COPY

Walter Höllerer

Frankfurt/M April 28, 1957

Arndt-Str. 25

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

I am really very happy about your letter of April 11 and I thank
you very much indeed for your invitation. I am fascinated by the
prospect to come to the States and so I am glad to accept the place
in the Seminar.

Unfortunately, I got your letter just now since I was in Paris the
last two weeks. I realize that the success of the Seminar depends
on each single member and his ability to communicate. I assure you
that I will do my best. In the meantime I will try to complete the
verbal command of my English. As to your wish that a member should
not be accompanied by female appendages: you may be calm; I don't
want to miss the usual chance of marrying a girl of the Summer School;
I heard about the effect of the Seminar in this respect.

There is just one trouble. For the coming semester, I have to teach
not only in Frankfurt but also in Münster where I got my first
Ordinariat as Professor for German. I can arrange my leave with the
faculties in Frankfurt and Münster. But, unfortunately, in the first
week of July there is a Germanisten-Kongress in which I have to give
an opening lecture; as you understand, it is a distinction for a
young professor and I think I can't afford to refuse this invitation.
May I make the following suggestion that I come one week later. I
could be in Cambridge in the morning of July 8 providing I come by
plane (the way back I shall go by ship) and I suggest that I pay
the difference in fare. Please be so kind as to understand my
request. I promise you that I will make up the week by doubling my
efforts.

I am really delighted to have the opportunity to make contact with
all these people of the different nations. I am looking forward to
seeing you and the other members of the Seminar.

HARVARD UNIVERSITY

SUMMER SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES AND OF EDUCATION

2 WELD HALL, CAMBRIDGE 38, MASSACHUSETTS

WILLIAM YANDELL ELLIOTT, Director
THOMAS EUGENE CROOKS, Assistant Director

DANA MESERVE COTTON, Associate Director
MARGUERITE HILDEBRAND, Executive Secretary

May 7, 1957

Mrs. Ann Lang Blaisdell
Institute of International Education
1 East 67th St. at Fifth Avenue
New York 21, New York

Dear Mrs. Blaisdell:

Professor Parsons has referred to this office your correspondence concerning Dr. Nand Kishore Devaraja of India, who is coming to this country under a UNESCO Regional Cultural Study Grant.

We will be glad to undertake to find out for you, as promptly as we can, whether Professors Tillich, Quine, And Miller will be available for consultation with Dr. Devaraja during any part of the summer, although it may be two or three weeks before we can have definite word for you. Professor Hartz will be teaching in the Summer School from July 1 to August 21, and I am confident that he will be glad to talk with Dr. Devaraja sometime during that period.

One question which occurs to us is whether it will be necessary, in connection with the requirements of UNESCO or of the Institute, for Dr. Devaraja to be formally affiliated or registered with the University in some way, as we have often found to be the case for Visiting Scholars who are coming under the auspices of organizations such as these. If this is the situation for Dr. Devaraja, we will arrange to have him register in a course of independent study, such as Social Relations S-301 with Professor Parsons, on a non-credit basis. Professor Parsons has indicated his willingness to have Dr. Devaraja enroll in this way for the approximate period that he will be available. (It will, of course, be quite permissible for Dr. Devaraja to arrive earlier or stay later to consult with other faculty members and do his own work.)

For an advanced Visiting Scholar with a grant, we would charge the registration fee of $15 and half the regular tuition fees. If Dr. Devaraja is to be here for only half the session or less, it might be possible for us to reduce the tuition fees somewhat further. The regular fee for a 4-unit (the minimum) enrollment in a "300 course" is $75, which at the half-rate would be $37.50. We would, in addition, be glad to allow Dr. Devaraja up to 10 Passes for individual visits to Summer School courses without charge. If he should wish to audit one or more courses for a longer period than such passes would permit, we would have to have him enroll in them as an auditor. The auditing fees are on a sliding scale, and we would apply the Visiting Scholar reduction to these also. We are sending you separately a copy of our Final Catalogue.

✓Director, International Seminar
cc: Professor Tafioff Basena

Executive Secretary

Sincerely yours,

We will, of course, have all General briefings of the Summer School and consultation if it may be desirable for him to come. If he registers, we will be glad to have Dr. DeVorel's notes for whatever independent study of the Seminar.

Auditing some of the sessions of the International Seminar to the Director I am referring your attention concerning the beautification of Dr. DeVorel's

Mrs. Ann Lang Hiebseff

-S-

May 6, 1961

Excerpt from letter from Ann Lang Blaisdell, Program Specialist, Department for Asia-Africa to Talcott Parsons, Institute of International Education

April 24th

However we hope that it will be possible for us to arrange a program for him at Harvard during the Summer Session, if this seems advisable to you. We also wondered if you could advise us as to whether it would be possible to work out some sort of informal affiliation for him with the Harvard International Seminar. Since his expenses will be entirely covered by his UNESCO grant, it would not be necessary to submit his application for a scholarship to the Seminar; however, we feel that he might derive considerable benefit from attending some of the seminar sessions, either as an official participant, if that is possible, or as an unofficial auditor.

(N.K. Devaraja has a six-month fellowship under UNESCO)

Excerpt from T. Parsons to Blaisdell:

P.S. I have referred the question of participation in the International Seminar to the director of the Summer School. You will be hearing directly from them.

May 9, 1957

Dear Jim:

I am enclosing the drafts of the various sections that we discussed on the telephone today as well as thermofax copies of Ellis Johnson's two papers.

Also I am sending you the draft that Dr. Teller dictated -- for whatever it is worth. It is full of ideas but rather disorganized, although you will probably find sections of it helpful. A copy of Frank Nash's NATO presentation has gone to Abe.

Ros Gilpatric is doing the budget section but is hesitant to take on the one on organization. I will try to twist Abe's arm on that one.

Once more many thanks for all you have done for the Project -- and for a splendid evening!

General James McCormack, Jr.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Cambridge, Massachusetts

May 9, 1957

Mr. Hamid Jalal
Governmental Affairs Institute
1726 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W.
Washington 6, D.C.

Dear Mr. Jalal:

Thank you for your two letters of
April 27th and May 4th. I am delighted that
you will be able to attend the Seminar this
summer.

I am enclosing some information on
which I have checked the items which are of
concern to you. With respect to your already
being in this country, I am sorry to say that
the terms of our grant prevent our using the
funds which normally would have been used on
transportation to this country for other
purposes.

The other Seminar participants will
be arriving in Cambridge on Tuesday, July 2nd;
however, I believe the dormitories here will
open on Monday if it would be more convenient
for you to plan to arrive on that day.

I look forward to meeting you.

May 9, 1947

Signora Elena Craveri
Via Tre Madonna 16
Rome, Italy

Dear Signora Craveri:

Although the Confluence and International Seminar offices are housed in the same place, the operations are in fact quite separated. For that reason, I did not know until this morning that a final decision had been made on the Italian delegation to the Seminar and that your brother-in-law, Mr. Gustaw Herling, has not secured a place in that group. I am genuinely sorry that the committee on selection has not been able to find a place for so worthy an applicant. As I mentioned to you in my letter in early March, the problem posed by your brother-in-law's application is one which we have contended with several times in the past and have always found difficult. This year particularly, when funds for the Seminar are rather short and when it has been necessary to reduce the size of several of the European delegations, the problem of "national representation" has complicated the situation.

I mention all this because I do believe the intrinsic merits of Mr. Herling's application were never in dispute here and that the decision on him was not based finally on an evaluation of such factors. Mr. Kissinger is away at a conference and I am not able to find out from him how the final decision was reached. I do want you to know, however, that I for one am disappointed that Mr. Herling will not be in Cambridge this summer. I look forward to seeing you in Italy this summer.

May 7, 1957

Dr. Walter Höllerer
Arndt-Str. 25
Frankfurt/M, Germany

Dear Dr. Höllerer:

Thank you for your letter of April 28th. I am delighted that you are able to come to the Seminar.

With respect to the travel arrangements, it will be all right for you to fly over. We would, however, appreciate your coming as soon as possible, for obvious reasons. If you would write and tell us the earliest date for your departure and where in Germany you will be on that date, we will make all the arrangements for your flight. We generally make all our arrangements with Pan American, and I believe they have a daily plane flying from Frankfurt via London. We will arrange for you to pick up your tickets in Frankfurt in June, and you can pay the difference in fare at that time.

Enclosed is some general information, a form for you to use in notifying us you have received your visa and an application form or medical form for you to have completed. The latter should be returned to us as soon as possible.

It will be a pleasure to have you here this summer.

LIFE

TIME & LIFE BUILDING
ROCKEFELLER CENTER
NEW YORK, N.Y.

Because of your special interest in the subject matter and the author, proofs are enclosed of an important article appearing in the May 6th issue of LIFE by A.E.C. Commissioner Thomas E. Murray. Entitled, "Reliance on H-Bomb and Its Dangers", the article by Mr. Murray makes a forthright contribution to what he calls the control issue of our time: the military uses of nuclear energy.

Editorial Services Department

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Atomic Energy Commissioner Thomas E. Murray, shown above with a nuclear reactor model, is a distinguished financier and electrical engineer who holds some 200 patents on his inventions. Before his appointment in 1950 he served as an executive in banking, transit, public utilities and manufacturing firms.

NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED

outlaw. It is not likely that his outlawry will be so outrageous as to
pull down the umbrella upon himself and upon us in a common
ruin. But there will be "minor" outrages, as there have been. Since
megaton bombs are designed only for desperate uses, the danger
is that in moments of "minor" outrage our only recourse will be
to moral indignation.

That is to say, we shall be defeated, on each successive occasion when a "minor" aggression occurs, as in Hungary. Moral indignation is no substitute for the ability to protect by force the decencies of human life. Whatever the value of the big umbrella, we urgently need to have that decent, nicely calculated measure of nuclear force, valid as a threat and valid in use, which will deter or halt the "minor" aggressions of an enemy who in the ultimate instance will yield to no other suasion than force.

Sudden destruction or slow defeat—both of these alternatives must be ruled out with all the certainty that human prudence can achieve. The ruin of the physical fabric of civilization is too awesome a prospect to contemplate. Even more intolerable is the prospect of enforced submission to the injustice of creeping Communist domination. The problem is to find the path of policy that will lead us between these dreadful alternatives.

The presently prevailing policy of emphasis on megaton weapons may have saved us from sudden destruction—so far. But if we are to avoid the risk of slow defeat, we now need a new policy of emphasis on small nuclear weapons. The urgent demand of the moment is for a program of rational nuclear armament. I have been using this phrase to describe a structure of policies that will result in a stockpile that exhibits a properly adjusted balance between large and small nuclear weapons—all manufactured with an eye to their military usefulness, as these are calculated in the light of Communist military intentions.

A path to 'peace with justice'

ADMITTEDLY, perils lurk on both sides of the path of military and moral reason to which I am pointing. Nonetheless, though the path is lined with perils, at least it is not headed straight for them. It can lead us to that measure of military security that may legitimately be hoped for in a world where total security has become a vain dream. Moreover, it can also lead us toward the moral goal described by President Eisenhower in his Second Inaugural—"the building of a peace with justice in a world where moral law prevails."

Four factors have hitherto diverted us from the path of rational nuclear armament.

The first factor was technological. In the whole course of World
War II the Allied air forces let loose upon the enemy 1.5 million
tons (one and a half megatons) of explosives. After the experiment
at Eniwetok in November 1952, we had the secret of a weapon
whose explosive force surpassed by many times the total World

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184

DAMAGE COMPARISON between hydrogen bomb and a tactical atomic weapon is shown in diagram using Washington, D.C. as example. Effort to knock out Pentagon building (center) with big H-bomb would destroy capital and much of surrounding region—and radioactive fallout (stippled area outside circle) would carry danger still farther. But small A-bomb dropped on same spot would limit destruction to general target area (dark inner circle).

NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED

War II megatonnage. Weapons technology had hit upon an "open end." The realization was quickly reached that there are no necessary practical limits to the megaton-size of H-bombs.

As an engineer, I understand the seduction exerted by a technological "open end." It is the instinct of technology to exploit the maximum possibilities of every discovery. Weapons technology could not have been expected to control its own instinct; the control should have been imposed on it by military policy, which judges the usefulness of weapons.

But here the second factor entered. Weapons technology seemed now to have fulfilled the military planner's perennial dream of the irresistible weapon. In particular, the H-bomb seemed to be the ideal weapon with which to justify the doctrine of strategic air attack and thus to furnish warrant for the dominance of the air arm. So it happened that military policy, under the spell of its own dream, fell captive to the technology that seemed to have realized it.

The captivity was reinforced by the third factor—the impact of world events. For instance, Korea made real the threat of Communist world-domination; and it raised the specter of a general war. In response, America had to be made "strong." However, it was not a question of acquiring limited strength for limited wars. Korea created a popular revulsion against the very idea of limited war. A kind of abstract strength was wanted—the kind of "absolute" strength that would match the "supreme" threat of world domination. This abstract strength could now be given very concrete definition in terms of the H-bomb. Further emphasis was thus laid on the production of these "absolute" weapons.

The fourth factor furnished the final emphasis—the powerful factor of costs. The general public is likely to assume that a "big" bomb must cost more than a "small" bomb. Moreover, given the plentiful supply of uranium ore out of which bombs are made, the popular assumption might be that we have by this time manufactured a complete collection of nuclear weapons, adapted to all possible uses—big weapons, and small ones, and middle-sized ones, all stocked and shining on the shelves.

The matter is not so simple. The cost of weapons involves not only money and materials but also a factor called "efficiency" in the use of materials. There is no lack of uranium ore; but there is only a limited number of the plants in which the ore is processed into fissionable materials. Our existent industrial complex for this purpose represents roughly a capital investment of $6.7 billion. In consequence we have only a limited amount of weapons-making material. Here the factor of "efficiency" enters.

CONTINUED

CONVENTIONAL BOMBS FAILED to knock out enemy bridge in Korea, left only craters of misses. Small nuclear bomb would assure destruction.

## NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED

A given quantity of material can be utilized in such a way as to produce a very large explosion. The same quantity of material can also be used in another way; to produce a smaller explosion. If the "efficiency" of a weapon is to be measured in terms of the ratio between the quantity of fissionable material used and the explosive results obtained, it is obvious that the small weapon is less "efficient" than the big one. Consequently, the small weapon is also proportionately more costly, in terms both of material and of dollars.

These four factors, therefore—the technological open end, the dream of the irresistible strategic weapon, the desire for abstract strength, and the factor of costs—have hitherto combined together to weight the scales of policy heavily in favor of the big cheap bomb.

What has been the military value of this emphasis? What military uses are served by these huge weapons, and by the possession of quantities of them? Are there limits to their usefulness? Are there consequently limits to the military value of a constantly enlarging stockpile of them? These are the next questions.

The multimegaton H-bomb was born in a vacuum of military strategy. No one had antecedently determined its uses. After the event the vacuum was filled with confusion. The confusion is not surprising. The multimegaton bomb fits badly, if at all, the standards of military usefulness hitherto accepted. It is by nature a weapon of mass destruction. If you except certain special targets, such as a fleet at sea, it will perform least efficiently against classical military objectives—troops in the field or in reserve, aircraft aloft, supplies, communications. It will destroy airfields, at the price of slaughtering the civilian population in the area. It will be altogether "efficient" in annihilating beyond repair the industrial and human potential of great cities. But this terrible "efficiency" is linked to no reasonable military usefulness. Most theorists today agree that the destruction of industrial potential would make little, if any, sense in a multimegaton war, which would be a war of sudden catastrophe, not of slow attrition.

### If 'deterrence' should fail

THE multimegaton weapon therefore had to create its own strategy: It is the old strategy of deterrence and retaliation; but now this strategy has all the newness of the new kind of weapon that gives it military substance. The military value of the strategy lies in the intrinsic link between deterrence and retaliation. "These weapons will either deter you or smash you"—so runs the reasoning. If there is any doubt about the intention of pursuing the second alternative if the first fails, the reasoning trails off thus:

"These weapons will deter you—I hope; if not, you win." But this is the classic formula for a bluff.

America certainly does not wish to rest its national security on a bluff. Therefore the complementary concepts of deterrence and retaliation are a strategy for war. They cannot simply be accounted a strategy for preventing war. The multimegaton weapons in our

CONTINUED

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NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED

over the remainder of the earth. It would find its way from the
soil into human bones, producing strontium concentrations that
would be between two and six times the maximum considered
acceptable for the general population. A whole generation, em-
bracing tens of millions of people, in Russia, in the United States,
in all the countries of the world, would be affected.

The figures I have used might have to be altered somewhat with
the progress of scientific work. Some variation in the figures does
not greatly matter. What matters is that some figures have to be
put into the concept, "war of survival," in order to test its realism.
And when a set of not unreasonable figures is used, the concept
blows apart into patent absurdity.

The inherent absurdity of a multimegaton war sets limits to
the military usefulness of immense thermonuclear weapons. In
consequence, limits are also set to the validity of the strategy
based on these weapons. Deterrence-retaliation may, if you wish,
be called a strategy of survival—but only as long as the deterrence
works, as long as it sustains the nuclear stalemate.

We must therefore have an arsenal of multimegaton weapons sufficiently large to give the strategy built upon them its own limited kind of validity. But this arsenal need only be a limited one. There is a limit, set by the absurdity of a "war of survival," beyond which these "absolute" weapons become absolutely useless.

The military value of the giant H-bomb is also limited from
another point of view. It is not a fit means of retaliation against
limited military aggressions supported by conventional or small
nuclear arms. Instead of repressing a limited and localized aggres-
sion its use would tend to provoke the expansion of hostilities in
the direction of that fearsome absurdity, the "war of survival."
But these limits, set to its retaliatory value, likewise affect its
deterrent value. The strategy of deterrence-retaliation, as given
military substance only by multimegaton bombs, is no adequate
guarantee of the security of the free world against some military
version of Communist "salami tactics."

We come now to a more manageable military problem. There
are issues, short of the impossible issue of survival, which may
have to be settled by arms. Broadly, they are issues of justice,
the classical issues of war. They are always limited issues. And
limited war is the legal institution available as a last resort for
their settlement. In its political and moral meaning war is man's
ultimately resolute declaration of his fixed and firm purpose—
that he will have peace indeed but only with justice. What then
of our preparedness to wage war, in civilized fashion, for lim-
ited aims, by limited means?

A gauge of Soviet intentions

SOME people seem to grow nervous when the question is raised in this form, under reference to justice, reason and the values of the civilized tradition. The trouble is, they say, that the free world faces an immoral enemy. Recently, for instance, Mr. Donald A. Quarles, now Deputy Secretary of Defense, gave warning that "... it would be unwise in planning for the security of our country to rely on the morality or even the rationality of potential enemies. We must still have security even if others resort to immoral and irrational acts. These have always been truisms but the stark facts of this air atomic age give them vastly greater force."

This distorts the whole military and moral question. Obviously
it would be absurd to place any reliance on Soviet morality. But
the problem is not whether we should rely on Soviet moral cyn-
icism but whether we can diagnose Soviet military intentions.
From the fact that the Soviet Union is immoral does it follow
that a massive air-nuclear attack upon the U.S. is likely? And how
likely is it? And what would "security" mean, if the irrational
event were to occur? In terms of the stark facts of the air-atomic
age—especially the facts about radioactive fallout—would "se-
curity" be achieved by proportionately massive megaton retali-
ation against the Soviet Union? These are the things we would
like to know.

More pertinently, an appeal to the truism that the enemy is
immoral will not justify an idolatrous worship of air-nuclear-
retaliate power based on greater numbers of megaton bombs. Sim-
ilarly, a "war in outer space," waged by nuclear missiles, may be
a technological possibility. Is it therefore a military likelihood?
And is it more likely than a war on the Turkish border? We cannot
aim to be secure against every possible contingency, but only
against the more likely contingencies. The problem is to make a
realistic calculation of what the immoral enemy is likely to do, and
then to have on hand the measure and kind of force that will be
militarily necessary or useful in stopping him from doing it. This

CONTINUED

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ATOMIC CANNON, shown in Nevada test, is with U.S. troops in Germany
and Okinawa. It may soon be outmoded by newer, more mobile weapons.

NUCLEAR ARMS PLAN CONTINUED

is our military duty; it is likewise our moral duty. Between the
two duties there is no divorce.

To assist in performing both duties we have the stark facts of
the air-atomic age. We also have the fact that Soviet military
policy has a Communist premise, and that Soviet leaders are ca-
pable of primitive logic. The premise was stated by Mr. Khrushchev
when, speaking with all the seriousness of the Marxist-Leninist
faith in the dialectic of history (a faith not born of alcohol nor
blurred by it), he said, "We will bury you." I presume that he
has no wish to spoil his own pleasure on the occasion by finding
himself in the same grave. It is a fair conclusion that he does
not intend to dig the grave with several thousand megatons of
fission energy.

Do not Soviet scientists know as much as we do about radio-
active hazards? Are not Soviet strategists using the criterion of
contamination levels in order to test the validity of their strategies
of nuclear attack, and also to test the realism of American threats
of retaliation? If there are any doubts about affirmative answers to
these questions, it would be greatly in our national interest to
clear them up as soon as possible.

There is therefore a tenet of Communist ideology on which we
can rely. The Communist revolution clearly wishes to put an end
to the history of imperialist-reactionary-bourgeois capitalism. But
it does not wish to put an end to all history—and therefore to the
Communist revolution itself. If the Communist believes that the
future belongs to him, can he wish to cancel it out? Unless indeed
he be not only immoral but altogether mad. And in that case, how
do you deter a madman, intent on chaos, by threatening him with
the chaos that he wants?

The Communist norm of morality—the success of the revolu-
tion—is not civilized. But it affords us a realistic, and safe enough,
premise of military policy. From it I would conclude that Com-
munist invasions of the order of right and justice will be limited.
The exchange of an unlimited megatonnage of fission energy occu-
pies no visible place in the Communist strategy of world domina-
tion. A classless society of bone-cancer patients would hardly sat-
isfy the dreams of Marxist messianism.

Small nuclear weapons needed

OUR central problem therefore is to deter limited aggressions
and to retali ate by effective but limited force, if deterrence
fails. The question is, what have we got in the way of small nuclear
weapons to fulfill this limited military mission of deterrence and
retaliation?

There is little public information on this subject. Perhaps, con-
sequently, there is a considerable amount of public misapprehen-
sion. The extent to which our rigid security regulations have had
the happy result of slowing down Soviet nuclear developments
(which in any case they cannot stop) is a matter of conjecture.
On the other hand it could be argued that they have had the un-
happy result of rendering our nuclear armament program unman-
ageable by informed and responsible public opinion. Moreover,

CONTINUED

"HONEST JOHN" rocket can carry nuclear warhead 15 miles. Shown here during last month's war games in Louisiana, it is in full use by U.S. troops.

their enforcement at times goes to extremes even within high government circles. For instance, some months ago, I wished to convey certain factual information about the present and future composition of our nuclear stockpile to certain members of the National Security Council. But it was ruled that they had no "need to know" the facts I wished to present.

However, some general information is on record in the press. On Feb. 5, 1957, Senators Symington, Kefauver and Flanders met as a task force of the Senate Armed Services Committee in public session, Frank H. Higgins, an Assistant Secretary of the Army, and Lieut. General Carter B. Magruder, Deputy Chief of Staff for Logistics, appeared before them.

As reported by Joseph L. Myler in the Washington *Daily News*, Mr. Higgins said that the job of equipping the Army with small atomic weapons is "progressing very nicely." But he added that it is "largely a development program still." General Magruder is quoted as agreeing that it will be "three to five years" before the Army has enough tactical atomic weapons to reduce the use of conventional ammunition in war by as much as 25%.

The nuclear weapons spectrum in its full sweep is the support of the "four basic military missions" of the American Armed Forces, defined by President Eisenhower in his budget message of January 1957. Only one of these missions, the first, necessarily calls for a stockpile of multimegaton weapons. This mission is "to maintain ready nuclear-air-retaliatory forces so strong that they will deter a potential aggressor from initiating an attack." The other three missions, for their highest efficiency, rest heavily on a vast arsenal of nuclear weapons in the smaller range. The "tens of thousands" of small weapons which I recommended as necessary or desirable (on April 12, 1956, in testimony before the Subcommittee on Control and Reduction of Armaments of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee) would not exceed the requirements of these three missions—the defense of the continental United States, the waging of ground war by the Army and the control of the seas.

The Armed Forces cannot fulfill these three military missions with a "development program." The immediate need therefore is to move the small-weapons program out of the development phase into the phase of large-scale production.

## High cost of small weapons

This will be somewhat costly. The major requirement would be more fissionable materials. This in turn would require an expansion of our present industrial facilities. The size of the new investment in plants would depend upon the extent to which the output of our existent plants is directed away from large weapons into the needed small-weapons program. In any case, the money spent would be well spent, if its amount were measured against the demands of military security, and also against the amount now being spent on other defense programs.

If the small-weapons program is to be moved into the large-scale production phase, the first thing needed is some important change

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Name

Address

City and State

CONTINUED

197

May 13, 1957

Dear Mr. Higgins:

Thank you for your letter. I think the three topics that you suggest are excellent and your reading list is a good nucleus.

May I suggest one additional topic. Most of our participants are very interested in the operation of the American economy and in general their ignorance is only matched by their prejudices. Would it not be useful to devote two weeks to this? If it is a subject on which you do not feel yourself primarily competent you would be more than welcome to bring in other people from Harvard. I would also suggest that since many of our participants will not be technically economists, you focus the discussions on a plan which does not require a high degree of technical competence. In the past, the major concern of our participants has been in the area of the interrelationship between economics and politics.

Mr. Ben Higgins
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Center for International Studies
50 Memorial Drive
Cambridge 39, Massachusetts

HAK:sd

May 13, 1957

Dear Mr. Sedwick:

Thank you for your letter of May 3. The procedure outlined by your representative in Japan is acceptable to us and we will proceed accordingly.

As for the other Asian participants, our view is as follows. I told Mr. Heggie last year that we consider it extremely important that all participants arrive on the same ship. It simplifies our administrative problems and it forms the seminar into a group prior to their arrival in Cambridge. We therefore think it essential that all participants are in London on the day we indicate. We also have found it very difficult to permit detours prior to the arrival of our participants in London, since it is a difficult enough job to collect them all in one place as it is. On the other hand we encourage as free an itinerary on the return trip as the participant desires.

I would therefore like to suggest that within a day or so we send you our suggested itinerary to Harvard and that your representatives deal with the participants on that basis. Through many sad experiences I have developed a kind of expertise on this matter and unless we are very strict in the itinerary on the way over we will spend our first week rounding them up all over the world. My understanding was in any case that we would send the tickets

COPY

May 3, 1957

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

Thank you for your letter of April 27. With respect to the travel arrangements for the participants supported by The Asia Foundation, my understanding of the procedure to be followed is that when these participants receive the letter from you asking them to get in touch with our representative they will work out with our representative their proposed itinerary. Our representative then sends this itinerary to us, and we send it to you. You obtain the tickets and forward them to us. We then forward the tickets to our representative who presents them to the participant. This would be true in all countries except Japan. If you will recall, our representative has suggested an alternative procedure there, and I would appreciate your views on this procedure at your convenience. (Sand Kim Komaten, simply inform volunteeers it is man)

I will be writing to our representatives immediately informing them of the participants whom you have selected, so it will not be necessary for you to write them personally.

I will be able to give you a definite answer on Mr. Farouk within a few days. I hope that we can do as you suggest and split the cost of his attendance.

We are very happy to know that you will be able to provide the funds for Mr. Siagian's attendance. I hope he will make a good contribution to the Seminar.

With reference to the participant from Taiwan, our representative there has in a recent memorandum remarked that he is already a competent authority on aboriginal problems in Taiwan, is a young man of great promise and would profit enormously at this stage in his career from the broad approach and the humanistic discussions of the Harvard International Seminar. Mr. Chen is now associated with the Foundation in an anthropology project. Our representative describes his English as excellent.

We have just received a cable from our representative in Korea advising us that applications are enroute to you from Mr. Lee Jin Sop and Mr. Kim Dong Won. Mr. Chong Hi Chol will not be available this summer.

I shall be in touch with you again within a few days concerning Dr. Farouk.

With all best wishes,

COPY

April 29, 1957

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Executive Director
Harvard International Seminar
Harvard University
10 Weld Hall
Cambridge 38, Massachusetts

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

Mr. Blum has told me of his conversation with you in New York, and of your feeling that a successful Asian Seminar may be organized in either Japan or Ceylon.

As Mr. Blum indicated to you, we feel that an Asian Seminar for alumni of the Harvard International Seminar would in itself have great value whether or not this Seminar is held in India. We should be pleased to hear from you at your convenience regarding an Asian Seminar, and may I assure you of our definite interest in the holding of a Seminar at an early date.

With all best wishes,

May 13, 1957

Dear Mr. Sedwick:

April 27,

Dear Henry:

Thank you for your letter of the 24th.

I have decided to keep the reading list of last year, but to use
it with an entirely different emphasis. I have added two new titles,
and you will see that I have put an asterisk before six of them. I
thus intend to use one of the six as the focus of my own weekly discussions,
at the Monday session, and then to assign to members of the group, for
the Tuesday and Thursday meetings, discussions developing from my own.

You will see that of the six books chosen for the purpose, four
are by Europeans. I am making changes in last year's prospectus which
will indicate the changed emphasis for this year. My experience last
year has convinced me that the conduct of the seminar must be flexible.
My own lead-off every Monday seems to me about all that I can hold them
to.

Could the members of the seminar be provided with copies of the
six books? Four of them are available in soft-cover editions.

I look forward with much pleasure to the work - I think I know
now how to do it - and to seeing a great deal more of you than was
possible last summer. I have a nice apartment at 12-A Farewell Place.

May 14, 1957

Mr. Robert V. Sedwick
Organization Relations Division
The Asia Foundation
105 Market Street
San Francisco 5, California

Dear Mr. Sedwick:

Mr. Kissinger asked me to send you the proposed itineraries for the Seminar members you are supporting this year.

Mr. Aziz - Leaves Singapore on flight EM513 at 5:25 a.m. on June 22, Arrives London 4:00 p.m. on June 23. Hotel reservations have been made in London. Leaves London for the U.S. on the Flandre on June 25.

Mr. Quiazon - Leaves the Philippines on Pan-American flight 4 at 11:00 p.m. on June 29. Arrives San Francisco 8:40 p.m. on June 30. Hotel reservations have been made in San Francisco. Leaves San Francisco on United 502 at 9:05 p.m. on July 1. Arrives Boston 3:00 p.m. July 2.

Mr. Ho - Leaves Hong Kong on Pan American flight 852 at 9:30 a.m. June 30. Arrives S.F. 8:25 a.m. on July 1. Leaves San Francisco on United 502 as above.

Mr. Kim - Leaves Korea on CT 101 at 3:00 p.m. on June 29. Arrives Tokyo 7:20 p.m. Leaves Tokyo on Pan-American 852 at 9:30 a.m. June 20. Continues as above (Mr. Ho).

Mr. Chen:- Leaves Taiwan on Northwest flight 500 at 10:50 a.m. on June 29. Arrives Tokyo 4:30 p.m. Leaves Tokyo on Pan-American 852 and continues as above.

We have forwarded the travel arrangements for the Japanese members to them through the America-Japan Society. Mr. Watanabe has been chosen to be the Asia Foundation supported representative, and we have notified him of this. Since Mr. Vo Toan is living in France, we have made his arrangements in the usual way.

May 15, 1957

Mr. Stanley Leonard
Summer School

Dear Mr. Leonard:

Mr. Kissinger asked me to get in touch with you about rooms for this summer for the International Seminar. What we would like is much the same as in previous years.

For the three Monday, Tuesday, Thursday discussion
groups we need two rooms at 9:30 and one at 11:00. Last
year we had rooms 403 and 502 at 9:30 and 403 again at 11:00. (in Lamont)

For the afternoon speakers, we would like to have
Lamont 101 again. Mr. Kissinger also wondered whether we
could not reserve a room for about 30 for these afternoon
sessions. The reason for this is that he feels that if there
isn't a good crowd at the talks, it is better to have them
crowded into a smaller room for the psychological well-being
of the speaker.

For the evening forums, we would also like to
effect a change if possible. We thought perhaps that if
the Littauer auditorium was free, it would be a better
place than Emerson. Perhaps you could advise us on this
problem.

May 20, 1957

My dear Astrid:

Nearly six months have passed since your touching letter.
I did not want to write you a platitudinous reply but in my bureau-
cratic existence, I am afraid that I have little time for anything
other than platitudes.

I did want you to know how very much your letter meant to
me and that it is letters like this which make the Seminar worthwhile.
The Seminar has always seemed to me to be peculiarly designed for
silent people -- the profounder the experience, or indeed the capacity
to feel, the more difficult it is to express oneself.

I was delighted to hear about your marriage and I hope you
will write me from time to time about what has become of you and
also that you will send me whatever poetry you will write.

With warm personal regards,

Mrs. Astrid Gehlhoff
Germanistisches Institut
Der Universitat Zu Koln
Albertus-Magnus-Platz
Koln-Lindenthal
Germany

[L]

Joachim Gehlhoff wird Weihnachten, wie in den letzten Monaten so oft,
bei mir sein, und wir werden von Ihnen sprechen.

Ich hoffe, dass Sie diesen Brief nicht als Belästigung empfinden
werden (konnte ich Ihnen doch drüben in meiner Verwirrung kaum je
zeigen, wie sehr dankbar ich Ihnen beiden bin und wie sehr ich Sie
liebe) und dass er vielleicht ein eindringlicher Aufruf an Sie sein
kann, auch weiterhin immer ein paar von den "Stillen" ins Seminar
aufzunehmen. Denn was ein jeder aus dieser Chance macht, kann sich
doch immer erst in einigen Jahren zeigen. Ich werde Ihnen getreulich
alles schicken, was ich schreibe, wenn es mit dieser Reise zusammen-
hängt.

Zum Weihnachtsfest grusst Sie von Herzen

BOX 6090, MONTREAL
CANADA

April 29, 1957.

Henry A. Kissenger, Esq., PhD.,
Rockefeller Brothers Fund,
30, Rockefeller Plaza,
New York 20,
New York.

Dear Henry A.,

Thank you for your letter of April 6th concerning Canadians
at the International Seminar. I have circulated the application
forms and hope to acquire some good representatives who are pre-
pared to pay their transportation.

I think we can assume that whoever will come from this coun-
try will not have visa difficulties. I will do my best to have
the forms in your hands by the middle of May.

Don't work too hard and kill yourself so early.

Best regards,

DRV:sm.

May 20, 1957

Mr. J.W. Shyne
Boston Edison Company
39 Boylston Street
Boston, Mass.

Dear Mr. Shyne:

I am writing to you in connection with our telephone conversation the other day with respect to the possibility that the International Seminar members might be invited to a performance of the Cohasset Music Circus. Needless to say, they would be delighted to have the opportunity to do so. The Seminar will be held this year from July 2 to August 21. Although the only evening events we have schedules at the moment will fall on Tuesday nights, we thought it might be helpful to suggest some possible dates which would work out well from our point of view. These are: August 5, 8, 9, 12 and 15.

I am enclosing several copies of the Seminar announcement which explains our program in some detail. We expect to have a complete list of participants within the next week, and will send you several copies of that as soon as it is ready.

We appreciate very much your kindnesses to the Seminar, and would be very grateful for anything you can do to make possible a visit of the Seminar members to the Cohasset Music Circus.