PEACE ON EARTH GOOD WILL TOWARDS MEN

Christmas is approaching and many Germans will entertain the fond hope that the Christian principles of this feast of peace which has always been so highly regarded, especially in Germany, will find expression in their future living conditions. After the severe physical and mental stress of the last few years, new sufferings have come upon the German people as a consequence of failure of leadership and a lost war.

Millions of families are still torn apart, hundreds of thousands are still looking for parents, brothers, sisters or children. In Brief, even though the guns are silent, peace on earth and good will towards men do not rule this festive season. And now, just before the holidays, a new wave passes over the German people that badly jolts peace and good will. New definitions for activists, militarists and fellow-travellers are being thought up and published, definitions which are chiefly characterized by the fact that every "suspect" loses his job, has his funds blocked, is deemed to be convicted beforehand. Then an investigation is supposed to follow. Would it not be better to name those affected but permit them to continue their participation in the work of reconstruction -- provided severe crimes are not obviously involved -- and to take appropriate action after the investigation and in consonance

Brute action after the investigation and in consequence
crimes are not opaquely involved — and to take a bro-
cription in the work of reconstruction — provided severe
those affected put permit them to continue their bati-
ambushed to follow. Would it not be better to name
to be convicted beforehand. Then an investigation if
"absent" loose his job, has his fangs blocked, is deemed
are chiefly characterised by the fact that every
are being thought mb and pipelined, definitions which
for activists, militants and anti-fellow-travellers
that badly toffs peace and good will. New definitions
the holidays, a new wave baseaa over the german people
do not rule this festive season. And now, that before
are silent, peace on earth and good will towards men
aratea or children. In brief, even though the fangs
of thousands are still looking for parents, brothers,
Millions of families are still torn apart, hundreds
seduction of failure of leadership and a lost war.
outfaring have come upon the german people as a con-
physical and mental areas of the last few decades, new
in their future living conditions. After the severe
regarded, especially in Germany, will find expression
of this threat of peace which has silvus been so highly
entertain the loud hope that the Christian principles
Christiania is approaching and many Germans will

BEFORE ON EARTH GOOD WITHIN TOWARDS MEN

with the result. In any regular court of law the principle applies that in a case of doubt the accused is to benefit by it. A verdict is passed only after clarification of the legal situation.

Moreover, professions which are considered especially honorable anywhere else in the world, are suddenly being regarded as criminal, as may be read in an editorial of the *Neue Zeitung* early in December of 1945. With few exceptions the officers and officials of the *Wehrmacht* have probably interpreted their profession and the functions of their organization in the same spirit that President Truman expressed in his message to Congress dated December 19, 1945, as it was published in the *Neue Zeitung* on December 21st. Naturally here, as everywhere, there have been exceptions, but the German corps of officers and officials has been held in esteem and recognized as exemplary by the whole world.

Is it not more important to retain the supports and to remove only the evil-doers, and that only when new supports are available? Otherwise the badly-damaged structure will collapse, reconstruction will be practically impossible, or at least tremendously delayed. We in Germany can hardly afford this luxury of squandering our resources.

Instead of confining the justifiable purge to genuine evil-doers and tackling it sensibly, new suffering is being carried into hundreds of thousands of families just before Christmas, a purge that in its summary

that before Christmas, a purge that in its essence
is being carried into hundreds of thousands of families
Germine evil-goers and tackling it brazenly, new anger-
Incited of confining the juatitable purge to
our reasons.

in Germany can hardly afford this luxury of adorning
clearly imposable, or at least tremendously delayed. We
atrocity will collaborate, reconstruction will be practi-
Munitions are available? Otherwise the badly-damaged
to remove only the evil-goers, and that only when new

Is it not more important to retain the munitions and
exemplary by the whole world.

and officials have been held in easter and recognized as
have been exhortations, put the German corps of officers
on December 5th. Naturally here, as everywhere, there
per 19th, 1942, as it was published in the *Nene Zeitung*
Truman expressed his message to Congress dated Decem-
of their organization in the same spirit that President
have properly interpreted their profession and the functions
exceptions the officers and officials of the *Nemmescht*
of the *Nene Zeitung* early in December of 1942. With few
being regarded as criminals, as well be read in an editorial
only honorable sphere else in the world, are ab孟

Moreover, professionals which are considered especially
importance of the legal at tation.
to benefit by it. A verdict is based only after
ciple applies that in a case of doubt the accused is
with the relevant. In such regular court of law the prin-

[A]

SS.XII.1942

Weinheim a. B. B.
Friedrichsra. SO

Dipf. Ingenieur
Wolfram Braenour
G.G. Müller mud

attraction alone.

be pygones and our thoughts be directed towards recon-
np. but a meaningful and rational one. Then, let pygones
bringing good will to mankind. Let there be a clean-
sublimation will strike many unmayly, instead of

1

[Y]

**Denazification** is a slogan which might well be taken from Goebbels' collection of unhappy memory. Does it refer to pests, or to human beings?

Peace on earth and good will towards men. Hitler said that, too, at one time -- but first the Jews had to be robbed and killed.

Will Germans with all their human weaknesses and errors, join in denazification boards to pass verdicts on the life or death of Nazi fellow-travellers? The economy of the country, sick and weary already, will blow receive its last breath, if denazification is kept alive. It is possible to find the spiritual originators and instigators of Nazism by a method that does not involve the destruction of our economy. Entire failies are to be shattered and expropriated because a father or a mother did some work or other for the Party after all, we all collaborated until we found that evil took the upper hand. This type of extermination of National-Socialism is dictated by hatred, not by Christian fellowship; and it does not bring peace on earth for which all long. This dismissal of all party members from the most important positions by a certain date constitutes the most fatal blow upon our marginal existence. We all know that we have to work together with the victor, frankly and decently -- we do so every day -- but we cannot follow on the road of denazification.

For years, Hitler preached hatred of the nations against which he led us into battle. He was unable to

against which he led us into battle. He was unable to
for years, Hitler presaged hatred of the nations
hatred -- but we cannot follow on the road of denazification
with the victor, frankly and decently -- we do so every-
existence. We all know that we have to work together
contributes the most fatal blow upon our margins!
from the most important stations by a certain date
which all long. This diametric of all party members
followand; and it does not bring peace on earth for
Socialism is dictated by hatred, not by Christian
number one. This type of extermination of National--
we all collaborated until we found that evil took the
mother did some work or other for the Party after all,
be shattered and expropriated because a father or a
the destruction of our economy. Entire families are to
inhabitants of Nazi land by a method that does not involve
It is possible to find the spiritual originators and
receive its last breath, if denazification is kept alive.
economy of the country, a sick and weakly already, will
on the file or death of Nazi fellow-travellers? The
effects, join in denazification plans to pass verdicts
Will Germany with all their human weaknesses and
to be dropped and killed.
said that, too, at one time -- but first the taxes had
peace on earth and good will towards men. Hitler
Does it refer to beans, or to human beings?
taken from Goebbels' collection of mind-bending memory.
Densification is a slogan which might well be

I

2

arouse any hatred in us, as any American will confirm:
"The German nation is not hated (hateful)? Denazification
means hatred. It is not the new spirit that we
need. It is an operation without regard for the life
of the patient. Thomas Mann wrote to Walter von Molo:
"All of us should have risen against the ignominy as
one man. That would have made an impression abroad and
at home." He was not there when the evil became manifest
to the gagged masses, and even to those abroad.
But is it possible to take any part in this ignominy
that springs from pure hatred, even by merely sitting
on a committee? It is high time that this were understood.

Weinheim, October 11, 1945

C. G. Müller

C. G. Miller

Meinheim, October 11, 1942

atood.

on a committee? It is high time that this were under-
that springs from pure hatred, even by merely sitting
But if it possible to take any part in this hatred
feat to the bagged masses, and even to those sprogs.
at home." He was not there when the evil became man-
one man. That would have made an impression abroad and
"All of us should have riased against the hatred sa
of the patient. Thomas Mann wrote to Walter von Molo:
need. It is an operation without regard for the life
cation means hatred. It is not the new abhor that we
"The German nation is not hated (because)? Densiti-
stone and hatred in me, as any American will confirm:

5

C. G. Müller

Weinheim, February 3, 1949

CARL FREUDENBERG FROM 1945 TO 1949

On Wednesday, March 28, the first American armour entered Weinheim from the direction of Sulzbach. The town was occupied within 24 hours with hardly a struggle. The end of fighting for which we had prayed for weeks had come, and with it the incredible miracle: Weinheim and the factory were undamaged. The tremendous tension, the sorrow over Germany's fall, gave way to hope never before felt and an extraordinary determination to overcome the difficulties of the future. Courage and hope spread over almost the entire personnel. Volunteers were present in abundant numbers without having been called. The few men in charge felt actually buoyed by their subordinates. There was a general display of energy which no one could have expected from the weary and over-worked men. "Are you still trying to win the war?" was a question often asked by people who were waiting for miracle instead of putting their shoulders to the wheel. Qualities which had been cultivated since the foundation of the firm were now paying off: loyalty, decency, fellowship, confidence, lack of affectation, modesty, gratitude. Three thousand men were welded together by their determination to resume work as quickly as possible. No one refused to work, therefore.

work as quickly as possible. No one refused to work, the men were wedged together by their determination to resume lack of appreciation, meekness, gratitude, confidence, banking off: loyalty, decency, fellowship, confidence, motivated since the foundation of the firm were now authorities to the wheel. Qualities which had been culled were waiting for miracle instead of putting their win the war?" was a creation often asked by people who weakly and over-worked men. "Are you still trying to energy which no one could have expected from the pay their authorities. There was a general display of called. The few men in charge felt actually probed were present in spurious numbers without having been abridged over almost the entire personnel. Volunteers come the difficulties of the future. Courage and hope before left and an extraordinarily determination to overcome the sorrow over Germany's fall, gave way to hope never and the factory were undiminished. The tremendous tension, had come, and with it the incredible miracle: Weinheim. The end of fighting for which we had praved for weeks town was occupied within 54 hours with hardly a triangle entered Weinheim from the direction of Anspach. The Our Wednesday, March 58, the first American armist

CURT BREUDEBERG FROM 1842 TO 1849

C. G. Müller

Weinheim, February 3, 1849

2

were no informers, no enemies of the firm. Work had stopped on March 27. It was resumed on April 3, after an address by Richard Freudenberg, with less than a week's interruption, that is.

What labors of transition and preparation had been accomplished during this week?

On March 29, 1945, the first American Commandant, Frederick G. Koenig, Jr., Captain, Infantry, Military Government, issued passes for Richard Freudenberg, Engineer In Charge Müller, and Plant Superintendent Bühler, at his headquarters in the Pfälzer Hof. They enabled us to repair the electric plants of the town and of the factories. The steam turbines of Freudenberg had continued in operation even while fighting was going on, under the courageous foreman, Dähler; on the evening of March 29, they were already supplying the town, including water works, military hospitals, and the civilian hospital.

A hand-painted sign at the factory gate prevented American soldiers and plundering foreigners from entering the factory. **MENEN**, Since the firm was supplying **SUPPLIES** power, the Americans took a certain interest in it, and this fact brought about a measure of protection.

On March 30 and 31, we were permitted the use of an automobile (BMW Model 1925) and one truck, so that repair work on the transmission lines of the **Badenwerk**

repair work on the transmission lines of the Hsienwenk
an automobile (BMW Model 1952) and one truck, so that
On March 30 and 31, we were permitted the use of
of protection.

interest in it, and this fact brought about a measure
unanimous power, the Americans took a certain
appealing

entering the factory. Maxxam, since the firm was
American soldiers and bombing foreigners from

A hand-painted sign at the factory gate prevented
civilian hospitals.

including water works, military hospitals, and the
of March 30, they were already appealing the town,
on, under the courageous foremen, Däfler; on the evening
had continued in operation even while fighting was going
and of the factories. The atom turbine of Brendenberg
ensured us to repair the electric plants of the town
Bühler, at his headquarters in the Fläzer Hot. They
Engineer In Charge Müller, and Plant Superintendent
Government, named bases for Richard Brendenberg,
Frederick G. Koenig, Jr., Captain, Infantry, Military
On March 30, 1945, the first American Commandant,
accomplished during this week?

What labor of transaction and preparation had been
week's interruption, that is.

an address by Richard Brendenberg, with less than a
atobbed on March 31. It was resumed on April 3, after
were no informers, no enemies of the firm. Work had

5

could be begun. Already the day before, a C.F. de-
tachment had been doing repair work on lines next to
the water works under the direction of Foreman Moll,
with an American battery dug in beside it ready for
combat. The municipal works were evacuated by troops
and Engineer In Charge Müller of the Freudenberg firm
took over. Details of these days may be found in the
report contained in the log book of the firm (1)

Negotiations concerning the freedom of movement
of our workers, who were at first restricted to a radius
of two kilometres from their residence, concerning night
passes, coal transportation and power supply, the
lodging, feeding and transportation of many transient
foreign civilian workers, were conducted daily with the
Americans, especially with the new Commandant, Lieut.
Wharton. Between 900 and 1,000 foreigners constituted
a tremendous danger to the town and we owe it to the
cooperation of Lieut. Wharton with the Weinheim Police
Chief, Herr Lange, and Herr Richard Freudenberg that
this danger was averted. All of us had been under its
shadow for weeks, It caused us long hours of work. The
following report gives details concerning these days (2).

During March, April and May, 1945, our situation
changed almost hourly. We could now pay attention to the
surrounding area, the villages of the Odenwald, as well as
Mannheim, Bensheim and Heidelberg. The firm's trans-
portation system was expanded vigorously, for the railways

port station axodem was expanded aforonely, for the railway
Mannheim, Benanleim and Heidelberg. The firm's a trans-
arounding area, the villages of the Odenwald, as well as
changed almost hourly. We could now pay attention to the
During March, April and May, 1922, our attonson
following report gives details concerning these days (S).
abroad for weeks. It caused a long hours of work. The
time danger was averted. All of us had been under its
Chief, Herr Lange, and Herr Richard Freyenberg that
cooperation of Ment. Wharton with the Weinheim Police
a tremendous danger to the town and we owe it to the
Wharton. Between 900 and 1,000 foreigners constituted
Americana, especially with the new Commandant, Ment.
foreign civilian workers, were conducted daily with the
logging, feeding and transportation of many transient
bases, cost transportation and power supply, the
of two kilometres from their residence, concerning night
of our workers, who were at first restricted to a regime
Negotiations concerning the freedom of movement
report contained in the log book of the firm (1)
took over. Details of these days may be found in the
and Engineer In Charge Müller of the Freyenberg firm
compat. The municipal works were evacuated by troops
with an American pattern gun in peace it ready for
the water works under the direction of Foreman Wolf,
tachment had been doing repair work on lines next to
could be begun. Already the day before, a C.B. de-

4

were not running. We lived and worked on reserves. Five hides hundred tons of untreated skids were rescued from the ruins of the Mannheim stockyards; the Americans promised to pitch in, but in the end we had to cart them off ourselves. Transportation was decisive. Soon we had ten trucks on the road, and whenever possible, we asked the Americans to help us out. They brought us large quantities of lumber from Schriesheim in exchange for shoes. Transport was in charge of Foremen Pflästerer, Müller and Hoch; invaluable were the indefatigable efforts of Foreman Heiligenthal who did not hesitate to make the long trek from Aschbach through the forest, for he as the others was not permitted to use the highway. The leading slogan of this month was: "Work, Help and Overcome Difficulties." We remained unaware of the magnificent spring with its particularly beautiful blossoming of the fruit trees, we didn't know what day of the week it was, time had become secondary. All that counted were the questions, where do we go from here? where is the next obstacle? Sober thought should have told us that we had only two weeks' work left, but "we'll muddle through somehow" proved to be sounder, and muddle through we did. Courage and hope were with us. Help came always unexpectedly, often at the last moment. This spirit of cooperation prevailed with regard to everyone. No request was refused. Every complaint was heard.

No regret was felt. Every complaint was heard.
An spirit of cooperation prevailed with regard to everyone.
It came always unexpectedly, often at the last moment. This
through we did. Comrade and hope were with us. Help
mudie through somehow," proved to be a wonder, and mudie
told us that we had only two weeks' work left, but "we'll
here? where is the next obstacle? Better thought should have
All that counted were the greatest, where do we go from
what day of the week it was, time had become secondly.
Beautiful ploasing of the fruit trees, we didn't know
aware of the magnificent arising with it particularly
"Work, Help and Overcome Difficulties." We remained
the same highway. The leading slogan of this month was:
the forest, for he as the others was not permitted to
heave to make the long trek from Vachamp through
fatigable efforts of Foreman Heilgenfessel who did not
Bilaterer, Muller and Hock; insurmountable were the inde-
change for an idea. Transport was in charge of Foremen
large quantities of lumber from Bormesheim in ex-
serted the Americans to help us out. Tired brought us
ten trucks on the road, and whenever possible, we
ourselves. Transportation was decisive. Soon we had
to bitch in, but in the end we had to cart them off
rungs of the Mannheim stockyard; the Americans brought
hundred tons of untreated kikka were reached from the
pibbles
were not running. We lived and worked on reserves. Life

5

[N]

The villages of Rimbach and Wald Michelbach were
without water, and we gave them new pumps. Weinheim
was without spare parts for its power plant. We supplied
them. There were no locomotives in the railway yards.
We did their shunting for them with the plant locomotive.
The railway bridge near Birkenau had been demolished. We
bought a new one at Mannheim, and the State railways
took it over later on. We even built a new milk dis-
tributing center. The official telephone system went
out of order, We included Town Hall and Police Head-
quarters in our own undamaged circuit. This uncon-
ditional and unselfish willingness to help encouraged
and strengthened the will to resist, not only within
the firm, but in the town and the surrounding country
as well. In April our activities covered only a twenty-
kilometre radius around Weinheim, by June-July they
covered 100 kilometres. In April we had only two
weeks work ahead of us; in June-July we were able to
plan for four weeks. The number of workers soon grew
from twenty-three hundred to three thousand. And the
determination not to stop was universal. No humilia-
tion, no disappointment, no lie could shake us. We
never lost sight of our goal: Weinheim, town and coun-
try, must have work and bread -- How? It did not matter.
A morale report supplied to the Americans in August, 1945,
will illustrate the situation (3). Quick and determined
action was always imperative. An ex-coffee merchant

action was always imperative. An ex-coffee merchant
will illustrate the situation (3). Quick and determined
A morale report applied to the Americans in August, 1942,
try, must have work and press -- How? It did not matter.
never float a fight of our goal: Weinheim, town and com-
tion, no disappointment, no life could shake me. We
determination not to stop was universal. No humilia-
from twenty-three hundred to three thousand. And the
blist for four weeks. The number of workers soon grew
weeks work ahead of us; in June-only we were able to
covered 100 kilometres. In April we had only two
kilometre radius around Weinheim, by June-only they
are well. In April our activities covered only a twenty-
the firm, but in the town and the surrounding country
and strengthened the will to resist, not only within
additional and maletiaf willingness to help encouraged
quarters in our own undamaged circuit. This uncon-
out of order. We incurred Town Hall and Police Head-
tributing center. The official telephone system went
took it over later on. We even built a new milk dia-
pont a new one at Weinheim, and the State railways
The railway bridge near Birkenau had been demolished. We
We did their accounting for them with the plant locomotive
them. There were no locomotives in the railway lands.
was without spare parts for its power plant. We supplied
without water, and we gave them new pumps. Weinheim
The villages of Kimpach and Wald Michelsbach were

6

[N]

from Bremen appeared one day at the factory. He needed
two lots of leather for his brother-in-law, a shoemaker.
We gave him the leather because he had just been released
from a P/W camp, and told him he could have more if
he brought us hides. Two weeks later he appeared with
a truckload of hides and received leather and shoes
as return load. His trucks made more and more trips
and soon he was our principal supplier of hides.
Another man who was passing through Weinheim with his
truck, and who had no fixed abode, was chartered and
assisted our transport system for two years. We bought
an oxygen plant that we happened to find available, and
oxygen, that bottle-neck of 1945, was once more in
abundant supply. Soon purchasing and exploratory trips
were undertaken, ranging as far as Hamburg, the Ruhr,
and Munich. The first such trip was made by Herr Gebhard
because he had MAXIMUM need of oxygen and air.
the greatest freedom of movement, since he was a Mexican
citizen. Our Purchasing Office was expanded tremendously
from four buyers to ten, and from three engineers to
twelve, half of whom are always on the road. Soon we
had better technical information than the Americans.

Luckily the Badenwerk supplied abundant power
enabling us to stretch our coal supplies, for the first
coal deliveries from the Saar and Ruhr arrived in August,
1945. COKE DUST and SLUDGE - COAL: five hundred tons in August

1942. COKE DOLPH and SUGGESTION: five hundred tons in August cost deliveries from the Bar and Rnm arrived in August, enlisting me to stretch our cost supplies, for the first time, for the badenwerk supplied spadonsnt power had better technical information than the Americans.

twelve, half of whom are always on the road. Good we from our planes to ten, and from three engineers to citizen.

Our Purchasing Office was expanded tremendously the greatest freedom of movement, since we was a Mexican because he had KNAUF, KLAUS, KLEINFELD, KNOEPFELD, KÖNIG, KÖNIGSBERG, KÖNIGSBERGSTADT, and Munich. The first such job was made by Herr Gebhardt were underwriters, ranging so far as Hamburg, the Rnm, spadonsnt supply. Soon purchasing and exploratory trips

oxigen, that bottle-neck of 1942, was once more in an oxigen plant that we happened to find available, and

assisted our transport system for two years. We bought truck, and who had no fixed space, was chartered and another man who was basing through Weimar with his and soon he was our principal supplier of rides.

as return load. His trucks made more and more trips a truckload of rides and received leather and shoes he brought us rides. Two weeks later he appeared with from a P/M camp, and told him he could have more if

We gave him the leather because he had that been released two lots of leather for his brother-in-law, a seaplane maker, from Bremen abounded one day at the factory. He needed

9

7

[Y]

eight hundred in September. Our coal consumption averaged approximately five hundred tons per month. Now in January, 1949, it was one thousand tons. Our own large coal pile had almost been used up by that time, the arrival of sludge-coal prevented a shutdown. Wood was used as fuel to a great extent in Schönau. Large groups of over a hundred men were busy cutting timber in the Odenwald for months and had to be carried to remote spots on our own trucks. The demands on the transportation system increased steadily, the tire problem became critical. Our first experiences with barter in tires were not pleasant. We equipped our trailers with solid rubber tires taken from armoured vehicles. Many hours of each day were spent on transportation problems which included application for passes, for which new and valid reasons had to be found again and again. We made x daily calls on Military Government in the town hall on account of passes for our drivers and representatives as well as for our suppliers.

New and rigid denazification laws oppressed us in November, 1945. Daily trips to Military Government in Weinheim and Mannheim became necessary. We were strengthened in our attitude by letters such as Vetter's from Wald Michelbach (4). Postal and telephone systems were gradually restored during 1946; to us they were of little use, since only personal intervention could

of little use, since only personal intervention could
satisfy restated wishes during 1942; to me they were
made in our attitude by letters such as Vetter's from
Weinheim and Mannheim because necessarily. We were attending
November, 1942. Daily tributes to Military Government in
New and rigid densitization laws obviated us in
our for our amphibians.

of bases for our drivers and representatives as well
calls on Military Government in the town itself on account
had to be found again and again. We made daily
application for bases, for which new and valid reasons
were absent on transportation problems which included
taken from armoured vehicles. Many names of each day
and night. We supplied our trailers with solid number tires
first experiences with partner in lines were not bless-
atesfully the tire problem became critical. Our
The demand on the transportation system increased
had to be carried to remote spots on our own trucks.
pick cutting timber in the Openwald for months and
in Bonnstein. Large floods of over a hundred men were
asunder. Wood was made as fuel to a great extent
time, the arrival of troops - goods prevented a
own large cost pile had almost been need up by that
Now in January, 1943, it was one thousand tons. Our
sponsored approximately five hundred tons per month.
eight hundred in September. Our cost consumption

8

[Y]

bring success. With horror we recognized the extent of
destruction, physically and spiritually, of our economy
we
on which depended. Discouragement, hopelessness, and
lassitude were ubiquitous. Letters remained unanswered.
Delivery dates were not met. Promises broken. Plant
discipline that had never disappeared in our firm, was
relaxed elsewhere. Gigantic gaps were torn in the
ranks of our suppliers through denazification and de-
nunciations. Frequently, it was our travelling execu-
tives and engineers who brought fresh impulse to these
plants, and sometimes, when they brought a pass along,
the suppliers would take a trip to their customers in
Weinheim. There were favorable exceptions, of course:
the BIBCI in Mannheim, who supplied a new steam tur-
bine in 1945 within six months, Engineer Ullmann of
Mannheim who erected the building of the main shop in
1945 and came to see us on his bicycle for months on
end, Hoffman, Stöhr of Offenbach, Eck Söhne of Düssel-
dorf, but by and large the quiet of the grave hung over
most enterprises. They were not trying for ways out, they
had no courage left. We had no choice but to help our-
selves; in the first place we built the large main shop,
planned since 1942 with blueprints already prepared.
The number of artisans was increased from three to
seven hundred for normal operations. Now we could
proceed with repairs and large changes in the plant.
On this our beginning in 1945 depended entirely. This

Our due on our beginning in 1842 debursed entirely. This
proceeds with rebaits and large changes in the plant.

The number of artisans was increased from three to
seven unpaid for normal operations. How we could
be planned for normal operations.

Others: in the first place we built the large main shop,
paid no wage left. We had no choice but to help our-
most enterprises. They were not trying for more out, they
can't, put by and large the quiet of the grave hung over
end, Hollman, Stöhr of Ottensach, Eck Söder of Diezel-
1842 and came to see us on his pickaxe for months on
Mannheim who erected the building of the main shop in
June in 1842 within six months, Engineer Ullmann of
the BIBIC! in Mannheim, who abdicated a new steam turn-
Weinheim. There were favorable exceptions, of course:
the abbotines would take a trip to their customers in
plants, and sweetmeats, when they brought a base along,
toes and engineers who brought fresh impulses to these
unmuscations. Frequently, it was our travelling execu-
tors of our abbotines through densification and ge-
relaxed elsewhere. Giantic Raps were born in the
discipline that had never diabolized in our firm, was
delivery data were not met. Promises broken. Plant
inattention were epidemics. Letters remained unswerved.
on which we depended. Diacombusament, noblesse, and
destruction, by far the only and spiritually, of our economy
prize ancess. With horror we recognised the extent of

8

9

[Y]

shop was in full operation by 1946, equipped with the
most modern machinery which we had bought and brought
in from all parts of Germany under the direction of
engineers Hott and Harlos and superintendent Schmitterer.
This shop dealt successfully with everything that was
required, profit was no consideration, but rather
the preservation of our substance. It was inspired by
the determination not to stop but to produce in the
knowledge that work alone could preserve our physical
and spiritual balance. Genuine comradeship bound the
entire outfit together as never before, and the Betriebs-
rat with its chairman, Arz, deserves special recogni-
tion for helping at all times to remove and smooth
out difficulties and to proceed with justice. Therefore,
difficulties in connection with denazification
were produced only by the Kontrolratsgesetz, never
by biased motives which set German against German.

The Betriebsrat was never guided by hatred, but
always by a feeling of fellowship towards all con-
cerned. Industrial peace was as firmly established
as ever. Frank and vigorous cooperation between
management and Betriebsrat was more necessary than
ever. The situation was discussed once a month and
solutions were always found. Political issues played
no part at all; problems were discussed first and then
and executed
the management made/its decisions neatly and quickly.

In those days it was especially important to

In those days it was especially important to
the management made\'its decisions neatly and quickly.
and executed
no part at all; problems were discussed first and then
solutions were always found. Political names played
ever. The situation was discussed once a month and
management and _Retiefparta_ was more necessary than
sa ever. Frank and vigorous cooperation between
colleagues. Industrial peace was as firmly established
always as a feeling of fellowship towards all con-

The _Retiefparta_ was never embedded in hatred, but
was based motives which set German against German.
were produced only by the _Kontrollstagesets_, never
tore, difficulties in connection with denunciation
out difficulties and to proceed with justice. There-
tion for helping at all times to remove and smooth
rest with its chairman, Arx deserves a special recogni-

- entire outfit together as never before, and the _Retiefpa_-
and spiritual balance. Genuine courage and bound the
knowledge that work alone could preserve our physical
the determination not to stop but to produce in the
the preservation of our amazement. It was inkired by
required, profit was no consideration, but rather
This and that dealt successfully with everything that was
engineers Hott and Harlos and subintendental Schmittner.
in from all parts of Germany under the direction of
most modern machinery which we had bought and brought
and was in full operation by 1919, equipped with the

10

[Y]

have time. I believe that our immunity against in-difference, shiftlessness and discouragement was caused by our determination to give a hearing to everyone and to take the time to help them. This gave our men a measure of security in those years of supreme instability. We had time for everyone within the plant and for every visitor.

In January, 1947, when we began to see once more where we stood, the decisive step was taken to re-organize the factory and create self-sufficient departments. The execution of this gigantic program was to take three years. To date we have shifted approximately three thousand workers into other rooms and new buildings. In terms of energy and costs this was a notable achievement that became possible only after we had weathered the years 1945 and 1946. In those years it was a matter of life and death for every individual and the firm as a whole. By 1947, death and failure did no longer threaten us daily, plans could be made, new production lines could be set up and put into operation. In 1948, great progress was noticeable, and in 1949 we shall reach the goal set in 1947.

Let no one forget the bitter lesson of 1945: neither our daily bread nor orderly work are matters of course. Let us never forget the time when we did not see the spring, did not know the time of the day, nor the day of the week, when we were forgetful of Sunday or even Good Friday, and had a pistol in our

Smitty or even Good Friday, and had a bitol in our
or the day of the week, when we were forgetful of
not see the spring, did not know the time of the day,
of course. Let us never forget the time when we did
neither our daily press nor orderly work are matters
let no one forget the bitter lesson of 1942:

aple, and in 1943 we shall reason the cost set in 1943.
into operation. In 1948, great progress was notice-
be made, new production lines could be set up and but
failure did no longer threaten us daily, plants could
run and the firm as a whole. By 1945, death and
it was a matter of file and death for every individual
weathered the years 1942 and 1943. In those years
achievement that became possible only after we had
In terms of energy and costs this was a notable
thousands workers into other rooms and new buildings.
Years. To date we have shifted approximately three
batches. This gigantic program was to take three
organize the factory and create self-sufficient de-
where we stood, the decisive step was taken to re-
In January, 1943, when we began to see once more
the plant and for every aitor.

abnormal inaptitude. We had time for everyone within
 gave our men a measure of security in those years of
everyone and to take the time to help them. This
came as our determination to give a hearing to
difference, shittlesneas and dissatisfaction was
have time. I believe that our immunity against in-

10

2

partition Poland for the doubtful advantage of obtaining a neighbor with a
population of 100 million on their Western boundary. One might add that even
a neutral Germany, as long as it is rearmed, would be to the Soviet disadvan-
tage; it would still constitute a barrier to a Soviet advance; it would still
exercise considerable pressure on the satellites. (Nevertheless, Adenauer
has gone too far on the NATO orientation for us to introduce this consideration
now.) Thus, on every issue, except the maintenance of the *status quo*, the
USSR finds itself at a distinct disadvantage.

It is for this reason that the USSR has decided to take its stand
at the forthcoming foreign minister's conference on the security issue. For
this is the one ground on which they can gain public support both in Western
Germany and in Western Europe: in Western Germany because of the Socialist
argument that only rearmament stands in the way of German unity, in Western
Europe because of the fear of resurgent militarism in Germany. But while
the Soviet strategy is understandable we cannot afford to let ourselves be
lured into negotiating only on their ground and at their pace. European
security is the most disadvantageous negotiating point for us, because it
can be transformed into a technical problem which deprives it of any symbolic
value, and because of the emotions aroused by the memories of German aggression.
To be sure, we must be prepared to demonstrate the hollowness of even this
Soviet tactic. But we need not rest on it; we must be prepared to show not
only that the USSR is not willing to accept unity on our terms, but that it
is unwilling to accept it on any terms.

And this is equally important in order to maintain Adenauer's
domestic position. For already there are growing doubts in Germany about
the efficacy of a rearmament in the face of new weapons' development and a
protracted diplomatic stalemate may completely erode the psychological frame-
work which alone can make German rearmament meaningful. It is no accident
that however the summit meeting was received elsewhere, in Germany it was

4

[N]

weakness of the East German regime, that in a free election it would poll at an absolute maximum 25 per cent of the votes. It should, therefore, be our aim to induce the Soviets to accept or to shoulder the onus for refusing free elections for some all-German organ however circumscribed its powers. The very fact that there exist two electoral mechanisms, one for an all-German body and one for the East German government coupled with the certainty that free elections in the Soviet zone would show results totally different from the controlled elections for the East German regime would shake the hold of the Pankov government. The U.S. strategy on Germany might then take the form of proposals phased in several stages and designed to shift the onus for the failure of negotiations on the USSR.

(a) In Stage 1, we can begin by asking for political unity and all-German elections coupled with a number of security plans. These security plans can take the form of a reduction according to a fixed ratio on both sides of the Elbe, or a Locarno type guarantee against German aggression or a combination of these features. A demilitarized zone should be avoided unless Poland should agree to a similar zone on its side of the border. Unilateral demilitarization might mortgage the future freedom of action of a unified Germany and furnish the Soviets a convenient pretext for intervention later on. But assuming that the Soviets reject this proposal by insisting on a neutral Germany forbidden to join NATO, should we then rest on our position? It would seem that if the Soviets reject our over-all plan we will then be able to seize the initiative and keep the Soviets on the defensive with any number of variations which establish the principle of free elections.

(b) In Stage 2, for example, we could announce that since the USSR did not agree on political unity and since it would not accept our security proposal we should move the discussion on a plane which is divorced either from the issue of political unity or of rearmament. It should be stated that the German people should not be deprived of an approximation to its

7

restrictions with the proposal made at the foreign ministers' meeting or
before.

It must be stressed that every stage of the above program should be
advocated not as an end in itself but as a step toward full political unity.
If we fail to emerge with an intermediary program we will surrender the pace
of future negotiations to the USSR. They will not be satisfied with maintaining
the *status quo* but dangle the carrot of German unity and East-West trade
before the Federal Republic in return for leaving NATO. If on the other hand
we announce a concrete program, Soviet concessions will appear as a result of
U.S. pressure and any progress on the issue of German unity will strengthen
the pro-Western orientation of the Federal Republic.

the broad foreign orientation of the Federal Republic.

U.S. pressure and many progress on the front of German unity will strengthen

we announce a concrete program. Soviet concessions will abate as a result of

before the Federal Republic in return for leaving NATO. It on the other hand

the status quo putative the center of German unity and heat-heat stage

of future negotiations to the U.E.R. They will not be satisfied with maintaining

It we fail to emerge with an intermediate program we will surrender the peace

agreed not as an end in itself but as a step toward full territorial unity.

If we must be attracted that every state of the above program should be

before.

Recommendations with the proposals made at the foreign ministerial meeting on

## I. Background.

The importance of Germany in Europe hardly requires restatement. It is the most highly industrialized country on the Continent; its disciplined labor forces and its deposits of raw materials make it in many respects the keystone of American efforts in Europe. It was hoped that the signing of the Peace Treaty would transform Germany into a willing partner of the Atlantic community; its contribution all the more meaningful because freely given. It was assumed that a feeling of satisfaction would greet the achievement of quasi-sovereignty only seven years after unconditional surrender culminating a remarkable recovery inconceivable as late as 1948.

Such has not been the case, however. This writer spent several weeks in Germany at a period coinciding with the signing of the Peace Treaty. During this time he was in a position to visit various sections of Germany and to talk to a wide range of individuals. German reaction to the Peace Treaty and to U.S. policy in general can best be summed up as "hysterical." Whether expressed as the refusal by the Laender of Adenauer's request that the Peace Treaty be celebrated by school holidays and by the exhibition of flags on public buildings; whether revealed in newspaper editorials or in conversations of leading figures, the Peace Contract and its companion instruments have led to an outburst of anti-American feeling totally out of proportion to the specific criticism advanced. No indigenous advocate of the U.S. position has yet appeared. Even Adenauer and, more markedly, his supporters tend to support the Peace Contract as making the best of a bad situation and advocate its ratification merely because it exists (See F. E. Adenauer's interview with Friedlaender, the Editor of *Die Zeit*.). Under these circumstances the consequences of the Peace Treaty may be totally different from what had been hoped. It is certain that in the present psychological climate a German contribution to the West European Defense Force will be of doubtful usefulness. What is the source of this German distrust of the U.S. extending over all sections of the population and threatening to ruin the whole German policy of the U.S.?

## II. Specific German Criticisms.

German criticism of the U.S. focuses on the Peace Treaty, on rearmament and on the problem of German unity. Specific criticisms tend to vary with the interests of the group concerned, but it is fair to state that they are general and are reducible to one underlying cause: A pervasive distrust of the U. S.

The criticism of the Peace Contract takes many forms, most of it directed against the U.S. The decartelization clause is considered by many an infringement of the very sovereignty the Treaty attempts to restore. The industrialists naturally deplore the clause for obvious reasons. But it is opposed almost as violently by the SPD as another example of U.S. encouragement of "reactionary free enterprise capitalism." The provision regarding the review of sentences of war criminals has aroused the violent opposition of veterans' groups. Many individuals who really have a vested interest in rearmament balk because of this alleged slur on the honor of the German army.

- 2 -

The Former Chief of Staff of the German High Command expressed a general attitude to the writer when he stated: "If I am going to be asked about the staffing of the German Officers' Corp, I shall recommend that its personnel be drawn from the ranks of the lawyers, so that they will know how to behave after the war."

These criticisms may be unreasonable and would probably be much less effective had Soviet propaganda not succeeded in stimulating a two-fold fear: a) that the Peace Treaty perpetuates (or in the words of a leading FDP politician "eternizes") the division of Germany, and b) that rearmament will make war inevitable. Soviet propaganda has succeeded in shifting the onus for the division of Germany on the U.S. The apparent rejection of the Soviet proposal for a four-power conference has made ratification of the Peace Treaty by the Bundestag extremely difficult. The pressure for unification is powerful and cannot be assuaged by *a priori* assertions of Soviet bad faith. A leading member of Adenauer's party told this writer that the bad faith of the Soviet Union could not have been better exposed than through a four power conference; that in his opinion a peace treaty should have been advertised as a last resort not as the beginning of a new era in European policies. This is undoubtedly the motivation behind the recent advocacy of a four power conference by Jacob Kaiser, Adenauer's Minister for All-German Affairs, who is certainly an ardent anti-Communist.

In an atmosphere which is becoming increasingly inflexible because of the pressures of both the SPD and extreme right-wing groups the government coalition finds its position almost untenable if it constantly is forced to defend itself against charges of being an instrument of the Allies (see Schumacher's description of Adenauer as Chancellor of the Allies). Much of the anti-American bitterness of particularly the FDP is due to their belief that American policy puts them before impossible alternatives: Either to leave the government coalition or to vote for unpopular measures and commit political suicide. On the day of the ratification of the Peace Treaty this writer dined with the head of the Foreign Policy Commission of the FDP. He was greeted by his host with the words, "Why did you do this to us?"

The psychological effect of the Peace Treaty is further reduced by the fact that it was tied to a Defense Pact. Even more than in Japan, this is construed as a form of blackmail, as granting sovereignty to achieve essentially American ends in the U.S. strategy against Russia. But rearmament is opposed for other reasons as well. The younger generation is cynical and bitter. Having witnessed the collapse of Germany after fighting a hopeless war for several years, they are disillusioned and "neutralist." In conversations with university youth a pacifist strain with religious overtones constantly appears, not easily overcome by a leadership with as little prestige as the present West German government. Others oppose rearmament on the basis of military considerations. They emphasize the indefensibility of the Elbe, Allied troop dispositions which point to a stand at the Rhine and to the futility of fighting a rear-guard action which will again leave Germany devastated and many hostages in Soviet hands.

-3-

### III. Psychological Climate.

The above remarks are perhaps one-sided. The sympathies of many, if not most, Germans are with the West. But they are not vocal. Their feelings are not organized and however opposed to the Soviet Union, they are often as distrustful of the U. S., though not as afraid. The real dilemma of the U.S. position in Germany does not derive from the specific complaints advanced, but from a general lack of confidence in the U.S. which prevents the creation of a psychological climate for the execution of integrated, long-range policies and which prevents the Germans from seeing such measures as the Atlantic Pact in terms of their own interest.

It is, of course, unfortunate that it should have been the Peace Contract which became the focal point of the frustration and resentments of the past fifteen years. Perhaps it would have been wiser to sign a Peace Contract only after the failure of a four power conference; to keep the Peace Contract very short and to leave such details as decartelization and the disposition of war criminals for negotiation with a sovereign West Germany as an implementing instrument of the Peace Contract. Rearmament, too, would be psychologically much more meaningful were it negotiated by a government already sovereign, rather than by one seemingly accepting it as the price of sovereignty.

Nevertheless it would be a mistake to overemphasize the specific complaints except as symptoms of a more fundamental resentment. Indeed an attempt to meet specific criticisms by ad hoc measures would probably worsen rather than improve the situation in two ways: a) They would be taken as another symptom of American weakness and encourage the notion that intransigence is the best bargaining weapon in dealing with the U.S. This seeming weakness would make the Germans all the more nervous since it would be interpreted as the reverse side of Soviet strength. b) Any concessions, although they would remove specific criticisms, would probably raise others as has proved to be the case through the past four years. They would, if anything, increase the existing bitterness by intensifying the prevalent self-righteousness and frustration. They would be taken as one more indication that the U.S. never understands what really moves the German people; that it is talking about legal instruments while the Germans describe an historical experience.

This gives a tragic and almost inextricable quality to American-German relations. The Germans have experienced three upheavals in the past thirty years: the collapse of the Empire, of the Weimar Republic, of Nazi Germany. The older generation is of a cynicism that knows only one impetus: to be, by all means, on the winning side next time. The younger generation is confused and groping. American invocations of a Communist peril seem to them all to reminiscent of the propaganda of Goebbels and all to shallow in terms of their own experience with the Soviet Union.

Germany, too, is just emerging from the shock of defeat and of denazification and demilitarization, and from the expulsion of millions of its cities from East Germany and from economic chaos. Denazification has

-4-

created a sense of identification among many former party members and de-
nazification is ascribed, rightly or wrongly, to the U.S. A leading civil
servant told this writer that up to the American occupation and his own
imprisonment he had considered the SS sub-human, but that the internment
camp had taught him their qualities. The memory of a period when America
was speaking of "reeducation," of the villainy of German militarism and
authoritarianism is still pervasive and is constantly invoked in conver-
sations. The sudden shift of American policy in 1950 is considered by most
Germans not as magnanimity but as utter cynicism. Above all, the Germans
are weary and almost neurotic and any exhortation is apt to be resented
because of its very existence. The fear of a new war, new bombings, and
new occupations is pervasive.

Americans attempt to deal with these frustrations with an open-
minded matter-of-factness. They examine the "objective" merit of individual
complaints; more often than not they meet German objections. They speak of
the evils of Communism, but not in terms which mean anything to the Germans
-- and, therefore, they compound German bitterness, German self-righteousness
and the feeling that Americans simply are incapable of understanding. The
editor of a leading German cultural and political review, a former inmate
of a concentration camp, a man of considerable influence in intellectual
circles told this writer: "If an American visits my friends or myself, we
always have a very pleasant conversation. But afterwards we feel like
throwing the nearest convenient object against a wall. We simply cannot
stand this 'Goddamned American good-will' any longer. We would like to talk
about the things that move us, whose solution, I assure you, is not to be
achieved by good-will."

It is this feeling of impotent frustration with Americans that accounts for the present stalemate in Germany. The ratification of the Peace Contract will not remove it; on the contrary, it will intensify it and cause the election next year to be fought on issues of narrow nationalism and freedom from subservience to the U.S. One should not count much on the often expressed dislike of the Soviet Union. To be sure, the USSR is disliked, and even hated, but it is also respected and feared -- and this may suffice for the neutralization of Germany. It is significant that Remer, who in the U.S. Zone called General Clay a petty criminal (Halunke) has not used similar epithets against Soviet commanders -- even from the safety of the Western zones.

This exaltation of Soviet strength is, it must be repeated, the
reverse of a disdain for the U.S. There has grown up a stereotype of the
American as arrogant, brutal, inconsiderate, without sensibilities and animated
by a shallow cynicism. A recent survey by the Institute fur Social-Forschung
in Germany, Frankfort illustrates this point. A sample of Germans in the
Western zones of Germany were asked to compare the national characteristics
of Germans, Russians, and Americans on the points mentioned above. In every
instance the Germans were predictably considered most favorably (least arro-
gant, least brutal, etc.). But, surprisingly, on every point the Americans
appeared as worse than the Russians. (More people thought Americans were
brutal or arrogant, than Russians.)

- 5 -

Another example may be permissible. A leading German intel-
lectual told the following story to this writer. During the non-fraterni-
zation period Cardinal Faulhaber met the Commanding General of the U.S.
troops occupying Munich and extended his hand as a greeting. The American
General refused to accept it. At the same time, the Bishop of Trier met a
French General. He, too, extended his hand but the French General, obed-
ient to his orders, refused to shake it. An hour later, a French civilian
visited the Bishop of Trier and demonstratively extended his hand. It was
the French General. The story, this writer's acquaintance points out, was
apocryphal, but it was plausible. We Germans, he added, would never believe
it, were an American substituted for the Frenchman.

These attitudes are the real source of U.S. difficulties in
Germany, if not in Europe. They facilitate Soviet propaganda because they
make even the most outrageous fabrication psychologically plausible. The
attacks on General Ridgway as General Microbe may not convince Europeans
that the U.S. is engaging in germ warfare in Korea. They do add to the
picture of an overbearing U.S. bullying small nations. The lack of confi-
dence in the U.S. makes even friendly governments tentative in their de-
fense of measures they inwardly agree to. No indigenous advocates arise
to defend U.S. policies with even a fraction of the fervor of their critics.
This puts the burden of defense squarely on organs officially identified with
the U.S.: The Voice of America, the America Houses, and American-sponsored
publications such as the *Monat* and *Die Neue Zeitung*. And, in this manner,
policies such as rearmament and the Peace Treaty are even more clearly
labeled as American, not as German, policies and become even more vulnerable.

The German situation is critical; not because Germany is apt to go
Communist -- there is practically no danger of this. The real threat is
that a nationalist reaction fed on a dogmatic anti-Americanism may bring
to power a government which will lean on the USSR to achieve its indepen-
dence from the West whatever its ideological differences. This reverse
Titoism is by no means impossible and may be encouraged by the violent debate
the Peace Contract and rearmament are certain to evoke.

IV. A Psychological Program.

The fundamental cause of the difficulties of the U.S. position in
Germany can be summarized as follows. The U. S. has attempted to create a
framework of legal relationships and neglected the psychological climate
which would make these relationships effective. In attempting to do so,
the U. S. has frequently acted as if German participation in the Western
Defense Community depended on its approbation of the U.S. It has conse-
quently attempted to meet specific complaints. The Soviet Union, on the
other hand, has pursued its minimum objective, the neutralization of Germany
by emphasizing the German interests involved, with little regard for appro-
bation. Indeed, German hatred of the Soviet Union may be a Soviet asset, for
it is based on a fear which paralyzes all action. By advocating German unity,
by playing on German fears of rearmament, by emphasizing the devastation of
Korea, they are creating the conditions of a neutralism which seems achievable
only by opposition to the U.S.

-6-

[N]

The U.S. will not be able to remedy its position until it emphasizes the psychological component of its political strategy. This is all the more true as the power to influence events directly is rapidly slipping out of the hands of the U.S. It should be the aim of any U.S. psychological effort to create indigenous pressures which parallel the main lines of U.S. policies. This program involves a technical and a substantive aspect: a consideration of the conceptions underlying U.S. psychological strategy and a discussion of its form and content.

American propaganda in Germany has stressed a mass appeal and official auspices: the Voice of America, officially sponsored publications, and America Houses. But this inevitably compounds U.S. difficulties. Twelve years of Nazi rule and seven years of military occupation have left a residue of distrust of the printed word, particularly from official sources. Indeed the more unofficial the source, the greater is credibility; the more obscure a rumor, the stronger its impact. Officially sponsored publications moreover suffer from the very inhibitions they attempt to remove; they tend to reach only those who are already convinced. This distrust of official sources, in particular those identified with the occupation, is best revealed by the difficulty faced by former staff members of the Neue Zeitung in finding new employment. The Voice of America again aims for a mass appeal. Its impact on the opinion-forming segment of the population seems doubtful.

It is, however, precisely the opinion-making element of the popu-
lation (leading intellectuals, political figures, editors, etc.) who are the
source of U.S. difficulties in Germany. It is their distrust of U.S. in-
tentions which creates an atmosphere of rigidity for policy makers. This
distrust is all the more pervasive because this group on the whole knows
extremely little about the U.S. Throughout his travels this writer met a
surprising number of influential Germans who had had almost no special con-
tact with Americans, even those whose official capacities involved frequent
relations with Americans. It is fair to say that German reaction to U.S.
official personnel, both HICOG and Army, is extremely mixed. Typical atti-
tudes were that they represented "second-rates" or that they constituted a
means to relieve unemployment in the U.S. The writer is in no position to
pass on the merit of these complaints; on the other hand, their existence
is an objective fact of considerable importance.

For these reasons neither official sources nor official personnel
are in a position to fundamentally affect the psychological climate. It is
therefore important to create a basis of understanding on an unofficial basis
on all levels by sending a few, highly selected individuals to Germany, to
give them a "cover" which will permit them to travel widely and to establish
contacts. A university, large foundation, newspaper and similar organizations
would seem most suitable. Many doubts could well be resolved in such a manner
and on an unofficial basis; many questions could be answered before they be-
come political issues. Above all, it is important to engage Germans and
Americans on cooperative projects so that by working together a community of
interests might be created. This could take the form of study groups, cul-
tural congresses, exchange professorships and intern programs, wherever pos-
sible under non-governmental auspices.

- 7 -

Exchange programs are undoubtedly useful. On the other hand, the German youth would be even more effectively reached through a number of young Americans strategically placed into key universities. Their selection as of all personnel for these programs should not be on the basis of paper qualifications but should stress understanding of German conditions, personality and inward aliveness. It is, above all, crucial to find individuals who can assist in removing the German feeling that America never "understands," that it is cynically sacrificing weaker nations to its overall purposes.

There exists in Germany a large undercurrent of hatred of the Soviet-Union kept alive by expellees from Eastern Germany, by former prisoners of war in Russia and by Russian behaviour in Eastern Germany. Nevertheless, this feeling cannot gain expression because it is unorganized and lacks a focus. It should be possible to encourage German structures to channel these feelings: associations of former war-prisoners (probably existing clandestinely in any case) might provide excellent vehicles.

There exists also the problem of gaining some influence over veterans groups. This all the more important because their power is constantly growing. In this task the army in Germany might help by inviting German officer's groups to participate in their activities, by demonstrating U.S. equipment, by inviting some addresses and similar measures. Many of these measures may appear unpalatable. Nevertheless the U.S. hardly has a choice. If the U.S. does not use these groups, they will be infiltrated by the Communists.

## V. A Psychological Program - Possible Propaganda Measures.

American propaganda in Germany has at various times employed the following themes: a) The Soviet danger is exaggerated and German fears are therefore unfounded. b) Soviet bad faith is so self-evident that it need hardly be discussed. c) The Peace Contract and rearmament are logical concomitants of "containment," d) The Soviet Union is so strong that the defense of Europe will be impossible without German divisions and the U.S. may be forced to abandon Germany without a German Defense contribution.

Almost none of these appeals has proved effective, because they tend to intensify German fears and leave unanswered the real German doubts. The German fear of the Soviet Union, born out of historical experience, cannot be assuaged by propaganda and should be frankly faced. Up to now it has had a paralyzing effect on German public opinion because the alternatives have been incorrectly stated: Either a German defense contribution and a U.S. defense of Europe or a "neutral Germany" to be perhaps occupied but not fought over. This has enabled the SPD, the right wing group and Soviet propaganda to play on German tiredness of war, the constant reiteration of which has become increasingly effective. It is clear that this fear cannot be overcome by minimizing the Soviet danger; the Germans know better -- or think they know better, which in this case amounts to the same thing. Nor can it be dealt with by constant exhortations and calling attention

- 8 -

to the need for a German defense contribution. These exhortations merely
confirm German fears about the weakness of the U.S. and its own impotence
vis a vis the USSR.

The alternative should be differently posed: Either a German con-
tribution to the defense of Germany and therefore some voice in its destiny
or a defense of Germany, in any case, but as an impotent object of policy.
In his conversations with Germans this writer posed these alternatives in
somewhat the following terms: The major problem for Germany is not to avoid
war, since that decision will depend on many factors outside Germany's control,
primarily on the Soviet Union's estimate of the existing total power relation-
ship. The major problem for Germany is to gain some voice in its destiny
and in case of war some power to affect events. It was not certain whether
Germany could survive another war; but it was quite certain that it could not
survive a generation as impotent object of other policy. This approach always
proved extremely effective.

Similarly, it is useless to defend the Peace Contract and Rearmament
as easy, because "logical" decisions. It would be much wiser to show some
compassion with the turmoil Germany is undergoing internally. American
officials and American propaganda should state that we are well aware of
German difficulties and hesitations; that the Peace Contract and rearmament
are not easy measures, but that policy cannot wait for the coincidence of
psychological receptivity and historical or political necessity; that Ger-
many's spiritual contribution to the West at this stage may well consist of
undergoing this spiritual turmoil and overcoming it. It is said in Germany
that American officials advocate ratification of the Peace Contract to keep
Senator Taft and isolationism from the Presidency. This could hardly con-
stitute a reply to German fears.

The above arguments are obviously designed for the opinion-making
segment of the population. For the majority of the population simple themes
are necessary. The U.S. should not base its appeal on the self evidence of
Soviet bad faith. Rather it should attempt to constantly reiterate it - not
in abstract terms of anti-Communist polemic but reinforced by concrete issues
and grievances: treatment of prisoners, expulsions, standard of living, etc.
These should not be reserved for occasional U.N. sessions but be constantly
kept alive through posters, slogans, nucleus groups, etc. Above all, the
U.S. should attempt to wrest the initiative in the psychological struggle
from the USSR. All advantages in this effort are on the side of the U.S.
German unity should not be permitted to be preempted by the Soviet Union.
If the U.S. appeared as its advocate, much wind would be taken out of the
said of the SPD, right-wing and Soviet propaganda.

German youth is still uncommitted. Its skepticism will make it
distrustful of slogans, but its latent idealism causes it to seek new values
and new commitments. European unity exercises a powerful appeal on the
German youth, though not in the form of economic and military integration.
Here the spiritual unity of the West, advocated by individuals of high
calibre, would provide a valuable focus of psychological efforts; to be
complemented by organizational structures outlined above.

On another plane, the billeting procedures of the Army have pro-
vided a constant source of irritation. It hits hardest the very segment of
the population potentially most friendly to the U.S., the middle class.
By taking houses and barring the entry of their owners, the Army is
creating bad feeling totally out of proportion to the importance of bil-
leting. An attempt should be made to have the Army construct its own bil-
leting facilities which could, after the occupation, be turned over to the
Germans. In this manner the presence of the Army could be considered a boon,
instead of as at present, a blight.

The above measures represent only an outline of possibilities.
No formal statement of a program can guarantee success. This is all the
more true since our difficulties in Germany stem not from bad policies, but
from bad timing and not from ill-conceived propaganda but from superficial
implementation. There is no easy recipe for regaining confidence; there is
no technical, pat solution to recapture the initiative in the war of ideas.
It is clear, however, that a new approach is needed in Germany lest the
latent anti-Americanism determines the shape of events and lest Germany be
swallowed up by the Soviet orbit.

Henry A. Kissinger

Each international settlement represents a stage in a process by which a nation achieves itself, a process not dissimilar to the coming of age of a human being. For as all of life is a recognition of limits, so nations, too, must learn the limit of their aspirations. This may be a tragic process, accomplished not through a knowledge of necessity but in spite of it as is true of all tragedy. An international settlement can never be completely acceptable to all powers and will always seem somewhat imperfect. This may be a frustrating experience for a state convinced of its historical mission and the degree to which it can accept the discrepancy between its domestic legitimacy and the international one will be a test of its maturity.

And, very rarely, a fate, more awful than maturity is in store for a nation: As with Rome in ancient times, it may suddenly find that reality has become at one with its aspirations, if it has not outrun them. Then when it must generate all its challenges within itself and all problems become domestic ones, comes a test even greater than the recognition of limits, the understanding of self-restraint. Then, too, international relations in the proper sense cease for the nation is alone in the world.

with qualities it was never conscious of, as beacons to follow and aims to attain.

This thesis will deal with the aftermath of one of those periods when "legitimacy" became almost tangible when a new philosophy boldly claimed that it would recast the existing structure of obligations and a conqueror attempted to create a material base for so universal a conception, —the period of the wars of the French Revolution. But although the Revolution succeeded in overthrowing the existing concepts of legitimacy it could not replace them with an alternative. Under Napoleon, Europe was unified from the Niemen to the Bay of Biscay but force had replaced obligation except in France, (the material achievements of the French revolution had outrun their moral basis. If Europe was united morally it was so negatively, in the opposition to a power felt as foreign which is the surest indication of the absence of legitimacy, in the consciousness of "otherness" which was soon endowed with moral claims and became the basis of nationalism.

When Napoleon was defeated in Russia the problem of the nature of legitimacy confronted Europe in its most concrete form. For opposition may create a wide consensus, perhaps even the widest attainable one, but its members, united by what they do not like, may be almost as much at odds regarding its substitute. It is no accident that most revolutions exhibit a Reign of Terror, which is the outward expression that the period of opposition is concluded and that internal discipline must be created, if only by invoking a scapegoat. Nor is it strange that most coalitions undergo a crisis when it becomes apparent that the object of their fears is being neutralized, a crisis

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a testimony to the greatness of the statesmen with which this thesis is
OF CASTLEREAGH WHO NEGOTIATED THE INTERNATIONAL ORDER OF METTERNICH WHO
DEALING WITH THIS ORDER, LEGITIMIZED IT, AND OF BISMARCK WHO AFTER SMASHING IT
MANIPULATED ITS REMNANTS BY A TOUR DE FORCE POSITIVISTIC EFFORTLESS THAT IT CAME TO
BE ACCEPTED AS THE NORMAL PATTERN OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS.

What then is the role of statesmanship? A positionistic scholarship
and a levelling age have reduced the statesman to a lever on a machine
called "history," to a tool of destiny which he may exemplify but which he
barely understands and which he accomplishes regardless of his will. And
this belief in the pervasiveness of circumstance and the impotence of the
individual extends to the notion of policy making. One hears a great deal
about the contingency of planning because of the unavailability of fact,
about the difficulty of action because of the contingency of knowledge.
LIMITATION

But great statesmen have been such not because they were great scholars.
It was not their knowledge which was superior but their judgment; not their
learning but their resolution. One has only to study the history of how
decisions were made at any period — and for our purposes we will consider
the 19th century — to realize how limited the information available, how
little "objective" the national interest seemed, how various were the forces
exerting pressure on the statesman. Before the development of modern means
of communication information available was much more limited and much less
up-to-date than today, just as in a period which saw many sovereign states
AMOUNT OF
MULTIPLICITY OF
able and willing to conduct independent foreign policies including war
calculations were much more indeterminate.

Decisions were made and implemented by the statesmen we are considering
in spite of these difficulties, because they were informed by a concept of
national strategy and a theory of international relations (even if unconscious,
though hardly that in the case of Bismarck and Metternich) which enabled them

The statesmanship is paralyzed without confidence in him on the part of
the legitimizing organ, whatever it may be, in the social organism he re-
presents. But this confidence need not extend to an approval of every step
in his policy. In fact, the attempt to legitimize, to "sell" each individual
measure puts an unbearable strain on the decision-making process, for the
wisdom of a policy resides not in the individual measures but in their
relationship. Anybody who maintains that every measure can be so "clear"
as to be legitimized, particularly in a democracy, is either not a statesman
or not honest. Any social organism which requires the legitimization of
each step forces policy to become sterile and inflexible. *However* the con-
fidence and the legitimization must be confined to the decision making
process as such, to the basic goals of the social effort and to the leader-
ship as its representative.

It is for this reason that most great statesmen have been either
conservatives (or at least representatives of essentially conservative social
structures) or revolutionary *IS EFFECTIVE* / The conservative/because of his understanding
of the experience of his people and of the essence of a continuing relation-
ship, which is the key to stable international organization. And the revolu-
tionary, because he transcends experience and identifies the possible with the
true. The conservative (particularly if he represents an essentially
conservative social structure) is legitimized by a consensus on the basic goals
of the social effort and on the nature of the social experience. There is
therefore no need to justify every step along the way. The revolutionary is
legitimized by his charismatic quality — by an agreement on the legitimacy
of his person or of his principle. His means are therefore considered inci-
dental. His ends or his person legitimize the means. This thesis deals with

conservative statesmen, of countries with traditional social structures.

Statesmanship thus involves not only a problem of conception but also
of implementation, an appreciation of the attainable as much as vision of
the desirable. The description of the efforts of Castelreagh, Metternich
and Bismarck to harmonize the true with the possible and international
legitimization with the domestic one is their story as statesmen. Their
failure to achieve permanence for that which they held most dear is their
story as men.

## SECTION I. BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM.

The importance of Japan to American policy in Asia hardly requires restatement. With the signing of the Japanese Peace Treaty and the Security Pact, Japan has become the keystone of American efforts in the Far East. Its large industrial potential, the reserve of skilled manpower, and geographical position all combine to make Japan an indispensable component of the American Security system. It has been generally assumed that the occupation of Japan has provided the basis for continued political relations. An examination of the Japanese press and of speeches by Japanese political leaders would tend to support this conclusion. They provide a picture of Japanese good will and friendship for the United States.

Unfortunately, however, official pronouncements and the press are more deceptive in Japan than in almost any other country. The emphasis on subtlety of expression, and the effort to appear outwardly polite, tend to distort the real tenses of the Japanese scene. Though it is true that the occupation of Japan has been successful, particularly in its early stages, this very success tends to operate against the United States today, in view of the substantial reversal of policies which has occurred during the past two years. These tensions are all the less apparent since many decisions in Japan tend to be based on social prestige and social sanctions rather than political processes. It is necessary, therefore, to discuss briefly the various problems facing the U.S. in Japan at the moment.

### Japanese Reactions to the Present Crisis.

The problems facing the U.S. in Japan are closely related to the international situation and refer particularly to the Peace Treaty, the problem of

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rearmament, the Security Pact and relations with China.

Japanese reactions tend to vary with the interests of each group, but it is fair to state that the opposition to all these measures is considerable, particularly among the more socially prominent Japanese and the intellectuals. The ratification of the Peace Treaty by the Japanese Diet should not be taken as an indication of popular approval. The poor organization of public opinion and the tradition of subservience to the government by the Japanese press prevent the real expression of popular attitudes, particularly in the short run. During his stay in Japan this writer talked to the leading editorial writers of key Japanese newspapers. Almost without exception they were lukewarm toward the Peace Treaty and radically opposed to rearmament and the Security Pact. Nevertheless, they would support these measures in their articles, because they feared both SCAP reactions and the Japanese Government. The opposition to the Peace Treaty takes several forms:

The intellectuals, including the vast majority of key university professors and students, oppose it on dogmatically rationalistic grounds. Their arguments are not dissimilar to those advanced by Mr. Wallace and his supporters in their advocacy of US rapprochement with Russia. They are convinced that the so-called "separate peace" tends to align Japan irretrievably on the side of the U.S. and to make her a participant in the Korean War.

The opposition parties, particularly the Socialists, fight the Peace Treaty with a mixture of economic and political argument. They, too, stress the fact that it tends to make Japan into a dependency of the U.S. and criticize the continued isolation from China. They call attention to the inconsistency of U.S. Policy which has moved from complete disarmament or demilitarization towards an attempt to turn Japan into an American bastion in the Far East.

The Conservatives oppose the Peace Treaty because they feel it represents an unnecessary sacrifice of Japanese territory. They allege insincerity

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on the part of the Japanese Government in presenting the Peace Treaty to the Japanese people. A leading elder statesman told this writer that although popular opinion at the moment was indifferent towards the Peace Treaty, it could harden very radically, once the true implications of the peace were understood.

Finally the industrialists were concerned lest the Peace Treaty shut them off from their Chinese markets and sources of raw materials. Serious questions were raised by this group regarding the capability of Japan to support rearmament.

The preceding paragraphs have given a definitely one-sided description of the Japanese attitude. Without doubt, substantial numbers of Japanese support the American policy in Japan. Unquestionably, many tendencies described above are potential rather than actual. Japanese resentment, contrary to that of the Germans, is still directed against specific U.S. policies, not against the U.S.

The situation may radically change, however, if a serious effort to rearm Japan is undertaken in the present psychological climate. There is no doubt that the vast majority of the Japanese people oppose rearmament. This, it is reliably reported, includes many members of the Japanese Cabinet who negotiate rearmament merely in the hope of obtaining further American economic and political concessions. The recent demonstrations by students of Kyoto University against the Emperor should not be treated as the expression of Communist sympathies but of the deep-seated feeling of the Japanese younger generation and of Japanese intellectuals. Their attitude is compounded by the specific constitutional prohibition against rearmament. This involves a brief discussion of the impact of the reversal of policy on American prestige in Japan:

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The Japanese Constitution is generally known among responsible Japanese to have been written in English by SCAP and to have been translated into Japanese. This in itself would represent a serious enough blow to Japanese pride. The president of the largest Japanese university, a former civil servant, and at present a member of the House of Councillors asserted that although all his life he had fought for the principles of the present Japanese Constitution, he would now have to spend the remainder of his life fighting against it, since never before in history had the Constitution of a major country been written by a foreign power.

This attitude was by no means typical, however, and was ameliorated by the peculiar Japanese reverence for constitutional forms. A constitution in Japan has traditionally been an imperial rescript distinguished by its unamendability. An amenable constitution is almost incomprehensible to the Japanese political scientists and political leaders interviewed by this writer. For this reason, the psychological liability of the foreign origin of the Constitution did not become apparent until the U.S. exerted pressure to have the "no war" clause amended. The fact of this change of policy within a relatively short span of three years has seriously shaken American prestige, quite apart from the objective merit of the American proposals.

To be sure, this will not become apparent immediately. Anti-American tendencies need not be feared as long as the Peace Treaty is not ratified by the Senate and as long as the U.S. enjoys its present predominant position. If Japan is to become a willing partner of the U.S. in the defense of the Pacific, however, serious thought must be given to recapturing American prestige.

The situation is made more difficult by the indifference of the Japanese towards the Korean War. The traditional hostility of Japan towards the Koreans, somewhat similar to the German reaction towards the Poles, has produced

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a feeling that Korea is precisely the place in which one would expect such a catastrophe as this war to occur.

The desire to stand aloof from the Korean War affects considerable segments of responsible Japanese opinion. The fear that the Peace Treaty, the Security Pact, and rearmament might involve Japan in an unnecessary conflict is fairly general. A leading Japanese politician, in the company of a well-known journalist, expressed the opinion to this writer that if American bases in Japan were to be bombed after the ratification of the Peace Treaty, popular reaction would be so strong as to force the resignation of the existing Cabinet.

Another complicating factor in the situation is the attraction exercised by China on Japan, both economically and culturally. Even very pro-American Japanese are unwilling to accept the thesis that the Peace Treaty might involve permanent isolation of Japan from China. The threat of continued separation from China has produced a fear of complete cultural isolation. This may represent the reverse side of the fact that the U.S. has not succeeded in impressing the Japanese with the substantiality of its own cultural achievements.

In the economic field the close dependence of the Japanese economy on Chinese raw materials and Chinese markets has led to many attempts by industrialists to restore trade relations and it is further expressed in the substantial smuggling operations and the illicit trade relations between China and Japan.

It must be repeated that the above analysis represents a description only of the anti-American strains on the Japanese scene, and omits the real positive tendencies. On the other hand, it is to be feared that unless the expressions of doubt about American motives are soon answered, that unless the U.S. achieves the prestige so indispensable for policy efforts in the Far East, the full realization of the Japanese potential will prove impossible.

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The time for a U.S. psychological effort is becoming increasingly short. After the ratification of the Japanese Peace Treaty the number of technical difficulties may be expected to multiply. Any psychological effort on the part of the U.S. may then be interpreted, just as in Germany, as a token of American weakness and as a U.S. desire to involve Japan in a conflict of no concern to her. Before discussing the U.S. effort in Japan, it will be necessary to briefly touch on the sociological environment in which it must take place.

## Sociological Conditions Affecting a U.S. Effort.

A U.S. psychological effort in Japan must take into account several conditions which can be exploited to the advantage of the U.S. To begin with, the number of people to be reached are relatively few. Secondly, the Japanese negative reactions to the U.S. have been on the whole directed against U.S. policies, not against the U.S. as such.

The first condition reflects the peculiar social structure of Japan. It has been said that a Japanese emperor of the nineteenth century who resigned his position in favor of his minor son was a ruler in the highest Japanese tradition. As the father, he continued to possess unquestioned authority without requiring the sanction of an official position. To exercise power subtly without a corresponding office represents the real expression of the Japanese spirit and of the Japanese scene. It is, therefore, misleading to gauge Japanese political figures by their position in the bureaucracy. Equally important are social connections and family background. The consensus of individuals in the circle close to the Emperor and among the old Japanese families still represents a powerful political force. This confronts any U.S. psychological effort with peculiar problems. It makes it more difficult because

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the people who count in Japan represent a relatively closed group. But it makes it easier because once that circle is entered, the returns from propagandistic attempts will be increasingly large.

The present time appears of crucial importance for making contact with this group. Since it is a social and not merely a political class, which includes political figures, newspaper publishers, leading industrialists, and key civil servants, it is not sufficient to stress a community of interest, but it is necessary to establish the relationships on a basis of mutual personal respect. The great importance of social forms for the Japanese is demonstrated by the reaction to a gesture by Ridgway soon after his arrival in Tokyo. For the first time since the end of the war, the American Embassy was opened to Japanese guests, and General Ridgway personally shook hands with a number of leading Japanese figures. Despite the fact that this event had occurred some four months previously, many leading Japanese expressed their extreme gratification at this gesture to this writer. It is consequently crucially important that a U.S. psychological effort be conducted by Americans who possess the personal respect of key Japanese.

The fact that negative reactions are directed against U.S. policies rather than against the U.S. itself, considerably facilitates the U.S. problem. To recapture American prestige it is only necessary to present policies as a higher synthesis of more general principles; that is, to indicate that the inconsistency of American policy is apparent rather than real.

This should not prove too difficult, since the cynicism so rampant in Europe is relatively absent in Japan. On the contrary, the extreme dogmatism of Japanese intellectuals and even of Japanese political figures reflects a somewhat naive rationalism and a belief in the validity of absolute doctrines. The success of the Communists among Japanese students can be explained by the

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fact that too frequently the Communist Party has represented the only force
really concerned with abstract problems and with the spiritual dilemma of the
younger generation. It is interesting to note in this connection that Japanese
Marxists tend to play down the materialistic component of their theory and
stress its ideological and rationalistic aspect.

A Psychological Program for Japan.

If the analysis of the preceding section is correct, several con-
dusions emerge. A propagandistic effort on the part of the U.S. in Japan
designed to reach the mass of the people directly will prove self-defeating.
Since the average Japanese is not interested in politics and since he will
rather unquestioningly follow his political leadership, a mass propagandistic
effort would also be economically wasteful.

It is important, however, to reach the group which sets the social
tone, including newspaper publishers, political leaders, and the intellectuals.
They are best approached through a few highly selected Americans charged with
the primary task of establishing the closest possible social connections.
Social emphasis should be placed on the excellence of the manners, on the
subtlety of expression, and on the patience of these Americans. Any seeming
condescension would prove fatal to the success of their mission. They should
be established in key Japanese cities but particularly in Tokyo, with suf-
ficient funds to entertain well though not ostentatiously and with an adequate
cover to justify their living in Japan. They should not attempt at first to
influence political decisions directly, but should concentrate on establishing
a basis of confidence and cooperation. It should be stressed that two or three
individuals of the proper type can achieve much.

The reaction of the Japanese intellectuals expresses in part a feeling
of exasperation with the seeming superficiality of American policies and a dis-

of exasperation with the seeming insensitivity of American boffins and a desire for the Japanese infelicitate expressions in their a lettering initialisms to the proper figures can achieve much.

A part of confidence and cooperation. It should be expressed just two or three influence boffins decalons directly, put should concentrate on satisfying over to satisfy their living in Japan. They should not attempt at first to sufficient funds to entertain well though not intentionally and with an adequate be satisfied in key Japanese cities put particularly in Tokyo, with such concentration would prove fatal to the success of their mission. They should especially of expression, and on the basis of these Americas. And seeming Doctoral embassies should be based on the excellence of the manner, on the basic task of satisfying the closest possible social connections. They are best abrogated through a law highly selected Americans changed with time, including newspaper journalists, boffins leaders, and the infelicitate. If it is important, however, to reach the group which sets the social effort would see pe economically worthwhile.

 rather unduly following the bofficial leadership, a mass probablistic since the average Japanese is not interested in politics and since he will be desired to reach the mass of the people directly will prove self-defeating. Thus emerge. A probablistic effort on the part of the U.S. in Japan. It the substance of the preceding section is correct, several con-

Address its ideological and rationalistic aspects.
Marxists tend to play down the materialistic component of their theory and younger generation. It is interesting to note in this connection that Japanese really concerned with abstract problems and with the spiritual problems of the fact that too traditionally the Communists Party use rebranded the only force

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pleasure with what is taken for American opportunism which utilizes both the Japanese people and American principles of democracy as mere tools. An effort should be made to associate this group with Americans who by the very fact of interest in deeper Japanese problems will do much to remove this stigma of superficiality. A number of young American scholars should be established in Japan in order to develop cooperative research projects. This will flatter the self-esteem of Japanese intellectuals whose feeling of inferiority often accounts for their extreme touchiness. If Japanese intellectuals are brought in contact with Americans of stature who take an interest in their basic spiritual problem, the underlying psychological causes of anti-Americanism may be removed.

An effort must also be made to capture the loyalties of the university students. Radicalism and cynicism which are rampant are exploited by the Communists who play on the tiredness of a war generation. Here, too, the best solution seems to involve personal contact between the Japanese students and their American contemporaries. The possibility of developing a series of "Salzburg Seminars" in Japan under the auspices of American student organizations should be explored. Here again, the very fact of interest will prove as significant as the content of the program. Above all, it must be stressed that none of these programs need involve large numbers of partid pants. The key individuals in Japan are relatively few; mass appeals by formalistic means would tend to antagonize rather than convince. It is less important to persuade the Japanese of the intrinsic merits of each individual American policy than of the general reliability and cultural substantiality of the U.S. The Japanese will tend to judge this as much on the basis of their personal contacts with Americans as on abstract considerations of policy. A small number of individuals of the proper type can achieve infinitely more than propagandistic attempts through mass media or efforts judged by the number of their partid pants rather than on the degree of their influence.

barred bands rather than on the degree of their illustrious
familial ancestry through means or efforts judged by the number of their
individuals of the brother who can achieve intelligently more than broade-
face with Americans as on abstract considerations of benefit. A small number
 tabanese will tend to make life as much on the past of their bereaved con-
tinued of the General Reliability and cultural reliability of the U.S. The
 shape the tabanese of the intrinsic merits of each individual American benefit
 would tend to antagonize rather than condone. If he fees important to ber-
 ket individuals in Japan are relatively few: was above all comprehensive
 means that none of these programs need involve large numbers of barred bands.
 The
 are significant as the content of the program. Above all, it must be assured
 sections should be explored. Here again, the very fact of interest will prove
 "Gaps and Gaps" in Japan under the umbrella of American student organi-
 zation seems to involve bereits contact between the tabanese students and
 members who lack on the thickness of a war generation. Here, too, the best
 students. Bascifications and criteria which are relevant are expounded by the Con-
 currence which must also be made to capture the foibles of the university
 hoope? the underlying behavioristic causes of anti-Americanism must be removed.
 in contact with Americans of stature who take an interest in their pasts aboriginal
 acculturation for their extreme tonnage. It is tabanese intelligence are prone
 self-assertion of tabanese intelligentsia whose least of inferiority often
 taban in order to develop cooperative research projects. The will further the
 intelligence. A number of young American students should be appropriated in
 interest in deeper tabanese brought me will do much to remove false signs of
 should be made to associate further from with Americans who do the very fact of
 tabanese beohpe and American branches of democracy as were foci. An effort
 breather with what is taken for American obsolescence which utilizes both the

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Possible Propaganda Line.

American propagandistic efforts in Japan should be conducted under unofficial auspices. Japanese experience with SCAP has resulted in a fundamental reluctance to be associated with official American organs. Moreover, official American agencies tend to be associated with the very policies, the distrust of which the propagandistic effort attempts to remove. Americans sent to Japan should impress through the strength of their personalities rather than through the nature of their official affiliation. It will be important in dealing with Japanese intellectuals to demonstrate American awareness of the theoretical and moral component of actions. American policy should be shown as an instance of a general philosophical position rather than an aspect of a struggle for power with the Soviet Union. A struggle for power appears extremely unpalatable to a generation which was severely disillusioned in its own nationalistic aspirations. Since many Japanese negative reactions stem from a feeling of American inconsistency, U.S. propaganda should point up that advocacy of Japanese rearmament is in no way inconsistent with American democratic aspirations but represents an adaptation to circumstances forced on the U.S. against its will. It should be stressed that however unpleasant rearmament, it is precisely the need to insure individual dignity which should impel Japan to play an active role in the Far East. Otherwise she may find herself a helpless tool of opposing forces. The proper type of American should have no difficulty in proving the essentially unmilitaristic nature of America. This writer frequently experienced that the very fact of an awareness of moral problems by an American helped to establish a basis of confidence for future interviews.

The American propagandistic effort should further stress American policies in terms of Japanese interests rather than as mere reactions to Soviet