[LC]

NOTES - Chapter 7 - The Rank and File

5

travail est déterminée par les buts qu'il se propose,
qui est celui de 'comprendre la tactique et la politique
du parti,' c'est-à-dire le sens et la continuité de cette
politique à travers les fluctuations de la tactique...
Rossi, *Physiologie du Parti Communiste Francais*, p. 301;
emphasis in original.

9. "I sat dumbfounded. I had never known anything like it before. What made it worse was the complete calm with which everything was conducted; the pauses in which not a word was spoken, while the nightmare atmosphere in the room never lifted for a second...

"Today, when I look back on this first evening of criticism and self-criticism, I no longer find any difficulty in understanding the system. Every kind of remark -- innocent, trivial, completely non-political -- was exaggerated and distorted on a gigantic scale, so as to reveal peculiarities of character and political notions. Then these political notions, which one had never formulated, were equated with political actions which one had never committed, and so finally the monstrous consequences were brought to light." Wolfgang Leonard, *Child of the Revolution* (Chicago: Henry Regnery Co., 1958), pp. 199-201.

Henry Regner Co., 1928), db. 199-301.
right." Wolfgang Reuss, *Glipt of the Revolution* (Chicago: and so finally the monstrous consequences were brought to educated with political actions which one had never committed, political notions, which one had never formulated, were ties of character and political notions. These and distorted on a gigantic scale, so as to reveal becquer cent, trivial, completely non-political -- was exaggerated in understanding the system. Every kind of remark -- inno-criticism and self-criticism, I no longer find any difficulty "Today," when I look back on that first evening of never lifted for a second...

word was spoken, while the nightmare atmospheres in the room which everything was conjugated; the pages in which not a bit before. What made it worse was the complete calm with which I eat dumplings. I had never known anything like empanate in original.

Rees, *Biographie du Barri Communique Francia*, b. 301; politique a travers les fluctuations de la tachtine...".

qu barri', c'est-à-dire les eaux et la continuit de cette dix est cent de, combien la tachtine et la politique travail est déterminée par les putes d'elles se bro.

NOTES - Chapter 1 - The Bank and Life

2

[il]

6

[1c]

10. An illustration of the attitude toward external activities is a question which comes up frequently in Party schools: "Do the workers gain more from losing a strike or from winning it?" The "correct" answer is that in most cases they gain more from winning it. The rationale of the answer is irrelevant here, but the fact that such a question could be raised is highly significant. In the argument the advantages to the workers of winning are never touched upon, but only the question of whether it raises the level of their consciousness, that is, brings them to a more revolutionary position. The Party has no intrinsic interest in the objects of activities in which it engages. It may or may not consider the achievement of these avowed objects desirable or possible, but its real interest is in the value of the activities as a revolutionary proving-ground.

Cf.: "At first I did not understand the slogan...: 'Every defeat is a victory.' Loss of salary, or position, or even loss of life was not important so long as it brought the worker to acceptance of the class struggle." Bella V. Dodd, *School of Darkness* (New York: P. J. Kenedy & Sons, 1954), p. 80.

11. "... the basic cause for our paralysis... was the true believer's insurmountable horror of excommunication.

true peevish, a unrememtable horror of excommunication.

II. "... the base cause for our bereavement... was the 1924), b. 80.

Dodd, *School of Darkness* (New York: B. J. Kennedy & Sons, worker to acceptance of the class struggle," *Bella V. Loss of life was not important so long as it brought the defeat is a victory*, Loss of safety, or position, or even CT: "At first I did not understand the slogan...: 'Bery revolutionary proving-ground'.

but its real interest is in the value of the activities as a
the achievement of these avowed objects desirable or possible,
activities in which it engages. It may or may not consider
The Party has no intrinsic interest in the objects of

ness, that is, pringe them to a more revolutionary position,
direction of whether it raises the level of their consciences-
the workers of winning are never touched upon, but only the
is highly significant. In the argument the advantages to
vant here, put the fact that such a direction could be raised
more from winning it. The rationale of the answer is irrele-
nt.'" The "correct" answer is that in most cases they gain
"Do the workers gain more from losing a strike or from winning
is a question which comes up frequently in Party schools;

NOTES - Chapter 1 - The Bank and Bankers

7

[LC]

Though we trusted each other, we shrank from actually
giving voice to our heretical thoughts. A shrug, a
silence, were the limits to which we could go without
outlawing ourselves before our own conscience..." (p. 245)

"I went home alone. While I was waiting for the train in the metro station at St. Germain des Prés, a group of my comrades who had attended the meeting came down the staircase. They walked past to the other end of the platform without a glance, as if I were the invisible man.

"That journey home in the metro was a foretaste of months and years of loneliness to come. It was not a physical loneliness, for after the break with the Party I found more friends than I have had before. But individual friendships could never replace the knowledge that one belonged to an international brotherhood embracing the whole globe; nor the warming, reassuring feeling of a collective solidarity which gave to that huge, amorphous mass the coherence and intimacy of a small family."

(p. 388). Arthur Koestler, *The Invisible Writing* (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1954).

12. I state the clash between the pre-Communist and Communist ethos in Western terms. The developed Chinese or Indian or Islamic Communist, I know from personal experience as

or Islamic Communist, I know from personal experience as
edge in Western sense. The developed Chinese or Indian
is. I state the clash between the pre-Communist and Communists
York: The Macmillan Co., 1924).

(p. 388). Arthur Koestler, *The Unbearable Weight* (New
was the coherence and intimacy of a small family."
collective solidarity which gave to that huge, amorphous
whole slope; nor the warning, resembling feeling of a
confused to an international brotherhood embracing the
friends who could never replace the knowledge that one
found more friends than I have had before. But individual
human loneliness, for after the break with the Party I
months and years of loneliness to come. It was not a
"That journey home in the metro was a forecast of
without a glance, as if I were the invisible man.

They walked back to the other end of the platform
comrades who had attended the meeting came down the stair-
in the metro station at St. Germain des Prés, a group of my
"I went home alone. While I was waiting for the train
outflaming ourselves before our own conscience..." (p. 342)

alence, were the limits to which we could go without
giving voice to our hypothetical thoughts. A spring, a
Though we trusted each other, we shrank from actually

NOTES - Chapter 7 - The Bank and Life

[LC]

8

from study, has the same qualities as the developed
Communist in the West. Although the ethos with which he
grew up differs from the Western ethos -- is Confucian or
Buddhist or Hindu or Moslem in its inspiration rather than
Christian -- the fact of the clash remains. The particular
form it takes is all that differs.

13. Kant's *Critique of Practical Reason and Other Works on The Theory of Ethics*, "Fundamental Principles of the Metaphysic of Morals," p. 47. (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1948).

of Morale," p. 41. (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1948).

**Theory of Ethics**, "Fundamental Principles of the Metaphysical
13. Kant's Critique of Practical Reason and Other Works on The
form it takes is all that differs.

Christian -- the fact of the class remains. The particular
Buddhist or Hindu or Muslim in its inspiration rather than
knew up differs from the Western ethics -- is Confucian or
Communist in the West. Vithrough the ethics with which he
from study, has the same dualities as the developed

NOTES - Chapter 1 - The Bank and Note

8

[LC]

## 8. THE CADRE

The training of the Communist goes on without ceasing until he dies; but training at the cadre level is qualitatively different from pre-cadre training in one important respect: the decisive role of self-imposition of pressure. The external pressures are still there and are even more ruthlessly applied when necessary, but the force of the Communist ethos has been absorbed into the personality itself. The pressures of Communist training seem to be transformed from objective to subjective forces, so that they are exercised very largely by the individual upon himself. The further development of a cadre Communist is therefore largely self-development.

That self-development is, indeed, heavily buttressed by the norms of his existence. The ways, prescribed by the Party milieu, in which he lives, carries out his responsibilities, faces his problems and finds his satisfactions, are of such a nature as to confirm his Communist "strengths" and put to shame his Communist "weaknesses." But the dynamic element is no longer "the Party," outside himself, but "the Party," bone of his bone and blood of his blood.

### The Cadre Crisis

This transfer of the center of gravity of the complex of

The transfer of the center of gravity of the complex of
*The Cadre Critique*

blood of his blood.

Party', outside himself, put "the Party," pore of his pore and
munist "weaknesses." But the dynamic element is no longer "the
to confirm his Communist "strengths" and but to shame his Con-
problems and finds his satisfactions, are of such a nature as
in which he lives, carries out his responsibilities, faces his
name of his existence. The way, prescribed by the Party will,
that self-development is, indeed, heavily buttressed by the
largely self-development.

self'. The further development of a cadre Communist is therefore
that they are exercised very largely by the individual upon him-
seem to be transformed from objective to subjective forces, so
into the personality itself. The pressures of Communist training
necessary, put the force of the Communist ego has been absorbed
senses are still there and are even more ruthlessly applied when
decisive role of self-imposition of pressure. The external pres-
different from pre-cadre training in one important respect: the
until he dies; put training at the cadre level is qualitatively
The training of the Communist goes on without ceasing

8. THE CADRE

[r]

[LC]

8 - 2

shaping forces from outside to within has been foreshadowed
in the earlier development of the Communist. The occurrence of
the decisive shift signalizes the transformation from a "promis-
ing force" to a "responsible Communist," a Communist of cadre
quality. And, as each step forward in this direction in the
earlier course of training is characterized by minor crises,
any one of which creates the alternative of further Communist
development or a "backward" movement, so this decisive moment
of transition to the cadre personality is almost invariably
characterized by a major crisis. The failure to resolve that
crisis in Communist terms usually means its resolution in non-
Communist (sometimes anti-Communist) terms -- that is, either
subsidence into comparative inactivity as a rank and filer or
a more or less rapid dropping away from the Party.

The ideational content of such crises is essentially the
clash of ethos I have discussed. Communists recognize this when
they speak of "the necessity of choosing between two worlds."
In fact, in many cases the Party deliberately raises an apparent-
ly trivial problem to a height which will create such a crisis.

While a clash of ethos is the ideational content of these
crises, their emotional power is undoubtedly generated by the
pressure to surrender the individuality of the personality, re-
placing it with the new Communist inner imperative. But since

blacing it with the new Communist inner imperative. But since
pressure to surrender the individuality of the personality, re-
crises, their emotional power is undiminished, generated by the
while a clash of ethos is the idiosyncratic content of these
ly trivial bromides to a height which will create such a crisis.
In fact, in many cases the party deliberately raises an apparent-
they ask of "the necessity of choosing between two worlds."
clash of ethos I have discussed. Communiates recognize this when
the idiosyncratic content of such crises is essentially the
a more or less rapid dropping away from the party.

audacity into comparative inactivity as a rank and file or
Communist (sometimes anti-Communist) terms -- that is, either
crises in Communist terms usually means its resolution in non-
characterized by a major crisis. The failure to resolve that
of transition to the cadre personality is almost invariably
development or a "backward" movement, so this decisive moment
any one of which creates the alternative of further Communist
earlier course of training is characterized by minor crises,
durability. And, as each step forward in this direction in the
ing force, to a "reasonable Communist," a Communist of cadre
the decisive shift signalises the transformation from a "broad-
in the earlier development of the Communist. The occurrence of
shaking forces from outside to within has been foreseen by

8 - 3

[LC]

8 - 3

it is precisely the innate and unique value of the individual person which lies at the heart of the Western ethos, the idea-tional and emotional components of this crisis, in Western Communists at least, are interconnected in their essence. The crisis on all levels is a crisis of individual personality.

Sometimes the occasion of the crisis is an event of general significance, such as a sharp change of Party line or a dramatic challenge to accepted values; but it may just as well be some comparatively minor problem, the like of which has been met and "surmounted" a dozen times in the previous Party history of the person concerned. The point of development the particular Communist has reached, rather than the innate significance of the occasion, is what is important.

I am reminded of a young woman, a University teacher and practising psychologist -- a most capable "party force," both practically and theoretically, but far from a cadre position -- who threw up her very promising career to go to Spain to supervise for the Party the administration of funds raised in America. She suffered hardship, lived under fire, and conducted herself with exemplary courage. When she came back, she turned down a number of tempting professional possibilities in order to become a secondary Party functionary on a district level.

The District leadership looked on it as a gamble. Despite

The District leadership looked on it as a sample. Despite
come a secondary party functionary on a district level.
number of tempting professional possibilities in order to per-
with exemplary courage. When she came back, she turned down a
she suffered hardship, lived under fire, and conducted herself
vive for the party the administration of funds raised in America.
who threw up her very brawling career to go to Spain to under-
practically and theoretically, put tar from a cadre position --
practicing psychologist -- a most capable "party force," both
I am reminded of a young woman, a University teacher and
occasion, is what is important.

innate has reached, rather than the innate significance of the
person concerned. The point of development the particular Com-
"announced" a dozen times in the previous party history of the
comparatively minor problem, the like of which has been met and
challenge to accepted values; but it may just as well be some
significance, such as a sharp change of party line or a dramatic
sometimes the occasion of the criteria is an event of general
on all levels is a criteria of individual personality.

innate at least, are interconnected in their essence. The criteria
tional and emotional components of this criteria, in Western Com-
person which lies at the heart of the Western ethics, the idea-
it is precisely the innate and unique value of the individual

8 - 3

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[Lc]

8 - 4

her tested heroism, her capabilities, and her enthusiasm and
sacrifice of personal opportunities, she was a long way from
having achieved the sort of cadre personality which normally
would be required of one filling her post. There remained too
much individualism, impetuous personal self-confidence; but she
was of old American stock (always a highly appreciated quality)
and, by her lights, loyal. She had "pepper and salt," which
properly channelized would be invaluable. It was a calculated
risk.

Things went along smoothly for a few weeks until one day her
superior -- a member of the District Bureau, and, incidentally,
a Negro -- checking up on her department, called her to account
because her records were not up to date. It was one of those
instances where the Party demands the impossible. She had, of
course, complete appreciation of the need for accuracy and tight-
ness in such matters. She was not, however, used either to work-
ing without satisfactory assistance or to the fact that the Party
demands achievement, whatever the circumstances, and acknowledg-
ment of failure on the part of those responsible, no matter how
reasonable the excuse. She flared up, talked about her previous
accustomedness to having underlings take care of that kind of
thing, and generally behaved in "a subjective manner."

For three or four weeks it was touch and go. The Personnel

For three or four weeks it was touch and go. The personnel
ting, and generally behaved in "a subjective manner."

accuseness to having underlings take care of that kind of
reasonable the excuse. She flared up, talked about her previous
ment of failure on the part of those reasonable, no matter how
demands achievement, whatever the circumstances, and acknowledged
ing without satisfactory assistance or to the fact that the party
ness in such matters. She was not, however, need either to work-
course, complete appreciation of the need for accuracy and tight-
in instances where the party demands the impossible. She had, of
because her records were not up to date. It was one of those
a Negro -- checking up on her department, called her to account
a superior -- a member of the District Bureau, and, incidentally,
Things went along smoothly for a few weeks until one day her
risk.

properly channelized would be impossible. It was a calculated
and, by her lights, loyal. She had "bepper and salt," which
was of old American stock (always a highly appreciated quality)
much individualism, impetuous personal self-confidence; but she
would be required of one filling her boat. There remained too
having achieved the sort of cadre personality which normally
sacrifice of personal opportunities, she was a long way from
her tested heroism, her capabilities, and her entourage and

8 - 4

[il]

[LC]

8 - 5

Commission was instructed to look around for a possible successor. There was a strained atmosphere when she came into the District headquarters. Then one day her superior came into my office smiling and said: "She'll do." Nothing dramatic had happened. From an external and objective point of view, all that might be said is that she had simmered down. But much more than that was involved. The expert eye of the Party leader had seen that a chasm had been crossed. What in Spain, amidst bombardment and shellfire, had been a romantically acceptable idea -- that the Party demands everything, and failure is the individual's responsibility, not the Party's -- had now been accepted permanently, integrally, and in the soberest day-to-day fashion. Even bookkeeping. And if bookkeeping for such a person, then everything else. The crisis had been surmounted. From then on her responsibilities were increased; she was accepted as a tested cadre person. That apparently minor incident, more than her sacrifice of a career or her heroism in war, had clinched the issue and served as the catalyst for a transformation of her personality.

All the other qualities are necessary; but granted everything -- courage, initiative, "Marxist-Leninist understanding," qualities of leadership -- a Communist is still not "tested" until his will has become fused with the will of the Party. And the test must perforce probe not the "strengths" but the

And the test must be forceful, not the "strength" put the
until he will have become fused with the will of the party.
durability of leadership -- a Communist is still not "tested,
chilling -- courage, initiative, 'Marxist-Leninist understanding'."
VII the other duties are necessary; put granted every-
served as the catalyst for a transformation of her personality,
of a career or her heroism in war, had clinched the cause and
son. That abparently minor incident, more than her sacrifice
policies were increased; she was accepted as a tested cadre per-
ease. The criteria had been amounted. From then on her respon-
sekeeping. And if bookkeeping for such a person, them everything
integrasively, and in the soperest day-to-day fashion. Even book-
plicity, not the Party's -- had now been accepted permanently.
Party demands everything, and failure is the individual's a reasonable
shellfire, had been a romantically acceptable idea -- that the
cham had been crossed. What in Spain, amidst bombardment and
involved. The expert eye of the Party leader had seen that a
said is that she had stammered down. But much more than that was
from an external and objective point of view, all that might be
smiling and said: "She'll do." Nothing dramatic had happened
headquarters. Then one day her superior came into my office
There was a strained atmosphere when she came into the District
Commission was instructed to look around for a possible successor.

8 - 2

[c]

8 - 6

[LC]

"weaknesses" of the person concerned. For someone who is not courageous, it will involve questions of courage. For the naturally retiring, it will involve circumstances of flamboyance and excitement. For the person of large capabilities and large achievement, it will be based, as in this instance, upon drudging minutiae.

Sometimes the test comes upon a personal issue as large as the choice between going to a father's funeral or carrying out emergency Party responsibilities, or as small as an objection to working with a man who habitually ate raw onions. Instances come to mind as varied as fear of a physical clash; resentment at a decision made without participation where strict Party protocol would have indicated participation; or -- where deeper moral issues were directly involved -- responsibility for organizing a goon squad, for forging signatures, for rigging an expulsion, or for the immediate and unconditional carrying out of a sharp and unprincipled shift in the Party line.

Whatever the occasion of the crisis, however, the content inevitably involves a clash between personal judgment and Party judgment, carried to a point where the will is faced with the choice of which judgment is to be followed. And what makes the situation radically critical is the realization that this time, for some reason or other (presumably relevant to the characteristics

for some reason or other (broadly relevant to the characteristics
situation radically critical if the realization that this time,
choice of which judgment is to be followed. And what makes the
judgment, carried to a point where the will is faced with the
inevitably involves a clash between personal judgment and party
Whatever the occasion of the crisis, however, the content
and unprincipled shift in the party line.

or for the immediate and unconditional carrying out of a sharp
ing a soon ahead, for forging signatures, for rigging an expulsion,
moral issues were directly involved -- reasonableness for organs-
protocol would have indicated participation? or -- where deeper
at a decision made without participation where strict party
come to mind as varied as fear of a physical clash; resentment
to working with a man who habitually ate raw onions. Instances
emergency party reasonableness, or as small as an objection
to the choice between going to a father's funeral or carrying out
Sometimes the test comes upon a personal frame as large as
minutiae.

achievement, it will be passed, as in this instance, upon drudging
and excitement. For the person of large capabilities and large
naturally retiring, it will involve circumstances of fatigue
convenience, it will involve questions of courage. For the
"weaknesses" of the person concerned. For someone who is not

8 - 6

[rd]

[LC]

8 - 7

and the accidents of development of the particular personality),
the surrender of individuality is decisive. Final barriers are
being crashed; the decision is not for this instance only, but
for a whole life.

The demand for this conscious acceptance of the Party's will
as one's own will brings about what might be called the "self-
reversal syndrome," characteristic of so many cadre crises. The
Party insists not only that a Party decision in opposition to
the position of the individual Communist be accepted; but also
that he who has made the "mistake" must become "the strongest
fighter for the Party line." The pattern holds whether the problem
concerned is an internal or an external situation: whether he is
required merely to go before a Party organization and take a posi-
tion opposite to that for which he has previously fought, or
whether the same kind of action among outsiders is demanded.
In either case the intellectual and psychological results are
the same. To reverse one's self before other human beings,
Party or non-Party, without losing one's self respect, necessi-
tates full inner acceptance of the rightfulness and power of
the Party. For, "soul of a soulless universe" and god of a
godless world, the Party idolatrously takes to itself the stance
of God to Job: "Where wert thou when I laid the foundations of
the earth? declare if thou hast understanding." Only by a god

["the earth? declare it thus: *understanding*.\" Only by a God\nof God to top: \"Wherever thus comes when I laid the foundations of\nGodless world,\" the Party ideologically takes to itself the stance\nthe Party. For, \"soul of a soulless universe,\" and God of a\ntakes full inner acceptance of the rightfulness and power of\nParty or non-Party, without forcing one's self respect, necess-\nary the same. To reverse one's self before other human penalties,\nIn either case the intellectual and psychological results are\nwhether the same kind of action among outsiders is demanded.\ntion opposite to that for which he has previously fought, or\nrequired merely to go before a Party organization and take a post-\nconcerned is an internal or an external situation: whether he is\nfighter for the Party line.\" The pattern holds whether the problem\nthat he who has made the \"mistake\" must become \"the strongest\nthe position of the individual Communist be accepted; but also\nParty insulates not only that a Party decision in opposition to\nreversal syndrome,\" characteristic of so many cadre crises. The\nas one's own will pringge about what might be called the \"self-\n\nThe demand for this conscious acceptance of the Party's will\nfor a whole life."", "", "being crashed; the decision is not for this instance only, but\nthe surrender of individuality is decisive. Final barriers are\nand the accidents of development of the particular personality).", "8 - 1", "[r]"]

[LC]

8 - 8

can such acceptance be demanded and only to a god can it be
given without the utter destruction of self-respect. And this
is the goal of the process: to force a transformation of the
person in such a way as to preserve his necessary self-respect
and at the same time make of him a loyal and driving microcosm
of the Party.

Occasions of shift in the line give excellent opportunity
for the Party to apply this procedure. These are what might be
called natural or accidental occasions for "the self-reversal
syndrome." But it is also eminently adapted to the artificial or
Party-induced crisis. This is brought about when the Party has
decided that an individual, or a group of individuals, have
reached the point where their value depends upon their making
the transition to the cadre. The risk is accepted that their
failure to do so will drive them out of the Party altogether.
Such decisions are taken particularly regarding intellectuals
and those in positions of power in which the Party has placed
them, for example, trade-union leaders; and at times when the
hardening process is the order of the day, when the stress is
upon "iron Party" rather than "mass Party."

In one way or another I have been involved in a number of
such engineered "cleansings." One in particular, which I shall
call the Thomas affair, may be worth relating, since it illustrates

call the Thomas affair, may be worth relating, since it illustrates
such engineered "cleansing." One in particular, which I shall
In one way or another I have been involved in a number of
upon "iron party," rather than "mass party."

bartering process in the order of the day, when the stress is
them, for example, trade-union leaders; and at times when the
and those in positions of power in which the party has placed
Such decisions are taken particularly regarding intellectuums
failure to do so will drive them out of the party altogether.
the transition to the cadre. The risk is accepted that their
reached the point where their value depends upon their making
decided that an individual, or a group of individuals, have
party-induced crisis. This is brought about when the party has
syndrome." But it is also eminently adapted to the artificial or
called natural or accidental occasions for "the self-reversal
for the party to apply this procedure. These are what might be
occasions of shift in the line give excellent opportunity
of the party.

and at the same time make of him a loyal and driving microcosm
person in such a way as to preserve his necessarily self-respect
is the goal of the process: to force a transformation of the
given without the utter destruction of self-respect. And this
can such acceptance be demanded and only to a god can it be

8 - 8

[rd]

[Lc]

8 - 9

so many aspects of the process. A Party unit in the intellectual
field -- one from which the Party in the intervening years has
reaped great harvests -- had within it a number of people of
obvious potential cadre quality. The District was satisfied with
the work of the unit and the influence it had achieved in its
field; but it was disturbed by what it called "anti-Party" and
"anti-leadership" tendencies which from time to time exhibited
themselves among its members. Not that they were not loyal, not
that any "alien ideology" in overt form existed among them; but
they criticized Party leaders, they criticized Party directives --
and not in the accepted, off-the-record, griping fashion, but
officially, in meetings. They even passed resolutions to be
transmitted to higher authority, objecting to the use of certain
Party leaders as speakers because of personal characteristics!

They were, in a word, capable, enthusiastic --- and loyal,
by their lights. The trouble was that the individualities of
the capable, the loyal, the promising among them were not fully
merged with the will of the Party. And even that could have been
tolerated if this had been an ordinary unit, functioning well,
able to be handled on any important question, led by average
people. But the leading people were not average. A number of
them were not only of potential cadre value, but also, because
of their abilities and their professional achievements, headed

of their irritables and their professional achievements, headed
them were not only of potential cadre value, but also, because
people. But the leading people were not average. A number of
able to be handled on any important question, led by average
tolerated it this had been an ordinary unit, functioning well,
merged with the will of the party. And even that could have been
the cabble, the loyal, the brooding among them were not fully
by their lights. The trouble was that the individualities of

They were, in a word, cabble, uncomlastic --- and loyal.
Party leaders as speakers because of personal characteristics,
transmitted to higher authority, objecting to the use of certain
officially, in meetings. They even based resolutions to be
and not in the accepted, off-the-record, gripping fashion, put
they criticized party leaders, they criticized party directives --
that any "alien ideology" in overt form existed among them; but
themselves among its members. Not that they were not loyal, not
"anti-leadership" tendencies which from time to time expensed
field; but it was dispirited by what it called "anti-party," and
the work of the unit and the influence it had achieved in its
opinions, potential cadre quality. The District was satisfied with
reached great harvests -- had within it a number of people of
field -- one from which the party in the intervening years pas
so many aspects of the process. A party unit in the intellectual

8 - 9

8 - 10

[LC]

towards positions where their "cadrefication", their absolute loyalty to the Party, was of the first importance.

Thomas was a typical member of the unit. His displays of "individualist weaknesses" were not particularly worse than those of a number of others; by a series of accidents, however, some critical remarks he made came to the attention of the District Bureau and provided the opportunity they had been looking for to conduct a campaign of "bolshevization" in the unit. Called before a commission of the Bureau after a number of brushes with lower authorities, and faced with a set of demands -- deliberately provocative -- which no ordinary self-respecting man would put up with, he was goaded into statements which could be used as the basis for a decision expelling him from the Party.

While such decisions are often made by higher organs, formally the Party statutes provide that the unit to which a man belongs must expel him. Therefore, a full-dress meeting of the unit was called, with much previous "preparation" of the "more developed members" by representatives of the District. The members of the unit knew that Thomas' feeling for the Party was such that expulsion would shatter him. They also knew that most of them might have said the sort of things he had said and they were loyal Party members. Accordingly, the weighty indictment of Thomas by the District Bureau, complete with implications of

of Thomas by the District Bureau, complete with implications of
were loyal party members. Accordingly, the weighty indictment
of them might have said the sort of things he had said and *they*
such that arbitration would anastomize him. They also knew that most
members of the unit knew that Thomas, feeling for the party was
developed members, by representatives of the District. The
unit was called, with much breviation, "preparation," of the "more
belonged must exclaim him. Therefore, a full-dress meeting of the
mally the party statutes provide that the unit to which a man
while such decisions are often made by higher organs, for-
pairs for a decision expelling him from the party.

with, he was loaded into statements which could be used as the
convocative -- which no ordinary self-respecting man would but up
lower authorities, and faced with a set of demands -- deliberately
fore a commission of the Bureau after a number of prunes with
confront a campaign of "policeavitation" in the unit. Called pe-
Bureau and provided the opportunity they had been looking for to
critical remarks he made came to the attention of the District
of a number of others; by a series of accidents, however, some
"individuafetize weaknesses" were not particularly worse than those
Thomas was a typical member of the unit. His displays of
loyalty to the party, was of the first importance.

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8 - 11

[L.C.]

concealed Trotzkyism, of "serious danger to the Party," could not be emotionally convincing. The discussion which took place was heated and violent, and strongly pro-Thomas. In the end a vote for expulsion was secured only after a powerful speech by a representative of the District, who drew upon every resource -- intellectual and emotional -- of Party loyalty and concluded by equating a vote for the decision of the Bureau with loyalty to the Party, and a vote against it with a vote against the unity of the Party. The rights and wrongs of the case went by the board. The issue became one of willingness to suspend personal judgment, to subordinate it to the judgment of the Party leadership.

Nevertheless, although the expulsion was voted, a number of the most influential and promising leaders of the unit abstained. Abstention in a Party meeting is a recognized form of vote, but it is tabulated and taken note of. In some cases it is legitimate. In this case it distinctly was not. It did, however, give the District exactly what was wanted, an occasion for intense pressure upon the important abstainers, in order either to create cadet consciousness or to drive them out of the Party.

A battery of District leaders was assigned to carry out the most intensive personal discussion with them. The immediate aim was to secure a formal withdrawal of their abstentions, but in the course of the discussion it was expected that they would

the course of the discussion it was expected that they would
be to secure a formal withdrawal of their apatications, but in
most intensive personal discussion with them. The immediate aim
A battery of District leaders was assigned to carry out the
concentration or to drive them out of the party.

upon the important apatications, in order either to create capitol
District exactly what was wanted, an occasion for intense pressure
In this case it distinctly was not. It did, however, give the
it is tabulated and taken note of. In some cases it is legitimate.
Apatication in a party meeting is a recognised form of vote, but
the most influential and promoting leaders of the unit apaticated.
Nevertheless, although the expulsion was voted, a number of
to apportion it to the judgment of the party leadership.

The issue becomes one of willingness to accept personal judgment,
of the party. The rights and wrongs of the case went by the board.
to the party, and a vote against it with a vote against the unity
by electing a vote for the decision of the Bureau with loyalty
-- intellectual and emotional -- of party loyalty and conciliation
by a representative of the District, who drew upon every resource
vote for expulsion was secured only after a powerful abeyance
was vested and violent, and strongly pro-Thomas. In the end a
not be emotionally convincing. The discussion which took place
concluded Trotskyism, of "serious danger to the party," could

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[lc]

either be advanced tremendously towards the cadre or be so alienated that sooner or later they would drop out of the Party completely. These discussions, political, ideological, personal, emotional, sometimes went on for six or seven hours at a time -- and repeatedly, a half-dozen times, if need be. The Party knew what was at stake and spared no pains.

The results in this particular campaign were "positive."
One person dropped out of the Party in the course of it. The
other four or five, in a formal meeting of the unit, changed
their votes to votes for expulsion, seriously and sincerely ex-
plaining why they had been wrong in abstaining. Such an exper-
ience is decisive. The outlook and attitude of those concerned,
their personality and mode of being, henceforth partook of the
essence of the Communist. They were firmly on the cadre road.

In these cases, as in others like them, the issue between
deep and decisive acceptance of Communism, on the one hand, and
the beginning of a process leading toward total rejection of
Communism, on the other, seems to be decided in each individual
by factors so complex as to defy analysis. The Party's explana-
tion, that those who fail its test do so because of "lack of
sufficient Marxist-Leninist understanding," has certain elements
of truth, but it clarifies very little. It simply pushes the
question back one stage. Why, with two persons of apparently

direction back one stage. Why, with two persons of apparently
of truth, put it clarifies very little. It simply pushes the
sufficient Marxist-Leninist understanding," has certain elements
that those who fail its test do so because of "lack of
by factors so complex as to defy analysis. The party's explame-
Communism, on the other, seems to be decided in each individual
the beginning of a process leading toward total rejection of
deg and decisive acceptance of Communism, on the one hand, and

In these cases, as in others like them, the cause between
easence of the Communist. They were firmly on the cadre road.
their personality and mode of being, henceforth partook of the
tence is decisive. The outlook and attitude of those concerned,
blaining why they had been wrong in sp Patning. Such an exper-
their votes to votes for exublation, seriously and sincerely ex-
other four or five, in a formal meeting of the unit, changed
One person dropped out of the party in the course of it. The

One person dropped out of the party in the course of it. The
The results in this particular campaign were "positive."

what was at stake and apart from no pain.

and repeatedly, a half-dozen times, it need be. The party knew
emotional, sometimes went on for six or seven hours at a time --
completely. These discussions, political, ideological, personnel,
affirmed that sooner or later they would drop out of the party
either be advanced tremendously towards the cadre or be so

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8 - 13

equal "understanding," does one react one way in such a crisis, the other, another? All that the Party explanation can mean, if it is to be more than tautological, is that either some unfortunate circumstance (when the crisis was accidental) or a misjudgment of timing (when it was deliberately precipitated) has occurred. Undoubtedly what takes place in the course of the crisis is a tremendous "leap" in "Marxist-Leninist understanding," that is, in full conscious acceptance of the demands of Communism on the person; but to determine why in apparently similar circumstances and with similar preparation, this sometimes takes place and sometimes does not, would require a study of the operation of psychological and ideological factors upon a considerable number of individuals in situations which of their very nature make such a study impossible. Whatever the deciding factors in the resolution of such crises are, however, the transition to the cadre inevitably seems to take such sharp and violent forms.

In fact, the whole process of Communist development is likely to consist of a series of minor crises, which are similar in character, differing from the cadre crisis proper only in their lesser intensity and in the lesser importance of the change involved.

In the earlier stages, such crises frequently result in the rank and file leaving the Party, either through expulsion or quietly

and filter leaving the party, either through expulsion or quietly in the earlier stages, such crises frequently result in the rank intensity and in the lesser importance of the change involved.

differing from the cadre criteria proper only in their lesser to consist of a series of minor crises, which are similar in character, in fact, the whole process of Communist development is likely

inevitably seems to take such sharp and violent forms. A transition of such crises are, however, the transition to the cadre a study impossible. Whatever the deciding factors in the resolution of individuals in situations which of their very nature make such psychological and ideological factors upon a considerable number and sometimes does not, would require a study of the operation of instances and with similar preparation, this sometimes takes place on the person; but to determine why in abémentally similar circumstances that is, in full conscious acceptance of the demands of Communism criteria is a tremendous "feep" in "Market-Revoltist underestanding," occurred. Unopposed what takes place in the course of the judgment of timing (when it was deliberately precipitated) hasmate circumstance (when the criteria was accidental) or a misit it is to be more than tautological, is that either some minor-the other, another? All that the party explanation can mean, equal "understanding," does one react one way in such a criteria,

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8 - 14

dropping away. A positive resolution, however, does not have
the significance of a positive resolution of the cadre crisis,
because the person concerned is not ripe for so profound a trans-
formation. It merely advances him a little further on the road
of development.

Likewise, the further development of the cadre Communist
himself will be marked by a series of crises of a minor character.
These take place, however, in people who have so thoroughly become
Communist personalities that the resolution is almost always a
greater Communist "hardening" of the person. The alternative --
ceasing to be a Communist -- has now become unthinkable.¹ It
may seem an exaggeration to say that the crises which dot the
development of cadre Communists have so one-directional a char-
acter. Consider, however, how very small a percentage of the
seasoned Communists who have been through the mill of bolsheviza-
tion have broken with the Party.

## Transition to the Cadre

The transition to the cadre, and the crisis which accompanies
it, are clearly defined to objective analysis. But clear as they
are to observation, no sharp subjective recognition accompanies
the transition. This could not be otherwise in view of that un-
defined status of the cadre discussed in the first chapter --
its peculiar combination of firm existence and lack of institu-
tional expression. At the time, the person concerned may be

tional expression. At the time, the person concerned may be
its peculiar combination of firm existence and lack of inactivity-
defined status of the cadre discussed in the first chapter --
the transition. This could not be otherwise in view of that un-
are to observation, no sharp subjective recognition accompanies
it, are clearly defined to objective analysts. But clear as they
The transition to the cadre, and the criteria which accompanies
Transition to the Cadre

tion have been proven with the party.
seasoned Communists who have been through the mill of polarisa-
tion. Consider, however, how very small a percentage of the
development of cadre Communists have so one-directional a char-
acter. seem an exaggeration to say that the criteria which dot the
ceasing to be a Communist -- has now become unthinkable.¹ It
Greater Communist "hardening" of the person. The alternative --
Communist personalities that the resolution is almost always a
These take place, however, in people who have so thoroughly become
himself will be marked by a series of criteria of a minor character.
Likewise, the further development of the cadre Communist
of development.

It merely advances him a little further on the road
because the person concerned is not ripe for so profound a trans-
the significance of a positive resolution of the cadre criteria,
dropping away. A positive resolution, however, does not have

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[LC]

gradually aware of a new tone in the conversation of leading comrades with him; he certainly will find a stiffening in his responsibilities; but these things do not impinge on him in a dramatic way. Least of all is the change in his inner outlook apparent to him. For a long time he has thought of himself as a good Communist. The conflicts he has gone through during his recent crisis do not seemingly differ enough from what he has experienced previously for him to recognize that he has undergone a profound change. Only later in his life, with the experienced eye of the Communist leader who has observed others and judged them, will he be able to see the significance of this moment in his own development.

The life which lies ahead of him will change only by imperceptible stages from that which has gone before. Only slowly will he appreciate that he has acquired a certain elite position; that men who carry an aura of prestige treat him in a different way; that they involve him in an attitude towards the rank and file which is new to him. From the point of view of the leaders of the cadre, the change, though recognized, is not signalized. In their discussion of forces, his name comes up in a different context, on a higher level, than it did before. More is expected of him. He is less closely supervised, but criticism when it comes makes no allowances, is more savage, more

criticism when it comes makes no allowances, is more savage, more
more is expected of him. He is less closely supervised, but
up in a different context, on a higher level, than it did before,
not signified. In their discussion of forces, his name comes
of the leaders of the cabre, the change, though recognised, is
the rank and file which is new to him. From the point of view
different way; that they involve him in an attitude towards
from; that men who carry an aura of prestige treat him in a
ly will be appreciated that he has acquired a certain elite post-
perceptible stages from that which has gone before. Only slow-
the file which lies ahead of him will change only by im-
its own development.

them, will he be able to see the significance of this moment in
eye of the Communist leader who has observed others and judged
a profound change. Only later in life's, with the experienced
experienced previously for him to recognise that he has undergone
recent changes do not seemingly differ enough from what he has
a good Communist. The conflicts he has gone through during his
abherent to him. For a long time he has thought of himself as
dramatic way. Rest of all is the change in his inner outlook
reasonabilities; but these things do not impinge on him in a
communes with him; he certainly will find a stiffening in his
gradually aware of a new cone in the conversation of leading

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8 - 16

[LC]

direct, with the ideological explanations left out. This is
not cynicism. Now he is expected to know them, to supply them
for himself. He has passed his initiation, and, apart from any
external pressure he shares that inner sense of self-critical
urgency which cadre Communists constantly communicate one to
another.

One reason perhaps why the consciousness of change in status
is not acute is that the emphasis on development and training
continues with greater rather than less emphasis in the higher
levels of the movement, so that there is a certain sense in which
the feeling of being in a state of tutelage persists throughout
a Communist's life. Whether this is so when one reaches the
apex of power in the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union, I do not know; but certainly I have found it
as high as in National Secretaries of the Western Communist Par-
ties -- Browder, Pollitt, Thorez, Pieck -- and in representatives
of the Communist International -- Ulbricht, Massey, Dimitrov --
the highest level with which I have had personal experience.

## Training in the Life of the Cadre

While at the cadre level the primary responsibility for
his further development rests upon the individual Communist,
almost every aspect of his daily life and activity brings the
power of the Party into play to provide both the opportunity for

power of the Party into play to provide both the opportunity for
almost every aspect of his daily life and activity brings the
life further development upon the individual Communist.
While at the cadre level the primary responsibility for

the highest level with which I have had personal experience.
of the Communist International -- Upright, Massey, Dimitrov --
times -- Browder, Pollitt, Tufte's, Piek -- and in representatives
as high as in National Secretaries of the Western Communist Bar-
ting Soviet Union, I do not know, but certainly I have found it
abex of power in the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of
a Communist's life. Whether this is so when one reaches the
the testing of being in a state of tutelage berates throughout
levels of the movement, so that there is a certain sense in which
continues with greater rather than less emphasis in the higher
is not acute if that the emphasis on development and training

One reason perhaps why the consciousness of change in status
another.

urgency which cadre Communists constantly communicate one to
external pressure he shares that inner sense of self-critical
for himself. He has passed his initiation, and, apart from any
not criticism. Now he is expected to know them, to subify them
direct, with the ideological explanations left out. This is

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[LC]

8 - 17

self-training and the external pressure to reinforce his Communist
conscience. The fabric of existence provides occasion after
occasion for training and testing: more dramatically in situa-
tions of inner-Party differences, at times of sharp change of
the line or of external crisis; but just as materially in the
routine fulfillment of tasks or in the solution of the petty
problems which continually arise in every Party organization.
One aspect of a good Communist's tone is the reduction of the
dramatic to the commonplace and the raising of the commonplace to
the significant, all meaning proceeding from the single total
dynamic.

Everything is grist to the mill; yet all these outward mani-
festations serve merely as forms within which self-discipline acts,
moving towards the goal of being so fully and wholly at one with
the Party that its will is your will and your will is its will.
It is, of course, the Party as an ideal concept, personified by
the real Party but not totally coincident with it, to which this
applies.² The most developed Communist can damn individual leaders,
decisions, the state of affairs, up one side and down the other.
He can be cynical, surly, violently critical -- and frequently is.
But he carries out with vigor and initiative every decision for
which he is made responsible. Even when he most strongly dis-
agrees with it, he carries it out firmly and of his own will, not

agrees with it, he carries it out firmly and of his own will, not
which he is made reasonable. Even when he most strongly dis-
but he carries out with vigor and initiative every decision for
He can be cynical, surly, violently critical -- and frequently is.
decisions, the state of affairs, up one side and down the other.
affairs.⁵ The most developed Communist can damn individual leaders.
the real party but not totally coincident with it, to which case
It is, of course, the party as an ideal concept,ersonified by
the party that it will be your will and your will is its will.
moving toward the goal of being so fully and wholly at one with
feetions serve merely as forms within which self-discipline sets.
Everything is great to the mill; but all these outward manu-
dynamic.

the significant, all meaning proceeding from the single total
dramatic to the commonplace and the raising of the commonplace to
One aspect of a good Communist's tone is the rejection of the
problems which continually arise in every party organization.
rousing fulfillment of tasks or in the solution of the betty
the line or of external criteria; but just as materially in the
tions of inner-party differences, at times of sharp change of
occasion for training and testing; more dramatically in situa-
convenience. The fabric of existence provides occasion after
self-training and the external pressure to reinforce his Communist

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[n]

[Lc]

8 = 18

with the feeling of external compulsion. The decision may be
wrong, but it is right because it is a Party decision.³ That
which is the center of existence, his reason for being and the
aim of all his action, demands that there be a Party, the aggre-
gate of whose decisions are by its inherent character right.
The aggregate must be carried out. If some decisions are wrong,
to fail to carry them out would be to breach the overwhelming
imperative that the aggregate must be carried out.

He will fight to the limit, at whatever level his position
in the Party permits, against decisions with which he disagrees.
If such decisions embody a trend, he will bide his time and fight
again and again (it is possible, for instance, to discern in the
history of a Party one knows well, individuals who have taken
the same side of similar struggles ten, fifteen, twenty times,
over twenty-five years -- men who are perennially on the "right"
or perennially on the "left," irrespective of which side wins
in any given struggle). But none of this will in any fundamental
way affect his fulfillment of these decisions. The Party has
become a necessary condition for significant existence, and its
constraints are felt not as constraints but as necessities which
must be recognized and accepted in order that he may live fully
and freely. Within that all-pervading atmosphere, criticism,
cynicism, bitterness -- all are possible, but they in no way

caricature, bitterness -- all are possible, but they in no way
and freely. Within that all-pervading atmosphere, criticism,
must be recognized and accepted in order that he may live fully
constraints are felt not as constraints but as necessities which
become a necessary condition for significant existence, and its
may affect his fulfillment of these decisions. The party has
in any given struggle). But none of this will in any fundamental
or dramatically on the "left," irrespective of which side wins
over twenty-five years -- men who are (essentially) on the "right"
the same side of similar struggles can, fifteen, twenty times,
retrology of a party one knows well, individuals who have taken
again and again (it is possible, for instance, to discern in the
Itself decisions imply a trend, he will ride his time and fight
in the party permits, against decisions with which he disagrees.
He will fight to the limit, at whatever level his position
imperative that the aggregate must be carried out.
to fail to carry them out would be to preach the overrunning
The aggregate must be carried out. It some decisions are wrong,
gate of whose decisions are by its inherent character right.
sim of all his action, demands that there be a party, the agree-
which is the center of existence, his reason for being and the
wrong, put it is right because it is a party decision.³ That
with the feeling of external compulsion. The decision may be

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[LC]

8 - 19

change the fact that life under any other circumstances is un-
reasonable.

The general qualities of the Communist are sufficiently in-
culated by the cadre that further training is largely a matter
of the strengthening of already existing attitudes. It is be-
coming second nature to look at all problems of any kind instinc-
tively and immediately in Marxist-Leninist terms; to accept
responsibilities; to utilize the utmost initiative in carrying
them out; to make of one's life an instrument of the Party line.
These qualities are tested and strengthened every day. But that
testing varies only in intensity from lower-level Communist ex-
perience, and since that has been described at some length pre-
viously, it would not be particularly valuable to discuss it again
here. Where the specific quality of training at the cadre level
arises from new forms of Communist existence which the new
status presents, a new set of conflicts which have previously
not existed to any significant degree.

These conflicts embody the contradiction between the demand
that a bolshevik at one and the same time accept the most iron
discipline and display the most independent initiative. It is
true that this contradiction exists to some extent for the rank
and file. He, however, does not have the responsibility which

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[LC]

makes the initiative he displays lead to consequences of importance.

At a time of sharp change in the Party line, for example, a great deal more is demanded of the cadre than of the rank and file. The non-cadre Communist, even if he is in a leadership position, can fulfill all that is expected of him if he supports the old position without foreboding or premonition, even with increasing intensity, right up to the change; goes through a few days' questioning and crisis at that time; and emerges in full support of the new position.

For the cadre Communist the situation is not so simple. He is speaking, he is teaching, he is answering the questions of Party rank and filers and of non-Party people; he is discussing and arguing extensions, perspectives, innuendoes of the line with his peers. Of course, on none of these occasions can he throw doubt upon the existing line, but much of his prestige in the future will depend upon the way in which at this time he avoids making mistakes (from the point of view of the future). He must be able to discuss what is coming with Marxist-Leninist sagacity; accept what exists at the moment with the fortitude of Communist discipline; and avoid at all costs the reputation of being an "opportunist," a trimmer.

A few vignettes of incidents at the time of two sharp changes

obsoletist, "a trimmer."

discipline; and avoid at all costs the reputation of being an
accept what exists at the moment with the fortitude of Communist
be able to discuss what is coming with Market-Leninist orthodoxy;
making mistakes (from the point of view of the future). He must
future will depend upon the way in which at this time he avoids
doubt upon the existing line, put much of his breath in the
his beer. Of course, on none of these occasions can he throw
and arguing extenuations, perspectives, immenseoes of the line with
Party rank and titles and of non-Party people; he is discussing
is speaking, he is teaching, he is answering the questions of

For the cadre Communist the situation is not so simple. He
new position.

ing and creates at that time; and emerges in full support of the
integrity, right up to the change; goes through a few days' question-
position without foreclosing or premonition, even with increasing
can fulfill all that is expected of him if he supports the old
The non-cadre Communists, even if he is in a leadership position,
Great deal more is demanded of the cadre than of the rank and file.

At a time of sharp change in the Party line, for example, a
makes the initiative he displays lead to consequences of importance.

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8 - 21

[LC]

of line -- June 1941 and August 1939 -- may serve to illustrate and clarify. All the participants in these incidents were distinctly of cadre status, functioning at this time in the official Party organization as leaders of an important district.

In 1941, some months before the Hitler invasion of the Soviet Union, during a speculative conversation with a number of other leading comrades, Comrade A threw out the idea that the then current line of opposition to "Anglo-French imperialism and Roosevelt's war policy" might very possibly be extended into something like the Popular Front of the previous period. A united front, with German Fascism internationally and with isolationist groups in America nationally might be formed. It is true that tentative proposals of attempting to infiltrate America First, particularly "from below", had already been broached in the Party, but Comrade A developed his ideas thoroughly and theoretically. There was considerable discussion and disagreement on the part of the others in the conversation; nothing more eventuated, except that from time to time during the next few weeks he casually returned to his concepts in conversation. No one took them too seriously -- but they were possibilities to be considered.

When a few months later, with the invasion of the Soviet Union by Hitler, the line sharply changed, he fully and enthusiastically went along with it. Had he shown some prescience of

fascistly went along with it. Had he shown some prescience of Union by Hitler, the line sharply changed, he fully and entirely they were possibilities to be considered.

Concepts in conversation. No one took them too seriously -- put time to time during the next few weeks he causally returned to life in the conversation: nothing more eventuated, except that from considerable discussion and disagreement on the part of the others A developed his ideas thoroughly and theoretically. There was "from below," had already been prescribed in the Party, put Comrade Broomele of accepting to infiltrate America first, particularly in America nationally might be formed. It is true that tentative with German racism internationally and with isolationist groups like the Popular Front of the previous period. A united front, as it's a war policy, might very possibly be extended into something recent line of opposition to "Anglo-France imperialism and colonialising comrades, Comrade A threw out the idea that the then current Union, during a tentative conversation with a number of other

In 1941, some months before the Hitler invasion of the Soviet Party organization as leaders of an important district.

tendency of censure status, functioning at the time in the official and clarity. All the participants in these incidents were de- of time -- June 1941 and August 1939 -- may serve to illustrate

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[c]

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[LC]

the sharp transformation which actually occurred, it would have
redounded positively to his credit. But the extreme versions
of the previous line which he had projected in this speculative
manner were never in any sense held against him. They had never
been put forward as a criticism of the existing Party position,
but merely as an imaginative projection of possible developments
in the world situation as it then looked from the Communist point
of view.

On the other hand, Comrade B a few months before the Nazi-
Soviet pact showed great prescience of the future -- and dealt
a severe blow to his prestige and position in the cadre in the
course of doing so. Analyzing the development of events and
interpreting Stalin's speech at the 1938 Congress of the Commun-
ist Party of the Soviet Union, he correctly foresaw the end
of the Popular Front line, and said so. Although he did not
attack that line or the Party's judgment in continuing it, his
whole tone was emotional, upset, worried. The net result was
to imply lack of confidence in the existing line. That is all:
but that very tone weighed heavily against him; it was enough
to cause mentally-raised eyebrows and to create around him an
attitude of questioning. And even when events bore him out,
the fact that he had been "correct," that he had taken a position
which turned out to be an accurate forecast of the line, did him
no good at all. The style of his discourse simply did not re-
flect the level of "understanding" he was supposed to have.

effect the level of "understanding," he was supposed to have.
no good at all. The style of his discourse simply did not re-
quire earned out to be an accurate forecast of the future, did him
the fact that he had been "correct," that he had taken a position
attitude of dissenting. And even when events bore him out,
to cause manually-rated eyebrows and to create around him an
but that very tone weighed heavily against him; it was enough
to imply lack of confidence in the existing line. That is all:
whole tone was emotional, 'nast,' worried. The net result was
attack that fine or the party's judgment in continuing it, his
of the popular front line, and said so. Although he did not
fat party of the Soviet Union, he correctly foreseen the end
interpreting Stalin's speech at the 1938 Congress of the Com-
course of doing so. Analyzing the development of events and
a severe blow to his prestige and position in the capre in the
Soviet Union showed great prescience of the future -- and desist.
On the other hand, Comrade B a few months before the Mass-
e of view.
in the world situation as it then looked from the Communist point
but merely as an imaginative protection of possible developments
peas but forward as a criticism of the existing party position,
manner were never in any sense held against him. They had never
of the previous line which he had projected in this speculative
redoubled positively to his credit. But the extreme versions
the sharp transformation which actually occurred, it would have

8 - 11

8 - 23

[LC]

In both cases it was the tone, the attitude, which was
decisive, irrespective of the "correctness" of the judgment.
At first sight, therefore, the conclusion might be drawn that
the safest thing to do is to keep your mouth shut. But one who
reacts that way does not in general get very far, because he soon
gets a reputation for being timid, weak, opportunist. He is not,
by definition, a very promising cadre Communist. The pressures
of emulation of the Communist type, both self-imposed and imposed
by the mores of the movement, are exerted as strongly to create
initiative and willingness to take a position as they are to bring
about unquestionable faithfulness to the Party.

From the Communist point of view, it is not what you say but
what you think, consciously or even half-consciously, that is
important. If you think it, you should say it. A cadreman might
be defined as a Communist in whom the complex internal pressures
are such that, on the whole, he does say it; just as the mechan-
isms of Party training are designed all the way along to make
sure that he says it. The "better" he is, the more he does say
it; but, at the same time, the more his faithfulness to the Party
increases, so that neither what he thinks nor says ever implies
the slightest shadow of a doubt as to his deep loyalty.

Let me illustrate from the attitude of Comrade C, the
District Organizer, a powerful veteran with international standing.

the slightest shadow of a doubt as to life deep loyalty.

Increases, so that neither what he thinks nor says everUBLIES
it; but, at the same time, the more his faithfulness to the Party
sure that he says it. The "better," he says, the more he does say
fame of Party training are designed all the way along to make
are such that, on the whole, he does say it; just so the mechan-
be defined as a Communist in whom the complex internal pressures
important. If you think it, you should say it. A cadre must know
what you think, consciously or even half-consciously, that is
from the Communist point of view, it is not what you say but
about unreasonable faithfulness to the Party.

Initiative and willingness to take a position as they are to bring
by the more of the movement, are exerted as strongly to create
of emulation of the Communist type, both self-imposed and imposed
by definition, a very broadening factor. Communists. The treasures
gets a reputation for being timid, weak, opportunist. He is not,
reacts that way does not in general get very far, because he soon
the safest thing to do is to keep your mouth shut. But one who
At first sight, therefore, the conclusion might be drawn that
decisive, irrespective of the "correctness" of the judgment.

8 - 13

[c]

[LC]

8 - 24

During the summer before the Nazi-Soviet Pact, the newspapers were full of rumors of an impending <u>rapprochement</u> between Russia and Germany. The general Party reaction, of course, was, "slanders of the bourgeois press"; and this was certainly the official public point of view of the Party. But when Communists in internal conversation displayed the same emotional tone and the same certainty that the rumors must be lies, Comrade C reacted very sharply. Not that he denied that anything the capitalist press said was ill-intentioned and slanderous, or that he took any exception to the existing line, or even assumed that there was any great probability of a change in line in the immediate future. But he was highly critical both of the carrying over of agitational emotion into sober Communist appraisal and of inflexible insistence on what was, after all, only the current line, not a fundamental doctrinal truth.

His prestige, already very high, was heightened by these exchanges, but this was not because the rumors were actually true and he had to some degree foreshadowed the change of line which occurred shortly afterward. It arose rather from the combination of his ability to apply Communist principles, unaffected by the slogans of the moment, and his complete acceptance of the practical line those slogans reflected -- an acceptance which his words and actions made clear was not merely acceptance of

His words and actions made clear was not merely acceptance of
practical line those slogans reflected -- an acceptance which
by the slogans of the moment, and his complete acceptance of the
pulsion of his ability to apply Communist principles, mallected
which occurred shortly afterward. It arose rather from the com-
true and he had to some degree foreclosed the change of line
exchanges, but this was not because theatum were actually
His prestige, already very high, was heightened by these
truths.

was, after all, only the current line, not a fundamental doctrinal
super Communist appraisal and of inflexible intransience on what
critical part of the carrying over of agitational emotion into
of a change in line in the immediate future. But he was highly
existing line, or even assumed that there was any great bropability
intentioned and الإيدونس, or that he took any exception to the
that he denied that anything the capitalist press said was ill-
that theatum must be free, Comrade C reacted very sharply. Not
aggeration displayed the same emotional tone and the same certainty
point of view of the party. But when Communists in internal con-
of the pourquoits press!; and this was certainly the official public
and Germany. The General Party reaction, of course, was, "independ-
were full ofatum of an ingenuous subrogation between states
During the summer before the Nazi-Soviet Peace, the newspapers

8 - 14

[n]

8 - 25

[Lc]

the line in a practical sense but as Truth, in that it was the line of the Party.

These incidents may in their contrast show something of the content of the conflict within the cadre Communist. They all arose out of the informal discussion which constantly goes on among leading Communists. Other incidents, equally relevant to the exertion of pressure and the tempering of the Communist personality, arise in every sphere of cadre life: in organizational work; in speaking, teaching and writing; in disciplinary actions and in control commissions; in leading bureaus, committees, and in conventions; and, more formally, in the intensive circumstances of the high-level Party training-schools -- district, national and international.

Regarded from the point of view of behavior, the all-pervasive pressure on the Communist cadre can best be described in terms of his extreme care (however embracing or picayune the question under consideration) in choosing ideas, words, tone. This is "formulation." While "correct formulation" is always vital, it is at the periodic formal moments of Party life -- in District and National committee meetings and conventions -- that the ability to participate in the stylized "discussion" of such events, with the precisely correct feel, is scrutinized.

of such events, with the precisely correct feel, he scrutinized
that the ability to participate in the stylized "discourse".
in District and National committee meetings and conventions --
vital, it is at the periodic formal moments of Party life --
This is "formulation". Write "correct formulation". It is always
discussion under consideration) in choosing ideas, words, names,
tense of life extreme case (however embracing or bicoasmic the
avulsive pressure on the Communist cadre can best be described in
regarded from the point of view of behavior, the all-ber-

and international, ... and the internationalist's international
of the high-level Party training-schools -- districts, national
in conventions; and, more formally, in the intensive circumstances
and in control commissaires; in leading bureaus, committees, and
work; in speaking, teaching and writing; in disciplinary sections
society, unless in every sphere of cadre life; in organizational
the exertion of pressure and the tempering of the Communist ber-
among feeding commissaires. Other incidents, equally relevant to
arose out of the informal discussion which constantly goes on
content of the conflict within the cadre Communist. They all
These incidents may in their contract show something of the
line of the Party.

the line in a practical sense put a 'Truth', in that it was the

8 - 32

[c]

8 - 26

[lc]

most minutely as an index of development. It is necessary, of
course, that good work shall have been done by the person con-
cerned in order that his "contribution to the discussion" will
raise his prestige or maintain his position; but the work itself
will profit him little unless it becomes the foundation from
which he "draws the proper conclusions," "linking them up" with
the major report, with just the right addition of original ideas
to make his acceptance of the main line deeply personal, not a
lifeless, mechanical echo.

The procedure of such committees and conventions, like all
formal Communist policy meetings, takes the form of a discussion
around a major report by the leader of the organization, which,
with his summary at the end, is condensed into a series of reso-
lutions which are unanimously adopted. Within the unanimity
with which each participant in the discussion signalizes the
virtues of the main report, however, serious differences (from
the Communist point of view) can be expressed. At a second re-
move, as mysterious to the uninformed observer as the circling
motions of tomcats in the elaborate ritual of their nocturnal
meetings, the most daring of challenges, and sometimes the
gravest of inadvertent blunders, take place -- momentary events
which make or mar a career.

These phenomena might seem to have little to do with training

These phenomena might seem to have little to do with training which make or mar a career.

Braveet of insubordinate plumbers, take place -- momentarily events meetings, the most daring of challenges, and sometime the motions of tomcat in the elaborate ritual of their nocturnal move, as mysterious to the unformed observer as the circling the Communist points of view) can be expressed. At a second re-vertives of the main report, however, serious differences (from which each participant in the discussion signals the intentions which are unanimously adopted. Within the unanimity with his summary at the end, it is condensed into a series of reechoing a major report by the leader of the organization, which, format Communist policy meetings, takes the form of a discussion The procedure of such committees and conventions, like all titleless, mechanical echo.

to make his acceptance of the main line deeply personal, not a
the major report, with just the right addition of original ideas
which he "draws the broader conclusions." "Linking them up," with
will profit him little unless it becomes the foundation from
raise his prestige or maintain his position; but the work itself
came in order that his "contribution to the discussion" will
con course, that good work shall have been done by the person com-
most munisly as an index of development. It is necessary, of

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8 - 27

in the largely self-implemented form which is characteristic of
it at the cadre level. It might seem that with a little exper-
ience the accepted pattern could be imitated without its neces-
sarily demanding inner "understanding." I have, however, observed
too many try it to believe that it can be done -- either those
too limited to rise above the lowest level of the cadre or leaders
of the official Party who had for one reason or another reached
their position but had never been cadre Communists at all.
"Phrasemongering" is unerringly detected, and elicits blistering
invective or is tolerantly ignored in a hum of inattention --
according to the motives imputed.

Since no one can search the inner motivations of men, and
since history shows all kinds of inspired opportunists to have
existed, it is impossible to make a categorical statement that
will cover absolutely all cases. Such possible exceptions aside,
however, the attainment of the true Communist tone requires a
balance derived from inner understanding and acceptance. The
ordeal of the committee and the convention, and all the other
rituals of Communist life, are for the cadre Communist but
testings and measures. In that respect they serve an important
function in his training, but the dynamic process occurs within
him. If he has not there achieved the proper balance between the
contradictions demanded of him, nothing he can do at the moment

contradictory demanded of him, noting he can do at the moment
him. If he has not there achieved the proper balance between the
function in life training, put the dynamic process occur within
teaching and measures. In that respect they serve an important
rituals of Communist life, are for the cadre Communist put
ordent of the committee and the convention, and all the other
balance derived from inner understanding and acceptance. The
however, the attainment of the true Communist tone requires a
will cover absolutely all cases. Such possible exceptions edge,
smoked, it is impossible to make a categorical statement that
since history shows all kinds of inspired opportunities to have
since no one can search the inner motivations of man, and
according to the motives impelled.

inoperative or its tolerably ignored in a law of instruction --
"Bureaucracy emerging," is必然ly detected, and elicits prefering
their position put had never been cadre Communists at all.
of the official party who had for one reason or another reached
too limited to rise above the lowest level of the cadre or leaders
too many try it to believe that it can be done -- either those
early demanding inner "understanding." I have, however, observed
fence the accepted pattern could be imitated without its neces-
ity at the cadre level. It might seem that with a little exper-
iment the largely self-implemented form which is characteristic of

8 - 21

[LC]

8 - 28

of assay, however shrewd and capable he may be, can simulate it.

"Self-Criticism," "Subjectivity," and "Objectivity"

Of course, the constant observation of others acting in a cadre manner and the continuing expectation that one will oneself live up to such standards, exercises an external pressure complementary to the internal subjective pressure. At this stage the external processes are hardly felt as pressure. The subjective acceptance of Communist modes of existence has gone so deep that the punishment which every leading Communist takes day after day is hardly more noticed, sustained as the personality is by the stiffening of the subjective self-pressure, than is the external pressure of the earth's atmosphere upon the body. This is the way things are. This is the form of Communist being.

Therefore, "criticism and self-criticism" becomes, in a way it can never be for the rank and filer, a natural approach, a habit. It approximates what it is supposed to be in the ideal image put forward in Communist literature -- a mode of looking at things devoid of concern for self. Men being what they are, such an ideal obviously is never completely realized. Personal interests -- if in no other terms than one's own department or organization versus more general interests of the Party -- impinge and affect judgment. But to a remarkable degree that ideal is realized in the seasoned cadre Communist. He takes what anywhere

realized in the seasoned cadets Communist. He takes what anywhere
and affects judgment. But to a remarkable degree that ideal is
organisation versus more general interests of the party -- impinge
interests -- it in no other terms than one's own department or
such an ideal obviously is never completely realised. Personal
at things devoid of concern for self. Man being what they are,
image but forward in Communist literature -- a mode of looking
a bit. It approximates what it is supposed to be in the ideal
way it can never be for the rank and file, a natural approach.
Therefore, "criticism and self-criticism" becomes, in a
in the way things are. This is the form of Communist being.
terminal pressure of the earth's atmosphere show the body. This
the stiffening of the subjective self-pressure, thus is the ex-
day is hardly more noticed, anastased as the personality is by
that the bannister which every loading Communist takes day after
cceptance of Communist modes of existence has gone so deep
external processes are hardly felt as pressure. The subjective
mentary to the internal subjective pressure. At this stage the
line up to such standards, exercises an external pressure couple-
cadre manner and the continuing expectation that one will oneself
Of course, the constant observation of others acting in a
"Self-Criticism," "Subjectivity," "Objectivity"
of ease, however abroad and capable he may be, can eliminate it.

3 - 38

[d]

[LC]

8 - 29

else would be regarded as unmitigated abuse, and hands it out
as necessary, with extraordinarily little of the emotions of
abasement or resentment, on the one hand, or aggressive ego-
satisfaction, on the other. Either of these -- "breast-beating"
or "a rotten bureaucratic attitude toward the membership" -- is
a recognized weakness, extremely serious if any tendency towards
it shows up in a member of the cadre, particularly serious, in
fact, because it indicates "lack of self-criticism."

It is not that people do not feel personal chagrin at failure
and pride at achievement. But this cannot be allowed to interfere
with judgment, or to shadow to the faintest degree the fundamental
criterion of the Party's success or failure in a given situation.
To be politely modest on one of the rare occasions of Party praise
would be considered as grave a shortcoming as to resent criticism
or to pour out immoderate self-abnegation ("to beat one's breast")
on the much more frequent occasions of blame. Anything of this
sort is "subjectivity."

And subjectivity is the cardinal sin. "Subjectivity" is
the climax of every condemnation -- formal or informal. Whether
the charge is "dereliction of duty," or "endangering the safety
of the Party," or ideological deviation, the bill of particulars
fuses into a single indictment: placing personal considerations
above the interests of the Party, subjectivity. That such

above the interests of the party, subjectivity. That such
force into a single indictment: biasing personal considerations
of the party," or ideological deviation, the bill of particulars
the charge is "denial of duty," or "endangering the safety
the climax of every condemnation -- formal or informal. Whether
And subjectivity is the cardinal sin." "Subjectivity" is
sort is "subjectivity."

on the much more frequent occasions of plane. Depending on this
or to bound out immoderate self-sentiation ("to past one's past")
would be considered as grave a shortcoming as to recent criticism
To be politely modest on one of the rare occasions of party bristle
criterion of the party's success or failure in a given situation,
with judgment, or to shadow to the tiniest degree the fundamental
and bristle at achievement. But this cannot be allowed to interpose
It is not that people do not feel personal chagrin at failure
but because it indicates "lack of self-criticism."

it shows up in a member of the cadre, particularly serious, in
a recognized mess, extremely serious if any tendency towards
or "a rotten bureaucratic attitude toward the membership," -- is
absentment or resentment, on the one hand, or aggressive ego-
as necessarily, with extraordinarily little of the emotions of
else would be regarded as unmitigated apathy, and hands it out

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8 - 30

[LC]

personal interest might from any non-Communist point of view
be regarded as the sheerest altruism -- truth, ethical considera-
tions, love or friendship -- is irrelevant. To put anything
whatever before the Party is subjectivity.⁴

As "subjectivity" is the cardinal sin, its opposite, "ob-
jectivity," which amounts to neither less nor more than uncondi-
tional devotion to the Party, is the cardinal virtue. All the
other virtues of the Communist are encompassed in this; and it
is this which provides the ground for the resolution of the con-
tradiction between the demand for independent initiative and the
demand for iron discipline. Only in the identification of self
with Party is it possible for two such opposites to exist with
equal strength in the same personality; and towards the absolute
establishment of that identity the inner pressure of the developed
Communist personality, buttressed by the norms of Communist life,
is directed.

The "deepening of Marxist-Leninist understanding," which is
a major responsibility of the cadre Communist, broadens and in-
tensifies the intellectual certainty that the Party stands for
everything true and real in the objective world. Experience
daily "proves" that only in utter identification with the Party,
in uncompromising devotion to it, can the demands that are made

in uncompromising devotion to it, can the demands that are made
daily "brought" that only in utter identification with the Party,
everything true and real in the objective world. Experience
canvise the intellectual certainty that the Party stands for
a major responsibility of the upper Communist's programs and in-
the "deepening of Marxist-Revoltist understanding," which is
the directed.

Communist personality, buttressed by the names of Communist life,
eventually of that identity the inner pressure of the developed
edged strength in the same personality; and towards the absolute
with Party is it possible for two such opposites to exist with
demand for iron discipline. Only in the identification of self
contradiction between the demand for independent initiative and the
other virtues of the Communist are encompassed in this; and it
tionsal devotion to the Party, is the cardinal virtue. All the
jectivity," which amounts to neither less nor more than uncondi-
Ves "subjectivity" is the cardinal aim, its opposite, "op-
whatever before the Party is subjectivity.⁴

tions, love or friendship -- is irrelevant. To put anything
be regarded as the sheerest atrium -- truth, ethical considerations
personal interest might from any non-Communist point of view

8 - 20

[rd]

[lc]

8 - 31

upon him and that he makes upon himself, be reconciled. The
real proving-ground -- both exercise and test -- of the bolshevik
will lie in the steadfast holding to this pole, rather than in
"courage in the face of the class enemy" or "resolute determination
to overcome all obstacles," which are the common coin of the litera-
ture on this question.

The Party being in actuality the creature of the rulers of
the Soviet Union, this devotion is, in grim literalness, devotion
to their interests. But although this is vitally important in
assessing the significance of Communism and the action of Com-
munists from the practical standpoint, the ideational image and
emotional focus towards which the devotion of the Communist per-
sonality directs itself remains not the Soviet Union and its
leaders, but "the Party." Certainly, "the first duty of Com-
munists is the defence of the Soviet Union"; certainly, "the
Soviet Union is the touchstone of all political questions,"
the "socialist fatherland," "the stronghold of world Communism";
but the Soviet Union is subsumed, as it were, under the greater
symbol of the Party. The faith triumphant, the Soviet Union,
is still but an aspect of the faith. It is the faith, whole
and entire, Communism, the Party, which inspires the Communist's
universe and is the object of his devotion.⁵

That is why the known realities of the Soviet Union --

universe and its object of its devotion.²

and entire, Communist, the Party, which inspires the Communist's
is still put an aspect of the faith. It is the faith, whole
symbol of the party. The faith triumphant, the Soviet Union,
but the Soviet Union issupposed, as it were, under the greater
the "socialist fatherland," "the stronghold of world Communism."
Soviet Union is the touchstone of all political questions."
Communists is the defence of the Soviet Union; certainly, "the
leaders" put "the party." Certainly, "the first duty of Com-
monity directs itself remains not the Soviet Union and its
emotional focus towards which the devotion of the Communist her-
mants from the practical standpoint, the ideological image and
assessing the significance of Communism and the action of Com-
to their interests. But although this is vitally important in
the Soviet Union, this devotion is, in strict fitnessness, devotion
The party being in actuality the creature of the rulers of
ture on this question.

to overcome all obstacles," which are the common coin of the fitter-
"courage in the face of the class enemy," or "resolute determination
will face the steadfast holding to this bole, rather than in
rest brooding-ground -- both exercises and tests -- of the polaritic
upon him and that he makes upon himself, be reconciled. The

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8 - 32

[LC]

oppression, slave-labor camps, purge after purge, murder in
the millions, brutal and unprovoked aggression, even Khrushchev's
exposure of Stalin and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 -- slide
off the cadre Communist's conscience like water off a duck's back.
They make no live impact upon him. Intellectually he explains
them as necessary casualties of the historic process, unfortunate
but unavoidable. Emotionally they simply are not real, even when
he has actually seen horrors with his own eyes. Facts that do
not fit the theoretical outlook of Marxism-Leninism have only a
shadowy existence. Reality rests only in the doctrines of Com-
munism and the institution of the Party.⁶

If ever a trained and developed cadre Communist allows
himself fully and deeply to acknowledge any reality independent
of the Communist cosmos -- a fact, an idea, an aspect of an
order of being -- the whole tense, complex structure is in
imminent danger of shattering into bits. Only the most stupendous
and immediate effort of the will can close the breach. The
man to whom this is happening sometimes pretends to himself that
he does not recognize its significance; but in such cases, al-
most always the Party smells it. Then, if he admits it, to
the Party and to himself, everything possible is done to help
him make that effort of will. But if he denies it, he is boxed

him make that effort of will. But if he denies it, he is boxed
the party and to himself, everything possible is done to help
most always the party smells it. Then, if he admits it, to
he does not recognise its significance; put in such cases,
man to whom this is happening sometimes pretends to himself that
and immediate effort of the will can close the breach. The
impression danger of scattering into bits. Only the most audacious
order of being -- the whole theme, complex structure is in
of the Communist cosmos -- a fact, an idea, an affect of an
himself fully and deeply to acknowledge any reality independent
If ever a trained and developed cadre Communist allows
number and the institution of the party.

shadow existence. Reality rests only in the doctrines of Com-
not fit the theoretical outlook of Marxism-Feminism have only a
he has actually seen horrors with his own eyes. Facts that do
put unavoidable. Emotionally they simply are not real, even when
than as necessary causes of the historic process, unfortunates
They make no live impact upon him. Intellectually he explains
off the cadre Communist's conscience like water off a quack's pack.
expose of statu and the Hungarian Revolution of 1926 -- side
the millions, penal and unprovoked aggression, even Kunoheissv's
obstruction, slave-labor camps, burge after burge, murder in

8 - 35

[Lc]

8 - 33

off, trapped into compromising or black situations,
demoted, expelled, vilified. For, even if he does not know
that he has taken the first step on the road out of the Party,
which for a cadre Communist means the road to hostility towards
the Party (the Party speaks of "the iron law of renegacy"), the
Party does, and it will stop at nothing to neutralize the threat.⁷

Whatever the circumstances, however, alone with himself or
under the pressure of the most intensive Party effort, any breach
whatsoever in the structure of Communist belief must be closed
the moment it opens or the whole structure collapses. It is
not strange that this should be so. The complex outlook of
Marxism-Leninism creates so sharp a contrast with the empirically
observable world and with the inherited ethos of the West, the
strain upon the man who accepts it with the depth and whole-
heartedness of a cadre Communist is so great, the tensions with-
in the personality are held at so taut a pitch, that its very
unity is its weakness, once it is pierced at any point. Or,
to change the metaphor, the Communist personality is like that
transparent sphere of legend which no sword or axe could mar,
but which flew apart in a thousand pieces at the playing of
the right note of music.

To very few among the thousands of cadre Communists of
the Western parties does this occur.⁸ In the American Party I

the Western parties does this occur?⁸ In the American Party I
To very few among the thousands of cadre Communists of
the right note of maceo.

but which flew apart in a thousand pieces at the析ing of
c transparent sphere of legend which no one could men,
to change the metaphor, the Communist personality is like that
unity is its weakness, once it is pierced at any point. Or,
in the personality are held at so tant a bitch, that its very
heartness of a cadre Communist is so great, the terrors which
scare show the man who accepts it with the depth and whole-
operable world and with the inherited echoes of the West, the
Marxian-Marxian creates so abroad a contract with the empirically
not strange that this should be so. The complex outlook of
the moment it opens or the whole structure collages. It is
whatsoever in the structure of Communist petition must be closed
under the pressure of the most intensive Party effort, any press
whatever the circumstances, however, alone with himself or
Party does, and it will step at nothing to neutralize the threat.⁹
the Party (the Party speaks of "the iron law of renegadoc"), the
which for a cadre Communist means the road to postivity towards
that he has taken the first step on the road out of the Party,
demoted, excommunicated, annulled. For, even if he does not know
out, trapped into compromising or placemable situations,

8 - 33

[a]

8 - 34

[lc]

do not know of a score of cadre Communists who have broken
within the last twenty years and this despite the serious
crises which beset it in 1945 and 1956. It seems to require
a most unusual set of circumstances to penetrate the powerful
defences of the Communist personality at this level of develop-
ment. What is it then that ever brings about that irretrievable
moment when reality makes itself felt so deeply that it cannot
be repelled? To answer this question is difficult, for such
events occur in the recesses of men's souls. But I shall hazard
some generalizations based upon my own experience and what I
have heard and read of the experience of others.⁹

Two prior conditions, I believe, must be fulfilled before
the moment of acceptance of a reality counter to the Communist
outlook is possible. First, there must have been over a con-
siderable period of time a continuing series of doubts and
questions, quickly repressed, but not fully dealt with and
intellectually overcome, so that they have, if only to a small
degree, sapped and weakened the foundations of Marxist-Leninist
belief. Such a substratum, however, is not by itself a sufficient
pre-condition. Secondly, there must occur some separation of
the person from the Party, geographically or emotionally, for
a time. Whittaker Chambers speaks of the susceptibility of one
"in prison, in illness, in indecision." In my own case it was

"in prison" in illness, in imprisonment." In my own case it was a time. Writtaker Chumpere speaks of the susceptibility of one the person from the party, geographically or emotionally, for pre-condition. Secondly, there must occur some separation of self. Such a separation, however, is not dy itself a sufficient degree, added and weakened the foundations of Market-Reminiscence, quickly repressed, but not fully dealt with and siderable period of time a continuing series of doubts and outlook is possible. First, there must have been over a moment of acceptance of a reality counter to the Communist Two prior conditions, I believe, must be fulfilled before have heard and read of the experience of others.⁹

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[LC]

8 - 35

separation from the all-pervasive pressure of the Communist movement during service in the Army. In his case, Chambers indicates the emotional impact of an infant daughter on him.

But, though these are pre-conditions, they are not certain cause. Many have had their suppressed doubts, have suffered isolation "in prison, in illness, in indecision," without a break in their Communist defences. Only a very few have found their pre-existing doubts welling up so strongly that at some point they recognized with a power that could not be denied that something was true and real which, by its truth and reality, shattered the foundations on which their life was built. Why many react one way and a few another, I do not know. The personal factors involved are too complex, and those who have broken vary too greatly in background and character, to make any final judgment.

One thing, however, is certain. So strong is the impress of the Communist mould, that to follow the path upon which they then find themselves compelled to proceed, is not an easy, quick or automatic process. It is, in fact, a "dark night of the soul," mentally and spiritually agonizing to a degree which makes the extreme personal and social difficulties which the Party creates for them seem minor. Perhaps a premonition of this -- a horror of the void through which one must pass before finding a new

of the void through which one must have before finding a new
for them seem minor. Perhaps a premonition of this -- a horror
extreme Bernard and social difficulties which the party creates
mentally and spiritually agitating to a degree which makes the
or automatic process. It is, in fact, a "dark night of the soul."
then find themselves compelled to proceed, is not an easy, quick
to the Communist mind, that to follow the path upon which they
One thing, however, is certain. So strong is the impulse

ment.
too greatly in background and character, to make any final judg-
factors involved are too complex, and those who have broken very
many react one way and a few another. I do not know. The personal
shattered the foundations on which their life was built. My
something was true and real which, by its truth and reality,
point they recognized with a power that could not be denied that
their pre-existing doubts welling up so strongly that at some
point in their Communist defenses. Only a very few have found
reality "in brison, in finesse, in indecency," without a
cause. Many have had their abhorred doubts, have suffered
but, though these are pre-conditions, they are not certain
indicate the emotional impact of an infant daughter on him.
movement during service in the Army. In the case, Champers
separation from the all-pervasive pressure of the Communist

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8 - 36

understanding on the other side -- is an additional buttress to the Communist will in resisting the temptations of reality and truth. For it is the will which decides the issue. Exerted steadfastly day by day -- because doubt after doubt creeps in and must be dealt with -- it is called to its supreme effort when some eventuality creates the conditions in which the threat to long-accepted certainties arises.

But the will does not function in a vacuum. The Communists say, when a defection occurs at a high level, that the person concerned "never fully understood and accepted Marxism-Leninism." They find indications in all his writings, his speeches, his actions, to prove their contention. It may well be that in the deepest sense they are right. The cadre Communist who breaks has retained somewhere within his personality values, elements of understanding, which are alien to the world-view of Marxism-Leninism.

The bolshevik will is decisive to the Communist personality. But that will is founded upon a deeper stratum. It is founded on belief, intellectual and emotional, in the truth of the Marxist-Leninist ideology, of which the Party is the living expression. Devotion to the Party, like the will to resist all challenges to that devotion, rests in the end on belief.

tends to that devotion, rests in the end on belief.

Devotion to the Party, like the will to resist all chil-
fat-reminiscent ideology, of which the Party is the living expres-
on of belief, intellectual and emotional, in the truth of the Marx-
But that will is founded upon a deeper stratum. It is founded
The polarevilk will is decisive to the Communist personality.

understanding, which are alien to the world-view of Marxian-Reminisc.
retained somewhat within his personality values, elements of
deepest sense they are right. The cadre Communist who presides over
actions, to prove their contention. It may well be that in the
They find indications in all his writings, his speeches, his
concerned "never fully understood and accepted Marxian-Reminisc."
say, when a selection occurs at a high level, that the person
But the will does not function in a vacuum. The Communist
long-accepted certainities arise.

some eventuality creates the conditions in which the thrust to
must be dealt with -- it is called to its supreme effort when
steadfastly said by day -- because doubt after doubt creeps in and
and truth. But it is the will which decides the issue. Exerted
to the Communist will in relating the temptations of reality
understanding on the other side -- is an additional patress

8 - 26

NOTES - Chapter 8 - The Cadre

1

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1. "Every Communist must sacrifice his conscience, his natural moral feelings, to the ... ideal. What would become of a believer in Moloch who lost his faith in his idol after sacrificing his only beloved son to it?" F. Beck and W. Godin, *Russian Purge and the Extraction of Confession* (New York: Viking Press, 1951), p. 209.

2. "The Party ... belongs to a psychological order which cannot be confined to any particular manifestation. The relation between such manifestations and the Party is analogous to that between a man and his action. This real psychological being really lives in the real lives of its component individuals, but it cannot be reduced to them. There is participation between the Party and the secular religion; and the Party is the continually developing realisation of the religion. When vows of world conquest are made to the Party, when men sacrifice to it their enemies or their friends or themselves, it is all dedicated to the secular religion; but it is only we, as outside observers, who make this analytic distinction. The religion is immanent in the Party, and the Party in the religion; and one can see that in such a situation politics will come to partake of the sacred. The very purpose of the Party is totalitarian, and religion is the only known historical framework that can embrace the sum total of human activities.

activities.

Historical framework that can embrace the same total of human
the Party is totalitarian, and religion is the only known
will come to bear on the sacred. The very purpose of
religion; and one can see that in such a situation politics
The religion is inherent in the Party, and the Party in the
we, as outside operators, who make this analytic distinction.
It is all dedicated to the secular religion; but it is only
sacrifice to it their enemies or their friends or themselves.
When some of world conduct are made to the Party, when men
Party is the continually developing realization of the religion.

**Realization** between the Party and the secular religion; and the
**individual**, but it cannot be reduced to them. There is a
being really lives in the real lives of its component indi-
viduals, between a man and his action. This real bayeological
between such manifestations and the Party is analogous to
be confined to any particular manifestation. The relation

2. "The Party ... belongs to a bayeological order which cannot

**York:** *A Viking Press, 1921*, p. 209.

Godin, *Russian Purge and the Extraction of Confession* (New
sacrificing his only beloved son to it!" F. Beck and W.
believer in God who lost his faith in his tool after
morel feelings, to the ... ideal. What would become of a

NOTES - Chapter 8 - The Capre

I

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NOTES - Chapter 8 - The Cadre

2

[LC]

"For its members, the Party takes the place both of civilisation and of society (though there are conflicts and the Party's supremacy is not unchallenged); and it is the secular religion (the Party) which provides the model, or pattern, to be conformed to." Monnerot, *Sociology and Psychology of Communism*, pp. 144-145; emphasis in original.

3. "Biszku, who is today Minister of the Interior [of Hungary], was ordered by the Central Committee to speak at the meeting [of rebellious writers just before the Hungarian Revolution of 1956]. He visited Kadar and explained to him that he was unable to obey the order because he was unreservedly on the side of the writers and therefore thought that the best course for him would be to go on a trip or to report sick. Kadar, who also agreed with the writers, remained true to his former -- and subsequent -- self. 'True,' he told Biszku, 'the writers are right. Yet you cannot disobey the Party.' After a long argument, he persuaded Biszku to speak at the meeting and, out of 'Party discipline,' to make one of the most inciting addresses." Aczel and Meray, *The Revolt of the Mind*, footnote, pp. 364-65. (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1959),

4. This is most strikingly illustrated in the confessions of the "rightists" before the 1957 Session of the National People's Congress of China, as published in *Current Background*.

NOTES - Chapter 8 - The Cadre

3

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No. 470, July 26, 1957, by the American Consulate General,
Hong Kong.

5. "Their [Communists'] primary allegiance was to a revolutionary faith and a vision of man and his material destiny which was given political force by international Communism, of which the American Communist Party and the Russian Communist Party (and hence the Soviet Government, which is only an administrative apparatus of the Russian Communist Party) are component sections." Chambers, *Witness*, p. 33.

6. "Adhérer au parti communiste, [c'est] faire le choix d'une destinée... Dans l'adhesion au parti, il y a ce que Paul Nizan appelle la 'coincidence d'une politique et d'un destin.' De sorte que rompre avec le parti, ce n'est point seulement changer d'étiquette et de classement politiques, c'est recommencer à reconstruire sur de nouveaux plans le monde et soi-même:" Rossi, *Physiologie du Parti Communiste Francais*, p. 338.

7. "The Communist who suffers this singular experience then says to himself: 'What is happening to me? I must be sick.' If he does not instantly stifle that scrap of soul, he is lost. If he admits it for a moment, he had admitted that there is something greater than Reason, greater than the logic of mind, of politics, of history, of economics, which

logic of mind, of politics, of history, of economics, which
there is something greater than reason, greater than the
heart. If he admits it for a moment, he had admitted that
if he does not instantly stifle that scrap of soul, he is
sade to himself: 'What is happening to me? I must be sick.'
7. 'The Communist who suffers this singular experience then

Brassaire, p. 338.

moude et soi-même." Rose, *Physiologie du Bart* (Communiste c'est recommencer à reconstruire au de nonveux blane le seufement changer d'étiquette et de classement politiques, deçain'. De sorte que tombe avec le bart', ce n'est point Nizan abdelle is 'conscience d'une politique at d'un destin... Dans l'adreton au bart', il y a ce que le bau
8. "Admetter au bart communique, [c'est] faire le choix d'une section." Champers, *Witness*, p. 33.

tive assemblage of the Greatan Communist Party) are component (and hence the Soviet Government, which is only an administrative the American Communist Party and the Greatan Communist Party given political force by international Communism, of which faith and a vision of man and his material destiny which was

2. "Their [Communists'] primary allegiance was to a revolutionary Hong Kong.

No. 410, July 20, 1951, by the American Communist Central

M012 - Chapter 8 - The Cadre

3

[lc]

NOTES - Chapter 8 - The Cadre

5

[LC]

Russian Revolution, after the known atrocities, the purges, the revelations, the jolting zigzags of Communist politics, there is only a handful of ex-Communists in the whole world. By ex-Communists I do not mean those who break with Communism over differences of strategy and tactics (like Trotsky) or organization (like Tito). Those are merely quarrels over a road map by people all of whom are in a hurry to get to the same place.

'Nor, by ex-Communists, do I mean those thousands who continually drift into the Communist Party and out again. The turnover is vast. These are the spiritual vagrants of our time whose traditional faith has been leached out in the bland climate of rationalism. They are looking for an intellectual night's lodging. They lack the character for Communist faith because they lack the character for any faith. So they drop away, though Communism keeps its hold on them.'

"By an ex-Communist, I mean a man who knew clearly why he became a Communist, who served Communism devotedly and knew why he served it, who broke with Communism unconditionally and knew why he broke with it. Of these there are very few -- an index of the power of the vision and the power of the crisis." Chambers, *Witness*, p. 12

the criteria." Chambers, *Witness*, p. 15.

few -- an index of the power of the viceroy and the power of
only and knew why he broke with it. Of these there are very
knew why he served it, who broke with Communist uncondition-
he because a Communist, who served Communists devotedly and
"By an ex-Communist, I mean a man who knew clearly why
so they grow away, though Communists keep it hold on them.
Communist faith because they lack the character for any faith.
intellectual rights a logging. They lack the character for
the bland climate of rationalism. They are looking for an
our time whose traditional faith has been reached out in
The turnover is vast. These are the spiritual vagrancy of
continually drift into the Communist party and out again.

"Nor, by ex-Communists, do I mean those thousands who
same place.

road map by people all of whom are in a hurry to get to the
organization (like Tito). Those are merely quarrels over a
over differences of strategy and tactics (like Trotzky) or
By ex-Communists I do not mean those who break with Commun-
there is only a handful of ex-Communists in the whole world.
the revelations, the jolting signage of Communist politics,
Russian Revolution, after the known atrocities, the burdens,

NOTES - Chapter 8 - The Cadre

3

[rd]

NOTES - Chapter 8 - The Cadre

6

[LC]

9. There are scattered indications, both in the memoirs of ex-Communists and in one or two novels, such as Manès Sperber's trilogy (The Burned Bramble; The Abyss; Journey without End), which tend to confirm my analysis and do not at any point contradict it. The only deeply analytical examination of the process as a whole of which I know, is in Whittaker Chamber's *Witness* (a part of which is reproduced in Notes 7 and 8 above), and that also confirms my conclusions.

in Notes 1 and 3 above), and that also confirms my conclusions.
in Whittaker Chamber's *Witness* (a part of which is reproduced
examination of the process as a whole of which I know, is
at any point contradicted is. The only deeply analytical
without Bug), which tend to confirm my analysis and do not
Sherper's trilogy (*The Burned Example*; *The Apothea: Journey
on-Communists* and in one or two novels, such as *Nance
9*. There are scattered indications, both in the memoirs of

NOTES - Chapter 8 - The Capre

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## 9. PARTY TRAINING SCHOOLS

The decisive factor in the moulding of the Communist is the impregnation of his consciousness with the set of concepts that make up the Communist world-view, the intellectual framework of the structure of Communist belief. The indoctrination of these concepts is a process which depends, as I have tried to show, not on formal instruction alone or even primarily, but on the sum of pressures which are continuously exerted upon the Communist at all stages of his development.

Formal instruction, however, although it is neither the sole nor the primary engine of transformation and training, has nevertheless a unique place in the training process and in the hierarchy of the sacred values of the Party. It is not primary, but it is in a sense ultimate in the Party's myth of the odyssey of the Communist. For it is in the inner schools of the Party that the experience of the developing Communist is brought to an incandescent summation. Or, to change the metaphor, the schools he attends at the several stages of his career represent each an initiation into a new level of responsibility and authority in the cadre.

### Rank-and-File Schools and Classes

It is with these cadre schools that this chapter is essentially

It is with these cadre schools that this chapter is essentially
**Bank-and-Tile Schools and Classes**

the cadre.

Initiation into a new level of responsibility and authority in
attends at the several stages of its career represent each an
cent summation. Or, to change the metaphor, the schools be
experience of the developing Communist is brought to an incandes-
Communist. For it is in the inner schools of the Party that the
in a sense ultimate in the Party's myth of the oyakay of the
of the sacred values of the Party. It is not primary, but it is
to these a unique place in the training process and in the hierarch-
ior the primary engine of transformation and training, has never-
formal instruction, however, although it is neither the sole
all stages of its development.

Braesens which are continuously exerted upon the Communist at
on formal instruction alone or even primarily, put on the sum of
concepts is a process which depends, as I have tried to show, not
of the structure of Communist peئة. The indoctrination of these
that make up the Communist world-view, the intellectual framework
the imbrregnation of his consciousness with the set of concepts
The decisive factor in the moulding of the Communist is

9. PARTLY TRAINING SCHOOLS

9-2

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concerned. But before discussing them, a word may be in order
about schools and classes for the rank and file. Something of
the aura that surrounds the cadre schools, the numinous attitude
towards them, spills over into the formal classes which are held
for rank-and-file Communists, and even into the more theoretical
courses conducted in "open" schools of the Workers School or Jef-
ferson School type, in especial when attendance there is placed
upon the Communist as a Party "assignment," a Party duty. The
content of these courses -- whether inner-Party or open --
parallels in general the content of the teaching of the cadre
schools; something of the methods of teaching of these schools is
followed, though in a much modulated manner; and the half-rationals,
half-mystical authority of the teacher in the cadre schools is
reflected with lower intensity in the teacher of every Party
course, whatever its level.

At the rank-and-file level, however, just as the pressure up-
on the Communist in his day-to-day activities is mild when com-
pared to the similar pressure upon the developing cadreman, so
the intensity of formal Communist schooling is a dim reflection
of the force that is brought to bear upon the initiate in the
cadre school. It is not only that his attendance at Party
classes is limited to an hour or two a week, or that the
authority of these classes is proportionate only to the degree

authority of these classes is proportionate only to the degree
classes is limited to an hour or two a week, or that the
cadre school. It is not only that his attendance at Party
of the force that is brought to bear upon the initiate in the
the intensity of formal Communist schooling is a dim reflection
bared to the similar pressure upon the developing cadreman, so
on the Communist in his day-to-day activities is wild when com-

At the rank-and-file level, however, just as the pressure ub-
course, whatever its level,

reflected with lower intensity in the teacher of every party
half-mystical authority of the teacher in the cadre schools is
followed, though in a much modulated manner; and the half-rational,
schools; something of the methods of teaching of these schools is
parallels in general the content of the teaching of the cadre
content of these courses -- whether inner-Party or open --

upon the Communist as a Party "assignment," a party duty. The
ferous School type, in especial when attendance there is placed
courses conducted in "open" schools of the Workers School or let-
tor rank-and-file Communists, and even into the more theoretical
towards them, skills over into the formal classes which are held
the aims that surround the cadre schools, the numinous attitude
about schools and classes for the rank and file. Something of
concerned. But before discussing them, a word may be in order

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9 - 3

[LC]

yet of impact that day-to-day Party pressure has ↑ been able to make upon his personality; more important, the essence of the cadre schools is applicable to the rank and filer only by analogue. These analogous effects, while of interest in themselves, are intrinsically irrelevant to the study of the moulding of the cadre Communist. Suffice it to say that to the degree that the intellectual ↑ personal pressure peculiar to the cadre schools can be borne by the rank and filer, classes for the rank and file are so conducted.

## The Cadre Schools

The tone, the function, the substance of the curriculum, the very methods of teaching, of Communist schools for the cadre are the same in all the Parties of which I have personal experience; and, varying only in their duration and in intensity, the schools are essentially similar at all stages of cadre training: distinct schools, regional schools, schools for special categories, national schools.¹ Further, my reading concerning Communist schools in other countries, as well as my knowledge of them from discussion with Communists from other Parties, indicates such a similarity throughout the world-wide Communist movement. Nor is this accidental. Quite apart from the international character of the Communist movement with its universal philosophical outlook and the constant and intimate contact between ↑ leaders of

look and the constant and intimate contact between leaders of
the
Communist movement with its universal scientific out-
this accidental. Quite apart from the international character
similarity throughout the world-wide Communist movement. Not is
discussion with Communists from other parties, indicates such a
schools in other countries, as well as my knowledge of them from
national schools. Further, my reading concerning Communist
pract schools, regional schools, schools for special categories,
are essentially similar at all stages of cadre training: de-
and, varying only in their duration and in intensity, the schools
the same in all the parties of which I have personal experience;
very methods of teaching, of Communist schools for the cadre are
The ones, the function, the aspect of the curriculum, the
cadre schools

so conducted.
be done by the rank and file, classes for the rank and file are
to be addressed to personal pressure beneficial to the cadre schools can
cadre communities. Suffice it to say that to the degree that the
intrinsically irrelevant to the study of the moulding of the
These analogous effects, while of interest in themselves, are
schools is applicable to the rank and file only by analogue.
upon his personality; more important, the essence of the cadre
of impact that daily-day party pressure has upon able to make
not

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the various Parties, the administration, content, and methods
of cadre training schools are directly modelled upon the inter-
national schools in the Soviet Union, which are the highest
schools of the cadres of all the Parties.

But these factors apart, it is not strange that there is a
similarity of structure and method throughout the system of Com-
munist training schools. The function of the schools derives
from the over-all process of moulding a Communist. The fundamental
principles upon which that moulding is based, therefore, determine
the characteristics of the schools. Specifically, these principles
are determinant: eradication of every vestige of non-Communist
beliefs and their replacement by the Marxist-Leninist ideology;
the psychological transformation of the person into the Communist
person; emphasis upon unity of theory and practice; the utiliza-
tion of pressure, intellectual and psychological, as the decisive
tool of training, and, in climax, the inculcation of a final and
absolute loyalty to the Party as the necessary and sacred agent
and executor of History.

The Party schools are in no way divorced from the whole
process of the moulding of the Communist. Rather, they occupy
in that process key points, nodes of intense development. Far
from being regarded as periods of retirement from "the class
struggle," from the constant pressing day-to-day existence of

struggle," from the constant pressing day-to-day existence of
from being regarded as periods of retirement from "the class
in that process key points, modes of intense development. Far
process of the moulding of the Communist. Rather, they occupy
the party schools are in no way divorced from the whole
and executor of History.

absolute loyalty to the Party as the necessary and sacred agent
tool of training, and, in climax, the incitement of a final and
tion of pressure, intellectual and psychological, as the decisive
person; embarks upon unity of theory and practice; the utilises
the psychological transformation of the person into the Communist
peoples and their replacement by the Marxist-Communist ideology;
are determinant: eradication of every vestige of non-Communist
the characteristics of the schools. Specifically, these principles
brinkles upon which that moulding is passed, therefore, determines
from the overall process of moulding a Communist. The fundamental
Communist training schools. The function of the schools derives
similarity of structure and method throughout the system of Com-
But these factors apart, it is not strange that there is a
schools of the cadres of all the Parties.

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9 - 5

the cadre Communist, they are conceived and organized to carry
that urgency of continuous commitment to an even higher level.

## Selection of Students

An index of the high significance of these schools is the
way in which students are selected for them. Whereas the details
of other aspects of education, agitation and propaganda, as of
almost all of the activities of the Party, are in their concrete
execution the responsibility of specific commissions and bureaus,
the selection of students for training schools is carried out
directly by the leading committees of the Party. That is, candi-
dates for a school are nominated by the leading committee of the
echelon just below that on which the school is to be conducted,
and the ratification of rejection of these nominations is the
direct responsibility of the leading committee of the echelon
at whose level the school is conducted. Students for an inter-
national school are selected by the Political Bureau of the
national Parties, and ratified by the international Communist
authorities; students for a national school are nominated by
District Bureaus and ratified by the Political Bureau of the
national Party; students for district schools are nominated by
Section Committees and ratified by the responsible District
Bureau.

Nor is this, at any echelon, a perfunctory operation. The

Nor is this, at any election, a hereditary operation. The
Bureau.

Section Committee and ratified by the responsible District
national Party; students for district schools are nominated by
District Bureaus and ratified by the Political Bureau of the
authorities; students for a national school are nominated by
national parties, and ratified by the International Communist
national school are selected by the Political Bureau of the
at whose level the school is conducted. Students for an inter-
direct responsibility of the leading committee of the election
and the ratification of these nominations is the
election just below that on which the school is to be conducted,
dates for a school are nominated by the leading committee of the
directly by the leading committees of the Party. That is, com-
the selection of students for training schools is carried out
execution the responsibility of specific commissions and bureaus,
almost all of the activities of the Party, are in their core of
of other aspects of education, agitation and propaganda, as of
way in which students are selected for them. Whereas the details
An index of the high significance of these schools is the
*Selection of Students*
that urgency of continuous commitment to an even higher level.
the cadre Communist, they are conceived and organized to carry

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9 - 6

natural tendency of leading committees, overwhelmed by multi-
farious responsibilities, to hold back their most capable and
a void
effective personnel (in order to preserve themselves from the
inevitable disruption arising from the removal of a key person
for a considerable period of time) is ruthlessly combatted. The
phrase is heard again and again in discussion of students for
Party schools: "We don't want those who can be spared; we want
those who can't be spared." Communists in key Party positions,
tested Communist operatives in activity in the external world,
those already rising in the cadre: this is the kind of student
demanded and secured for Party training schools.²

I have emphasized the element of continuity, of the schools
as a continuing aspect of the day-to-day processes of the training
of the cadre. But at the same time there is a sense in which the
schools also represent points of discontinuity, of jumps in the
development of the cadreman. Selection for them is always a
reward for achievement; successful absorption of their substance
and survival of *their* intensified process of psychological pressure
invariably leads to an increase of responsibility, a higher
position in the cadre.

## Function of the Schools

The schools are forcing beds. They are consciously organized
to achieve conditions in which the student will be artificially

to achieve conditions in which the student will be artificially
The schools are forcing peds. They are consciously organised
***Function of the Schools***

position in the cadre.

invariably leads to an increase of responsibility, a higher
and survival of some intensified process of bayabological pressure
reward for achievement; successful absorption of their attitude
development of the cadreman. Selection for them is always a
schools also represent points of discontinuity, of jumps in the
of the cadre. But at the same time there is a sense in which the
as a continuing aspect of the day-to-day processes of the training
I have emphasized the element of continuity, of the schools
demanded and secured for Party training schools.⁵

those already rising in the cadre: this is the kind of student
tested Communist operatives in activity in the external world,
those who can't be shared. "Communists in key Party positions,
Party schools: "We don't want those who can be shared; we want
phrase is heard again and again in discussion of students for
for a considerable period of time) is ruthlessly cut off. The
inevitable disruption arising from the removal of a key person
effective personnel (in order to pass through the
each of the various responsibilities, to hold back their most capable and
natural tendency of leading committees, overwhelmed by multi-

9 - 6

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