern über die Jahre auch stets eine gewisse Spannung gegeben hat. Schmidt definierte sich, gleich nach dem Krieg, als einen sozialen Demokraten. Ein solcher will er nach eigener Aussage bleiben, „bis zu meinem letzten Atemzug“.

Über Helmut Schmidts Lebenswerk steht der Ausspruch Otto von Bismarcks: „Patriae inserviendo consumor“ - „Im Dienst für das Vaterland verzehre ich mich“.

HELMUT SCHMIDT

Herrn
Dr. Manfred Freise
Steglitzer Str. 2 b

53177 Bonn

15. September 1997

Sehr geehrter Herr Dr. Freise,

haben Sie besten Dank für Ihren Brief vom
25. August. Auch wenn mir die implizit in Ihrem
Appell an mein Pflichtgefühl zum Ausdruck
kommende Wertschätzung durchaus guttut, so kann
ich Ihrem Wunsch leider momentan nicht entsprechen.

Vielleicht erinnern Sie sich, daß ich in den
Jahren 1993 und 1994 jeweils bei Rowohlt ein
Buch veröffentlicht habe, um auf die Probleme
der Gegenwart und Zukunft hinzuweisen und
Lösungswege aufzuzeigen (Handeln für Deutschland
1993, Jahr der Entscheidung 1994). Meine
Analysen und Handlungsvorschläge standen somit
jedem Bürger zur Verfügung. Parallel dazu habe
ich mit unterschiedlicher Schwerpunktsetzung in
der ZEIT ausführlich zu den Problemen unseres

- 2 -

Postanschrift: ZEITVERLAG GERDBUCERIUS GMBH 20079 Hamburg

Telefon: 040-32 80 221 · Fax: 040-32 71 11

- 2 -

Landes Stellung genommen (vgl. z.B. „Rezepte gegen die deutsche Krankheit" in der Nr. 3 vom 13. Januar 1996).

Angesichts meines Alters, ich befinde mich im 79. Lebensjahr, und der vermutlich geringen Wirkung - wenn nicht gar Wirkungslosigkeit meiner Arbeiten - sehe ich mich trotz der desolaten wirtschaftlichen Lage unseres Landes nicht unmittelbar verpflichtet, zusätzliche regelmäßige Arbeit in wiederholte Vorschläge zu investieren. Gleichwohl werde ich mich allerdings zu einem geeigneten Zeitpunkt sicherlich wieder zu Wort melden, um abermals ein sachbezogenes und zukunftsweisendes und -sicherndes Handeln einzufordern.

Nochmals Dank für Ihre Zeilen und

freundliche Grüße

Postanschrift: ZEITVERLAG GERD BUCERIUS GMBH 20079 Hamburg

23-MAR-99 16:31

DR. MANFRED FREISE BONN

+49 228 551855

5.01

Dr. Manfred Freise

EILT SEHR

Herrn

Bundeskanzler Schröder
durch persönl. Büro
Telefax 562357

MAR 23 1999

53177 Bonn

Steglitzers Str. 28

Tel. 0228/53 1825

den 23.3.1999

Sehr geehrter Herr Bundeskanzler,

alle meine amerikanischen Freunde teilen
Dr. Kissingers Ablehnung von Nato Luftangriffen
auf Jugoslawien.. als aggressive Akte mit unabseh-
baren Folgen. Bei Verlusten würde sich Amerika
sehr schnell zurückziehen... mit allen Konsequen-
zen für die Allianz.

Sie bitten mich, Ihnen und Herrn Dr. Kohl
zu empfehlen, Präsident Clinton vorzuschla-
gen, daß Herr Kofi Annan zur Vermittlung nach
Belgrad fliegen möchte. Ich habe mich dieser Bitte
nicht entziehen können.

Mit freundlichen Grüßen

Ihr

c.c. Herrn Bundeskanzler a.D. Dr.H. KOHL

c.c. Dr.Henry KISSINGER Telefax 001/212/759 -0041

Postfach 200528 · 53135 Bonn