# SUMMARY

## POLAND

### Nixon Visit to Poland - June 1972 (After Moscow Summit, Iran)

#### Wrote HK in White House Years,

—Gierek, a dedicated Communist, "left the impression that an ideology which destroyed the national character of his people would be meaningless to him and that in the end he would resist if it came to that." But he "also knew that Poland would commit suicide if it challenged its powerful neighbor to the East."

—"No Pole could totally overcome the distrust of Germany".

—"There was no doubt about his happiness with the outcome of the Moscow summit....He wanted a code of international conduct in which the strong were restrained from imposing their will on the weak. Poland's autonomy could thrive best under conditions of relaxation of tension."

### Gierek Visit to US - October 1974

(One is struck by the optimistic tone of Gierek's presentations, and though ally of the Soviets, the lavish pronouncements of affection for Americans)

#### Briefing memo for visit noted

—Gierek's visit was first by a Polish leader to the US officially since WW II.

—His "strategy (vis a vis Moscow) has been to trade a cautious course in domestic and foreign political policy for Soviet assent to domestic and foreign economic activism." Gierek had especially concentrated on revitalizing Poland's economy.

—He comes at a time when the future is looking somewhat less certain for him as well as for the detente process in which he operates. Economically, the situation has worsened. "On the political side, the Soviet sponsored movement for more 'discipline' in culture and ideology has affected Poland too."

—US-Polish relations have improved considerably, with a big growth in trade since 1970 (and joint commissions).

—One drag has been Poland's performance in the ICCS (Vietnam).

—Poland has often been the principle Warsaw Pact spokesman on CSCE issues of sensitivity to Moscow (a trade off perhaps for concessions from Moscow on issues of interest to Poland). They have shown genuine interest however in the CSCE principles of 'frontier inviolability' and 'peaceful change of borders' - since the 1970 treaty with West Germany.

Poland - 2

Gierek - Ford - Oct 8, 1974

--Gierek gives warm opening presentation: "I welcome the evidence of your will to expand Polish-US relations and detente....My visit is the result of detente. We attach great significance to that process." While cooperating with the Soviets and East Europeans, also "with great satisfaction we welcome improved relations between the US and the Soviet Union. These agreements on substance are of great importance ....to prevent a new world war." He avows that "it is the wish of the Soviet leadership to continue good relations with the US."

--"There is the important question of European security. From the nature of things, Poland is principally concerned with Europe. We think the situation is favorable." "Considering the past and our tense relations, especially that there have been wars, there is now recognition of two German states. I don't know if that is correct, but we want to strengthen the two German states."

--The US "can play a great role. We see the US as actively involved in the European detente." He hopes for CSCE progress and "a permanent organ for consultation and cooperation. The difference of opinion isn't too great."

--Poland favors "force reductions in Europe. This is of direct concern to Poland and corresponds to our efforts to reduce tension and confrontation in Eastern Europe."

--The postwar period confirmed that changes which took place in Europe were of great international consequence....the creation of the two German states and the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin--we support these measures toward stabilization." As to the FRG, "there are still a few questions from the tragic past. One can hardly expect too rapid progress" but Gierek is "optimistic: "We want to settle these issues as soon as possible. The people who lost six million and their national wealth can't forget, but we don't want to live in the past but build for the future."

--On the Mideast, Gierek favored a solution "guaranteeing security to the Arabs and Israel....I confirm it."

--Gierek briefs on Poland's economic advances - "This took strenuous effort. We did it by our own strength." Poland is 10th in the world in industrial production. His plan for the future "calls for closer cooperation between us."

--"Our strategy is aimed at strengthening Poland. We have a good position among the socialist states and it is growing. A strong, independent Poland is needed for Europe and perhaps the world. This is the starting point for expansion of US-Polish relations. We want the US to have the leading

## Poland - 3

role in expansion of our economic cooperation with the West." He outlined plans for a variety of deals with the US. "I think especially for the long term undertaking our proposals will be good." Poland would like low interest credits, etc.

"Gierek, noting the many Polish Americans: "We proceed from the premise that American Poles should be good American citizens, and it would be desirable for us if they could maintain a sentimental feeling for their ancestral homeland." "We in Poland have always cherished great hopes for American Poles and other foreign Poles, because it was due to their influence that President Wilson in 1918 put the question of Polish independence."

"We should open a new stage of that cooperation so we can be increasingly dynamic and strengthen detente. We hope you have similar views."

"I convey my personal invitation and that of my government and people to visit Poland. It would be of great significance for our relations and detente....We would greet you from the bottom of our hearts."

"You can see our intentions. We are a serious partner, a reliable ally, and a good friend. You can trust us on all these questions we have submitted."

## Kissinger-Gierek Lunch - Oct 8, 1974 (at State)

"Gierek stresses "our sincere intent to develop friendly relations" with the US. "We know our place and we know what our situation is. It is precisely because we do know these things that we feel we can contribute more to developing co-existence and the lasting friendship we have with" the US."

"For us in Poland the prime importance is given to a successful conclusion of the CSCE conference. This establishment of a new relationship in Europe is of historic importance."

"Further on, HK asks "Do you think (Portugal) will join the Warsaw Pact soon?" G: "We would certainly give serious consideration to that. As you know in the Warsaw Pact there are both privileges and duties that must be accepted. So far, however, there has been no such development. The Soviet Union is only one of the members. We would all have our own opinion."

"On Albania, "I can say that they are unreservedly critical of us Poles. They accuse us of being servants of the US world imperialism."

"Gierek's toast is rich: "I spent 22 years abroad in France and Belgium. I was very active in the Resistance against the Germans. The whole course of my life was changed by that experience. Although I am a Communist, I have always had a special idea of Poland and what it should represent."

## Poland - 4

### Ford - Gierek - Later, Oct 8, 1974

—Warm Gierek thanks for visit. "You and all Americans understand Polish affairs. Roosevelt said at Potsdam or Yalta that Poland should be strong, and that strong means influential and having a greater chance to influence for good."

—Gierek was pleased with his talks with our economic types. "We want nothing free — we can afford to pay back. We are a solid partner." However, they need "something in advance in certain cases."

—Gierek mentioned that he would like US help on the issue of FRG indemnification to our people who were in concentration camps. The amounts are not large; rather, "it is symbolic."

—Gierek's White House dinner toast was filled with expressions of hope for expanded US-Polish cooperation. But also "the people of Poland found its road to durable independence, to enviable security, to dynamic development. The people of Poland found it in its new Socialist homeland, in its consciously chosen alliance with the USSR and other Socialist countries, in its active foreign policy of international security and peaceful cooperation." Poland has endowed its development with "greater dynamism and higher quality." "We conceive of the US as one of our principal partners in the West." Poland attaches "great importance" to detente.

—The visit included the signing of a major joint statement of principles of relations as well as a joint statement on economic cooperation.

### Ford Visit to Poland - July 1975 (en route to Helsinki)

### Ford - Gierek - July 28, 1975

—Extremely warm greetings to Ford. "For many important reasons, your visit, Mr. President, is of paramount importance."

—Gierek gave a long presentation on Poland's economy, about which he was "optimistic" though "this is not easy for us. There are some problems." "The most important factor on which we base ourselves is the active support of our people for a rapid socio-economic development of the country." He concludes this section: "Naturally....the successful implementation of our strategy is based on the process of development of international detente. This favors the development of relations between the East and West and favors easing of defense burdens which the country has to bear."

—On international relations, "Poland is a socialist country linked by an unbreakable alliance with the Soviet Union. We are linked by our

Poland - 5

convergence of the basic interests of the socialist states. All our alliances strengthen the development of national identity and broad relations with our partners. This is true for reasons of development and it is particularly true with the US."

--"There are a number of objective factors which favor cooperation between Poland and the US. They pertain to the role of the US in the world, in Europe and relations between our nations." Also "The key element in detente is cooperation between the US and the SU."

--He hopes for even better relations with the US. "These are our feelings." On his US visit, the focus was on economic cooperation. Now, "the present developments call for more frequent political contacts on different levels."

--Poland will commemorate the US Bicentennial "in a dignified way".... "which testifies to the greatness of the US, the greatness of the American people."

--Jaroszewicz then discussed economic issues in greater detail, noting that "After the Soviet Union, the US is the biggest partner for the improvement of the standard of living of the Polish people." He wants support for business ventures from the USG.

--Gierek returns to Helsinki and detente. "I want to speak here not as a Pole alone....I would like to speak as one whose country ranks second in our socialist group after the Soviet Union, both in economic and military terms. We are grown up....a member of the Warsaw Treaty.... As the second largest in the Warsaw Treaty, we, like the Soviets, are not interested in Helsinki only for the merely spectacular phenomenon but in all that will follow from it. We realize there are some forces in the world against detente....We should make no less effort after Helsinki than the effort that we have made up to now." Gierek was convinced that Brezhnev and the Soviet people favored detente. This is because "of the means of destruction which are sufficient to destroy everything many, many times." "The world has all kinds of dangerous situations. But all these are not as dangerous as if you and the Russians enter the path to war."

--Concluding, G: It is important "not only to smoke a peace pipe but also to see that all the consequences of the peace pipe are implemented. We are going to Helsinki to sign the documents and to implement them."

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Ford Trip to Poland - July 1975 (en route to Helsinki)

FORD - GIEREK

July 28, 1975 - Sejm, Warsaw

Gierek opened by showing a painting by Matejko. "It depicts a meeting of the Polisy parliament on May 3, 1971. That was the date on which the Constitution was adopted. This painting is the story of that event." (After the press left) "There was a period when any Polish leader who wished to veto a proposal raised his hand and the proposal was finished. People speak of that period of Polish history as a period when true democracy flourished. But the question is: Was that really democracy or anarchy?"

Gierek then moves to long formal statement welcoming Ford and expressing "heartfelt satisfaction with your visit" here; he stresses over and over the friendship of the Polish people "for the people of the United States and for you personally." He recalled his trip to the US and says "Your visit takes place at a time of particularly intensive development of United States-Polish relations and this makes me very happy. Our exchange of views will provide a new stimulus for the future development of relations as well as for peaceful cooperation on an international plane. For many important reasons, your visit, Mr. President, is of paramount importance."

Gierek then says he will talk about developments in Poland first (Ford mainly listens in this meeting). He then gives a long presentation on Poland's economic situation about which he is optimistic. Poland is just finishing a 5 year program of economic development. Gierek reported that "During this period, we are achieving production growth of 70%. Growth in agriculture is more than 20%. We are increasing national income by about 60%. We are making a great investment effort...for the expansion of modern branches of industry....As a result of these accomplishments we are achieving important social results." He talks about growth in employment, wages, etc but that Poland at the same time is "maintaining the same prices for basic foodstuffs. This is not easy for us. There are some problems..." especially as regards meat supplies.

Gierek notes growing demand for more market products. "This we are trying to solve. These efforts of ours are not without difficulties. Our people have had a long period of hard work and sacrifices. They have had to build Poland up after tremendous war damage. Naturally, there are possibilities for us to improve the situation. We do it and strive for it but not without difficulties."

Gierek said Poland's "speedy" development "is linked with the dynamic growth of foreign trade. This is true of all directions of our foreign trade. It is true of trade with the Soviet Union, the socialist countries and economic exchanges with the West." He acknowledged the rising prices of oil, other raw materials etc were creating "definite difficulties" but believed "the situation will improve due to some advances in the relationships of certain goods which we export." They are working on a new five year plan "which...we will present to all our people for a national discussion."

Poland is working on housing needs. "The housing problem in Poland is extremely important, if you know what Poland was like after World War II. The first World War also resulted in certain damages and some of those damages have been preserved to this day."

Economic priorities include "the full utilization of raw materials including energy, the modernization of other branches of industry, and the acceleration of growth of food production." Gierek noted that Poland has conditions for even more rapid development. We are one of the ten most highly industrialized countries in the world. We have an energy base...we have a strong excavating industry and a scientific base." Also "Poland has an exceptionally good structure of population. In 1971-80 about 6,500,000 young people start their work and they represent an active and very well educated cadre." Poland is also assured supply of iron ore from the USSR as well as "conditions which provide opportunities for sale of our products" there.

"The most important factor on which we base ourselves is the active support of our people for a rapid socio-economic development of the country." Gierek expects to "bring about a new quality in the living standards of our people." He concludes this section: "Naturally, Mr President, the successful implementation of our strategy is based on the process of development of international detente. This favors the development of relations between the East and West and favors the easing of defense burdens which the country has to bear."

On international relations, Gierek avows: "Poland is a socialist country linked by an unbreakable alliance with the Soviet Union. We are linked by our convergence of the basic interests of the socialist states. All our alliances strengthen the development of national identity and broad relations with our partners. This is true for reasons of development and it is particularly true with the US."

"There are a number of objective factors which favor cooperation between Poland and the US. They pertain to the role of the US in the world, in Europe, and relations between our nations." Gierek felt the presence of Polish Americans in the US "enrich and consolidate our relations." "Today this is what detente means for the development of our cooperation. The key element in detente is cooperation between the US and the Soviet Union."

"As a result of our contacts in the economic, scientific, cultural and political areas and the contacts between our peoples, we can say that our relations have become less sensitive to inadvisable moments in the international session. This allows us to hope for further lasting cooperation between our two countries." Gierek hopes for even better relations with the US: "These are our feelings." On his US visit, the focus was on economic cooperation. Now "The present developments call for more frequent political contacts on different levels."

On other issues, Gierek said he was aware of the US position in CSCE on cultural exchanges. He wants progress on cultural exchanges. "As for humanitarian relations, they do not have the character of a serious problem.

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Most cases are individual ones and we generally take care of them in a positive way." He notes the US Bicentennial is coming up and that Poland will acknowledge this "in a dignified way....We have been getting ready for a long time in Poland and will show all that which testifies to the greatness of the United States, the greatness of the American people."

Piotr Jaroszewicz, Chairman of the Council of Ministers, then takes the floor to discuss economic issues. He talked about a negative balance of trade; the desire for more co-production agreements; interest in long term purchases of grain and fodder in the US market within the framework of CCC credits; interest in a long term agreement on the importation of grain and fodder: "After the Soviet Union, the US is the biggest partner for the improvement of the standard of living of the Polish people....We are able to count on the favorable attitude of the Soviet Union in this important question for us. We can offer long term deliveries of our sugar to the US... (which) would stabilize our trade and allow us to expand our sugar industry."
He talked about big technology projects with US business: "What is significant is that these contracts would amount to $1 billion...." Citing a host of other projects, J. says it all depends on "the availability of favorable credits to finance them. This means that we ask for the support of all those transactions by the USG and the greatest possible support from Ex-Im Bank."
J. also wants to speed up implementation of economic agreements reached during Gierek's visit to the US, and to review some of the limitations of those agreements. Finally, he hopes for expanded cooperation in scientific and technical areas, hoping for Ford's personal support.

Ford gave a rundown on economic developments in relations, from US pe-spective, noting especially the common interest in the production of coal. He made a low key pitch for resolving problems of relatives wanting to be reunited with their families, expressing appreciation that Gierek had indicated most cases can and would be resolved.

Ford then gives his briefing on detente: "Detente is not aimed at changing the (Soviet) system) but at problems which can be resolved." Discusses how he has to play detente for domestic political purposes and regardless of criticisms emerging from some in US, Ford believes detente "has been of great benefit."

Ford did not have much time to speak. Gierek brought meeting to a close with following: "This is our attitude to matters of detente and all that is linked to Helsinki. I want to speak here not as a Pole alone because if I were to approach this as a Pole from a narrow point of view, I would have to emphasize the need for understanding. I would like to speak as one whose country ranks second in our socialist group after the Soviet Union, both in economic and in military terms. We are grown up....a member of the Warsaw Treaty...As the second largest in the Warsaw Treaty, we, like the Soviets, are not interested in Helsinki only for the merely spectacular phenomenon but in all that will follow from it. We realize there are some forces in the world against detente....We should make no less effort after Helsinki than the effort that we have made up to now. I

say this for Poland, the second socialist country. I am not aware of what Brezhnev is going to talk to you about." But Gierek was convinced that Brezhnev "will say what he feels, and he feels the need for consistent consolidation of the process of detente." This is also the feeling of "the Soviet leaders, of the Soviet people." This is because "of the means of destruction which are sufficient to destroy everything many, many times." And "The problem is to seek ways and means to freeze the situation and bring about such a degree of mutual trust that we could rest assured that the world would not be changed into a place of danger. Naturally, the world has all kinds of dangerous situations. But all these are not as dangerous as if you and the Russians enter the path to war."

Gierek concludes by reiterating that it is important "not only to smoke a peace pipe but also to see that all the consequences of the peace pipe are implemented. We are going to Helsinki to sign the documents and to implement them."

Ford thanks, says he'll see Gierek that evening. (No record)

POLAND - GIEREK VISIT TO WHITE HOUSE

October 1974

Summary of Main Points of Briefing Memo for Visit

(HAK to Ford Memo)

--Gierek's visit is first by a Polish leader to travel officially to the US since World War II. A priority is further expansion of bilateral economic relations.

--Gierek came to power in the wake of widespread disillusionment (in 1970) with the economic and political management of his predecessor, Gomulka. He has concentrated on revitalizing Poland's economy and enhancing the regime's popular support through economic efficiency and greater openness, if not greater participation. "His strategy (vis a vis Moscow) has been to trade a cautious course in domestic and foreign political policy for Soviet assent to domestic and foreign economic activism."

--Gierek comes to the US at a time when the future is beginning to look somewhat less certain for him, as well as for the detente process in which he operates. Economically, the situation has worsened. "On the political side, the Soviet-sponsored movement for more 'discipline' in culture and ideology has affected Poland too...."

--The support he is seeking in the US "will be solicited within the context of Moscow's continuing concern for the political and ideological reliability of its Eastern European allies."

--There has been considerable improvement in US-Polish relations. Nixon's 1972 trip and talks with Gierek led to an agreement on establishment of joint commissions in the economic field. There was a rapid growth in trade since 1970. Gierek wants assurance of closer economic ties.

--The one drag has been Poland's performance in the ICCS for Vietnam where it has prevented the Commission from doing anything harmful to the interests of the DRV and PRG.

--Poland supports the formal Eastern position on MBFR.

--The Poles have sometimes served as the principal Warsaw Pact spokesman on CSCE issues of sensitivity to Moscow, "perhaps calculating that such service is a small price to pay for obtaining latitude from Moscow on issues of greater significance to Polish national interests. They have shown genuinely keen interest, however, in the CSCE principles of 'frontier inviolability' and 'peaceful change of borders' -- which relate directly to formulations in their 1970 treaty with West Germany formalizing the German-Polish border. They have also enthusiastically supported increased East-West economic ties. On freer movement issues, the Poles have supported the Soviets, arguing that increased human contacts should be developed bilaterally rather than through CSCE."

Ford - Gierek - Oct. 8, 1974 - Oval Office

At the outset there were some quips about the Poles being in many countries.
HK: "Then in the 19th century, the Polish nationalists concluded that
the only way they could get independence was to join every war - individually."
Gierek: (HK) "knows our history very well. In our anthem, it says we have
been guided by Bonapartist methods of how to win. We Socialists left it in."

Gierek then opens with appreciation for the visit. "I welcome the evidence
of your will to expand Polish-US relations and detente." He welcomes the
talks which "will also contribute to the political prestige of our peoples.
The great American people have achieved much, and we will be receptive to
anything you do which will promote peace." Gierek expressed satisfaction
with the policy of detente....

My visit is the result of detente. We attach great significance to that process.
Poland pursues that policy in the world, and its national interest is to live in
security and cooperation in the international world. We are cooperating with
the Soviet Union and the Eastern European nations on the principles of mutual
cooperation and partnerships. At the moment this socialist cooperation is
active in making detente a new profound, peaceful coexistence and deepening
international cooperation. The meeting of the CEMA in Poland this year
worked to make detente irreversible.

Likewise with great satisfaction we welcome improved relations between the
United States and the Soviet Union. These agreements on substance are of
great importance. They are of substantial significance to prevent a new
world war. They help extinguish the Cold War and encourage bilateral
cooperation between East and West. They promote detente. There are
many advantages stemming from US-Soviet detente, and we welcome your
announcement of its continuation. For as I know from Brezhnev and from
my recent conversation with Gromyko, it is the wish of the Soviet leadership
to continue good relations with the United States. I know the Soviet Union
very well and the Brezhnev policy enjoys the lasting and profound support of
the Soviet Union's allies and us. We support it enthusiastically because it
meets vital interests of all Poles.

Gierek goes on to say "There is the important question of European security.
From the nature of things, Poland is principally concerned with Europe.
We think the situation is favorable. For the first time, the continent is
enjoying peace. In 1,000 years of Polish history, only 200 years were
peaceful." HK: "In isolated intervals." Gierek: "That is true. Considering
the past and our tense relations, especially that there have been wars, there
is now recognition of two German states. I don't know if that is correct,
but we want to strengthen the two German states."

Gierek continues:

Gierek: We think we must equalize the disparities in development which earlier existed. We are happy with the positive response to detente in Europe. You were in both wars and now are politically, economically and militarily in Europe. So you are vitally interested and can play a great role. We see the United States as actively involved in the European detente.

This is especially true of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. I know you have a positive attitude on that question. We think the situation is ripe for the third phase at the end of this year or early next, at the highest level. We think there should be a permanent organ for consultation and cooperation. The difference of opinion isn't too great.

We are also for force reductions in Europe. This is of direct concern to Poland and corresponds to our efforts to reduce tension and confrontation in Eastern Europe.

In the UN we think the work should be intensified so there can be an agreement.

The postwar period confirmed that changes which took place in Europe were of great international consequence. For example, the creation of the two German states and the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin -- we support these measures toward stabilization. We welcome the establishment of diplomatic relations between the U.S. and GDR. So far as the course of our relations with the FRG, the Treaty of 1970 established the basis for these relations, but there are still a few questions from the tragic past. One can hardly expect too rapid progress. We have exchanged

proposals and are optimistic that there should be a settlement, and I think in the near future my visit to the FRG will be feasible... We want to settle these issues as soon as possible. The people who lost six million and their national wealth can't forget, but we don't want to live in the past but build for the future.

The Polish position on international affairs is well known. The differences stemming from Vietnam are not easy. We joined the ICCS at your insistence." Gierek felt that "All the parties in Vietnam have something against us."

On the Middle East, Gierek said "I repeat what I said to Kissinger in 1972, that we are in favor of a settlement guaranteeing security to the Arabs and Israel....I confirm it. We need normalization with Israel and we hope for that along with settlement of the Middle East question. We don't think Israel should discriminate against our soldiers as intruders."

On international economic issues "I agree that each state is part of the international economic system," said Gierek, and "We strive for the best system without discrimination. We are willing to participate in all constructive undertakings."

Concluding this portion, Gierek said "I would like to stress our interest in detente and in strengthening it and our relations. This is the only road to consolidate peace and solve world problems. Polish-US cooperation can contribute to detente."

Gierek goes on:

> Let me tell you about the development of my country. My plans call for closer cooperation between us. Poland has pursued 30 years of economic effort. The beginning was very difficult. President Nixon and Dr. Kissinger know these very well. Our people over these 30 years have not only defended ourselves and rebuilt, but we have industrialized, have built a democratic-socialist structure, health protection, and rebuilt our intelligence which was almost destroyed. This took strenuous effort. We did it by our own strength. We are now 10th in the world in industrial production. Our production increased eight-fold and increases at the average developed-country level. We had 26 million people in 1945; we now have 34 million. We have behind us the "takeoff operation" and we are in a qualitatively new phase, characterized by high economic growth, modernization of the economy, and higher standards of living. Our GNP is growing by 9 1/2%. Income will have increased about 35%, given stable food prices.

Our desire is to continue this growth rate in the next five-year plan. Poland has raw materials for the growth of agriculture and industry. Our balance of payments is good. We are reaping the benefit of the previous investment. One hundred and five establishments were started this year. Next year we plan more.

Of great importance is the expansion of cooperation with foreign countries. The Soviet Union is building a 10-million ton steel mill. Next year they will give us 50 investment projects. We have projects with France and Great Britain. We want to strengthen our credit and help ourselves.

Our strategy is aimed at strengthening Poland. We have a good position among the socialist states and it is growing. A strong, independent Poland is needed for Europe and perhaps the world. This is the starting point for expansion of U.S. -Polish relations. We want the U.S. to have the leading role in expansion of our economic cooperation with the West. We will

present proposals. We have built a structure of closer ties -- the Joint
Trade Commission, Ex-Im Bank loans, more contracts with U.S. banks
and concerns. We want to broaden contacts and the Joint Commission
plays a great role, and it could be even enhanced.

This progress we think is only the harbinger of greater cooperation and
progress. The agreement we reached here will help. We anticipate a
substantial increase in trade. In three years it went from $250 to $500
million and to $1 billion this year. By 1980 we expect it will be $2 billion.

We want to buy investment equipment. Our new five-year plan gives to
special purchases in the U.S. up to $1 billion. We are developing coopera-
tion among industries and already have it with International Harvester and
others. We have a big undertaking with General Motors. These proposals
are linked closely with favorable credit terms. Ex-Im credit terms are
important, but not sufficient for our plans. We need private credit but
the interest is too high now. I will request greater U.S. Government
credit.

President: I look forward to receiving your proposal.

Gierek: I think especially for the long-term undertaking our proposals will
be good.

Agricultural crop cooperation is another area. You spoke of food problems
and cooperation in agriculture. Poland has been a permanent and stable
purchaser of U.S. surplus agricultural products. We want to continue,
and we would like a guarantee for the annual purchase of one or one and one-half
million tons of grain and more of other produce. We will submit a long-
term agreement for such purchases. We are a traditional customer, and
perhaps can get CCC credit. We would like a postponement of the PL 480
repayments. I request favorable consideration of our proposal. We want
to broaden cooperation in food production. Our program for Poland calls
for considerable modernization for import consumption and also for export.
Today's agreement should be only an introduction to a broader agreement
on foodstuffs. We would like access to your accomplishments.

Also important are the coal agreements we will sign -- the agreements on
coal processing and gasification, on scientific and technical cooperation,
on agriculture and health protection are especially important. Our agree-
ments will strengthen these links and allow for expansion. This kind of

cooperation represents a special interest for us and will help consolidate
the west in U. S. -Polish cooperation.

We also believe we can inject new dynamism into our economic relations
generally and with nations of the West, and that it would help overcome
the current difficulty in the world economy.

We are trying to cooperate in all fields of endeavor and expanding the con-
tacts of our citizens with other countries.

I want to express great satisfaction with the support from your government
on these questions.

There are many Americans of Polish extraction. In the majority of cases
they contribute to Polish-U.S. relations. We proceed from the premise
that American Poles should be good American citizens, and it would be
desirable for us if they could maintain a sentimental feeling for their
ancestral land. They can contribute to mutual understanding, and we have
no other interest in this respect. The many letters I get support the de-
velopment of U. S. -Polish relations. We in Poland have always cherished
great hopes for American Poles and other foreign Poles, because it was
due to their influence that President Wilson in 1918 put the question of
Polish independence.

These are the principal questions which we think are the base of U. S. -
Polish cooperation. We should open a new stage of that cooperation so we
can be increasingly dynamic and strengthen detente. We hope you have
similar views. This visit and the climate of cooperation helps maintain
and preserve the links of traditional friendship and kinship.

Ford said he would like to revisit Poland (he had been there in 1958).
Gierek: "We would greet you from the bottom of our hearts. We
have a saying 'the house gives everything to the best'."

Ford reassures Gierek on US interest in expanded ties with Poland, etc.

Gierek, concluding: "The questions I had perhaps took too long a
time so I abridged them, but you can see our intentions. We are a
serious partner, a reliable ally, and a good friend. You can trust
us on all these questions we have submitted."

Kissinger - Gierek, Plenary Lunch at State - Oct 8, 1974

HK opens with remarks, including "We recognize the state of your existing relations and we know the realities of geography and history and what they meant to the Ples....We do not believe, however, that there is anything inconsistent between these realities and an improvement in relations between Poland and the US."

Gierek says Poland as "vital interests and our sincere intent to develop friendly relations" with the US. "We know our place and we know what our situation is. It is precisely because we do know these things that we feel we can contribute more to developing co-existence and the lasting friendship we have with" the US.

HK then says "frankly" that a resumption of hostilities in Vietnam "would complicate our relations." "We would have to draw the conclusion that the flow of Soviet equipment had caused this resumption of hostilities and this would have a serious effect on detente. We don't want public statements from you."

Olszowski (Minister of Foreign Affairs) replied re the ICCS, "there are certain things that could be done which would help." Gierek said they would like to "hamper the growth of hostilities in the area" but "it is a difficult problem for us."

HK asks Gierek what is his greatest concern internationally.

G: "For us in Poland the prime importance is given to a successful conclusion of the CSCE conference. This establishment of a new relationship in Europe is of historic importance." HK says the US is interested in bringing the conference to an early end but not at the expense of jeopardizing ties with West Europe. But he predicted it would conclude in the middle of 1975.
Gierek: "This would be an achievement for peace in this part of the world but it would also have good effects in other parts as well."

HK noted the principal problem was on the 'peaceful change' of borders issue, primarily between the FRG and USSR. The Polish side talks about the various CSCE issues still unresolved. Basket I is the principle of inviolability of frontiers, but that seems on way to resolution. On Basket III it would be worthwhile to take a realistic look at what is acceptable:

G: "As far as Basket III is concerned there are 13 to 15 million people who visit Poland each year (sic). Sixty to eighty percent are from the West... We will have several tens of thousands of Americans. We have no objection to that. In addition, 8 million (sic) Poles visit outside Poland...."
HK: "I don't think Poland will have difficulty with this area but what about the Soviets?" G: "It is true there may be some difficulties for them."

There is a question about the Mexican proposal for a Charter of Rights and Duties between developed and less developed countries, dealing with the question of raw materials, indexing, expropriation, etc, with Algeria and India having one position and another by the developed countries. Olszowski does not believe advances on this will be made quickly: "The world economy is much more complicated than it was six months ago....You have the question

of sovereign rights over resources. We agree on the principles but it is
the practical solution that is difficult."

In response to a question by HK, Gierek said he has travelled widely in Asia
including China and Vietnam, as well as Europe. This is his first time in
the Western hemisphere.

HK: "Do you think (Portugal) will join the Warsaw Pact soon?"

G: We would certainly give serious consideration to that, as you know,
in the Warsaw Pact there are both privileges and duties that must be
accepted. So far, however, there has been no such development. The Soviet
Union is only one of the members. We would all have our own opinion.

Asked about Albania, Gierek: "I can say that they are unreservedly critical
of us Poles. They accuse us of being servants of the US world imperialism."

HK then makes a warm toast. Gierek responds:

"I would like to speak here on behalf of the Polish Government and people, as well as to reflect my own personal experience. I am the son of a man who before World War I was a member of the Polish Socialist Party and who was a Polish patriot. I was brought up in an atmosphere of great patriotism. I spent 22 years abroad in France and Belgium. I was very active in the Resistance against the Germans. The whole course of my life was changed by that experience. Although I am a Communist, I have always had a special idea of Poland and what it should represent. After World War II I could have stayed in the West as many others did. But I returned to Poland with my family because I believed that every pair of hands, every mind and every brain, was necessary to help rebuild Poland. We also remember those who began immediately after World War II to rebuild Warsaw, Wroclaw, Szczecin. We Poles believe it is necessary to bring our country to an ever higher level of standard of living. Everything that we are doing now--Communists and all others-- is necessary to build up our country.

I am not saying this to create a sentimental atmosphere but rather because I want you to understand that we need our traditional friends as well as our present allies. The TV transmission of my arrival was received in Poland with great applause because our people believe they need friendship with the United States of America, its great traditional friend. Therefore, I wish to drink a toast to the traditional friendship of Poland and America.

Talk turns to football.

HK: "When I (once) spoke about my own record as a goalie and the high scoring games, the Germa-n press interpreted this as a very subtle criticism of the defensive tactis of the German football teams...." G: "I can tell you what the attitude of the Polish fans is - let them Germans fight." HAK: "There is something about the style of football which reflects national character. I like the Polish style of attack."

Ford - Gierek, October 8 - 7:30 p.m. - The Residence

**President:** This is where they used to have Cabinet meetings. This is the table Lincoln used.

**Gierek:** We are restoring a castle in Warsaw that was destroyed by the Nazis in 1939. It has great symbolic value. We can't invite you there but we have another which housed President Nixon -- the Wilanow Palace. It was given to the king who was fighting the Turks at Vilnius, and he won. The Turks still complain about that.

Once again, let me give you my thanks for your assurances and your sympathy to me and my friends and your friendly attitude towards my people. You and all Americans understand Polish affairs.' Roosevelt said at Potsdam or Yalta that Poland should be strong, and that strong means influential and having a greater chance to influence for good.

Gierek (cont.): Home affairs are developing well in Poland. We have good attitudes among the people. We would like to use the coming years for the improvement of housing to a greater extent. There is still a 7-8 year wait for an apartment.

President: Still that much.

Gierek: Unfortunately, Recently we have done a lot on the question of the well being of people -- helping women and children -- but we still are dissatisfied. Conditions are still worse than in other countries -- but I don't mean to belittle our accomplishments.

President: I know from my visit that you came up from total devastation.

Gierek: I talked to some of your Secretaries today and appealed for a friendly attitude in the affairs in which we are interested. We want nothing free -- we can afford to pay back. We are a solid partner. We need something in advance in certain cases. For example, we have a lot of raw materials. Surely in 5-6 years, we can exploit these by ourselves. We can do it faster with American capital. We return everything back with the produce which is produced.

President: Will you take private capital?

Gierek: Of course. First National City Bank is helping with our copper industry and takes the returns in copper. We give them a guarantee. It is the same with Rockefeller and Chase Manhattan. We have much coal, lignite. We shall expand the Polish energy industry.

G. talks about his interest in exporting coal, if existing production capacity is increased. "So our proposals are based on our solid evaluation of our potential." He wants investments in all areas and hopes the US can be more helpful on some of the things on the embargo list, in chemicals and electronics for example.

Gierek also wanted help on relations with the FRG on "indemnification to our people who were in concentration camps." The Germans returned these to other countries. The amounts are not large said Gierek, "It is symbolic." HK promises help with Schmidt, whom Gierek is willing to meet as soon as their problems are solved. HK: "The distance between Warsaw and Bonn is greater than that between Warsaw and Washington."

Concluding, Gierek tells Ford he would like to be able to write him personally when "urgent" matters arise, and "only if there is something urgent." Ford welcomes this.

End

VICE PRESIDENT 1953-1960

implies that the world must be divided into two hostile camps with a wall of hate and fear between. What we need today is not two worlds but one world where different peoples choose the economic and political systems which they want, but where there is free communication among all the peoples living on this earth."

I tried to make clear what lay at the heart of our differences with the Soviet leadership: not which system was better, but whether one nation should seek to impose its system on other nations. Recalling Khru-shchev's famous prediction that our grandchildren would live under communism, I said: "Let me say that we do not object to his saying this will happen. We only object if he tries to bring it about.... We prefer our system. But the very essence of our belief is that we do not and will not try to impose our system on anybody else. We believe that you and all other peoples on this earth should have the right to choose the kind of economic or political system which best fits your particular problems without any foreign intervention."

After leaving the Soviet Union, we made a brief visit to one of the captive nations—Poland.

The Polish government was extremely sensitive to the fact that Khru-shchev had received a noticeably cool reception when he had recently visited Warsaw, and therefore no public announcement had been made of the time of our arrival or the route our motorcade would take. But the people knew, thanks to Radio Free Europe and the underground net-work that survives even in tightly controlled Communist societies.

It was a Sunday, and many people did not have to be at work. As we left the airport we soon were greeted, first by small clusters, and then by huge throngs of people, waving, clapping, shouting, cheering, many with tears streaming down their faces. Hundreds threw bouquets of flowers into my car, into Pat's car, even into the press buses that followed be-hind. The government security forces were totally unprepared. Time and again the motorcade was stopped by the surging crowds pressing for-ward, shouting "Niech żyje Ameryka"—"long live America"—and "Niech żyje Eisenhower," "Niech żyje Nixon." A quarter of a million people turned out that Sunday. Despite the presence of Soviet troops, and the fact that they share a common border with the Soviet Union, on that Sunday the people of Poland demonstrated dramatically not only their friendship for the United States but also their detestation of their Communist rulers and Soviet neighbors.

When we landed in Washington on August 5, we were welcomed by a large and enthusiastic crowd. The Soviet trip had an enormous impact in America. The film clip of my first encounter with Khrushchev at the Ex-hibition had been shown on U.S. television, and the coverage of our other meetings had presented me as the man who stood up to Khrushchev.

with Khru-
tchen debate"
Exhibition in
1959. Leonid
 light.

UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL

INTERNATIONAL

1959

213

NECK AND NECK

423

believe that the Romanians consider themselves dominated by the Soviet Union. I don't believe that the Poles consider themselves dominated by the Soviet Union. Each of those countries is independent, autonomous; it has its own territorial integrity. And the United States does not concede that those countries are under the domination of the Soviet Union. As a matter of fact, I visited Poland, Yugoslavia and Romania to make certain that the people of those countries understood that the President of the United States and the people of the United States are dedicated to their independence, their autonomy and their freedom."

Carter jumped all over that. "I would like to see Mr. Ford convince the Polish-Americans and the Czech-Americans and the Hungarian-Americans in this country," he said, "that those countries don't live under the domination and supervision of the Soviet Union behind the Iron Curtain."

Still, when the debate was over, I felt that I had come out ahead. Teeter's initial poll showed that I had "won" by 11 percentage points. In a ninety-minute span, my aides pointed out, Carter had made fourteen distortions or misrepresentations of the facts. The first indication that I was the one who had some explaining to do came next morning as *Air Force One* was flying south to Los Angeles. Cheney entered my cabin and said, in effect, that I had goofed. The press was hollering about my Eastern European "mistake." Leaders of ethnic groups had expressed serious concern.

Cheney thought I should issue a clarification immediately. I told him I didn't see any need for that. If the critics didn't understand what I had meant to say, then that was their problem, not mine. And in my own mind I was sure what I had meant to say. Although the Soviet Union dominated Polish territory by stationing troops there, it didn't dominate the heart, soul and spirit of the Polish people. No, I reiterated, I wasn't going to retract what I had said. If a slip, it was not significant.

Minutes later, Cheney returned to my cabin, this time with Spencer in tow. The political fallout, Stu warned, was continuing. Teeter's latest polls showed that people who thought I had won the debate were beginning to change their minds. I couldn't afford to lose votes from ethnic groups over a verbal miscue, but I *would* lose them un-

424

A TIME TO HEAL

less I acted fast. I can be very stubborn when I think I'm right, and I just didn't want to apologize for something that was a minor mistake. Finally, reluctantly, I agreed to try to put the issue to rest during an afternoon speech at the University of Southern California.

"Last night in the debate, I spoke of America's firm support for the aspiration for independence of the nations of Eastern Europe," I said. "The United States has never conceded—and never will concede—their domination by the Soviet Union. I admire the courage of the Polish people and have always supported the hopes of Polish-Americans for freedom of their ancestral homeland. It is our policy to use every peaceful means to assist countries in Eastern Europe in their efforts to become less dependent on the Soviet Union and to establish closer and closer ties with the West and, of course, the United States of America."

But that didn't end it. Ron Nessen told me these remarks had not gone far enough; the issue was bound to surface again. I disagreed with him. And I was anxious to put the problem out of my mind and get on with other matters. For one thing, I was planning to meet with Reagan before a fund-raising dinner in Beverly Hills the night of October 7. He had campaigned hard for the platform and individual Republicans, but I wanted him to give me a strong personal endorsement, as he had promised. The polls showed that I had just taken a three-percentage-point lead over Carter in California—where he had led me once by as much as 20 points—and I knew that a Reagan boost would keep me ahead. In addition, if he were willing to speak up for me in South Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas, I might eke out a win in those states too.

Shortly after five o'clock that afternoon, Reagan came to my hotel suite, and we talked for nearly half an hour. He was friendly but reserved. I told him how hard Dick Schweiker, his choice for running mate, was working for my election in Pennsylvania, but he didn't pick up on this and offer to start putting out wholeheartedly for me. His speech to the GOP dinner that night was disappointing. Once again he stressed the virtues of the platform, yet his comments about me came as an afterthought and were noticeably lukewarm. Worse, during the rest of the campaign he refused to work directly for my election.

NECK AND NECK

425

Next morning, October 8, I spoke to a breakfast of San Fernando Valley area businessmen, and in response to a question, I tried again to explain what I really meant. "I was in Poland a year ago, and I had the opportunity to talk with a number of citizens, and believe me, they are a courageous, strong people. They don't believe that they are going to be forever dominated—if they are—by the Soviet Union. They believe in the independence of that great country, and so do I. And we are going to make certain, to the best of our ability, that any allegation of domination is not fact."

Cheney and Spencer were extremely upset. What was I trying to do, self-destruct my own campaign? Reporters would seize on my phrases "if they are" and "allegation of domination" as pegs to write that I still didn't know what I was talking about. I had to put out a statement ending the issue once and for all. Most voters didn't care that much about my policies toward Eastern Europe, Cheney and Spencer argued, but they *did* want to elect a President who said what he meant and meant what he said. All this confusion was just reinforcing an impression that I wasn't on top of the job. They were right. I should have taken this step immediately after the second debate. Harry Truman once said, "The President hears one hundred voices telling him that he is the greatest man in the world. He must listen carefully indeed to hear the one voice that tells him he is not." Well, I hadn't listened, and I would pay the price.

"I was perhaps not as precise as I should have been," I told reporters at the Glendale city hall. "I recognize there are Soviet divisions in Poland. I regret it. And I am very proud of the courageous attitude of the Polish people who want freedom. There are several other countries in Eastern Europe that tragically have Soviet military forces. I hope and trust that my observations will put an end to a misunderstanding. It *was* a misunderstanding."

And then I was off on a whirlwind swing through Oklahoma, Texas and New York. The Reverend W. A. Criswell, pastor of the nation's largest Baptist church, endorsed me in Dallas on October 10, and I was encouraged by the results of Teeter's polls in New York. I was behind there, but closing the gap. So on October 12, with New York Senators Jacob Javits and James Buckley at my side, I campaigned through Brooklyn.

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424

A TIME TO HEAL

Breakthrough on Two Fronts

797

ther. In the middle of December 1970 it suddenly faced the danger of an upheaval in its own backyard.

## The Polish Riots

THE folklore persists that revolutions occur when conditions are desperate. The reality, perceived since Tocqueville, is that most upheavals have taken place when conditions seem to be improving. The completely downtrodden are usually too demoralized to revolt. Violent change is more likely when governments become overconfident, when the population senses that it has some margin for maneuver, and when there is some progress that confirms this expectation.

So it was in Poland. On December 7, 1970, Brandt recognized the new borders of Poland and relinquished Germany's claim to recover the territories east of the Oder-Neisse line. He went to Warsaw for the signing of the treaty, knelt at the Warsaw Ghetto monument, and paid a moving and historic visit to Auschwitz. The Polish Party leader, Władysław Gomulka, calculated — correctly — that the treaty with Bonn would ease the Polish people's perennial nightmare of an irredentist Germany. He thought — wrongly — that he could use his newfound popularity to solve Poland's chronic economic ills. Poland's massively inefficient industries had increased output but had been stockpiling unwanted goods until by 1970 their inventories reached the astonishing total of 50 percent of the Gross National Product. Two consecutive poor harvests compounded consumer goods shortages with a food crisis. Unemployment added to tensions; in early 1970, two hundred thousand "surplus" workers were laid off. These factors combined to give Poland, from 1966 to 1970, the slowest rate of increase in real wages in Eastern Europe.

On December 13, barely a week after the signing of the West German treaty, the Polish regime raised the price of meat products by amounts from 10 to 33 percent. The first sign of trouble came in Gdansk on the Baltic coast. Workers' protests led to rioting, which spread to two nearby cities, Sopot and Gdynia. By December 15 shipyard workers in Gdansk were marching on Communist Party headquarters. Two days later tanks had to be used to suppress riots in the port of Szczecin. On December 18 demonstrations spread to the mining city of Katowice. On December 20, Gomulka was replaced as Party Secretary by Edward Gierek, who told the people that the disturbances had been caused by "hasty concepts of economic policy" which "we will remove." On December 23 the Polish Parliament appointed Piotr Jaroszewicz to replace Premier Jozef Cyrankiewicz. He immediately ordered food prices frozen for two years.

These dramatic events presented us with two challenges. The most

798

1970-1971: From Turmoil to Hope

immediate one, and the focus of US governmental discussion, was how we might react if the Soviets suppressed the Polish disturbances militarily. Unfortunately, nearly thirty years of postwar history had left little doubt that we had a limited capacity for military intervention; contingency studies confirmed this. If we could not forestall Soviet repression, we would have few means to undo it.

Contrary to my views in the 1968 Czech crisis, I was convinced that the Soviets would be highly reluctant to undertake the military occupation of a country the size and importance of Poland. The most important aspect of the Polish riots was the lessons the Soviets might draw from them. Soviet policy had sought to encourage West European dissociation from the United States, but in encouraging a more national German policy the Soviet Union had evoked similar national trends in Eastern Europe. An agreement solving one of Poland's *national* foreign policy problems on a *bilateral* basis with Bonn had encouraged the Polish government to ease its domestic problems on a national basis and thus faced the Soviet Union with centrifugal tendencies in its empire in Eastern Europe. I thought that the Polish riots would drive Moscow toward the United States. On December 20 I wrote the President:

> The Soviet leaders may also be inclined to believe that *Ostpolitik* has an unsettling effect on Eastern Europe. For example, they may believe that the treaty with Germany led Gomulka to conclude he could press unpopular price increases on the population. Thus, Moscow may also want a pause in its relations with Bonn. . . .

> At the same time, with this detente with Bonn at least temporarily slowed down, the Soviet leaders, if they choose to maintain some prospect of detente, may be inclined to show some improvement in their relations with us.

Thus by the middle of December 1970 the bargaining position between us and Moscow had, in my view, changed; we were, in fact, in the strongest position since Nixon had come to office. We had Cienfuegos and Jordan behind us; we had demonstrated our determination to resist pressures; Moscow had experienced the brittleness of its East European dominion. And we had a safety valve of which the Kremlin was as yet unaware. About ten days earlier we had received the first direct communication from the Chinese leadership proposing high-level talks.

After submitting my memorandum, I had several extensive conversations with the President on the situation. I told him that the moment had come to test the Channel between Dobrynin and me. I conjectured that the Soviets might be ready to break the deadlock on a number of negotiations; of these SALT and Berlin were especially important, for SALT would influence our defense budget and Berlin would test allied cohesion.

I said that we were again about to face the now annual ritualistic

Summit Aftermath

1265

omy of the Kurds in Iraq. The Kurdish affair and its tragic outcome in the 1973-1975 period are, of course, outside the scope of this volume. The excited polemics published on this subject have neglected to mention that they were written without any evidence of White House decisions and reasoning. I shall explain these in a second volume.* In 1972, in any case, this was all in the future. The benefit of Nixon's Kurdish decision was apparent in just over a year: Only one Iraqi division was available to participate in the October 1973 Middle East war.

The visit to Tehran thus marked an important step in maintaining the balance of power in the Middle East. Our friendship with Iran served us well in the crises soon to descend on us. The geopolitical importance of that country must impel any administration into seeking good relations with whatever group governs Iran. But this imperative need not be pursued by ignoring those who were our friends in their travail. It cannot be in our country's interest to indulge in petty and retrospective denigration of associates of a generation or to show insensitivity to their human needs in their hour of travail. We were willing enough to have the Shah cooperate with us as friend and ally for thirty-seven years; we impress no one by condemning him now. We cannot always assure the future of our friends; we have a better chance of assuring our future if we remember who our friends are.

## Return through Warsaw

THE Communist world would not let go of Nixon so easily. On the way home from Iran he stopped in Poland, the largest and most populous of the Soviet-dominated states of Eastern Europe. What drew Nixon there was a combination of nostalgia, domestic politics, and foreign policy. Nixon was nostalgic about Poland because in 1959 it had given him a tumultuous welcome when he visited as Vice President; he never forgot the rare occasions in his life when he had evoked spontaneous enthusiasm. If anything like it could be repeated in a Presidential election year, it would surely not be overlooked by millions of Polish-American voters. And finally, it was our policy to encourage sentiments of national independence in Eastern Europe. That goal had taken us to

* Suffice it here to mention, first, that the decision to discourage the Kurds from launching a diversionary offensive during the October 1973 war was based on the unanimous view of our intelligence officials and the Shah that the Kurds would be defeated in such an offensive; this judgment was concurred in by the Israeli government. The Shah's decision in 1975 to settle the Kurdish problem with Iraq was based on the judgment, almost certainly correct, that the Kurds were about to be overwhelmed; they could not have been saved without the intervention of two Iranian divisions and $300 million in assistance from us. The Shah was not willing to commit the former; this was his sovereign decision to make. To imagine that Congress would have appropriated the latter sum in the month that Vietnam was collapsing would be fatuous. If we had sought this escalation of our covert intelligence operation, many of those later mourning the Kurds' tragic fate would have probably led the charge against it.

1266

1972: From War to Peace

Bucharest in 1969 and to Belgrade in 1970. It brought us to Warsaw in 1972.

There is no country in Europe in which the aspiration to national in-
dependence is so inseparable from its history. Poland's past has been as
glorious as it has been tragic, as inspiring as its suffering has been im-
mense. Rarely have a people combined such exalted dedication to lib-
erty with such a fierce refusal to subordinate themselves to foreign au-
thority, with such a quixotic willingness continually to hazard their
freedom in pursuit of a romantic vision of freedom. Located in the same
plain without natural boundaries as Russia but without the buffer af-
forded by Russia's vast spaces, Poland has been drawn into the mael-
strom of all contending forces in Europe and exposed to periodic pres-
sures from both East and West. Its very borders testify to the
fluctuations of historical fortune; Poland has been moved around on the
map almost like a chair in a room; it has been shifted westward or
eastward with the historical tides. As recently as 1945 Poland was in ef-
fect moved westward by 150 miles; Russia took Poland's eastern prov-
inces and Poland was compensated by the gift of Germany's eastern
provinces. This extraordinary rearrangement, mortgaging Poland's fu-
ture in both directions, was done by a decision of the victorious powers
in which Poles did not participate.

For nearly 150 years, from the late eighteenth century until the end of
World War I, the state of Poland, once one of the most important in
Europe, disappeared from the map of Europe altogether; Poland was
partitioned by Prussia, Austria, and Russia. But in one of the most ex-
traordinary feats of national faith, Poland remained engraved in the
hearts of its people even as they were divided among neighboring states.
Indeed, in keeping with the nation's wildly romantic and individualistic
character, Poland's contribution to the liberty of Europe increased dur-
ing the years of its national oppression. In the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries Polish patriots were seized with the heroic and moving notion
that they could restore freedom to their people only by enhancing free-
dom everywhere. There was no war for national independence —
including America's — that was not ennobled by the participation of
Polish volunteers who, in risking their lives for the principle of indepen-
dence of faraway countries, believed they were vindicating the right to
freedom of their own.

Faith in the nation was buttressed in that heroic country by faith in
God. Poland was the Eastern outpost of the Catholic Church, whose
priests became at the same time the representatives of the spirit of a na-
tion whose oppressors in the main professed a different religion. The
Church in Poland was a rallying point for national sentiment as nowhere
else. No country had suffered more in the Second World War than
Poland, whose political and intellectual vitality seemed to inspire such

## Summit After

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Summit Aftermath

1267

terror in its neighbors that its leaders were being systematically liqui-
dated now by the Germans, now by the Soviets. The Nazis ordered the
murder of millions of what they considered Poland's elite. Stalin had
executed several hundred of the Polish officer corps in the Katyn Forest
during the time of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. The Red Army had
stood idly by across the Vistula River while the Germans suppressed the
Warsaw revolt of 1944, calculating that Polish patriots were bound to be
an obstacle to Soviet postwar plans. And so Poland emerged from
World War II with unfamiliar boundaries both in the east and the west,
with an alien regime imposed upon it, and with Soviet troops stationed
seemingly permanently in the country. And yet even its Communist
rulers, put into power by foreign arms, could sustain themselves only by
enlarging the margin of national decision to the maximum extent.
Grudgingly, the Communist superstructure was forced into an accom-
modation with the Catholic Church, which exacted a large measure of
spiritual autonomy, in return performing its historic role of symbolizing
that some virtues are beyond the reach of political decisions. Uprisings
in 1956 and 1970 warned that the Polish spirit could be quelled only by
a massive display of military power from which the Soviet Union re-
coiled on both occasions.

The fierce devotion to Polish identity was reflected in the rebuilding
of the beautiful old city of Warsaw. So powerful was the national tradi-
tion that even the Communist rulers inheriting the heap of rubble that
had once been Warsaw (90 percent destroyed) began their task of recon-
struction by rebuilding the city of Poland's past: Sixteenth-century War-
saw rose lovingly re-created from ancient plans before the Communists
dared to impose their own gingerbread Stalinist Gothic on their subjects.

Poland needed from us no lectures on the importance of freedom. All
it required was the psychological assurance that its aspirations were un-
derstood by old friends. And therefore our presence in Warsaw was
more important than the substance of the conversations.

We arrived at the airport to a horrendous foul-up. As part of the ar-
rival ceremony, a gaudy Polish army marching band had begun its drill
at the far end of the airport tarmac and was heading toward the review-
ing stand in an intricate spit-and-polish maneuver. The ceremony must
have been rehearsed many times, but apparently not with an airplane
present. As the band approached us it became sickeningly clear that it
was heading straight for the engine pods under the wings of *Air Force
One*; indeed, had the pilot started the engines, the entire band would
have been blown away or incinerated. But the band proved equal to the
occasion. Without breaking stride or interrupting the music, it executed
a sharp ninety-degree turn, marched under the wings parallel to the
fuselage, its ranks parting around the engine pods, its melody and per-
sonnel unimpaired. To prove that routine is hard to break, the band did

1268

1972: From War to Peace

not change the procedure upon our departure; it followed the same
precise route, marching into the airplane and under the engines.

Our advance men could not permit such ingenuity to go unmatched. The problem was the perennial one: how to bring about a photo opportunity involving "spontaneous" crowds. It was complicated in Poland because our hosts insisted that we use their cars, thus depriving our advance team of control over the creation of traffic jams, which had worked so well in Rome and Belgrade in 1970. But the advance men were up to the challenge. On the way to his residence from the airport, Nixon stopped to lay a wreath at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. Fortunately for our public relations men's composure, in Warsaw this is located in the center of town so that a good-sized crowd had assembled. As Nixon completed the wreath-laying, the President's American limousine suddenly came into view with its regular Secret Service driver. Nixon entered it before our hosts could recover from their surprise. The driver moved the car slowly off the street and onto the sidewalk, that is to say, right into the crowd. Even the most hostile photographer found it impossible to avoid a picture of Nixon's car inundated by Polish crowds. I had been given another lesson in the creation of photo opportunities.

The conversations with Polish leaders could not compete with so much ingenuity. I was much impressed with Edward Gierek, the General Secretary of the Polish Communist Party, who had come to power after the 1970 riots. He was a dedicated Communist and a patriotic Pole. He left the impression that an ideology which destroyed the national character of his people would be meaningless to him and that in the end he would resist if it came to that. He knew that Poland would commit suicide if it challenged its powerful neighbor to the East. And no Pole could totally overcome the distrust of Germany after the suffering of the Second World War. Gierek would maneuver between these two national nightmares, seeking the greatest autonomy in the process, without giving up the Communist principles to which he had devoted his life.

And there was no doubt about his happiness with the outcome of the Moscow summit. Soviet leaders were surely ambivalent about détente, undecided whether to use it as an offensive tactic to tranquilize the West or to make a serious turn toward mutual restraint. Gierek had no such ambivalence. He wanted a code of international conduct in which the strong were restrained from imposing their will on the weak. Poland's autonomy could thrive best under conditions of relaxation of tension. Confrontation involved regimentation; peace was not only an abstract preference but a condition of national survival. And so the stop in Warsaw reminded us of some fundamentals that ultimately make statesmanship worthwhile.

Summit Aftermath.

IT must be borne andohn and o American grays Every President major political man selling the SoVIer while our labor viet ships and far too expensi after the summIngness to buY markets was sOP policy; the NSC more, nobody tive attitude to moment that he was the equal o f deadly because

When Butzy Union might be cO vided adequate a formula for mented several pact of grain s feigned little iSoviets might t insignificant to

After we retu now, but did not strophic crop f report accuratel White House t chases of that c that something tactics and mov summit on an e we should have litical scrutiny a the scale of the Deputy Minist quietly into Wa him a three-yea

First Secretary Gierek of the Polish United Workers' Party
Visits the United States

Edward Gierek, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, made an official visit to the United States October 6-13. He met with President Ford and other government officials in Washington October 8-10. Following are an exchange of greetings between President Ford and First Secretary Gierek at a welcoming ceremony at the White House on October 8, their exchange of toasts at a White House dinner that evening, and their remarks on October 9 upon signing a joint statement on principles of relations and a joint statement on economic, industrial, and technological cooperation, together with the texts of the joint statements and a joint communique issued on October 13.

REMARKS AT WELCOMING CEREMONY

-Oct. 8

Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents dated October 14

President Ford

Mr. First Secretary: It is a very distinct pleasure for me to welcome you and Mrs. Gierek to the United States. As you know, Mr. First Secretary, the family ties that bind our two peoples together in a very special way are very, very old, indeed, older actually than the United States itself.

You have already visited Jamestown, Virginia, where the first Poles arrived in 1608, only one year after it was first settled. From that day to this day, large numbers of your countrymen have helped to build this country and to mold our great American traditions.

America treasures these contributions to our growth, to our culture, and to our history. During your stay in this country, Mr. First Secretary, you and Mrs. Gierek will be able to see for yourselves the character of

our country and the role that men and women from Poland have played in America's history.

Our two nations have thus a fine foundation upon which to build. I have watched with very great interest the substantial growth of our bilateral trade in the last two years since the establishment of the joint Polish-American Trade Commission. And continuing expansion of contacts between officials and private citizens in the fields of such activities as science, technology, and the arts is another evidence of the dynamic development of Polish-American relations.

You, Mr. First Secretary, will surely agree with me that we must not allow our satisfaction with past progress to slow our pace or slacken our efforts in the future. We must use the opportunity your visit affords to seek new avenues of bilateral cooperation in many, many fields, including energy and environmental areas.

In many other areas of common interest—for example, our participation in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and our participation in the force reduction talks—we are engaged in common endeavors for peace.

Today, economic problems almost everywhere are very, very severe. That stability of the world is in danger, and almost everywhere it develops, as well as in developing countries, the welfare of people on a global basis unfortunately is actually threatened.

Mr. First Secretary, Poland knows too well, perhaps better than any other nation, the fearful experience of war and its very painful consequences. A thorough review of all the dangers to peace for ourselves and the world must surely be a matter of highest priority.

November 4, 1974

597

We seek a peaceful world and a more pros-
perous world. Poland is a world leader in
coal production and coal research. Poland
has a very major role, a role to play in con-
tributing solutions to the world energy prob-
lem; and you, Mr. First Secretary, with a
lifetime of expertise, are able to make a very
important personal contribution in this spe-
cific area. I look forward to exchanging views
with you on the energy problem.

Mr. First Secretary, we, all of us in Amer-
ica, are pleased that you and Mrs. Gierek are
here. I am very confident, Mr. First Secre-
tary, that our meetings will deepen the
friendship of our two peoples and broaden
the cooperation of our two nations.

Thank you very much.

First Secretary Gierek ¹

I wish to thank you for your words of cor-
diality which you, Mr. President, have ad-
dressed to me, to Mrs. Gierek, and to mem-
bers of my delegation. I take these words of
yours as being directed to the people of Po-
land and to the Polish state, on behalf of
which and upon your invitation I am visiting
the United States.

I am pleased to have made this visit, as it
adds new testimony to the friendly ties that
have linked our two nations since the times
of George Washington and Tadeusz Kos-
ciuszko.

I rest assured that it is the desire of both
our peoples not only to preserve these tradi-
tional relations but also to strengthen them
through closer and broader cooperation in
the world of today.

Indeed, Socialist Poland, dynamically de-
veloping her new potential and creating as
she does new living conditions for her peo-
ple, is vitally interested in this. I trust that
the talks we shall hold and agreements we
shall conclude will greatly contribute toward
this end, that they will open up a broader
prospect for cooperation between our coun-
tries.

I am pleased to have made this visit, also,

because it represents yet another reaffirma-
tion of international détente, which my coun-
try views as extremely significant and to
which we try to make our utmost contribu-
tion.

That process, which originates from the
very essence of the contemporary world, from
the need for and necessity of peaceful coex-
istence among states with differing political
systems, has been considerably enhanced in
recent years.

We of Poland can only welcome it in our
profound conviction that it is in the interest
of all nations to make that process further
extend, universal and irreversible. Precisely
for this reason there is wide appreciation to-
day that it is you, Mr. President, who is
steering the U.S. policy toward this direc-
tion.

I am pleased to have made this visit, as it
will enable me to get to know the United
States, to acquaint myself with the outstand-
ing accomplishments of the progress of civil-
lization of the American people, whose his-
tory and achievements have since the very
outset been and continue to be so much en-
riched by the Americans of Polish extrac-
tion.

Mr. President, I am profoundly convinced
of the propitious conditions today and the
right time for expansion of Polish-American
cooperation in its new dimensions and in all
fields of endeavor.

Mine is also a firm belief that we can work
closer together for the great cause of peace.
That is the purpose of my visit here, and I
am happy that you, too, share these aspira-
tions of ours.

Please accept, Mr. President, the best
wishes from Poland to the United States,
from the Polish people to the American peo-
ple.

TOASTS AT WHITE HOUSE DINNER -Oct. 8

President Ford

Mr. First Secretary, our wonderful guests:
It is a great privilege and pleasure to have
you and Mrs. Gierek here with us this eve-

ning. We have had
and we had a very
discussion during
forward to further

Mr. First Secret-
our country when
people with a Poli-
And as I grew up,
many wonderful
families that had
ilies that had the
families that had a
ication, individual
that became leade
standing scholars.
And so I had a g-
the best, with it
from your countr

And then in 1918
tunity to go to Pe-
went to Poland v-
many comparable
as I had known in
the United Sta

And I found, M-
stead of 30,000,000,
all of them had th
family dedication-
them wanted to u-
state, and make
finer place in wh

So it seemed t
that it was very
country to start
years ago which
great relationship
on understanding
far broader visio

We want to he
But we want to b
broader effort to
tween countries
another but who
that did not un
hopefully, will. A
cause of our ci
land, settled her-
and vital in our
so strong and so
trust that we ca

¹ First Secretary Gierek spoke in Polish on all three occasions.

598

Department of State Bulletin

November 4, 197

ing. We have had a very delightful dinner, and we had a very helpful and constructive discussion during the day, and I am looking forward to further discussions tomorrow.

Mr. First Secretary, I come from a part of our country where we have roughly 30,000 people with a Polish heritage or background. And as I grew up, Mr. First Secretary, I had many wonderful personal experiences with families that had a Polish background, families that had the same great family strength, families that had a tremendous religious dedication, individuals with a Polish heritage that became leaders in our community, outstanding scholars, athletes, public servants. And so I had a great exposure to the finest, the best, with individuals who had come from your country to ours.

And then in 1958 or '59, I had the opportunity to go to Poland, and I wondered as I went to Poland whether there would be so many comparable wonderful people in Poland as I had known in my hometown in Michigan in the United States.

And I found, Mr. First Secretary, that instead of 30,000, there were 30 million. And all of them had the same warmth, friendship, family dedication, deep conviction, and all of them wanted to uplift their community, their state, and make their country a better and finer place in which to live.

So it seemed to me, Mr. First Secretary, that it was very easy for Poland and our country to start building a foundation some years ago which has now developed into a great relationship, a relationship predicated on understanding, a relationship that has a far broader vision.

We want to help one another, and we do. But we want to build from our relationship a broader effort to improve world relations between countries that did not understand one another but who now, hopefully, will—blocs that did not understand one another but, hopefully, will. And the net result is that because of our citizens who came from Poland, settled here, and have become so strong and vital in our society and yours, who are so strong and so vital in Europe, I hope and trust that we can move together in coopera-

tion and economic matters, cultural matters, educational matters, environmental matters, and set an example for all nations, because we do understand one another and we can, by history, work together.

And so I ask all of our guests here tonight to rise and join with me in offering a toast to the First Secretary and to Mrs. Gierek and offer them the best from all of us in the United States to the First Secretary, to the Polish people.

## First Secretary Gierek

Dear Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen: I thank you, Mr. President, for your kind and friendly words. I thank you for the hospitality you have shown us, which both Mrs. Gierek and I greatly appreciate and sincerely hope to heartily reciprocate.

From the outset of our sojourn on the American soil, we have been accompanied by a good, matter-of-fact, and friendly atmosphere. This gladdens us and reaffirms in our profound conviction that my visit here will prove fruitful.

Our conversations with you, Mr. President, have above all reassured me in this. We have exchanged, in their course, views on the most important issues of Polish-American relations and on the further development of the process of international détente.

We have reached important conclusions which will be set down on our joint documents. I am confident that the results of our meetings will open up a new stage in the mutual relations between both our countries and nations.

I highly value, Mr. President, this direct contact with you, with the leader of the United States, who by his own deep understanding of and positive approach to issues of the present-day cooperation between our two nations confirms the willingness to develop it further in the friendly attitude toward Poland.

I am also satisfied over my meetings with the Secretary of State, Dr. Henry Kissinger, and with all eminent associates of yours.

It is my conviction, Mr. President, that

November 4, 1974

599

there exist very favorable conditions to a
significant expansion of Polish-U.S. coopera-
tion, which is the common concern of ours.
These conditions, as you have pointed out a
moment ago, stem from our longstanding tra-
dition of friendly mutual bonds, dating back
to the times of the founding of the United
States, began by the participation of Tadeusz
Kosciuszko, Pulaski, and other sons of the
Polish people who struggled for the independ-
ence of the United States.

These bonds were subsequently strength-
ened by the sympathy toward and interest of
the democratic forces of the American nation
in the cause of Polish independence. And
they were amply reaffirmed in our joint
struggle for freedom, greatest in history, as
it were, conducted by the great anti-Fascist
coalition in the years of World War II.

These traditions have remained alive, al-
though their early postwar phase has fortu-
nately become a closed historical chapter.

As a result of its own heroic struggle and
its cooperation with all other freedom-loving
forces, the people of Poland found its road
to durable independence, to enviable secu-
rity, to dynamic development.

The people of Poland found it in its new
Socialist homeland, in its consciously chosen
alliance with the U.S.S.R. and other Socialist
countries, in its active foreign policy of in-
ternational security and peaceful coopera-
tion.

Modern Poland, Mr. President, with a
more than 1,000-year history and great tra-
ditions of love for freedom and progress, is
proud of the great historic achievements of
the past three decades which have essentially
altered the course of our nation's tragic past
and verily transformed the country, elevat-
ing it onto a new place in Europe and the
world at large.

The Poland of today, one of the world's
top 10 industrial producers, is a country of a
dynamic economy, of high cultural and scien-
tific standards, and constantly growing stand-
ards of living.

In recent years we have endowed her de-
velopment with a still greater dynamism and
higher quality. We still have much to accom-

plish. But the decisive stage is behind us and
Poland could now enter the phase of accel-
erated growth of her economy. And the as-
pirations of my people are indeed in keeping
with these vital needs and aspirations of all.

It is from this position and for this pur-
pose that we also desire to eject new impetus
and quality to our cooperation with other
countries of the world. We are delighted to
see considerable progress achieved in Polish-
American relations, particularly in recent
years. But we take it only as a harbinger of a
much broader cooperation.

We therefore attach special importance to
development of economic cooperation, which
establishes most durable of bonds and pro-
vides for a material base of cooperation in
all other fields.

We conceive of the United States as one of
our principal partners in the West. There
exist all opportunities that it be so. The es-
sential thing is to create conditions that
would make us seize of all those opportuni-
ties.

I strongly believe that arrangements we
are now adopting and agreements we are
concluding will be a decisive contribution to-
ward this end.

In the overall framework of relations be-
tween our two countries, a major positive
role can no doubt be played by the multimil-
lion-strong group of Americans of Polish an-
cestry as good citizens of the United States
and at the same time retaining their emo-
tional ties with their old land. They have al-
ways been one of the important factors of
mutual rapprochement between our two na-
tions, and they can further make a substan-
tial contribution to their friendly coopera-
tion.

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, our
thoughts constantly turn to the great and
common cause of all mankind, the cause of
peace.

The Polish nation, which paid the highest
price for its freedom and is fully cognizant
of the value of peace, attaches great impor-
tance to the process of détente, which has
been developing in recent years. We see in it
a true road toward the strengthening of in-

ternational security
operation among
peaceful coexisten-
tial political systems.
Necessity of our ti-
nality of our time

Let me say, Mr.
fully appreciates
round significance
ments for the cau-
eral improvement
in our country.

It was with great
welcomed progress
and together with
noted with great
that these propitiated.

It is only natural
to attach particular
détente and to co-
nearly three decade
have been activel-
success of the Co-
operation in Eu-
exist very realis-
tive conclusion in
the world at large.

We shall continue
contribution to
and arms reducti-
tion.

We are convinced
is also vitally im-
portant and an-
tial and construc-
tive cause. We rest
of and the univer-
sity the desire com-
justice, and a be-
tween both our
interests.

I trust that all
these great objec-
tive between both our
essary.

My first day in
the talks I had
firm me in my
plan to open up a
development of
reassured in this
which all our m-
typical of the
between our two
years.

Mr. President

600

Department of State Bulletin

November 4, 1968

ternational security and development of co-
operation among nations on the basis of
peaceful coexistence of states with different
political systems. This is the prime need and
necessity of our time.

Let me say, Mr. President, that Poland
fully appreciates the far-reaching and all-
round significance of Soviet-American agree-
ments for the cause of world peace and gen-
eral improvement of international relations.

It was with greatest satisfaction that we
welcomed progress already achieved here,
and together with other countries we have
noted with great appreciation the promise
that these propitious trends will be contin-
ued.

It is only natural that Poland should at-
tach particular significance to progress of
détente and to consolidation of the facts of
nearly three decades of peace in Europe. We
have been actively cooperating to insure the
success of the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe. We believe that there
exist very realistic conditions for its success-
ful conclusion in the months to come.

We shall continue to make our constructive
contribution to the Vienna talks on troops
and arms reduction in Central Europe.

We are convinced that the United States
is also vitally interested in a lasting peace on
our continent and can indeed make a substan-
tial and constructive contribution to that
cause. We rest assured of the indivisibility
of and the universal need for peace and of
the desire common to all nations for security,
justice, and a better morale.

I trust that also in the strivings to achieve
these great objectives closer cooperation be-
tween both our countries is possible and nec-
essary.

My first day in Washington and, above all,
the talks I had with you, Mr. President, reaf-
firm me in my conviction that together we
can open up new, broader prospects for the
development of Polish-U.S. cooperation. I am
reassured in this also by the good climate in
which all our meetings are held and which is
typical of the friendly relations obtaining
between our two peoples.

Mr. President, I should like to propose a

toast: To your very good health and all suc-
cess in steering the affairs of the great
United States; for the speediest recovery of
Mrs. Ford; to your good health, ladies and
gentlemen; to the development of friendly
cooperation between our peoples and states;
to world peace.

REMARKS UPON SIGNING JOINT STATEMENTS

President Ford

Mr. First Secretary: We have just put our
signatures on landmark documents.

The first, on principles of bilateral rela-
tions, recognizes the friendly state of those
relations. It underlines our joint determina-
tion to not only continue this cooperation but
to further expand it for mutual benefit. We
will make a joint contribution to peace and
security throughout the world.

The second document is more specifically
directed to economic, industrial, and techno-
logical cooperation. If it is to succeed, coop-
eration requires the careful and continuing
attention of nations, as I am sure you will
agree.

Over the past few years we have made im-
portant advances in our economic and trade
relations. We have now pledged our coun-
tries to even further advances toward reali-
zation of the full potential for cooperation
that we both see and we desire. Our peoples
will benefit and the economic international
community will likewise benefit.

These documents should be reassuring to
our friends and associates throughout the
world. We discriminate against no one, nor
do we prejudice any commitments we have
already made to others. Indeed, the respect
we show for each other and the cooperation
that we seek is part of the international
spirit we see emerging. This new spirit seeks
to solve problems, not to make new tensions.

Mr. First Secretary, my signature on these
documents is yet another expression of the
deep interest of the people of the United
States in the well-being of your nation and

and us and
of accel-
and the as-
ion keeping
ns of all.
this pur-

this pur-
low impetus
with other
lighted to
in Polish-
in recent
inger of a

ortance to
on, which
and pro-
eration in

as one of
st. There
. The es-
sions that
oportuni-

ments we
we are
ution to-

tions be-
positive
multimil-
 polish an-
d States
their emo-
have al-
lectors of
two na-
substan-
coopera-

en, our
great and
cause of

highest
ignizant
impor-
which has
see in it
ry of in-

Bulletin

November 4, 1974

601

its deserved place in the international community. We welcome these documents for the contributions they will make to the spirit of cooperation and peaceful endeavor throughout the world.

## First Secretary Gierek

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen: I do share, Mr. President, your appraisal of the weight of the documents we have just signed, the fruitful nature of our talks, and the importance of the agreements we have concluded. I greatly appreciate what you have said and wish to express my profound satisfaction over the headway we made and results we achieved during my visit to Washington. I especially enjoyed meeting with you, Mr. President, which I shall cherish in my memories as an important, sincere, and friendly encounter.

We are opening together a new chapter in relations between the Polish People's Republic and the United States of America. As of now, these new annals will be recording the future of our relations as well as our broader, closer, and more extensive cooperation. We are opening that new chapter aware of the entire tradition of the friendly mutual relations between the Polish and American peoples, in the desire of tightening the bonds which we have inherited from the past and continue to maintain at present.

In enhancing the progress made in our bilateral relations in recent years, we are likewise creating a groundwork for expanded economic, scientific, and technical cooperation, for cultural exchanges and various contacts between our respective peoples. Particularly important in this regard is expansion of reciprocally beneficial economic ties, which form the most durable basis for all other mutual relationships.

I firmly believe that the inauguration of a future-oriented phase of Polish-American relations concurs with the interests and wishes of our two peoples. We are doing it in accordance both with the principles and the spirit of peaceful coexistence among states with different systems. For the United States

and modern Socialist Poland are precisely such states. Poland for 30 years has been shaping new conditions of life and development of her people. She remains faithful to her alliances, and in the best of her tradition, she is actively involved in the strife for progress and peace.

I trust, Mr. President, that the results of our meeting will also contribute to the strengthening of international détente. This latter process, in particular fortified by the improvement of Soviet-American relations, which are of exceptional significance to world peace, has already brought about many favorable changes in the international situation. It has reduced dangerous tensions and provided new vistas for constructive cooperation.

We can particularly sense this in Europe, where the process has been advanced most. Yet, even there, a great deal still remains to be done in order to insure peace for the entire future to come. May we all move further along that road, to free mankind completely from the nuclear threat, to give the world of today and all its nations a feeling of lasting security, and to resolve successfully the great socioeconomic and civilization problems which confront us now and are likely to emerge in near future.

I am happy, Mr. President, that, as has been reflected in our joint statement, we are in agreement as to the need for further action at making irreversible the progress achieved in peaceful relations among states with different socioeconomic systems.

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, tomorrow morning I shall be leaving Washington to visit other centers of your great and beautiful country.

On behalf of Mrs. Gierek and persons accompanying me, as well as in my own name, I wish to thank you, Mr. President, for the friendly reception and hospitality accorded to us.

Permit me at the same time to reiterate my very cordial invitation for you and Mrs. Ford, whom we wish a very speedy recovery, to pay a visit to Poland. With the fresh memories of our Washington encounter, I shall be looking forward to meeting you again,

602

Department of State Bulletin

this time in our ca

I should also like to express my happy I was to have the pleasure of representing the United States of America in your country, with them having a great deal to discuss concerning further our international cooperation.

I take this opportunity to express my sincere appreciation of the great help you have given me and all who helped me in my efforts to secure the ratification of the new international economic and security treaty.

Through you, Mr. President, I convey to the American people of the United States our best wishes for the future of the country and for the health and prosperity of the American people.

## President Ford

Thank you very much for your kind letter of well-acquainted visit to the opportunity for your kind invitation to attend my visit to the United States. I am very happy to be able to express to you, as well as to your nation and your people, my great warmth of heart and my sincere wish to see you again.

I told Mrs. Ford your kind invitation to visit us in the United States a year ago, and I am very happy to be able to express to you, as well as to your nation and your people, my great warmth of heart and my sincere wish to see you again.

I can assure you, as you travel around the United States—and I have already visited many of the great warmhearted people for the people of the United States—be welcome wherever you visit. I hope you will see me very soon.

We hope you will see me very soon.

## First Secretary Gierek

I wish to express my sincere appreciation for the kind letter of welcome you have given me, and for your kind invitation to visit the United States. I am very happy to be able to express to you, as well as to your nation and your people, my great warmth of heart and my sincere wish to see you again.

President Ford

November 4, 1974

this time in our capital, the city of Warsaw.

I should also like to say once more how happy I was to have met the prominent representatives of the U.S. Congress. My meeting with them has reaffirmed me of the congressional favorable attitude toward matters concerning further development of Polish-American cooperation.

I take this opportunity to thank the Secretary of State, as well as your other collaborators, for their contribution to the fruitful results of my visit to Washington. I thank all who helped make this visit a success.

Through you, Mr. President, I wish to convey to the American nation my heartfelt greetings and best wishes which I am bringing from the people of Poland.

### President Ford

Thank you very, very much, Mr. First Secretary. I have enjoyed meeting you, becoming well acquainted with you, and I look forward to the opportunity of visiting Poland.

I told Mrs. Ford on the telephone today of your kind invitation, and she remembers vividly our visit to Poland some years ago. She, as well as I, are looking forward to a return to your nation and to meet again the wonderful Polish people.

I can assure you, Mr. First Secretary, that as you travel around the rest of the United States—and I wish you could stay longer and visit more places—that you will find a great warmth on the part of the American people for the people of Poland and you will be welcome wherever you go. I know the warmth of the welcome here will be equal wherever you visit in our country.

We hope you will come back. I look forward to seeing you in the future.

### First Secretary Gierek

I wish to thank you most heartily, Mr. President, and we are expecting you in Warsaw, and Mrs. Ford. We shall be trying to greet you, Mr. President and Mrs. Ford, according to the Polish tradition and our saying, "My home is your home."

President Ford: Thank you, sir.

## JOINT STATEMENT ON PRINCIPLES OF RELATIONS

### JOINT STATEMENT ON PRINCIPLES OF UNITED STATES-POLISH RELATIONS

The President of the United States of America, Gerald R. Ford, and the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, Edward Gierek,

—having met in a cordial, businesslike and constructive atmosphere, which provided the opportunity for a useful and comprehensive exchange of views,

—mindful of the long-standing and rich traditions of relations between their two peoples and the feelings of friendship and respect toward each other,

—being convinced that further development of American-Polish relations and the expansion of mutual cooperation serves the interests of both nations and contributes to peace and security in the world,

agreed on a statement of principles of friendly relations and cooperation between the United States of America and the Polish People's Republic.

### I

The President and the First Secretary reaffirmed that bilateral relations between the United States of America and the Polish People's Republic are founded on the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and international law, and in particular the following interrelated principles:

—sovereign equality;

—refraining from the threat or use of force;

—inviolability of frontiers;

—territorial integrity of states;

—peaceful settlement of disputes;

—non-intervention in internal affairs;

—respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms;

—equal rights and self-determination of peoples;

—cooperation among states;

—fulfillment in good faith of obligations under international law.

### II

The President and the First Secretary expressed their determination to develop relations of the two countries in a spirit of cooperation and mutual respect.

They resolved to expand and encourage as appropriate the long-range development of commercial, economic, cultural, scientific and technical cooperation of the two countries under conditions of reciprocity of advantages and obligations, in particular in agriculture, industry, transportation, health and environment.

They also resolved to continue to support the development of cooperation through the Joint American-Polish Trade Commission, between organizations, institutions and firms, as set forth in the "Joint

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Statement on the Expansion of Economic, Industrial and Technological Cooperation between the United States of America and the Polish People's Republic" signed on October 9, 1974. They affirmed that mutually beneficial economic relations are conducive to good political relations.

They will facilitate and support, through all appropriate means, agreements concerning exchange of experts, students, and other persons as well as exchanges in the fields of science, culture, the arts, education, and other fields, between their two governments or directly between research organizations, institutions and firms as well as people.

Being aware of the importance of cultural and scientific cooperation as a means of promoting mutual understanding and trust, they resolve to promote the development of cultural relations providing opportunities for the citizens of both nations to learn the language of each other and to acquire a better knowledge of their respective achievements and values.

They will support the expansion of contacts between citizens of the two countries, including tourism, as well as contacts between representatives of federal and local authorities and youth and vocational organizations.

They reaffirmed their commitment to develop further relations between the two countries through frequent consultations at various levels, on matters pertaining to their mutual relations, including implementation of the principles contained herein, as well as important international issues of mutual interest.

### III

The President and the First Secretary welcomed the progress in recent years toward the general relaxation of tension and the development of peaceful relations between countries of different socio-economic systems. In this connection they stressed the importance of making that progress irreversible. They are determined to continue efforts aimed at strengthening these positive changes to which all countries, irrespective of their size and potential, can and should contribute in the interest of peace and security of all nations.

They will continue to work toward strengthening European security, in particular by contributing to the success of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the negotiations on Mutual Reduction of Forces and Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe.

They stressed the importance of achieving effective measures of disarmament conducive to strengthening peace and security in the world.

They expressed their willingness to cooperate on various international matters concerning the consolidation of peace, international security and economic, social and cultural progress, with a view to making their own contribution to the settlement of important international problems in the spirit of good will and mutual trust.

They recognized the necessity of strengthening the effectiveness of the United Nations in the maintenance and consolidation of international peace, and in developing cooperation among all nations on the basis of the United Nations Charter.

They acknowledged that this Joint Statement does not infringe upon the obligations of the United States of America and the Polish People's Republic with respect to other states.

Washington, October 9, 1974

For the United States of America:

GERALD R. FORD
President of the
United States of
America

For the Polish People's Republic:

EDWARD GIEREK
First Secretary of the
Central Committee of the
Polish United Workers' Party

## JOINT STATEMENT ON ECONOMIC COOPERATION

JOINT STATEMENT ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC, INDUSTRIAL AND TECHNOLOGICAL COOPERATION BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE POLISH PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC

—having held talks on the present state and further development of economic, industrial and technological cooperation between the United States of America and the Polish People's Republic,

agreed on the following statement:

### I

The President and the First Secretary expressed gratification with the results achieved in their mutual economic and trade relations in recent years. They endorsed the guidelines for their further development that are set forth in this Joint Statement, and affirmed the positive role of these guidelines for the further development of mutual economic, industrial, and technological cooperation between the United States of America and the Polish People's Republic.

Recognizing further growth of international trade as fundamental to economic development and improved standards of living, and guided by the provisions contained in the Joint Statement on Principles of United States-Polish Relations, they reaffirmed their determination to seek continued expansion of economic and trade relations pursuant to a liberal export and import policy consistent with the legal requirements of each country and with the principles of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, including most-favored-nation treatment. They also ex-

pressed confidence that trade relations would be based on the principle of mutual benefit of their countries.

They recognize the needs for further rationalization of trade in the coming years, but they are not confident that these goals may be achieved without the use of proper conditions for the development of particular opportunities for economic relations in food-processing, chemistry, construction and machinery, electronic and communications, coal mining and metallurgy.

Considering industrial and other important factors, the United States and the United Kingdom are strongly in favor of the establishment of rational economic organizations and regulations of exchange that will ensure the long-term underpinning of new industrialization and modern technological cooperation, changes of know-how and exchange of technology, and the development of exhibits and information for management research countries.

They affirmed that they also be given to new cooperative suggestions. With a view to economic cooperation, they are prepared to provide for the application of these for goods assigned to them under the provisions of the agreement, and for the organization of joint ventures in the field of technology.

Positively evaluating the scientific and technical progress of the United States and Poland, the United States and Poland are undertaking a series of joint efforts to further the interests of the United States and Poland in view that further progress in the field of technology will be of benefit to both the United States and Poland.

With a view toward the development of industrial and agricultural cooperation, working various fields of trial and technological investigation, the United States and Poland are considering appropriate measures for co-

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pressed confidence that their two countries' bilateral trade relations would be strengthened by the participation of their countries in the multilateral trade negotiations.

They recognize the existence of favorable prospects for further rapid development of bilateral trade in the coming years. They anticipate that their trade may reach $1 billion in 1976 and grow to $2 billion by 1980. They will seek to ensure the existence of proper conditions for economic relations in order that these goals may be achieved. Fields offering particular opportunities for the development of their economic relations include various light industries, food-processing, chemical and petrochemical industry, construction and transportation equipment, machinery, electronic and electrical equipment industries, coal mining and utilization and nonferrous metallurgy.

## II

Considering industrial cooperation as a particularly important factor in the development of trade and the diversification of its structure, the President and the First Secretary will facilitate cooperation between American firms and Polish enterprises and economic organizations consistent with applicable laws and regulations of each of the two countries, including long-term understandings in production; construction of new industrial facilities, as well as expansion and modernization of existing facilities; technological cooperation and research including exchanges of know-how, licenses and patents; training and exchange of technicians and specialists; organization of exhibits and conferences; and market and management research; in both countries and in third countries.

They affirmed that favorable consideration should also be given to new forms and methods of industrial cooperation suggested by interested firms and organizations. With a view to the development of economic cooperation, they will examine ways and means for the application of customs and fiscal facilitation for goods assigned to, and resulting from, cooperation projects within the provisions of customs legislation in force in the two countries.

## III

Positively evaluating the development to date of scientific and technological cooperation between the United States and Poland, including cooperative projects undertaken in accordance with the United States-Polish Agreement on Science and Technology, the President and the First Secretary expressed the view that further cooperation of this kind in fields of interest to both countries should be pursued.

With a view toward the facilitation of projects for industrial and agricultural development, they, by mutual agreement, will exchange information concerning various fields in which the expansion of industrial and technological cooperation is desirable, and, on the basis of such exchange, will examine areas appropriate for consideration.

They positively evaluated the development to date of mutual financial and credit relations, especially the cooperation between the Export-Import Bank of the United States and the Bank Handlowy in Warsaw, which contributed to the rapid rise of trade and economic cooperation, and pledged continued cooperation in the development of these relations.

Attaching great meaning to the progress achieved in creating reciprocal trade facilities, they will examine ways of resolving administrative, tax, visa, and customs problems which may arise, and will facilitate as appropriate access to information concerning actual and potential markets, operation of business offices, trade promotion and other endeavors which contribute to the development of trade and economic cooperation.

Evaluating positively the work to date of the Joint American-Polish Trade Commission in developing and coordinating action in the area of mutual economic and trade relations, they will continue to work through the Commission to promote economic cooperation and resolve problems arising in the course of their economic, industrial and technological cooperation.

In issuing this Joint Statement, they express the hope that it will become an important practical contribution to utilization of the potential for development of economic, industrial, and scientific and technological cooperation between the United States of America and the Polish People's Republic.

Washington, October 9, 1974

GERALD R. FORD

EDWARD GIEREK

## JOINT U.S.-POLISH COMMUNIQUE

White House press release dated October 12; for release October 13

At the invitation of the President of the United States of America, Gerald R. Ford, and Mrs. Ford, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, Edward Gierek, and Mrs. Gierek, paid an official visit to the United States October 8 through 13, 1974.

The First Secretary was accompanied by: Mieczysław Jagielski, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and Mrs. Jagielski; Stefan Olszowski, Foreign Minister, and Mrs. Olszowski; Ryszard Frelek, Member of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party; Witold Trampczynski, Polish Ambassador to the United States of America.

The First Secretary was also accompanied by a group of advisers and experts.

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The official party also visited New York, Pittsburgh, and Houston.

During his stay in Washington, First Secretary Gierek held talks with President Ford on the development of relations between Poland and the United States as well as on international issues.

He also met with Secretary of State and Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs Henry A. Kissinger, Secretary of Agriculture Earl Butz, Secretary of Commerce Frederick Dent, Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare Caspar Weinberger, and Chairman of the Export-Import Bank William Casey.

The First Secretary paid a visit to Congress and met with members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. He also had talks with leading American businessmen and bankers.

Talks were also held between Foreign Minister Olszowski and Secretary of State Kissinger.

The talks and meetings were held in a friendly and businesslike atmosphere and were characterized by a mutual desire to expand and strengthen the relations between Poland and the United States.

In the course of the talks, the President and the First Secretary noted with satisfaction the significant progress which has recently been made in Polish-American relations. Both leaders expressed their desire to further develop these relations, which are based on the long-standing traditions of friendship and sympathy existing between the Polish and American peoples.

They agreed that the "Joint Statement on Principles of U.S.-Polish Relations" signed during the visit provides a firm basis for broad cooperation between the two countries and contributes to the process of strengthening world peace, security, and international cooperation.

The President and the First Secretary also attached importance to the "Joint Statement on the Development of Economic, Industrial and Technological Cooperation between the United States of America and the Polish People's Republic," which they signed. They agreed that the main directions and scope of cooperation stipulated in the field of trade, industrial and technological cooperation should contribute to the further advancement of bilateral economic relations.

The President and the First Secretary noted with satisfaction the rapid growth of trade between the United States and Poland in the past two years, accompanied by a substantial intensification of general economic relations between the two countries. They considered a mutual trade turnover of one billion dollars by 1976 and two billion dollars by 1980 to be a realistic and desirable goal.

They also agreed that the provisions contained in

the "Joint Statement on the Development of Agricultural Trade between the United States of America and the Polish People's Republic" create possibilities for a further expansion of trade in food and agricultural products as well as for cooperation in various sectors of the agricultural economy.

They noted that the Joint American-Polish Trade Commission plays an important role in the development of trade and economic cooperation.

President Ford and First Secretary Gierek expressed their deep satisfaction at the conclusion during the visit of agreements in the fields of: Coal research; Health; Environmental Protection; Cooperation in Science and Technology; and Avoidance of Double Taxation.

They also welcome the conclusion of an agreement on the establishment of working relationships between the U.S. and Polish Chambers of Commerce.

Both leaders stressed the significance of the broad development of cultural and scientific cooperation between the United States and Poland and expressed their conviction that this cooperation should be further developed.

The President and the First Secretary emphasized the importance of historical traditions in strengthening the bonds of sympathy and friendship between the United States and Poland. A positive role in this strengthening of mutual relations has been played by American citizens of Polish descent. Both leaders undertook to encourage and support further development of those and other contacts between the American and Polish people.

The President and the First Secretary conducted a broad and useful exchange of views on the most important international issues with special emphasis on European questions. They agreed that there exist a number of spheres in which both countries can contribute to the strengthening of peace and international security.

Both leaders expressed satisfaction with the results of the talks they held and agreed that consultations will continue between the two countries at various levels on matters concerning their mutual relations, including the assessment of the implementation of the agreements that were concluded as well as on important international issues of mutual interest.

The First Secretary and Mrs. Gierek expressed their warm gratitude for the hospitality and friendliness accorded to them in the United States.

The First Secretary extended an invitation to the President of the United States and Mrs. Ford to pay an official visit to the Polish People's Republic at a time convenient to them. The invitation was accepted with pleasure,

## Secretary Kissinger

Secretary Kissinger for a trip to turned October 15. of remarks between Secretary Kissinger with exchanges between leaders, statements by Secretary Kissinger, and statements by Israeli, Saudi, and rocco.

## DEPARTURE, ANDREW
OCTOBER 9

White House press release

### President Ford

It is nice to see with all the Cables the administration's intention to the Secretary this vitally important full support administration for forts to bring people that has been so difficult that it is important the countries inv inversions for peace be

This country going to work well of Dr. Kissinger. We wish you

### Secretary Kissinger

I appreciate your coming out of contributing is a very compl

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