HARVARD UNIVERSITY
RUSSIAN RESEARCH CENTER

ARCHIBALD CARY COOLIDGE HALL
1737 CAMBRIDGE STREET
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 02138

27 Feb. 1975

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Secretary of State
Washington, D. C.

Dear Henry:

The time has come for you to do one of two things:

1) Hither admit that the people of Indo-China do not want any government supported by the United States or other white-skinned colonialists, and so any such government will inevitably lack the will and the support to win...as is obviously the case over the past decade and more of heavy U.S. involvement; or

2) Resign your post in favor of a more humanitarian-minded soul who will not let himself be overwhelmed by simplistic notions of what Communism is all about and why we must not only hate and fear it, but irrationally over-react to it. And if you do, I recommend you audit Alexander Woodside's History 1821, History of Viet Nam, on your return to the Harvard campus. It offers such overwhelming evidence of the essentially nationalist and pre-Communist nature of the current struggle, that anyone who thinks Communism is the major issue in Viet Nam itself is obviously far off base.

Yours hopefully,

John E. Chappell, Jr.

P.S. This statement does not represent any opinion other than my own; the letterhead is only a mailing address.

Chardain, Rene

THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON

August 2, 1976

Dear Mr. and Mrs. Chardain:

I would like personally to thank you
for your warm and generous hospitality
during my stay at the Four Columns Inn.
I only regret that I was unable to lengthen
my visit to include more of the excellent
cuisine for which you are so famous.

The calm and relaxing atmosphere of
your charming Inn made this past weekend
particularly enjoyable.

Mr. and Mrs. Rene Chardain
and family,
Proprietors,
Four Columns Inn,
Newfane, Vermont.

DRAFT THANK YOU LETTER FOR GIFTS INDIAN MINISTER OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS
CHAVAN GAVE TO SECRETARY AND MRS. KISSINGER

Dear Mr. Minister:

Nancy and I would like to thank you for your kindness
in presenting us with such attractive examples of Indian
handicrafts and textiles. Your gifts will be reminders of
our recent Joint Commission meeting.

I hope that you enjoyed your visit to Washington as much
as we enjoyed our stay in New Delhi last year. I am looking
forward to future occasions when we will have the opportunity to
meet again.

His Excellency
Y.B. Chavan
Minister of External Affairs
New Delhi

Drafted by NEA/INS:JNach
x22351:10/22/75
Approved by NEA/INS:DKux

407 E Trenton
San Bernardino, Ca 92404

November 11, 1974

Mr. A. Henry Kissinger
Secretary of State
Department of State
Washington, D C 20520

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

As an American interested in the development of our country as well as
our interests abroad.

I am taking the liberty of making a gift to you of a carving which I
recently completed.

I have asked Jerry L. Pettis, Congressman in our vicinity to make the
presentation to you on my behalf.

I am married and have one child, am employed full time, but in my spare
time am making carvings such as the one being presented to you.

I have had an interview with Paul Presley of the San Clemente Inn and
he has suggested that I continue to make heads of well known personages
as well as past presidents, etc., and that he would be pleased to offer
them for sale when the new banquet room becomes an historical museum.

I would be most pleased to have your comments.

JERRY L. PETTIS
CALIFORNIA

WAYS AND MEANS
COMMITTEE

WASHINGTON OFFICE
341 CANNON BUILDING
202/225-5861

Congress of the United States
House of Representatives
Washington, D.C. 20515

DISTRICT OFFICES:
242 NORTH ARROWHEAD AVENUE, ROOM 1A
SAN BERNARDINO, CALIFORNIA 92408
714/884-8818

BARSTOW, CALIFORNIA 92311
714/256-4913

73-510 ALESSANDRO DRIVE
PALM DESERT, CALIFORNIA 92260
714/346-0633

November 21, 1974

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Department of State
2201 C Street
Washington, D.C. 20520

Dear Mr. Secretary:

Mr. Luis G. Chavez, of San Bernardino, California, recently sent me the enclosed carving, asking that I present it to you. In accordance with his request I am sending it along to you. I understand that it took Mr. Chavez 48 hours to complete the carving and I hope that you will enjoy the product of his labors.

With best regards,

JLP:is

THIS STATIONERY PRINTED ON PAPER MADE WITH RECYCLED FIBERS

LEO CHERNE

589 FIFTH AVENUE
NEW YORK, N. Y. 10017

October 15, 1973

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. Secretary:

You have long hoped to restore an understanding and fruitful
relationship between the leaders of the country's academic and cultural
communities and their government. You have stressed the fact that
modern government is seriously disadvantaged if it does not have the
cooperative contribution by its intellectual community. So long as the
U.S. was involved in the war in Indochina, such a relationship was
nearly impossible. Errors of attitude on each side contributed to
the gulf.

Ideally, the restoration of mutual understanding would most fruit-
fully involve the White House. The abrasive events of recent months
make such an effort unpromising, at least initially. With your appoint-
ment, an altogether new opportunity now exists. It is not an overstate-
ment to say that you are the only individual in the upper levels of the
Executive Branch capable of making an effort to bridge the gulf with any
promise of success. Normally, such an initiative would not come from
the Secretary of State. You, however, have the particular background
and the necessary sensitivity essential for such an effort. It will not
easily be accomplished, but there is no other national source from which
an effort could be made at all.

If this is so, then the next question is how is this possible within
the context of the responsibilities of the Department of State? The Bureau
of Educational and Cultural Affairs provides that context. The name of
the Bureau is exactly descriptive of the undertaking -- the creation of a
thoughtful, helpful and constructive interchange between the distinguished
members of the American academic, artistic and cultural communities
and their government. The Bureau is, in addition, already involved in
one aspect of such a relationship, since it is concerned with fostering

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exchange programs which include members of those communities in the United States and their counterparts in other nations. However, so long as the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs sees itself as solely or primarily concerned with exchange programs, the effort I am addressing myself to will remain partial and unexciting, essential as it is. If, however, the Secretary of State articulates a larger sense of what he believes CU should contribute, the Bureau would not only be the natural instrument for that larger purpose, but its traditional programs will be greatly refreshed.

That larger view has been expressed by you on a number of occasions and in many different forums. It involves stimulating the very best and the most independent contribution from distinguished private citizens to the nation's cultural, educational and informational diplomacy. The distinction, in fact, between the thrust of the normal political diplomacy toward which the Department's energies are directed and the activities (within the Department) we call educational and cultural is that the political tend to be shorter-term, immediate, problem- or crisis-related, whereas the educational and cultural programs are long-range, essentially unrelated to the ebb and flow of strident issues and intermittent difficulties.

If the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs were stretched to meet the larger purpose, I see the Bureau advancing two related but separate functions. The first function already exists and has not for years been as well administered by an Assistant Secretary of State as has been the case under John Richardson. That first function is international exchange-oriented. Its reach is outward toward the nations with which we have contact.

The second function does not now exist and would be focused inward. It would be designed primarily to encourage an infusion into the Department of State. If the United States is, through its Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, to be able to make available to other nations the very best of its academic, cultural and artistic resources, then it is not only logical but essential that it be invigorated and informed by a continuous effort to receive such resources.

Since the traditional exchange process does not seek to send overseas scholars or artists who share a particular point of view, or even for that matter agree with their government's immediate points of view, then, similarly, CU is an appropriate agency to stimulate conferences, seminars, meetings of individuals, consultancies of the most varied intellectual and political character. Some of this input will, from time to time, be in dis-

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agreement with the expression of our foreign policy as it is perceived
by these people. Such divergency should be encouraged. Thus, for exam-
ple, expressions of traditional American private concern for individual
freedom abroad should be received and even welcomed by those adminis-
tering this effort within CU, especially at a time when we have, quite
appropriately, embarked on a course of minimizing moral judgments on
the domestic behavior of others in this country's state-to-state relations.

The Secretary of State may have very serious reason for reticent
expression on the denial of human rights in another country. This does
not, however, prevent his receiving such expressions from fellow Americans.
Indeed, whatever the restraints upon him as Secretary of State, it is impor-
tant that the Department receive the maximum expression of the diversity
of serious American thought.

If the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs is an appropriate
instrument to stimulate the widest contact with a diverse intellectual com-
munity, it can be assisted greatly if it secures substantial cooperation from
two other independent agencies of the government -- The National Endowment
for the Arts and The National Endowment for the Humanities, and the councils
which serve both of those organizations. It must be made absolutely clear
that any effort to encourage cooperation between CU and both of these
councils will in no way diminish the completely independent functioning of
the two National Endowments. Since each of them, however, in their own
purposes, and through the membership on their National Councils, already
reach deeply into the community of creative and scholarly interests, it is
natural that cooperation between them and CU be encouraged officially.

Now to a specific purpose around which these efforts can and should
be focused quickly. We are three years from the nation's Bicentennial
observance. CU is already somewhat involved in certain aspects of that
observance. Foreign governments intend their own participation in that
occasion. Some of that participation by other governments in our own
Bicentennial will occur in this country, some overseas.

CU is the only available instrument to stimulate and assist the various
international efforts which will be associated with our Bicentennial. Some
of these international efforts will be designed to demonstrate the contribution
which individual countries made to the formation of the United States, to our
history, and to our culture. Some will seek to honor the United States by
focusing on the contribution which the American idea has contributed overseas.
The phrase "American idea" is the critical phrase and I will return to it.

-4-

Much of U. S. planning toward the Bicentennial has concentrated on locations, physical exhibits and historic recreations. We are, I think, uncomfortably close to the Bicentennial without a conception adequate to that occasion. It may even be that recent events tend, unconsciously, to make the Bicentennial seem slightly embarrassing. To whatever extent these things are true, they flow largely from the fact that there has been an inadequate focus in much of the Bicentennial planning.

We will be celebrating the 200th anniversary of a set of remarkable ideas. There is only one way you can celebrate 200 years of an idea and that is by a critical reexamination of the idea we're seeking to enshrine. It is not essential to find a place, nor to build an exhibition hall, nor to arrange the greatest-ever fireworks display. These physical aspects of a celebration are useful, but an idea can be truly celebrated only by examining the content of that creative concept.

Toward that end, the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, instructed by the Secretary of State to seek the fullest cooperation of the scholars, historians, political scientists (and involving toward that end the two National Endowments) can help lift the nation's gaze from the lint in our navel toward the continuing vitality of our past and present thought.

As a result of the complex of events we have come to call "Watergate," that remarkable American idea has already been explored and tested in a manner and with an intensity that would almost certainly have been impossible in any other country. It will take courage to see that what we have been through has in fact been an extraordinary watershed refreshing our original purposes and generating a revival of understanding of the strength of our Constitutional processes.

Without anyone intending this, I nevertheless think our Bicentennial observance has already begun. I think the virtue of seeing this and saying so is that that very expression may do more to throw a bridge across the gulf between the government and its intellectual critics than any other single action.

I am impressed by the fact that the Attorney General has rapidly restored respect for his Department and brought esteem to the government he serves by approaching the difficulties of the past forthrightly. They won't just go away, and I know of no other way to effectively subdue them and harness those difficulties toward useful forward purpose. However, this whole section of my proposal will not only yield to your better judgment, but is quite detachable from the effort I've outlined.

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Now to one final thought. I have referred previously to a sharply
increased thrust in the direction of our educational, cultural and infor-
mational diplomacy. Another Bureau in your Department plays a vital
function in connection with these efforts, and particularly with the infor-
mational aspect. It seems clearly essential that the Bureau of Public
Affairs be as completely involved in this undertaking as the Bureau of
Educational and Cultural Affairs, and it may well be that both should be
combined toward those ends.

As you know, I have been Acting Chairman of the Advisory Com-
mission on Educational and Cultural Affairs during the last few months.
During this interval, I have sought to advance a serious effort to reex-
amine the way in which CU and the USIA perform their related missions.
Not only is our Advisory Commission intent on producing recommendations
for the Congress within the next six months, but we already have the pledge
of the fullest cooperation from the Advisory Commission on Information.
Chairman Hobart Lewis of that Commission has written to me to express
his enthusiasm for the undertaking. In addition, I have secured from
Frank Stanton his willingness to serve with us in an ad hoc association
of both Advisory Commissions, and Hobart Lewis and I have agreed to
press Stanton to be the Chairman of that crash effort.

I don't want to anticipate the results of this undertaking. I think it is
clear that some redistribution of functions will be recommended to the
Congress, and, now that you are Secretary of State, there is a larger
possibility than there may have been before that both instruments of govern-
ment can function more favorably under the umbrella of the Department of
State.

I am sure you know that Senator Fulbright and Congressman Hays
have, especially in the last couple of years, been particularly approving
of the work of CU. That approval will itself be a help in the domestic
detente toward which this letter is addressed.

Forgive the length of this letter. If I were more certain about my
ideas, the letter would have been briefer. Your very generous note ex-
pressed the hope that this effort would not be a burden. It has been exactly
the opposite and for that pleasure I am in your debt.

LC:is

B'nai Brith Messenger

Editorial

JOSEPH JONAH CUMMINS
EDITOR AND PUBLISHER

GILBERT E. THOMPSON
ASSISTANT PUBLISHER

THEODOR I. SANDLER
MANAGING EDITOR

IS LECHTMAN
CITY EDITOR

Friday, January 31, 1975

## Behind The Scenes
### At The United Nations

By DAVID HOROWITZ
A World-Union Press Feature
EXCLUSIVE IN LOS ANGELES IN THE B'NAI B'RITH MESSENGER

### Cherne: No Mideast War This Year

UNITED NATIONS (WUP) — While most observers here at the UN fear that a Mideast war may break out this year

should Syria and Egypt refuse to renew the mandate for the UNDOF and UNEF forces in the spring, there is one noted political and economic analyst in America, Leo

Cherne, who stands ready to bet that 1975 will end without a conflict.

And Leo Cherne must be reckoned with. As head of the Research Institute of America, he has proved uncannily accurate in his predictions during the past thirty-five years as thousands upon thousands of bankers, corporation presidents and other professionals flock to hear him at the annual luncheons of the Sales Executives Club of New York.

AT THIS YEAR's luncheon held earlier this month at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, the Ballroom was jammed to the doors and the balconies fully occupied. The

luncheon guests sat spellbound as the brilliant Cherne spoke on the "Crisis of the Western World." Your own correspondent was present also as the guest of the humanitarian-philanthropist Harry Leventhal.

Considering the current grave economic and political crises facing the world, more especially the Western community of nations, Mr. Cherne was faced at this annual luncheon undoubtedly with the most difficult task of his career. What could he say and what hope could be given for the year 1975?

MR. HOROWITZ

IT WAS NOT all discouraging. As a realist, he presented a picture that gave his listeners much food for thought as also guidance on how to cope with the arising global problems which he dealt with extensively.

On the question posed by the oil-rich Arab states, Cherne said "that we will have to make up our minds how we feel about being increasingly owned by Kings and Sheikhs and other assorted mov-ers and shakers. We're beginning to see, perhaps more clearly than we'd like, how politics may bend under the weight of the purse. And this, in turn, raises the question,

Please Turn to Page 32

OSCAR GAVRILOVICH'S

Horowitz At The U.N.

—From Page Twenty Four an awful question, of whether or not there will be another war in the Middle East, with the additional gnawing uncertainty whether this time Pandora's nuclear box will be opened.”

HE THEN CITED King Hussein's answer to this query: "Both sides possess terrible weapons, terribly new, terribly sophisticated, terribly modern. It would be an unheard of massacre ... Don't ask me if the disaster can be avoided. Ask me how long it can be postponed."

"The odds," Cherne said, "are that it cannot be for the duration of this year, and yet," he emphasized, "I am going to ride against the odds on this one. It is in the best interests of Egypt and Israel that there be no war, and in the urgent interests of the Soviet Union and the United States that there be no risk of their involvement."

He then revealed that "a study conducted by the MIT came to the conclusion that the Soviet Union's crisis in energy may be as great as ours."

LEO CHERNE said that he relied "heravily on one other fact" why he felt no war would break out this year — and here was one of the big surprises of the day: "the existence of one of the most astonishing men that it has ever been my opportunity to know.

"Henry Kissinger," he told his audience, "may be an extremely difficult man. To work for him may be Washington's approximation of purgatory. He may appear to have already emptied his bag of tricks. But never make the mistake of underestimating this man of nearly infinite energy and con-

ceptual genius. And do not discount his quietly-stated warning" on America's possible use of military action in the face of strangulation. "The great danger in a crisis of this magnitude is that nations going under 'do not go gently into that dark night.' "

DISCUSSING the "monetary distortions and the massive one-way flow of wealth" created by oil-producing states, the noted economist warned that "we cannot cut ourselves off from the economic consequence which are set in motion throughout the rest of the world. With industrial nation after nation going into increasing debt, there are protective practices," he emphasized, "which nations can take to keep that tendency under control: trade restrictions, embargoes, tariffs of various kinds, wholesale dumping."

Leo Cherne, who was paid the highest tribute by Dr. Howard Rusk who introduced him at the luncheon, heads the International Rescue Committee, and he is a member of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, the U.S. Advisory Commission on International Education and Cultural Affairs, and the Board of Advisors to the Industrial College of the Armed Forces.