THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON

January 10, 1975

Dear Mr. Wolf:

I wish to thank you very sincerely for sending me the two-volume pictorial account of the 1974 World Soccer Championship, which was published by your firm, Olympische Sport Bibliothek. As you know, I have an abiding interest in European soccer, and I am most pleased to add this set to the Muenchen 72 and Sapporo 72 volumes sent to me earlier by Olympische Sport Bibliothek.

Thank you once again for your thoughtfulness.

Roland Wolf, Esquire
Olympische Sport Bibliothek,
Wolf and Retter KG,
Henschelstrasse 7,
Munich.

Drafted: EUR/CE:SESteiner:lr
x22310:1/10/75

OLYMPISCHE
SPORT
BIBLIOTHEK
GESCHÄFTSLEITUNG

Herrn Außenminister
Henry KISSINGER

p.a. Generalkonsulat der
Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika

8000 München 22

Königinstraße 5

München, den 4. Dezember 1974

RW/kö

Sehr geehrter Herr Kissinger,

Wir erlauben uns, Ihnen heute als Ausdruck unserer besonderen Bewunderung für Ihr Engagement zugunsten des Sports das soeben erschienene offizielle Werk über die Fußball-Weltmeisterschaft "WORLD CUP 74" - nach unserem Olympia-Werk München-Sapporo 72 - zu überreichen.

Allen, die im Fußball mehr als nur die weitverbreitete Sportart sehen, wollten wir ein Werk zur Verfügung stellen, das die schwierige Synthese von umfassender sportlicher Dokumentation und künstlerischer Interpretation eindrucksvoll verwirklicht und somit für seine Besitzer ein Werk von bleibendem, ja steigendem Wert darstellt.

Aber noch mehr! Aus diesem, in europäischer Zusammenarbeit von 6 Ländern entstandenen Buch flossen dem Sport über 1 Million Mark zu.

Wir hoffen sehr, daß auch Ihnen, der Sie einige dieser spannenden Fußballtage in Deutschland selbst miterleben konnten, dieses Werk eine bleibende Erinnerung sein möge und es ebenfalls - wie schon unser Olympiawerk - eines besonderen Platzes in Ihrer Bibliothek würdig sei.

Mit freundlichen Grüßen
OLYMPISCHE SPORTBIBLIOTHEK

(Roland Wolf)

Olympische Sport Bibliothek, Wolf + Retter KG, 8 München 60, Henschelstraße 7, Telefon: 0 89 / 87 18 - 1, Telex: 5 - 212755

December 9, 1974

2707 Valmont #305D
Boulder, Colorado 80302

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Secretary of State
Washington, D.C.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I am sure that this will never get past the people
who are running interference for you, but I hope that
whoever does read it can find it in their hearts to give
some response.

My grandfather turned 92 on December 2 of this year,
and my grandmother will turn 92 later this year. Although
their bodies are failing, their minds are acute and active.
I wouldn't be surprised if they were one of the oldest
living couples in the United States, in any case one of the
oldest who still retain all of their mental faculties. I
am only 27 and they are running rings around me. They're
well up on current affairs, and despite hearing aids and
cataracts, they still manage to hear and see well enough
to correct my appearance and grammar.

They recently moved to a nursing home. Until two
months ago, they maintained and managed their own apartment.
It has been painful for them as this move acknowledges the
end of the road. I wanted to do something for them. They
gave me a great deal. There is one thing that I thought of
that would bring great joy to them.

They write to me once a week. Since you have achieved
national prominence, I haven't received a letter without
your name in it. They call you a "modern day Moses," and
follow your magnificent excursions very faithfully. In 92
years they've seen a lion's portion of inhumanity, brutali-
ty, hypocrisy, and carnage, but they're gentle people who
still hope and believe. They are Southerners but not ra-
cists, Jewish but not rabidly Zionist, religious but not
forbidding, middle class but not greedy. They are the quiet
ones to whom decent leaders like yourself appeal. They and
others like them are the ones who help keep the word humane
out of the realm of the pretentious and in the world of re-
ality.

Dr. Kissinger

Page Two

December 9, 1974

I wondered if your office could send them some kind
of greeting, anything at all, for Channukah, or their 92
year, just anything. They've seen enough to hate and des-
pise, but they refused, they still affirm life. And you
are their last hero.

Their names and addresses are:
Sam and Viola Wolff
Pierremont Manor
5900 Line Avenue
Shreveport, Louisiana
71106

Anything you or your office could spare would be im-
measurably appreciated by my parents and myself. And for
my grandparents it would be like having life say hello back
to them, because they admire you so much, like having life
itself tell them it's glad to have had them around for so
long.

scr

February 25, 1976

Dear Secretary of State Kissinger:

The Officers of Blue Ribbon 400 would like to express our sincere appreciation for your being our guest on February Second.

We consider the event to be our most exciting event we have had the pleasure of presenting to our membership. You gave us a history-making day, one that will be long remembered.

Your charm, wit and great understanding and ability to solve the problems of our country was most apparent. You gave to everyone the feeling that our country is most fortunate in having such a great man as you as our Secretary of State.

It was a great honor for both Dick and me to have the pleasure of meeting you in such a small group after the panel at dinner. We do hope that your wife is feeling fine and that we have the pleasure of meeting you again.

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger
Department of State
Washington, D. C. 20520

MUSIC CENTER / 135 NORTH GRAND AVENUE, LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90012 / TELEPHONE 626-0419

April 24, 1974

Dear Bob:

Thank you very much for your letter of
April 10 concerning this year's nominations
for the Rockefeller Public Service Awards.

I can appreciate your desire to have
comments on the nominees and I realize that
my predecessors have helped you in this
respect. Still, my personal preference is
to avoid making recommendations such as this
while I am Secretary of State. I admire the
professional competence of all the individuals
Ruth Greenstein mentioned in her letters and
do not envy you having to choose among them.

I regret that you find my decision incon-
venient but wish you the best in selecting this
year's recipients.

Dr. Robert Wood, President,
One Washington Mall,
University of Massachusetts,
Boston, Massachusetts.

UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS
AMHERST • BOSTON • WORCESTER

OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
ONE WASHINGTON MALL
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS 02108
(617) 723-7820

April 10, 1974

The Honorable Henry A. Kissenger
Secretary of State
Washington, D. C. 20520

Dear Henry:

Ruth Greenstein of the Rockefeller Public Service Awards Committee at Princeton has passed along a letter from Mr. Eagleburger to her respecting nominations for this year's program.

As you may remember, I've been Chairman of the Committee for the past four years, and grateful for both your interest and personal attendance at the luncheon. I can appreciate Mr. Eagleburger's feeling that it may be inappropriate for you as Secretary to comment on nominees, but from the Committee's point of view, that's a major loss--and a departure from past practice.

As we tackle our job each fall, we depend heavily on comments from individuals who have been both inside and out of the public service and whose judgment and discernment we value. They come frequently from those who have left Washington: the Bundys, George Ball, Bill Wirtz, and Ramsey Clark. But those still serving such as Elliot Richardson and Kasper Weinberger last year gave us invaluable commentary. Since the Rockefeller Public Service Awards are so important to the morale of the career service, and since the foreign affairs field held a special place in its program, I hope you will reconsider and drop off as informal a personal note as you wish as to which individuals might deserve special consideration this year.

I look forward to seeing you at some interval or another. Meantime, my heartiest congratulations on a truly superb job.

SUITE 1412 MID SOUTH TOWERS
SHREVEPORT, LOUISIANA 71101

AREA CODE 318
424-4151

DALTON J. WOODS
GEOLOGIST AND PETROLEUM ENGINEER

January 2, 1975

ACTION

is assigned to

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Washington, D. C. 20510

My dear Mr. Secretary:

On Saturday, February 1, in the South Cotillion Room of the Sheraton-Park Hotel in Washington, a group from Shreveport and Bossier City, Louisiana, will host a reception honoring the Louisiana Congressional Delegation. This is in connection with the Louisiana Mardi Gras celebration. Our distinguished Congressman, Joe D. Waggonner, will personally invite you to attend this cocktail buffet. Many cabinet members have honored us by their presence in past years, and we will be pleased and honored if you and your wife will be our guests from 5:30 to 8:30 on this Saturday evening.

This reception will feature the best of Louisiana foods and the best of Louisiana hospitality. It will also afford you the opportunity to better acquaint yourselves with the people of Louisiana and their chosen representatives. More importantly, we will make every effort to assure that you will have a delightful evening.

As usual, for your protection, there will be security guards and a formal guest list. In the near future you will receive a formal invitation to this event.

RECEIVED
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

DJW:an

1975 JAN 4-36
FADRC
DOCUMENT ANALYSIS

HERMAN WOUK

3255 N STREET, N. W.
WASHINGTON, D. C. 20007

December 15, 1976

The Honorable
Henry Kissinger
3026 P Street
Washington, DC 20007

My dear Mr. Secretary:

I'm writing you at the suggestion of Mr. Carl Maw.

My editor and publisher, Larned Bradford of Little,
Brown, visited me last week on a business matter.
The talk turned to what all publishers talk about
these days, your literary plans. I expressed some
notions about the course your literary work might
take. Mr. Bradford told Mr. Maw in general about
these, hence this letter.

I'm sure you're extremely well represented, and
eminently able to conduct your own affairs. Still,
if my knowledge of the literary life can be of use
to you, as Mr. Maw thinks it might be, I'm at your
service; a very modest token of my regard for your
place in history.

I don't especially advocate Little, Brown although
they are fine publishers for me. For you I'd lean
toward a concept and terms they might find agoniz-
ing. My unlisted telephone number is 965-4698, and
I'll be in Washington (or in my Middleburg home)
until February 1st, when I'll leave for a while.

Washington, D. C.
Dirkson Senate Office Building,
Office of Senator Milton R. Young,
Mr. Bill Wright,

Personal Assistant
Suzanne S. McFarlane

Dear Mr. Wright:

January 8, 1976

F.D. 9/10/73

THE WORLD CORPORATION - NEW WEIGHT IN AN OLD BALANCE

An Address by

Walter B. Wriston
Chairman

First National City Corporation

at

The International Industrial Conference
of

The Conference Board and Stanford Research Institute

San Francisco, California

September 17, 1973

Someone once remarked that at the very beginning
of the world, when, for disobedience, Adam and Eve were driven
from the Garden of Eden and told that henceforth they must
earn their bread by the sweat of their brows, Adam consoled
Eve by saying: "We live in an age of transition." For them
change was both rapid and drastic. Moreover the physical
change was accompanied by an equally great alteration in their
value systems -- for they had learned to distinguish good
from evil.

- 2 -

All history has been dominated by change -- or the lack of it. Today, as at the beginning, change is swift and startling in the scientific and technological world, but it is the changes in our value systems which cause us the most agony. Despite protestations that innovation is welcome, mankind in general and sovereign authority and bureaucracies in particular resist it to the bitter end. Nothing upsets us more than to be told, as Abraham Lincoln put it, "that our purposes differ from those of the Almighty." Everywhere change is popular in concept but uncomfortable in practice. The canny bureaucrat never opposes the idea of change; instead he throws up a smokescreen of plausible reasons to abort change "now." Each new invention and innovation in thought is resisted in order to protect whatever status quo is regarded as normal in its specific environment.

This rearguard action takes many forms. Specifically, whenever the times are out of joint, the serpent-devil theory of history is revived to explain away some of the events which seem to have gone wrong. The first commentator on the human condition no doubt attributed society's troubles to some malevolent force. In every age since Eve was enticed by the serpent,

- 3 -

observers have uniformly declared their problems to be
unique, and caused by whatever passed, in their time,
for a devil. Primitive societies, of which many survive,
blame a bewildering array of gods for bad news. This
habit of looking outward to explain trouble was, in fact,
expressed in the early Judeo-Christian era under the broad
rubric of "God's will."

Today, as always, we are in an age of transition,
and, as always, various segments of society are moving at
different speeds. For example, the value systems of the young
generally change faster than those of the aged. The scientist
who split the atom finds that his disciplines have moved at a
faster gait than have those in international law. The economies
of the developed countries surely move at a different pace from
those of developing lands.

A few years ago, Thomas Hughes wrote, at least half
seriously: "One can say that the 20th century is currently made
up of 14th century farmers, 15th century theologians, 16th century
politicians, 17th century economists, 18th century bureaucrats,
19th century generals and 21st century scientists." It is not

- 4 -

a bad analysis save for the American farmer, who belongs to
the 20th century.

The discontinuities in world society are partly
responsible for the current concern about world corporations.
Those multinational companies have been blamed for everything
from interfering in the political affairs of host countries,
to causing the revaluation of currencies by speculating on
the international markets. One enterprising publisher, pre-
sumably in an effort to sell more books, entitled a scholarly
work on the multinational company "Sovereignty at Bay." Re-
cently Chile persuaded the United Nations to conduct an inquiry
into the affairs of world corporations. For whatever reasons
or whatever motives, all would agree that the world corporation
is now being examined intensively and extensively, but not al-
ways competently or without bias.

In order to draw any useful conclusions about the
place of the world corporation, it is necessary to set today's
multinational enterprise in historical perspective. It may
then be possible to advance some ideas as to why our world
corporations are so profoundly upsetting to so many people in
and out of governments around the world.

- 5 -

(i)

Each of us, in every country, is the child of
his own experience. The difficulty of communicating our
value systems to one another is further complicated by the
fact that each other's cultural histories do not have high
priority in our separate universities. In a word, we tend
to be ignorant of other societies.

Despite the enormous advances in the sciences of
communication and the remarkable technology for instant trans-
fer of visual images via satellite, we are still surprised and
amazed when other people in different parts of the world es-
pouse value systems radically at variance with our own. For
example, it surprises many Americans to find that some of the
ideas of Colbert, Finance Minister of Louis XIV, still appear
to dominate a section of European thinking about trade and in-
vestment. The highly restrictive purchasing regulations which
obtain in many European countries stem from Colbert's dictum,
"All purchases must be made in France rather than in foreign
countries, even if the goods should be a little poorer and a
little more expensive, because if the money does not go out of
the realm, the advantage to the state is double..." In my own
country, some of our Buy American laws were passed, unwittingly,

- 6 -

under the influence of Colbert's dead hand.

To a European or to a Japanese it is elemental
that foreign trade is a country's lifeblood; it generates
the revenue that sustains their governments. It appears
obvious to them that foreign trade should inevitably be part
of their foreign policy. It comes as a shock to Americans,
however, to discover foreign ambassadors in the United States
helping to sell airplane engines, machine tools or whatever
their nationals need help in selling. At the same time, it
is equally incomprehensible to Europeans, to Japanese, to
Latin Americans and Africans that the United States Government
takes a basically adversary position toward business. Activ-
ities of American companies in foreign lands have long been
regarded with great suspicion here at home. To Americans,
foreign trade has, until recently, been a peripheral activity
engaged in only in the event that the domestic market did not
absorb our entire production. All these attitudes are deeply
rooted in history and so will change only slowly. The conse-
quence is the inherent unpopularity of the world corporation.

There are other roots of this hostility, however,

- 7 -

which date back to medieval times. The first merchants, traders and money lenders were motivated largely by profit considerations. Feudal barons, on the other hand, looked to military power for survival and expansion. As competition between feudal rulers increased, the merchants and traders began to associate themselves with the sovereign authorities in order to gain commercial advantage. In return for commercial favors, they financed the wars of competing sovereigns. Merchants bankrolled the Crusades; in return they got monopoly powers in trade in large areas of the known world. The fusion of trade and the royal sovereign in the 15th to the 17th centuries eventually became known as mercantilism, and all external business was conducted by the chosen instruments of the state.

It is not surprising, therefore, if today the developing countries believe that the navy always follows the traders, if indeed, it does not precede them. In the mercantilist world, total commerce and industry was viewed as a zero-sum game; profit for one side inevitably meant equal loss for the other. The trick was to maximize gains at the expense of others. The reality that buyer and seller could both profit from the same transaction defied mercantilist logic, and its truth was only perceived over many years with painful slowness.

- 8 -

In the mercantilist world, nations vied for over-
seas territories in order to control their markets. Many
countries set up monopolistic trading corporations to manage
trade and supply all commodities to the colonists, whether
natives or settlers. There were the Dutch East India Company,
the English East India Company, the French East India Company,
the Hudson Bay Company and the Virginia Company. Since these
companies made a profit, mercantilist dogma made it clear
that exploitation of the colonists must be involved. Therefore,
this practice of picking a commercial enterprise as a
chosen instrument served to intensify the hostility against
both the monopolistic companies and against the metropolitan
country which chartered it. In the American case, enmity
generated by this commercial device was one of the precipitating
causes of the Revolution. An excerpt from a Boston newspaper
printed in 1765 summed up the colonial sentiment: "A
colonist cannot make a button, a horseshoe, nor a hobnail but
some sooty ironmonger or respectable buttonmaker of England
shall bawl and squall that his honor's worship is most egregiously
maltreated, injured, cheated and robbed by the rascally
Americans."

On the other side of the world, trade as exploita-
tion also left its imprint. The Meiji restoration, dating from

- 9 -

1868, marked the beginning of the modern Japanese state.
But even that enlightened restoration was based broadly on
the concept that Japan could not withstand hated foreign
encroachments unless its society was totally reorganized as
an industrial power with great military strength. Japanese
hatred of foreigners was not new; it dated back three centuries
to the edict of 1636 which closed Japan to all foreigners,
particularly Christians. The edict forbade Japanese ships
from sailing to foreign countries, it prohibited Japanese
from going abroad on penalty of death, and prescribed death
to any Japanese who had lived abroad and tried to return to
his homeland. While much of this changed following the restor-
ation, the concept of strong, centralized power endured.

While many peoples of the world were building
centralized government structures, America's economic and
political impulses developed along contrary lines. Colonial
experience led Americans to be opposed to centralization of
economic power in chartered companies and to centralization
of political power. The separation of powers, written into
our Constitution as a guarantee of political freedom, also

- 10 -

affected economic thought. The proof of this hostility to
the centralization of power is evident from the fact that
our basic anti-trust law bears the name of a senator whose
credentials as a conservative were impeccable.

Moreover, the existence of the frontier tended
for many years to dominate our thinking. It was not a totally
alien frontier such as existed in the older settled parts of
the world, but was merely the edge of untapped resources and
an enormous land mass. Our huge continent furnished an out-
let for all our goods and services. The development of those
seemingly illimitable resources demanded both practical and
technical innovation. Because of this heritage, many Americans
even today fail to understand that the American market is only
a sub-section of the world market, and that our value system
is not shared by many others. Thus, the Japanese and the
Europeans are hard put to comprehend what often seems the
strange behavior of my fellow countrymen. The arrogance of
the American Government's desire to export its complicated
antitrust concepts around the world is properly viewed by our
friends abroad with both amazement and hostility. Governments

- 11 -

in Japan and in Europe regard their business establishments
as great national assets which furnish the revenue to support
the increasing standards of living of their people and the
world's people as well. It is difficult for them to understand,
let alone credit, the basically adversary position taken by the
American Government toward United States business.

In this country, we are acutely conscious of the
mercantilist tradition in Europe and the enormous concentration
of power in the zaibatsu complexes of Japan. Many former
colonial countries see the chartered monopolies of the imperial
nations as the forerunners of today's world corporations. To them,
our global corporations seem to be merely thinly disguised
government-directed chosen instruments dedicated to the
pursuit of governmental foreign policy under the guise of a
commercial establishment. Bitter experience with government
chartered monopolies throughout history did little to create
a welcome environment in many of the developing countries for
the new worldwide economic structures which began to grow
during the great postwar international expansion. Even today,
the Sunday supplements love to hint darkly that the modern world

- 12 -

corporation is really an instrument of today's nation state.
The suspicion of a modern mercantilism hangs in the air.
The days of gunboat diplomacy are indeed gone. We have now
come full circle in the Western World to what appears to
many as the successor of the chosen instrument of imperialism.
Thus the world corporation is now under attack, not only by
the host governments but, in many cases, by their own govern-
ments, wherever the head office may be located.

Part of this attack stems from the clash of historic
value systems. As new philosophers, thinkers and traders ap-
peared on the world stage at the time of the Industrial
Revolution, the idea began to dawn that man by his own efforts
could improve his lot in the world. Economic growth and im-
provement and the betterment of social conditions seemed attain-
able dreams. The enunciation of the principles of free trade
and the doctrines of comparative advantage by Smith, Ricardo
and others can be seen as a decisive break with the mercantil-
ist tradition. What flowed from these new ideas was a concept
of dynamic economic growth, as opposed to the old notion that
profit to one was loss to the other -- the zero-sum game.

- 13 -

With this new concept came a recognition of the growing interdependence of economic units. The new emerging entrepreneurial class showed an aversion to war, and began to develop more of an adversary relationship with government. In short, the hostility was mutual. The momentum of this new trend continued despite efforts by some governments to control it.

It was against this background of changing values that the prototype world corporations first began to appear in the latter half of the 19th century. As far back as 1865 Frederick Bayer put a plant in Albany, New York; the next year Alfred Nobel established a factory in Hamburg; and the year after that, Singer operated his first overseas plant in Glasgow.

In widest historical perspective, commercial and political history exhibited an interplay between two basically competing value systems. The first stems from the medieval age and developed through the mercantilism of the 16th and 17th centuries into 19th century imperialism, then 20th century totalitarianism. This was accompanied by the business tradition of the chosen instrument of governmental policy. The second value system arose from the earliest merchant and financier classes of the pre-capitalistic era and grew through

- 14 -

the Industrial Revolution. The entrepreneurial tradition of
the capitalist, independent of government, eventuated in an
adversary relationship between business and the state.

Of course, as in all living things, neither system
developed in a pure form. But through the period of the
Second World War, there is no question that the mercantil-
ist-imperialist tradition was dominant. The latter entre-
preneurial tradition when it gained preeminence, from time
to time and from place to place, was responsible for much of
the progress in general welfare that has taken place among
the world's peoples.

Viewed against this background, the modern world
corporation is the extension to global proportions of the
business tradition that grew out of capitalism and the
Industrial Revolution. It is now learning how to operate in
the global marketplace. The motivating factors which drive
the world corporations today are basically the same as those
which drove earlier entrepreneurs. Like their predecessors,
the world corporations are a new expression of the entrepre-
neurial thrust that thrives on the free exchange of goods,
services, factors of production, technology, capital and ideas.

- 15 -

The engine that drives the growth of nations gives humanity the wherewithal to deal with the wretchedness of the human condition. Most important of all, it can function amid diverse value systems, though like all instruments of progress it must move in a resisting medium. The principal reason the world corporations are so profoundly disturbing to so many governments, and to the citizens of so many countries, is that they represent today's visible agents of change.

Woodrow Wilson proclaimed a league of free nations -- but the League of Nations did not survive. Wendell Willkie argued, correctly, that we have one world, a fact which the astronauts vividly described. Nevertheless, the politicians of the world will not act. The political problems of the United Nations are a stark manifestation. The disorder -- almost paralysis -- of the political aspect of the European Economic Community is further evidence. Despite all our advances, the world is still socially fragmented and the incompatibility of the world's value systems has always been and still remains a cause of potential conflict. History is replete with the tragedies wrought by efforts of one society to impose its concepts upon others.

Agents of change involve new ideas and values. They have never been welcome in any society. This is especially true when the carrier of new or strange values is,

- 16 -

or is thought to be, alien to the society that is affected. Often the most effective way to resist change is by identifying the carrier of the new values as foreign. The word for "foreigner" from the Golden Age of Greece right up to the Middle Ages was "barbarian." Anyone who spoke a foreign language, dressed differently, adhered to different customs and mores was automatically considered a barbarian. "Stranger" and "foreigner" have thus from time immemorial been pejorative terms, and often synonymous with "enemy."

It should not surprise us, therefore, that the world corporation is sometimes unwelcome even though it is the carrier of technology which is the best hope of closing the gap between the very rich and the very poor. It is often unwelcome because it is perhaps the most effective instrument by which value systems are transferred from one part of the world to another.

Mere physical change, manifested by a new factory, a new building or a piece of complex machinery generally does not arouse the passions of the populace. But when the change moves into the realm of ideas, a wholly different and more massive impact upon society follows. If, for example, a world corporation introduces the idea of upward mobility based only on merit and not on status, this may well offend an establishment

- 17 -

fighting to preserve its privileges.

The nature of the value systems which are carried
by world corporations as agents of change run the gamut from
simple improvements, like better lighting in manufacturing
plants to renovating whole neighborhoods. For example, Park
Avenue in New York City north of Grand Central Station used
to be lined on both sides with old apartment houses. It was
not until a multinational corporation, Unilever, saw the
potential of putting a modern office building in this area
that a whole new development was sparked in my city.

In the ancient struggle between those who believe
in an open society where men, money, and ideas can move freely
across national borders and those who would return to the jungle
of economic nationalism, the men and women of the world corpor-
ations may furnish a new weight in the balance. The world
corporation specifically challenges the validity of the old
tradition of the corporation as the chosen instrument of
political domination. Because the world corporation confronts
that ancient concept, we stand in danger on our planet of re-
verting to bankrupt atavistic ideas. The acceleration of
change brought to a community by a world corporation unfortun-
ately tends to make the old values look even better to many people.

- 18 -

Since time has proved that it is more effective
to attack the carrier of an alien idea than the idea itself,
the agents of change come under sustained intensified attack.
The emergence in the United States of the Burke-Hartke Bill as
the most retrogressive piece of legislation since the Smoot-
Hawley tariff is only one national manifestation of this
political device. Expropriation by developing countries
is another.

At this moment, with currencies changing in value
more often and in wider swings than we have recently been
accustomed to, some governments resort to the ancient prim-
itive device of finding a devil to divert attention from un-
pleasant facts. One such fact is that only governments
create inflation, because they alone can print money. If it
is true that the "gnomes of Zurich" were invented by a British
prime minister to divert attention from the real reason he had
to devalue sterling, it is equally true that the world corpor-
ation now furnishes a convenient scapegoat to explain away the
fact that we in America have printed too many dollars too fast
and that the American government has balanced the Federal budget
only seven times in the last 25 years, and shows little inclina-
tion to improve on that record in the future.

- 19 -

The development of the World Corporation into a truly multinational organization has produced a group of managers of many nationalities whose perception of the needs and wants of the human race knows no boundaries. They really believe in One World. They understand with great clarity that the payrolls and jobs furnished by the world corporation exceed profits by a factor of 20 to 1. They know that there can be no truly profitable markets where poverty is the rule of life. They are a group which recognizes no distinction because of color or sex, since they understand with the clarity born of experience that talent is the commodity in shortest supply in the world. They are managers who are against the partitioning of the world, not only on a political or theoretical basis, but on the pragmatic ground that the planet has become too small, that our fate has become too interwoven one with the other to engage in the old nationalistic games which have so long diluted the talent, misused the resources, and dissipated the energy of mankind.

The international managers in the great world corporations are exposed daily to a bewildering variety of

- 20 -

value systems and a steadily rising tempo of nationalism in
many of the nation-states of the world. Out of this experience
is emerging the perception that the relationship of the world
corporation to the various governments around the world is
worthy of re-examination. It is clear to those managing
American-based multinational enterprises that a pure adversary
relationship between business and government has become an
anachronism in the 20th century. We have even permitted,
without effective contradiction, the concept to be floated
that a businessman who talks to his elected representative
is somehow evil, and that his voice should not be heard on
matters of public policy.

On the other side of the oceans, the perception
is growing that a new age of mercantilism is not the answer
to the problems of the 20th century. Neither the pure ad-
versary relationship nor the chosen instrument approach is
responsive to today's world. Old ideas die hard; yesterday's
liberal, who feels that central, national control is the
answer to everything, is still in control of many intellectual
circles. They all labor under an old illusion which John
Gardner once put as follows: "Those who seek to bring societies

- 21 -

down always dream that after the blood bath _they_ will be
calling the tune." Their outworn doctrine of a controlled
economy is becoming more and more a manifestation of the
persistence of illusion over reality.

All the great issues of our time, and most of
the small ones, are settled in the untidy atmosphere of
give and take, of compromise and of negotiation. This is
fortunate because the distributive judgment of the people,
in the marketplace, as well as at the polls, has always been
superior to the fiat of a dictator.

In this dialogue, the role of the world corpora-
tion as an agent of change may well be even more important than
its demonstrated capacity to raise living standards. The
pressure to develop the economy of the world into a real
community must come, in part, from an increasing number of
multinational firms which see the world as a whole. "Today's
world economy...," Peter Drucker has said, "owes almost nothing
to political imagination. It is coming into being despite
political fragmentation." The world corporation has become a
new weight in an old balance. It must play a constructive
role in moving the world toward the freer exchange of both
ideas and the means of production so that the people of our
planet may one day enjoy the fruits of a truly global society.
This is a goal worthy of us all.

##

April 29, 1975

Dear Mr. Wyatt:

Secretary Kissinger asked me to forward this
photo to you with his best wishes. Thank you for
your patience.

May I ask that you please extend my greetings
to Sandi and Larry? I had an opportunity to meet
you in the East Wing of the White House several
years ago and explained that I had attended the
University of Oregon with both of them.

With best regards,

Honorable Wendell Wyatt
Standard Plaza Building
1100 S. W. Sixth Avenue
Portland, Oregon

SOUTHER, SPAULDING, KINSEY, WILLIAMSON & SCHWABE
ATTORNEYS AT LAW
12TH FLOOR STANDARD PLAZA
PORTLAND, OREGON 97204

TELEPHONE 503-222-9981
CABLE ADDRESS: "ROBCAL"
ROBERT T. MAUTZ (1905-1969)

CALVIN N. SOUTHER
BRUCE SPAULDING
WILLIAM H. KINSEY
WAYNE A. WILLIAMSON
JOHN L. SCHWABE
WENDELL WYATT
GORDON MOORE
KENNETH E. ROBERTS
FORREST W. SIMMONS
JAMES B. O'HANLON
DOUGLAS M. THOMPSON
JAMES R. MOORE
A. ALLAN FRANZKE
ROLAND F. BANKS, JR.
GINO G. PIERETTI, JR.
DOUGLAS J. WHITE, JR.
JOHN B. SOUTHER
ROCKNE GILL
JAMES A. LARPENTEUR, JR.
JAMES F. SPIEKERMAN
ROBERT G. SIMPSON
RIDGWAY K. FOLEY, JR.
THOMAS M. TRIPLETT
ROBERT E. JOSEPH, JR.
STEPHEN B. HILL

PAUL N. DAIGLE
ROBERT T. HUSTON
KENNETH D. RENNER
KENNETH E. ROBERTS, JR.
DONALD JOE WILLIS
J. LAURENCE CABLE
GREGORY W. BYRNE
MICHAEL D. HOFFMAN
JAMES D. HUEGLI
HENRY C. WILLENER
TERRY C. HAUCK
MARK H. WAGNER
JAMES L. FITZGERALD
JOHN G. CRAWFORD, JR.
DON K. LLOYD
NEVA T. CAMPBELL
JOHN E. HART
ERWIN A. DUTCHER
ROGER A. LUEDTKE

May 5, 1975

EDWIN D. HICKS
COUNSEL

Hon. Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
United States Department of State
Washington, D. C. 20520

Dear Mr. Secretary:

Your personal secretary, Bonnie Dean Andrews, was
good enough to send me an autographed portrait taken of you
and me during one of your last appearances before the House
Appropriations Subcommittee on State Justice, Commerce, etc.,
meetings last December, and I appreciate it very much.

Although I have retired from Congress voluntarily,
I have not lost interest in the affairs of this country, and
I hope that the enclosed clipping quoting me as of yesterday
will be of some assistance in providing the support to you
that I feel is essential as you are to be permitted to continue
to do the kind of job of which you are so capable. My best
regards to you and to the members of your staff.

WW:tad
Enclosure

July 25, 1975

Dear Charlie:

Your letter of June 30 was awaiting me
on my return from Milwaukee, and I much
appreciate your kind invitation to come to
Boston to address the Tavern Club.

While I cannot, unfortunately, commit
myself to a definite date at this time, the
idea of making a trip to Boston has been on
my mind for some time, and you may be sure
that I will try to include The Tavern Club in
any planning done for such a visit.

With every best wish,

The Honorable
Charles E. Wyzanski, Jr.,
United States District Courts,
Boston, Massachusetts.