was a favor to both Sen. Strom Thurmond and the textile industry, whose respect Dent has earned as a leader in the fight for stiffer import restrictions. He is plainspoken about his distaste for big government and equally vocal in what a colleague terms his “deep personal regard, almost love” for Mr. Nixon. A transplanted Connecticut Yankee (and graduate of St. Paul's and Yale) who lost a leg in a bout with cancer, Dent is the new Cabinet's only Southerner.

■ Claude Brinegar, a California oil executive, was tapped for Secretary of Transportation: predecessor John Volpe, who had wanted to stay on for a while, will be bundled off as next Ambassador to Italy. Brinegar, 45, may bring less sympathy to the cause of mass transit that Volpe espoused. Two years ago, Brine-

were sacked in what Morton called a re appraisal of the Interior Department's role in conserving dwindling national resources. Two top officials of the Bureau of Indian Affairs were also discharged in the wake of the militant Indian occupa tion of BIA headquarters. At Justice, there was evidence that Kleindienst might not enjoy an entirely free hand: Deputy Attorney General Ralph Erickson and three assistant attorneys general were let go despite the eagerness to keep some of them on.

The most surprising departures—and the most carefully engineered—were those of Peterson from Commerce and Helms from the CIA (Helms's resignation has not been announced, but he will be forced to step down early next year). Both men are brilliant, popular in Wash-

Some loyalists stepped into new jobs. Donald Rumsfeld will leave the Cost of Living Council but was rewarded with the ambassadorship to NATO. One old face seemed slated for a surprising return; Harvard professor Daniel Patrick Moynihan, formerly a key domestic adviser of Mr. Nixon's, was reportedly selected as new ambassador to India.

The outcome of the week's maneuvering was a new Administration line-up that was industrious, reliable—and comfortably obscure. Independent politicians such as George Romney and John Volpe had been sidetracked; suspect quantities such as Peterson and Helms had been pared away. And Mr. Nixon prepared to ride into his second term with a matched gray team of mostly managerial experts who could be counted on to pull together in obedient harness.

gar's Union Oil Co. helped defeat a California referendum on subsidizing public transport with gasoline taxes.

■ James Lynn, Undersecretary of Commerce was promoted to Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. Lynn, 45, a bright and charming attorney from Cleveland, distinguished himself last summer in helping to hammer out the Soviet trade agreement. He confesses he has no knowledge of housing beyond “owning a couple,” but he shares the President’s suspicion of bureaucracy. “You know,” Lynn says, “damn near everything the government does could be done better by private industry.”

■ Cabinet incumbents Earl Butz of Agriculture, Richard Kleindienst of Justice and Rogers Morton of Interior were all reappointed to their jobs, but the purge decimated the second echelons of both Interior and Justice. Three assistant secretaries, the National Park Service Director and the Commissioner of Reclamation

ington's social and journalistic circles (a distinct black mark in the White House view), and favorites of Henry Kissinger —whose massive publicity of late has kindled resentments within the President's staff.

Peterson, who handled the delicate Russian trade agreements this year had wanted a policymaking job in international economic and trade policy. But this trod uncomfortably close to the toes of Presidential aide Peter Flanigan, and, besides, Peterson was a close friend of Illinois's liberal GOP Sen. Charles Percy, whose Presidential ambitions are suspect around the White House. After a false leak alleging friction between Peterson and Treasury Secretary George Shultz, the new job evaporated.

Helms, besides being vulnerable as one of Washington's only top Democratic holdovers had miffed the White House by spending too much time on intelligence-gathering and too little on budget-cutting. He too was victimized by leaked word of his coming demise; Atomic Energy Commission chairman James Schlesinger is the current front runner as his replacement.

Housecleaning casualties: Helms of the CIA, Peterson of Commerce

## DEMOCRATS:

### Strauss Triumphant

The short, unhappy reign of McGovernism as the dominant force in the Democratic Party ended last week with the forced departure of its most prominent survivor, Jean Westwood, as national chairperson. Her shotgun retirement was achieved by a coalition of regulars, Southerners and trade-union agents, who began plotting it even before the disaster of Nov. 7 and executed it at the earliest possible opportunity—the first post-election meeting of the Democratic National Committee. Westwood was spared complete humiliation only by the fact that she was allowed to resign—a motion to fire her lost by five votes. The party's old guard otherwise had their way, ridding themselves of the last living symbol of the McGovern debacle—and seating one of their own, Robert Strauss of Texas, in her place.

That Westwood became a symbol was precisely her downfall. Her professional reputation after four months as party manager was low even among McGovernites—“She was in over her head from the beginning,” said one last week—but her real trouble was the simple fact that McGovern had chosen her. The coalition of Old Democrats who ultimately drove her out first got together over a luncheon of cold roast beef at Miami Beach's Fontainebleau Hotel the day before McGovern got the nomination and—anticipating the worst—began laying plans to recover control of the party. They huddled often through the fall, operating mainly out of Sen. Henry (Scoop) Jackson's Capitol offices, and by Election Day had already settled on a champion in Strauss, a millionaire Dallas lawyer who had done a brilliantly successful two-and-a-half-year tour as party treasurer.

Strauss had his own problems of political symbolism: he was identified as closely and as damagingly with his friends—notably his once-a-week lunch-eon companion John Connally of Democrats for Nixon—as Westwood was with

22

Newsweek

Roscoe Drummond

President, Kissinger Not
At Odds Despite Reports

WAS KISSINGER 'had' by Hanoi? Some are beginning to say so and are spreading the word that the President's chief security aide and negotiator is in disfavor.

The rumor can be squelched. Henry Kissinger is not on the way out. He and Mr. Nixon are not at odds. Their relationship remains close, cordial and trusted.

It is premature to conclude that Kissinger fumbled the Vietnam negotiations. He was misled into believing that having agreed to a cease-fire, working out the means of enforcing it would not be difficult.

What happens in the next stage of the talks will reveal whether the unexpected impasse is a Hanoi negotiating tactic or whether the Communists want no cease-fire if they can't have an unenforceable cease-fire.

NO TEARS for Secretary of State Rogers. For four years he has lived and worked in the shadow of Henry Kissinger who ran most of the nation's foreign policy from Nixon's elbow.

But Rogers is not weeping. Reason: History may have as great an accolade for him as for anything Kissinger may have achieved.

If he can climax his quiet diplomacy with a negotiated settlement in the Middle East, it will do as much for the peace of the world as the Vietnam settlement Kissinger hopes soon to get.

The President has given Rogers and his special Middle East assistant, Joseph Sisco, full mandate to bring about Israeli-Arab negotiations. It is Rogers' priority assignment and new initiatives will be forthcoming in 1973.

THE AMAZING 'recall' rate in U. S. prisons. You hear plenty about the recall rate in American industry: that is, the rate at which defective products have to be returned to the manufacturer. It's high and recalled automobiles are among the highest.

But the return of defective products is slight compared to the recall rate for the American prison system. The figure hovers around 65 per cent. At any given time, about two-thirds of the persons in prison have prior criminal records.

Chief Justice Warren Burger reports: "There is very little evidence that we have improved this situation in the past 30 or 40 years — indeed it has become worse with the passage of time."

EIGHTY-TWO new faces in Congress. That's an unusually high turnover — 13 new senators and 69 new representatives.

There will also be a high turnover in legislative influence. Among the casualties of last November are seven powerful committee chairmen, 10 ranking

minority members and seven other congressmen with at least 20 years' seniority each.

There are numerous reasons: illness, redistricting, resignation and defeat.

Public disenchantment with Congress undoubtedly contributed to the defeat of some incumbents. The Harris poll shows that over a six-year period the public's "positive rating" of Congress has dropped from 64 per cent to 26 per cent.

THREE STEPS to more East-West détente. They are already in the making:

1. All the European nations, plus Russia, the United States and Canada, are meeting in Helsinki on mutual security and co-operation.

2. NATO and Warsaw Pact countries are soon to meet to seek ways of reducing military forces in Central Europe.

3. The U. S.-Soviet nuclear arms talks are resuming in Geneva and will be in full sway early in 1973.

The momentum is clearly on the side of finding ways to live together a little more intelligently on a small planet.

AND A DISSIDENT note from Peking. The Chinese Communists don't like all this disarmament talk. They reject Moscow's proposals for an international nonaggression pact and a ban on the use of nuclear weapons.

per cent, but with sea-influences subtracted, the government said, this amounted one-tenth of a per cent de-

prices of services went four-tenths of one per cent, biggest one-month advance January. The bureau said rise was in the health in- dence area and due to a car annual adjustment.

The index rose to 126.6 of the base, meaning that it cost 6 to buy the same items cost $10 in 1967.

Looking at the figures more likely, the bureau said the in- crease of food prices in grocery stores was essentially un- aged. But the index cov- ing food bought away from the increased two-tenths of per cent, the smallest in six months.

Prices of new cars, which have been the subject of in- tive government action, rose potentially less than usual, giving the smallest gain for the year since 1957.

## Southland Weather

tary command said.

The flareup came amid reports Syria's ally, Egypt, is preparing to break the cease-fire to force the big powers to take action to end the Middle East deadlock.

Egyptian President Anwar Sadat has met twice this week with Gen. Ahmed Ismail, war minister and commander in chief.

Ismail returned from Kuwait where Arab defense and foreign ministers discussed plans for "unified action" against Israel. Arab commentators said the meeting was not successful.

But Beirut newspapers said that Egyptian MIGs in Syria were placed under Syrian command in anticipation of increased hostilities in the Golan Heights area. There also were reports of stepped up Soviet arms deliveries to Damascus.

First word of the new clash came from the Israeli side when the military command announced bombing of Syrian positions because of "intensified terrorist activity" in the past few days.

Israeli planes bombed and

flooded drive garages.

Floodwater several houses behind Ocean crossing the beach sand to four times her day.

Four heavy equipment k-morning patch sand dikes n-mile long. T-through the d-Glendale and spread sand a foot deep a-for a distance of seawater oceanfront four location

At the Silv-station, besi-of Channel floodwater outer beach foot-long asp-swirled and building, ser-of water ov-

The sea-Ocean Driv-avenues in Piru, Simi

Kissinger,
Nixon Named
Men of Year

NEW YORK (AP) — Time magazine announced Saturday that President Nixon and Henry A. Kissinger, his national security adviser, had been chosen as its “Men of the Year” for 1972.

Describing the pair as an “odd couple, an improbable partnership,” the magazine said they were selected for the annual “Man of the Year” because “they have been changing the shape of the world, accomplishing the most profound rearrangement of the earth’s political powers since the beginning of the cold war.”

The cover of Time's Jan. 1 issue shows the faces of Nixon and Kissinger carved in stone with the caption, "Triumph and Trial."

"The classical policy that Kissinger and Nixon are practicing derives from perceptions of national interest that have dictated successful foreign policy in Europe for 500 years," the magazine said.

Kissinger with Tho in Gif-sur-Yvette garden: Ending on a downbeat

UPI

Newsweek

Clouds Over Paris

Back in the heady days after World War II, when Ho Chi Minh was still an obscure revolutionary, the jitterbug set flocked to a villa in the Paris suburb of Gif-sur-Yvette called "The Big Lime Tree." Last week, with the war in Indo-china in its third bloody decade, that same, slightly seedy villa—now a retreat owned by the French Communist Party—hosted a party of a very different kind. Presidential adviser Henry Kissinger and North Vietnam's Le Duc Tho met there across a green-baize table on what was once a dance floor and tried for the 21st time in the past three years to negotiate a cease-fire. The meeting was billed as the last phase of the Paris peace talks—but after six days, it ended as just another painful interlude.

In a surprise announcement, the North Vietnamese revealed that Kissinger and Le Duc Tho had been unable to reach an agreement and that the talks were being suspended until Dec. 4 so that Washington and Hanoi could give their negotiators fresh instructions. Although that raised the specter that the cease-fire agreement hammered together so carefully last October might yet come unstuck, it seemed more likely that the talks had only been temporarily stymied. Still, it was a ticklish—and embarrassing—

moment for Kissinger, who had arrived at Orly Airport with a promise that a settlement was in the offing if the North Vietnamese would only cooperate. That promise conjured up memories of his Oct. 26 statement that only "six or seven concrete issues" separated the negotiators in Paris and that these could easily be resolved in three or four days. "Peace is at hand," Kissinger had said, but now he found himself facing the prospect of confronting the nation with yet another delay in the negotiations.

For Kissinger, whose global track record has been impressive until now, it was a considerable setback. A proud loner in a world of clubby bureaucrats, he could scarcely relish even temporary failure—much less the hint of a credibility gap. And while all the outward signs still pointed to an eventual cease-fire—if not by Christmas, then in the near future—the pace and pressure of the Paris imbroglio did get to him. "This is a very serious business," he told NEWSWEEK's White House correspondent Henry Hubbard. Then, with a cheerful, if slightly weary, smile of self-deprecation, he added: "You can't end a ten-year war more often than every ten years."

With that, Kissinger packed his briefcase and flew back to New York to con-

sult with President Nixon, breaking into what had been planned as a relaxed, Presidential weekend in New York. From the Waldorf-Astoria, the President announced that he would also meet this week with Nguyen Phu Duc, South Vietnam's own version of Henry Kissinger, who was on his way to the U.S. with a proposal for a summit meeting between Mr. Nixon and President Nguyen Van Thieu—the latest Saigon ploy to scuttle the draft peace agreement. As for Le Duc Tho, he withdrew to his delegation's Choisy-le-Roi headquarters to await instructions from Hanoi—and to choreograph a shrill public-relations campaign designed to lay the blame for the suspended talks on the U.S.

**Chase:** It was a disappointing end to a week that had begun with high hopes. Early in the week, Kissinger slipped out of the U.S. Embassy in Paris in an unmarked white Mercedes, eluded a crew of television cameramen who tailed his sedan in a Keystone Cops chase that reached near 100-mile-an-hour speeds and zipped into Gif-sur-Yvette to open the first day's talks with Le Duc Tho. After that session, the most optimistic members of the American team predicted confidently that a settlement could be reached by the middle of this week.

That optimistic outlook, however, was threatened from the start by storm clouds. In Saigon, President Thieu invariably insisted that Hanoi would have to agree in writing to withdraw all North Vietnamese troops from South Vietnam, extend the cease-fire to Laos and Cambodia, restore the 17th parallel as the line of demarcation between the two Vietnams and abandon the coalition aspects of the proposed National Council of Reconciliation before he would do business. Hanoi, for its part, was in no mood to compromise. "Finally the President himself began to have second thoughts," observed one Nixon watcher. "It turned out that he meant it when he said he would not hand over South Vietnam." And Kissinger himself conceded: "Each day when there's progress and you narrow the differences, the issues that remain are naturally the more difficult ones. The closer you get to the end, the tougher the going gets."

**Pledge:** For all that, reported NEWSWEEK's Paris bureau chief Edward Behr, Kissinger brought to the first negotiating session last week a proposal that took the North Vietnamese by surprise. While calling for mutual withdrawal by U.S. and North Vietnamese troops, he hinted that the U.S. could accept an "implicit"—unwritten—pledge by Hanoi to remove a significant number of troops. Then came the snapper: in return, Hanoi would have to agree to dilute the powers of the National Council for Reconciliation so that its Communist members could not operate on the village level.

That plan tossed a rather large bone

26

THE PERISCOPE

THE FUTURE OF SARGENT SHRIVER

R. Sargent Shriver may cross up the forecasts that he plans to seek a Senate seat from his native Maryland or try for the Democratic national chairmanship (page 28). Instead, he may copy his late brother-in-law Robert F. Kennedy and run for the Senate from New York, where he has long maintained a home and where his law firm has offices. Associates say he can count on support from New York labor leaders, concerned over the disarray among the state's Democratic leaders. Moreover, New York's GOP Sen. Jacob Javits, who will be 70 in 1974, can expect stiff conservative opposition if he seeks to run again.

THE DEMOCRATS REMEMBER

Would-be U.S. ambassadors who were major Nixon campaign contributors can expect a grilling about their gifts when they appear for hearings before the Democratic-ruled Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Nominees who demur on the ground that they gave before the campaign-disclosure law took effect last April could find their names blocked from consideration by the Senate.

EAST GERMANY AND THE ARABS

Besides more diplomatic recognition and U.N. membership, East Germany's newly won international status will involve additional military chores. Moscow has asked its East German ally to take on a substantial part of the training of Arab pilots, ground officers and noncoms, claiming Russian facilities are overtaxed.

SOLDIERS' PAY

A major fight is due in the next U.S. Congress over Defense Department plans to reshape the military pension system. With 900,000 people drawing pensions, costs this year will be $3.9 billion; next year, the bill will hit $5 billion and, in another generation, $21 billion. The Pentagon would like to offset some of this with Social Security and lump-sum payments to those leaving service before retirement age. Veterans' groups can be expected to fight all such ideas.

UNCLE SAM'S BAHAMIAN LANDLORD

The Pentagon is bracing for demands from Bahamas Prime Minister Lynden O. Pindling for higher rents for U.S. facilities on the island chain. (They include a Coast Guard station, an Air Force missile test range, an underwater research station and Navy installations.) Pindling,

who solidified his political position in a recent landslide election, needs more funds, partly to replace those lost as non-Bahamian businesses leave. The departures, many by firms dependent on skilled help, are prompted by the Nassau government's restrictive labor and immigration policies, designed to force hiring of more Bahamians.

BOOST FROM BARRY

Oddsmakers in the Senate cloakroom now are hunching that Attorney General Richard Kleindienst will win his battle to stay in the Nixon Cabinet. One reason is the unswerving support of Arizona's GOP Sen. Barry Goldwater, who had Kleindienst as a key aide during his 1964 Presidential bid. Goldwater, one of Mr. Nixon's stoutest champions in the Senate and on the campaign trail, was the only member of that body to visit the President during the President's recent "reorganization retreat" at Camp David, Md.

BOBBY FISCHER'S NEXT

World chess champion Bobby Fischer is squaring off for a non-title match early next year against a 20-year-old Brazilian, Henrique Mecking, for a pot that could reach $200,000. Mecking, Brazil's champion when he was 13, has played Fischer twice. The 29-year-old American won one match; the other was a draw. The most like-ly site: São Paulo, Brazil.

TUG OF WAR IN LIBYA

A behind-the-scenes battle is raging within Libya's governing revolutionary council over the country's plan to unite with Egypt. One faction, pressing for speedy union, is headed by Libya's President, Col. Muammar Kaddafi. The other, led by the Premier, Maj. Abdel Salaam Jallud, wants a go-slow policy and the Kaddafi group is charging it with sabotaging the proposed union.

SENATOR KENNEDY AND THE INDIANS

Sen. Edward Kennedy is quietly setting up another major investigation to keep the White House in the spotlight of Congressional scrutiny next year. With his Judiciary Subcommittee staff already digging into the Watergate bugging affair, Kennedy also plans a weeks-long look at the American Indian's problems. The hearings, to start after the Inauguration, will focus on the Administration's handling of the recent seizure and near-destruction of the Washington headquarters of the Bureau of Indian Affairs by militant Indians.

Newsweek, December 4, 1972

25

to Thieu, but Tho appeared at the second session the next day with a tough counterproposal. He demanded the resignation of Thieu and the release of all political prisoners held by the South Vietnamese—thus, in effect, making the release of American POW's contingent on two steps Thieu could scarcely be expected to accept. Tho also refused to alter the aims and composition of the Council of Reconciliation.

The debate on this sore point continued at the third and fourth sessions. Finally, in the course of a six-hour meeting on Thursday, Tho, reportedly raising his voice to a shout for the first time in three years of negotiations, told Kissinger: "The Oct. 31 deadline is past, the election is over, and, from our point of view, the war can indeed continue. Do you want to negotiate or not?"

**Blast:** The shout at first seemed to be a negotiating ploy; Kissinger and Tho were subsequently seen strolling in the garden outside the villa and smiling broadly for the television crews. But the next day the North Vietnamese followed up with a public blast accusing the United States of openly stepping up the war while putting forth "unjustifiable pretexts" for delaying the draft agreement. Kissinger quickly held an informal, off-the-record meeting with Tho in Choisy-le-Roi, scheduled a final meeting with him for Saturday and enlisted French Foreign Minister Maurice Schumann to shoot down rumors that the talks had reached an impasse.

That, quite clearly, was not yet the case; it was significant that a precise date had been set for the resumption of the talks before Kissinger left Paris. But there was no particular reason to think that when Kissinger returns to Paris, Le Duc Tho will be any more sympathetic to the current U.S. proposals than he was last week. Thus, the pressure was on Washington—and on Henry Kissinger—to come up with something new or face still further prolongation of a war the U.S. clearly wanted to end.

With Mrs. Cushing: Time out

December 4, 1972

## BACKSTAGE AT THE PEACE TALKS

For the photographers who dogged their every step, Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho were all smiles. But NEWSWEEK'S White House correspondent Henry Hubbard got a glimpse behind the scenes and found the atmosphere of the talks fraught with tension. His report:

The scene inside the hilltop villa in the Paris suburb of Gif-sur-Yvette looked like a union-management negotiating session. The opposing teams faced off across a long, rectangular table withstenographers at either end. The draft of the contract was a 30-page document enclosed in a black loose-leaf notebook resting directly in front of Henry Kissinger, who sat across the green-felt-covered table from Le Duc Tho. Their exchanges ranged from long, philosophical discourses to sharp give and take. "It was tortuous," one of the participants sighed after a particularly long session.

Despite the reported acrimony of some of the exchanges, most of the talk turned on detail. New proposals were typed up at the U.S. Embassy and translated word by word at each session. "We can't improvise language at the table," one of the negotiators told me. Every time a point was changed, Kissinger made a handwritten correction in his own copy of the draft agreement. Other aides turned up each day with newly retyped copies incorporating the changes, but Kissinger toted the original version with its ever-increasing load of marginalia. "I have to be able to see where we've been," he told aides.

**Jaunts:** Tea materialized at the side of the negotiators whenever any session stretched to several hours. The North Vietnamese also catered lunch for the Americans. The two teams dined separately—usually on a combination of French and Vietnamese dishes. Chicken, beef and *banh phong tom*—a Vietnamese appetizer of shrimp dipped in batter, fried and eaten with the fingers—were the usual fare. Breaks for a bit of fresh air were also a regular feature of the negotiations. Both Kissinger and Le Duc Tho seemed to thrive on a head-clearing spin up and down the walk alongside the house. During one of these jaunts—recorded by photographers with telescopic lenses—Tho raised his finger to make a point. "Don't point your finger at me," Kissinger quipped. "They will think you are lecturing me." Replied Tho: "I always point when I am about to smile."

After each negotiating session, a memo on the results was flashed to President Nixon. While the memo was in transit, Kissinger himself briefed the President's chief of staff, H.R. Haldeman, by telephone, telling him how long the day's

Kissinger arrives at the villa

meeting had lasted and what the mood had been. The next day, Kissinger received in return a short 200- to 400-word memo of instructions from the President. One morning last week, he was carrying the daily orders in the inside pocket of his suit jacket by breakfast time.

The U.S. team's working day ran a full eighteen hours at the very least. Kissinger rose at 7 a.m. each day, took a turn through the American Embassy garden and held his first business meeting about an hour later at breakfast with his closest aides: Gen. Alexander Haig, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State William Sullivan and Vietnam experts John Negroponte and Winston Lord. Three secretaries who accompanied the team to Paris typed the day's memos and new draft proposals after the breakfast meeting. Following the negotiations themselves, Kissinger invariably briefed the South Vietnamese, a delicate session that never ran less than an hour and a half. After that meeting, Kissinger, Haig and Sullivan huddled again to prepare for the next day's talks.

Kissinger usually managed to take a couple of hours off each evening. That gave him time last week for a truncated, one-hour Thanksgiving dinner with old friends from his Harvard days, Henry and Jan Cushing, and a stroll or two through the deserted streets of Paris after midnight. But there was no time for the celebrated Kissinger romping. The President's envoy did pick up an unexpected time bonus, though, when the location of the negotiations at Gif-sur-Yvette was discovered by reporters. On the first day of the talks, when he was still trying to keep their exact site a secret, it took Kissinger nearly three-quarters of an hour to reach the villa in a discreet white sedan driven by an Air Force colonel. After his hideaway was discovered, he rode in a black Embassy Cadillac with an escort of four motorcycle police to ram him through the traffic—and the trip took only twenty minutes.

Jill Krements

Wally McNamee—Newsweek

Wally McNamee—Newsweek

UPI

The chairpersonages: Westwood, Shriver, Strauss, Mitchell, O'Brien

Democrats: How to Succeed

George McGovern promised bravely that he would not allow her to become "a scapegoat," but her fate was sealed by the Nixon landslide. Four months after being installed at McGovern's behest as the Democratic National Committee chairperson, Jean Westwood went home to Utah from Washington last week, leaving behind a mounting clamor for her resignation from almost every segment of the party. For the moment, she refused to haul down the banner—her parting statement said only that she would base her decision "on what is best for the Democratic Party"—but insiders reckoned that she would resign before the first post-election meeting of the DNC next week.

Getting her resignation was a matter of awkward necessity for those party regulars who are bent on purging her and so somehow expunging the bitter aftertaste of the McGovern misadventure. Her status is not included on the agenda of the upcoming Democratic National Committee meeting and if she were to follow through on her original promise to "fight like hell" to hold the job, she could make things sticky even now. But last week McGovern hinted that he would have "no quarrel" with any of a half-dozen possible successors to Westwood if she chose to step down, and one of the senator's senior campaign aides acknowledged that the McGovernites would welcome "a graceful exit for Mrs. Westwood and a triumphant entry of someone else reasonably acceptable to everybody." Westwood herself put out a statement that read almost like a curtain speech, placing party reform ahead of her own future and one of her people conceded that their real aim now "is to make sure that no Neanderthal gets in."

Westwood's departure would set up the DNC for something very like an instant symbolic replay of last spring's

battle for the nomination—and while the centrists are in a better position now, they may still have to accommodate the McGovernites in settling the succession. McGovern, despite his electoral disgrace, retains a powerful influence in the DNC. Though McGovern is willing to let Westwood go, his aides made clear that he would not tolerate any essential rollback by the DNC of the party's reformed delegate-selection procedures—a McGovern contribution that infuriated the party's old pros almost as much as his "radicalism." Nevertheless, the mood for compromise is stronger now than it was in July, as a rundown of the leading candidates for chairman indicates:

* **Robert Strauss**, a longtime party regular and former party treasurer. He earned the gratitude of Democratic leaders by reducing the Democrats' enormous continuing debt by $3 million before the start of the campaign. But his backing comes mainly from labor chieftain George Meany and the AFL-CIO's Committee on Political Education—not to mention Alabama Gov. George Wallace—and he has longtime political ties with John Connally, head of Democrats for Nixon. Strauss personally backed McGovern during the campaign, but he may well be carrying too many turncoats on his back to stand a real shot at the job.

* **Lawrence F. O'Brien**, twice before head of the DNC and a skillful and respected political pro with lines to all the party's centrist factions. Though O'Brien has kept a low profile, a high-powered group of backers—including six national committees and four state chairmen—sent out an all-points "mailgram" last week urging O'Brien's election. The old Kennedy capo is out of favor with both Meany and the Westwoodites, but he may be the best (some say only) consensus candidate and insiders reported last week that his support was building rapidly.

* **George Mitchell**, a Portland, Maine,

lawyer, former state chairman and deputy campaign coordinator of Sen. Edmund Muskie's Presidential bid. Mitchell became an instant favorite for the DNC job when McGovern put him at the top of last week's list of acceptable candidates. He also has longtime personal ties to Al Barkan, Meany's top political lieutenant. Substantively, Mitchell is known to favor modification of the quota system that seems built into the party's reformed delegate-selection procedures—a prime requisite for anyone hoping to appeal to party centrists.

* **Sargent Shriver** impressed many Democrats, some against their will, with his broad appeal and rally-round-the-flagboys energy as McGovern's running mate. If the DNC leadership required a super-salesman right now, Shriver might stand a good chance despite his wispy power base, but most Democrats seem to feel that the party needs a backstage smoothie—and one without so many close political claims on him.

Several other prominent Democrats are also in the race for the job, however coyly or illusorily. McGovern's list of acceptables includes not only Mitchell and Shriver but Charles Manatt, California state chairman and a regular who nevertheless pitched in for McGovern, and Joseph Crangle, the ambitious New York state chairman. But Crangle is accused of botching his last campaign in New York—he turned down a deal with the Republicans for two New York State judships and wound up winning none—and his star is below the horizon.

Despite the untidy scramble to succeed her, Westwood holds one last bargaining chip: she can refuse to resign unless the votes line up for a face-saving replacement, presumably Mitchell. But nothing she does is likely to earn her thanks from the party, if only because she presided, however guiltlessly, over the loss of millions of Democratic voters to Richard Nixon. "She could have been Joan of Arc the last four months," said one insider, "and she still wouldn't stand a chance of survival."

28

Newsweek

Kissinger
Delays Flight

(Continued from Page 1)

ditions it must be with discretion
and without any official com-
ment, it being understood that
when the right moment has come,
the facts can be known."

One effect of the mounting
tension here was to take con-
siderable attention away from
Democratic presidential candi-
date George McGovern's Vietnam
peace plan, announced last night.
That President Nixon and Mr.
Kissinger might wish to do that
was understandable, but the
North Vietnamese reasons were
less clear. French correspondents
wrote from Washington that Sen.
McGovern definitely had been
upstaged.

The state of negotiations can
be gauged only from what the
Communists have been stressing
during the weekly public talks. In
recent sessions, their main de-
mands have been about the future
government of South Vietnam.
They have been focusing on the
type of provisional government to
be set up (they want a tripartite
regime), the kind of elections to
be held and the nature of the
constitution to be drawn up.

It is highly likely that these
details are the substance of the
secret talks. Tomorrow the week-
ly round of public talks will go
on as scheduled.

Contents

'This Is My
Battle Station'
36

With Henry Kissinger at
the Paris peace talks

See Larry Run!
Run, Backs, Run!
58

Larry Brown leads a host of NFL running
backs toward their best year ever

After the Presidency
68

A second excerpt from Margaret Truman's
biography of her father

The Law Takes Five
Sons Away from Home
91

An Iowa family is torn apart "for the good of the kids"

Unlovely Lookalikes
98

Some extraordinary movie doubles lose
World War II all over again

Rope Art—a New Form
86

DEPARTMENTS

<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>BEAT OF LIFE</td>
      <td>6</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>THE PRESIDENCY</td>
      <td>12</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>REVIEWS</td>
      <td>20-28</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>21 YEARS AGO IN 'LIFE'</td>
      <td>32</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>LETTERS TO THE EDITORS</td>
      <td>35</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>EDITORIALS</td>
      <td>44</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>CONSUMER WATCH</td>
      <td>66</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

LIFE

Editors' Note

A book about Dad
that Mother likes

Margaret Truman has appeared often in the pages of LIFE, sometimes distinctly in the shadow of her famous father, sometimes in her own right. But she had never been here as an author until she decided to write a book called *Harry S. Truman*, the second installment of which begins on page 68 this week. To hear her talk, tackling an ex-President and a father as a biographical subject was no great strain at all.

"The only stumbling block was my own laziness," she says. "If I'd had to sit down and write it all out, forget it. But I

used tape. I could talk forever." The 581-page book took her two years to research and write, but the enormous task was considerably facilitated by her access to the archives of the Truman Library in Independence, Mo., where they set aside a special room for her to work in. "The oral histories of the men who worked under my father brought back a wealth of detail. Of course I was there for most of it, but I wasn't always listening!"

Imbued with her father's sense of history and having been a history major in college, Miss Truman (she signs her maiden name to the book) feels that she was able to keep a dispassionate view of the events and people she describes. Her greatest concern was not how to deal gently with her father, but that what she wrote should be accurate.

Margaret's husband is Clifton Daniel, an associate editor of the *New York Times*, but he wasn't called in to do any blue-penciling. "He stayed *way* away from it," she says. "He knew it was my baby and he wasn't going to interfere. Of course when I asked him a specific question about whether to take something out or leave it in, he would tell me." Their four sons, aged 6 to 15, showed only a passing interest in their mother's latest endeavor, pausing to flip through and examine the pictures and putting it down again.

The person who seems to have enjoyed the whole project most is Margaret's mother, Bess Truman. "Mother has read the book three times," says Margaret, "and she corrected some of my bad spelling in the early parts. She likes it. She says it brings back a lot of nice memories."

RALPH GRAVES, Managing Editor

Margaret Truman

© 1972 TIME INC. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. REPRODUCTION IN WHOLE OR IN PART WITHOUT PERMISSION IS PROHIBITED.

December 1, 1972

Volume 73, Number 22

LIFE is published weekly except two issues yearly combining two issues in one by Time Inc., 541 N. Fairbanks Court, Chicago, Illinois 60611, principal office Rockefeller Center, New York, N.Y. 10020. James R. Shepley, President, Richard B. McKough, Treasurer. Charles B. Bear, Secretary. Second-class postage paid at Chicago, Ill., and all additional mailing offices. Authorized as second-class mail by the Post Office Department at Ottawa, Canada and for payment of postage in cash. U.S. subscriptions $10.00 a year. Canadian subscriptions $12.00 a year. All other countries $20.00. LIFE assumes no responsibility for loss of or damage to unsolicited articles, photographs or art. Readers who submit editorial materials should enclose a self-addressed return envelope with proper postage.

3

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KISSINGER IN PARIS

# 'This is my battle station'

An unlikely nerve center, this vast bedroom in the U.S. ambassador's elegant mansion on the Faubourg St. Honoré in Paris. But as presidential aide Henry Kissinger said, "This is my battle station." Here, supported by ceaseless staff work and discussion, Kissinger was working out final details of a peace settlement in Vietnam. Negotiating sessions with Vietnam's Le Duc Tho took place in secrecy in a villa 15 miles from Paris. Yet this bedroom is where Kissinger went when the talking ended, armed with bulging briefcase, staff reports and cables from Washington and Saigon. "Most of the real work is done here," he said last week. "This is where it all happens."

Since August 1969 he had come to Paris 20 times in secret to discuss peace with Hanoi. This time he came openly, as if to emphasize the conclusive nature of the journey. Talks began immediately. Inside his headquarters, activity was intense. LIFE photographer Harry Benson, who took the exclusive pictures on these four pages, sensed a feeling of relief and joviality. It seemed likely, as Kissinger had suggested five weeks ago, that peace was indeed "at hand"—in the splendid bedroom on the Faubourg St. Honoré and on the cratered battlefields of Southeast Asia.

In a huge bedroom in the U.S. ambassador's residence in Paris, Henry Kissinger shucks his jacket (right), then studies documents dealing with the Vietnam peace.

LETTERS TO THE EDITORS

PRISONERS

Sirs: "When Johnny Comes Marching Home Again—or Doesn't" (Nov. 10) presents our dilemma in such a forceful but feeling way. The timeliness of your article cannot be overestimated. At a time when there seems to be a possibility of peace, our apprehensions about exactly who will come home and what we will face in the readjustment of those who come home are greatly magnified. The prospect of actually achieving what we have worked so long and hard for is frightening. It is important for the American people to realize what our problems will be.

MRS. PAUL E. GALANTI
Washington, D.C.

Sirs: As an ex-POW, I am extremely concerned with the treatment to be given these men on their return. On a recent nationwide tour I visited the Center for POW Studies at San Diego, and I know that every effort is being made to insure complete care for the men. Their problems may not manifest themselves for years. But their files will be so complete that the source of trouble can be traced and remedied, which was not the case for World War II and Korean POWs. The POW Center staff is dedicated to finding solutions before the men and their families are overwhelmed by the problems.

HAROLD L. PAGE
National Commander
American Ex-Prisoners of War, Inc.
Buckley, Wash.

Sirs: This article has a special meaning to me because as I turned to page 37 I got the greatest surprise. There was a picture of Mr. Sgt. Arthur Cormier taking Communion. You see, I wear his bracelet and I wasn't even sure that he was still alive.

CATHY SOADY
Harbor City, Calif.

Sirs: I've got a very special request. One of the wives in your story is Louise Mulligan. Her husband, U.S. Navy Capt. James Mulligan, March 20, 1966, is the man on my POW bracelet. I will be 13 soon and my best birthday present ever would be to let Mrs. Mulligan know that the captain is always in my prayers. Even my whole class prays for him and the other POWs.

MADELYN LIVOTI
The Bronx, N.Y.

► LIFE is forwarding those letters which readers wished to be sent to the families

of particular prisoners and missing servicemen. Other letters for forwarding may be addressed to the National League of Families of American Prisoners and Missing in Southeast Asia, 1608 K St., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20006.—ED.

MASSILLON

Sirs: The picture you present to the nation of Massillon is grossly unfair ("No Bells for Peace," Nov. 10).

You state that "what seems like a whole generation has grown up and gone to work in the steel mills..." The economy of our city is greatly dependent on the steel mills and many, including my husband, are employed in them. Your inference is that all our young people go from high school into the steel mills. Many of our children go on into medicine and law and other professions which benefit humanity as much as making steel, which is of basic importance to America.

Of the boys who died in Vietnam, I knew three; I assure you they are not forgotten. Massillon has given up 13 of its young men to a war popularly considered immoral and unjust. Of that number many, if not all, undoubtedly went against conscience and will, but it was their patriotic duty. Their patriotic duty ended in death: a death despised and deplored but deeply felt by their families, friends and hopefully by all Americans. To say that they, "the real cost of the war," are forgotten by the people of Massillon is grossly untrue.

MRS. WILLIAM H. BROWN
Massillon, Ohio

AFRICAN ANIMALS

Sirs: I'm afraid that LIFE has erred in "Hard Life in a Dry Country," Nov. 10. The springbok look like Thomson's gazelles, and what you refer to as gemsbok sure look to be oryx—definitely!

LEONARD H. STONE
Waukegan, Ill.

► Springbok indeed "look like" Thomson's gazelles, but of the two species only springbok have white faces. A gemsbok is a type of oryx, the largest and most handsomely marked of all oryx, and the only one of the species living in the Kalahari area.—ED.

TV REVIEW

Sirs: Cyclops's review of the BBC Masterpiece Theatre program ("Again Your Best Bette Is the BBC," Nov. 10)

asks the unfair question, "Why doesn't American television produce such addresses?" [as Margaret Tyzack and Glenda Jackson]. British television doesn't produce such actress either. The majority of them are stars in their own right on the British stage, and the only fair comparison would be with women of the caliber of, say, Colleen Dewhurst or Geraldine Page.

SHEILA DE SIMONE
New York, N.Y.

ROYAL FAMILY

Sirs: Surely women's lib hasn't pervaded that bastion of male supremacy, the British royal family. In the caption alongside your portrait of the queen's relatives listing her children in "direct line of succession to the throne," you placed Princess Anne ahead of Prince Edward!

RICHARD P. DONOHOE
Sherman, Conn.

► The order given in LIFE's caption was not intended to indicate order of succession to the throne, but simply to help the reader locate each of the queen's children in the group picture. Princess Anne is, of course, fourth in line of succession, following her brothers.—ED.

Top to bottom: Prince Charles and Prince Andrew, Princess Anne, cousins Marina and Helen and Prince Edward.

GEORGE III AND FAMILY

Sirs: Our seventh grade is studying English history and our assignment was to research the living royal family tree. What a surprise to come home from school to find you had done my homework for me. My teacher asked whose portraits were on the wall behind the queen and her family; now I'm stuck.

NINA SANSONETTI

Cheshire, Conn.

► They are King George III and his wife, Queen Charlotte, during whose reign the American Revolution took place.—ED.

DATING GAME

Sirs: I am appalled by the tasteless, tactless questions asked on game shows. I hope that by reading "How I Won Bruce, Ruth and Acapulco" (Nov. 10) more people will be turned off.

MRS. E. KAVANAGH
Berea, Ohio

Sirs: I also once tried out for *The Dating Game*, but unfortunately I was one of "the uglies." I agree the average respondent's IQ is equivalent to a cranberry, so where does that leave your author? All she does is complain. She'd probably sue the company if she had an accident, or her date attacked her.

DANA BLUE
Santa Ana, Calif.

Sirs: Ms. Fayard's article made my day. My daughter, who is black, beautiful, 23, single, speaks fluent French, majors in psychology and whose hob-by is painting (she just sold two of her works), was rejected by the Game as a candidate. She missed nothing.

CECELIA PAULIE
Brooklyn, N.Y.

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