I believe...

With these two simple words, a man begins to tell
his fellow-men where he stands. He may then proceed to
speak of his spiritual faith ... or his personal philosophy ...
or his world perspective ... or his political convictions.

And so I begin this summary statement of my own
basic articles of political belief -- as an American and
as a Republican.

As a Republican, I believe ...

- We must be profoundly committed to the convictions
that brought this nation to birth: the dignity of man, the
liberty of the individual, the right of all races to equality,
and the right of all nations to justice.

- We must be ever mindful, even as we look back in
reverance to the principles of our Founding Fathers, that
these venerable principles constantly require new application
to the host of new problems around us -- from nuclear weapons
to automation, from foreign aid to integration, from education
of the young to care for the aged.

- We must stay aware that our greatest resources,
in confronting virtually all these problems, are the initiative
and creativity of American free enterprise, which alone can
assure the strength and quicken the growth and seal the
security of our nation.

[10]

-2-

- We must respect just as seriously our unique federal system of government that assigns national, state, and local authorities their proper and related roles in joint service to the needs of all the people.

As a Republican, too, we must realistically recognize certain illusions that are **not** to be believed ...

- We **cannot** pretend that we can solve 20th Century social or economic problems with 19th Century cliches -- any more than we can fight modern wars with the weapons of the pre-murder age of chivalry.

- We **cannot** soberly discuss and debate modern politics in the harshly simplified language of labels, such as "liberal" or "conservative", for these words have largely lost all substantial meaning.

- We **cannot** indulge in self-deceptions that encourage a flight from reality in world affairs -- such as the demagogic suggestion that the way to retort to unfavorable votes in the United Nations is to resign from the world forum -- or that the way to deal with the Castro regime in Cuba is to despatch a contingent of U.S. Marines.

-3-

- We _cannot_ profess to be a political party of
both moderation and responsibility -- while at the same time
welcoming the allegiance of raging radicals and hate-mongers.

- We _cannot_ show our respect for the federal system
of government by allowing the doctrine of _states' rights_ to
be distorted into a weapon to wield against _human rights_.

I believe all these principles -- both the positives
and the negatives -- are fundamental elements in any serious
Republican credo.

I believe that we can and must bear witness to
these principles without recourse to slogans and labels and
polemics that can only confuse issues and divide ourselves.
For the simple truth is that we must be _conservative_ in our
loyalty to eternal truths that define the nature, the freedom,
and the dignity of man. We must be _liberal_ in our constant
and tireless quest to find ever new ways to meet ever new
threats to this freedom and this dignity. And we must be
SUPERSEDES _progressive_ in a spirit that rejects all smug self-satisfaction
with yesterday and today -- to look ahead to the tomorrows,
and the tomorrows beyond, of ever more secure liberty, more
universal justice, more fruitful peace.

I believe that this spirit of Republican venture
was never better captured than in the words of Abraham Lincoln,

-4-

addressing the Congress of the United States more than 100
years ago:

"Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history.
We will be remembered in spite of ourselves ...

"The dogmas of the quiet past are
inadequate for the stormy present. The
occasion is piled high with difficulty,
and we must rise with the occasion.

"We must think anew, we must act anew,
we must disenthrall ourselves."

* * *

DOMESTIC POLICY

I. ECONOMIC GROWTH; THE
FREE ENTERPRISE SYSTEM

Our most severe problem domestically is to meet
the need for 20 million new jobs in the next five years,
for our youth, for those presently unemployed, and for
those whose jobs will be displaced by automation. These
jobs can be created only in the framework of a dynamic
private economy -- not through government spending. That
panacea has failed every time it has been tried.

-5-

I have a deep faith in the American system of free enterprise -- a faith which has guided my policies and decisions throughout three decades of experience in business and in government, working intimately with the economies of our own country and of other nations.

This economic philosophy, translated into action in terms of the problems of today and tomorrow, calls for:

(1) Providing a climate of confidence that *encourages individual enterprise and investment*;

(2) Adhering to fiscal and monetary policies which promote growth, including particularly balanced budgets and pay-as-you-go financing -- which we have achieved in New York;

(3) Providing greater *tax incentives for investment* by industry in new plant and equipment;

(4) Helping to advance *technology and scientific research* -- the basic fuel for economic growth -- to accelerate innovation and the development of better products;

(5) Giving special attention to the potentialities and the problems of *small business*, assuring that small businessmen have available to them adequate credit and equity capital, training courses in essential business subjects, management counselling, technical assistance, opportunities for sharing in government contracts -- and freedom from excessive government "red tape" and paperwork;

(6) Strengthening the capacity of the *education* system to provide skilled workers and needed professional, technical and managerial manpower.

-6-

(7) Developing a _coordinated labor market program_ to match workers and available jobs. By this I mean mobilizing the combined efforts of labor, industry, private citizens, voluntary associations, and government at all levels in a massive new attack which would include:

- a vastly improved "clearinghouse" system for collecting and disseminating information on job vacancies and labor force skills;

- more efficient job placement machinery in all of the nation's labor markets, including improved counselling services;

- whole-hearted cooperation of labor, industry, and government in assuring equality of opportunity for all workers;

- coordinated programs to facilitate labor mobility by providing information on job vacancies, loans for travel and moving costs, and related assistance; and

- steps to encourage the establishment of _early vesting provisions_ in industry and labor pension funds -- to provide transferability of pension rights.

This kind of a broad and balanced program can provide growth without inflation. The traditional Democratic inflationary policies threaten us again in the form of the fiscal and monetary policies of the Johnson Administration -- focussed for maximum impact around election-time this year and without regard to potential developments next year.

-7-

The program I have outlined can solve the job
crisis.

## II. STATES' RIGHTS AND STATES' RESPONSIBILITIES

A key issue, which has not been much discussed in this presidential election year, is whether government closest to the people will remain a vital force or be submerged by over-centralized power in the federal government in the hands of an all-powerful Washington bureaucracy.

I believe in government close to the people.

I believe in our federal system of shared sovereignty
between the federal government and the states.

The federal system has provided us as a nation with
unity, without sacrifice of desirable diversity. It has been
a principal reason for our progress and has been a bulwark of
individual liberty.

Our federal system -- and the basic concept of responsive
government close to the people -- is threatened as never before.

Realistically, despite the most diligent attempts at
efficiency and economy, it can be expected that state and local
expenditures now at $60 billion annually will rise to $82
billion by 1967.

If states and local governments are going to do the job
before them, there must be basic changes in the nation's overall
revenue system. There must be a better allocation of the
nation's fiscal resources as between the federal government

-8-

on the one had, and the state and local governments on the
other, if we are to preserve the vitality of those governments
closest to the people.

Such basic changes will require imaginative leadership
at all levels of government, but particularly at the federal
level.

I propose two basic changes in the nation's tax structure
which will preserve for the future the vital balance of our
federal system.

First, I recommend the institution of a system of federal
tax credits so that specified state and local taxes could be
credited against specific federal taxes.

The purpose and the result of such a system of federal
tax credits would be to give the state governments a larger
share of the total national tax revenues than they now receive
compared to the federal government.

Secondly, I recommend that there be a transfer of certain
tax sources from the federal government to the states.

I further recommend, as a part of a total program of
strengthening the role of the states:

(1) Review and overhaul of the federal grant-in-aid system.

(2) Strengthening inter-governmental cooperation, through

(a) Improvement of federal government organization, and

(b) Development of new cooperative federal-state
relationships.

-9-

Modernization of state and local government, for the exercise of states' rights depends on the assumption of states' responsibilities. If government close to the people is to remain a vital force, the states must examine their constitutional, statutory and administrative arrangements to make certain that they provide for:

- effective state governmental machinery, and

- a framework for effective local government based upon the American tradition of local home rule.

### III. CIVIL RIGHTS

Years before the conflict over civil rights exploded into the bitterness and violence of recent times, I have repeatedly made clear my deepest convictions -- as, for example, when I declared in 1960:

> "Freedom and equality under law is a fighting faith... a faith in God-made man. We did not found this nation upon any manner of racist concept but upon a basic belief in the individual -- his worth, his dignity, his freedom. So be it today."

A program of action based on this essential belief must recognize five points -- five critical truths.

-10-

1. Every American must be absolutely guaranteed the right to vote.

2. All Americans must have equal educational opportunities.

3. All Americans must enjoy equal job opportunities.

4. Every American should be able to live where his heart desires and his means permit.

5. Every American should have equal access to public facilities.

I set forth these five principles in 1960.

I repeat them, with renewed emphasis, in 1964, and I support those measures which will move us as a nation toward these goals.

### III. EDUCATION FOR THE YOUNG

The time has long passed for making an unswerving national commitment to upgrade our schools and to provide a more equal basis from which our youth may begin their careers.

Education is America today is faced with a severe complex of problems characterized by such terms as urban blight, rural poverty, low income, discrimination, low motivation and drop-out.

and drop-out.

rural poverty, low income, discrimination, low motivation of problems characterised by such terms as urban flight, education in America today is faced with a severe complex equal parte from which our youth may begin their careers.

The time has long based for making an unawares national

these goals.

1. repeat them, with renewed emphasis, in 1964, and I

I act forth these five principles in 1960.

facilities.

2. Every American should have equal access to public

heart theatres and his means permit.

3. VII. Americans must enjoy equal job opportunities.

opportunities.

2. VII. Americans must have equal educational

the right to vote.

-10-

-11-

Underlying this complex of problems is a basic economic force: the demands of the modern labor market, with its premium on workers with special skills and its virtual rejection of the unskilled laborer.

I believe deeply in the importance of preserving state and local control of education. Likewise, I support the position of the 1960 Republican Platform, which stated:

"The Federal Government should assist selectively in strengthening education without interfering with full local control of schools."

My specific program in education includes the following:

(1) strengthening of state and local fiscal resources to meet rising school costs, by providing a credit against Federal taxes for specified state and local taxes paid, and by transferring certain tax sources from the Federal Government to the states.

(2) an interim program of limited Federal aid to states for

-- construction of urgently needed elementary and secondary school classrooms, in districts where there is demonstrated financial need; and

-12-

-- special improvement projects, developed by the states and localities themselves, focussed principally on achieving equality of opportunity in education through programs to assist children from economically and educationally disadvantaged homes, and also aimed at modernizing curriculum and improving teacher training;

(3) vigorous efforts to combat the school drop-out problem, through guidance counselling, supervised work experience, setting up summer courses, and mobilizing community organizations to assist in keeping potential dropouts in school;

(4) overhaul of state and local programs of vocational and technical training to meet the demands of the modern labor market;

(5) extension of the National Defense Education Act of 1958; and expansion as the need is demonstrated;

(6) appropriation of funds to carry out the Higher Education Facilities Act of 1963, which aids in building college and junior college facilities;

(7) a limited federal scholarship program for college students based on ability and need;

-13-

(8) creation of a National Advisory Council on Education to advise the President and the Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare on the urgent educational needs of the country, present and future.

#### IV. OPPORTUNITIES AND CARE FOR THE AGED

Older persons do not want to "sit on the sidelines" of community activity. On the contrary, a common desire of most older persons is to be active and useful participants in the world around them.

Government at all levels, as well as private organizations, should promote opportunities for active participation by older Americans in every facet of life; we need their experience and their skills.

At the same time, I believe we also have a responsibility to provide certain basic assurances to older persons in the areas of income maintenance, health care, housing, continuing education and recreation.

Nearly 15 million older persons are receiving social security retirement benefits today.

Each beneficiary has gained in a major way from the 1954 amendments enacted when I was President Eisenhower's Under Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare. Those amendments

Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare. These amendments were enacted when I was President Eisenhower's Under Secretary of Health and Welfare, and the last was the 1924 security retirement benefits today.

Nearby 12 million older persons are receiving social
education and recreation.

Areas of income maintenance, health care, housing, continuing
areas of income maintenance, health care, housing, contracting
to provide certain basic assurances to older persons in the

At the same time, I believe we also have a reasonableness
and their skills.

older Americans in every facet of life: we need their experience
should promote opportunities for active participation by
Government at all levels, as well as private organizations,
in the world around them.

most older persons is to be active and useful participants
community activity. On the contrary, a common feature of
older persons do not want to "act on the edges" of

CARE FOR THE AGED
AND
IN. OPPORTUNITIES

Education and Welfare on the current educational

To the left the President and the Secretary of Health,

-13-

extended coverage to nearly 10 million additional persons
and provided the largest benefit increase in history to
both current and future beneficiaries.

I reject the idea that Social Security can be put on
a voluntary instead of a compulsory basis. To do so means
less income for the system, an immediate deficit in receipts
as compared with the benefits now being paid to retired
persons, and the ultimate bankruptcy of the system.

To keep the social security system updated to meet the
problems of today, I make the following recommendations:

(1) Pursue fiscal policies which preserve a sound
dollar and keep benefits from being eroded by
inflation;

(2) Review now the benefit amounts in relation to wage levels and cost-of-living factors, and adjust benefit levels as the facts indicate.

(3) Adjust the so-called "work test", to the extent
overall cost considerations will permit, so as to
enable older persons to earn more without loss
of social security benefits.

-15-

(4) Provide benefits to totally disabled widows regardless of age, rather than requiring these widows, who are unable to work, to wait for the retirement benefits they would receive when they reach the age of 62.

(5) Extend "child's benefits" beyond the age of 18 and through age 21, provided that the individual is attending school or college.

On the subject of _health care for older persons_ and its costs, I have said: "I am, and always will be, against socialized medicine". But I do not regard insurance payments as socialized medicine, and I favor a program of hospital and nursing home insurance for older persons, financed under the financially sound, contributory social security system.

My plan differs sharply from the Democratic approach, in that it would:

- offer the individual _freedom of choice_ to receive cash instead of benefits if he purchases his own equivalent private health insurance;

- administer the program on a _state_ basis, rather than through a Washington bureaucracy.

-- administer the program on a state basis. Rather
adequate private health insurance;

-- offer the individual freedom of choice to receive
in that it would:

My plan differs sharply from the Democratic approach,
the financially sound, contributory social security system,
and nursing home insurance for older persons, financed under
the socialised medicine, and I favor a program of hospital
socialised medicine". But I do not regard insurance payments
costs, I have said: "I am, and always will be, against

On the subject of health care for older persons and its
is attending school or college.

(2) Extend "child's benefits" beyond the age of 18.
reach the age of 25.

(4) Provide benefits to totally disabled widows
retirement benefits they would receive when they
widows, who are unable to work, to wait for the
retirement of age, rather than requiring these

-12-

-16-

VI. <u>AN URBAN AMERICA</u>

By 1970 nearly 70% of our population will be metropolitan area residents; more than 124 million people will live in city "belts" such as those between San Francisco and San Diego; and three of every four persons will be living on only 10% of the land area of the United States.

These facts have explosive significance. As a nation, we
can do no less than to look ahead, define the problems, study
their solution and develop action programs. Our planning
cannot be narrow or localized; it must be broad-scale and
regional.

I advocate measures designed to bring more <u>private</u>
<u>investment capital</u> into urban renewal and housing programs,
as we have done in New York. I favor:

(1) federal encouragement for state middle-income housing programs based on the state housing agency obligations to private investors;

(2) steps to expand the use of FHA programs, including
reducing costs and "red-tape";

(3) tightening of standards to assure that a minimum
of cleared Federally financed urban renewal
land remains idle;

-17-

[L.C]

(4) further liberalization of depreciation provisions
in the federal tax laws where construction complies
with an urban renewal plan;

(5) federally sponsored research on building costs and
codes.

Housing is only a part of the complex aspects of an urban
America. A second major objective must be to improve urban
mass transportation. In New York we have brought the resources
of state government to bear in the battle to improve urban
mass transit, through such measures as (1) tax relief,
(2) modernization of commuter car rolling stock, and (3) regional
transportation planning studies to develop sounder and more
balanced regional urban transportation systems. This kind of
effort should receive Federal encouragement.

VII. CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES

The Republican Party must continue its historic role as
a champion of constructive conservation and comprehensive
use of our nation's water and power potential, in the
tradition of Theodore Roosevelt and Gifford Pinchot.

-18-

I am particularly concerned with the conservation of water resources and the development of new sources of supply -- including the more rapid promotion of desalination processes and plants.

I support:

(1) The concept of multiple-use of natural resources -- as a working reality and not just a catchword.

(2) Comprehensive water resources planning and development, with the cooperation of all levels of government.

(3) Inclusion of hydro-electric facilities, when economically and technically feasible, in comprehensive, multi-purpose river development projects.

(4) Inter-regional power pooling.

(5) Vigorous development of nuclear power, with maximum opportunity for private enterprise, following the constructive example of New York State.

(6) Expansion of opportunities for outdoor recreation, in general accord with the recommendations of the Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission.

(7) Protection of fish and wildlife, with better coordinated programs and increased control and research in pesticides.

(8) A Wilderness bill along the lines of the Saylor bill pending in the House of Representatives.

-19-

FOREIGN POLICY

I. THE MENACE TO FREEDOM

The declarations of the leaders of world communism leave
no doubt as to their purpose:

"It is our interest and our task to make the revolution
permanent."

-- Lenin

"We will bury you."

-- Khrushchev

"Political power grows
out of the barrel
of a gun."

-- Mao Tse-tung

These statements serve to underscore the fact that the
single greatest problem facing us today is to deal effectively
with the Communist Challenge.

I believe the Democratic Administration has failed the nation
in formulating the kind of foreign policy which would be effective.
It has

-- failed to develop a broad concept of the kind of
world we want in the future;

-- underrated the Communist menance;

-- ignored trusted allies;

-- relied on expediency rather than principle;

-- been unable to see that our lack of will in one
place affects events everywhere;

-- in short, failed to lead.

-20-

## II. **MEETING THE COMMUNIST CHALLENGE**

Fundamental to all our action is a clear understanding that Communism preaches a doctrine that is irreconcilable with the values of the West.

Occasionally the Communists initiate a period of "peaceful coexistence," but we must not confuse a change in the tone of diplomacy with a basic change in policy. Since the Cold War is essentially a Communist creation, it can end only by a substantive change in Communist conduct.

In dealing with the Communist challenge, there are many things we must do:

1. Our policy must rest upon the unimpaired military strength of the United States and upon our ability to deal with whatever contingencies arise around the world.

2. Before we try to reach a settlement with the Soviets, we must settle our differences with our allies and formulate united Western negotiating positions on matters of common concern.

3. The U.S. and its allies must develop their own negotiating program, rather than always reacting to items on a Soviet-developed agenda. This program must be based on the clear realization that the cold War can be ended only in relation to such basic issues as: the division of Berlin and Germany; Communist subversion in the underdeveloped countries; Communist encouragement and support for what they choose to call "wars of national liberation," but which are wars to overthrow legally constituted governments.

4. A comprehensive agreement on the principles of trading must precede any expansion of East-West trade. If the Soviet Union wishes increased trade relationships with the West, then it should be made to abide by normal international standards in its trade.

-21-

5. Whatever our differences with the Soviet leaders, we harbor no animosity toward the Soviet people. We should encourage contact between our two peoples and interchanges in the cultural, intellectual and scientific fields.

6. We must constantly urge the Soviet Union to meet expected standards of international conduct:

- It should meet its financial obligation to the U.N. -- as required by the U.N. Charter;

- It should meet its obligation under the International Fishing Conventions;

- It should sign the International Patent and Copyright Conventions;

- It should sign the Japanese Peace Treaty.

7. If the United States and the free world are to endure and prosper, we must build for the future -- we must begin to look beyond the edge of the desk over which current crises come.

As leaders of the Free World, we must accept the opportunities of this leadership.

We must summon the kind of political creativity which our forefathers demonstrated.

We must give proud allies an opportunity to share in the common efforts of free peoples.

We must offer a haven for the unsure and the uncommitted.

The United States must dedicate itself to those principles which unite free peoples and we must promote by policy and purpose the common cause of those who would have a better world.

-22-

This nation must choose to lead in building a Union of
the Free which can serve as a mighty bulwark against the Com-
munist challenge.

### III. THE REBUILDING OF THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE

The disarray which exists within the Atlantic Alliance
is one of the most pressing international problems which the
United States faces today. The cohesion and strength of NATO
have been dangerously sapped in recent years.

I urge the creation of a permanent body at the highest
level charged with exploring the means of strengthening cohe-
sion of the nations bordering the North Atlantic. Such a body
should cooperate to the fullest with whatever European insti-
tutions emerge out of the process of European integration. This
body would be charged with:

1. The formulation of common NATO negotiating positions toward the Soviet Union on any matter of common concern.

2. The formulation of a common NATO trading policy toward the Soviet Union and the Communist bloc;

3. The formulation of a common strategic doctrine among the countries of NATO;

4. The formulation of long-range goals of NATO policy;

5. The construction of policies which enable other regions of the world, such as Latin America, Japan and the other Pacific nations, Southeast Asia and Africa, to collaborate with the Atlantic community on a basis of equality and mutual respect.

-23-

In proper recognition of the significance of these
subjects the American representative to this NATO body
should be of Cabinet rank.

#### IV. THE REBUILDING OF HEMISPHERE UNITY

In the early 19th Century, Simon Bolivar brought a vision
of freedom and democracy to South America. He proposed the
stirring concept of a Western Hemisphere Confederation -- a
free association of free peoples working together in their
common interest.

Despite many starts and some progress, we in the Western
Hemisphere have yet to fulfill the great vision of Bolivar.
There have been many attempts to devise machinery to give
expression to Bolivar's concept.

But, we have not achieved to date a true hemispheric
consensus nor the organization to implement it.

The urgency, however, is greater than ever before.

The need of this hemisphere is for unity within a political
framework in which the free peoples of the Americas can associate
in true partnership.

Effective continuing economic, social and military joint
action in the long run depend upon the strength and vitality
of the political framework.

As an agenda for action I recommend:

1. A rededication by the United States to the Good Neighborhood Policy and the unity of the Americas. To participate effectively in hemisphere affairs and to help

-24-

achieve the common goal, the United States Government must be
organized for the task. This should include:

a. The creation of a new post of Under Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, and

b. The creation of a new Office of Inter-American Affairs
   -- an independent agency organized for the specific
   purpose of serving the future of the hemisphere.

2. Convening, at the earliest possible date, a Conference of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the American Republics, to consider, among other things, the following:

a. The revitalization of the Organization of American States to restore to it the high purpose and opportunity for accomplishment which its founders sought to give it.

-- This should include annual meetings of
the Foreign Ministers of the Organization
of American States;

-- a much more important role for the Inter-American Defense Council; placing in OAS the Central International Committee of the Alliance for Progress (CIAP); re-activating the Inter-American Development Commission and its twenty-one national commissions; and other measures.

b. Invitation to Canada to join the Organization of American States and the other Inter-American bodies responsible for joint political security, economic and social action.

-25-

c. Creation (under the Organization of American States) of an Assembly of representative members of the legislative bodies of the American Republics.

3. Convening an Inter-American Economic Conference to develop coherent objectives and organization for economic and social development in Latin America and to consider such matters as the role of private investment in accelerating the rate of inter-American economic and social development.

4. Construction of a new sea level canal using nuclear energy. The present Panama Canal is unable to accommodate some of the most modern naval vessels and the volume of traffic soon may be greater than it can handle.

5. Renegotiation by the United States and Panama of the present Panama Canal Treaty on a basis that respects Panama's legitimate interests and the security of the Canal.

6. Use of solar and nuclear energy for projects for the desalinization of sea water. Such a program might include the establishment of processing plants in Peru, Chile, Haiti and Northern Brazil.

7. The development of regional Inter-American educational institutions.

8. Convening an Inter-American Defense Conference to lay plans for dealing with the Soviet communist occupation of Cuba and communist subversion and sabotage throughout the hemisphere. The reactivated Inter-American Defense Council should have an important role in the implementation of these plans.

-26-

In connection with Cuba, it seems almost incomprehensible
to me that after four years of Communist rule in Cuba, that
after nineteen months of the presence of Soviet troops in Cuba,
and that after repeated instances of attempted subversion of
other Latin governments, this Administration apparently has
no policy at all on Cuba.

The United States government must clearly and firmly
enunciate the following policy objectives:

1. the removal of all Soviet troops and weapons from Cuba;

2. the stopping of all Cuban-sponsored Communist subversion, sabotage and guerrilla warfare against other Latin American peoples;

3. the opportunity for the people of Cuba to exercise freely the right of self-determination.

V. THE CRISIS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

The United States must publicly define a firm, coherent,
unwavering, precise, purposeful and determined policy for South
Vietnam and Southeast Asia.

Winning the fight for freedom in Vietnam is essential to
the survival of freedom in all of Asia. Victory for the
Communists in South Vietnam would seal the fate of Laos, imperil
further the integrity of Cambodia, bring in a heightened sub-
versive effort against the government of Thailand, and
immediately threaten the pro-Western orientation of Malaysia.

We must commit ourselves to the freedom of the South
Vietnamese people. And we must do so in such an unqualified
way that it will give strength and courage and hope to them in
their struggle for the dignity of man.

-27-

1. The United States government should cease in its policy of "news management."

2. The Administration should clearly recognize that the problems in Vietnam are closely related to the rest of Southeast Asia, and require a comprehensive policy for the entire area.

3. The United States should insist that the neutrality it negotiated for Laos be respected by all the signatories to that agreement. It should not indefinitely tolerate the use of "neutral" Laos as a sanctuary for the guerilla actions in Vietnam.

4. The Administration should categorically refuse to participate in negotiations for the international neutralization of Cambodia, if it is to be undertaken by the same powers which are now violating their agreement in Laos.

5. The Administration should make an unequivocal public pledge to support the territorial integrity of the Republic of Thailand; and in support of this pledge should increase its commitment of military forces to that country. It is important to do this *now* before the Communists act on the assumption that we will do nothing more there than we have elsewhere.

6. In Vietnam, the Administration must begin by making a public and demonstrated commitment to the freedom of the people of South Vietnam. This commitment can only be made real if expressed in unqualified terms and precise policies.

-28-

7. The Administration should declare without reservation that it will withdraw no more American forces from Vietnam until the military situation justifies such action.

8. The Administration should make clear that it supports the existing government in South Vietnam and should cease from criticizing it as it has its two predecessors. The goal is to win the war in Vietnam not to undermine the regime which we are there to support.

9. The Administration should continue to urge upon the government of South Vietnam domestic reform programs which are designed to increase freedom and public support.

10. The United States should give all practical support to any South Vietnamese initiatives to end the use of Laos, Cambodia and eventually North Vietnam, as privileged sanctuaries. These initiatives might include, in carefully phased order:

a. A major propaganda campaign to issue solemn warnings that sanctuaries which support guerrilla action will not be respected indefinitely;

b. The "hot pursuit: of Vietcong guerrillas by South Vietnamese troops into Cambodia, Laos or North Vietnam in any instance where these countries are being used as sanctuaries for Communist forces;

c. The convocation, by call of the government of South Vietnam, of an emergency international conference on the illegal use of the international waters of the Mekong River to supply the Vietcong in their international aggression in South Vietnam;

-29-

d. Strategic strikes by South Vietnamese planes and pilots against Vietcong supply lines and depots in Laos; and ultimately in North Vietnam.

This policy could end the Vietcong aggression by making clear to its immediate sponsor, the government of North Vietnam, that no longer will it be immune from the devastation of the war it has begun.

## CONCLUSION

I believe that all the foregoing outlines a realistic -- and a Republican -- approach to the great issues before us, at home and abroad.

I believe this is an *authentically* Republican approach.

It is -- on the one hand -- profoundly different from the approach of our Democratic opponents. For of them it can fairly be said:

1. They scarcely understand the roots of our economic growth in the free enterprise system.

2. They practice a reliance on federal authority that tends to erode the responsible role of state government.

3. They can be no better than schizophrenic on the vital moral issue of civil rights.

4. They have slackly presided over the decay of our alliances to guard freedom in the world.

5. They have shown only hesitation and confusion in meeting the aggressive power of Communism both in distant Vietnam and nearby Cuba.

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This Republic approach is -- on the *other* hand -- clearly
different from the clumsy retorts to Democratic failings that
have issued from the extremists of the radical right.

1. These extremists sound so obsessed with fear of what they deride as "me-tooism" that they dread sharing common ground with any others -- including the vast majority of the American electorate.

2. They are so frantic to dramatize their individuality that they succeed only in establishing their eccentricity -- as when they preach fiscal responsibility and balanced budgets and massive defense spending, all the while suggesting the possible uselessness of the graduated income tax.

3. They manage in foreign affairs to display an almost frightening combination of nervousness, inexpertness, and belligerence -- as when they advocate the careless diffusion of control over U.S. nuclear weapons, or the brash use of the firepower of American Marines, or the punishment of the United Nations by peevish U.S. withdrawal.

4. They manage in domestic affairs and their debate to slander all who question their extravagance -- so that some among them reach the hysteria of even questioning the patriotism of Dwight David Eisenhower.

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5. They habitually try to reduce the most complex problems of national life and world affairs to the crude over-simplifications of a label, an epithet, or a slogan -- so that thereby they solve no problem whatsoever, except the problem of Democrats to achieve easy and overwhelming national victory.

The *authentic* Republican approach does not disgress into such reckless adventurism.

It is unafraid to face the great issues before us in all their true -- and trying -- complexity.

It realistically acknowledges -- as did Lincoln -- that "the occasion is piled high with difficulty".

And it will bravely strive to do as he did -- to rise with the occasion, to think anew, and to act anew.

This is the Republican approach in which I do deeply believe.

# # # #

VI. **UNITED NATIONS**

In order for the United States to work effectively within
the United Nations, it must realistically assess what the
United Nations can and cannot do. The U.N. is far from perfect.
At times its inability to act is extremely frustrating.

But the U.N. is a symbol of faith in the future, and
most of the peoples of the world, and most of the peoples of
this nation, do look to the future and do have faith.

Moreover, the U.N. has demonstrated its usefulness in a
number of ways:

- in the special situation of the Korean War;

- in threats to peace involving disputes between smaller nations;

- as a forum for negotiations in great power disputes; and

- in the work of the specialized agencies.

To walk out of the United Nations now, or to abandon it to
the Communists if Red China is admitted, would be to turn our
backs on the highest hopes and aspirations of mankind.

I firmly believe that the United States should remain in
the United Nations and should work to strengthen the organization.
But we must recognize two things: (1) the U.N. is not, and
cannot be a substitute for the strength of the United States;
(2) our influence in the U.N. depends on our ability to identify
ourselves with the aspirations of the majority of mankind.

With respect to specific issues concerning the U.N.

- I oppose Communist Chinese admission to the U.N.
  because of its violation of the U.N. Charter in
  Korea and in Southeast Asia.

- If the Soviet Union continues to refuse to meet its
  financial obligations to the United Nations, the
  United States, in my opinion, should move to have
  the organization withdraw the Soviet right to vote
  in the General Assembly.

- There are many obvious difficulties in the operation
  of the United Nations. However, these problems are
  not likely to be dealt with through Charter amendment.
  The first major difficulty is the veto, but this
  problem cannot be solved by amending the Charter

because amendments to the Charter must themselves be
approved by all the great powers.

The United States can serve the high purpose of the United
Nations by giving new strength to the free world regional
organizations for economic, political and military security which
have been developed under Articles 51 and 52 of the Charter. The
provisions of Articles 51 and 52 have made possible the creation
of those bulwarks of free world security, NATO, the Rio Pact,
and SEATO.

I emphatically believe that we must rededicate our-
selves to the vision that stirred the founders of the United
Nations. For this vision is, essentially and truly, our vision
as a people; a world of nations at honorable peace -- dedicated
to justice -- and strong in freedom.

Preface

Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller has been
consistently in the forefront of those who would
make Republicanism an active, positive force for national
leadership.

In 1960 Rockefeller stated his positions on foreign,
defense and domestic policy, and presented a program for the
future, in a series of major public addresses and statements.

Again, in 1964, Rockefeller is offering clear
positions and specific programs to this Party and to the
American people.

This brochure presents a summary of these positions
and programs on some of the key issues. In addition, Gov.
Rockefeller will develop his program more fully in the coming
weeks.

PART I DOMESTIC POLICY:
---
PROSPERITY AND JOBS AT HOME

Rockefeller's policies on the home front combine
conservatism in fiscal and economic matters with a keen
understanding of human problems and know-how in helping to
meet them.

Typical of his approach are

--his belief that our biggest problem domestically
is to meet the need for 20 million new jobs in
the next five years, and

--his conviction that those jobs can be created
only in the framework of a dynamic private
economy -- not through government spending.

- 2 -

[10]

FAITH IN FREE ENTERPRISE SYSTEM

Fundamental to Nelson Rockefeller's crusade for more jobs
and sustained prosperity is his deep faith in the American
system of free private enterprise. He believes that the
Democratic Administration has no real understanding of the
principles of individual initiative and incentive which are
the mainspring of the free enterprise system.

He favors a broad program to promote sound and continu-
ing growth, including:

(1) Providing a climate of confidence that encourages *individual enterprise and investment*;

(2) Adhering to *fiscal and monetary policies* which promote
growth;

(5) Strengthening the capacity of the *education* system to provide
skilled workers and needed professional, technical and
managerial manpower.

(6) Developing a *coordinated labor market program* to match
workers and available jobs. (see below).

For *small business* -- which, an Administration official
recently admitted, "is face to face with a dangerous crisis" --

- 3 -

[10]

Rockefeller proposes an 11-point program involving

--a review of tax laws from the viewpoint of incentives for small business;

--means of assuring availability of adequate credit and equity capital;

--wider availability of technological information

--a greater share in government procurement;

--cutting through government "red tape" reducing paperwork; and other important elements.

GROWTH WITHOUT DEFICIT SPENDING --
OR INFLATION

Rockefeller considers fiscal integrity in government a "must" for a healthy economic climate. In New York he has put state finances on a pay-as-you-go basis, has had a balanced budget in every year since he took office in 1959, and he has reduced the state's tax-financed indebtedness by $118 million.

At the federal level he favors, "at the absolute minimum, balancing the budget over the course of the business cycle."

He repudiates the theory that federal deficit spending can accelerate the national economy -- "This panacea has failed every time it has been tried."

Governor Rockefeller is gravely concerned about the total of $28 billion in deficits that has been amassed under the Democrats in the last four federal budgets.

- 4 -

He sees inflationary dangers ahead. "Taken together, the fiscal and monetary policies of the Johnson Administration are set for maximum impact around election this year without regard to potential developments next year."

Rockefeller has attacked the Johnson budget for fiscal "65 as one filled with "bookkeeping gimmicks" such as treating $2.3 billion in sales of assets as "savings".

## MEETING THE JOB CRISIS

In addition to his basic policies for encouraging new jobs through expansion of our free enterprise economy, Nelson Rockefeller recommends higher standards of education and vocational training to qualify more workers for jobs in our changing economy.

He also deplores the attempts of the Democratic Administration to sweep unemployment under the rug and its failure to develop effective machinery to match available jobs with the workers who can fill them.

He proposes the mobilization of the combined efforts of labor, industry, private citizens, voluntary associations, and government at all levels in a "dynamic, coordinated labor market program" which would include:

(a) a vastly improved "clearinghouse" system for collecting and disseminating information on job vacancies and labor force skills;

- 5 -

(b) more efficient _job placement_ machinery in all of the nation's labor markets, including improved counselling services;

(c) whole-hearted cooperation of labor, industry, and government in assuring _equality of opportunity for all workers_;

(d) coordinated programs to facilitate labor _mobility_ by providing information on job vacancies, loans for travel and moving costs, and related assistance; and

(e) steps to encourage the establishment of _early vesting provisions_ in industry and labor pension funds -- to provide _transferability of pension rights_.

## KEEPING GOVERNMENT CLOSE TO HOME

Nelson Rockefeller strongly opposes the concept of an all-powerful central government, for it is his conviction that "government closest to the people is the best government."

Carrying out this principle in New York State, the Rockefeller Administration has strengthened the powers of local governments through "home rule" legislation and an amendment to the State Constitution which Rockefeller terms a "Bill of Rights for Local Government."

For the nation as a whole, Rockefeller is dedicated to preserving the American federal system, with its checks and balances among the three branches in Washington and its sharing

- 6 -

of sovereignty between the federal government and the states.
He emphasizes, however, that "the preservation of states' rights
depends upon the exercise of states' responsibilities."

Pointing to the past and prospective increases in state
and local expenditures -- particularly to meet the rising costs
of schools, water supply and sewer facilities -- he proposes a
basic restructuring of fiscal resources between the federal and
state governments. He believes that it is essential to give
state and localities a greater share of tax resources in order
to prevent the undermining of the basic vitality and validity of
the states.

He has spoken out repeatedly against the "ever-present
danger of direct Federal-local action by-passing the states."

CIVIL RIGHTS

Nelson Rockefeller has a deep-seated belief in equal
rights and opportunities for all citizens, regardless of race,
creed, color or national origin.

Governor Rockefeller has put through pioneering civil
rights legislation in New York, and fought successfully for the
strong civil rights plank in the 1960 Republican Platform.

Since then he has frequently attacked the Democrats
in Washington for their prolonged failure to follow through on
their 1960 platform and campaign pledges. He supports the House-
passed civil rights bill in its entirety, and has expressed strong
opposition to the efforts of those who would filibuster the bill
to death.

- 7 -

BETTER EDUCATION

As Eisenhower's first Under Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare (1953-54), and as Governor of New York since 1959, Nelson Rockefeller has been directly and extensively involved with meeting our growing needs in education.

In New York he has brought about a 75% increase in state aid to local school districts, and greatly expanded assistance to education -- both public and private -- through construction programs and scholarship grants.

Governor Rockefeller's program in education includes:

(1) strengthening of state and local fiscal resources to meeting rising school costs;

(2) a short-term program of limited Federal aid to states for
--construction of urgently needed elementary and secondary school classrooms, in districts where there is demonstrated financial need; and

--special improvement projects, developed by the states and localities themselves, in such fields as improving teacher training, modernizing curriculum, and developing programs to assist children from economically or culturally disadvantaged homes;

(3) overhaul of state and local programs of vocational and technical training to meet the demands of the modern labor market;

- 8 -

[10]

(4) vigorous efforts to combat the school drop-out problem;

(5) extension of the National Defense Education Act of 1958, as expanded;

(6) support for the Higher Education Facilities Act of 1963, which aids in building college and junior college facilities;

(8) creation of a National advisory Council on Education to advise the President and the Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare on the urgent educational needs of the country, present and future.

## OLDER PERSONS: SOCIAL SECURITY; HEALTH INSURANCE FOR THE AGED

Rockefeller believes that older persons do not want to "sit on the sidelines", and emphasizes "one common desire of most older persons -- a desire to be active and useful participants in the world around them."

Both as Governor and as Under Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare under President Eisenhower (in 1953-54), Nelson Rockefeller has done much to improve the security and broaden opportunities for older persons in our social and economic life.

In Washington Rockefeller was instrumental in the development of the bill which brought about a major increase in social security benefits and the expansion of coverage to nearly 10 million additional persons.

- 9 -

He rejects the idea that Social Security can be put
on a voluntary instead of a compulsory basis. To do so, he says,
mean less income for the system, an immediate deficit in receipts
as compared with the benefits now being paid to retired persons,
and the ultimate bankruptcy of the system."

To make the social security system more effective as a
"floor of protection" for retired persons and widows, Rockefeller
advocates the following program:

(2) Review benefit amounts periodically in the light of wage levels and cost-of-living factors, and adjust benefit levels as the facts indicate.

(3) Adjust the so-called "work test," to the extent overall cost considerations will permit, so as to enable older persons to earn more without loss of social security benefits.

(4) Provide benefits to totally disabled widow regardless of age, rather than limiting such benefits to widows who have reached the age of 62.

(5) Continue "child's benefits" beyond the age of 18 and through age 21, provided that the individual is attending school or college.

On the subject of health care for older persons and its
costs, Rockefeller has said: "I am, and always will be, against
socialized medicine."

- 10 -

He favors a program of hospital and nursing home
insurance for senior citizens, financed under the financially
sound, contributory Social Security system.

His plan differs sharply from the Democratic approach,
since he would:

- offer the individual *freedom of choice* to receive cash instead of benefits if he purchases his own equivalent private health insurance;

- administer the program on a *state* basis, rather than through a Washington bureaucracy.

LABOR UNIONS

Governor Rockefeller has long been a friend and supporter of responsible free trade unions. He places great faith in the processes of collective bargaining, and has recently stated that "this nation needs less Federal intervention in labor-management relationships."

Says Rockefeller, "I believe in the American labor move-
ment -- its proud past and its dynamic future...I most emphatically
oppose those of either the far left or the far right who would
destroy the labor movement."

He supports sound unemployment insurance, wage and hour
and minimum wage legislation.

- 11 -

URBAN RENEWAL AND HOUSING

Rockefeller points out that by 1970 nearly 70% of our
population will be metropolitan area residents; more than 124
million people will live in city "belts" such as those between
San Francisco and San Diego; and three of every four persons
will be living on only 10% of the land area of the United States.

He strongly advocates broad-scale regional planning and
measures designed to bring more private capital into urban renewal
and housing programs, as has been done in New York. He advocates:

(1) federal encouragement for state middle-income housing programs which put private investment capital to work through the sale of bonds;

(2) steps to expand the use of FHA programs by reducing costs and "red-tape";

Governor Rockefeller has been a leader in the fight to
improve urban mass transportation. He has brought the resources
of state government to bear in the battle to improve urban mass
transit, through such measures as (1) tax relief, (2) modernization

- 12 -

of commuter car rolling stock, and (3) regional transportation planning studies to develop sounder and more balanced regional urban transportation planning studies to develop sounder and more balanced regional urban transportation systems.

## CONSERVATION OF RESOURCES

Governor Rockefeller believes that the Republican Party must continue its historic role as a champion of constructive conservation and of the most comprehensive use of our nation's water and power potential, in the tradition of Theodore Roosevelt and Gifford Pinchot.

He has long been concerned with the conservation of water resources and the development of new sources of supply -- including desalinization.

He supports:

(8) A Wilderness bill (modified in certain respects from the Senate-Passed version).

- 13 -

[n]

COMBATING CRIME

Rockefeller points out that crime is increasing at a rate four times that of the population increase. He emphasizes that no man is free and no society can claim to be a society of free men, if men live in fear of lawless acts -- particularly the acts of organized crime.

Rockefeller's program to combat crime includes such key measures as:

(1) consolidation of a number of federal enforcement agencies to achieve greater effectiveness and efficiency;

(2) strengthening the organized crime unit of the Department of Justice;

(3) adoption of computer techniques;

(4) creation of a National School of Criminal Justice;

(5) federal encouragement for such local police training programs such as that established under New York State's pioneering Municipal Police Training Act (1959);

(6) stronger legal tools, including a federal general immunity statute and wiretapping legislation which provides appropriate judicial safeguards;

(7) laws to help assure fairness to the accused, including provision for public defenders and a modern pre-arrangement criminal procedure; and

(8) a national commission to recommend improvement in probation, correction and parole programs.

pation, correction and parole programs.

(8) a national commission to recommend improvement in pro-
arrangement criminal procedure; and

(7) laws to help saunre fairness to the accused, including
provides appropriate judicial safeguards;

(c) stronger legal tools, including a federal General

State's a pioneering Municipal Police Training Act (1950):

programme such as that established under New York

(2) federal encouragement for such local police training

(3) adoption of computer techniques;
ment of Justice;

(3) strengthening the organized crime unit of the Depart-
agencies to achieve greater effectiveness and efficiency;

(1) consolidation of a number of federal enforcement
measures as:

Rockefeller's program to combat crime includes such key
acts of organised crime.

men, if men live in fear of lawless acts -- particularly the
no man is free and no society can claim to be a society of free
four times that of the population increase. He emphasizes that
Rockefeller points out that crime is increasing at a rate

COMPUTING CRIME

- 13 -

- 14 -

OTHER DOMESTIC POLICIES

Rockefeller has a long record of experience and further
positive and specific proposals in such diverse areas as

-- health and rehabilitation;

-- transportation;

-- government organization.

In each area, the Rockefeller program is an outgrowth
of an overall philosophy of confidence in the capacity of the
individual to work out his own destiny and a belief in the role
of government to help provide the framework for maximum
realization by the individual of his own potential. Rockefeller
advocates measures which, on a fiscally sound basis, help to
provide an ever broader horizon of individual opportunity.

# PART II: FOREIGN POLICY

## PEACE WITH FREEDOM

Governor Rockefeller's twenty years of experience in the formulation of foreign policy under three national Administrations have given him the basis for sound new proposals for the preservation and growth of peace with freedom.

His recognition that foreign policy can only be formulated within a broad concept of the kind of world we want in the future has led Rockefeller to criticize the Democratic Administration for its:

- underrating of the Communist menace;

- ignoring of trusted allies;

- reliance on expediency rather than priciple;

- inability to see that our lack of will in one place affects events everywhere;

- in short, for its failure to lead.

Rockefeller has identified the three most important international problems confronting the United States as (1) the Communist challenge, (2) the rebuilding of NATO, and (3) Cuba. In Governor Rockefeller's own words:

### The Communist Challenge

"The single greatest problem facing us today is to deal effectively with the Communist Challenge."

- 2 -

We must understand that Communism preaches a doctrine
that is irreconcilable with the values of the West.

3. The U.S. and its allies must develop their own negotiating program, rather than always reacting to items on a Soviet-developed agenda. This program must be based on the clear realization that the Cold War can be ended only in relation to such basic issues as: the division of Berlin and Germany; Communist subversion in the underdeveloped countries; Communist encouragement and support for what they choose to call "wars of national liberation," but which are wars to overthrow legally constituted governments.