Mr. Nixon's Metternich

DESIGNATION by President Nixon of Henry Kissinger as the next secretary of state for America will place the workings of U.S. foreign policy in the hands of a proven and daring diplomat.

Actually Mr. Kissinger will have little more executive power than before, but he will have the entire State Department at his beck and call.

NO SECRETARY of state since John Foster Dulles in the Eisenhower administration has been given as much latitude as Mr. Nixon has given to Mr. Kissinger.

Not only will he head the diplomatic corps, he will continue as the President's adviser on national security affairs.

MR. DULLES initially had a similar assignment, but he eventually turned over national security matters to aides, preferring to concentrate on State Department matters.

Mr. Kissinger already has proven himself to be a diligent diplomat and negotiator. Witness the Vietnam conferences in Paris and groundwork laid for the President's historic trips to mainland China and Russia last year.

WHILE THE Kissinger nomination remains subject to approval by the Senate, the candidate already has chalked high marks in Congress.

Congressional committees long have sought closer dealings with the White House regarding the foreign policy process. Mr. Kissinger, being at the heart of this vital segment of government, should gain easy approval.

CONGRESS was not too happy with William Rogers, who has resigned to make room for the Kissinger nomination.

Mr. Rogers, accepted as an able administrator in the State Depart-

ment, nevertheless remained an arm's length away from foreign policy matters because of the President's frequent enchantment with not only foreign policy but with Mr. Kissinger.

TOO, IT MUST be conceded that Mr. Rogers lacked expertise in the conceptual aspects of international diplomacy.

This is Mr. Kissinger's trump card. He revels in the future rather than in the present. He can be fascinating in his professorial expoundments on the aims and historical settings for a viable foreign policy.

In this context, he confesses his ideal is Prince Klemens Von Metternich, an early 19th century diplomat.

AS AUSTRIA'S leading foreign policy planner, Prince Metternich was able to keep his country out of trouble and high on the list of respected European nations by pitting weaknesses of various other countries against themselves.

The Metternich formula was to guide the balance of power among the various nation-states. Thus he was able to keep Austria out of trouble by negotiating treaties with Russia which effectively turned Moscow's belligerent attention toward Prussia.

MR. KISSINGER has displayed this same strategy in his search for detente with not only Russia but with the latter's chief problem mainland China.

As President Nixon's Metternich, Mr. Kissinger has ascended to a high plateau at a time of significant change on the world scene.

He will need all the brilliance his devotees attach to his performance thus far.

A 2 Akron Beacon Journal

Friday, August 24, 1973

# Burglary An FBI 'Tool' For Years, Ex-Officials Say

*Continued From Page A-1*

security burglaries in the past two administrations were "quite well known."

NIXON CALLED the Ellsberg break-in illegal and "unauthorized as far as I was concerned." But a reporter noted that in 1970 the President had authorized an intelligence plan which would have authorized illegal acts, including burglaries. Testimony before the Senate Watergate committee indicated the plan

Nixon's comment that they knew of no "burglarizing" when they were in office.

WILLIAM W. TURNER of San Francisco, an ex-agent and the only former FBI man interviewed who agreed to be identified, said that during his time in the FBI (1951 to 1961), "Burglary was a common investigative technique."

Turner, a long-time critic of Hoover's administration of the FBI said, "I

Sooey! Sooey!

Allen Walker, 15, of Cambridge, Iowa, gives his version of calling hogs at the Iowa State Fair in Des Moines. Allen, who won the boys' hog-calling contest, says he's had plenty of practice on his parents' farm. — (P)

Leftist Purge Said

# Open Policy Is Promised

*Continued From Page A-1*

phisticated policy that is harder to understand.

FOR EXAMPLE, he said, the government has trouble explaining why it must maintain a strong military defense at the same time it is negotiating arms control treaties with Russia. Old friends in Europe and Japan are baffled as the U. S. makes new friends out of old enemies in Moscow and Peking.

Furthermore, Kissinger said, the Watergate controversy has created divisions at home that cause foreigners to question the "steadiness" of the U. S. government and the "degree of authority possessed by its leaders."

"There is no question that if the divisions in the country grow too deep, the conduct of foreign policy will be affected," he said. "It is our intention to emphasize those aspects of foreign policy on which most Americans agree ... if that is done, the effect of Watergate can be minimized."

ON OTHER matters, Kissinger made these points: He has already talked by telephone to all members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and key members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. He promised to answer questions about his policies fully at his confirmation hearing before the Senate committee.

As Secretary of State he will "welcome the opportunity to testify regularly about the purposes and policies of the administration." He will in-

voke executive privilege and refuse to testify only about his private conversations with the President. "It is essential that the Congress understand what we are trying to do."

The date of the President's trip to Europe will be decided

after a European foreign minister meeting next month.

Nixon canceled his plan to visit Latin America this Fall "because he was preoccupied with domestic matters."

Kissinger has no plans to change U. S. relations with

Cuba, but "the matter will have to be studied."

He denied Prince Norodom Sihanouk's assertion that Nixon was lying when he said Sihanouk did not object to the secret bombing of Cambodia. Kissinger insisted Sihanouk never protested B-52 bombing raids over border territory occupied by North Vietnamese Communist. He protested only when tactical fighter-bombers raided areas further inland where there were Cambodians.

Asked if he could handle Mideast affairs because of Arab objections to his Jewish heritage, Kissinger said, "I will conduct the foreign policy of the United States, regardless of religious and national heritage."

## Skylab Pair Take Walk In Space

SPACE CENTER, Houston (P)—Two Skylab 2 astronauts stepped outside their orbiting space station today to change solar telescope film and install a new "six pack" of gyroscopes to keep their ship on an even keel.

Bundled in bulky spacesuits attached to 60-foot lifefilms, Dr. Owen K. Garriott and Jack R. Lousma exited the laboratory at 12:24 p. m. 270 miles above the Atlantic Ocean.

SKYLAB'S 2'S commander, Alan L. Bean, remained inside, ready to control the spacecraft on the remote chance something went wrong during the gyroscope installation. The gyros keep the vehicle from tumbling out of control.

Just before the pair went out, capsule communicator Bruce McCandless told them jokingly: "On the way out don't forget to turn off the lights and air conditioning and to close the door."

Because of the orbital path of the space station today, they were to be out of radio contact for long periods during the walk, sometimes more than an hour.

"It's pretty much your show up there with the station activity today," McCandless told them.

## Meat Truck Cargo Stolen

GOFFSTOWN, N. H. (P) — A truck loaded with 12,000 pounds of meat was stolen from a Bedford company and when found in a gravel pit, two-thirds of the cargo was missing.

The truck disappeared Thursday morning from the loading dock of the Foster Beef Co. and was found Thursday night, police said.

Police said apparently most of the load of beef, pork, lamb, veal and hot dogs valued at $10,000 wholesale and $12,500 retail was transferred to another truck.

## A Rose Is A Rose ...

Washington Post Service

SAN CLEMENTE — Henry Kissinger, who enjoys joking about his own immodest ego, had this closing exchange with newsmen Thursday:

Q. Technical question: Do you prefer to be called Mr. Secretary or Dr. Secretary?

A. I don't stand on protocol. If you just call me Excellency, it will be OK.

## Hair-Length Issue Serious

NEW YORK (P)—The right of an individual outside the armed forces to wear his hair at any length has been termed a "substantial constitutional issue" by the U. S. Court of Appeals.

The three-judge panel ruled unanimously that an order by the Suffolk County Police Department regulating the length of policemen's hair was open to challenge in a Federal court.

The appeals court reversed the dismissal by Judge Jacob Mishler in U. S. District Court in Brooklyn of a suit brought by the county Patrolmen's Benevolent Association challenging the personal appearance edict.

## BEACON JOURNAL SERVICE NUMBERS

If you need to talk with someone at the Beacon Journal about delivery service, dial:

375-8140

This vital number was omitted in the white pages of the newest Bell Telephone directory.

To insure prompt service, please call

AUGUST

THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION

*For 105 Years the South's Standard Newspaper*

JACK TARVER, President

REG MURPHY, Editor

PAGE 4-A, FRIDAY, AUGUST 24, 1973

*New Secretary*

If there are two men whose records of achievement are clear and solid and praiseworthy in the first four years and seven months of President Richard Nixon's tenure in the White House, they are these: Secretary of State William P. Rogers and national security adviser Henry A. Kissinger.

These two men have been the prime movers in shaping the Nixon administration foreign policy, the one area beyond any other where there is general agreement on the successes of the administration.

This week the President announced that Rogers, the only member of his original cabinet remaining in his original post, will resign to return to private law practice.

Nixon has nominated Kissinger to succeed Rogers as Secretary of State.

Washington pundits suggest that this amounts to making Kissinger Secretary of State in name, as well as in fact. There is truth in that in one way, but it is a bit unfair.

It is true that the brilliant bold moves were often carried out by Kissinger, as the President's personal representative on missions to India, Russia, and China. Kissinger has earned general approval for his skill at negotiations, his intelligence, his sense of history. But it is also true that Rogers in a much more low key, less dramatic way has been involved in the

Vietnam settlement, the Middle East, and literally in all the complex foreign policy considerations affecting this nation and the countries of the world. He has done a good job.

The nomination of Henry Kissinger now goes to the U.S. Senate for confirmation and will be taken up after the congressional recess ends September 5. Kissinger is so eminently qualified that he should be approved without difficulty. We hope the U.S. Senate will act swiftly on his confirmation.

# Mr. Secretary Kissinger

Birmingham News 8/24/73

Dr. Henry Kissinger has been the President's foreign policy right arm throughout the Nixon administration. Therefore, it was totally expected that Kissinger would fill the vacancy at the State Department created by the resignation of William P. Rogers - which also had been expected.

It is to be hoped that Kissinger as secretary of state will be able to heal the divisions among government officials created by his high profile in foreign affairs while at the White House.

Noteworthy also is the amount of power Kissinger will wield, being chairman of the National Security Council as well as secretary of state.

Rogers has served the President loyally, although not as forcefully or as charismatically as has Kissinger. It has been known for some time that Rogers had intended to serve only the first four years and that he had remained at the insistence of the

President, as Mr. Nixon pointed out in his press conference.

No changes in foreign policy may be expected by the change of assignments, particularly since Kissinger already had considerable clout in formulating policy while in the White House. The change could, however, elevate the State Department to a new high under Mr. Nixon and possibly might recharge the reportedly low morale of the department that resulted from having a relatively low-key boss, as Rogers was.

Interestingly, Kissinger was, of course, born in a foreign country. This may be the first time in the history of the nation that a foreign-born person has risen to such heights of power in the U. S.

Where else but in America could a fun-loving German scholar-playboy be chosen for such momentous work? Except, of course, in Germany.

Kissinger at State

By reason of his Intelligence, talent, temperament and proven record, Henry A. Kissinger is more than qualified to become the nation's 54th secretary of state. Prompt confirmation by the Senate is therefore in order. But in the confirmation hearings, the Foreign Relations Committee can perform a significant public service by examining Kissinger on several issues that he himself may wish to discuss.

President Nixon said Kissinger will retain his White House title of national security adviser. The advantage of this arrangement is that it will endow both Kissinger and State with added prestige and authority with which to build the "structure of peace in the world" that Mr. Nixon stressed in his Wednesday press conference. For the first time in at least 4½ years, the 12,000 talented but demoralized State Department employees will be directly supervised by someone who is calling the shots. That is sure to lift morale

and efficiency. The danger of Kissinger's retention of a White House title has been demonstrated. In the past, he has refused to meet formally in Senate inquiries, citing the title in so refusing. Unless this area of possible conflict is removed, the nomination may be in trouble.

Kissinger's necessary preoccupation with big-power diplomacy has meant the public knows relatively little of his thinking concerning the smaller and developing nations in Latin America, South America, Africa and elsewhere. A discussion of his view on world trade, the European community and the United Nations also would be helpful. We also are interested in hearing Kissinger fully describe his involvement in the bugging of his own aides in the National Security Council.

These are important issues, not insurmountable problems. We look forward to a knowledgeable and articulate exposition of them.

2

The Soviet MIRV

The Soviet tests of multiple warheads for strategic missiles comes as no surprise, but that is scant reason for comfort. The development was completely predictable when the strategic arms agreements were signed, which made the agreements a most dubious bargain for the United States. The present need is to apply the lessons to the new round of arms talks now in progress.

In the bargain that emerged from SALT-I, the United States relied heavily on its lead in multiple warheads, or MIRV, to offset the numerical and missile-size advantages the arms agreement granted the Soviets. But with MIRV not controlled by the agreements, the Soviets would be allowed to overcome our advantages while we are prohibited from overcoming their advantages during the five-year "interim agreement" on offensive weapons.

The Soviet missile force can lift a total weight about four times as large as the American missile force can. Because we have MIRV already deployed, we presently lead in warhead numbers. But with MIRV on both sides, the throw-weight advantage means that the Soviet force will in effect be four times as large as the American one. The type of weapons the Soviets are developing, moreover, are suited to a first strike wiping out our land-based missiles. The fact that they would want such a force is in itself disturbing.

Now, this does not mean the world will end tomorrow, as Defense Secretary James R. Schlesinger made clear in announcing detection of the Soviet tests. He estimated it will be two years before the Soviets begin deploying MIRV, and that it will be 1979 before they match us in warhead numbers. If SALT-II produces no further agreements by then, the interim agreements limiting offensive weapons will expire.

With the long lead-times in strategic weapons, the American response needs to be planned now, but to many Americans the whole question seems academic. Many analysts believe, though few of them are willing to say so out loud, that it does not matter if the United States falls into a significantly inferior position in strategic weapons. A few of our weapons would always get through, they reason, and nuclear warheads are so destructive

even the threat of a few (even one, in one notable presentation) will be sufficient to deter the Soviet leaders from exploiting even a large lead in weapons numbers. And more broadly, the Cold War is over, after all, isn't it?

These arguments are not assertions about the technicalities of nuclear weapons, but assertions about the psychology of present and future Soviet leaders. While Stalin's type of Cold War is gone, it is by no means clear that no Soviet leader would be tempted to exploit local military strength under cover of nuclear superiority. A few warheads would deter a Soviet leader from using his nuclear superiority only if he is sufficiently rational and truly in control of events, a description that fits few of the national leaders who started history's many wars.

The best hint of the Soviet leaders' psychology is their current weapons development program. While Mr. Schlesinger said he was not surprised by the MIRV tests, he is surprised by the breadth of their total program. They have four separate new intercontinental missiles under development, for example, plus a new submarine-launched missile. If they think nuclear preponderance is irrelevant, why do they need all those new weapons?

The chief American strategic programs, the Trident submarine and B-1 bomber, are favorite targets of those in Congress who want to curb the Pentagon. Yet it's clear that the chief influence on SALT-I was not weapons in place, in which the Americans led, but weapons under development, in which the Soviets held the lead confirmed by the agreement.

It is argued that we should not speed development of our strategic programs merely as a "bargaining chip," but the truly relevant question is what kind of world is assumed in strategic planning, one with SALT agreements or without them. We can always cut back if SALT-II succeeds, but lead times would make it hard to speed up if we do not have programs under way if it fails.

The prudent thing is to prepare for the eventuality that the interim agreements will expire and we will have to deal with the aggressive Soviet development program now under way. If we plan our strategic programs on that basis, they will be bargaining chip enough.

Kissinger Goal: to Clear the Air

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Aug. 23—
Henry A. Kissinger moved
quickly today to make known
his hope that the final years of
the Nixon Administration would
be marked by an open foreign
policy that would produce less
friction with Congress, more
information for the American
people and some meaningful

work for the State

News

Department. The

Analysis

designated was

clearly trying to
give substance to

President Nixon's appeal yesterday to put the Watergate scandal aside and concentrate on the "business of the people." It is questionable whether the mood of the country will support Mr. Kissinger's call for bipartisan unity in foreign affairs, which, he said, "transcends any particular administration."

But in his news conference
today at San Clemente, Calif.,
Mr. Kissinger certainly seemed
determined to try to use his
own prestige as the intellectual
catalyst of the Administration
to restore confidence in the
Government and prevent serious
erosion of America's image
abroad.

After consulting with Mr.
Nixon earlier today, Mr. Kiss-
inger was like a peace-maker,
issuing promises, seeking to
create a new atmosphere in
Washington.

‘Partnership’ With Congress

To Congress, instead of the
bitter disputes of the past over
Indochina, which Mr. Nixon re-
vived as recently as Monday in
New Orleans, Mr. Kissinger of-
fered "a new and full partner-
ship" to insure that Congress
be involved in the making of
foreign policy as well as the
approval of it.

To the public and the press,
Mr. Kissinger avoided any po-
lemics and promised instead an
open-door policy at the new
State Department, asserting
that we have an obligation to
explain our philosophy and pur-
poses."

And finally, to the State De-
partment's foreign-service offi-
cers, a group of talented men
whose ability was often scorned
at the White House, Mr. Kissin-
ger promised plenty of work
and a large share of the for-
eign-policy load.

In nominating Mr. Kissinger,
his adviser on national security,

to replace William P. Rogers
as Secretary of State, Mr. Nixon
has granted the former Harvard
professor more individual power
than any official has been given
since John Foster Dulles ran
President Dwight D. Eisen-
hower's foreign policy.

Emphasis on a Tune-Up

Hours after the nomination
became known, State Depart-
ment officials and others in the
foreign-policy Establishment in
Washington were speculating on
how Mr. Kissinger would handle
this new, dual responsibility. If
confirmed by the Senate—some
thing that is widely expected—
confirmed by the Senate—some
Mr. Kissinger will have the
sluggish State Department bu-
reaucracy of 12,000, to direct,
along with his own sleek, tailor-
made 120-man National Security
Council staff.

Details have not been worked
out, but Mr. Kissinger indicated
today that he did not plan any
major overhaul in the foreign-
policy machinery. Rather, he
placed emphasis on tuning up
and getting more mileage out
of the old-fashioned department.

Mr. Kissinger referred to the
foreign-service officers as
"great professionals." He
seemed like a football coach
when he urged them to see a
lot of their wives now because
after his confirmation, they will
be too busy. His words were
meant to relieve anxiety at
Foggy Bottom, where some of-
officials were not sure whether
Mr. Kissinger's new job meant
new opportunities or another
purge.

Two Sets of Problems

He indicated at the news
conference today that he would
keep two offices — his West
Wing office at the White House
and the spacious seventh-floor
suite at the State Department.
He will probably start his day
at the White House, conferring
with the President and the Na-
tional Security Council staff,
before riding the five blocks
to the department to deal with
the day-to-day problems of run-
ning the world's largest foreign
office.

The problems of the head of
the National Security Council
and the Secretary of State are
not the same.

The council chief is usually
concerned with the more heady
matters of foreign affairs. A
major crisis must be coordin-
ated among key agencies a
Presidential speech drafted, a

secret negotiation planned and
executed.

The Secretary of State, on
the other hand, must deal with
a dozen mundane problems for
every interesting one. Position
papers for coffee conferences
must be approved, instructions
issued to new ambassadors,
Boy Scouts greeted, prime min-
isters of small countries en-
tertained and business men
listened to.

Some officials at the State
Department have wondered
aloud whether Mr. Kissinger,
with his dynamic mind and in-
cisive intellect, can stand the
regular fare of the department.
Mr. Kissinger certainly in-
dicated today that he intended
to be an energetic Secretary of
State in his relations with Con-
gress, the public, the press, and
within the bureaucracy as well.

No More a Middle Man

This, in turn, has raised fresh
questions about Mr. Kissinger's
role in the Administration. As
head of the National Security
Council he was a sort of middle
man when the State Depart-
ment and Pentagon, for in-
stance, had a dispute over mili-
tary aid or some other matter.
He could take the issue to the
President for decision or some-
times act himself for the Pres-
ident.

But what will happen now
if Secretary of State Kissinger
gets into a dispute over policy
with Secretary of Defense
James R. Schlesinger?

Does Mr. Kissinger put on
his other hat and make a deci-
sion whose objectivity might be
questioned or does the matter
go to someone else in the
White House for settlement?

If Mr. Kissinger continues to
make decisions for the Presi-
dent, his presence would ap-
pear to give the State Depart-
ment added prestige and im-
portance, but if he cannot, this
would seem to weaken his own
role as the Presidential adviser
for national security.

Mr. Kissinger will probably
need some time to work out a
coherent policy to handle the
problems that will arise in his
new assignment. One official
predicted today that it would
take Mr. Kissinger about six
months to answer all the ques-
tions now being raised in
Washington, a city where style
has often seemed more impor-
tant than substance.

GIVE SUMMER TO A CHILD.
THE FRESH AIR FUND.

New York Times
August 24, 1973

FEATURES COLUMNISTS

WASHINGTON STAR-NEWS 24 AUGUST 1973 (26)

SMITH HEMPSTONE

Red MIRVs, SALT II and Epitaphs

The successful flight test
ing by the Soviet Union
of independently target
ed multiple warheads
(MIRVs) on their huge
intercontinental missiles
means that the agreement
arising from the first round
of Strategic Arms Limita-
tion Talks (SALT) is not
worth the paper it's written
on.

In the first SALT accord,
signed in Moscow in May of
last year, the United States
agreed to freeze the number
of rockets allowed to each
country at a level numeri-
cally unfavorable to our-
selves—1,710 to 2,358. The
rationale behind this was
that the MIRVing capabili-
ty, which the U.S. had and
Russia did not, gave the
U.S. a 2-1 edge in the num-
ber of warheads.

SALT I outlawed quanti-
tative increases in the num-
ber of rockets but permitted
qualitative improvements.
With the Russians now theo-
retically capable of attach-
ing at least six one-megaton
warheads to each of their
giant SSX-18 missiles, and
four to the smaller SSX-17,
the United States, accord-
ing to Defense Secretary
James R Schlesinger, could
be in a state of nuclear infre-
quality by the early 1980s.

With a greatly modern-
ized and expanded Soviet
fleet already in a position to
challenge the West for con-
trol of the high seas—and
the U.S. Army's volunteer
concept showing every sign
of failure—this shifting of
the nuclear balance of ter-
ror in Russia's favor is, to
say the least, disquieting.

In the seven-point accord on basic principles signed in Washington by President Nixon and Soviet Commu-nist Party Boss Leonid I. Brezhnev on June 21, it was agreed that in the field of nuclear weaponry "efforts to obtain unilateral advan-tage, directly or indirectly, would be inconsistent" with the improvement of rela-tions between the two coun-tries.

Does the Russian MIRV
testing amount to an effort
to "obtain unilateral advan-
tage"? That depends on
how you look at it. Clearly,
the United States expected
a Russian effort to obtain a
MIRV capability Equally

clearly the balance of nu-
clear terror will not be up-
set unless and until the
Russian rockets actually
are fitted with MIRVs.

The problem is that
MIRVs, in contrast to rock-
ets, are virtually impossible
to detect by spy-satellites.
And Russian resistance to
on-site inspection of her
nuclear facilities is just as
rigid now as it was a decade
ago. This means that, what-
ever the Kremlin may agree
to at SALT II, the prudent
assumption has to be that
the Russians are MIRVing
their intercontinental ballis-
tic missiles.

The most sanguine Ameri-
can strategists work on the
presumption that, no matter
how great a numerical ad-
vantage the Soviets may
have or develop in terms of
warheads, a surprise attack
by either side can be ruled
out because of the relative
invulnerability of nuclear
submarines and the lack of
anti-ballistic missile defen-
ses around population cen-
ters. Under this theory, nei-
ther side would attack the
other because it would face
the sure prospect of sustain-
ing heavy civilian losses in
a retaliatory second strike.

But would heavy civilian
losses be as unthinkable to
the Russians, who sustained
more than 20 million casual-
ties in World War II, as they
are to ourselves, particular-
ly if it assured the global
hegemony of the Soviet
Union and the final triumph
of Marxism? And what
happens if the Russians
develop missiles capable of
seeking out and destroying
our nuclear submarines and
"hardened" underground
missile silos?

Nobody in his right mind
wants to see the nuclear
arms race accelerated.
Both the Soviet Union and
the United States desperate-
ly need for social programs
the billions of dollars which
go into nuclear hardware.
And the growing sophistica-
tion of nuclear weaponry
increases the chances that
some nut in the Kremlin—or
the White House—may de-
cide to use it.

The happy solution would
be for the Russians, having

(CONTINUED NEXT PAGE)

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

25 AUGUST 1973

Kissinger's
nuclear
challenge

Soviet advances call
for new U.S. policy

By Dana Adams Schmidt

Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Washington

One of the most urgent challenges awaiting Secretary of State-designate Henry A. Kissinger is adjusting U.S. nuclear policy to a new climate of international uncertainty.

Until now, the U.S. strategy at
arms-control talks has been to bal-
ance the technical superiority of its
own weaponry against the Soviet
advantages in numbers and mass.

With the Russians successfully test-
ing multiple, independently targeted
warheads for their long-range mis-
siles, however, that balance is begin-
ning to be eliminated.

If the Russians go ahead and equip
their missiles with MIRVs (as the
multiple warheads are known) — and
if they manage to obtain a submarine
MIRV deterrent equal to the Amer-
ican Poseidon and Polaris fleets —
then the Russians will bargain from a
standpoint of virtually equal technical
sophistication.

Careful study required

The implications of this mean de-
tailed and painstaking study here,
since it is believed the Russians will
be at the point of equipping their land-
based missiles around 1975.

One implication already apparent is
an increase of doubt among U.S. allies
in Western Europe at the actual
effectiveness of the American nuclear
"umbrella" there.

From European capitals, the State-
Department is getting word that
NATO confidence in the American
"umbrella" is at a new low ebb. Many
in Europe had always doubted that
the United States would ever defend
Europe against Russia at the risk of
starting a nuclear war in which
American cities would be endan-
gered.

(CONTINUED NEXT PAGE)

1-F

EDITORIALS

NORFOLK VIRGINIAN-PILOT 22 August 1973 (3 Sept)

Cambodia: Copping Out

President Nixon remains unwilling to 'fess up on Watergate. All the bad things were done by nameless, overzealous subordinates who were acting, apparently, in a vacuum. Mr. Nixon knew nothing personally, or such is the official version.

But if the buck stops short of the President's desk on Watergate, he is willing to accept the blame for the bombing of Cambodia.

He acknowledged for the first time Monday in his New Orleans speech to the Veterans of Foreign Wars that he had not only ordered the air attacks, he had approved covering them ip.

The bombing was necessary to protect American lives, Mr. Nixon said, since the enemy was sheltering within the Cambodian sanctuaries.

"The Communists had made a mockery of the neutrality of those border regions," the President said. "The United States was under no moral obligation to respect the sham.

"Had we announced the air strikes, the Cambodian government would have been compelled to protest; the bombing would have had to stop; and American

soldiers would have paid for the disclosure with their lives."

Mr. Nixon does not regret the decision, though the Administration went to great pains to cover up the covering-up of the bombing, as it did to cover up the covering-up of Watergate.

"If American soldiers in the field today were similarly threatened, and if the price of peace protecting these soldiers was to order air strikes to save American lives I would make the same decision that I made in February 1969."

And not just the lives of American soldiers, but the peace of our children's future and the peace of the world were at stake....

"The stakes are high," the President told the VFW. "We could cop out as many suggested in the Senate and House and the press. We could cop out, but if we do, our children will live in a very dangerous world."

That is the trouble with Mr. Nixon's speechmaking style. He begins by defending or explaining and the defense or explanation seems to end with Mr. Nixon standing bravely against those anonymous, tireless tempters who

would lead him astray, who urge him to "cop out," to take the easy and the popular way. Fortunately, he never fails us. He has the courage to follow the hard path. He won't let them take away his children's puppydog or our children's future.

About the bombing of Cambodia, now. The air attacks on the Cambodia sanctuaries were justified in military terms, and perhaps it could be said that it was desirable in diplomatic terms to keep them officially secret. That is, to keep them secret from the American people, since the Cambodians and the North Vietnamese were aware of the attacks—more than 100,000 tons of bombs dropped on the Cambodian targets in 3,620 sorties within a period of 14 months, we are now told.

But once the Cambodian operation became an open one—and Mr. Nixon sought to justify the American incursion into Cambodia in May 1970 in much the same terms that he used this week—it becomes harder to justify the continuing deception by officialdom, save in the sense they that they didn't want to be caught lying. Again.

What got the United States into such trouble in Vietnam is that the American government was constantly doing things that it pretended it wasn't. That is how we got into the war and that is why we couldn't get out of the war for years.

But the national security of the United States is not now at stake in South Vietnam, and never was. After nearly a decade of fighting in Indochina, after dropping twice the tonnage of bombs there that we dropped in the entire Second World War, after thousands of lives have been lost and billions of dollars have been squandered, where do we find ourselves? There is neither peace nor honor in Indochina, The United States is divided, spent, and war-weary. And Mr. Nixon is still talking of "copping out"—who's he kidding?

NEW ORLEANS TIMES-PICAYUNE

21 August 1973 (3 Sept)

President Asks Rally to Peace

President Nixon's address to the Veterans of Foreign Wars convention here did not break new ground so much as it vigorously tamped down old ground to make firmer, surer footing.

His subjects were peace and unity in defensive vigilance, subjects on which he could hang comments on the end of U.S. action in Cambodia — the final stoppage of "our" war in Indochina — his war policy critics, the foreign policy aims and achievements of his administration and a plea for pulling together for world leadership to peace.

Mr. Nixon dealt firmly with the Cambodian issue, defending U.S. action there and in Vietnam and swiping at those who criticized it and demanded "bugging out" of Indochina. He did not, as some expected, take the opportunity to specifically warn the Communists off of the Indochinese states or hint at any action he would take if they break present agreements.

His primary aim seemed to be to

counter the trend in some quarters toward a new isolationism to be expressed by reduced overall defense expenditures and reduced U.S. arms and troop levels abroad and to be powered by a public disaffection, due in large part to simple exhaustion, with politics, national or international.

His blueprint for a "structure of peace," a lengthy process of negotiations requiring several presidential administrations and many Congresses, seems to us the kind of idea the country can confidently rally to. It is a grand strategy that should not be upset by domestic stresses but judged on its obvious merits according to the clear evidence of its possibility and great promise of its potential.

The President's most telling point here, we think, was that if we don't take the lead toward building peace no one will, and future generations of Americans will have to deal with the consequences.

WALL STREET JOURNAL

4 September 1973 (3)

The Coast Guard halted dangerous firefighting tactics aimed at a burning freighter in the Mississippi River after it learned that a highly toxic chemical believed aboard the vessel hadn't been loaded. Officials had evacuated a small town and dropped tons of a fire extinguisher on the blaze, believing that the fire could turn the chemical tetraethyl lead into poisonous gas. The guardsmen said the danger of an explosion from another chemical aboard the ship, calcium carbide, still existed, but was diminishing as the fire burnt itself out.

1-E

EDITORIALS

WALL STREET JOURNAL - 24 AUGUST 1973

Kissinger at State

It was fortunate that President Nixon coupled his long-expected announcement of the change at State Department with a televised press conference, even though not one query went to him on the significance of William Rogers' displacement as Secretary of State by Henry Kissinger. In submitting to sharp, often hostile questioning on Watergate, questions that reflected a genuine public frustration at his unyielding stance on those issues, Mr. Nixon vented a good bit of the toxin that has indiscriminately diminished his entire administration, Mr. Kissinger as well.

At the same time, the change at State seems to have broken through the hard crust of inertia that has formed in Washington since April, if only by compelling the public, through the news media, to focus once again on Mr. Kissinger. In so doing, we are compelled to realize the astonishing pace of change in the world since Jan. 20, 1969 and the unmistakable accomplishments of the Nixon-Kissinger team in exploiting the opportunities they saw in the world on their arrival.

As for Watergate itself, we sense Mr. Nixon still does not quite grasp the quality of public displeasure, that he believes it has been solely engineered by his critics. The matter is still before the courts and may erupt again. Yet the provocative idea of Mr. Kissinger as Secretary of State, dealing openly with his global counterparts, the diplomatic corps, and Capitol Hill, evokes a fresh sense of momentum that the world will welcome.

Ironically, Mr. Nixon's bitterest critics at home have throughout his presidency been admiring of Mr. Kissinger, and it is convenient for some to now imply that the end of the Vietnam war, the detente and arms agreement

with the Russians, and the opening to China are mainly attributable to his talents and philosophic bent. But in getting from there to here, Mr. Kissinger enjoyed the rare comfort of having the President serve as his lightning rod.

It fell to Mr. Nixon to drag congressional and press critics of their global strategy every inch of the way toward goals universally agreed upon. By these lights, it was Mr. Kissinger who wanted arms control, Mr. Nixon who wanted the ABM; Mr. Kissinger who wanted to end Vietnam, Mr. Nixon who wanted to invade Cambodia, bomb Hanoi and mine Haiphong harbor; Mr. Kissinger who wanted peace with Peking, Mr. Nixon who dragged his feet over the issue of Taiwan. President Eisenhower and John Foster Dulles would have thought this an odd arrangement indeed.

It is an arrangement that will necessarily end with Mr. Kissinger the Secretary of State, for he must now carry the traditional burdens of that office in defending his own strategies and those of the President before Congress. But happily, at the outset at least, the kinds of dirty jobs and agonizing decisions that Mr. Nixon faced seriatim in his first term seem only remote possibilities in the years just ahead. At the moment the problem is not war but inflation, serious enough but clearly a lesser evil.

Then too, with the Vietnam war ended and Moscow and Peking mollied, the Nixon-Kissinger strategy for building a "structure of peace" is well along. We will have to wait to see whether the President's news conference marks the end of the worst about Watergate, but if so, Mr. Kissinger's move to State may be the first sign that the government will get moving again.

BIRMINGHAM (ALA.) NEWS

6 AUGUST 1973 (24)

The Trident And Defense

With Russian naval power now greater than that of the United States and significantly growing greater at a faster pace, the Senate committee recommendation that $385 million be cut from the Trident Missile and submarine request simply doesn't make sense.

The Trident cut was the largest of some $2.5 billion the committee recommends be cut from the $22 billion military procurement request.

Defense Secretary James R. Schlesinger has objected strongly, charging that the committee was trying to dismantle the defense establishment. He called committee actions "postwar follies" based on "illusion."

Taxpayers are most sympathetic with efforts to cut government spending with a view to reducing inflationary pressures, but not at the expense of deliberately enlarging the military power gap between the United States and the Soviet Union.

The Navy has testified that the cut in the Trident would result in a two year delay — from 1978 to 1980 — in the production of the new submarines.

It is to be hoped that the full Senate will take a harder look at the cost in the balance of power between the Soviets and the United States before it accepts the committee's recommendation.

WASHINGTON POST

24 AUGUST 1973

Two secretaries
of state

The replacement of William P. Rogers with Henry A. Kissinger as secretary of state is no surprise and signals no great change in policy. Ever since the beginning of his administration, President Nixon has himself actively made foreign policy and has chosen Mr. Kissinger as his principal adviser and instrument in foreign affairs. For Mr. Kissinger to become nominally the administration's principal official in foreign affairs is eminently appropriate. He has long been that in actuality. The continuity of his role was underscored by the President's announcement that Mr. Kissinger retains his position as assistant to the President for national security affairs. His new office of secretary of state is an addition, not a substitution.

Mr. Rogers leaves public office entitled to the gratitude not only of the President but of the public. His role has been difficult and no doubt trying. The holding the title of such predecessors as Dean Acheson, John Foster Dulles, and Dean Rusk, Mr. Rogers has exerted no such influence as those men did. Accepting being overshadowed by Mr. Kissinger has been one of many friendly services to President Nixon, and the service of which the public has been most aware. There have been others. Sen. Mike Mansfield, the Democratic majority leader, was no doubt right in saying of Mr. Rogers, "He was a good secretary of state, not appreciated as much as he deserved." If he was not a great secretary of state, he had no chance to be.

Sen. Mansfield went on to say, "But Kissinger is a good replacement." Sen. George McGovern had kind words for both men, too: "Dr. Kissinger is highly able as was Secretary Rogers, and I hope he will devote his considerable talents fully to the pursuit of peace."

Virtually everyone's best wishes are with Mr. Rogers as he returns to private life and with Mr. Kissinger as he continues, in a cabinet position subject to Senate confirmation, his work as the administration's chief full time worker in foreign affairs.

WALL STREET JOURNAL 8/24/73

Cambodian troops recaptured three Communist-held positions on the outskirts of the provincial capital of Kompong Speu, 30 miles southwest of Phnom Penh. The military command reported that the situation was relatively calm in the region of Phnom Penh. In South Vietnam, officials said the Communists were continuing an ortar barrage against troops guarding Hue and tried to storm one of the outposts ringing the former imperial capital.

1-E

MINNEAPOLIS (MINN.) TRIBUNE - 11 AUG. 1973(24)

Objections to the volunteer army

The all-volunteer armed force seems to us an idea whose time should not have come. We take no satisfaction in noting the difficulties the armed services are having in making the no-draft system work. But the recruiting problems evident despite optimistic Defense Department statements do call attention to an issue in which manpower levels are only the most visible, not necessarily the most important, problems. Here are some of the others:

Costs are high and promise to go high. Compared with other services, the Army suffers a recruiting disadvantage. The goal itself is questionable: large standing forces unleavened by "citizen soldiers." Volunteer forces tend to draw heavily on certain groups in society and exempt others. Most subtle, and perhaps most serious, is the problem of accepting the concept of national service.

One gets a rough idea of the economic impact by comparing total defense budgets over the past few years with manpower levels. The budget figures have not changed dramatically. Manpower has been cut by a third. In other words, personnel costs have been shooting upward and now, for the first time, account for over half the defense budget.

Costs relate to service disparities, too. Because the appeal of a career as foot soldier is limited, the Army offers a $2,500 enlistment bonus for such service. But it is also difficult to attract technical specialists needed in all the armed forces, and it is not surprising that the administration is asking Congress for still higher military pay scales and broader bonus-granting authority.

Money problems associated with the all-volunteer force are formidable, but probably manageable. No ready solutions are apparent, though, to the social questions.

One of this country's strongest and most valuable military traditions is civilian control at the top. We think there is much to be said for civilian infusions at lower levels, too. The serviceman or woman serving only a few years rather than a lifetime makes training more difficult, but the civilian-military intermixture that results from avoidance of a large military caste seems to us more important.

Similarly, we think that American armed forces should be as representative as possible of society at large. But consider this calculation by the Brookings Institution: To meet present active military force levels, year to

year, one man out of three would have to enlist before reaching age 23. (Enlistments by women are on the increase.) One need not even calculate the competition of college and civilian careers to conclude that one out of three is an unrealistic expectation. Even if it could be achieved, the result would be what already is happening: a preponderance of enlistments from among the poorest and least educated.

Deferments made that happen under Selective Service as well, but that can be changed — and was, to a considerable extent, before the draft law expired at the end of June.

Laws cannot resolve the dilemma that makes the draft distasteful to many Americans and the all-volunteer force distasteful to others. The dilemma arises from an old-fashioned notion that citizenship involves responsibilities; that among those responsibilities is service to country, whether military or other; that a democracy seeks to distribute such responsibilities evenly among its citizens. Ideally, a volunteer force would do all that. Short of the ideal, in the real world, something like Selective Service is necessary. Americans should not have to feel either elitist or embarrassed when they say, with Othello, "I have done the state some service."

NEW YORK TIMES - 24 AUGUST 1973

Diplomatic Partnership?

Secretary of State-designate Henry A. Kissinger struck just the right note yesterday with his promise to conduct a more open, bipartisan foreign policy "in full and new partnership with Congress." If this revolutionary change in the Administration's approach to the conduct of foreign affairs receives full Presidential support, there is every reason for hope that the initial favorable Congressional response to Mr. Kissinger's nomination can be sustained, with long-term benefits for American diplomacy.

The first necessity, however, is for President Nixon and Mr. Kissinger to recognize that partisan politics has not been at the root of most of the divisions over foreign policy that have occurred since Mr. Nixon entered the White House five years ago. Many Nixon-Kissinger initiatives—like last year's overtures to Peking and Moscow—have received strong bipartisan support, with Democrats in some cases more enthusiastic than Republicans. Where there have been sharp differences over what the President has done, as in Indochina policy, both the Administration's opposition and its support have been notably bipartisan in nature.

The recent successful move in Congress to enact legislation limiting the President's war powers, for example, was spearheaded by a Republican, Senator Jacob K. Javits of New York, and received the support of Senator Hugh Scott, the minority leader, as well as other members of the President's party. A decision by Mr. Nixon to withhold his threatened veto of this vital

Skylab's crew planned a four-hour repair and resupply space walk this morning, during which they will install instruments needed to keep their ship on a true course through space. Astronauts Owen Garriott and Jack Lousma will connect a special package of gyroscopes to stabilize the craft and also will reload film in their solar observatory telescopes. Commander Alan Bean will remain inside to work Skylab's backup control systems if his crewmates encounter problems.

bill would reassure members of both parties that a new era of executive-legislative cooperation on critical foreign policy decisions is indeed in sight.

Republicans have also been active in initiating and supporting successive efforts to curb unilateral Presidential military initiatives in Southeast Asia—efforts that culminated in the heavy bipartisan vote to ban further United States combat activities throughout that embattled region. The Congressional and public cooperation which Mr. Kissinger seeks cannot be fully realized while the President denigrates critics of his Indochina policies, publicly proclaims his determination to find ways to circumvent Congressional mandates and attempts to shift the blame to Capitol Hill for the possible consequences of a withdrawal that he himself wisely, if tardily, initiated.

Although Mr. Kissinger speaks as if the Vietnam war were a thing of the past, Indochina will remain a deeply divisive issue as long as the Administration continues to threaten to reintroduce American power to enforce the peace where, in fact, there is no peace.

2-E

# Kissinger: Good Man for the Job

THE UNQUESTIONED ability of Henry A. Kissinger in foreign affairs makes him an excellent choice to replace William P. Rogers as secretary of State. But President Nixon's proposal that he remain as chief White House advisor on national security affairs presents problems that should be faced squarely before the Senate confirms his appointment.

Mr. Kissinger has been running the nation's foreign policy since 1969. He negotiated the breakthrough with China, the rapprochement with the Soviet Union and the end of U.S. involvement in Vietnam.

His obvious position as the President's No. 1 man in foreign affairs lowered morale in the State Department, which felt ignored in the very area of its expertise. His move to State, bringing with him the great prestige earned by his work in the White House, should help raise morale again.

As national security advisor, Mr. Kissinger has been protected by executive privilege. And if he is allowed to remain in that position, there will likely be grave problems concerning his freedom to testify before congressional committees which must know what the State Department is doing.

Mr. Kissinger has generally maintained

good relations with Congress over the past four years, meeting informally with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee at the home of its chairman, J. William Fulbright. But nothing should be allowed to stand in the way of formal testimony by the secretary.

As with all too many things in Washington today, the problem stems in part from Watergate. Mr. Kissinger's logical successor in the national security post would be Gen. Alexander Haig, who served as Kissinger's deputy until he was forced to fill the void left in the White House by the departure of H. R. Haldeman.

Aside from the very important problem of Mr. Kissinger trying to wear two incompatible hats, two minor problems should be explored by the Senate before confirmation.

One is his approval of telephone wiretaps on top aides during the early months of the Nixon administration. The Senate should, however, be satisfied if he gives the proper assurances of future safeguards on the privacy of State Department officials.

Another possible problem has absolutely nothing to do with Mr. Kissinger's qualifications. The fact that he is Jewish could, however, raise questions concerning his objectivity toward the Middle East. Mr. Kissinger has, in the past, been content to leave the potentially explosive Middle East in the very capable hands of Assistant Secretary of State Joseph J. Sisco, and could avoid future difficulties by continuing to let Sisco operate pretty much on his own.

If the major problem of his intention to keep his White House job can be surmounted, however, Henry Kissinger will make an excellent secretary of State. He has the energy, the credentials and the prestige to give Foggy Bottom the leadership it could never have had as long as there was a Henry Kissinger in the White House.

30

THE DENVER POST Friday, Aug. 24, 1973

THE DENVER POST

Founded on October 28, 1895 by F. G. Bonfils and H. H. Tammen
Helen G. Bonfils, Officer and Director, 1933-72

"Dedicated in perpetuity to the service of the people,
that no good cause shall lack a champion and that
'evil shall not thrive unopposed"

DONALD R. SEAWELL, President, Chairman of the Board
CHARLES R. BUXTON, Executive Vice President, Editor and Publisher

EARL R. MOORE, Secretary-Treasurer

WILLIAM HORNBY, Vice President,
Executive Editor

ROBERT H. SHANAHAN, Vice President,
General Manager

THE POST'S OPINION

For Rogers, a 'Well Done';
For Kissinger, a New Task

THE RESIGNATION of William P. Rogers as secretary of state and the appointment of Henry A. Kissinger to succeed him in the Cabinet have resolved an unusual situation in the Nixon administration.

Over the past 4 1/2 years, Rogers
served President Nixon loyally and well
as close confidant and counselor, but his
role as secretary of state centered largely
on the ceremonial aspects of the office.

During the same period, Kissinger held
the posts of national security adviser and
head of the National Security Council, but
he was the President's secretary of state
on crucial foreign policy matters—and
often a brilliant one—in fact if not in
name.

THE ARRANGEMENT was at times an
unsettling one for Congress since
Rogers, as a Cabinet member, was ob-
liged to report to congressional commit-
tees on administration policy, while Kis-
singer, as a special advisor, was not.

Although Kissinger has met with the

Senate Foreign Relations Committee
from time to time, as well as with the
press for briefings, complaints have per-
sisted in Washington about his availability
as an administration spokesman.

And Rogers was often placed in the un-
comfortable position of speaking out for
the administration without being deeply
involved in the decision-making process.

Yet despite these drawbacks, the ar-
rangement worked well for President
Nixon while it was in effect.

ROGERS' HANDLING of the ceremoni-
al duties of the office of secretary of state,
left Kissinger free to deal with the intri-
cate, sensitive negotiations that led to key
agreements with North Vietnam, with
China and with the Soviet Union. At the
same time, Rogers made an important
contribution to the Middle East peace dia-
logue with a proposal to reopen the Suez
Canal.

Without question, the Nixon administra-
tion's most prominent successes have
been in the field of foreign affairs. And the
contributions of Kissinger and of Rogers
have been indispensable to these suc-
cesses.

As he leaves government office,
Rogers has earned a "well done" for the
quality of his service to the nation. A less
conscientious man would not have man-
aged to work as effectively in the dual-
foreign policy situation developed by
President Nixon.

THAT KISSINGER is eminently quali-
fied to serve as secretary of state—by in-
tellect, training and experience—there
can be no doubt.

He will have to mend some fences in
Congress over his past inaccessibility,
and most recently over his role in the se-
cret bombing of Cambodia and of the
wire-tapping of his own assistants on the
staff of the National Security Council.

But Kissinger's achievements far out-
weigh any of his handicaps. He fully de-
serves to be secretary of state in his own
right. We trust that the Senate will act
promptly and favorably on his appoint-
ment when Congress reconvenes next
month.

28 AUGUST 1973

HOUSTON CHRONICLE

Editorials

Page 22, Section 1

Friday, August 24, 1973

A strengthening move

Dr. Henry Kissinger, for four and a
half years the No. 1 man in the Nixon
administration on foreign policy, has
now been nominated as secretary of
state.

There should be no dispute over
Kissinger's qualifications for the title
he has, for all practical purposes, held
unofficially.

As national security adviser, the for-
mer Harvard professor has dominated
the foreign policy field. Working di-
rectly under the President, he has
been the key to dramatic successes.

His was the skill and patience that
extracted a cease-fire out of the stalled
Paris talks on the Vietnam War.
His was the subtle approach that re-
sulted in the breakthrough with the
People's Republic of China. He and
President Nixon have developed a rap-
port that is productive and mutually
beneficial.

Kissinger's succeeding William P.
Rogers as secretary of state will, of
course, mean no change in foreign
policy. Kissinger has overshadowed
Rogers, who served the President
loyally as friend and adviser.

The dominance of Kissinger has in
fact created one of the first problems
that will face him in the new Cabinet
post. The State Department generally
has low morale, the employes feeling

with considerable justification that
they have been handicapped by the
concentration of power in Kissinger
and his staff at the National Security
Council.

Kissinger himself is known to have
referred disparagingly to the State De-
partment as "the bureaucracy." Now
he must turn his diplomatic skills on
U.S. diplomats here and abroad to
revitalize the department he is nomi-
nated to head.

Another Kissinger goal undoubtedly
will be to show more progress in build-
ing a new Atlantic relationship that
takes into account the growing
strength of the European Economic
Community and the changing status of
the North Atlantic Treaty Organ-
ization.

Kissinger has always taken care to
stand in good graces on Capitol Hill.
He has maintained lines of contact
with congressional leaders and is high-
ly regarded by them. There should be
no delay in granting him confirmation
once Congress reconvenes early next
month.

Kissinger will retain the duties of
national security adviser as well
as heading the Department of State.
The consolidation will strengthen
President Nixon's ability to deal in
foreign affairs and holds promise of
even more successes in that field.

28 AUGUST 1973

Los Angeles Times ★

Page 2, Part 1

# Inside The Times

The Los Angeles City Council approved a Fire Department plan to improve minority recruitment procedures. (Part 1, Page 3.)

A Jewish boycott of Standard Oil Co. products appear to have taken effect in large parts of Los Angeles. (Part 1, Page 3.)

A California Assembly unit OKd a bill calling for life in prison without parole instead of the death penalty for murder. (Part 1, Page 3.)

Ex-singer Phil Regan, convicted of bribery, should not be sent to prison,

The Head Of the California Board of Equalization has joined a potentially profitable legal battle against a railroad. (Part 1, Page 3.)

A murder suspect being held in Tulare County. Jail has run up a bill for $500 worth of telegrams. (Part 1, Page 3.)

Vengeance killers kidnaped a Roman Catholic farmer from his fiancée's arms in Northern Ireland and killed him. (Part 1, Page 4.)

Pan American Airways helps make "the going great" with a travel guide that gives advice on prosthetics. (Part 1, Page 5.)

## In Brief

Complied from the Los Angeles Times, the Los Angeles Times-Washington Post News Service and major wire and supplementary news agencies.

## He Called in Canada

have killed an estimated 200 persons and left 300,000 homeless since May. President Luis Echeverría Alvarez and several cabinet ministers toured flooded areas in central Mexico, including the hard-hit city of Irapuato.

The Israeli government filed formal charges against Mahmoud Toumi, 37, accusing the Libyan of aerial piracy in the hijacking of a Lebanese Middle Eastern Airlines jetliner to Israel last week and endangering the lives of the 119 passengers aboard. The action appeared to rule out the possibility that Israel would accede to any extradition request from Lebanon. If tried and convicted, Toumi could be sentenced to life imprisonment.

A West German opposition party leader called on the Bonn government to offer economic aid to financially pressed American servicemen in the country. Christian Democratic Union chief Helmut Kohl said, many of the GIs stationed in West Germany are sending their families home because the shrunken U.S. dollar will not cover the rising cost of living.

Foreign ministers of the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting

contract.

Gen. Carlos Prats, Chile's army chief and minister of defense, resigned from both jobs. He was the second military man in a week to leave President Salvador Allende's "national security" cabinet. Prats said he quit for personal reasons. Allende set up the cabinet Aug. 9—amid strikes and violence that still continue—as a result of pressure from the political opposition, which claimed that the inclusion of uniformed ministers was the only way confidence could be restored in the Allende government and the troubled economy.

Khanpur, a city of 70,000 located 340 miles northeast of Karachi, has been evacuated to avoid the rampag-

# KISSINGER

## Continued from First Page

are divided are worth it."

He recalled that American foreign policy since World War II "is not a partisan matter, but the future of our country transcends any particular administration. That is the spirit in which, if the Senate confirms me, I will attempt to conduct the office of secretary of state."

Kissinger said he has phoned all members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and key members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee to outline his philosophical approach to the job.

His demeanor was more dignified and serious than usual during the press conference, but some of his quick wit surfaced at times.

Asked if he should be called "Mr. Secretary or Dr. Kissinger," he said:

"I don't stand on protocol. If you will just call me excellency it will be OK."

But he dealt soberly with the question of whether his German-Jewish heritage might cause apprehensions among Arab leaders about U.S.-Middle East policy.

"I am asked to conduct a foreign policy of the United States, and I will conduct the foreign policy of the United States, regardless of religious and national heritage," he said.

## 'No Other Country'

"There is no other country in the world in which a man of my background could be considered for an office such as the one for which I've been nominated, and that imposes on me a very grave responsibility which I will pursue

in the national interest."

Kissinger was a refugee from Nazi Germany in 1937. He worked through high school, served in the Army with distinction and went to Harvard on scholarship.

In his press conference Kissinger recalled that in Mr. Nixon's first term, "many important and some revolutionary changes were made." These, like the breakthrough in Chinese and Soviet relations, required secret diplomacy by the White House.

## Permanence Needed

"Now we are in a different phase," he said. "The foundations that have been laid must now lead to the building of a more permanent structure. What has been started is still very tender... What we are trying to do is solidify what has been started."

This will require "a greater institutionalization of foreign policy" by using the State Department more than in the past, he added.

"More information will be available to congressional committees than before," he said. "The intention of the President and my intention is to establish a new and full partnership with the Congress in developing policies which are in the national interest."

Kissinger claimed that Sihanouk protested U.S. bombing only when tacti-

cal air strikes strayed beyond the North Vietnamese-controlled areas of Cambodia in 1970, but did not object to B-52 strikes in the border zone which were aimed only at North Vietnamese.

Sihanouk's denial that the tolerated bombing, Kissinger said, should be viewed against the background that the prince had sentenced to death for treason the very Communist leaders now supporting him in Cambodia. "We have to understand the delicacy of his position," Kissinger added.

A 6

Friday, August 24, 1973

THE WASHINGTON POST

# Kissinger Pledges Hill Role

## KISSINGER, From A1

member, and with key members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, about his approach to the intended double post.

The purpose of combining the two positions, Kissinger said today, "as the President pointed out yesterday," is "an attempt to move policy-making from the White House into the department and, therefore, to make it more accessible to congressional and public scrutiny."

Kissinger said the powerful National Security Council staff, which he directs, will continue to operate on an "interdepartmental" basis, but with "a greater exchange between the State Department and the National Security Council staff and personnel.

In appearances before congressional committees, said Kissinger, he would speak on all matters on which "secretaries of State have traditionally testified."

"In addition," said Kissinger, "I would feel it appropriate to testify about those interdepartmental matters with respect to which I spoke informally previously to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee," in private meetings at the home of Chairman J. W. Fulbright (D-Ark.) or later in informal meetings at the Capitol.

"I would not be able," Kissinger said, "to testify about personal conversations between the President and myself, or about direct advice I gave to the President, but I could not testify with respect to this in any event, and no Cabinet member is ever asked to testify with respect to conversations he has had with the President."

Kissinger said "the practical sonsequences," therefore, "will be that more information will be available to the congressional committees than before."

The often-discussed and postponed new trip by Kissinger to Peking, he told reporters, is still planned, but "the date now has to be subject to Senate confirmation" and "we expect to set a date soon after my confirmation has been achieved."

Earlier this summer, the prospect of gaining China's support on a peace settlement for Cambodia, with perhaps a meeting in Peking between Kissinger and deposed Khromy I.

dian Prince Norodom Sihanouk, was high on Kissinger's Peking agenda. Sihanouk, however, said Kissinger earlier spurned overtures to meet with him and that now it was "too late."

More recently the timing of a Kissinger visit to Peking appears to have been delayed by internal preoccupations of China's leaders.

Kissinger was cautious to not slam doors today on a meeting with Sihanouk as head of the Cambodian insurgent government in exile. Kissinger replied rather mildly to Sihanouk's charge in Peking early this week that President Nixon lied when he said Sihanouk acquiesced in the secret American B-52 bombing of Cambodia, from March, 1969, to April, 1970.

Sihanouk "has a rather difficult position right now," said Kissinger, for "the people that are now supporting him inside Cambodia" include men "he had sentenced to death for treason a few years previously, and therefore we have to understand the delicacy of his position."

Kissinger said he is certain the Senate will want to explore further the B-52 bombing dispute. But with the congressional decision to cut off all bombing in Cambodia on Aug. 15, Kissinger said, negotiations on ending the war there now depend primarily on the Cambodians and are not tied "inevitably to my trip to Peking..."

In his public appearance today with the mantle of Secretary of State poised over his shoulders, Kissinger was beaming, relaxed and proud.

He said the President "has done me a great honor to nominate me for a position that was held by such great Americans as Secretary Stimson, George Marshall, Dean Acheson, John Foster Dulles," all of whom believed "that the foreign policy of the United States is not a partisan matter ..."

Kissinger, who is German-born and of Jewish heritage, faced an inevitable question: "How do you plan to put to rest the apprehensions that have been expressed by some Arab leaders about your family heritage and how that might affect our policy in the Middle East?"

He replied, "There is no other country in the world in which a man of my back-

ground could be considered for an office such as the one for which I have been nominated, and that imposes on me a very grave responsibility which I will pursue in the national interest." Kissinger said, "I will conduct the foreign policy of the United States regardless of religious and national heritage."

Toward future colleagues in the State Department, who look on his nomination with a mixture of apprehension or hopes that it may mark the end of a period of subordinated humiliation, Kissinger accentuated hope.

He told the newsmen, "You wouldn't believe me if I said anything else" than "that there is an institutional problem when there is a strong White House operation" and what he called, with unaccustomed charity, "a strong Secretary of State, which is one reason why we have combined these operations."

Kissinger said Secretary Rogers operated "with enormous dignity, grace, wisdom, ad above all, humanity" to minimize "difficulties which

are inherent" in such a combination.

Now, said Kissinger, the circumstances that required, "to considerable extent, secret diplomacy" for the breakthrough in relations with China and other innovations, are changed. A new situation, he said, "requires that there will be a greater institutionalization of foreign policy than has been the case up to now. One of the challenges in going to the State Department will be the ability now to work with the great professionals in the Foreign Service who will be here after this administration has left ..."

Kissinger noted that "about 70 per cent of my staff has been composed of Foreign Service officers" and "now that the entire Foreign Service can be brought more closely into the operation, we should get even more momentum behind our foreign policy."

He said he will maintain an office in the White House "on interdepartmental matters and on being available to the President."

# Kissinger Pledges a More Open Policy

Continued From Page 1, Col. 1

undertaken in the last four
years into the permanent State
Department bureaucracy. He
said that he would work
through Congress for a non-
partyisan policy now that the
United States was out of the
Vietnam war.

"In the first term of the President," Mr. Kissinger said in an opening statement, "many important and some revolutionary changes were made. These required, to considerable extent, secret diplomacy and they were conducted on a rather restricted basis.

"But now we are in a differ-
ent phase. The foundations that
have been laid must now lead
to the building of a more per-
manent structure. What has
been started is still very tender."

"What we are going to try to do," he said, "is to solidify what has been started, to put more emphasis on our relationship with Europe and Japan, and to conclude during the term of the President the building of a structure that we can pass on to succeeding administrations so that the world will be a safer place when they take over."

Broad Consensus Sought

Mr. Kissinger made it clear
that what he would seek to
end, the divisions caused by the
Vietnam war, repair the dam-
age inflicted to the Adminis-
tration by the Watergate scan-
dals in the past and create a
broad consensus for the policy
initiatives now under way.

There was no hint of dramatic
new initiatives.

As to Watergate and the
Vietnam war, he said, "There
is no question if the divisions
in a country grow too deep
and, then the conduct of foreign
policy will be affected, and then
people will have to decide
whether the issues on which
they are being divided are
worth it."

He said that the changes in
the world and the Administra-
tion's stress on the need for
adequate defense budgets on
the one hand and its nego-
tiating for limitation of arms
on the other required "a com-
plexity of thought and a so-
phistication on the part of the
American public that was not
called for in the nineteen hun-
dred forties and nineteen hun-
dred fifties."

Support Is Sought

"We have the legacy of a war that bitterly divided Americans and that has to be healed," he said. "Therefore, one of the prime objectives of the Administration will have to be to create a consensus in which the American people and the American Congress can understand and will support the necessity of carrying on adequate defense programs and disarmament negotiations."

"We have to create a new consensus which can give a new impetus and a new excitement to our foreign policy for the next decade or two," he said.

On the purpose of his dual
role as both Secretary and
White House assistant, Mr. Kis-

singer said: "The purpose of combining the two positions is, as the President pointed out yesterday, an attempt to move policy-making from the White House into the department, and therefore, to make it more accessible to Congressional and public scrutiny."

More Testimony Likely

He said Mr. Nixon with whom
he conferred this morning,
asked him to say that execu-
tive privilege against testifying
would be used only with re-
spect to conversations with the
President.

"In addition," he said, "I would feel it appropriate to testify about those interdepartmental matters with respect to which I spoke informally previously to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. The practical consequences of it will be that more information will be available to the Congressional committees than before."

Asked how his being a Jew
might affect American policy in
the Middle East, Mr. Kissinger
said:

"I am asked to conduct the foreign policy of the United States, and I will conduct the foreign policy of the United States regardless of religion and national heritage. There is no other country in the world in which a man of my background could be considered for an office such as the one for which I have been nominated, and that imposes on me a very grave responsibility which I will pursue in the national interest."

Says issue Boston
'is water
under bridge'
Globe

Partial text, Page 20

By Martin F. Nolan
Globe Staff

SAN CLEMENTE, Calif.—President Nixon said yesterday that he would nominate his foreign affairs adviser, Henry A. Kissinger, to succeed Secretary of State William P. Rogers who resigned yesterday. The resignation becomes effective Sept. 3.

In a televised press conference, his first in five months, the President urged swift Senate confirmation of Kissinger, saying that the transfer of the former Harvard professor from the White House to the State Department was part of his effort "to get the work out in the (Cabinet) Department where it belongs."

It was an announcement of the greatest importance both to the Administration and to the capitals of the world. Yet it brought not a single question from the scores of correspondents present.

The rest of the 50-minute, open-air press conference, held on the parking lot outside the working quarters of the Western White House near the President's home was devoted to Watergate, an issue that the President said "is water under the bridge. It is gone now."

NIXON, Page 28

the pas-
senger, **Sheldon P. Tay** 62 of
Cromberg, Calif., landed the plane
with radio guidance from the FAA
in Kenai.

The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King
Sr., called "Daddy King" by almost
everyone who knows him, is preach-
ing "social gospel" to his nine father-
less grandchildren, just as he did to
his late sons, Dr. Martin Luther
King Jr. and A.D. King. King says it
is no accident that Martin or A.D.
didn't hate anybody, that he "taught
them to love everybody, rich, poor,
high or low."

SHULTZ
... appointed

KING
... teaches love

It was disclosed yesterday that
Treasury Secretary **George Schultz**
will lead the American delegation to
Japan next month for the opening of
a new round of world trade negotia-
tions. International trade reform will
be discussed at the Tokyo meeting.

## Quote in the news

"The reaction of the crowd
clearly indicated who the culprits
were. The Russian spectators were
behind us 100 percent"—**George E.
Killian**, chief of the American dele-
gation to the University Games in
Moscow after Cuban and American

The Boston Globe Thursday, August 20, 1973

29

# Nixon speaks out about Watergate

Cont. from preceding page

me. I regret that he did not, because he is exactly right. Had he told me, I would have blown my stack, just as I did at Ziegler the other day."

Mitchell had testified that the re-election of the President was more important than bringing to public light the activities of the convicted Watergate conspirators.

The President's reference to press secretary Ronald Ziegler involved an incident in which Mr. Nixon shoved Ziegler in New Orleans on Monday, teling him to keep the press away from the Presidential entourage.

When the President was asked about his meeting with Federal Judge Matt M. Byrne Jr., presiding over the Pentagon Papers trial of Daniel L. Ellsberg, the President first denied that it was a secret meeting, saying "I met him for perhaps one minute outside my door here in full view of the White House staff, and everyone else who wanted to see. I asked him how he liked his job. We did not discuss the case."

The President also said that Byrne had told former Presidential adviser Ehrlichman "that he would be interested" in accepting the directorship of the FBI.

As to the break into Ellsberg's psychiatrist's office in Los Angeles, the President said that "a very critical question" came in a discussion between President Nixon and Asst. Atty. Gen. Henry Petersen.

When Petersen asked the President whether any evidence had developed out of the break-in by two White House employees, E. Howard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy, the President

responded "no, it was a dry hole."

Petersen's response, the President said yesterday was "good."

The President said that the break-in was "illegal, unauthorized, as far as I was concerned, and completely deplorable."

But "since no evidence was developed," he added, "there was no requirement that it be presented to the jury that was hearing the case."

The President said that he forwarded the information through the Justice Department to Judge Byrne in an effort to "bend over backwards in this case and send this record of the Ellsberg break-in."

In answering the question posed by CBS correspondent Dan Rather, the President said "I hope you will be just as fair and objective as I tried to be in giving you this answer."

The President spoke at length about Agnew's legal troubles, saying "my confidence in his integrity has not been shaken and in fact it has been strengthened by his courageous conduct and his ability, even though he is controversial at times, as I am."

The President said that if he discovered "any individual in the Justice Department or in the Prosecutor's office, who is in the employ of the United States, who has leaked information in this case to the press or anybody else, he will be summarily dismissed from government service."

Agnew, the President said, "should have a chance to present his case in court . . . not tried in the headlines and on television."

The President insisted that he would not resign

and that his capacity to govern had not been weakened despite what he called "a constant barrage . . . 12 to 15 minutes a night on each of the three major networks for four months.

"I was elected to do a job," he said. "Watergate is an episode that I deeply deplore and had I been running the campaign rather than trying to run the country and particularly the foreign policy of this country at this time, It would never have happened. But that is water under the bridge. It is gone now."

The President, in saying that his office contains "inherent powers" degested "to protect the national security" said that during the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations "burglarizing of this type did take place. When it was authorized on a very large scale, there was no talk of impeachment and it was quite well known."

The President even suggested that the late Robert Kennedy when attorney general might have prevented the assassination of his brother and that "10 more wire taps . . ." "might have uncovered the plans of Lee Harvey Oswald "and it would have been worth it."

The President later said that he was "no more of an expert on that assassination than anybody else, but my point is that wire taps in the national security area were very high in the Kennedy Administration for a very good reason — because there were many threats on the President's life."

But Mr. Nixon insisted that he was not suggesting that more wire taps would be initiated because of assassination threats, saying that "I was only suggesting that . . . to have the

Oswald thing happen just seemed so unbelievable . . . a terrible break down in our protective security areas."

Haldeman and Ehrlichman "served with great distinction, great dedication and like everybody else in this deplorable Watergate business, at great personal sacrifice and with no personal gain," the President said, repeating his sentiments of his April 30 televised speech in which he accepted their resignation.

The only non-Watergate question asked came at the end of the press conference when the President was asked whether he owed an apology to the American people when in light of his April, 1970, speech he had talked of observing the neutrality of Cambodia. Investigation since that time shows that 15 months of American bombing had taken place in Cambodia during the period the President made that speech.

"Certainly not," the President said and "certainly not to the Cambodian people, because as far as this area is concerned, the area of approximately 10 miles along the border which was bombed during this period, no Cambodians had been in it for years. It was totally occupied by the North Vietnamese Communists."

"I think the American people are very thankful that the President ordered what was necessary to save the lives of their men and shorten this war, which he found when he got here, and which he ended."

And with that response, the President ended the press conference and walked back into his working quarters, accompanied by Ziegler.

30

The Boston Globe Thursday, August 23, 1973

23, 1973

Lyman on chess

Russian commentators, writing before the world championship match last summer, thought they detected a weakness in Boby Fischer's play: A tendency toward impetuousness in passive positions.

If it is true that Fischer has difficulties with positions allowing only restricted defensive play for his pieces, he shares a universal malady. Unless there are very few pieces on the board, mere defensive play should lose. On the other hand, as was alleged with respect to Fischer, impatience can be a fatal weakness. Few players have the resoluteness to nurse the spare resources that may be at hand in a position with little active play. It takes exceptional character to play it close to the vest when one stands to lose despite a brave effort.

BLACK
Botvinnik

Yudovich
WHITE

Black attacks the king; white wits.

In the position in diagram one, Yudovich (White) is in great danger. His lone bishop is "bad", and will be even more restricted if Black advances his king and queen pawns. His knight also has limited mobility. At the moment, ex-world champion Botvinnik (Black) has an almost permanent advantage in space on the king side. Yudovich with a pawn majority in that sphere could have challenged Botvinnik.

king side, for Black immediately played the re-straining move... P-KR4.

Diagram two shows the game several moves later. Botvinnik has been methodically piling up on the excellent target, White's king knight pawn. White meanwhile desperately tries some worse than futile play on the queen side. The advance and loss of the queen knight pawn only hasten the posting of the Black queen bishop on the long diagonal, where it bears down malevolently on the White king's position.

The sequence leading from the first diagram to the second is 1) P-QN4, R-KN1 (threatening P-K6); 2) R-N1, P-R5 (threatening again P-K6, for if then BXP by White, Black's Q-N6 check will win a piece); 3) B-K1, K-B2; 4) P-N5, R-N2; 5) PxC, BxC. With White's excellent help, the Black bishop is now ideally posted.

Play continued from diagram two with 5) N-K2, P-K6; 6) Q-B1, QR-KN1, 7) P-N4 (desperation). PxC check en passant; and diagram three is reached.

BLACK
Botvinnik

Yudovich
WHITE

The inevitable results; white resigns.

Now it's a simple matter for Black. After 8) BxP, P-Q5; 9) R-N4, NxB; 10) RxN, QxP; and 11) RxR check, RxR, diagram four is reached.

Patients to be aided
through health maze

By Nils J. Bruzelius
Globe Staff

The city of Boston is trying to offer its citizens a little help amid the complexities of getting adequate health care, paying for it, and steering clear of some of the pitfalls.

The help comes in the form of Roque Alvarez, a 25-year-old veteran of the Little City Halls program who was named recently as consumer health aide in the city Department of Health and Hospitals.

The post is brand new, and although Alvarez has been working for three months the nature of his job is still far from settled.

"I can't come to any conclusions at this time about the area of greatest need," he said Tuesday. He said he will use incoming complaints as a "barometer" to judge "what is lacking, where the weaknesses are."

No announcement was made when Alvarez was appointed by Comr. Leon S. White. Alvarez, who worked as a city Consumers' Council investigator for a year, has spent the time examining and dealing with health-related complaints that flow into the council or the Health and Hospitals Dept. itself.

Now, however, Alvarez is ready to solicit "questions, comments or problems" from all those who don't know how to get treatment, who got it and

found it lacking or who run afoul of any aspect of an increasingly complex health care system.

Alvarez said he will confront problems involving private health facilities as well as the three hospitals operated by the city and clinics in which it has a part.

He conceded, however, that he lacks any direct enforcement powers and must depend on persuasion and confrontation to resolve most complaints. He said a number of private hospitals have offered cooperation and that so far he has encountered no resistance.

If his own measures fail, he said, the "last resort" will be to call on state regulatory agencies, where appropriate, or to try to raise a "public outcry" against sources of abuse.

Alvarez, who was born in Ecuador and grew up in New York City, plans to direct public education efforts at Boston's poor and minority group populations, those who seem least able to serve as their own advocates.

He is presently at work preparing a patient's bill of rights for distribution in the city's hospitals. In the early stages of the job he has prompted a state investigation of complaints about a nursing home and worked on revisions of drug price listings the city requires in all pharmacies.

3, 1973

# Arab Territories Given Support in Israel

Rafa, at the southern end of the Gaza Strip.

The center is to include at least 800 housing units by 1977-78.

The development of a major Israeli industrial zone near Qalqilya and Tulkarm in what had been the westernmost bulge of Jordan, only 14 miles northeast of Tel Aviv.

## Other Provisions

In addition, the platform calls for establishment of other development projects, including an industrial center on the Golan heights, a regional center in the Jordan Valley, and improvements on the northeastern shore of the Sea of Galilee and the northwestern shore of the Dead Sea.

It also envisions a major program to improve and develop the roads, services, hospitals and schools of the West Bank and Gaza. No figures are given, but Finance Minister Pinhas Sapir recently announced a willingness to allocate about $300-million for the project, including the rehousing and re-habilitation of refugees.

Taken as a whole, the new platform is being interpreted here as a triumph for Defense Minister Dayan. He has pressed actively in recent months for an intensified settlement program in the territories on the ground that Israel should not stand still while the Arab states are refusing to negotiate. He has specifically called for approval of the right for Israelis to purchase land on the West Bank.

While the new platform is clearly a victory for Mr. Dayan, many Labor party observers believe that he was actually pushing against an open door in his discussions with Mrs. Meir and the influential Minister Without Portfolio, Israel Galili, who actually drafted the program.

"This is a program both Golda and Galili support enthusiastically," a Labor party official observed. "But until now they have been afraid to acknowledge it."

## Dayan Position

The new platform also seems in step with public opinion in Israel, as reflected by recent public opinion polls. In the absence of any serious prospects of negotiations, more and more Israelis seem to have adopted a hard-line attitude toward returning the occupied territories.

Mr. Dayan has made it clear

ago on the ground that it would lead to land speculation; the ministers were also concerned at the time about the critical reaction such a move would probably provoke in the United States and elsewhere.

The ministers' decision now to approve the controlled sale of land, subject to Cabinet approval, is a barometer of the hardening attitudes toward the territories.

The catalyst for the change

has been the current election campaign and the emergence in recent weeks of a new coalition of the previously scattered right-wing parties. This new bloc supports the outright annexation of all the territories.

Although the bloc is given little chance of displacing the dominant Labor party in the upcoming elections, its presence has added a new force to the arguments of the hard-liners in Labor.

Low prices are just the beginning when you buy a diamond at Macy's.

You get decades of reputable experience to assure the maximum in diamonds for your money.

You get the choice of a huge, ever-changing

Los Angeles Times

HARRISON GRAY OTIS, 1881-1917

HARRY CHANDLER, 1917-1944

NORMAN CHANDLER, 1944-1960

OTIS CHANDLER, Publisher

ROBERT D. NELSON
Executive Vice President and General Manager

WILLIAM F. THOMAS
Executive Vice President and Editor

CHARLES C. CHASE, Vice President—Production

ROBERT C. LOBDELL, Vice President—Administration-General Counsel

RICHARD S. ROBINSON, Vice President—Assistant to the Publisher

VANCE L. STICKELL, Vice President—Sales

JAMES BASSETT, Associate Editor

JAMES BELLOWS, Associate Editor

ANTHONY DAY, Editor of the Editorial Pages

ROBERT J. DONOVAN, Associate Editor

FRANK P. HAVEN, Managing Editor

6—Part II

THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 23, 1973

The Skills of Rogers and Kissinger

William P. Rogers carried out his assigned func-
tions as secretary of state with intelligence, candor
and diplomatic skill. His contributions as a shaper of
policy were inevitably limited by President Nixon's
own deep involvement in the conduct of foreign af-
fairs, and by the influential presence in the White
House of Henry A. Kissinger, who is to be Rogers'
well-chosen successor. But in the assignments that
did fall to him, Rogers performed with competence,
decency and no little success, and he can take pride
in his record.

It is a commonplace by now that a man of greater
ego than Rogers would have quit the State Depart-
ment long ago, finding intolerable the almost com-
plete concentration in the White House of policy
making on a grand scale. Rogers, to his credit,
stayed on, administering the foreign service
bureaucracy, dealing with the less dramatic but
still important work of foreign relations, explaining
and defending the policies of the Administration.

And, often, taking the heat. Kissinger, the Pres-
ident's top national security adviser, was not re-
quired by law to report to Congress. That task fell
to Rogers, and when the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee was unhappy about the Administra-
tion's Indochina activities, as it frequently was, it
was up to Rogers to appear and answer questions,
and take criticism. He was a loyal exponent of Ad-

ministration policy, and if he did not always satisfy
the critics with his answers, neither, thanks to his
courtesy and tolerance, did he irritate them furth-
er.

The division between White House and State De-
partment in the formulation and execution of
foreign policy now is to end, or at least that is Mr.
Nixon's intent. Kissinger will head the department
with all the statutory and traditional obligations
that involves, but he will also remain as the Pres-
ident's chief national security adviser.

What this means is that he will continue to play a
paramount role in long-range planning and the
evolution of foreign policy, adding to it formal re-
sponsibility for the implementation of that policy
through the machinery of the department.

It is a sensible combination of roles, so long as the
right man is available and so long as his limitations
are recognized.

Kissinger plainly has neither the interest, the
tolerance nor the time to become mired in the ne-
cessary but essentially secondary managerial
chores that fall on the secretary of state. He is too
valuable as a conceptualizer and articulator of poli-
cy for that. It is not for any reputation as an ad-
ministrator, but for his talents as a thinker, plan-
ner and negotiator, that he has been chosen secre-
tary of state. We trust the Senate will confirm him
expeditiously.

INDEPENDENT

8/23/73

# Kissinger to take over as Secretary of State

## Combined News Services

WASHINGTON — Henry Kissinger, the German refugee who became the Nixon administration's chief international trouble-shooter, officially was named Wednesday to the secretary of state post some politicians felt he already occupied.

Appointment of the 50-year-old former Harvard University professor culminated a rise in his political fortunes that began in 1955 when Kissinger served as a consult-

ant to the Eisenhower administration.

Long thought to be the second most powerful man in the current administration, Kissinger was considered the architect of the agreement with North Vietnam to end the war in Southeast Asia as well as the man who succeeded in bringing China and the United States to a new understanding.

His influence with President Nixon was so strong that Sen. Stuart Symington, D-Mo., said in a Senate speech that "Kissinger is the secre-

tary of state in everything but title."

Kissinger's nomination came after President Nixon announced that he had accepted with "personal regret" the resignation of William P. Rogers.

The change was rumored for more than a month.

It will end the often awkward dualism that has existed throughout Nixon's four and half years in office in which Rogers was nominally the President's top foreign policy adviser but in real-

(Turn to Back Pg., Col. 1)

WILLIAM P. ROGERS
Resignation Accepted

tries passed a legislative resolution Wednesday night accusing President Salvador Allende of "overstepping the constitution and the law." Meanwhile, the Marxist president met in an emergency session with his National Security Council and there were unconfirmed reports of troop movements near Chile's frontiers. An opposition congressman said Communist deputy Jorge Insunza told the Chamber in a secret session just before the vote that the government feared an imminent invasion from Bolivia.

## 124 dam victims

IRAPUATO, Mexico — President Luis Echeverria Wednesday flew to this city of 40,000 in central Mexico, where army officials said at least 124 persons were killed when a dam burst and en-gulfed the city in a seven-foot-high wall of water. The army said the death toll might rise to 300. After weeks of pound-ing rain, the dam ruptured Monday, military officials said — the same day Hurricane Brenda struck Mexico's eastern gulf coast, killing at least five persons.

## Narcotic trade

BUDAPEST, Hungary — journalist charged Wednesday China earns $15 billion a year gal sales of narcotics abroad. journalist, Vitaly Kryukov of the Soviet news agency APN, was in the Hungarian government paper Magyar Hirlap. He claims per cent of U.S. heroin addicting drugs produced in China.

## Supermarket boom

BELFAST — Gunmen planted two bombs in a supermarket in Londonderry's Rosemount then shot an attendant in apparently to prevent him from ing the explosives outside.

at Hecla Mining Co.'s lakeshore mine.

## Indian uprising

DES MOINES, Iowa — Ten rifle carrying members of the American Indian Movement took over the offices of the Iowa Department of Public Instruction Wednesday but surrendered peacefully under an ultimatum from police. The Indians, whose spokesman had said it was "better to die on your feet than live on your knees," submitted to arrest after officials told them they had five minutes to clear the second floor of the state office building. The Indians came out peacefully down an elevator, sat on the basement floor and smoked a peace pipe as Bureau of Criminal Investigation agents advised them that they had been arrested on a state charge of "disturbing the public peace and quiet."

## Wage offer ready

DETROIT — Chrysler Corp., targeted as pacesetter and possible strike victim in current negotiations with the United Auto Workers, said Wednesday it is prepared to make a wage and benefits offer that includes a 10 per cent increase in benefits.

3

DAILY NEW

DAILY NEWS

220 East 42d St.

NEW YORK'S PICTURE NEWSPAPER

(212) MU 2-1234

AUGUST 23, 1973

Published daily except Sunday by New York News Inc. 220 East 42d St., New York, N.Y. 10017. F. M. Flynn, Chairman; W. H. James, President and Publisher; Floyd Barger, Executive Editor and Sr. Vice Pres.; V. E. Palmer, Secretary; and R. J. Rohrbach, Treas.

Mail subscription rates per year: U.S. Daily and Sunday $49.00, Daily $33.00, Sunday $16.50. Armed Forces Special Rates: Daily and Sunday $33.00, Daily $22.00, Sunday $11.00, Foreign and short term rates upon request.

The Associated Press is entitled exclusively to the use for republication of all local news printed in this paper. All other republication rights are reserved.

## ROGERS OUT, KISSINGER IN

In a major reshuffle at the top level, William Rogers has resigned as Secretary of State and—with a kind of night-follows-day logic—President Richard M. Nixon has

named Dr. Henry Kissinger as his successor.

None of the principals involved needs any special introduction.

Rogers is the last surviving holdover from President Nixon's original, first term cabinet. He has done a largely unsung but nonetheless laudable job of minding

the store at State while Kissinger did most of the star turns in the Vietnam talks and the approaches to Red China and Russia.

During his tenure, Rogers imposed a measure of order and efficiency in the operations of Foggy Bottom, and handled a variety of diplomatic chores effectively and with his customary quiet dignity.

Kissinger's appointment as secretary assures smooth continuity in the conduct of foreign affairs. He has sat at the President's right hand throughout the past four years, been privy to all the important decisions, and made many valuable contributions to policy initiatives.

Under the new set-up, Kissinger will double in brass, retaining his old post as chief presidential adviser on national security affairs while running State.

He will thus be in a good position to continue his close collaboration with Mr. Nixon, while seeing to it that presidential programs are followed through with proper vigor.

We hope that good fortune will shine on Kissinger in his taxing new assignment, and that success will crown his every effort.

To former Secretary Rogers, we offer our congratulations. He deserves the gratitude of the nation.

Kissinger

Rogers

Kissinger — new state secretary

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1

as the main force behind Nixon's foreign policy.

In addition, Rogers in recent days has publicly made clear his dissatisfaction with the administration's involvement in the Watergate affair, saying there was no national security reason for the so-called "plumbers" operations.

The "plumbers" was a special investigation unit created by President Nixon to curb news leaks.

Two members of the group, E. Howard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy, directed the 1971 burglary of the office of the psychiatrist of Pentagon Papers defendant Daniel Ellsberg.

Hunt and Liddy also directed the 1972 Watergate burglary.

Rogers' tenure was marked by a low-keyed operation with Kissinger getting most of the attention in bringing about a new U.S. relationship with Communist China and the negotiations of an

arms-limitation agreement with Moscow.

The State Department's morale has suffered noticeably under Rogers' administration despite efforts by the secretary to assure department officials they were involved in policy matters.

Kissinger, however, made clear he was directing foreign policy for Nixon and that his National Security Council staff was the main vehicle for decision making.

The only major area of foreign policy left to Rogers was the Mideast, where he helped bring about a cease-fire between the Arabs and Israel.

However, there has been no major progress in recent years toward Middle east settlement and Rogers has been under increasing pressure in that area.

Rogers is a long-time confidant of Nixon and is credited with a major role in helping the President through the "six crises" that marked his pre-White House political career.

JOHN SINOR

JOHN SINOR I will play tourist part of the time. The rest of the trip we will be guests at some friends' condominium.

While there, I will sit on the sands and when the tour buses come by I will pretend to be a kamaaina. A colorful child of the islands.

"Aloha, bruddas! How tings on de mainland?"

I told the reservations clerk: "Only ONE night in Waikiki, then off to the outer islands."

We plan to get a little bit lost on the islands of Kauai and Maui.

The children said: "Are you going to do the hula?"

I said: "I am going to WATCH the hula." (Just learning to watch the hands takes practice enough.)

FIRST SHOT

recent graduat
by Dr. Char
Diego Zoo v
first shot to K
tan held by Se
dren's Zoo nu

Soviet air

WILLIAM F. BUCKLEY JR.

# Unnecessary Delay on Sonnenfeldt

Sen. William Fulbright has been severely criticized, in my opinion justly, for sitting on nominations he disapproves of with the result, in some cases, that an appointment dies as if of attrition.

Most recently Fulbright's committee made news by declining to confirm Murtrie Godley as head of the division of Far Eastern Affairs in the State Department. It was not said in as many words, but everyone knew that Godley was being punished for carrying out his assignment as ambassador to Laos with vigor and skill. It is presumably Fulbright's position that ambassadors to Indochinese countries should have served not the President, but the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee.

I regret that Congressman John Ashbrook, a splendid gentleman of impeccable holding up the appointment of Helmut Sonnenfeldt as undersecretary of the Treasury.

The formal charge levied against Sonnenfeldt is that he is a security risk— not a loyalty risk, a security risk. It is charged that during the 1950s, he leaked one or more stories to the press while working in the State Department.

But see how the business blurs over. It happens that Sonnenfeldt was prominently involved in advancing President Nixon's trips to the Soviet Union and to China, and as such became identified in the eyes of certain congressmen as a sort of flying wedge of the determine people, who should not be encouraged by giving him the undersecretaryship of the Treasury, which will be a key position in all the trade we will be getting into with Russia and China in the months and years to come.

Let us say about the security charge merely that if in fact it is established that Sonnenfeldt is unreliable, then he should pay the penalty other security risks pay.

But Ashbrook does not appear to be pressing the formal security charges very vigorously. Meanwhile, over at the Senate, the Finance Committee, under the leadership of Sens. Harry Byrd and Carl Curtis, sensing that perhaps Ashbrook is on to something, are holding up confirmation under the guise of a routine courtesy paid to the other chamber.

What it comes down to, in fact—barring the documentation of the security charge—is a kind of harassment against the Nixon wing that brought off the China and Russia ventures. Concerning which harassment, two things need to be said:

1. If conservatives permit this kind of thing, how can they in the future blame Sen. Fulbright for exacting mutinous compliance from appointees before they become approved? Do we really desire a Foreign Service staffed with officers who will do their jobs slugishly against the possibility of a reversal of policy?

2. The half-dozen Americans excellently situated to know will tell you — and I hope Ashbrook will in due course seek them out — that Sonnenfeldt is in fact a brilliant asset to those in the government who want to bargain with the Soviet Union and to get the best we can in the process.

Sonnenfeldt was born in Germany and went to school there, and when he discovered that in the late 1950s his telephone was being tapped pursuant to the charge filed against him, he would amuse himself, as young men will do and some older men, by speaking in rapid German to a friend in the State Department. Never mind that the friend in question has been the spinal column of the anti-Communist there for a generation—the security officials evidently took greater offense at Sonnenfeldt's using a foreign language in faithful obstruction of their mission, than in meditating on whom he was talking to, and why.

STAR PA-17

... Western Europe, p. 2 Asia, p. 16 Middle East, p. 19 Communist, p. 22

# KISSINGER NOMINATION AND NEWS CONFERENCE

## Summary

Second-day foreign media reaction to the nomination of Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State, based in part on his press conference remarks yesterday, was generally favorable but included some reservations.

The high marks accorded President Nixon in voluminous comment yesterday on his handling of press questioning on Watergate continued in reduced volume today.

(See the Thursday report, *WTCI No. 102*, for first-day reaction on both subjects.)

Commentators attempted to assess Mr. Kissinger's position on international questions affecting the conduct of U.S. foreign relations.

--The *Times* of London termed Mr. Kissinger "a man of his time" and "something of a traditional European in his search for a balance of power... rather than a victory of ideologies."

--*Aktuelt* of Copenhagen, noting that "to a much larger extent than his predecessors, the German-born professor understands U.S.-European relations in addition to knowing about Europe's internal problems," judged the nomination "of particular interest to Europe."

--Tokyo's *Mainichi* pointed out that although "it is called the 'Year of Europe,' the developed nations which the U.S. is eyeing to rally to a new world order include Japan" and it foresaw "renewed vigor" in American pursuit of "the Kissinger plan."

Reservations about the nomination included "some doubt" about "his ability as an administrator and negotiator" (*Die Welt* of Hamburg) and concern that "when Mr. Kissinger says America will devote accentuated attention to Europe... it would only be in order to ask Europe to assume her share of burdens" (*Combat* of Paris).

Of President Nixon's conduct of his Wednesday news conference, French domestic radio carried the report of its Washington correspondent that "everyone who saw him... found him particularly brilliant and self-assured.... Now Nixon can look to the future with more confidence...."

Peking and Moscow media reported the Kissinger nomination.

No. 103

1

8/24/73

London Headlines
==================

Comment in British papers today viewed the nomination of Mr. Kissinger as Secretary of State with general approval and few reservations.

Correspondents' estimates yesterday that Mr. Nixon proved strong and convincing at his press conference were echoed in editorials today. (See *WTCI* No. 102 of August 23.)

Coverage of the Kissinger news conference in the "quality" press today appeared under these headlines:

"DR. KISSINGER EXPECTS 'SIGNIFICANT RESULTS' FROM NIXON TOUR"

(Times of London)

"KISSINGER THROWS DOUBT ON NIXON TRIP"

(Daily Telegraph)

"NIXON EUROPE TRIP 'NOT A GRAND TOUR'"

(Guardian)

"KISSINGER MAY TURN TO MIDDLE EAST"

(Financial Times)

"Must Overcome Fears About Personal Diplomacy"

The independent *Times* of London called Mr. Kissinger "a man of his time in so far as he does not subscribe to the illusion of American omnipotence."
It added:

"He is something of a traditional European in his search for a balance of power among nations rather than a victory of ideologies....

"His conviction that European and American politicians should rise above narrow economic interests is praise-worthy and his belief in the balance of power prevents him being an isolationist or one who would willingly allow Western Europe to be weakened...

No. 103

2

8/24/73

"Nevertheless, he will have to overcome fears that his love of personal diplomacy among the superpowers could make him insensitive to the rather tangled interests of lesser folk."

## "America's Allies Will Know What Is Going On"

The conservative _Daily Telegraph_ expected that "Dr. Kissinger will be backed up by the expert State Department machine and America's allies will know what is going on." It remarked, "He has given ample proof of his brilliance. His qualities of character and leadership will now be fully tested."

## "Nixon Earned Sympathy and Respect"

Of the President's news conference the paper wrote that Mr. Nixon "gave a good account of himself... He earned sympathy and respect by standing up to whatever was hurled at him by the most expert pitchers in the country."

The liberal _Guardian_ of Manchester and London judged that in the Kissinger nomination "the only sour note... is the suspicion that Mr. Rogers was relieved of his post because of his indirect criticisms of the President earlier in the week."

## "Kissinger Can Restore U.S. Prestige"

Columnist Woodrow Wyatt wrote today in the left-oriented London _Daily Mirror_ that Mr. Kissinger "has been associated with, or initiated, all Mr. Nixon's better moves, such as ending the war in Vietnam and improving relations with Russia and China. He will be strong and resourceful and should restore much of America's lost prestige."

## "Can Cope With Middle East"

In the independent London _Financial Times_, correspondent Robert Graham declared today that with Mr. Kissinger's nomination "another dimension has been added to the possibility of a Middle East settlement...."

No. 103

3

8/24/73

"Observers now believe that Dr. Kissinger has both the personality and negotiating ability to cope with the Middle East conflict. Further, he has the advantage of now being able to conduct a unified foreign policy which Mr. Rogers lacked."

Graham judged that Mr. Kissinger's "Jewish origin may well be acceptable to Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon but it will pose problems in dealing with Saudi Arabia."

"Fruitful Nixon Era Now?"

The independent weekly London *Economist*, out today, mused that "a restored President, a rehabilitated Vice President and a Secretary of State who can make the relationship between State Department and White House clear and firm may yet bring that final, fruitful Nixon era, but these are three dreams yet to come true."

In another editorial, the weekly declared:

"Eight months after the Year of Europe was supposed to have begun, the full extent of the damage done by the Watergate affair is becoming clear.... The Government of the U.S. is a stretcher case.

"The European Community has abysmally failed to discover the new sources of energy that seemed within reach in January and that would to some extent have made up for the paralysis of America. The only great power that seems to know what it wants to do in the world, and is doing it, is the Soviet Union....

"If the democracies are to recover from the wreckage of 1973, there will have to be someone in America or Europe who can get a grip on events again."

No. 103

4

8/24/73

BBC: "Kissinger Can Defend Policy He Created"

In a transatlantic discussion on BBC radio, Washington correspondent Henry Brandon of the independent London Sunday Times predicted that Mr. Kissinger as Secretary of State would bring about more changes in method than in substance of U.S. foreign policy. He added that since Mr. Kissinger "is the intellectual creator in many ways of American foreign policy, it is much easier for him to explain it and defend it, and I think he will do very well before Congress and that, perhaps, is one of the main reasons for his becoming Secretary of State."

Brandon remarked that "Kissinger has been accused of having spent the first four years in trying to improve relations with the adversaries and criticized for neglecting the allies--and now he's trying to make up for it."

West German TV: "NSC a Branch of State, or... ?"

Both West German television networks reported Mr. Kissinger's press conference on late newscasts last night.

Correspondent Hans Herbert Westermann said on the second TV network that Mr. Kissinger's nomination--"like the President's answers to questions on Watergate"--provided "more questions than answers." "The decisive question," he said, was whether, in view of Mr. Kissinger's dual functions, "the National Security Council will become a branch of the State Department, as the diplomats hope, or whether the State Department will become even more a tool of the White House--a change that would correspond more to the President's political style. People think that Kissinger will try to establish a little distance."

Westermann predicted that Mr. Kissinger would encounter difficulty in getting Senate approval because of "his silence on the illegal wire-tapping of his own staff and his part in the secret bombing raids over Cambodia."

The Kissinger press conference was given wide play in today's papers. Reports ran under such headlines as "No Date Yet for Nixon Trip, European Response Awaited" (Bonn's independent General-Anzeiger) and "Kissinger Announces 'Full Partnership' with Congress" (Hamburg's right-center Die Welt). Several papers ran profiles of Mr. Kissinger.

No. 103

5

8/24/73

# "Kissinger, U.S. Diplomats Need Each Other"

Washington correspondent Herbert von Borch wrote in Munich's independent *Sueddeutsche Zeitung* that Mr. Kissinger's "extraordinary eloquence, intellectual discipline and open-mindedness make it conceivable that at long last a dialogue will develop between the State Department and the White House on the one hand and with the Senate on the other." Such a development would be "beneficial to the Constitutional policy makers and Congress," von Borch wrote, adding that "Kissinger believes that foreign policy can be credible only if it has consensus." He concluded:

> "The Year of Europe means discussion of worldwide trade questions, a new monetary order, and not least, correction of past neglect of relations with the allies, with Latin America, the developing countries and the U.N. An embittered corps of career diplomats hopes that Kissinger will refurbish its prestige, and to carry out his tasks Kissinger needs the diplomats."

## "State's Unused Talent Will Be Tapped"

Adelbert Weinstein, political-military analyst of right-center *Frankfurter Allgemeine*, asserted that Mr. Kissinger "will very quickly gear up the rusty State Department machinery....

> "State's participation in the preparations for SALT was virtually nil. Now its unused talent will be tapped for this and for the new NATO initiative as well. For Europeans, Kissinger as Secretary of State is a gain. No one is more familiar with Atlantic problems than he. He sees Europe and the Middle East as a single strategic unit, thus we may expect the U.S.' new Alliance philosophy to include North Africa and Palestine..."

The paper's Washington correspondent, Jan Reifenberg, reported speculation here that Mr. Kissinger would leave "a considerable part of the Department's routine functions to Rush, and reserve for himself the fields of policy toward Moscow and Peking and security and Alliance policy matters....

No. 103

6

8/24/73

"There is general agreement that the exclusive responsi-
bility for foreign policy will continue to rest with the
President..."

"Must Prove He Can Administer"

Die Welt's Washington correspondent Heinz Barth wrote today in a profile of Mr. Kissinger that "the Administration's glamour star must now prove that the policy he formulates can indeed be carried out.

"Some doubt is in order.... What about his ability as an administrator and negotiator? The peace that he negotiated with the North Vietnamese represents a victory. The peace structure on which he has agreed with Moscow resembles a cracked dam which delays rather than prevents Soviet expansion..."

In a report of the Kissinger press conference, Barth said the nomination "con-
firms the course of U.S. foreign policy based on the idea of global balance of
the Washington-Moscow-Peking triangle...."

"This concept faces its acid test, for in the SALT talks and other matters Nixon and his new Secretary of State have made dangerous concessions to the Soviets in their efforts to create what they consider to be an enduring structure of peace. Kissinger will soon come to realize that formulating a concept of world politics and carrying it out are not the same thing."

"Kissinger Has Warned Europe"

A profile in Munich's pro-Christian Democratic Muenchner Merkur cautioning
against interpreting Mr. Kissinger's current views on the basis of his studies
of Metternich, said he was "tempted by the international applause" over the
Vietnam negotiations and held that "while not a dreamer he is also not the
incarnation of reason in international affairs.

No. 103

7

8/24/73

"The key idea of his philosophy is 'the weakness of the powerful'... This explains why the allies have been sacri-ficed, why Washington wants to lay down part of its burden and why it uses more rigorous language with its allies than with its opponents.

"Kissinger has given Europe a preliminary warning. In proclaiming the Year of Europe, he unmistakably drew the limits of American benevolence.... Doubtless he is an Atlanticist, but it is no accident that economic issues head his agenda.... He tells Western Europe that unbridled economic competition might interfere with joint defense.

"Perhaps Kissinger is more Europe-minded than any other conceivable Secretary of State, but in his dealings with Europeans, he will be the demanding party and will explain that the U.S. considers its economic and monetary differences with the EEC to be more ominous than the Soviet threat to the U.S.' security. And he will merely promise that the U.S. will never consciously violate the interests of its friends."

Pro-Christian Democratic Rheinische Post of Duesseldorf ran the report of its Washington correspondent, Dietrick Frank, that Germans and other Europeans could now expect that American desires "will be expressed more clearly and plainly. Unlike Rogers, who was always polite, Kissinger on occasion displays brutal candor..."

Washington correspondent Monika Metzner reported in left-center Frankfurter Rundschau that Mr. Kissinger's main focus had been on Asian affairs and that "he led the U.S. out of a missionary ideology toward Asia to the real-politik which permitted military disengagement...."

"Kissinger sees the Europeans as a unity and as partners.... Little is known of his thoughts on Latin America, Canada and the U.N.... The Arabs, of all people, have set their hopes on Kissinger, a Jew."

No. 103

8

8/24/73

# "Impartial on the German Problem"

Frankfurter Neue Presse, pro-Christian Democratic, declared that "although Mr. Kissinger speaks English with a Bavarian accent, this should not lead us to believe that German policy has a natural ally in him. Kissinger is impartial on the German problem."

## Paris Treatment

Mr. Nixon's news conference and his nomination of Mr. Kissinger continued to receive lead play and comment yesterday afternoon and evening. Comment today reflected mixed views of the significance of Mr. Kissinger's nomination for U.S. - Europe relations.

# "Adversaries Think Nixon Will Reverse Public Opinion"

Washington correspondent Emmanuel de la Taille reported on state-run French television that following the President's news conference, "Watergate is definitely a thing of the past for the White House. Nixon is convinced that he will eventually manage to reverse public opinion.

"His adversaries, incidentally, also believe he will, since there is no other possible outcome and no one wants to assume responsibility for impeaching him."

# "Kissinger Must Again Concentrate on Allies"

Independent-left Le Monde of Paris held that the "promotion" of Mr. Kissinger to the Secretaryship "does not mean that he will have many occasions to add to his glory.... However, the major part of what history will doubtless recall of the Nixon-Kissinger foreign affairs achievement has already been recorded: disengagement from Indochina, normalization of relations with Moscow and Peking....

"In the immediate future Mr. Kissinger will have to concentrate above all on relations with the traditional friends of the U.S., a matter to which he used to devote much attention. He understood the position of France better than did many others; furthermore, he shared the French hope for a 'multipolar' world.

No. 103

9

8/24/73

"However, this said, it must be added that his statement on transformation of the Atlantic Alliance is not up to his analyses of earlier times....

"While cool, occasionally cynical calculation may produce the best results when the aim is establishment of new relationships with old adversaries who believe only in force, the same does not apply when trying to revive an Alliance that no longer believes deeply in the society it is charged with protecting."

## "Statement Was Aimed at Congress"

Reporting on Mr. Kissinger's news conference in middle-of-the-road Figaro of Paris, Washington correspondent Jacques Jacquet-Francillon judged that "his long preliminary statement was in no way intended for the rest of the world; it was aimed at the U.S. Congress and it means that the time of secret missions is over."

Inferring that "the preparation of President Nixon's visit to Europe is Mr. Kissinger's first concern," Jacquet-Francillon asked:

"Is he still hoping it will be possible for Mr. Nixon to sign the 'declaration of principles' during his visit?...Mr. Kissinger does not want to go out on a limb, but he obviously believes it will."

## "What Increased Attention to Europe Entails"

Independent-left Combat of Paris maintained today that "when Mr. Kissinger says America will devote accentuated attention to Europe this can mean only one thing in the present context: If the U.S. in a magnanimous gesture should acknowledge publicly the reality of a sovereign Europe, it would be only in order to ask Europe to assume her share of burdens and responsibilities as a group of mature nations." It continued:

"The new diplomatic dynamism Mr. Nixon is displaying toward Europe is of a nature to make Europe's blood run cold. But how can Europe escape that suffocating affection?...

No. 103

10

8/24/73

"Mr. Nixon--if he eventually crosses the Atlantic--will have to visit several capitals to discuss any given subject, for there are nine different viewpoints on everything. How could the American Government fail to turn that confusion to its own advantage?

"Mr. Nixon's visit is thus obviously quite premature: The Europeans are not ready. But Mr. Nixon cannot wait: He has to make people forget Watergate and he also wants to gain new commercial advantages in Europe and repatriate some of his troops.

"Under these conditions it was inevitable that Mr. Kissinger should propose a new Atlantic charter...inevitable that America should tell Europe what to do. Never has the Community's sluggishness appeared so great, never has Europe so desperately lacked political power."

### Radio: "Nixon Was Brilliant, Self-Assured"

State-managed French radio carried this comment by Washington correspondent Michel Anfrol on President Nixon's press conference:

"Everyone who saw him... all the journalists who have been with him for five years, found him particularly brilliant and self-assured, in spite of his apparent nervousness at the beginning of the news conference--a genuine 50-minute duel with journalists who had been waiting for this opportunity since March. Now Nixon can look to the future with more confidence...."

### Rome TV: "Nixon Scored Points"

Correspondent Rodolfo Brancoli reported on state-run Italian television that the "general feeling" in New York "was that the President scored a point by answering some treacherous questions without becoming too nervous. The effect on TV viewers was probably better than for the Watergate speech...

No. 103

11

8/24/73

"Nixon's trump card is his foreign policy and the appoint-
ment of Kissinger is a sign of more initiative in this
field. His accepting the job has strengthened the Admin-
istration."

"Ends Six-Month Paralysis"

U.S. correspondent Lucio Manisco wrote today in independent *Il Messaggero* of Rome that with the Kissinger appointment, "President Nixon not only has given the first practical demonstration of his intention to overcome...the nation's Watergate obsession but has clearly re-established the priority and autonomy of his foreign policy.... The choice was received with relief by...allies and opposing governments which have been dealing for more than six months with the paralysis... of what had been until 1972 the most dynamic and innovative foreign policy ever pursued by a great power in the postwar period...

"This was to be the 'Year of Europe'... but the program... was seriously delayed. Kissinger will have to make lightning progress in order to begin the preliminary negotiations on the subjects that Nixon will discuss with European statesmen...."

Itemizing such topics, Manisco concluded: "It is feared that Kissinger may aim at regimenting European allies as Brezhnev is trying to do with Eastern European countries with the benevolent support of the U.S. This is the obstacle that Washington must overcome to pursue CSCE and MBFR constructively...."

The foreign editor of left-of-center *La Stampa* of Turin wrote today:

"By accepting Rogers' resignation, Nixon has...turned a negative event...into a positive fact...the appointment of the most prestigious man of his Administration, perhaps the only one who is able to renew his Administration's image in the eyes of America and the world..."

No. 103

12

8/24/73

Vienna: "Kissinger Will Boost Nixon Prestige"

Socialist _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of Vienna said today that Mr. Kissinger's "upgrading from the status of a secret Secretary of State to that of the real one will boost the President's shaken prestige, especially abroad." It noted that in his new role Mr. Kissinger "will be more accountable to Congress and to public opinion than he has been so far...

"In an era when... the world is trying to achieve a new balance of forces, we surely welcome such an increase in terms of visibility at an important switch."

"Dual Role Is Logical"

Independent _Die Presse_ of Vienna declared that "Kissinger's cloak-and-dagger period is over... so it is quite logical that the ingenious architect of the new foreign policy is taking over full responsibility without giving up his position as the President's security adviser." It added:

"The Senate's confirmation will not be long in coming."

Independent _Kurier_ of Vienna said now that Mr. Kissinger would have a dual role, "his concept for Europe has become America's official policy."

TV: "Kissinger Deserves This Position"

Austrian television declared last night:

"It is during a domestic affairs predicament of his President that Kissinger has attained this high-ranking position and made his definitive claim to statesmanship. However, he deserves this as the architect of the foreign policy which is now Nixon's biggest capital for survival."

"Nixon Paid Them Back in Kind"

On Austrian radio yesterday, correspondent Rudolf Stoiber reported that at President Nixon's press conference "there was sharpshooting on both sides." He said the journalists "took off their kid gloves" and asked questions "without mincing words." He added:

"The President, who presented himself in a militant mood... paid back in kind."

No. 103

13

8/24/73

Rotterdam: "Shows Continuity of U.S. Policy"

The Kissinger nomination received the full attention of Dutch press, radio and television.

The independent-liberal *NRC-Handelsblad* of Rotterdam said it "can be regarded as an extremely important step toward the highly necessary normalization of the U.S. form of government." It added:

"The appointment can also be seen as a clear signal from Washington to the world that U.S. foreign policy has its own continuity, and is not dependent upon the person of the President...."

"For Europe, Kissinger's words last April about the necessity for a revision of European-U.S. relationships have now gained new weight."

## Danish Views

The conservative *Berlingske Tidende* of Copenhagen declared today:

"The shift may prove to be a gain for the State Department and the Foreign Service, where morale has been shaken by the impression that foreign affairs decisions were made over the heads of the professional diplomats and without their being heard, let alone respected. For that reason Kissinger has not always been particularly liked among diplomats. But they, nevertheless, welcome his appointment."

Liberal *Politiken* of Copenhagen remarked today that the "man who will continue to conduct secret negotiations will no longer do so behind the back of the Secretary of State." Nevertheless, it added, "he will continue to be the President's Assistant for Security Affairs. In that capacity he believes he will continue to avoid being responsible to Congress. President Nixon cannot extricate himself from a conspiratorial attitude towards his post...."

Social Democratic *Aktuelt* of Copenhagen considered the appointment "of particular interest to Europe" because "to a much larger extent than his predecessors, the German-born professor understands U.S.-European relations in addition to knowing about Europe's internal problems." The paper added that "in these as in other questions, Kissinger has not only revealed orthodoxy but also realism...."

No. 103

14

8/24/73

## Swedish Views

Independent _Dagens Nyheter_ of Stockholm characterized Mr. Kissinger as "seeking in the light of history a role as the man who developed a new philosophical pattern for the capitalistic and security policy interests which Nixon...represents." It concluded that "despite all the new initiatives and accents," Kissinger, "if the truth were known, is enough of a cold warrior to satisfy Nixon."

New York correspondent Ulf Nilson wrote in liberal _Expressen_ of Stockholm that Mr. Kissinger "is no admirer of Olof Palme's Government. There is thus no reason at all to believe that relations between the U.S. and Sweden will improve as a result of William Rogers' resignation."

He contended that as a refugee from Nazi Germany Mr. Kissinger took particular exception to Mr. Palme's comparison of Hanoi bombing with Nazi atrocities. He also stated that Mr. Kissinger was primarily interested in big-power relationships and "is not at all attracted by independent, sometimes provocative behavior on the part of 'third-class powers.'"

## Montreal: "Assures Continuity"

Today's independent conservative Montreal _Gazette_ asserted that Dr. Kissinger's appointment "will assure continuity in the nation's foreign policy.

"It was Mr. Kissinger, after all, who as the President's chief foreign affairs adviser has provided the main thrust of that policy over the last four years. It was Mr. Kissinger who negotiated the cease-fire in Vietnam, who broke the impasse with China, opened a new relationship with the Soviet Union and has been making overtures to Europe.

"...For all his brilliance, Mr. Kissinger is really a 19th-century diplomat who believes in world stability through balance of power. Metternich and Bismarck are still his heroes. Adroit as he is at reconciling great forces, we do not yet know how he will adapt to lesser ones. We have seldom hear him mention Canada, for example, or express his views on Latin America, or Africa or the U.N. A Metternich he may be; a Lester Pearson he is not..."

No. 103

15

8/24/73

Tokyo: "Closer Ties"

Japanese television networks gave prominent attention this morning to Mr. Kissinger's press conference. They said he had stated his intention of putting more emphasis on closer ties with Japan and Europe.

A report from publicly financed NHK-TV's Washington bureau said Mr. Kissinger told newsmen that he intends to handle diplomatic matters from a bipartisan viewpoint and provide Congress with the information it needs.

The network predicted that Congress would approve the Kissinger nomination because of his past achievements in the diplomatic field.

Tokyo newspapers gave the nomination banner play last night and follow-ups this morning.

They quoted Foreign Ministry sources as welcoming the nomination because it would simplify the decision-making role and help ease the reported discord between the State Department and the National Security Council. The sources were said, however, to have expressed "mild concern over Mr. Kissinger's style of diplomacy, which they said appears to 'ignore the means to achieve the end.'"

"Japan Must Study Kissinger Plan"

Independent-moderate Mainichi, third largest national daily, judged that the nomination "signifies President Nixon's determination to promote a new diplomatic offensive to minimize the Watergate scandal's adverse effect on U.S. prestige and the President himself and re-establish the U.S. as a world leader." It said:

"The main diplomatic objective of the Nixon Administration during the President's second term is the readjustment of international relations among industrial nations.... Though it is called 'the Year of Europe,' the developed nations which the U.S. is eyeing to rally to a new world order include Japan...

"President Nixon's announcement of Dr. Kissinger's appointment indicates that the U.S. will promote the 'new Atlantic charter'

No. 103

16

8/24/73

plan with renewed vigor. Therefore it has become urgent
for Japan to study seriously the Kissinger plan and determine
Japan's attitude toward it."

## "Should Simplify U.S. Diplomacy"

The second largest national newspaper, independent-moderate _Yomiuri_, said the conduct of U.S. diplomacy would become "greatly simplified" and "more efficient....

"Steered by Kissinger, the U.S. has been able to make a truly wonderful change in its diplomacy from a policy of confrontation to one of negotiation.

"But, as Nixon has put it, there lies ahead for the U.S. the big task of constructing a framework that will allow for lasting peace in the world."

Of Japan's role in the new Atlantic alliance, the paper commented that "we should keep in mind that the U.S. regards Japan as an equal and 'mature' partner, and that Kissinger is known not only for his diplomatic skills but also for his rationality."

## "No More Cloak and Dagger"

Business-oriented _Nihon Keizai_, saying Mr. Kissinger had achieved many diplomatic successes through "cloak and dagger" methods, suggested that "as Secretary of State he will be restricted in carrying out the so-called Kissinger diplomacy."

The English-language _Japan Times_ said today that "Dr. Kissinger has been known in the past among the people here as being mainly Europe-oriented" and that his new designation "may be interpreted here as a definite change of direction in the U.S. foreign policy from its many years of involvement with Asian affairs to what was announced earlier as the Year of Europe posture," but "it is doubtful whether this theory has real credence." The paper also said:

"Secretary of State Rogers' relations with Japanese officials has been extremely good despite the 'Nixon shocks' and other troublesome issues. And they will view his departure from the Washington scene with a genuine feeling of regret."

No. 103

17

8/24/73

## Seoul: "Will Restore Authority to State"

South Korean papers said today that Mr. Kissinger's appointment would restore prestige and authority to the State Department, improve coordination and cooperation between the White House and State Department and improve efficiency, and lead to furthering friendly relations and cooperation between the Republic of Korea and the U.S.

## Singapore: "One of the Few Heartening Developments"

The Singapore edition of the influential *Straits Times*, in an editorial called "Dr. K., Mr. Secretary," said that in a combined role "Dr. Kissinger will have the capacity to keep America's foreign policy commitments alive and strengthen them, one of the few heartening developments in post-Watergate Washington."

## "Congress May Question Security Role"

The editorially separate Kuala Lumpur edition declared:

"Congress is unlikely to delay approval of Dr. Kissinger's nomination as Secretary of State, but it may question the President's intention to retain him at the White House as personal adviser on national security.

"As head of the State Department (the first non-American born citizen to hold the post) Dr. Kissinger will be on call when Congress is restive. In his other capacity he will not be available, and plainly this may pose problems."

The paper said that the "return to the State Department of first responsibility for the affairs with which it is charged is almost revolutionary" and "unquestionably it will be welcomed in most foreign capitals."

## "No Questions to Nixon on Rogers-Kissinger"

A front-page box in the paper, referring to the President's press conference, said, "Preoccupation with Watergate showed strikingly when reporters asked not one question about this top-level change" in the President's cabinet, "which normally would have produced a barrage of inquiries."

No. 103

18

8/24/73

# "Watergate Must Not Weaken Detente, Indochina Efforts"

The Malay-language *Utusan Malaysia* of Kuala Lumpur, reviewing President Nixon's broadcast Watergate speech, expressed the hope "that the attention of the people of America is not concentrated" on the Watergate issue "only to weaken the efforts made toward detente and stability in the relationship among the big powers and also the developments in Indochina." It added:

> "History will not pardon them if that happens."

## Bangkok: "Nixon, Kissinger Both Europe-Oriented"

The English-language Thai-edited *Nation* of Bangkok said today that "most observers consider that being a German refugee" Mr. Kissinger "is more oriented to Europe than to Asia." It added:

> "Since Nixon is also considered to be Europe-oriented, it is possible to see more American interest in that area."

## Calcutta: "Nixon Needed a Miracle Man"

The independent moderate *Hindusthan Standard* of Calcutta remarked on the "hostility between the Administration and Congress," mentioning Watergate, high prices and the problems of the Vice President, and concluded that it was President Nixon's "belief that only a miracle could save him from utter ruination, and the miracle man in his opinion is Kissinger."

## Cairo: "Judge Nomination by Israeli Reaction"

Cairo's government-controlled Middle East News Agency yesterday circulated a brief report of an editorial on Mr. Kissinger's nomination from *al-Gomhouryia*, organ of the Arab Socialist Union, which predicted no change in what it called a U.S. "fait accompli strategy on world crises in the last year....

> "Although the 'fait accompli' policy in the Vietnam question and 'detente' with Moscow has accorded with the strategic interests of the Vietnamese rebels and of the governments of Peking and Moscow, this line is completely rejected in the Middle East because it suits only the interests of the Israeli aggressors and consolidates Israeli occupation of Arab territory....

No. 103

19

8/24/73

"It is enough to remember that the Israelis received the appointment of Kissinger with the statement, 'Now at the head of U. S. diplomacy stands a man who appreciates the role of Israel in the general U. S. strategy.'"

## Beirut: "Another Israeli Triumph"

Lebanese media headlined Mr. Kissinger's press conference remark that he would not permit his religious heritage to influence the conduct of U. S. policy in the Middle East.

Independent _an-Nahar_, widely read in the Middle East, noted today that Mr. Kissinger is "the first Jewish American Secretary of State, first Secretary of State not born in America, and the first Presidential counselor who even appears more powerful than the President in that he either appointed himself Secretary or imposed his will on the President to appoint him to the post." It said that Mr. Kissinger would also be the first Secretary "about whose identity the Arabs would not be confused.

"By virtue of the fact that he is Jewish--whether he manifests this or not--neither he nor his policy needs any introduction to the Arabs.... Undoubtedly Kissinger's appointment is another Israeli triumph over the Arabs..."

## "The Real President of the U.S."

Independent _al-Bayraq_ saw Mr. Kissinger as "the real President of the U. S." because Watergate, which it suggested may have been instigated by Zionists, "destroyed the prestige and authority of President Nixon and other scandals have damaged Vice President Agnew."

The Kissinger appointment, the paper said, was "a kind of open declaration of war against the Arab states, particularly those which were preparing to use the oil weapon to influence U. S. policy." His nomination demonstrated, it said, that U. S. policy in the Middle East was based on the assumption that "there is no longer any distinction between U. S. and Israeli interests."

No. 103

20

8/24/73

Amman: "We Hope for Real U.S. Move"

Radio Amman's domestic Arabic service yesterday noted Mr. Kissinger's
nomination in connection with reports from Moscow that the Soviet Union
was now of the view that the USSR "had done all it could" and that the "key
to a solution of the Middle East problem lay in U.S. hands."

The radio commentator expressed agreement with that view, adding, "accordingly, we cannot but view President Nixon's appointment of Dr. Kissinger as Secretary of State with great interest and expectation."

"This is because Washington cannot continue to ignore the just and legitimate rights of the Arab states... The U.S. knows more than any other nation how dangerous it would be for the present Middle East situation to continue indefinitely and to be left at the mercy of the Israeli military establishment, which no longer sees anything except in terms of its expansionist plans...."

"If we were to hope for anything following Kissinger's appointment... we would hope for a real U.S. move in support of justice, freedom and independence in the Middle East and the world."

"The Arab states, which have waited a long time, are watching... They hope the U.S. will shoulder its responsibility in supporting the Arab states' just and legitimate rights and in putting an end to the Israeli military establishment's aggressive occupationist policy..."

Tel Aviv: "A Sincere Friend"

Influential independent Haaretz of Tel Aviv wrote today that Mr. Kissinger "has in many ways proved himself a sincere friend of Israel. He is known to reject pressure by Arab oil countries as the decisive factor in crystalizing U.S. foreign policy and it is expected that he will restrain those elements in the State Department who have joined the oil companies in their demands that the U.S. cease support of Israel."

No. 103

21

8/24/73

Semi-official *Davar* judged that the Middle East problem would not be the top item on Mr. Kissinger's agenda as Secretary of State because "it will take some time for the Americans to find out what the Soviet intentions will be following the end of the Vietnam war...."

*"An Unusual Kissinger Initiative?"*

Independent *Maariv* suggested that Mr. Kissinger "may come up with an unusual Middle East initiative...."

"However, he knows that he will have to act in conformity with the Congress... and realizes the weight of Congressional support for Israel."

A by-line analysis in independent *Jerusalem Post* noted that Mr. Kissinger is "on record as opposing an imposed peace on the Middle East...."

"However, if the new Secretary's policy is consistent with his past theory and action, he may well conceive... of the U.S. and the USSR drafting the outline of what they could agree upon as a fair and reasonable deal for the area... and making this outline unmistakably clear to Israel and its Arab neighbors..."

*Peking Reports Kissinger Nomination*

Peking NCNA's English service reported yesterday that President Nixon had nominated Mr. Kissinger to succeed Secretary of State Rogers, who had resigned. It said Mr. Kissinger's nomination was subject to Senate confirmation and that he would remain as the President's adviser on national security affairs.

*Moscow Mention*

Moscow TASS, which yesterday reported the Rogers-Kissinger announcement, also noted that President Nixon had answered questions about Watergate in his press conference, quoting his statement that he "deeply deplored" the incident and that it would not have happened had he been running the campaign. The report also cited his statement that the Administration would see that the guilty were brought to justice, but that "we must move on from Watergate... continuing the initiatives we began in the first Administration." It concluded: "The President also said, 'Now our goal is to move forward then, to move forward and to build a structure of peace.'"

No. 103

22

8/24/73

NEW YORK NEWS - 23 AUGUST 1973

ROGERS OUT, KISSINGER IN

Kissinger

Rogers

NEW YORK TIMES - 23 AUGUST 1973

New Man at State

For more than four years, Henry A. Kissinger has carried many of the responsibilities and exercised many of the functions that usually go with being Secretary of State. It comes as no surprise that President Nixon has now decided to give the job in title as well as fact to his chief foreign affairs adviser, the architect of most of this Administration's major initiatives abroad.

The departing Secretary, William P. Rogers, has been a man of intelligence, sound instinct and goodwill in an Administration in which such qualities are hardly conspicuous. In other circumstances, he might have left his mark as Secretary of State, but the extent to which he was shut out of key decisions made him often appear unsure of himself and altogether too willing not merely to defer to Mr. Kissinger but to accept a secondary role in foreign policy making for the Department of State.

In the one area left often for him, Mr. Rogers devised an admirably even-handed initiative for peace in the Middle East and deserves credit for the fragile cease-fire eventually brought about between Israel and the Arab states. Even in this project, however, he eventually allowed dilutions of his policy by other forces in the Administration.

Meanwhile, Mr. Kissinger was negotiating the settlement of the Vietnam war and carrying out the initiatives and missions that resulted in President Nixon's groundbreaking trip to China and his exchange of visits with Soviet Communist leader Brezhnev. When the President decided on the "Year of Europe" as his 1973 foreign policy theme it was Mr. Kissinger who delivered the first detailed outline of the concept in a New York address last April.

Merely summarizing these history-making activities gives an idea of the outsized diplomatic load Mr. Kissinger has carried for President Nixon and—more to the point—makes it plain that the former Harvard professor has excellent qualifications to be Secretary of State. Prompt Senate confirmation of the President's choice is certainly in order.

There is room for worry, however on how seriously Mr. Kissinger takes the concept long attributed to him—and mentioned cryptically on one occasion by the President—of a shifting world balance among major power centers as a substitute for alliance diplomacy in maintaining international peace. Where would the "revitalized Atlantic partnership," for which he called in his April address, fit into such a nineteenth-century concept?

It would also be helpful to know more than his April address disclosed on how he views the European Community and what he would recommend for rejuvenating United States relations with it. There is little in the record to reveal his thinking about the developing countries, Latin America, Canada or the United Nations.

Finally, there are bound to be reservations about how Mr. Kissinger will administer a State Department and Foreign Service whose morale has been damaged by neglect and the encroachments of his mini-State Department in the White House. Some tact and sensitivity from the outset will pay dividends here and doubtless enable Mr. Kissinger to exploit fully the gratification many in the State Department will feel at the President's indication that it is being restored as the base for innovation and administration of United States foreign policy.

BALTIMORE SUN - 21 AUGUST 1973 (23)

Three-Cornered Arms Deal

The Harrier "jump jet" is a British flying machine that takes off vertically and fights horizontally and swiftly. It can provide close tactical support to armies moving beyond airstrips, and it can prolong the useful life of obsolescent aircraft carriers. So good is it that the U.S. Marine Corps has ordered 90, and admirals of middle-sized navies around the world are beginning to think they cannot do without it. This is comforting to the British government, which has not been much rewarded financially by its aerospace investments, and which would like to sell almost anything to almost anybody. For it is the universal hope of arms development subsidizers that their marvelous gadgets will right the balance, if not of armaments, at least of payments.

But it is a strange deal by which the United States, awaiting delivery of its own Harriers, is going to sell eight for about $30 million to Spain. It has caused political uproar in London, and properly so. Britain has sold no weapons to Spain for a decade. The former Labor government of Harold Wilson wouldn't. The present Conservative government of Edward Heath just might, but hasn't. The left half of British politics considers Franco Spain to be still Fascist and bad, a sensibility as absent from the right half as it is from official Washington. But all Britain, for the present period at least, resists the territorial claim which Spain presses on the British colony of Gibraltar, with varying degrees of belligerent posture.

In this context it would be mad for Washington to sell planes which Spain might use in its quarrel with Britain. Britain is the more valuable ally. British officials concede that they were "fully consulted," which admits of two possible explanations. Perhaps the Nixon administration pressed

NEW YORK TIMES - 19 AUGUST 1973(23)

Common Enemy

As Indian and Pakistani diplomats prepared last week to renew their efforts to resolve the differences remaining from their 1971 conflict over Bangladesh and thus establish a lasting peace on the Indian subcontinent, troops of the two countries were reported once more to be crossing their common border. This time, however, the soldiers were not fighting one another but a common enemy, the monsoon floods that have been devastating both countries.

The joint rescue effort offers a timely example of the kind of cooperation that should long ago have linked the estranged brothers of the subcontinent. The floods which have now brought them together are merely the latest dramatic manifestation of the perpetual disasters that continually ravage this overcrowded, impoverished region.

The example set by their soldiers should help inspire the Indian and Pakistani diplomats to speedy resolution of their relatively petty differences so that their two countries, along with Bangladesh, can launch a sustained common attack on their real enemies—poverty, underdevelopment and a fickle climate.

the British to acquiesce, or perhaps the Heath government wished to make the sale but couldn't face the British public about it and laundered the deal through Washington. Either way, one of the governments must be behaving underhandedly. An Anglo-Spanish rapprochement would be in everyone's interest. If Britain wants Spain to buy Harriers, then Britain should sell them, and if not, the United States should not undercut British policy.

LOS ANGELES TIMES

False Start Town

Considering all the cruelties and antidemocratic acts that have occurred since the Greek colonels seized power in a 1967 coup, it is unlikely that the same cast of characters will preside over a genuine restoration of democracy and civil liberties. The freeing of hundreds of political prisoners this week is nonetheless a welcome development.

Dispatches from Athens indicate that President George Papadopoulos is living up to his promise to grant a general amnesty to all those convicted of political crimes since the colonels took over six years ago. Oppositionists living in exile abroad were excluded from the amnesty, but those who walked out of their jail cells in Greece included the civilians and retired naval officers who sought to overthrow the military last May, as well as the army deserter who tried to assassinate Papadopoulos in 1968.

The move is obviously intended to lend substance to his appeal for Greeks of all persuasions to forget the past and unite in a build a future of hope and

THURSDAY MORNING, 23 AUGUST 1973

WASHINGTON POST - 23 AUGUST 1973

Clayton Fritchey

SEATO's Future

When the Senate reconvenes a few weeks from now, it could well take a few minutes off from Watergate to consider the timely proposal of the assistant majority leader, Sen. Robert Byrd (D-W.Va.), to disassociate the United States from its delinquent stepchild, the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, more popularly, if dubiously, known as SEATO.

Until last week, it was assumed in many quarters that, in the words attributed to Australian diplomats, SEATO would be left to "wither away" once U.S. troops and bombers were withdrawn from Indochina. But now suddenly that doesn't appear to be the administration's "game plan." Hence, he renewed interest in Sen. Byrd's proposal.

Before the resignation of Secretary of State William Rogers was announced yesterday, it was reported that he was to meet with the envoys of other SEATO members in New York next month to put new emphasis on the little-known non-military aspects of the 19-year-old mutual defense organization as a means of keeping it alive. Now, of course, it will be the new Secretary of State who will go to New York for the September opening of the U.N. General Assembly.

New life for SEATO could expose American taxpayers to additional burdens of economic aid, but, beyond that, as long as SEATO lingers in any form, the administration will claim it has legal justification for keeping its bombers in Thailand, which is the key to any renewed U.S. war activity in the Indochinese theater.

President Nixon has indicated that if North Vietnam initiates a major offensive against South Vietnam or Cambodia, he would call for the re-

Pentagon spokesman, Jerry Friedheim, put it.

After North Vietnam in 1954 defeated the French in Indochina, John Foster Dulles, then secretary of state, invented SEATO as a means of keeping a foothold in the area. Britain and France reluctantly joined in order to humor Washington. Australia and New Zealand came in because they depend on the United States to protect them. Thailand and the Philippines are U.S. satellites, Pakistan, at the time, was also one of our client states.

Although Washington belatedly invoked SEATO as legal authority for intervening in South Vietnam, it should be noted that the Saigon government is not a signatory. It wasn't until after the United States began sending in ground troops that former President Lyndon Johnson suddenly discovered (in 1966) that under SEATO we had to defend South Vietnam.

This was news to our allies. The other major signatories of the treaty—Britain, France and Pakistan—have never recognized any obligation to help Saigon. Pakistan, in fact, has since withdrawn from SEATO. France is inactive. The new prime minister of New Zealand, who feels SEATO has "atrophied," says "we need an organization which brings countries together rather than separates them, as SEATO does." Australia also is close to withdrawal.

Back in 1968 when Mr. Nixon was running for President, he called SEATO a "somewhat anachronistic, peculiar," and the man he chose as his No. 1 adviser, Dr. Henry d it as "morbund."

NEW YORK TIMES - 23 AUGUST 1973 Pg 41

Lockheed Denies Charge
Of Being Overpaid by Navy

BURBANK, Calif., Aug. 22 (Reuters) — The Lockheed Aircraft Corporation denied today a charge that it was overpaid on a Navy shipbuilding contract.

Yesterday, the Navy ruled that Lockheed must refund $42.2-million to the Govern-

ment in a dispute over increased costs in contracts for seven amphibious ships and five ocean escort vessels.

Lockheed said the Navy's decision had ignored the fact that the company's shipbuilding unit reached a written agreement with the Navy in 1971 under which about $159-million in Lockheed claims were settled for $62-million.

Yet, soon after taking over the White House, Mr. Nixon sent Secretary Rogers to Bangkok to reaffirm, without reservation, the L.B.J. commitment to SEATO.

In short, the new President also wanted a legal excuse, no matter how synthetic, to legitimatize U.S. intervention in Indochina. So now, more than four years later, the administration is still at it.

Sen. Byrd can render a real public service by showing how the American people were deceived into thinking that SEATO imposed on them a sacred commitment to fight in Indochina. That question ought to be clearly settled so that it can never be exploited again.

The question first arose when the treaty was before the U.S. Senate in 1955 for ratification. The then-chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Sen. Walter George, said (with the approval of Secretary Dulles), "I cannot emphasize too strongly that we have no obligation to take positive measures of any kind. All we are obligated to do is consult together about it."

Mr. Dulles himself told the Senate, "We do not intend to dedicate any major elements of the U.S. military establishment to form an army of defense in this area..." Yet, in the end, a willful President did just that—without consulting Congress, the public or even the other members of SEATO. The treaty, like the Tonkin Gulf Resolution, ought to be repealed—lock, stock and barrel. The sooner the better.

© 1973, Los Angeles Times

23 AUGUST 1973 Pg 7

once it signs them."

But he said it remained to be seen whether another "aggressor" country would also respect the Paris accords by withdrawing its troops from Cambodia.

Question for U.S.

"If the North Vietnamese continue to fight us here on Cambodian soil," he said, "then we must ask the United States why it continues to respect the Paris accords if the other side won't respect them. I think friendly countries like South Vietnam and Thailand would not stand by and let Hanoi overrun us. In such a case we would have to depend on our neighbors."

He said, however, that although Thailand fully supported the Phnom Penh Government politically, Cambodia had received "no official word from Thailand, as to whether Thailand would send troops."

Even at times of great danger, the prospect of Thai troops on Cambodian territory is one

about which Cambodians have mixed feelings at best. In one period of Cambodia's history the entire western province of Battambang was under Thai occupation and Thai troops were finally expelled by the French colonial government of Cambodia.

General United Sosthene Fernandez said that six weeks ago Phnom Penh was besieged by 62 enemy battalions and that they had been "decisively defeated."

The Government leaders asserted that six weeks ago there were 36,000 to 37,000 Vietnamese Communist troops in Cambodia plus 40,000 to 45,000 Khmer Rouge but that of the total two-thirds had been killed.

In a long criticism of foreign reporting from Cambodia the General told the Thais:

"No one ever reported this victory of ours to the outside world. "They reported only our difficulties, of families being sent out of the country and embassies evacuating personnel and so forth. We hope Thai journalists will correct this."

3

State Department Out of Limbo

Henry Kissinger is finally to be
secretary of state in name as well
as in fact. President Nixon has
underlined his faith in his top ad-
viser on foreign affairs by retain-
ing him as special assistant for
national security affairs while as-
igning him to take over at Foggy
Bottom.

The move makes sense from a
number of standpoints. Early in
the first Nixon administration
Kissinger assumed real control
over foreign affairs. The State
Department was relegated to sec-
ondary status, much to the dis-
may of its career officers and to
the damage of their morale. Sec-
retary of State Rogers, though a
longtime friend of the president
with long years in public service,
had to play second fiddle to Kis-
singer. Understandable bitterness
was held in check only because
Rogers is amiable and lacked the
stomach to fight for his depart-
ment.

In the great achievements of
the past few years — the opening
to China, the detente with Russia,
the final ending of participation
in the Indochina war — Rogers
played no significant part. Kissin-
ger was the mastermind. More
fortunately for Rogers, he had no
part, either, in the less palatable
foreign policy events — the as-
toundingly inept handling of the

India-Pakistan crisis, the interna-
tional economic disasters, the
failures of the Vietnam peace
agreement, the weakening of the
Atlantic Alliance, the repeated
snubbing of Japan, the secret
bombing of Cambodia.

There has long been competi-
tion between the National Securi-
ty Council complex and the State
Department, ever since John Fos-
ter Dulles was secretary of state.
It makes sense to bring the two
under one manager, and Kissinger
is the logical man for the job. He
has long been known as a prag-
matist and has generally proved it
at the White House. There is much
to be done in foreign affairs in the
next year. Kissinger has been in
on the groundwork. It is well that
he continue to build the structure.
It won't be an easy job, given the
domestic difficulties the adminis-
tration faces.

Kissinger has long contended
that strong domestic policies
must furnish the foundation for
successful foreign policies. He
must hope now that some degree
of stability will be achieved inter-
nally to buttress necessary but
difficult action externally. Given
his confirmation by the Senate,
which should be no problem, he
will have the prestige of cabinet
rank to bolster the real power he
has assumed with the backing of
the president.

Exit Rogers, Enter Kissinger

The resignation of Secretary of State Rogers brings to an honorable close the tenure of an able, decent, upright man who behaved with grace in an impossibly difficult situation, and whose integrity stands out in an Administration and era which sadly needed such integrity.

The choice of Henry Kissinger in his place is a choice of the best available man. It also bridges the gap between fiction and reality, since Kissinger's close partnership in foreign policy with President Nixon as head of the National Security Council has for some time given him the substance of decision-making, even without the form. The morale of the State Dept., which has

suffered in recent years from the fact that the center of policy-making elsewhere, might now be restored.

Working, as he has done, over a period of four and a half years in the context of many issues of high policy, Kissinger has inevitably become a controversial figure than at the state level. His image has been tarnished particularly because of his role in the secret Cambodian bombings, and also taps his own assistants and on several new papers as a consequence of the closure of the Pentagon Papers. Predictably he will get a raking scrutiny and interrogation from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

There will be some (fortunately not many) who will also be opposed to his for other reasons—that he is foreign-born, that he is Jewish, that he came to the U. S. as a refugee from Nazi Germany. These strike us as wholly extraneous facts. The core fact is Kissinger's deep knowledge of global politics and history, and his proved brilliance as diplomat and negotiator.

And The Switch At State

In anything approaching normal times, the resignation of one secretary of State and the appointment of another would be the occasion for endless commentary and speculation. Thus it is a measure of the abnormality of the times in which we find ourselves that yesterday's announcement by President Nixon that Secretary Rogers is stepping down September 3 - to be replaced by Dr. Henry A. Kissinger - provoked not a single question from the press corps at San Clemente.

Granted that Kissinger has been secretary of State in all but name these past four years. Granted that Rogers' departure - and Kissinger's appointment - had been a topic of conversation on the canape circuit for some weeks. It remains an index of the obsession with Watergate that 18 of the 21 questions addressed to the President dealt with that subject and none with the implications of the switch at State.

It is necessary to say that Rogers' return to private law practice will cause few tears in Foggy Bottom. It is not that Rogers is not a decent man and a reasonable administrator. He is both of those things. But, primarily because Mr. Nixon wished it so, the action insofar as the formulation of foreign policy was concerned shifted from State to the White House during his tenure, with disastrous consequences for the morale of career diplomats.

It was Kissinger who engineered the opening to China. It was the former Harvard professor who established the parameters of the new detente with the Soviet Union. It was the President's national security adviser who headed the negotiations which

culminated in the end of American participation in the Indochinese war. Even in South Asian affairs, it was Kissinger who in 1971 dictated the "tilt" toward Islamabad in the third Indo-Pakistani war.

To Rogers and State was left only the thankless and unsuccessful task of attempting to arrange a Middle Eastern settlement, plus the secondary assignment of the conduct of Latin American and African policy.

Kissinger clearly has both the practical experience and the intellectual credentials to be an effective secretary of State, and the wisest of the career officers will welcome his appointment. His capacity to administer a large organization such as State is another matter. Nor is it clear how Kissinger's job as the President's adviser for national security affairs (a title which he retains) will mesh with his post as secretary of State.

Kissinger, for instance, will have to appear before Congressional committees in his capacity as secretary of State, an ordeal he has been spared (to the annoyance of Congress) for the past four and a half years as a member of the President's staff. Will he in the future decline to answer some questions on grounds that he dealt with them in his capacity as a presidential adviser rather than as secretary of State?

All this will become clearer if, when and after Kissinger's appointment is approved by the Senate. For the moment, we wish Rogers - the last surviving member of the original Nixon cabinet - well in his return to private life and welcome the appointment of the first foreign-born American secretary of State.

23 AUGUST 1973

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

AUGUST 22, 1973

Office of the White House Press Secretary
(San Clemente, California)

THE WHITE HOUSE
EXCHANGE OF LETTERS BETWEEN
THE PRESIDENT AND
SECRETARY OF STATE WILLIAM P. ROGERS

August 20, 1973

Dear Bill:

It is with the greatest reluctance and regret that I accept your resignation as Secretary of State.

I cannot do so without thinking back gratefully on our quarter century of close personal friendship, on the battles we have fought together and the crises we have weathered together, and on your unwavering good spirits, good judgment and good sense.

I vividly recall that you were the first person I turned to for advice and counsel after receiving the terrible news of President Eisenhower's heart attack in 1955, and I recall how much your calm, reasoned encouragement meant to me as I sought to do what was right in the course of that ordeal. But that was only one of many times, before and since, when I have instinctively turned to you for advice and relied heavily on your judgment at those critical moments that are the truest test not only of an associate's friendship, but also of his character.

Few men have given so much of themselves to their country as you have, with your eight years of distinguished service as Deputy Attorney General and Attorney General in President Eisenhower's Administration, and now having carried the heavy responsibilities of Secretary of State for four and a half years at a particularly crucial time in the evolution of the Nation's foreign policies. Throughout, your service has been completely dedicated and completely selfless. The Nation owes you an enormous debt of gratitude.

As Secretary of State, you have represented this country abroad with great skill. You have played an historic role in the formulation and execution of those policies which I believe, and I know you believe, can at long last produce a structure of peace in the world that will endure long into the future, and that will make it possible for differences among nations to be settled at the negotiating table rather than on the battlefield. This is an achievement of which you should be immensely proud, just as I am immensely proud of the vital contribution you have made to it.

Not only in foreign policy, but also on the wide range of other issues on which I have sought your advice, it has always been given with candor and courage and with exceptional insight. I have appreciated this greatly, and the Nation is much the better for your service -- service which I know has been at great personal sacrifice.

Pat joins me in wishing you and Adele the very best in the years ahead, and in trusting that we will continue to see both of you often.

With warmest regards,

**************

MORE

-2-

August 16, 1973

Dear Mr. President:

I herewith submit my resignation as Secretary of State effective September 3, 1973.

Because of our personal friendship which has extended over such a long period of time I take this action with a bit of sadness. You will recall, though, that when I accepted the post I did it with a firm resolve to return to the private practice of the law at the end of your first term of office. However, because of several pressing matters, particularly the closing phase of our involvement in the war in Viet-Nam, an uncertain cease-fire in the Middle East, the initial phase of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the need for immediate attention to our relations with NATO, CENTO, Japan, South Korea and our Latin American allies it was agreed that I should stay on for awhile.

Now that the United States has ended its long war in Indochina; that the cease-fire in the Middle East has had its third anniversary; that the first phase of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe has ended satisfactorily; and that our relations with our allies as well as with the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China are on a good basis I believe the time is right for a change.

It has been a great privilege and honor to serve the nation as Secretary of State during the last four and one-half years. Under your strong and effective leadership the conduct of our foreign affairs has been marked with extra-ordinary success. Because of your policies, initiative and resolve, and the loyal support and assistance of many others including those in the State Department with whom I have been privileged to be associated, the world is a much more peaceful place than it was four and one-half years ago.

Under your leadership we are on the way to constructing a structure of international relationships which gives hope of providing peace and stability for future generations. It is the completion of this task especially which is so important to all mankind and which will continue to command great public support during the remainder of your term.

Please accept my thanks and deep appreciation for giving me the opportunity to serve the country during these critical and important years in our nation's history. Adele joins me in sending you and Pat our warmest personal regards.

The President,
The White House

# # #