June

Monday, May 24, 1957

Miss Frances R. Grant
c/o The American Embassy
Buenos Aires, Argentina

Dear Frances:

You are lucky to be down there near the South Pole. New York is really miss-behaving this June.

Victoria and I were very sorry to miss your reception for Dr. Santos. We got stuck in Washington without a return reservation (I will never learn about getting return reservations from Washington) and we finally flew in around 8:00 P.M. Besides V. got an awful cold from the air-conditioning.

I was lucky in having a chance to meet Dr. and Mrs. Santos at the Berles the night after you left. What wonderful people.

I am sure that you know more about what has been going on on the Dominican front than we do. You would anyway, but I mean the Latin American press seems to pick up so much more than does ours. I really don't understand what's going on in Washington on that score, -except that there still seem to be people brazen enough to stand up for Trujillo. I understand that Senator Wiley is the latest, although I haven't seen his speech.

I understand that Ornes is having a hard time finding work in Puerto Rico. I suppose that you would have given him an introduction to Muñoz Marín if you had thought it wise,-- or perhaps you would still care to say a word to Muñoz Marín. As you know I personally think that Ornes deserves a lot of credit for having left so much and for having fought so unswervingly since he left the D.R.. Also I think that it is terrible that Trujillo can now point to him and say "Look and see what happens to people who break with me. Nobody will help them."

Now to another Dominican problem: Silfa. Garfield's bill came to $5000, plus about $1200 misc. expenses,-- printing of briefs, trips, (to Albany) Ravello's X-Rays, etc. etc.. This fee may seem high to you on first glance but he really did do a tremendous amount of work on the case,-- appeals and appeals, etc. etc.. from December until the final trial, and in view of what other lawyers

-2-

charge for much less (and much less risk) I really think that
this was a fair fee.

I of course am responsible for paying this fee, and I have done
so. $700 of the expenses is still due, and I have asked Silfa if
his party could assume this, or possibly more of the total. I be-
lieve that he is in Cuba now. He had high hopes but you know what
that means.

Now what I am wondering is would it be possible to assign the
$1500 that I contributed "for a special purpose" to this legal de-
fense fund or some part of it. Perhaps there is some formula that
would be acceptable to the U.D.A. I wanted to talk to you about
this before you left, but you were more busy than usual and I was
as busy as usual. Anyway sometimes it is easier to settle things by
mail. Had you had any other thoughts as to a useful disposition of
this special fund?

To get back to Silfa's case. Perhaps looking back on it all it
might seem like too much trouble and expense over too little. I
don't know, but I do think that it was important not to let Tru-
jillo win that round; and the acquittal may teach the police not
to be so rough and ready when it comes to carrying out Trujillo's
frameups.

I can't think of any other bad news to relay. I've done pretty
well for one letter, haven't I?

Victoria sends you her greetings, and so do I,

Yours cordially,

Louise

1956 JUN 11

AM 11:30

JIP NEW YORK

Dr. Eduardo Frey
Editorial Pacifico
Ahumada 57
Santiago, Chile

Complicaciones legales impiden publicar rapidamente tesis
Galindez stop Consultados abogados estiman perfectamente
legal publicar traduccion original espanol stop Rogamosle
nos otorgue derecho a traduccion para lanzar edicion
inglesa lo antes posible stop Rendimiento de la edicion
constituiria Fondo Galindez para seguir luchando por
libertad rogamos rapida contestacion

Frances Grant

June 7, 1956

Mr. Richard Salant, Vice President
Columbia Broadcasting Co.
485 Madison Ave.
New York City

Dear Mr. Salant:

I am writing you at the suggestion of Mr. Clifford Forster, to call to your attention the fact that We have made a request for equal time on the Bill Leonard program on CBS television, 6:00 report. This request was made in the name of the Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom, an organization to which I belong, and signed by Miss Frances K. Grant, Secretary General. (Copy enclosed).

On Thursday, May 31, Mr. Leonard presented Dominican Consul General Arturo Espaillat as guest on his program. In the course of his interview Mr. Espaillat attempted to smear the reputation of the late Dr. Jesus de Galindez and made slanderous statements about the organizations associated with the Dominican exile groups here in New York who oppose the Trujillo dictatorship.

We assume that Mr. Leonard would be glad to present a guest on his program qualified to speak with authority on these matters, but as yet we have received no answer to our telegrams.

Mr. Forster has suggested that you would probably be willing to clear this matter up; if you have any further questions he and I would be glad to stop in and see you at your convenience.

INTER-AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM

FRANCES R. GRANT

Secretary-General

U. S. COMMITTEE

ROBT. J. ALEXANDER

DR. GERMAN ARCINIEGAS

ROGER N. BALDWIN

EMANUEL DEMBY

FRANCINE A. DUNLAVY

JESUS DE GALINDEZ

FRANCES R. GRANT

S. LEVITAS

JAMES LOEB

SERAFINO ROMUALDI

DR. ERNST SCHWARZ

CLARENCE SENIOR

NORMAN THOMAS

DAVID C. WILLIAMS

REGINALD H. ZALLES

Office of Secretary-General

Room 710

67 WEST 44th STREET

New York 36, N. Y.

MU. 2-2180

July 16, 1956

Miss Louise Crane

Iberica

112 East 19 Street

New York, New York

Dear Miss Crane:

Knowing of your deep interest and concern for Inter-American demo-
cracy, the United States Committee of the Inter-American Association
for Democracy and Freedom, at its recent annual meeting, unanimously
voted to invite you to become one of its members.

As you may know, this Committee is the North American link in a
Hemispheric Association, founded in Havana in 1950, following the
first Inter-American Conference for Democracy and Freedom. Its pur-
pose is to promote democracy in the Americas, by defending civil and
political liberties, exposing violations of human rights, and counter-
acting totalitarian advances of both left and right. A brief outline
of our aims is herewith enclosed.

Since its organization this Committee has made recognized contributions
to the cause of Inter-American understanding and has become the spokes-
man in this country of the democratic forces in Latin America in the
field of human rights. In these efforts we have had the distinguished
collaboration of some of the great United States organizations working
towards fundamental freedoms.

We feel that by your presence, as an ardent champion of democracy and
an opponent of all forms of dictatorship, our committee will be strength-
ened in its purposes. We can assure you that your acceptance will not
impose great demands upon your already overburdened time, since we do
not meet more than five or six times a year. Your presence on our Com-
mittee will, we hope, afford us the benefit of your experience and ad-
vice and give new encouragement to our Latin American colleagues, the
democratic leaders of the Americas, in their struggle to advance the
cause of democracy among their peoples.

Personally and on behalf of our members, I therefore take the liberty of
asking if you would become a member of our United States Committee.

Hoping to have the great privilege of your acceptance, believe me,

280

FREE TRADE UNION COMMITTEE

LABOR LEAGUE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

BOX 65, RADIO CITY STATION • NEW YORK 19, N. Y.

COLUMBUS 5-7000

Cable Address: FRETUCOM

December 2, 1953.

WILLIAM GREEN
Honorary President

MATTHEW WOLL
President

DAVID DUBINSKY
Vice-President

GEORGE MEANY
Honorary Secretary

JAY LOVESTONE
Executive Secretary

Miss Louise Crane
820 Fifth Ave.
New York 21, N.Y.

Dear Miss Crane:

Thank you for your check in the amount of $1500.

We are enclosing a receipt for the same and shall put this amount
at this disposal of the Inter-American Association for Democracy
and Freedom.

enc.

Publications: INTERNATIONAL FREE TRADE UNION NEWS • NOTIZIARIO INTERNAZIONALE DEL MOVIMENTO SINDACALE LIBERO • NOUVELLES INTERNATIONALES DU MOUVEMENT SYNDICAL LIBRE • INTERNATIONALE FREIGEWERKSCHAFTLICHE NACHRICHTEN

357

Bowers

3-3-3

everything possible to arouse distrust of the United States and disrupt American influence. Chile, although essentially a democratic country, had her large German colonies on her frontier close to beligerant Peron--indeed, a sensitive spot.

Hence the presence of Bowers, with his quietly persuasive understanding, was singularly felicitous. Chile was completely won over to the Allied cause and became one of the strongest advocates for the Allies in the community of American nations.

As for Claude Bowers, himself, Chile is little likely ever to forget him. For he was a diplomat after her own heart: a man of culture who could talk to their educators and writers in their own universal language. A man who perceived the problems between his country and Chile, not on the basis of purely material profit, but with a gauge which he had acquired from his profound studies of Jefferson and our democratic foundations. He was a man who loved the Chilean countryside and its people, and he traveled up and down the 3000 miles of that "loco" geography, coming to know it profoundly and to appraise its history and its aspirations in the light of its nature and its people.

That is why this book, *Chile, through Embassy Windows*--the last which Claude Bowers wrote--will remain a definite appraisal of Chile up to this mid-century, a guide to future students of that country.

This reviewer remembers one visit of several paid to Claude Bowers in the Chilean Embassy--as he sat at his typewriter, smoking his customary cigar, looking hardly like an Ambassador, but for all the world like the journalist at work in a city room. He was then writing an article on "Jefferson's Boyhood." I believe for Harpers.

Truly, the windows of the Chilean Embassy for Claude Bowers were bright and clear, and the eyes with which he saw the passing scene of Chile before him were the intelligent, kindly eyes of one who makes the hopes and trials of other people ultimately his own. For he saw through the glass "less darkly" than most of us, since he had the gift of spirits' vision.

#

Tuesday, December 16, '52
820 Fifth Ave.
New York City

Miss Frances Grant
Room 710
67 West 44 St.
New York City

Dear Miss Grant:

I am enclosing a copy of the note
just sent to Mr. Lovestone (special delivery, to pop
things up a bit) and hope it is O.K..

For the Spanish bulletin, - how would
something like this do:

Information about (small letters)

SPAIN

(headline, so that
name is title)

Supplementary monthly
bulletin of the

U.S. Committee of the etc..

Well anyway, Victoria and I will be brooding
about this and you can let us know when you are ready
to proceed.

I am very glad that things are beginning to
work out.

Yours cordially,

Louise Crane

INTER-AMERICAN ASSOCIATION
FOR DEMOCRACY & FREEDOM
67 West 44 St. Room 506
New York, N.Y.
(Oregon 7-5669)

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Protesting that General B\*tista was using the armaments, being sent to him by the United States under the Mutual Defense Act, to "assassinate Cuban civilians including young boys and women," four American Organizations yesterday (March 27th) requested Secretary Dulles to order the immediate ceasing of military shipments to the Cuban dictatorship.

The letter of protest, signed by Norman Thomas, Chairman of Post War World Council; Frances R. Grant, Secretary-General, and Roger N. B\*aldwin, a Director of the Inter-American Association for Democracy & Freedom; Louise Crane, Publisher, Iberica; and Vera Rony, Director, Workers Defense League; states that "Batista has overtly violated Article 1 Section 2 of the Agreement and hence any obligation which the Department of State feels in continuing these shipments ceases to exist." The text of the letter follows:

"Dear Secretary Dulles:"

"Our Organizations have been authoritatively informed that, almost daily, shiploads of arms, tanks, etc., are leaving New York and other American ports for Cuba, to swell the military defenses of General B\*tista, the Cuban dictator. We presume that these arms shipments are being justified under the Military Defense Treaty, signed by the United States and Cuba on March 7, 1952, and stipulating as its purpose, "the Mutual Defense and Security of the Hemisphere."

"However, these United States arms are being used, not for the "Mutual Defense and Security" of the United States and Cuba, but directly against the civilian population of Cuba. This use of United States armaments is a direct violation of the said Treaty, since Article 1 Section 2 definitely commits the Cuban Government to use these arms "for the purpose of implementing defense plans accepted by the two Governments, under which the two Governments will participate in missions important to the defense of the Western Hemisphere and will not without the prior agreement of the Government of the United States of America devote such assistance to purposes other than for those for which it was furnished."

"Since, to repeat, these arms are being used daily against Cuban civilians, including many university students in their teens, as well as women, it cannot be conceivably presumed that the Cuban Government has lived up to the purposes of the Mutual Defense Agreement. Hence, any obligation on the part of our Government to continue the shipment of arms ceases to exist.

"The undersigned organizations urge strongly the immediate cessation of these shipments, which serve to fortify the Cuban dictatorship and permit Batista to circumvent the purposes of a Treaty of Mutual Defense by obtaining arms which are obviously being turned upon the Cuban civilian population.

"From the authenticated information which reaches our offices, we are convinced that every civilized tenet of human rights is being violated today by the Cuban dictatorship, in its imprisonment, torture, assassination and exile of its political opponents. In addition, civil and political liberties recognized by the Declaration of Human Rights and the Bogota Agreement, including freedom of speech, assembly, etc. are being suppressed.

"Since we continue to send arms to Batista, while we meticulously stop the shipping of arms to the anti-B\*tista forces, the Latin American democratic forces are justified in believing that we are intervening in Cuba on behalf of dictatorship and against the people of Cuba, who are opposing the violations and suppressions of their liberties."

INTER AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM

UNITED STATES COMMITTEE

Minutes of the Meeting of Tuesday, May 21st, 1968 held in the Overseas Press Club

A meeting of the United States Committee of the Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom was held on May 21st, 1968 at the Overseas Press Club.

Those present included Dr. Clarence Senior, who presided, Robert Alexander, Roger Baldwin, Laurence Birns, Robert Delson, Francine Dunlavy, Thomas Gaines, Frances Grant, Arthur Schlessinger, Kalman Silvert, Lyman White and Jordan Young.

1. Reading of the minutes of the meeting of February 15th, already circulated by mail, was dispensed with.

2. Reports were made of the Washington off-the-record "Dialogues", held under the auspices of the Association; these have brought together Latin American diplomats, members of Congress and the State Department, with our Committee Members and other invited participants concerned with Inter-American relations.

Following the first meeting in Congress, arranged by Representative Bradford Morse and Senator Edward Kennedy, both members of our Committee, the Venezuelan Ambassador invited the IADF to hold the second session in the Venezuelan Embassy. We now have an invitation extended by Ambassador Hugo Margain for the next meeting on June 17th, in the Mexican Embassy.

Responses from the participants to the meetings have been enthusiastic, and it has been urged that we hold these sessions monthly, beginning next fall. These can alternate between Washington and New York, where we can take advantage of the U.N. General Assembly, to include some of our distinguished Latin American colleagues.

In the discussion as to the future format of the meetings, it was decided to continue the Dialogues in their present informal character, without a set agenda and developing the subjects set by the leaders of the discussion. It was also suggested that hereafter we circulate a Resume of the meetings to other members of the U.S. Committee, so as to keep those unable to attend apprised of their progress.

3. Reference was made to the decision of the Committee at its February Meeting to have regular quarterly dates set for the U.S. Committee Meetings, instead of having them, as now, on call. The Chairman and Secretary General were asked to work out a schedule for these, apart from the Off-the-Record Dialogue contemplated for the coming year.

4. Thomas Gaines reported on his recent trip to Latin America, which was essentially oriented to economic situations. He reported slow progress, even in progressive democratic countries, with the old evils of single crops, unimproved fiscal policies and inadequate financial assistance still the pattern.

Dr. Alexander, answering Mr. Gaines, pointed out that in such countries as Bolivia and Venezuela, the democratic Reform efforts, continue to show lasting social and economic gains.

Miss Grant reported on communications from our colleagues in Argentina, Peru and Venezuela, where ruptures in the democratic ranks pose threats, either to the continuity of some of the progressive efforts or, in the case of Argentina, to forming a viable opposition against the military.

United States Committee

- 2 -

Meeting of May 21st, 1968

5. Discussion of our Third Conference was again brought up. It was reported that the offer of Colombia remains, for whatever future date we determine for the Conference. The Secretary General expressed the opinion that, if adequate funds could be found, the possibility of a Conference in the United States could have profound repercussions for the democratic forces in L.A. She expressed the opinion that a Conference here also could be far broader in scope. Dr. Senior proposed that a Conference might be held in Mexico, built around the Mexican Revolution and the reasons for its success, as well as its application to other countries. Dr. Silvert expressed his belief that it might be possible to interest U.S. sources of contributions in a General Conference on Democracy and Freedom, along the lines of our previous two Conferences.

The Secretary General also mentioned the need of utilizing the coming Conference to Re-Structure the Association, in the light of the Hemisphere changes since the founding Conference in Havana. She also mentioned the advisability of building into a strong financially autonomous body, the U.S. Committee in view of the more dynamic role it might have to play in the coming decade.

Need for the financial self-sufficiency of the U.S. Committee was again emphasized and the following measure was adopted:

a) A fund Raising Committee was appointed by the Chairman including Lyman White, Robert Delson, Laurence Birns, Thomas Gaines, George Donahue, and Frances Grant.

6. A proposal was made by Robert Delson that a Questionnaire be drawn up to be presented to the Presidential Candidates. This was approved and it was decided that members of the U.S. Committee should submit any suggestions to the IADF Office, which would then send them to Dr. Silvert and Dr. Birns, who volunteered to coordinate these into the Questionnaire.

7. Dr. Senior reported that since he would be absent for the next six months, during his sabbatical year, on a trip around the world, he should extend his resignation. This was not accepted and it was voted that Dr. Alexander, as Vice Chairman, would act as interim chairman, until Dr. Senior's return at the end of the year.

8. The question of Tax-Exemption for the Organization was again brought up, and Miss Grant was asked to consult Robert Delson, on the status of our Association, and on the question of which of our corporations we would utilize for the petition for exemption.

9. In view of the reorganization of the OAS, and the installation of Dr. Galo Plaza, as its new Secretary General, the meeting was reminded of three projects, long pending, for proposal to the OAS: Non-Governmental Consultative Status; The Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the Inter-American Passport. These proposals of the IADF were made at the Maracay Conference, and it was moved that we explore the present prospects of their acceptance, under the new OAS structure.

10. Nominations for new members of the U.S. Committee were made, as follows:

Robert Lounsbury

Sen. Clifford Case

Victor Reuther

Don Irwin

William Rogers

It was proposed that we ask Rep. Bradford Morse and Rep. Don Fraser for other suggestions.

was

The election of Field Haviland/noted, as it had been brought up, following the last meeting. It was also decided to write to members of the Committee who have not attended four consecutive meetings to determine their plans for future cooperation.

INTER AMERICAN ASSOCIATION
FOR DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM
20 West 40th Street
New York, NY 10018
BR 9-5862

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Following discussions and interchange of opinions on the Chilean situation among the members of its United States Committee, the Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom today issued a statement in which it called on the Military Regime to move quickly to restore democratic rights and institutions!..

"If these steps are not taken soon," the statement continues, "we fear two kinds of consequences. First, under the cover of a supposed continuing crisis and 'state of war', Chile could become saddled, more or less permanently, with the kind of authoritarian military regime which is all too familiar in many other American countries, and which quite rightly almost all Chileans used to disdain. We recognize the long-lived non-political tradition of the Chilean military. The great service the military could perform at this juncture is not to abandon that tradition but to offer the example which would restore their historic place in Chilean history, of returning quickly to normal political processes, in collaboration with the legitimate political parties of the country."

While emphasizing that the Allende government must be charged with "the first responsibility for creating the situation which led to the military action of September 11th, 1973, the statement goes on to say: "Whatever the factors leading up to the coup of September 11th, the military regime in power since that time has committed acts which we can neither ignore nor condone".... The statement then cites the suppression of the Parties of the left and suspension of all other political parties; the dissolution of the Central Labor Union; elimination of freedom of the press, through suppression of a wide range of periodicals; continued imprisonment without formal charges of numerous people associated with the fallen regime; intervention in the Universities, etc.

In charging the Allende Government with responsibilities in bringing on the Military action, the statement emphasizes: "By becoming rigidly ideological and insisting on illegal and extremist measures which went far beyond the program upon which President Allende's minority government had been elected, by accumulating large quantities of arms and training paramilitary forces, and by carrying

out numerous illegal seizures of property, the dogmatic elements of the Unidad Popular regime created a polarization in national politics which it proved impossible to overcome. At the same time they torpedoed all efforts to reach a compromise agreement between the Allende regime and the democratic opposition, particularly the Christian Democrats, and in doing so, confirmed the widespread fears that their real objective was to establish the so-called "dictatorship of the proletariat"-- in fact, dictatorship of themselves-- to which both the Socialist and Communist parties were dedicated. Finally, a runaway inflation was threatening to produce economic chaos."

Members of the U.S. Committee signing the statement included:

Robert J. Alexander, Professor, Rutgers University; Roger Baldwin, Hon. President, International League for the Rights of Man; Eugenio Chang-Rodriguez, Professor, Queens College; Louise Crane, Publisher, *Iberica*; Robert Delson, International Lawyer; George Donahue, Ex. Director, International Documentation Center; Francine A. Dunlavy, Secretary, Pan American Women's Association; Russell H. Fitzgibbon, Former Professor, University of California; Thomas Gaines, Businessman, House of Gaines Inc.; Frances R. Grant, Secretary General, IADF; Harry Kantor, Professor, Marquette University; James I. Loeb, Former U.S. Ambassador to Peru and Guinea; Robert Louns bury, International Attorney; Andrew C. McLellan, Inter-American Representative, AFL-CIO; Francis E. MacMahon, Latin American historian; Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., historian; Murat W. Williams, former U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador; Jordan M. Young, Professor, Pace University.

###

20 West 40th Street New York, N.Y. 10018

(BR 9-5862)

LETTER ACCOMPANYING THE QUESTIONS SUBMITTED TO THE THREE LEADING CANDIDATES FOR THE PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED STATES, OCTOBER 1ST, 1968

The Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom is polling the major political candidates in the United States presidential contest in order to determine their stand on a variety of questions of deep concern to democratically-minded Latin Americans as well as Hispanic-American citizens of the United States.

Our organization has been in existence since 1950 when in that year a conference was held, in Havana, Cuba, which brought together 200 delegates from the 21 American Republics. Among those who have been closely involved with the organization since its foundation have been Romulo Betancourt, former President of Venezuela; Eduardo Santos, former President of Colombia; Eduardo Frei, now President of Chile; Jose Figueres, former President of Costa Rica; Sen. Luis Munoz Marin, former Governor of Puerto Rico; and a large number of equally distinguished hemispheric leaders.

As the list of names of the membership appearing on this letterhead may indicate, the United States Committee is made up of prominent individuals coming from government, the professions, the business community and the trade union movement who are united in their profound concern for the future health of United States-Latin American relations.

The basic purpose of our association is to promote the growth and maintenance of representative democratic governments throughout the hemisphere and the increase of enlightened trade, cultural and political relations among the sister republics. The Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom repeatedly has protested the overthrow of constitutionally-elected administrations by the military and the repression of civil rights and civil liberties, be it by the Dominican Republic's Trujillo or Cuba's Fidel Castro.

We are well aware of your continuing interest in Inter-American affairs and are certain that you would want your opinions on this subject aired before as wide an audience as possible.

Attached to this covering letter is a series of questions to which we solicit your response. Any general observations that you might wish to make would also be welcomed. After we receive replies from the other candidates, we will issue a press release that will convey the candidates' opinions to the nation and the hemisphere.

Hoping for your reply, I remain,

Sincerely,
On Behalf of the United States Committee

Frances R. Grant
Secretary General

Poll of Presidential Candidates

1. Are you prepared to implement the rhetoric of Pan-Americanism with policies that will demonstrate to Latin Americans that their area is second to none in terms of U.S. concern and the disposition of resources?

2. What changes would you make in the operation and scope of the Alliance for Progress program in order to increase its effectiveness?

3. Would you favor making a distinction in U.S. policies and assistance programs between democratic governments elected by fair elections and those imposed by military force?

4. What is your policy regarding the intervention of the U.S. military if stability of a Latin American nation - even if it is unconstitutional and reactionary - is being challenged by the forces of the extreme left or right?

5. What is your attitude on the cut-back of U.S. foreign aid funds for Latin America and what fiscal figure would you consider as realistic in order to meet the area's needs?

6. Do you favor the continuing of U.S. military assistance programs for the Latin American military and giving them training in counter-insurgency techniques? Would you limit arms shipment to those useful for the maintenance of internal order, as contrasted with those weapons which could be used only in wars with other nations?

7. Are you in favor of helping Latin American economies by modifying existing U.S. tariff and quota policies?

8. Do you agree to guarantee prices for Latin American exports?

9. Would you recognize a Communist administration that had been freely elected in a Latin American state?

10. Do you have any suggestion to make concerning present U.S. policy toward Cuba? Do you see using O.A.S. machinery to reintegrate Cuba as a member of the Inter-American system?

11. Would you support the creation of an Inter-American Court of Human Rights?

20 West 40th Street
New York, N.Y. 10018
BR 9-5862

Statement on Chile

Following discussions on the Chilean situation, the undersigned members of the U.S. Committee of the Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom issued the following statement:

We deplore the establishment of a de facto military regime in Chile as one of the most tragic events to occur in Latin America in recent years.

For those who support freedom and social progress, military regimes are intolerable anywhere in the Hemisphere. For Chile the country with the longest and proudest democratic tradition, a military regime is unacceptable. This tragedy is only emphasized by the long-standing democratic tradition of the Chilean people and of the Chilean military which for almost half a century--40 years to be precise--refrained from intervening in the political process in Chile.

We are confident that this democratic tradition can once again be revived in Chile. But we also deplore the often inaccurate and misleading interpretation of these tragic events which has been spread through this and other countries by genuine and sometimes not-so-genuine friends of freedom, including members of the press.

The Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom was established in the free Havana in 1950. At that historic meeting there were present no less than seven future presidents of Latin America--Romulo Betancourt, the late Raul Leoni and Carlos Andres Perez of Venezuela; Jose Figueres of Costa Rica; Juan Bosch of the Dominican Republic; Eduardo Frei and Salvador Allende of Chile. Because over these 24 intervening years we have consistently fought for democracy and freedom in the hemisphere, we cannot accept the acts which the Chilean military continues to carry out in the country and which are clearly contrary to the democratic process.

In issuing this protest to the Chilean military regime, we would be less than faithful to our ideal of freedom and integrity if we did not also emphasize that the first responsibility for creating the situation which led to the military action of September 11, 1973, rests with the elements within the Allende regime, whom President Allende was either unable or unwilling to restrain, which barred the way to any compromise that might have saved the democratic regime and uniquely free society of Chile. Indeed the Allende regime destroyed a major opportunity for basic social advance in Chile. By becoming rigidly ideological and insisting on illegal and extremist measures which went far beyond the program upon which President Allende's minority government had been elected; by accumulating large quantities of arms and training paramilitary forces; and by carrying out numerous illegal seizures of property, the dogmatic elements of the Unidad Popular regime created a polarization in national politics which proved impossible to overcome. At the same time they torpedoed all efforts to reach a compromise agreement between the Allende regime and the democratic opposition, particularly the Christian Democrats, and in doing so, confirmed the widespread fears that their real objective was to establish the so-called "dictatorship of the proletariat"--in fact, dictatorship of themselves-- to which both the Socialist and Communist parties were dedicated. Finally, a runaway inflation was threatening to produce economic chaos.

However, whatever the factors leading up to the coup of September 11, the military regime in power since that time has committed acts which we can neither ignore nor condone. We note the recent statement of the Christian Democratic Party of Chile in protest of these military actions. They include the suppression of the Parties of the left and the suspension of all other political parties. We also deplore the dissolution of the Central Labor Union and virtual suspension of most of its constituent workers groups; elimination of the freedom of the press, through suppression of a wide range of periodicals and the installation of previous censorship in those still allowed to publish; the continued imprisonment,

-2-

without formal charges being brought against them, of numerous people associated with the fallen regime, intervention in all the Universities, with appointment of military men to head them, and dismissal of faculty members and students identified with the Allende regime.

We must protest and deplore these measures. They not only damage the cause of Democracy and Freedom through the hemisphere but do great disservice to Chile, threaten to destroy the institutional fabric of Chile, the world prestige and importance of which rested exactly on the country's uniquely democratic society and politics.

While we may argue about the past, our task now is to look to the future. It is in this spirit that we call upon the present Military Junta to move quickly to restore democratic rights and institutions. We urge the return of freedom of the press; that all political parties be allowed to function once again; that the workers be free to reorganize their unions; that autonomy be restored to the Universities; that civil judicial procedures be restored; and that at least preliminary steps be taken towards enactment of such legislation as may be required for the holding of new elections through which a constitutional and democratic regime can be restored.

If these steps are not taken soon, we fear two kinds of consequences. First, under the cover of a supposed continuing crisis and "state of war", Chile could become saddled, more or less permanently, with the kind of authoritarian military regime which is all too familiar in many other American countries, and which quite rightly almost all Chileans used to disdain. We recognize the long-lived non-political tradition of the Chilean military. The great service the military could perform at this juncture is not to abandon that tradition but to offer the example which would restore their historic place in Chilean history, of returning quickly to normal political processes, in collaboration with the legitimate political parties of the country.

Second, we fear that if reliance continues to be placed on force and coercion to destroy the influence of the Unidad Popular parties, this will serve only to reestablish the allegiance to the elements defeated on September 11 of a substantial part of Chilean public opinion, particularly people of humbler status. This will continue, intensify and make irremediable, the polarization of Chilean society, so ardently sought by the extremist elements of the Allende regime. Only by restoring democratic freedoms, correcting the errors and vices of the Allende regime, while continuing the positive elements of its program, and developing policies for economic restoration and development and real social justice, can the tragedies before and after September 11, be kept from recurring.

We call on the Government of the United States not merely to assist in the economic restoration of Chile, but to use its good offices in all legitimate ways to urge on the Junta the urgent need to restore functioning democratic processes.
(Signed)

Robert J. Alexander, Roger Baldwin, Eugenio Chang-Rodriguez, Louise Crane, Robert Delson, George Donahue, Francine A. Dunlavy, Russell H. Fitzgibbon, Thomas Gaines, Frances R. Grant, Harry Kantor, James I. Loeb, Robert H. Lounsbury, Andrew C. McLellan, Francis E. McMahon, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Murat W. Williams, Jordan m. Young.

###

August 2, 1960

The Editor, "The Trinidad Guardian"
St. Vincent Street
Port of Spain, Trinidad, W.I.

Dear Sir;

Our attention was recently directed to your article of May 29 by Jack Kelshall under the title "Maracay Congress Will Stand Out As Landmark." It is unfortunate that your readers did not have the benefit of more accurate reporting on the conference, and to the end of providing them with accurate information we write at this time.

It was very clearly stated at the Inter-American Congress for Democracy and Freedom that the bills of the conference were paid by the host government, the government of Venezuela. Had Mr. Kelshall been in attendance he would not have implied that the congress was a front for the United States government supported by that government. The operating expenses for the "secretariat" in New York are minimal as the Association's secretary is unsalaried. The minimal operating expenses are covered by private contributions from the friends of democracy throughout the hemisphere.

Much of Mr. Kelshall's article is devoted to an incident that involved a delegate to the conference from Trinidad, Mr. Albert Gomes.

Mr. Kelshall attempts to relate the resolution to expell Mr. Gomes from the conference to his actions during the course of the conference. No such reasons for expelling Mr. Gomes were cited by the conference directorate which offered the resolution — in fact no reasons at all were cited. When various delegates to the conference sought to secure the floor to discover the reasons, they were not recognized. On their advice Mr. Gomes proceeded to the microphone to ask on a point of personal privilege for the reasons for the insulting resolution of expulsion. Under the shocking circumstances in which the resolution was offered, one can hardly blame Mr. Gomes if his tone was somewhat intemperate in seeking recognition.

In fact, the reasons for the resolution to expell Mr. Gomes appear to have no relation to his conduct during the course of the conference but rather to allegations that he expelled a Venezuelan URD political leader who sought asylum in Trinidad at the time of the Perez Jiminez dictatorship in Venezuela.

The Venezuelan who pulled the microphone from Mr. Gomes and struck him on the face was, as Mr. Kelshall points out, a member of a conservative party, the AD. The URD and the AD are members of a fragile coalition government from which the URD periodically threatens to withdraw. It naturally fell to a member of the AD to demonstrate its fraternal bonds to the URD by attacking an innocent victim of the internal political troubles of Venezuela, Mr. Gomes.

-2-

August 2, 1960

There are other factual errors in Mr. Kelshall's account of the second Inter-American Congress for Democracy and Freedom (eg. there were twenty U.S. delegates, not "thirty or forty" while Venezuela, the host country, had fifty-six delegates). The U.S. delegates to the conference were not apologists for the actions of the United States government and state department and any examination of their records would show that they have long sought to change the character of U.S. - Inter-American policy. We believe that the Congress at Maracay provided the U.S. delegates and the delegates from the other countries of the hemisphere with the understanding of each other's problems and the unity of purpose which is essential for democracy and freedom in the Americas.

Very truly yours,

Louise Crane
Publisher, _Iberica_

Aryeh Neier
Executive Secretary, League for Industrial Democracy

U.S. delegates to the Second Inter-American Congress for Democracy and Freedom, Maracay, Venezuela, April 1960

August 8, 1960

Office, Secretary General
R. 306, 45 West 45th Street
New York 36, N.Y., U.S.A.
Telephone: PLaza 7-5290
Cable: Intradeli, New York

Office, Asst. Secretary
Apartado de Correo, 8064,
Caracas, Venezuela.
Cable: Condeli, Caracas

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Romulo Betancourt
Jose Figueres
Eduardo Santos
Ex-Oficio, Life Members

Romulo Gallegos
President

Carlos Lleras Restrepo
Vice President

Cesar Rondon Levera
Asst. Secretary

Gonzalo Garcia-Bustillos
Hens Silva Torres
Auxiliary Secretaries

MEMBERS

Roger Baldwin
Luis Bossay L.
Alberto Cañas
Eduardo Frei
Juan Guichon
Americo Ghioldi
Franco Montoro
Javier Ortiz de Zevallos
Ramiro Priale
Vicente Saenz
Aureliano Sanchez-Arango

ALTERNATES

Gonzalo Barrios
Diogenes de la Rosa
Gonzalo Facio
Virginia de Izaguirre
Roberto Martinez Ordoñez
Manuel Ordoñez
Miguel Otero Silva

Dear Louise,

It was good to receive your letter, and to know that our cause is in such responsible hands. I too read of Trujillo's "appointment" to the U.N. with concern as to what we might do. I guess we can only wait; if the occasion arises for us to act before or after I return, we will go ahead. And please use your good judgement, if you find action useful. Juan Diaz might give you some information regarding the strategy which his various colleagues are going to use. He is the only one of the New York opposition, who has the confidence of most of the responsible (and some new) opposition groups. These new groups are quite separate from the old New York groups, and made up in great part of newly arrived exiles.

On the 1st day before my departure, I decided that it might be best to arrange the phones and mails as before and keep Mr. Cohoes in the morning to finish up work we had to do. Chiefly because the mails and phones were already being transferred from 67 West 44th st.; and confusion would be compounded on confusion with another change. But I asked Mr. Cohoes and the E answering service to keep in touch with you.

It will be interesting to keep in close watch on the Meeting of Foreign Ministers in San Jose. I asked Gonzalo Facio, to form our members in Costa Rica (we have about four of our officers there, and other close colleagues) into a group to press support for Venezuela on the Trujillo matter with the other Cancilleres. Having himself been in the OAS, as has Canas, they should be able to exert considerable influence. I also wrote TO all our officers and many of our delegates in each country to press their own governments to support Venezuela in San Jose.

Just before I left Dr. Javier Ortiz de Zevallos cabled me THAT he was coming to the US, as a guest of the State Dept. Should he come to the city, I am sure Mr. Cohoes will let you know. He is president of the Peruvian congress and one of our officers.

I shall also ask Mr. Bial of Mr. Delson's office to send you a copy of the Aims of our new Inter-American Study Center which we want to incorporate, as I would like you to be one of the Incorporators.

I guess that is about all. Thank you again. Delighted you and Victoria saw Soaa Rodriguez. If you need to, you can always speak to Dr. Falcon Briceno (Venezuelan Ambassador in Washington). His Attache, Mr. Mass, one of our close friends. (Karl Nass)

Cordial regards to you and Victoria. As ever,

Please excuse erratic typing!

UNITED STATES COMMITTEE

Meeting of November 20th, 1968

6. It was decided to continue our Washington Dialogues begun last season. The Secretary reported that she had been in touch with John Plank and Allan Stewart who were unable to attend today's meeting. They will begin plans to set up a meeting in Congress early in January.

It was decided to have a preliminary meeting with our Washington members in December. New York Committee Members will receive notice of the date, should any of them wish to attend.

7. On motion duly made and passed, it was decided that the Chairman and the Secretary General be asked to name a Committee to formulate a position Paper to be completed before our Dialogue in Washington. It should be previously circulated among members for their comment. This paper will be used as a directive for discussion with the new Congress and Administration, regarding future Latin American policies. It was proposed that Rep. Bradford Morse of our Committee should be consulted in regard to our approach to the Nixon Administration in this regard.

Roger Baldwin pointed out that in line with this discussions it would be useful for our Committee members to consult with the O.A.S., and Miss Grant was requested to arrange such a meeting in Washington at the same time as our other meeting. A motion to this effect was unanimously approved.

8. Miss Grant reported that today our petition for Tax Exemption had been granted. This tax exemption has been extended to a Trust Fund to be called the "North American Educational Council of the IADF", set up to carry on all the educational aspects of our works. It was decided that a Committee be appointed by the Secretary General from among our academic members to set up a program and plans for the council. The Secretary General requested Prof. Alexander to serve as Chairman of such a Committee; he in turn nominated Prof. Schneider, Jordan Young, and Dr. Chang-Rodriguez to serve on the Committee. They will meet on December 13th, in the office of the Association at 3 P. M.

Mr. Lyman White recalled that a Finance Committee had been set up last May 21st; and it was unanimously approved that this Committee continue functioning with Dr. White as Chairman. A date was set for November 27th, for a meeting of this Committee in Mr. Robert Delson's office.

9. A motion unanimously passed to extend the appreciation of the Committee to its Counsel Robert Delson who generously and successfully carried on the efforts to secure tax exemption.

10. The Secretary General proposed that a program for Graduate and Undergraduate Students be set up, as a type of apprenticeship to develop younger people for work in the organization. Miss Grant and Lyman White pointed out the imperative need of developing future members and adequate funds for the IADF so as to assure its continuity.

11. Miss Grant also reported that she had talked with John Plank and Allan Stewart of the possibility of arranging a Luncheon or Dinner meeting at which Senator Edward Kennedy might speak on our Latin American policy. Mr. Plank had expressed the belief that Senator Kennedy was anxious to deepen his participation in Latin American matters and it was hoped that perhaps such a Luncheon or Dinner would give him the opportunity for a major address on this topic. The Committee their approval that we proceed on this plan.

12. Miss Grant also announced that, following the election in Venezuela, if feasible she would undertake a trip to Caracas, so as to discuss the possibility of renewed activity and a meeting of our Latin American Board and affiliates.

MAK:AH

3/7/63

CERTIFICATE OF INCORPORATION

-of-

INTER-AMERICAN CENTER for EDUCATIONAL and CULTURAL EXCHANGE, INC.

(Pursuant to the Membership Corporation Law)

We, THE UNDERSIGNED, for the purpose of forming a membership corporation pursuant to the Membership Corporation Law of the State of New York, certify:

1. The name of the proposed corporation is:
   INTER-AMERICAN CENTER for EDUCATION and CULTURAL EXCHANGE, INC.

2. The purposes for which it is to be formed are:

(a) To acquire, own, and sell real and personal property, and to accumulate and maintain a reserve fund for the purpose of using and applying the whole or any part of the income therefrom and the principal thereof for charitable, religious, scientific, literary, or educational purposes either directly or by contributions to organizations duly authorized to carry on charitable, religious, scientific, literary or educational activities pursuant to the goals as hereinafter stated.

(b) Without limiting the generality of the foregoing, to stimulate and develop the intellectual and artistic growth of individuals throughout the western hemisphere and particularly to foster mutual appreciation and a deeper understanding of the

common democratic heritage among the peoples of the
United States and Latin American countries.

(c) To provide the cultural and institutional betterment of the peoples of the western hemisphere.

(d) To establish a harmonious and close relationship and collaboration among individuals and organizations throughout the western hemisphere whose ideals are consistent with the purposes enumerated herein.

(e) To award scholarships and loans without interest or other charges to qualified American students and professional scholars and teachers for study in the fields of arts, letters and the sciences in appropriate institutions now in existence or hereafter created, giving instruction in the arts, letters and sciences, and particularly in the field of Inter-American studies.

(f) To sponsor forums, panels, lectures, public appearances of representatives of democracy throughout the western hemisphere, public discussion groups and conferences for the exchange of ideas, experience and information among the peoples of the western hemisphere, and among the educational institutions of higher learning throughout the Americas,

-2--

with a view toward bringing about greater mutual
understanding; and in furtherance thereof, to
publish and distribute magazines, books, pamphlets
and other printed materials.

(g) To promote frequent exchanges in the
fields of musical, and performing arts, including
opera, concerts, dances, ballet, drama, design and
other forms of artistic expression.

(h) To seek the broadest support from all
segments of American society in furtherance of the
goal of increasing cultural, and educational rela-
tions among the peoples of the western hemisphere.

3. No part of the net earnings of the corpora-
tion shall inure to the benefit of any member or any
other private individual, nor shall any part of the activi-
ties of the corporation consist of carrying on propaganda,
or otherwise attempting to influence legislation, or
participating in, or intervening in (including the pub-
lishing or distribution of statements), any political
campaign on behalf of any candidate for public office.
Upon dissolution of the corporation, no member shall be
entitled to any distribution or division of its remaining
property or its proceeds, and the balance of all money
and other property received by the corporation from any
source, including its operations, after the payment of

-3-

all debts and obligations of the corporation of whatsoever kind and nature, shall be used or distributed, subject to the order of the Supreme Court of the State of New York to the extent provided by law, exclusively for purposes within those set forth hereinbefore and within the intendment of Section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954, as the same may be amended from time to time, or any other federal statute which may hereafter be enacted dealing with the same subject matter.

4. The territory in which its operations are principally to be conducted is the United States of America, but shall not be restricted thereto.

5. The principal office of the corporation is to be located in the County and City of New York.

6. The number of directors of the corporation shall be not less than five (5) nor more than fifteen (15).

7. The names and residences of the directors until the first annual meeting are:

| Name | Residence |
|---|---|
| Frances R. Grant | 310 West End Avenue<br>New York, New York |

| Name | Residence |
|---|---|
| Robert Delson | 16 W. 77th Street<br>New York 24, New York |

-4-

NORTH AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL COUNCIL

of the

Meeting of the Finance Committee on Wednesday, November 27th, 1968, at the office
of Robert Delson, Trustee and Counsel of the NAEC.

MINUTES

1. Those present included:

Lyman White, Chairman of the Finance Committee, who presided, Robert Delson,
Laurence Birns and Frances Grant.

Absent:

Louise Crane, George Donahue and Thomas Gaines.

2. Methods to raise funds for the New Tax Exempt Educational Council were discussed, among those emphasized were:

a) Direct appeals to individuals interested in the Latin American field and in the IADF work; among the name suggested were:

Adolph Berle

Max Ascoli

Sol Linowitz

Burke Marshall

Howard Samuels

Arthur Dean

A. N. Spanel

3. It was proposed that other members of our United States Committee, highly knowledgeable in such matters, be consulted namely, Mr. William Rogers, John Plank, Teodoro Moscoso, Dr. Kalman Silvert and others to be suggested at the next meeting.

4. It was decided that, previous to such efforts, a more extended statement of aims and background be prepared. Mr. Birns volunteered to draw up an outline of about three pages which he will send to Miss Grant to be sent to members of the Committee for comments and suggestions.

5. Mr. White proposed that a tentative budget be drawn up for the Council by Miss Grant. The suggestion of cooperation of a friend of Mr. Birns, specialist in organizational budgets, was accepted with appreciation and Mr. Birns will speak to his friend.

6. Miss Grant reported that a donation of five shares of the Northwest Airlines had been given to the North American Educational Council, and asked what disposition should be made of this gift. It was decided that the shares should be deposited with Mr. Robert Delson who was empowered to dispose of the shares to the best interest of the Council.

Statement by the Secretary General: For Meeting of New York members of U. S. Committee, February 13, 1970.

After the last meeting I realized that it was imperative to clarify a few points for our future work, as well as to set the record straight.

1. At this meeting, as well as the last meeting on February 5th, two entities were present: a) the IADF which I represent as its elected Secretary General and b) the New York members of the U. S. Committee. I should not have spoken of resigning my elected office; when I decide to resign it will be directly to the hemisphere Conference which elected me.

However, for the information of this group, I am now convinced that it would be a default of my responsibility as Secretary General of the IADF, to resign this year or in the foreseeable future; certainly not until my Latin and North American confreres of the IADF act to re-construct our hemisphere Association to meet the new crises in Latin America and also the heightened hostilities between North and Latin America. I am determined that the IADF will carry on after its 20th year on its own momentum, financially and otherwise. I realize this is my own commitment, as Secretary General; and I hope that the North American friends and the members of the IADF who wish to do so will help me in this task.

2. At the last meeting there was a suggestion by one of the members regarding the lack of knowledge as to the finances of the IADF. As voted in Havana in 1950, confirmed in 1951 in Montevideo and in 1960 in Maracay, the central headquarters of the IADF is the office of the Secretary General. From 1950 to 1960, it was supported almost totally by herself in her editorial and publishing office. From 1960 until recently she had considerable help from the Latin Americans in meeting her 15,000 annual budget, especially the Venezuelans, who coordinated this help. A few of our North American colleagues graciously contributed towards the support of the IADF office. Regrettably, many of the U. S. Committee members are not now nor have been members of the IADF. The IADF office of course has been pleased to give hospitality and encouragement to the U. S. Committee as it does to the Pan American Women's Association.

* * *

In regard to the 20th Anniversary, the Secretary General makes the following proposals, after consulting a number of organizational heads who are highly competent in such matters:

1. To defer the setting of date of the dinner until we are sure of a guest of honor and speaker of the stature of President Betancourt; preferably such a figure as President Frei. Miss Grant is exploring that possibility.

2. The Secretary General is quite certain she will not need any professional group to organize the dinner, since she understands this virtually takes the cream off the possible profits. With expert secretarial help and volunteer committees she will be able to carry out the dinner, as she did the Betancourt dinner, despite the great handicap she was then under, with her incompetent assistant.

3. She now recommends that instead of holding a dinner only we organize a Conference on the general theme of future outlook for the hemisphere and how our Association can meet the new challenges, or some similar subject indicating the future thrust and projected priorities of Inter-American work. We could then end such a conference with a Dinner.

She will also consult her Latin American confreres as well as the Washington Committee members and other friends as to their reaction to this. She hopes to undertake a trip to Latin America with that in mind, as soon as feasible. For this reason, she thinks the setting of a dinner date now (such as the May 25th Plaza date) is premature.

When we make our plans we must be wholly prepared to implement our decision in a manner guaranteeing success financially, and especially in regard to the future image of the IADF, and its priorities in programs and activities which Miss Grant will elaborate, for consideration, after these meeting.

MINUTES OF THE MEETING OF NEW YORK MEMBERS OF THE U. S. COMMITTEE

Thursday, February 5, 1970

At 20 West 40th St.

A meeting of the New York City members of the IADF was held on Thursday, February 5th, 1970 in the office of the Secretary General, Frances Grant, to consider the 20th Anniversary Celebration.

Those present were: Robert Alexander, Laurence Birns, William Butler, Eugenio Chang-Rodriguez, Francine A. Dunlavy, Frances Grant, Robert Lounsbury, Arthur Schlesinger, Lyman White, Jordan Young.

The possibility of having a Conference during the afternoon preceding the Dinner, with speakers reflecting the thinking of the "new left" as well as the older democratic leaders in Latin America, was considered.

Additional thoughts included stressing concepts rather than people, and evaluating the work of the IADF in terms of how its accomplishments over the past 20 years can best contribute to the forward thrust of the Association. Speakers would be asked to address themselves to concrete ideas relevant to Latin America today.

It was suggested that the Dinner serve as a basis of an economic plan to insure the continuance of the work of the Association.

Miss Grant observed that on her coming trip to Latin America, she would explore the possibilities of having a central office in Latin America. She added that she was planning a meeting with the Washington members of the United States Committee, so that their thinking as well as that of our New York members, would be represented on the matters under discussion.

A number of colleagues were asked to explore the expense and feasibility of securing the services of a professional fund raiser to assist Miss Grant in organizing the Dinner, and to report their findings to Dr. Senior. Mr. Birns said he would contact Mr. Cowlan. Mr. Lounsbury agreed to call Miss Owens. Mrs. Dunlavy was asked to call Miss Shuford, Miss Linser and Miss Goller.

Mr. Birns and Dr. Senior each offered to contribute $200 to help defray salary expenses, should such a person be employed.

The following decisions were taken:

1. That the Dinner be held on May 25th at the Plaza Hotel;

2. A number of professional fund-raisers to be contacted to determine the cost of such assistance to Miss Grant;

3. The over-all theme of the Dinner should be the future perspectives in the struggle for Human Rights in Latin America;

4. To this end, specific projects should emerge, i.e. Ratification of the Convention of Human Rights Protocol on Rights of Children;

5. Emphasis to be placed on the fund-raising aspects of the Dinner, via patrons, sponsors, etc.;

6. Miss Grant to preside at the Dinner.

Respectfully submitted

Francine Dunlavy