tion to refuse to endorse the
bill was seconded by AFL-CIO
Secretary-Treasurer Lane
Kirkland, who serves on the
National Health committee.

Now, according to labor
sources, the AFL-CIO's execu-
tive council, scheduled to
meet May 9 is planning to
criticize the new bill sharply
and to reaffirm labor's sup-
port for Kennedy's now-dis-
carded Health Security bill. In
addition, AFL-CIO President
George Meany plans to blast
the latest Kennedy bill when
he testifies before the Senate
Finance Committee May 17.

"Meany feels personally
miffed," says one labor source,
adding that labor now plans to
wait until next year, when the
new Congress may be more
liberal.

Kennedy strategists, on the
other hand, call labor's grow-
ing opposition merely a tactic,
and one that actually helps
Kennedy. "If they didn't insist
on a stronger bill, they'd
weaken Kennedy's hand even
more," says Kennedy health
aide Stan Jones. "It's easy to
make too much of this."

Kennedy anticipates that la-
bor could eventually support
his bill if it comes to a floor
vote relatively intact, accord-
ing to Jones.

But labor spokesmen insist
that the bill has been compro-
mised too much to suit them
already. "The final compro-
mise will be somewhere be-
tween Kennedy and the ad-
ministration bill," says AFL-
CIO spokesman Allen Zack.

Zack adds that the AFL-CIO
would prefer to wait a year.
"We had to take too much in-
surance industry involvement
in Medicare. We learned a lot
from that. It's a matter of
rushing through a bad bill,
and we don't want it."

fe

SEN. EDWARD M. KENNEDY
... request rebuffed

"There's been a total role reversal," says labor ally Max Fine, director of the Committee for National Health Insurance. "All of a sudden the administration, the American Medical Association, the insurance industry and Wilbur Mills are all in a hurry to get a bill passed."

Fine agrees that any na-
tional health measure that
reaches the full Congress this
year is unlikely to win labor's
backing.

Kennedy's original health
security bill, since abandoned,
would have provided Ameri-
cans with comprehensive med-
ical and hospital benefits, fi-
nanced by a federal trust fund
using payroll taxes and gen-
eral revenues at an estimated
annual cost of $61 billion.

The new Kennedy-Mills
measure is similar to the
Nixon administration's "Com-
prehensive Health Insurance
Plan" (CHIP), which requires
a typical family to pay as much
as $1,500 a year in medical bills
before insurance benefits fully
take over.

The Kennedy-Mills alterna-
tive is somewhat more liberal,
but according to the Commit-

REP. WILBUR D. MILLS
... "in a hurry"

tee for National Health Insur-
ance, both plans would leave
families with "routine health
expenses" still paying almost
all of their own bills.

The Kennedy-Mills measure
would also give the private in-
surance industry a much
greater role than the earlier
Kennedy-Griffiths measure
provided, but less than the
administration bill.

Everglades Fire
Is Under Control

EAST NAPLES, Fla., April
29 (UPI)—Firefighters brought
a blaze in the Everglades un-
der control Sunday after bat-
tling the flames throughout
Saturday night and keeping
them from burning nearby
populated areas.

Dispatcher Jack Smith of
the Division of Forestry said
the fire burned 4,000 drought-
stricken acres Saturday and
another 350 acres Sunday in
two breakouts spawned by 20-
mile-an-hour winds before
workers brought it under con-
trol.

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The Evening Bulletin

Monday, April 29, 1974

C

3

# Kissinger, Golda Meir Are 'Most Admired'

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger turned out to be the "most admired" man in a recent Bulletin Public Opinion Poll.

"In a sampling of 500 adult residents of the 8-county Philadelphia metropolitan area, the globe-girdling diplomat was picked by 16 percent.

Ralph Nader and U.S. Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass) were tied for second, each getting 4 percent.

"Three percent of the residents said they admired President Nixon the most.

The question was: "What man that you have heard or read about, living today in any part of the world, do you admire most?"

Interestingly, 52 percent didn't know of any man living today whom they admired.

When asked which women they admired most, 16 percent named Golda Meir; 4 percent Mrs. Richard (Pat) Nixon and 2 percent Billie Jean King, tennis star and champion of women's rights. The respondents found it even more difficult to name a woman they admired; 65 percent said they didn't know.

Henry Kissinger
... most admired

THE BULLETIN POLL

The poll was taken by telephone among 250 men and 250 women in Philadelphia, the adjoining counties and nearby New Jersey.

As to local personalities, Mayor Rizzo was the most frequently mentioned, with 8 percent. 6 percent named U.S. Sen. Richard S. Schweiker (R-Pa) and 4 percent picked Governor Shapp.

The most frequently-mentioned woman locally was Common Pleas Court Judge Lisa A. Richette, who got 3 percent of those polled.

Comments on Kissinger:

A domestic living in North Philadelphia said he's "trying to make peace in the world."

"He's doing an excellent job. His personality and knowledge have benefited humanity" —an office worker from Bristol.

"He's the best hope in the Middle East,"

from a teacher in Mt. Airy.

On Nader:

"He's concerned about the consumers and the American public and is not selfish," from an electrical engineer in Glassboro, N.J.

On Kennedy:

"He's always trying to help people in some way," a North Philadelphia man.

On Golda Meir:

"Only school teacher in history, who ever made good . . . tireless . . . a job very few people could handle," from a teacher living in Logan.

All surveys based on samples are subject to tolerance due to the size of the sample. Maximum tolerance which should be allowed for any result based on the 500-person sample is plus or minus 6 percentage points. Thus, if a poll reports 56 percent gave a certain answer, the actual percentage which would have been obtained if everyone with phones had been interviewed would fall between 50 and 62 percent, with the greatest probability being 50 percent.

## Key Witness
### OKd to Testify

UPI

## Hutton as hostess <

Several years ago film comedienne Betty Hutton said she was leaving Hollywood. "It's all so chic here," she said, "nothing is real." Now the frenetic madcap of such '50s films as Let's Dance and Annie Get Your Gun has resurfaced in the quiet, sufficiently unchic town of Portsmouth, R.I. Bearing only such remnants of her former career as the blond hair and heavy mascara, she is now working at St. Anthony's rectory, cooking, doing chores in the parish, and serving coffee to priests James Hamilton and Peter J. McGuire. Would she go back to Hollywood? "Perhaps," says Hutton, but "never if it's a gimmick thing."

## Kissingers go calling <

Now that Henry Kissinger has married Nancy Maginnes, he has wasted no time showing her off to his diplomatic friends. Nancy was her usual reserved, charming self when the couple stopped off to see the president of Mexico on their return from an Acapulco honeymoon. The real test came later in the week when the Kissingers joined Soviet Foreign Minister and Mrs. Andrei Gromyko at the Soviet embassy for what was called "a social lunch." Mrs. Kissinger looked radiant, the Secretary proud, the Gromykos pleased, and détente was clearly served.

GIBB SUGIM

People 4.29.74

ROLAND SCHOOR/LAISON

## Pretty Bowie <

No later than last summer, English glitter rock singer David Bowie was telling anyone who cared that he'd never make another live concert tour again. Now, perhaps borrowing a bit of the Sinatraesque propensity for changing his mind, Bowie is getting set to take to the road on his second nationwide tour of the U.S. Noted for his metallic jumpsuits, Martian spaceman costumes and gobs of eye makeup, Bowie appeared rather conservatively dressed in Cannes recently, sporting nothing louder than a satin-quilted suit and a Borsolino hat.

KISSINGER MEETS
GROMYKO TO SEEK
MIDEAST BACKING

4-29-74

In Geneva at Start of Trip,
He Tries to Get Soviet Help
for Israeli-Syrian Pact

NY Times

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

GENEVA, April 28—Secretary of State Kissinger arrived here tonight and met with Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko to discuss Soviet-American issues and to try to get Soviet help in his efforts for an Israeli-Syrian accord.

An hour after his arrival here, the first stop in a journey aimed at persuading Israel and Syria to compromise on an agreement to separate their troops in the Golan Heights, Mr. Kissinger went to the Soviet mission for talks with Mr. Gromyko.

Mr. Kissinger planned to pursue with Mr. Gromyko the full range of agenda items for President Nixon's trip to Moscow set for late June.

Mr. Kissinger and Mr. Gromyko plan to go into detail on the Middle East situation—the main reason for Mr. Kissinger's stop here—at tomorrow's meeting in Mr. Kissinger's suite in the Inter-Continental Hotel.

Newsmen aboard Mr. Kissinger's Air Force 707 jet were told that Mr. Kissinger viewed this trip as the most difficult of his five Middle East journeys since November. Failure to get Israel and Syria to bridge the large gap between their negotiating stances could lead to a resumption of all-out hostilities, a senior American official said.

After tomorrow's meeting
Continued on Page 3, Column 1

occupied by North Vietnamese or Vietcong forces, exposing them to attack. The herbicides were also used, to a lesser extent, to destroy crops that provided food sources to the Communists.

The academy report contains a number of what Dr. Lang has described as "strong recommendations." To study what action to take on the recommendations, the Defense Department has decided to convene a committee with representatives from the Defense Department, State Department, Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Agriculture Department, Interior Department, National Science Foundation, Agency for International Development and Environmental Protection Agency.

## Aid Agency Short of Funds

One of the committee's principal recommendations was that the United States provide "financial and technical support" to a "Vietnamese effort to cope with the consequences of herbicide use." The committee gave no figure for although the report said that reforestation of the mangrove forests would require "a considerable input of labor and capital.

Without such reforestation, the committee estimated, it would take the mangrove forests "well over 100 years" to recover.

Privately officials expect this recommendation to raise an immediate controversy over which Government agency should assume the budgetary responsibility.

Senator John C. Stennis

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74

News in Soviet

laza, the plight of the Soviet
eWS was emphasized by Mayor
Beame and by Senator Henry
M. Jackson, Democrat of Wash-
gton and author of a proposal
to deny trade concessions to
the Soviet Union unless it lifts
its barriers to free emigration.

Others who stressed the
theme were Elie Wiesel, known
for his writings on the Nazi
holocaust and recipient of sev-
eral literary awards; Rabbi Sol-
 Roth, president of the New
York Board of Rabbis; the Rev.
Robert Drinan, Roman Catholic
priest and member of Congress
from Boston, and Senator Jacob
K. Javits of New York.

It was a platform crowded
with Congressmen, Councilmen
and other figures in New York's
political life.

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Sadat Is Confident
Kissinger Will Get
Israel-Syrian Pact

—NYTimes

By PAUL L. MONTGOMERY

President Anwar el-Sadat of
Egypt, in an interview televised
yesterday, said he thought Sec-
retary of State Kissinger would
succeed in getting a cease-fire
between Syrian and Israeli
forces.

"He's a man of miracles," the
Egyptian leader said of the
American negotiator. "I think
he will be doing it again in
Syria."

President Sadat, at his home
in Alexandria, was questioned
by a team of American Broad-
casting Companies reporters
for the program "Issues and An-
swers." The show was filmed
Friday.

Mr. Sadat, puffing on a pipe,
spoke warmly of the Secretary
of State, calling him "Henry"
throughout. He said their
friendship worried the Soviet
Union. "Since the first visit
of Henry to me here, and this
was last November, my rela-
tions with the Soviets are very
strained," he said.

However, he said, he was
not relying on either the So-
viet Union or the United States
alone to bring peace and help
Egypt. "I am depending on the
two superpowers, and trying
to balance my relations with
them," he said.

President Sadat said that ul-
timately, in the talks on dis-
engagement between Israel and
Syria, Egypt stood with Syria.

"We intend to have peace
and I have proved this," he
said. "After the disengagement
on the Syrian front, we shall
be going to Geneva. For ex-
ample, let us say that Israel
will refuse to withdraw. Be-
cause I'm not going to discuss
withdrawal in Geneva. I'm
going to discuss peace in Ge-
neva. But let us say that they
will say that 'We shall not with-
draw.'" This will mean war. Be-
cause it means that they didn't
digest the lesson of the 6th of
October."

THE WASHINGTON POST, SUNDAY, APRIL 28, 1974

Joseph Kraft

Mideast Peace: Step by Step

BEIRUT—The bits and pieces continue to fall into place here in the Mideast. The visit which Secretary of State Henry Kissinger begins this week ought to yield positive results.

But the latest events in this area also show that a vital ingredient is still missing. There is no trust, and so the progress toward settlement is going to have to proceed by slow, painful stages.

The most hopeful new development lies in the political evolution in Israel. The older generation of Israeli leaders heading up in Prime Minister Golda Meir has finally lost control. For all their merits, they had one fatal disability when it came to peacemaking. They had their roots outside the Mideast, and they thought of the Arabs as those kind of people.

Though Mrs. Meir's lameduck government will continue to handle the negotiations, a new group is already stepping out of the wings. Gen. Yitzhak Rabin, the former ambassador to Washington who has been designated to form the next government, symbolizes the new approach.

He is a tough man—certainly more hawk than dove. But he knows the world, and he does not have a hang-up about Arabs. If anybody can regroup political forces in Israel in the interests of flexible dealing with the Arab world, General Rabin is the man.

On the Arab side, a complementary unburdening of the past is taking place. For the first time since the rise of Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt 20 years ago, there is now running a strong, positive current for cooperation with the United States in, among many other things, a settlement with Israel.

President Anwar Sadat, who is now building his popularity in Egypt on an anti-Nasser stand, is the leader of the new movement. He has the strong backing of King Faisal of Saudi Arabia and King Hussein of Jordan.

Part of the Syrian government—the stronger part which centers around President Hafez Assad—seems favorable to the new current. At least some of the Palestinian resistance leaders —

including the Fatah led by Yassir Arafat—seem disposed to negotiate with Israel and Jordan for a Palestinian entity within the framework of Dr. Kissinger's efforts.

Those who have opposed any compromise, moreover, are plainly on the defensive now. The government of Iraq has its hands full with the latest revolt of the Kurds. Libya's Col. Muammar Qaddafi's decision to abandon administrative functions to concentrate on revolutionary activities, is an acknowledgement that he has had only limited success in imposing his all-or-nothing approach on the rest of the Arab world.

Translating these favorable developments into settlement, however, is very hard. Suspicion remains high on all sides. Most Arabs still believe Israel will return the lands occupied in the wars of 1967 and 1973 only under threat of force. Hence the Syrian push up the Golan Heights and the increase in guerrilla activities by the Palestinians.

The Israelis are convinced that if given a chance the Arabs would destroy the Jewish state. Hence their constant practice of hitting back whenever attacked.

Finally, the Russians see in the new Cairo line the spectre of expulsion from the Mideast. So Moscow is now patronizing all troublemakers in what looks like a return to the no peace-no war strategy.

Because of these suspicions Dr. Kissinger can only advance by slow stages. Specific progress is possible. The disengagement on the Israel-Egyptian front can now be supplemented by a disengagement on the Israeli-Syrian front. After that, it should be possible to make arrangements for the border between Israel and Jordan.

But the mistrust built up over decades can only be exorcised by the habit of coexistence. So after each step forward there has to be a pause for adjustment, a breathing time for all parties to acquire a little bit more the experience of living at peace.

© 1974, Field Enterprises, Inc.

Jack Anderson

Wash POST

4-28-74

# Solzhenitsyn's View of 'Pseudo-Detente'

For the first time, Russia's literary and moral giant, Alexander Solzhenitsyn, has spoken out on the subject of Soviet-American detente. In his unpublished comments, which are laced with bitter irony, he is harshly critical of both the United States and the Soviet Union.

The Nobel Prize-winning novelist, now living in permanent exile in Switzerland, believes "detente is not only necessary but (is) mankind's only salvation." But in its present form, Solzhenitsyn avers, it is a "pseudo-detente." It will work, he contends, only when it is "truly guaranteed."

"One side," he says, in an obvious reference to Russia, "grants a certain number of smiles and even signs agreements, guaranteed actually by nothing, while the other side generates an endless number of real concessions and services to strengthen the first."

But he expects the Kremlin to weasel. There will come a day, he warns, "when with astonishment, the agreements signed are discovered to have been interpreted and carried out not as had been understood and expected, so that again and again delegations are sent to obtain, through additional concessions, the original interpretation."

Solzhenitsyn's views, solicited by Congressmen Benjamin Rosenthal, (D-N.Y.), and Donald Fraser, (D-Minn.), are offered in a sagacious, if sometimes abstract, three-page letter. We have obtained a copy of the translation, which will be made public as part of House hearings on detente beginning May 8.

Until now, Solzhenitsyn has avoided detailed criticism of the Soviet-American detente. Throughout his turbulent career, he has been concerned more with moral and ethical questions, leav-

ing purely political issues to be debated by his dissident friends in Russia.

Even from afar, however, Solzhenitsyn has continued to wield his needle, letting helium out of the Soviet balloon. Nor does he spare the United States in his letter to Congress. With biting sarcasm, he suggests that the U.S. would respond to a Soviet occupation of "the rest of Europe" by canceling cultural exchanges. Even this "drastic" reaction, he allows, would bring Senate and press criticism.

"I think I am not speaking too paradoxically or come too close to the absurd," he writes, "by suggesting that if during some 10 to 14 troublesome days the rest of Europe is occupied... by victorious armies, your transoceanic country's wrath and even the drastic measures taken then by your government to end cultural exchanges in ballot and operatic performances will be quickly protested by indignant and reasonable voices in the press and Senate, saying that we must not ignore reality, that what has happened shouldn't be taken more seriously than what took place in Eastern Europe, that resistance to the aggressor may only enrage him and intensify reactionary forces and that efforts should be doubled and tripled to achieve further 'detente.'"

Solzhenitsyn also takes a swipe at West Germany's Chancellor Willy Brandt, who recently said he would favor detente even with Stalin. The Russian great, referring to "detente which apparently it was possible and moral to maintain with Stalin during his most cruel times," demands: "So then why not Hitler?"

Solzhenitsyn also condemns the attitude of Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who has argued against permitting human rights violations to stand in the way of detente. Declares Solzhenitsyn caustically: "When any acts

of cruelty and even brutality by one side towards its own citizens and its neighboring peoples is hastily and near-sightly accepted by the proponents of detente as 'in no way standing in the way of detente'," this encourages "new acts of brutality and persecution."

Solzhenitsyn is also contemptuous of the truce Kissinger arranged in Vietnam. In an obvious reference to the

truce agreement, the novelist suggests it was signed "not to achieve enduring peace but only to remove the onerous word 'war.'" He calls it "a truce guaranteed by nothing, even without any real powers for an observer commission, without the power of arbitration, but with a real opportunity for the aggressor to violate the truce in any way and at any time and prepare unhindered, under favorable conditions, for renewed aggression."

The implication is that Kissinger is altogether too eager to rush into cosmetic agreements with the Kremlin. Solzhenitsyn cites the strategic arms agreement last year as another example. "Measures adopted to limit rearmament," he writes, "are found to have masked their most recent and fruitful proliferation."

A pseudo-detente, in the words of the Russian author, "is a situation when obedient newspapers stop their hangrantes against a partner but upon a single command may renew it any morning... when sacremental significance is attached to the signatures and even verbal promises of rulers, who even in their own country never supported their constitution."

In contrast, Solzhenitsyn describes a true detente as "an unequivocal control of all means of violence and war by any side, against citizens both foreign and native, those still out of reach and those already within reach; control which would make every step and every stage of detente practically irreversible and would deprive all those in power from arbitrarily, or through ill will, returning suddenly to a policy of violence."

Footnote: We made Solzhenitsyn's letter available to American analysts of Soviet affairs who described his views as "simplistic."

© 1974, United Feature Syndicate

Section 3.

New York Times 4.28.74

# Kissinger Leaving to Seek Golan Accord

WASHINGTON, April 27— Secretary of State Kissinger leaves tomorrow on another Middle East trip with the goal of persuading Israel and Syria to make the necessary compromises to bring about an agreement to separate their forces in the Golan Heights.

Some diplomats here and in the Middle East believe the basic outline for the disengagement accord has already been reached in secret by Mr. Kissinger. But he and his top aides have insisted all week that they were uncertain about the mood in Jerusalem and Damascus, and had no firm indication that an agreement could be achieved on this trip.

Correspondents of The New York Times have reported from the Middle East that Mr. Kissinger's latest trip was being

seen as crucial to the efforts to bring about a lasting settlement.

In Israel, despite the domestic turmoil, Israelis were reported to be "guardedly optimistic" that although the talks would be difficult, the secretary could bring about an accord. [Page 5]

The Syrians were reportedly ready to take a firm position and not rush into concessions, believing that Mr. Kissinger would be able to extract territorial withdrawals from Israel. Nevertheless, the Syrians were thought to want a settlement. [Page 6]

Mr. Kissinger begins the journey—which could last more than two weeks—with meetings in Geneva tomorrow night and Monday with Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko. The two sides agreed to the sessions as a way of giving the Russians more public involve-

ment in the disengagement talks, which up to now have been handled exclusively by the United States.

But a top Kissinger aide said today that the Gromyko-Kissinger talks would probably be devoted less to the Middle East than to issues such as strategic arms limitation, which are major items on the agenda for President Nixon's planned trip to Moscow in June.

Mr. Kissinger said yesterday he would present to Mr. Gromyko "various considerations" for achieving partial agreements on curbing multiple warheads, the key issue in the strategic arms talks.

Secretary Kissinger was described by a State Department official as "cautiously optimistic" that, through shuttle diplomacy between Damascus and

Continued on Page 4, Column 1

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Rowland Evans and Robert Novak

# Mideast Strategy: Keeping the Soviets Happy

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's scheme to give Moscow a ringside seat during his effort next week in the Middle to disengage Israel and Syrian forces is being threatened by both Israel and Egypt, thereby endangering his overall settlement plan.

Both Israel and Egypt are independently and for differing reasons acting to frustrate Kissinger's Soviet tactic, which is central to his grand design. By giving the Soviets just enough sense of participation, Kissinger hopes to dissuade Moscow from cutting the cable on his dramatic high-wire act in mid-course.

Thus, a private agreement was reached between Kissinger and Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko calling for a meeting in Geneva on the eve of Kissinger's journey to Israel and Syria which begins Sunday to nail down a separation of warring Israeli and Syrian forces.

That Kissinger-Gromyko meeting was to have been announced with fanfare just before it took place. But President Anwar Sadat of Egypt, now near the top of the world's Soviet-haters, leaked the news himself a week ahead of time. Sadat's apparent game: to show the Russians he is privy to secret U.S. planning in all aspects of the Middle.

Although officials here are publicly philosophical about Sadat stealing their

> "The Soviets could insist that the true representative of the Palestinians is not Arafat but some more militant extremist."

thunder, they privately complain it has further aggravated a potentially explosive setback to the grand American design. Sadat's ploy has fed Soviet fears of being frozen out of a Mideast at peace while the U.S. is firmly entrenched with its former Arab antagonists.

The other half of the story is growing resistance in Israel to giving Moscow any share in the Golan mediation.

Kissinger and Gromyko had planned a second dramatic meeting in Damascus itself following the Geneva session. Kissinger's purpose in arranging the Damascus meeting was to ease Soviet fears of being last man out by having Gromyko at the scene of action.

The Israelis, however, balked. As we write this, it is far more likely that Gromyko will go to Damascus after Kissinger leaves.

The importance of Kissinger's grand design — keeping the Soviets happy enough to prevent their sabotaging a political settlement—can only be understood in the approaching third

stage of the complex negotiations. Following the Israeli-Egyptian and the Israeli-Syrian disengagements, the third stage is to start the Geneva conference with the presence of the Palestinians as a key element in the negotiations.

If Moscow decides to scuttle the delicate Kissinger plan, all it need do is block attendance at the Geneva conference by the more moderate Palestinian nationalists headed by Yassir Arafat. The Soviets could insist that the true representative of the Palestinians is not Arafat but some more militant extremist.

> "That would keep Arafat home. But a radical Palestinian delegation would never be admitted to the Geneva conference. So there would be no representation at Geneva for the Palestinians—the heart of the bloody Mideast struggle. In that case, the Geneva conference would fail before it starts. Indeed, without Palestinians present, the Syrians themselves would boycott Geneva even if Kissinger effects a Golan Heights disengagement.

President Hafez Assad of Syria is already battling radical elements in his Baath party ready to charge him with selling out both to the U.S. and to U.S. "stooges" in Cairo. These radicals know that Assad is as eager as Sadat to make a new deal with the U.S.

Assad has personally telephoned exiled Syrian moderates in Beirut who fled Syria at the peak of anti-American sentiment following the 1967 war. Assad's message to these former leaders of Syrian business, banking and commerce: Come home! Assad, just as Sadat, has glimpsed an economic future in which American capitalism and technology loom large.

But Assad still depends on Soviet backing for every new arrangement he makes with the U.S. and Israel. Moscow's hand in encouraging Syrian battle against the Israelis the past six weeks, a fact widely accepted here, is proof of that. For him, full partnership between Kissinger and Gromyko in Kissinger's Golan Heights mediation is vitally important.

Keeping the Soviets happy, therefore, is essential for Kissinger in this his fifth trip to the Mideast. By acting as though Moscow has no stick left to strike with in the Mideast, the Egyptians and Israelis seem determined not to help him.

Kissinger Denies 4-27-74
# Summit Politics

By Murrey Marder
Washington Post Staff Writer

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger said yesterday that the "domestic timetable" of the impeachment inquiry is no reason for aborting President's Nixon's scheduled summit talks in Moscow.

Kissinger strongly disagreed with a charge by Sen. Henry M. Jackson (D-Wash.) that the President seeks only "a quick fix" on nuclear arms control in Moscow, as a political expedient to justify a summit meeting.

"... Any President in any administration lives in history a lot longer than he lives in headlines," Kissinger told a news conference at the State Department. President Nixon "will not play with" the "survival of the United States and the survival of many other countries that depend on us," said Kissinger.

Solving international prob-

lems, he said, "cannot be geared to our domestic timetable."

"Our attitude," said Kissinger, "is that we will not rush an agreement (on limiting nuclear weapons) in order to complete it by the summit, but we will not fail to conclude an agreement simply because the summit coincides with an intense domestic debate which is totally unrelated to our foreign policy, and in which our foreign policy has not been the subject of any significant challenge."

Kissinger expressed the administration's determination to proceed with the Moscow summit, scheduled for late June, as he prepared to depart Sunday for another prolonged round of Middle East shuttle diplomacy. The objective is a disengagement of Israeli and

See KISSINGER, A6, Col. 5

made on government officials and newsmen to plug leaks of National Security Council material has caused congressional concern and added impetus to legislation designed to protect the right to privacy.

One of the proposed bills would prohibit the President from ordering a burglary or "any other illegal act" in the interest of national security.

But Petersen said, "Any limitation of the President's constitutional power to protect the United States against foreign-instigated subversion must be objected to."

Rep. Robert Drinan (D-Mass.) said the subcommittee had been trying for two years to find out how many warrantless taps were made in 1973. Drinan said Senate Minority Leader Hugh Scott had released the figures for the four years previous to 1973, which ranged from a high of 123 in 1969 to 100 in 1972. Drinan said the subcommittee was interested in seeing if the number had decreased.

But Petersen maintained that the FBI felt divulging the number could be "of use to those countries who maintain foreign elements here."

Petersen said, "We're talking about 100 wiretaps in this country as opposed to 75,000 which take place in another

there is a legitimate separation of powers between the executive and legislative branch. "Yours is not the power to conduct foreign relations, yours is not the power of the commander-in-chief," Petersen said.

Subcommittee chairman Rep. Robert Kastenmeier (D-Wis.) commented softly, "You would think the last two years should suggest some humility to the executive branch."

## Professor's Pay Average Increases

Associated Press

The average college professor's salary rose to $17,810 in the current academic year, but faculty members actually lost ground economically because of inflation, the American Association of University Professors reported yesterday.

"The average college and university professor had $271 less buying power this year as compared to last because of spiraling inflation," the association's annual report on the economic statue of the profession said. "This is in spite of

## Maryland-Virginia Briefs

# 6 Pupils Expelled, 8 Are Suspended In Winchester, Va.

WINCHESTER, Va. (AP) — The Winchester school board has expelled six Handley High School students and suspended eight others “for various periods of time” as a result of last week’s racial incidents at the school, it was announced Friday.

All of the students expelled, and six of the eight who were suspended are black. School Supt. Jacob L. Johnson said in announcing the action of the board, taken at a Tuesday night meeting.

The announcement came

of Health, Education and Welfare should take.

### Enters Race

ELLICOTT CITY, Md. (AP) — County Councilman Edward L. Cochran, 45, filed Thursday for Howard County executive.

The liberal Democrat is a chemist at the John Hopkins Applied Physics Laboratory. He said he will take a pay cut to run for the executive's job, which will pay $27,000 a year starting next January.

### Book Ransom Off

RICHMOND (AP) — Marshall Bank, 19, a junior at the University of Richmond, said Friday he will return half a dozen or so rare books he has been holding for a ransom.

The ransom that Bank sought was improvement of the library's handling of books such as two volumes signed by poet Robert Frost, which Marshall found could be removed from the library with ease.

Bank checked out several

THE WASHINGTON POST

H.I.S. for Her gets right to the point of great summer dressing with snappy little shorts.Shift

Kissinger Denies

Summit Politics

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

Solving international prob-

See KISSINGER, A6, Col. 5

Rep. Robert Drinan (D-Mass.) said the subcommittee had been trying for two years to find out how many warrant-less taps were made in 1973. Drinan said Senate Minority Leader Hugh Scott had released the figures for the four years previous to 1973, which ranged from a high of 123 in 1969 to 100 in 1972. Drinan said the subcommittee was interested in seeing if the number had decreased.

Associated Press

The average college professor's salary rose to $17,810 in the current academic year, but faculty members actually lost ground economically, because of inflation, the American Association of University Professors reported yesterday.

"The average college and university professor had $271 less buying power this year as compared to last because of spiraling inflation," the association's annual report on the economic statue of the profession said. "This is in spite of the fact that during the 1973-74 academic year the

Charles Bartlett:

# 'Henry's Sweeteners'

STAR-NEWS

4-27-74

If proof is needed that Henry Kissinger has not been traveling purely on charm and persuasion in the Middle East, it is contained in President Nixon's latest request for foreign assistance funds.

"Henry's sweeteners," as they are known, add up to a fat package of American aid for the Middle East. Mr. Nixon describes this generosity as "a vital complement to our diplomacy" and the list of recipients suggests that Kissinger is spreading dollars like tranquilizers across the highly strung region.

### EGYPT IS BACK
on the list, after a 20-year drought of substantial American aid, for $250 million, and this can plainly be the start of something big. Jordan, which has survived off American grants since the British left, is in for twice its customary allowance, or about $200 million. The President is asking $100 million for a "special requirements fund." This, according to reliable sources, is a sweetener earmarked for Syria if she behaves rationally.

The treatment of Israel is interesting. Congress gave Mr. Nixon power to forgive $1.5 billion of the $2.2 billion in military grants and credits which were voted after the war last fall. The word now is that Mr. Nixon has determined to give only $1 billion as a grant, and this will be disappointing to the Israelis, who wanted him to go the full amount. The joker is that Mr. Nixon can still forgive the other $500 million if he takes action before the end of June. The presumption is that he will do so if the Israelis begin to behave like peacemakers.

### THE POINT IS
that "Henry's sweeteners" are not handed out like after-dinner mints. They are closely tied to performance. Jordan's King Hussein is well rewarded because he put his popularity on the line, sometime back, in a

confrontation with the terrorists. While the Israelis were still fighting last fall, they were flatly told that the American aid was linked to the prospects for "movement" on the negotiating front. The delivery of grants to Egypt, including assistance in clearing the canal, will inevitably be keyed to the negotiating progress.

Mr. Nixon will face a big decision when Egypt attempts to buy arms from the United States. The oil-rich Arab states have been fattening their allowances to Cairo so President Sadat will have cash to buy weapons outside the ruble sphere. Obviously discouraged with Soviet weaponry, Sadat does not hide his eagerness to do business with American manufacturers.

Zionist pressures will make it difficult to give Sadat this access to American weapons. But the experience with Jordan testifies that Washington can exert a stabilizing influence by controlling the supplies of weapons to both sides. The burned-out hulks of American tanks littered the desert after King Hussein tacked the Israelis in 1967, but he learned his lesson and held his positions, except for one defensive foray to Damascus, during the 1973 war. He only wants new weapons now because the officers of his Arab Legion are restless after learning, from their sideline view of the recent fighting, how out of date their equipment has become.

### THERE IS
certainly no good reason to deny Egypt access to American aid. The Egyptian economy has been moving downhill since Gamal Abdel Nasser provoked John Foster Dulles into scratching out the American contribution to the Aswan Dam. The Nasser policy was a costly adventure in Arab nationalism and it left Sadat with an awesome need for hard currencies, foreign investment and tourists. The beauty of Cairo no longer hides its dilapidation.

Continued From Page A-1

I don't believe so.

Do you know how much money Mr. Haldeman?

No sir, I do not.

Judge Richey unsealed the deposition, taken last week. On March 11 and 17, after a re-
test from the House Judiciary committee that asked questions in Watergate-related cases to supply it with secret testimony for its impeachment inquiry.

In the deposition Higby, a aide to Haldeman, said was present at conversations the chief of staff had with John D. Ehrlichman, Nixon's domestic adviser, which Haldeman considered going on television and answering charges against him.

"WE QUIZZED Halde-
mann for two hours or some-
ing and came to the con-
clusion that while he might
up himself, it would raise
issue to a higher profile
therefore hurt the Pres-
ident."

Haldeman and Rhrlich-
n resigned April 30, 1973,
have pleaded not guilty
indictments charging
with conspiracy to
truct justice in connec-
tion with the Watergate
er-up.

Higby also testified that
late November or Decem-

1972, another Haldeman
e, Gordon Strachan, told
that White House coun-

John W. Dean III was
ing to use some of the
50,000 fund for the break-
defendants — then about
go on trial. Higby said he
Haldeman.

"What was Mr. Halde-
mann's reaction to that?" he
asked.

ants H. R. Haldeman and
John D. Ehrlichman and
Atty. Gen. Richard G.
Kleindienst. The actions of
April 30, 1973 brought the
scandal into the White
House.

Aides to Judiciary Com-
mittee Chairman Peter
Rodino, D-N.J., said they
have heard nothing new
from the White House. They
declined to comment on the
Burch speech.

BUT RODINO, the com-
mittee's senior Republican
Edward Hutchinson of
Michigan and other mem-
bers have all said repeated-
ly that anything less than
full compliance with their
subpoena would be unac-
ceptable.

The lawmakers have said

Mayne Urges
Probe of Milk
Donations to Hill

Rep. Wiley Mayne, R-Iowa, has warned the House Judiciary Committee that members of Congress, having accepted $2 million in contributions from milk cooperatives, were in no position to judge whether President Nixon should be impeached for doing the same thing.

At a meeting of the com-
mittee yesterday on its im-
peachment inquiry, Mayne
argued the panel's legal
staff should be told to inves-
tigate senators and repre-
sentatives who he said had
received over $2 million
since 1970.

"If it is alleged in effect
that the President took a
bride, it would be equally

"I would simply submit to
you that his (Nixon's)
powers of regeneration and
his skills of leadership are
in superb working condi-
tion," Burch said, "and I'd
remind you that wherever
and whenever we needed
him most . . . he has always
been right there. It's time, I
think, to return loyalty for
loyalty."

BURCH seemed to warn
Republican candidates not
to hide from Nixon, despite
the party's defeat in four of
five special elections this
year, all of them in usually
Republican districts.

"I submit to you that Richard Nixon is our President and the leader of our party and that these two roles are indistinguishable," Burch said. "Our hopes and our goals and our fortunes are as one. His record of accomplishment is our record . . . the President's record is a platform for Republican candidates to grab hold of and to run on."

Attorney Advised
Banker Against
Polygraph Test

MIAMI (AP) — An attorney has said that he advised banker Albert L. Dantzler not to submit to an FBI lie detector test about his claim that he escaped from kidnappers who held him for $60,000 ransom.

"I advised him not to take
it. That's the same advice I
would give to any client,
innocent, or guilty," said
Edward M. Kay, the lawyer
Dantzler hired to represent

Kissinger Says Diplomacy
Is Not Used for Politics

NYTimes

4-27-94

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, April 26— Secretary of State Kissinger strongly defended the Administration's foreign policy today against any suggestion that President Nixon was trying to manipulate it for domestic political advantage.

At a news conference in the State Department, Mr. Kissinger heatedly and specifically assailed Senator Henry M. Jackson for asserting that the Administration was planning a "quick-fix" accord on strategic arms at June's summit meeting with the Russians to buttress Mr. Nixon's position against impeachment charges.

"We are conducting our foreign policy on the basis, as I have said before, of the national interest—not geared to any deadlines, and not geared to the present domestic difficulties," Mr. Kissinger said.

He acknowledge, however, that Mr. Nixon's problems could weaken the conduct of foreign policy over the long

term, but that so far American foreign policy had not been affected by "the Watergate discussion."

Mr. Kissinger leaves on Sunday for talks in Geneva on Monday with the Soviet Foreign Minister, Andrei A. Gromyko, before starting another Middle East trip that could last more than two weeks.

On the Middle East, Mr. Kissinger said he hoped to bring Syria and Israel closer to an accord on troop separation, but repeated that he did not know in advance how the negotiations would work out. He will shuttle between Damascus and Jerusalem.

Other points made by Mr. Kissinger in the 55-minute news conference included the following:

He vigorously urged support of the Administration's $5.18-billion foreign-aid package.

Continued on Page 11, Column 2

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oil, iron ore, diamonds, coal,
cofee and tropical produce.

Besides Angola, which lies
along the Atlantic coast of
southern Africa, the other pos-
sessions are Mozambique, situ-
ated across the continent from
Angola on the Indian Ocean,
and Portuguese Guinea, a small
triangle of land on the West

Guerrillas Pledge
Activity in Guinea

The military take-over in
Portugal by officers committed
to peace in the country's three
African territories was greeted
yesterday by guerrilla pledges
to step up efforts against the
authorities in Portuguese Guinea
and Angola.

There was no immediate re-
action, however, from the or-
ganization fighting a war of
independence against the Portu-
guese in Mozambique.

Elsewhere in Africa, the coup
was welcomed in black-ruled
countries.

In South Africa, Prime Min-
ister John Vorster said the
events in Portugal "underlined
the uncertainty of our day." In
Rhodesia, Prime Minister Ian D.
Smith said that his country
"does not interfere in the in-
ternal affairs of other coun-
tries" and that he believed
Rhodesia would continue to en-
joy the best of relations with
Portugal.

["THE NEW YORK TIMES, SATURDAY, APRIL 27, 1974", "Nixon on Nixon Leadership Bid Makes Appeal at Luncheon", "Associated Press", "Dean Burch, Presidential counselor, addressing the Republican National Committee at a luncheon yesterday in Washington. He forecast, \"... Beginning early next week, that the end of Watergate will be in sight.\"", "Nixon Expected to Seek Public Aid in Tape Dispute", "*Continued From Page 1, Col. 8*", "times in the last week that he and the committee would emphatically reject transcripts submitted instead of the tape recordings.", "The suggestions being made at the White House today were that Mr. Nixon would seek public support for the \"reasonability\" of an offer of transcripts authenticated in some way.", "Presidential aides have sought", "Committee, expecting a decision by the White House to withhold the tapes, sought this week to devise a procedure for the President's and the committee's lawyers to screen the tapes jointly to verify that only irrelevant or national security matters had been excised.", "### Wiggins Drafts Plan", "The Republican plan, drafted by Representative Charles E. Wiggins of California, specifies that if evidence sought by the committee \"includes taped con-", "SENATE AIDES ASK WHITE HOUSE CURB", "### Watergate Unit Staff Seeks Cut in Presidential Power", "WASHINGTON, April 26 (UPI) -Senate investigators have concluded that excessive secrecy and concentration of power in the Presidency gave rise to the Watergate scandal, and they have drafted recommendations to drastically diffuse that power as a safeguard against any recurrence.", "The findings are in a draft of the final report of the Senate Watergate committee, to be submitted to the Senate by the end of May after the seven Senators agree on its final form. A copy of the draft was obtained by United Press International.", "The report recommends that White House powers be diluted by giving more independence to Government agencies, particularly the Justice Department, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Internal Revenue Service and the Central Intelligence Agency.", "### Ban on Campaign Activity", "One committee source called the draft report an attempt to \"curb raw Presidential power.\" Another said the aim was to \"deflate a royal executive branch.\"", "The draft was prepared by a staff group on Presidential powers and approved by senior members of the committee.", "### SPECIAL ONE TIME", "Dyna", "TreePE", "Fragrant Double Flowers 5-10\" Across Up to 200 Per Plant. Prolusely Petaled.", "You'll be spellbound with these special盆 most beautiful plants to bloom in your garden like oriental silk. Measures giant 5-1/2" one plant can produce up to 200 blooms in 'emerald green foliage.", "### LAST FOR GENERATIONS— AND SIZE—4' HIGH, NEVER DIE IN", "Unlike other peonies they produce firm creasing each year until they reach a height of 5' across. \"Handsome, stately, uniquely scented,\" Extra hardy. Like redwoods they live for a report plants blooming 200 years old). Plant winter. Thrive almost anywhere. Magnificent, terraces, borders, entrances, beds or to add beauty and value to your property.", "MONEY-BACK GUARANTEE. If not completed, notify us within 3 weeks and we'll send you to arrive in good healthy condition.", "Easy to grow. No special care needed. Limited 300—Radiant Pink. 301—Rich Imperial Purple. 303—Snow White. Only hardy 1-year-old grafted plants included, $2.95 each.", "2/$5.75 5/$12.00", "(Combine orders with your Add 10% Postage and H. C.)", "COME IN OR MAY", "WORLD GIFT SHOP Dept. 4-27T 606 P.O.", "Name\nAddress\n\nAllow at least 22 days", "EXPRESS", "SPEC", "The"]

NYTimes

4-27-74

# SALT and Watergate

Senator Henry M. Jackson accuses President Nixon of seeking to offset his Watergate troubles by rushing into a "quick-fix" strategic arms agreement at June's summit meeting in Moscow.

The Washington Democrat has long contended that the accords signed two years ago in the initial round of strategic arms limitation talks (SALT I) seriously disadvantaged the United States. He now predicts that SALT II will be even worse, principally because of Administration readiness for selfish political reasons to entertain proposals "inimical" to this country's security.

That charge, if true, would dwarf Watergate. In our view, however, the evidence thus far all points in the opposite direction. Watergate's impact has been not to encourage Administration concessions in SALT II, but the reverse, as Secretary of State Kissinger has now acknowledged. Fearful of risking military opposition and Congressional rejection, a weakened President is bent on achieving an arms accord that not only provides Soviet-American parity but—in contrast to SALT I—is seen to assure parity. The Senators whose votes Mr. Nixon may need in the event of impeachment are mainly conservatives who are wary of SALT.

The political difficulty with SALT I was that reality and appearance did not jibe. The five-year agreement on offensive weapons appeared to give the Soviet Union advantages, mainly in numbers and throw-weight of land-based missiles. In fact, however, America's qualitative edge and a huge lead in bombers and MIRV multiple warheads assured the United States of over-all parity—and probably superiority—until the mid-1980's.

The possibility that the Administration now will be inhibited in seeking an equitable plan to halt the arms race has been recognized by Senators Mansfield and Scott, the majority and minority leaders. In a joint letter, also signed by Senators Mondale and Mathias, they urge Secretary Kissinger not to let Watergate obstruct SALT II plans. "We cannot simply call off SALT while we sort out the question of impeachment," explains Senator Mondale.

The extraordinary campaign against realistic arms limitation mounted by Senator Jackson since 1972 has led him into innumerable distortions of the facts. Through selective use of figures this week he conveyed the false impression that SALT I limitations are being violated by the Russians and that the Soviet Union now enjoys nuclear superiority. With that as his basis, Mr. Jackson and his allies on the Joint Chiefs of Staff put forward a plan of their own under the guise of advancing arms control. But, on closer examination, this "radical" plan turns out to be manifestly unnegotiable.

It calls for small American and huge Soviet reductions to achieve quantitative "equality" in numbers and throw-weight of missiles and bombers, while leaving totally uncontrolled MIRV and qualitative factors, where the United States is far ahead. This is a prescription for preventing a SALT II agreement, assuring a continued arms race and providing a huge increase in production of nuclear warheads. That may be helpful to the Pentagon's new nuclear war-fighting strategy and to the sales of the military-industrial complex, but it would be a disaster for the country and the world.

A comprehensive SALT II agreement is clearly impossible this year, given the complexity of the issues involved and the resistance both Washington and Moscow are meeting from the military and their political allies. But it would be a tragedy if everything were not done to seek a partial agreement. It is vital to impose limits on MIRV deployment before Russia's new MIRVed missiles are emplaced in such numbers, types and locations that, as Mr. Kissinger noted, verification of a MIRV limitation would become impossible.

# Defining Détente in Terms of the United Nations Charter

NY Times

4-27-74

By Eugene V. Rostow

NEW HAVEN—The Administration has contended, as Prof. Marshall D. Shulman, director of the Russian Institute of Columbia University, sums up its position, that Senator Henry M. Jackson's amendment to the Trade Reform Act requires the United States to choose "between morality with continued high tension and détente with trade." The United States faces no such choice.

Everyone who writes about Soviet-American relations seems to use a different definition of the talismanic word "détente." For Professor Shulman, "détente" is the beginning of a process through which the terms of Soviet competition with the United States are codified, particularly by reducing the danger of nuclear war, damping down the military elements in the continuing competition between the two countries, and encouraging restraints in other aspects of their competition.

If this is détente we have had it since 1945. But until now, we have called it "containment" and "cold war." The push and pull of Soviet-American military confrontations since the early postwar crises in Iran, Greece, Turkey and Berlin have indeed "codified" the limits of Soviet expansion beyond which the Russians came to understand that they faced unacceptable risks. And every Ameri-

can President has earnestly sought to translate these conditioned cold war reflexes into a more positive and explicit political understanding, which could be the basis for secure and peaceful relations.

In that effort, the United States has maintained a continuous dialogue with the Soviet Union, never interrupted even at moments of confrontation.

We have used both carrots and sticks: the offers of the Marshall Plan, and the wheat deal and other economic projects in 1972, on the one hand, and the delicate and not-so-delicate signals of crisis management on the other.

The long cycle of nuclear conversations and negotiations is one theme in the symphony, linked to summit meetings at Geneva, Camp David, Glassboro and Moscow. So is the pattern of crunch through which the Russians have periodically tested our willingness to defend our interests.

It is an abuse of language to define détente as anything less than a clear agreement for peaceful co-existence in the American, not the Soviet sense—an agreement, that is, committing the Soviet Union to obey the rules of the United Nations Charter with respect to the use or the threat of force in international relations, and to carry out its other international obligations. The Charter is not a suicide pact. There can be no détente until there is reciprocal respect for its basic rules of public order.

> There must be
> 'reciprocal respect'
> for the 'basic rules
> of public order.'

Clearly, President Nixon thought he had achieved an agreement of this character in his ill-fated Declaration of Basic Principles on relations between the United States and the Soviet Union, signed in Moscow on May 29, 1972.

That document makes melancholy reading today. In it, the two nations say they "will proceed from the common determination that in the nuclear age there is no alternative to conducting their mutual relations on the basis of peaceful co-existence." Therefore, they agree that they will cooperate to prevent the development of situations that could strain their relations.

Each country says it will refrain from seeking to obtain unilateral advantage at the expense of the other, respect each other's security interests and renounce the use or the threat of force.

In the communiqué issued at the same time, the two Governments undertook generally to concert their diplomacy in the interests of peace, and specifically promised full support for

diplomatic efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement of the Middle East conflict in accordance with Security Council resolution of Nov. 22, 1967.

There is no way in which the recent pattern of Soviet armament and action can be reconciled with these promises. In the Far East, the Soviet Union does not even pretend that it is carrying out its obligations under the Indo-chinese accords of 1962 and 1973. Instead, its diplomats say that the accords will be carried out "as soon as possible."

Those agreements require the Soviet Union to get the North Vietnamese out of Laos and Cambodia, and to have them refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of South Vietnam.

Instead of fulfilling these agreements with us, the Soviet Union is giving full support to North Vietnam in its active campaign against all three countries. And in the Middle East, far from cooperating with us, before or after May 29, 1972, to bring about a peaceful settlement of the conflict in accordance with Security Council resolution, the Russians helped decisively to prepare, equip and organize the Arabs and encourage the 1973 war, against the mandate of that resolution.

They exploited Arab hostility to the existence of Israel as the detonator of a war that was intended to achieve irreversible change in the area and in the relations of the United States to Western Europe. Despite the set-

back their plans suffered in October, the Russians persevere. As recently as March 12, they were urging the Arabs to continue their oil embargo against the United States and the Netherlands.

President Nixon, suffocating in the coils of Watergate, keeps telling us that he has replaced the cold war with détente, substituted negotiation for confrontation, and achieved "a generation of peace." This is a grievous breach of political ethics.

We confront two implacable facts: the Soviet military build-up is continuing at an ominous rate, and Soviet political policy is more and more obviously fixed in a mood of muscular imperialism.

It is possible to claim, as Professor Shulman does, that American trade concessions and credits could help persuade the Russians to accept the rules of "détente." We experimented with that thesis through our recent investment credits to the Soviet Union and our generous sales of wheat. We were repaid by the October war in the Middle East and by Soviet policy in Indochina. The contention recalls Lenin's comment that "when the time comes to hang the capitalist regimes, they will compete with each other to sell us the rope."

Eugene V. Rostow, Under Secretary of State from 1966-69, is Sterling Professor of Law at Yale.

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Charles Bartlett:

# 'Henry's Sweeteners'

STAR-NEWS
4-27-74

## Continued From Page A-1

I don't believe so.

Do you know how much money Mr. Haldeman did?

A. No sir, I do not.

Judge Richey unsealed the deposition, taken last Dec. 11 and 17, after a request from the House Judiciary committee that asked judges in Watergate-related cases to supply it with secret testimony for its impeachment inquiry.

In the deposition Higby, a top aide to Haldeman, said he was present at conversations the chief of staff had with John D. Ehrlichman, Nixon's domestic adviser, which Haldeman considered going on television and answering charges against him.

"WE QUIZZED Haldeman for two hours or something and came to the conclusion that while he might help himself, it would raise the issue to a higher profile and therefore hurt the President."

Haldeman and Rhrlichman resigned April 30, 1973, and have pleaded not guilty to indictments charging them with conspiracy to obstruct justice in connection with the Watergate cover-up.

Higby also testified that late November or December 1972, another Haldeman aide, Gordon Strachan, told him that White House counsel John W. Dean III was going to use some of the $350,000 fund for the break-in defendants — then about to go on trial. Higby said he told Haldeman.

"What was Mr. Haldeman's reaction to that?" he was asked.

"That that should not be one, that that money was

tions of presidential assistants H. R. Haldeman and John D. Ehrlichman and Atty. Gen. Richard G. Kleindienst. The actions of April 30, 1973 brought the scandal into the White House.

Aides to Judiciary Committee Chairman Peter Rodino, D-N.J., said they have heard nothing new from the White House. They declined to comment on the Burch speech.

BUT RODINO, the committee's senior Republican Edward Hutchinson of Michigan and other members have all said repeatedly that anything less than full compliance with their subpoena would be unacceptable.

The lawmakers have said

# Mayne Urges Probe of Milk Donations to Hill

Rep. Wiley Mayne, Iowa, has warned the House Judiciary Committee that members of Congress, having accepted $2 million in contributions from milk cooperatives, were in no position to judge whether President Nixon should be impeached for doing the same thing.

At a meeting of the committee yesterday on its impeachment inquiry, Mayne argued the panel's legal staff should be told to investigate senators and representatives who he said had received over $2 million since 1970.

"If it is alleged in effect that the President took a bribe, it would be equally valid to see if members of Congress were being paid to do it."

Nixon's defense.

"I would simply submit to you that his (Nixon's) powers of regeneration and his skills of leadership are in superb working condition," Burch said, "and I'd remind you that wherever and whenever we needed him most... he has always been right there. It's time, I think, to return loyalty for loyalty."

"I submit to you that Richard Nixon is our President and the leader of our party and that these two roles are indistinguishable," Burch said. "Our hopes and our goals and our fortunes are as one. His record of accomplishment is our record... the President's record is a platform for Republican candidates to grab hold of and to run on."

# Attorney Advised Banker Against Polygraph Test

"I advised him not to take it. That's the same advice I would give to any client, innocent, or guilty," said Edward M. Kay, the lawyer Dantzler hired to represent him.

12

President for Foreign Affairs
# Where's Henry Now?

New Republic
Apr. 27, 1974

by Stanley Karnow

No public figure anywhere these days quite matches Henry Kissinger. He hobnobs with Brezhnev and Mao Tse-tung, moves Golda Meir to tears, evokes lyrical praise from Anwar el-Sadat, and even prompts Fidel Castro to concede begrudgingly that he is, despite his "reactionary ideas," an "intelligent man who is trying to adapt US foreign policy to present realities." At home, he has attained the stature of a folk hero. The polls call him the man Americans "most admire," and, judging from my own recent experience in the provinces, that estimate is accurate. Late last month, for example, I attended a Rotary Club dinner in Kentucky at which the featured local speaker prefaced his remarks with a toast to the Secretary of State's marriage that morning. Soon thereafter, on a flight out of Pittsburgh, a woman seated next to me spoke of "Dr. Henry" with the kind of enthusiasm that used to be lavished on movie stars. A check of 10 television stations and 10 newspapers west of the Mississippi on a random day not long ago found him to be the subject of stories on 10 nonnetwork news programs and nine out of 10 non-syndicated editorial page items. Thus Kissinger's fame not only stretches from Peking to Paris, but, as his former White House rival John Ehrlichman would say, he "also plays in Peoria."

Yet Kissinger's unprecedented power and popularity may be transient, for a number of developments are conspiring to erode the "structure of peace" he has been striving to build since the Nixon administration came to office. His last trip to Moscow, which he optimistically anticipated would result in "concrete progress" on the further limitation of strategic weapons and other issues, failed to fulfill his expectations and thereby confirmed that détente remains an elusive objective. The Middle East conflict, which with his superb negotiating skill he succeeded in easing three months ago, is again erupting as the Israelis and Syrians resist a compromise. His relations with Western Europe are in disarray and unlikely to improve with the emergence of either a conservative or left-wing leader in the forthcoming French elections. The breakthrough to China, perhaps his most dramatic accomplishment, could be jeopardized by rising political ferment on the mainland. His ties to Japan are frayed, and his attempts to forge stronger links with Latin America have yielded little. Meanwhile these troubles are overshadowed by energy shortages, raw materials vacancies, the specter of a population explosion, and other growing

economic and social problems as menacing in the long run to international stability as war. But the biggest threat to Kissinger at the moment is the prospect that the impeachment and possible removal of the President would undermine his authority, and, in the process, abort his hopes of achieving a measure of global order.

Last summer, sensing that the accumulation of Watergate scandals was driving Mr. Nixon into stormy weather, Kissinger shrewdly maneuvered to become Secretary of State so that, as he confided to a friend at the time, "I can be my own man." Since then he has labored assiduously to strengthen his autonomy and today he is, in effect, president for foreign affairs. He commands the State Department as an independent barony, permitting only a handful of loyal subordinates to share his secrets and relegating the rest to service functions. He pays enormous attention to the media, favoring a small coterie of reporters with exclusive tidbits and frequently telephoning them to complain if they even faintly tarnish his image. He expends extraordinary energy cultivating congressmen, inviting them to join his travels and briefing them in closed sessions designed to satisfy their itch to be "insiders." As the President's preoccupation with his own struggle for survival deepens, Kissinger has carefully pushed his prerogatives to the point where he shapes many decisions himself. And as John Osborne noted in these pages, he recently went out of his way to signal to Gerald Ford that he is available to stay on as Secretary of State in the event that Mr. Nixon leaves office.

Kissinger must know that this sort of game is hazardous to both the pursuit of foreign policy and to his own position. In the first place the Russians are seizing upon the administration's feebleness to press for a better bargain in their arms negotiations, and it is plausible to assume that the President's difficulties have inspired them to keep the Middle East stirred up. Hence Kissinger, for all his talent, can be no stronger than the administration he serves, and although he would like to continue at his job should Mr. Nixon collapse, that aspiration could go awry. For, as Washington Post diplomatic correspondent Murrey Marder has observed, a change of Chief Executives is a fundamental shift that alters relationships inside the federal establishment and almost invariably produces an interlude of policy reconsiderations as well as reassessments by foreign governments. Ford's ascendancy to the White

AUG. 27, 1974

13

House, therefore, would not automatically guarantee Kissinger firm tenure.

Four years ago, when he arrived in Washington as the President's foreign affairs adviser, Kissinger brought the idea that stability does not derive from a quest for peace but from an "equilibrium of forces" founded on an international order in which "no state is so dissatisfied that... it expresses its dissatisfaction in a revolutionary foreign policy." The major powers, he contended, should therefore aim to create not a Utopia assuring everlasting peace but "workable arrangements" that preserve the balance of world forces. These arrangements would be respected as long as the powers recognized them as operating to their own advantage within a framework of legitimacy. Consequently, he suggested, international disputes could be resolved if the powers agreed to settle their differences within an accepted system and not challenge the validity of the system itself.

Kissinger had originally set down this concept more than a decade earlier in his Harvard doctoral dissertation on Europe after the Napoleonic period, when Metternich and Castlereagh faced the task of reconstructing a European order that had been disrupted by the French Revolution and its aftermath. Though history never repeats itself precisely, he believed that some of the factors that had contributed to comparative international stability during the 19th century seemed relevant to the 1970s. While the Soviet Union and China still paid lip service to their revolutionary vocations, they were actually more concerned with defending their gains than embarking upon adventures that might trigger a nuclear holocaust. Neither they nor the US had allowed Vietnam to become the Serbia of World War III, and this restraint indicated that new accommodations could be built on the fear of a wider conflagration. That the Russians and Chinese were locked in a quarrel only reinforced Kissinger's leverage to deal with them.

His notion was timely in its perception that incompatible ideologies were no longer an insurmountable obstacle to coexistence. It was also innovative to the degree that it represented a significant departure from the traditional American conviction that US strategies abroad are a moral drama in which good and evil are pitted against each other. "Henry injected a sense of maturity into US foreign policy by persuading countries to live with the world as it is rather than as they think it ought to be," says one of his acolytes. One of the few foreign ambassadors in Washington who sees Kissinger regularly makes the same point somewhat differently: "As a European he doesn't suffer from the American affliction of looking for absolute solutions. He understands that some problems can merely be defused, and that ambiguity is often the best we can get — and it's worth it if it reduces the chance of war."

Spurred by a passionate impulse to breathe life into

hitherto academic philosophies, Kissinger went forth during the first term of the Nixon administration to open contacts with the Chinese, elaborate the dialogue with the Russians and dispose of the Vietnam tragedy. His achievements on these fronts were notable but costly. Involving as it did the cooperation of Pakistan, the reconciliation with Peking led the administration to "tilt" against India during the South Asian war of 1972 and that posture undoubtedly influenced Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's decision to sign a defense treaty with the Soviet Union. The covert nature of Kissinger's initial approaches to the Chinese, shocked and alienated the Japanese, whom the President had solemnly promised to consult before any such gesture, and relations between the US and Japan have not yet recovered fully from that and other American moves. Part of the price of the first strategic arms limitation accord with the Soviet Union was the wheat giveaway, which dealt a sharp blow to the US economy. And the suspicion that the initial arms deal offered the Russians an edge that they are now exploiting in their current effort to raise the ante for a future agreement has lent weight to hawkish senators like Henry Jackson and stimulated Pentagon hardliners to propose the construction of exotic new missiles and nuclear warheads disguised as "bargaining chips" for the next round of talks.

I am inclined to the view that a Vietnam settlement could have been reached years earlier had Mr. Nixon and Kissinger conceded, as they finally did, to the presence of North Vietnamese troops in the South in exchange for Hanoi's willingness to tolerate the Nguyen Van Thieu regime in Saigon. Instead the administration went through such exercises as the invasion of Cambodia and the Christmas bombing of North Vietnam in 1972, and there is no evidence to suggest that Kissinger dissented from those hideous tactics. Judging from his support of US Ambassador to Saigon Graham Martin, who is still fighting the Red menace as it was 20 years ago, Kissinger apparently believes in holding the old line in Vietnam. Some State Department sources submit, however, that he indulges Martin out of fear that the envoy might resign and return to the US to wage a campaign blaming him for having abandoned the South Vietnamese.

In an interview with Oriana Fallaci published in these pages, Kissinger depicted himself as the lone cowboy, and the self-portrait is illuminating. It throws light on his disdain for the bureaucracy, which in his opinion hobbles his brand of creative genius, and it also accounts for his obsession with secrecy, which he regards as vital to his style. Anyone who has wandered through the labyrinthine corridors of the State Department will sympathize with his anti-bureaucratic bias, and diplomats who have been engaged in delicate negotiations concur in the need for confidentiality. But Kissinger's extreme exclusivity, which has sometimes led him to plain deception, has hurt his credibility. He

14

THE NEW REPUBLIC

was reportedly aware of the activities of the White House "plumbers," and some damaging evidence may emerge on that score in the impending Watergate trials or in lawsuits already filed or planned against Kissinger by Morton Halperin and two other former assistants among the 17 officials and newsmen whose telephones were tapped allegedly with his approval. During his confirmation hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last September, he pledged an "open articulation of our philosophy, our purposes and our actions." Yet he has since appeared publicly before a congressional group on only one occasion, and his disclosures at press conferences have often been less than candid. During the Middle East war last fall, for example, he told reporters that "all the members" of the National Security Council had recommended the worldwide military alert that took place on the morning of October 25 when, in fact, only he and Defense Secretary James Schlesinger were present for the key deliberation. He promised as well to "make the record available ... and go into greater detail" on the episode, but the matter is still obscure. Moreover its murkiness was compounded at the time by contradictory explanations. Kissinger, evidently anxious to avoid irritating the Russians and jeopardizing détente, denied that it was a "missile-crisis type of situation." A day later Mr. Nixon called it "the most difficult crisis since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962."

Kissinger's clandestine manner, combined with his reluctance to delegate authority to specialists, has sometimes worked against US interests. C. Fred Bergsten, a former member of his staff, contends that Kissinger either bungled crucial economic issues because of admitted incompetence in the subject or ignored them entirely because he distrusts experts. Bergsten, now at the Brookings Institution, points to the botched textile talks with Japan and the wheat sale to the Russians as examples of Kissinger's blunders. Economic problems, Bergsten has written, "cannot be handled by superstar solos but require both political and bureaucratic consensus at home, sustained attention, and messy negotiations with a variety of leaders abroad."

According to one of his oldest academic associates, Kissinger's troubles with the Atlantic Alliance partially stem from his inability or unwillingness to make allowances for the fact that European policies are essentially formulated and implemented by civil servants rather than politicians, and that these entrenched bureaucrats cannot be overlooked as if they were employees of the State Department. The British Foreign Office and the Quai d'Orsay were miffed when Kissinger neglected to consult them adequately prior to his Atlantic Charter Speech last April, and they were again annoyed a couple of months afterward by his failure to keep them closely informed during Brezhnev's visit to the US. Later, when the Europeans re-

during the Middle East war and then went on to quarrel over oil, Kissinger reacted intemperately. He questioned the "legitimacy" of Europe's governments, voiced his "disgust" with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and singled out the French as having "a high capacity to do mischief but ... no capacity to do anything constructive." It was scarcely the sort of language he would have used against the Russians or Chinese, and it inspired the justifiable comment that he prefers totalitarian adversaries to democratic allies. To a certain extent, it seems to me, he is insensitive to the complicated processes through which democracies reach decisions, and he may feel more comfortable with Brezhnev and Chou En-lai, who act without reference to churlish congressmen and inquisitive journalists. In any case Kissinger's acrimonious exchanges with the Europeans doomed the "Year of Europe," and it will probably be some time before the transatlantic edifice can be rebuilt.

That squabble illustrated Kissinger's shortcomings as a conventional diplomat, and the rather abstract quality of his broad strategic principles raises doubts about his role as a conceptual thinker. His real aptitude is his consummate proficiency as a negotiator, and he displayed his brilliance in that realm by persuading the Israelis and Egyptians to observe a ceasefire, disengage their troops along the Suez Canal, and, for the first time in a quarter-century, begin substantive talks. Sheer physical energy is a prime Kissinger asset, demonstrated as he shuttled tirelessly around the Middle East, pulling the fine threads of the tangle together. More importantly, as a foreign official who was involved in some of the effort explains it, Kissinger demonstrated four other essential attributes of a mediator: he avoided trying to impose an American solution but sought to narrow the gap between the two sides, giving each the impression that he was protecting its interests; he separated the basic from the marginal; he kept his promises; and he was honest, the official added, because "he didn't want to run the risk of being caught cheating." In the end both Israelis and Egyptians acclaimed him. "Henry was indispensable," says the official. "Without him the situation would have remained static."

The Arab-Israeli fracas was more than a local affair, and Kissinger jumped from the Middle East to Moscow with ease. During one circuit he even flew on to Peking to keep a date with Chou En-lai. Yet the final chapter on the crisis is far from having been written. Resentful that Sadat has swung toward reliance on the US, the Russians are apparently jockeying to compensate for their loss by encouraging Syrian intransigence and mobilizing Iraq and the Palestine Liberation Organization into a new Arab bloc responsive to Moscow. "With the resignation of Golda Meir, the Israeli government has come apart. The conflict could again explode, and Kissinger, aware of that possibility, is making yet another trip there this week. Even if he re-

APRIL 27, 1974

15

peats his earlier mediation success, Middle East tensions will continue. Not long ago, when a visitor asked him how the thorny Jerusalem problem might eventually be resolved, Kissinger replied: "By the time we get to that I'll no longer be Secretary of State."

Kissinger's future as Secretary of State finally depends, though, on Richard Nixon's fate and Gerald Ford's fancy. If he goes before his time is up, we shall be left with the memory of his dazzling style and speculation on what he might have done had the vagaries of domestic politics spared him. Although his ambitions are far from fulfilled, the perception that he made an impact on the world may give him a measure of satisfaction. His response to challenges was summed up some time ago in a chat we had about a mutual friend who had accepted an offer to bail out an insolvent university. I thought the friend's decision was unwise; Kissinger disagreed. "If he can solve the problem he's in great shape," he said, "and if he fails he will be known as a former college president, which isn't so bad."

## The Nixon Watch

### They Done Him Wrong

When the attitudes that are described in this report were expressed to me, the Republican leaders in the Senate had sent word to Mr. Nixon—typically they had not been invited to tell him in person—that he was going to be impeached if he didn't halt the delaying tactics that he had been practicing since February 25 and comply immediately and fully with the House Judiciary Committee's request for White House tapes and documents. His response had been more delay and in consequence he had become the first President to be served with a subpoena by a congressional committee. Lawyers and advisers were struggling with the problem of how to raise the $467,000 that he'd promised to pay in hitherto denied or evaded federal income taxes, the additional $100,000 or more that he's likely to be owing on last year's income, and the $225,000 installment that is due this summer on his San Clemente estate. Reports of criminal investigations involving or at least touching his two brothers, his friends Charles G. (Bebe) Rebozo and Robert Abplanalp, the lawyer and accountant who have prepared his tax returns since 1969, and his confidential secretary and executive assistant, Rose Mary Woods, contributed to an impression and atmosphere of impending ruin.

So it seemed at a distance from the President and to some extent at the middle levels and outer fringes of

and of controlled anxiety that was indicated by such qualifying references to future possibilities as "what-ever happens" and "whoever is President then." Closer to the President, among the small group of assistants who see something of him with fair frequency and spend much of their time discussing his problems with each other, the discerned atmosphere was very different during the period in review here.

It was the week when the President dashed off to the tornado-stricken city of Xenia, Ohio, so suddenly that there was no time to assemble and accommodate the usual press entourage. He flew the next day into Michigan's eighth congressional district, ostensibly to help a Republican candidate for Congress and actually to help himself with a show of gutsy confidence. He conferred at the White House with the President of Algeria and Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, as if to say to the world that he's still looking after it. Finally he changed his plans within an hour and flew off to his Florida home on Key Biscayne instead of, as he had intended, passing the Easter season at Camp David, the mountain retreat for Presidents near Washington. He was said to have had a good time in the sum during a kindly weekend with Mrs. Nixon, his daughter Tricia and her husband Edward Cox—and with Bebe. The President's personal doings were cloaked in even greater secrecy than they usually are during his Florida stays. The fact that his beleaguered friend and next-door neighbor, Bebe Rebozo, was around during the Nixon stay was acknowledged only in private, with sour reluctance. Rebozo was with the President and the family when they attended an Easter Sunday service at the Key Biscayne Community Church. Mr. Nixon, departing afterward, exchanged cries of "Happy Easter" with the crowd. On these trips the President often visits Robert Abplanalp's weekend home on Grand Cay in the Bahamas, a short helicopter flight from the Florida coast, whether Abplanalp is there or not. This time he didn't.

Now back to the discerned atmosphere around the President. "Discerned" is a necessary qualifier because, of course, reporters must rely upon what they are told about a milieu that they never really penetrate. The innermost White House milieu discussed here is peopled by Gen. Alexander Haig, the President's staff chief; Dean Burch, the Arizona lawyer and friend of Sen. Barry Goldwater who recently left the Federal Communications Commission chairmanship and became a White House counsellor; Bryce Harlow, a perennial assistant to Republican Presidents who has returned to the employ of Procter and Gamble in Washington but, judging from past performance, will remain in the Nixon circle; James D. St. Clair, the Boston trial lawyer who heads up the President's crew of Watergate defenders; and Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler, one of the few protégés of departed H. R.

052A

KISSINGER 4-25

DAY LD

BY STEWART HENSLEY

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- OFFICIALS SAY SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER'S MEETING WITH SOVIET FOREIGN MINISTER ANDREI GROMYKO IN GENEVA MONDAY IS DESIGNED TO TIE IN RUSSIA MORE CLOSELY WITH THE AMERICAN EFFORT TO SEPARATE SYRIAN AND ISRAELI FORCES ON THE GOLAN HEIGHTS.

THEY SAID THE HOPE IS THAT RUSSIA WILL PRESSURE SYRIA, WHICH RECEIVES LARGE SCALE MILITARY AID FROM THE KREMLIN, TO CONSIDER FAVORABLY A U.S. COMPROMISE PROPOSAL FOR DISENGAGEMENT OF FORCES.

KISSINGER SCHEDULED A NEWS CONFERENCE TODAY AT WHICH IT WAS EXPECTED HE WOULD TALK IN GENERAL TERMS ABOUT HIS LATEST PEACE-MAKING TRIP TO THE MIDDLE EAST.

THE SECRETARY WILL LEAVE EARLY SUNDAY ON HIS SIXTH VISIT TO THE AREA SINCE THE ARAB-ISRAELI WAR LAST OCTOBER.

AFTER CONFERRING IN GENEVA WITH GROMYKO, KISSINGER WILL FLY TUESDAY TO ALGIERS FOR TALKS THERE WITH HOUARI BOUMEDIENNE, THE ALGERIAN LEADER, AND THEN GO ON TO CAIRO, WHERE HE IS EXPECTED TO SPEND SEVERAL DAYS.

AFTER TALKS WITH EGYPTIAN PRESIDENT ANWAR SADAT, WHO HAS DISCOVERED A NEW AFFECTION FOR THE UNITED STATES IN THE WAKE OF HIS DISILLUSIONMENT WITH RUSSIA AND THE DISCLOSURE OF U.S. PLANS FOR LARGE SCALE ECONOMIC AID, KISSINGER WILL PROCEED TO TEL AVIV AND DAMASCUS.

HE THEN WILL UNDERTAKE THE TYPE OF "SHUTTLE DIPLOMACY" BETWEEN SYRIA AND ISRAEL WHICH PRODUCED THE MILITARY DISENGAGEMENT EARLIER THIS YEAR BETWEEN ISRAEL AND EGYPT.

THE SOVIET UNION, CO-CHAIRMAN WITH THE UNITED STATES AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE ON THE MIDDLE EAST WHICH WAS SENT UP LATE LAST YEAR, HAS MADE IT CLEAR BOTH PUBLICLY AND PRIVATELY THAT IT IS DISTURBED BY THE FACT THAT THE UNITED STATES SO FAR HAS RECEIVED ALL OF THE CREDIT

FOR THE PROGRESS MADE IN SEPARATING MILITARY FORCES IN THE BATTLE ZONE.

KISSINGER'S HOPE IS THAT IF RUSSIA IS GIVEN A MORE VISIBLE ROLE IT MAY URGE SYRIA TO COME TO TERMS.

UPI 04-26 04:39 AED

# U.S. foreign policy: only words will differ

## Presidents may come, presidents may go...

By Joseph C. Harsch

America's friends and allies overseas are unduly concerned about continuity of American foreign policy. As they read the news from Washington and recognize the possibility of a change in the presidency they wonder, not surprisingly, whether change in the person at the top might mean change in policies toward the outside world.

Obviously, any change at the top is likely to cause some adjustment in such policies. Yet the evidence is by this time conclusive that a change from Richard Nixon to Gerald Ford would cause almost negligible change in U.S. foreign policies.

### Two reasons

There are two powerful reasons making for continuity.

First, Nixon policies have been generally popular with American public opinion and also with the Congress. The reconciliation with China, the detente with the Soviet Union, and the search for a stable peace in the Middle East are all substantially bipartisan. The only serious criticism of any of these policies comes from Zionists who would like to slow the pace of detente for leverage in Moscow for the benefit

PATTERN OF
DIPLOMACY

of Israel and to increase the flow of emigration visas from the Soviet Union. But there is massive support even for the detente policy.

### Kissinger, architect

Second, the architect and prime executor of Nixon foreign policies is Henry A. Kissinger who enjoys the highest job security rating in Washington. Vice-President Ford has asserted that in the event of his accession to the presidency he would invite Mr. Kissinger to stay on at the State Department. And Dr. Kissinger has replied that he would do so. Add that Mr. Ford is satisfied with the body of Nixon foreign policy and has given it consistent support. There is no reason to think that he would want to make any important changes. Since his own interests and experience background have been largely in domestic affairs, it is likely that he would, if anything, give Dr. Kissinger more rather than less freedom in foreign-policy management.

### Senate doubts

The only serious pressure for change would come from the Senate where there is an inclination to cut American troop strength in Europe. There is some revival of isolationism.

It could also manifest itself in resistance to appropriations for foreign aid. That is, Dr. Kissinger might have trouble getting from Congress all he would like in foreign aid and in freedom to pursue the detente with the Soviets. But this is true now with Mr. Nixon in the White House. It might be less true with Mr. Ford if only because there is always a honey-moon season with the new president. In other words, a change at the White House might smooth the path for Dr. Kissinger to pursue the main lines of foreign policy.

Also, in a Nixon-to-Ford change there would be the absence of one factor that sometimes arises with a change of administration. Particularly if the change is from one party to the other, the new president seeks maximum appearance of change. It happened in 1953 when the Republicans came back to office after 20 years of Democrats. President Eisenhower and his new Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, had been highly critical of Truman foreign policy during the 1952 campaign. They promised changes, and, once in office, proclaimed changes. But there was more change in rhetoric than in fact. As historians go to work on the Truman-Eisenhower years, they discover that the Eisenhower-Dulles period actually reflected a continuation of the policies founded by Gen. George C. Marshall and Dean Acheson during the Truman years.

★Please turn to Page 8

April 26

20's percentiles in public opinion polls. And the Japanese business

elections last weekend have con-

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## Clarization in South Africa

Another election result of note was the poor showing of the radical right-wing offshoot of the National Party, the Herstigte Nasionale Party, which lost its deposits in some places and had failed to elect a single member (as of Thursday).

Theo Gerdener, head of the newly-formed Democratic Party and a former Cabinet minister in the Vorster government, narrowly failed his election bid in Pietermaritzburg. But his party, which ran only seven candidates, nevertheless attracted consid-

erable Liberal support in its first election effort.

The choice in South Africa is sometimes described as one between apartheid (separate development for whites and blacks) or a shared "partnership" for all South Africans, white or black.

The election outcome would seem to offer some encouragement for both factions. But increased support for the shared society advocates, being newer and less expected, somehow seems more impressive.

## Federal fuel corporation backed

By the Associated Press

Washington

Common Cause, the citizens' lobby group, says it supports the establishment of a federal oil and gas corporation as a method of regulating fuel prices.

Jack Moskowitz, an assistant to the group's chairman, John Gardner, says that without such a corporation, the government's regulatory functions would merely consist of regulating administered prices set by a handful of powerful corporations who exercise dominant control at every

stage of production and marketing processes."

"The present structure of the petroleum and allied products industry militates against an effective competitive market for oil, gas and other fuels," he says.

Mr. Moskowitz says special arrangements in the oil industry "make a mockery out of any competitive market for oil, gas and related fuels."

"Much of this was accomplished without any public accountability, but by secret dealings by the powerful in and out of government," he says.

★ ... only the words will differ

Continued from Page 1

A classic example of how it worked was provided by President Eisenhower's inaugural promise to "unleash Chiang Kai-shek." It soon became apparent that the Nationalist Chinese President had no more freedom of maneuver than he had had before. Actually, he had less.

There has been substantial continuity in American foreign policy ever since World War II. The changes that Mr. Nixon has made were all changes that the Democrats would have liked to make when in office, but did not dare make from fear of Republican reprisals. They had to be made by a Republican president, but were generally acceptable, indeed popular, among Democrats.

Area of criticism

The most important criticism of Nixon foreign policy has been over his

treatment of the European allies. He is accused of neglecting and underestimating the importance of the old alliances with the friends of Western Europe. But this is not a criticism of a true policy. It is a charge of neglecting established bipartisan foreign policy. Dr. Kissinger could meet this criticism and correct the relations with Western Europe just as easily under the Ford as under the Nixon mantle. And Dr. Kissinger is just as likely to go on having trouble with the NATO allies under one president as under the other. The trouble here is more of Dr. Kissinger's own making than of President Nixon's.

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THE WASHINGTON POST, FRIDAY, APRIL 26, 1974

Joseph Alsop

American Arms Sales to Egypt?

The Nixon administration has already unveiled its decision to ask the Congress for $250 million of economic aid for Egypt. Even with that development on the record, however, few people understand the really enormous dimensions of what may be coming in the Mideast.

In brief, if President Anwar el-Sadat completes the radical change of course that he has been quite publicly talking about, it should be bluntly obvious that the Egyptian Army will then have to be provided with large quantities of American arms. If you raise the subject now, of course, it causes a fine display of "fainting in coils" by administration policy-makers.

But practical common sense should be enough to tell you that President Sadat would never have gone as far as he has already, without private assurances that American arms would surely be available to him in case of need. The assurances must have been a lot more easy to give, because if the time comes for an arms request, President Sadat will also be paying cash on the barrelhead.

It is known, in fact, that King Faisal of Saudi Arabia and the Sheikh of Kuwait have already promised to finance the needed Egyptian arms purchases, if the Egyptian armed forces are cut off from their present Soviet sources of supply. It will be ironical, if this turns out to be the way of it, to be sure, for the money will be earned by the

> "President Sadat would never have talked about a change of course without private assurances that American arms would be available in case of need."

vastly higher crude oil prices we are now paying.

Common sense indicates that the U.S. will have to be the main Egyptian arms supplier for two excellent reasons. On the one hand, President Sadat has a big army and a large air force, now entirely Soviet-equipped, and with most advanced equipment at that. Yet Egypt cannot possibly make the complete reversal of alliances that President Sadat has been publicly talking about, and still continue to receive Soviet arms.

The Soviets have already made that much quite clear, using the Cairo diplomatic grapevine as is their habit in delicate situations. Furthermore, as President Sadat has made quite clear himself, the Kremlin has also taken the meat-axe step of cutting off all deliveries of spare parts to Egypt.

On the other hand, it will be an enormous task to re-equip the entire Egyptian armed forces from the under-

clothes outwards. The French, the British, the Japanese and the West Germans will all be eager for their share in the resulting armaments orders. Probably they will get a share. In reality, however, only American industry can possibly meet President Sadat's huge potential requirements within a reasonable period of time.

The lions' share of the orders for armaments will not only have to be placed in the U.S. In addition, one can foresee that the U.S. will also have to assist Egypt, ad interim, by helping to secure needed Soviet spare parts from third countries like China, for instance. In sum, the whole development is going to be quite remarkably dramatic, if it occurs at all.

One has to say, "if it occurs at all," because there is still an open question about President Sadat carrying out his announced intentions to the full, if the Syrians flatly reject disengagement with the Israelis. But although the outcome is still uncertain, it is already

time to stop treating the new Middle Eastern developments with the befuddled surprise that is so common here.

It is time, in fact, to say that we may well be witnessing, at this very instant, the most dazzling feat of diplomacy in the 20th century. Three years ago at San Clemente, Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger rightly but almost too forthrightly said that "expelling the Soviets from Egypt was a necessary aim of America's Mid-Eastern policy. At the time, this seemed so impossible that there was loud, patronizing laughter. But if President Sadat carries through his reversal of alliances, the Soviets will indeed be expelled.

By the same token, President Sadat will be showing bold statemanship and a remarkable grasp of Egypt's practical interests. The Israelis, meanwhile, may have to pay a heavy price in the Sinai; but anything they pay will be worth the beginning of some kind of real peace in the Mideast. The Saudis and Kuwaitis will get their money's worth, too, in the form of badly needed political stability in their area.

The diplomatic feat we may now be witnessing is so dazzling, in fact, not only because it is so astonishing, but also because everyone the U.S. cares about will be a net gainer. So one must say "good luck" to President Sadat and his friend Dr. K.

© 1974, Los Angeles Times

# Kissinger's Department:
Moral Up, Role Enhanced

Kissinger
By BERNARD GWERTZMAN
Special to The New York Times
4-26-74

WASHINGTON, April 25 — After seven months as Secretary of State, Henry A. Kissinger has succeeded in reviving the morale of the State Department and restoring it to its traditional place at the center of American foreign policy.

Mr. Kissinger has not done this through any miracles of administration but largely through the force of his personality and the transfer of his main operations from the White House to his seventh-floor offices. He has replaced almost all ranking officials with a highly motivated, individualistic team of people who are loyal to him but are prepared to speak their minds.

Because of his extraordinary foreign travel, Mr. Kissinger has not been able to find the time to carry out his promises to "institutionalize" foreign policy and to involve the 11,000-man department and Foreign Service fully in its execution. This has produced sharp criticism of Mr. Kissinger' work style. Some of

his closest associates believe that he should delegate more responsibility and not try to maintain control over so many activities.

While aboard his Air Force jet, he "runs" the department, sending and receiving messages on specially installed equipment. Even on his recent wedding trip to Acapulco he had the department send him special pouches, and he constantly communicated with officials and ambassadors in Washington.

On occasion the Secretary's working habits have slowed the Administration's decision-making process in foreign policy. No action can be taken on major matters without his consent even if it means delaying a decision until he can study it. His desire to be fully informed extends to the furnishings of his offices and the menus at his meals; more than most Secretaries of State, he has involved himself even in minor matters.

Mr. Kissinger's role as head of the department, many believe, will ultimately have greater impact on foreign policy than the highly visible public-relations operation that, in some quarters, has earned him the title "president for foreign affairs."

His main departmental accomplishment, sandwiched between trips, has been ending the lethargy that set in during the five years under his predecessor, William P. Rogers. This lethargy, which caused a serious morale problem at

Continued on Page 2, Column 4

Israeli Politics and Mideast Diplomacy

The bitterly factional Arab style politics now overwhelming the caretaker government of Prime Minister Golda Meir has suddenly cast a long, ominous shadow across Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's plan to separate the warring armies of Israel and Syria on the Golan Heights.

To gain a "separation of forces" on Israeli-occupied Golan, as he did between Israel and Egypt, Kissinger needs strong governments in both Jerusalem and Damascus. Such a government does not exist in Damascus, where President Hafez Assad's own desire to compromise with Israel is under continuing menace from political adversaries. But until recently, Kissinger's successes in seeking a political settlement between Jews and Arabs have been bolstered by a seasoned Israeli government and particularly by its chief Arab negotiator, Defense Minister Moshe Dayan.

That government with all its leading figures, including Dayan, is now just counting the weeks or days until it passes into oblivion. It has become a casualty of frightening factionalism and leadership vendettas within the controlling Labor Party and of a popular demand, only partly caused by the Oct. 6 war, for top-to-bottom overhaul of kitchen-cabinet politics and government.

Younger leaders in Israel's long dominant Labor Party have openly plotted a wholesale housecleaning which would turn out to pasture not only Prime Minister Golda Meir but also Foreign Minister Abba Eban and other major figures — including Dayan himself.

The bitterness of the attack against Dayan is symptomatic. It has nothing to do with his policies and everything to do with his personality and record as a controversial political loner.

Thus, one reason the Agranat Commission (set up to establish blame for

the Oct. 6 war) published an interim report three weeks ago was to blunt public criticism of Dayan. It blamed military commanders, not Dayan or any other elected politician.

The interim report backfired. It led to instantaneous, emotional demands for Dayan's ouster. Dayan's exit from active Israeli political life is now assured — by far the single most crucial voice in Israel's foreign policy since the Six-Day War of 1967.

Dayan's influence on Mrs. Meir during those seven years has been nearly total. To the Nixon administration and

to all but the most extreme Arabs, Dayan has been "the Palestinian Jew" inside the Israeli government who viewed the bitter Arab-Israeli struggle as inherently reconcilable. Ever since becoming Secretary of State, Kissinger looked to Dayan to break one impasse after another.

After the massacre of Israelis at Qiryat Shemona two weeks ago, Dayan resisted popular demand for brutal reprisal against Lebanon. The Israeli retaliation which killed two Lebanese, was a modest revenge when measured against past reprisals.

But the question is being asked

whether a new Labor government in Jerusalem, seeking credit among a public lusting for a show of power could, in a similar situation in the immediate future, avoid bloody vengeance practiced so often in the past.

Another question is being asked about a first-stage settlement of the Israeli-Syrian impasse on the Golan Heights: would it be possible politically for a fresh Labor government to make the necessary concessions? Or would it have to show the toughness demanded by Likud, the hard-line opposition party?

Some U.S. diplomats now see a strong Israeli consensus for massive pullbacks from occupied Arab lands and a genuine political settlement. But polls inside Israel, to the contrary, show Likud more popular today than during the December election. It was Likud that attacked Dayan's reprisal against Lebanon as a virtual sellout of the national interest.

Dayan's tenure as defense minister is just about ended. Yet some officials here still see a way for his short-term retention as Israel's chief negotiator during the hard Kissinger bargaining just ahead.

This could happen if no new Labor Party leader — Yitzhak Rabin or anyone else — could form a workable government, in which case Mrs. Meir stays in power as caretaker. Dayan then could be switched out of defense to a new post with a single job: negotiating the settlement with Syria and Egypt.

Such a Rube Goldberg solution might last until autumn, when the Labor party will almost certainly have to go back to the country under a new and younger leadership for new elections.

At best, then, political upheaval in Israel confronts Kissinger with an ominous new problem. At worst, it could undercut his diplomacy, end his unbroken series of successes since the Oct. 6 war and provoke yet another war in the Mideast.

"Kissinger looked to Dayan to break one impasse after another."