PMS58

INDOCHINA - LEAD TALKS 2 PARIS

THUY THEN SAID: "THE U.S. PROPOSES AN INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL COMMISSION WITH THE PARTICIPATION OF ALL POLITICAL FORCES. BUT HOW CAN THIS BODY BE INDEPENDENT WHEN THE U.S. IS STILL MAINTAINING THE NGUYEN VAN THIEU ADMINISTRATION WITH ITS PRESENT DICTATORIAL FACIST, AND WARLIKE POLICY."

THE HANOI NEGOTIATOR SAID THAT IN THE TRANSITIONAL PERIOD FROM A CEASE-FIRE TO THE FORMATION OF THE DEFINITIVE GOVERNMENT, IT WAS NECESSARY TO SET UP IN SOUTH VIETNAM A THREE-SEGMENT PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL CONCORD INCLUDING THE VIET CONG, THE PRESENT SAIGON ADMINISTRATION MINUS PRESIDENT THIEU AND LEADERS OF OTHER POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS GROUPS.

VIET CONG DELEGATION LEADER MME. NGUYEN THI BINH SAID ON ENTERING THE CONFERENCE BUILDING THAT RUMORS FROM WASHINGTON ABOUT A PEACE AND CEASE-FIRE AGREEMENT WERE "DESTINED TO DECEIVE AMERICAN AND WORLD OPINION."

KISSINGER WHO WAS REPORTING TO PRESIDENT NIXON LATER TODAY ON HIS SECRET TALKS WITH LE DUC THO AND XUAN THUY, IS EXPECTED BACK IN PARIS SHORTLY FOR A FURTHER PROBE OF AREAS OF POSSIBLE AGREEMENT, DIPLOMATIC SOURCES HERE SAID.

THE UNITED STATES TODAY FORMALLY PROTESTED AGAINST THE WAY NORTH VIETNAM HANDLED THE RELEASE OF THREE U.S. PILOTS NOW ON THEIR WAY HOME AFTER STOPS IN PEKING AND MOSCOW.

CHIEF U.S. NEGOTIATOR WILLIAM PORTER SAID HANOI S PRACTICES HAD "ONCE AGAIN DEMONSTRATED YOUR DISREGARD FOR INTERNATIONAL LAW, HUMAN RIGHTS AND FOR YOUR SIGNED OBLIGATIONS."

HE ADDED: "PLEASE DO NOT UNDERESTIMATE THE EFFECT OF THIS KIND OF THING. IT HAS HAD AND WILL CONTINUE TO HAVE AN EFFECT ON NEGOTIATIONS FOR A PEACE SETTLEMENT, FOR IT AFFECTS ADVERSELY THE CONFIDENCE WHICH PROVIDES THE BASIS FOR PROGRESS."

PORTER SAID THAT THE CONDITIONS LAID BY HANOI FOR THE RELEASE OF THE THREE MEN "ESTABLISHED A POLITICALLY DIRECTED FORM OF CUSTODY ANTITHETICAL TO THE SPIRIT OF THE GENEVA CONVENTIONS." REUTER LS/BC0956

Philip Guilty of Smuggling Letters

Manchester Union Leader -> HAK FYI
Sept. 6, 1972

# Berrigan Sentenced to 2 Years

HARRISBURG, Pa. (UPI)— Catholic antiwar activist Father Philip Berrigan was given two years in prison and Sister Elizabeth McAlister sentenced to one year yesterday for smuggling letters in and out of a federal penitentiary—an act which no longer is illegal.

The government dropped all other charges against them and other members of the so-called Harrisburg seven after a jury

HENRY KISSINGER

could not reach a verdict last April in U. S. district court here. The dismissed charges included an alleged plot to kidnap presidential adviser Henry Kissinger, blow up heating systems in government buildings in Washington and raid draft board offices in nine states.

## Served Together

The grey-haired Berrigan, 49, received four two-year terms on each of four counts, but U. S. District Court Judge R. Dixon Herman made them concurrent, meaning they would be served at the same time and actually add up to two years imprisonment.

Sister McAlister, 32, was sentenced to one year and a day in prison on one of three counts. Sentence on two other counts was suspended, and she also was placed on three years probation.

Defense attorneys filed immediate appeals of the Berrigan and McAlister convictions and sentences with the 3rd U. S. Circuit Court of Appeals at Philadelphia. There was no immediate indication when the appeals court would act.

Sister McAlister was permit-

ted to remain free on $5,000 bond pending outcome of the appeal.

Berrigan was returned to the federal prison at Danbury, Conn., where he is serving a six-year sentence for destroying draft board records at Catonsville, Md. He has served three years of the term.

After the sentencing, Sister McAlister told a news conference that she and Berrigan were "convicted for writing letters, a human action, an action done in violation of an inhumane law."

## No Longer Illegal

"That we should spend any time in prison for this is unthinkable," she said.

Defense attorneys noted federal prisons now permit uncensored mail.

"There should have been absolutely no sentence," defense attorney Paul O'Dwyer said. "I cannot conceive of any appellate court permitting this unjust vengeance to stand."

While the sentencing took place in a courtroom on the ninth floor of the federal building, a group of about 40 supporters of the Harrisburg Seven prayed, sang songs and heard antiwar speeches by Fr. Daniel Berrigan and Jerry Berrigan, brothers of Philip. Sister McAlister also spoke to the demonstrators before she was escorted inside.

The demonstrators carried

signs which said, "don't drop bombs, drop charges against Phil," "Nixon is a murderer," "Free Father Phil, jail Nixon" and "If you were in a jail, wouldn't you want letters? Why is that a crime?"

Sister McAlister told the demonstrators, "while the war goes on, we seek only to grow stronger."

Paul O'Dwyer, one of the Harrisburg Seven defense attorneys, said an appeal of the convictions and prison sentences would be "automatic." Defense attorneys said the appeal would be taken to the 3rd U. S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Philadelphia.

PHILIP BERRIGAN

Three correspondents of the offi-
cial Chinese press agency recently
toured Midwestern farming regions
and expressed amazement at Ameri-
can agricultural production. "Truly
heaven has been bountiful to the
United States—so much fertile land,
and so few people," one was quoted
as saying.

There is a reason why the
Chinese newsmen saw so few farm
workers amid the bumper crops of
corn and other grains. Years before
the 'people's political revolution in
China, the United States began a rev-
olution of its own: The industrial
revolution, fueled by technology and
the free-enterprise system. That pro-
gressive development made it possi-
ble for one worker out of 10 in this
country to perform farming and
ranching tasks, and freed the other
nine workers to engage in other pur-
suits.

As a result, the nation's farmers
and ranchers today not only produce

Americans, but are sending increas-
ing quantities of their produce to
other countries. During the past
year, exported farm commodities
amounted to a record $8 billion,
about one seventh of the total U.S.
farm income. The recently an-
nounced plan to ship grain to Russia
will in all likelihood increase next
year's exports even more.

Texas agriculture shared sub-
stantially in last year's exports by
shipping commodities valued at $456
million. The state led in exports of
cotton, cottonseed oil and rice, and
was second in meat products.

Not only are we exporting pro-
duce. Throughout the world, Ameri-
can agricultural technicians and
breeding stock are helping to im-
prove the production capabilities of
farmers and their land.

Truly heaven has been bountiful
to the United States. And, we might
add, heaven helps those who help
themselves.

As Much Cheek as Chess

Presidential adviser Henry Kissinger claims to be a fair amateur chess player himself—but, more important, he says he is the man who persuaded Bobby Fischer to keep his world chess date with Boris Spassky in Iceland. You know the rest.

We suppose Kissinger claims this
as a diplomatic triumph—and we as-
sume he acted on Mr. Nixon's orders,
not just because the odds favored
more progress in Reykjavik than in
Paris but also because the Boss prob-
ably figured it was good training for
Kissinger to work on a really tough
negotiator like Bobby.

How much persuasion it took to
get him on the plane is Kissinger's
secret. From the viewpoint of Ameri-
can prestige any effort expended
was worth it—though the weary
chess officials in Reykjavik, who

have had to do some negotiating of
their own with Fischer, might wish
Kissinger had applied his talents
elsewhere.

Whether he himself has benefited
from contact with Bobby is another
of Mr. Kissinger's secrets. We
haven't heard that he has thrown the
Abyssinian attack at the North Viet-
namese in Paris or stymied their
abuse by resorting to the Sicilian de-
fense. But these things are done on
the QT and involve knowing the p's
and q's of a game other than chess.

Bobby and Henry probably did
talk a little chess, but it shouldn't
call for a chess brain on the latter's
part to see that Bobby's success in
checkmating not only the Russians
but everybody else in Reykjavik
owed as much to cheek as it did to
chess.

give us a much larger majority
very articulate, popular politician.

What is Dallas County's role in state-
wide Republican strategy?

The primary job taken on by the
state party, and hence the county or-
ganization, is the registration of favora-

A Woman's View

Good Gr-

By ROSALIE McGINNIS

AND NOW — pregnant dolls are on
the market.

A toy designer
in Sweden—where
else? — has pro-
duced a foam rub-
ber doll contain-
ing a baby to in-
troduce young chil-
dren to the facts
of sex and child-
birth.

The doll's
"baby" can be
taken out and re-
inserted, and a

letter explaining how a baby is be-
ing included in the retail price of $10

The designer, Wanda Djanaieff,
plained in a news article:

"I wanted to create something re-
istic which would help children le-
about sex and childbirth naturally.
instance, if a child's mother is p-
nant, the doll will help the child to
understand the mother's feelings."

The news report said salesgirl
department stores in Stockholm w-
the pregnant dolls first went on
were too embarrassed to demon-
strate for customers.

(They probably grew up pla-
ning to sell sexless dolls as we American
women did.)

But Mrs. Djanaieff reports that
salesgirls are "getting used to the
new."

If Neiman-Marcus is the criti-

MCGINNIS

Dallas News 9/12/72

THE NEW YORK TIMES, W

# The Kissinger Story

By JAMES RESTON

Henry Kissinger has got beyond the news. He is like most of the men of power in Washington: He is going to be left to the psychological novelists.

It is easy to criticize the role President Nixon has given him as principal foreign policy adviser, negotiator and private spokesman in the White House; but leaving that aside for a moment, it is hard to deny Dr. Kissinger's obvious intelligence, unfailing discretion and ceaseless energy.

His latest secret trip to Moscow, following on his quiet and meticulous preparation of the President's mission to Peking, is only the most dramatic illustration of the confidence and power Mr. Nixon has entrusted to him. And it is a tribute to them both that this confidential relationship endures despite Kissinger's insistence on expressing his independent judgments, even when these go against the President's inclinations and decisions.

Just before the White House announced that Kissinger had been conferring for four days with Brezhnev and Gromyko in Moscow, Representative Morris K. Udall, Democrat of Arizona, made a report to the House Civil Service Committee in which he accused Mr. Nixon of building up a "palace guard" of White House advisers who shape national policy without having to answer to either the Congress or the American people.

Well, it is true, and it is hard to deny, as Representative Udall charged, that this growing system of private unaccountable power, protected by "executive privilege," goes against the spirit of separate and equal constitutional powers. Even Dr. Kissinger, who grappled with such questions as a professor at Harvard, would agree that this is a valid constitutional question.

But there are human as well as constitutional questions involved here, and

given the President's assignment, which would go to somebody else if not Kissinger, Kissinger's performance is beyond anything any other White House aide, from Roosevelt's Hopkins to Kennedy's Bundy or Johnson's Rostow, has been asked to sustain.

To master the details and complexities of the President's agenda in Peking and Moscow, to keep the summit meetings alive while American troops are in Taiwan and American bombers are over North Vietnam, to keep the fundamental differences straight and still find areas for agreement and common interest—all this is hard enough.

But Kissinger has taken on other responsibilities almost as delicate and arduous. Somehow he has managed to keep a narrow line of communication open to the President's critics in the universities, the Congress and the press. He has been loyal to the President without ignoring or evading the opposition or assuming bad faith on the part of those who oppose the war.

And this has not been easy. He has been scalded and vilified by many of his former university colleagues and even by some of his oldest friends in the university community, but he has heard them out. He has tried to get around the constitutional question and the charge that he was both powerful and unavailable by meeting privately with Chairman Fulbright of the Foreign Relations Committee and other members of the Congress and submitting to the most searching questions.

Even in the heat of these endless crises over the war and trade and monetary policy, he has found time early in the morning before breakfast or late at night to listen to the passionate anxieties of the world he lived in before he got caught up, almost by accident, in the world of White House power.

He has been asked many times why he serves an Administration whose policies divide the nation; why use all this intelligence and energy for all this pointless misery and death? But, for all his doubts about the bombing and his yearning for unity, he does not accept the premise and goes on believing in the President's objectives.

So many ugly things have been said about all this and even thrown in his teeth: He loves power, loves all the notoriety and the secret trips in the night and the opportunity to put thought to action in the Kremlin and the Forbidden City (who wouldn't?), but through it all he has attempted many things most of his colleagues in this Administration have avoided, and rescued a respect denied others.

All this is obviously subject to argument, beginning with Udall's question about whether even good and intelligent men should be given such power beyond reach of the Congress; but something still has to be said for Kissinger.

How he performs this delicate and dangerous role is a miracle which defies physical and intellectual endurance. He felt confident about the President's visit to Peking because he had been there and probed the quality of Chou En-lai's mind. A couple of weeks ago he was worried about the Moscow trip because he had no feeling about Brezhnev. Now, presumably, he has. But how he goes on at this pace is a mystery, and intelligent and tough as he is, maybe even a danger.

We have a Government now of men, not really of laws and accepted procedures. We have an alliance with Chou En-lai but not yet with China. But if this is the way it is to be, it is not Kissinger's fault, and he is a man. He is an instrument of the President, but he has played his role with astonishing courage, patience and skill.

# Harvard Professor, Nixon Joined On Foreign Issues

## The Roots of Henry Kissinger

Last of a Series
By GAYLORD SHAW
Associated Press Writer

Henry Kissinger, as a stu-
dent at Harvard, left a lasting
legacy for later generations of
thesis writers.

His 350-page thesis entitled "The Meaning of History," led the government department to impose a 150-page limit on all future undergraduate papers.

It was an early sign of the
verbosity of Henry Alfred Kis-
singer who, two decades later,
would be producing novel-
length annual foreign policy
reports as President Nixon's
assistant for national security
affairs.

KISSINGER ENTERED

Harvard with a scholarship
and the GI bill after returning
from World War II military
duty in Europe and breezed to
his bachelor's degree in three
years, graduating summa cum
laud in 1950.

As an undergraduate, Kissinger came to the attention of William Y. Elliott, a distinguished but crusty professor of government who is often credited with encouraging him to

set his sights higher than a
teaching career.

In a letter recommending Kissinger to Phi Beta Kappa, Elliott said he was "more like a mature colleague than a student." The professor added, "On the other hand, his mind lacks grace and is Teutonic in its systematic thoroughness."

With the aid of other schol-
arships, Kissinger obtained his
master's degree in 1952 and
his doctorate in 1954. Then he
joined the Harvard faculty as
a government instructor, later
to become a lecturer, an asso-
ciate professor and finally a
full professor.

THE HARVARD Crimson, in
one of its evaluations of Kis-
singer's Government 180
course, said his "lectures were
meaty, invariably interesting
and at times witty..."

But, the Crimson added,
"Kissinger sometimes failed
to mesh analysis and history
and degenerated into story-
telling and quote-slinging."

Students praised his "grim
description of modern policy
making" and one student re-
marked that his discussion of

Vietnam "was enough to scare
the hell out of anyone," the
Crimson said.

The students moaned,
though, about "a monotonic
delivery and lapses in organi-
zation" and a "savagely long
16-page reading list."

ALTHOUGH SOME policies
pursued by the White House,
especially the U.S. thrust into
Cambodia in 1970, severely
strained Kissinger's academic
contacts, several former col-
leagues at Harvard still speak
well of him.

"Henry was regarded highly for his intellectual and scholarly abilities," said Samuel P. Huntington, professor of government. "He was an intellectual heavyweight with an extraordinary range of outside contacts with centers of power."

Huntington observed,
though, that Kissinger's inter-
ests weren't limited to the
Cambridge campus.

"Henry clearly was always
involved in the world outside
Harvard," Huntington said.

WHILE TEACHING at Har-
vard, Kissinger began a pro-
ject which resulted in his first
book, "Nuclear Weapons and
Foreign Policy," published in
1957. It was widely hailed in
academic and government cir-
cles. At age 34, Kissinger had
established himself as a lead-
ing foreign policy expert.

The book stressed the dan-

gers of too much reliance on
the concept of massive nuclear
retaliation. He advocated in-
stead a more flexible re-
sponse, an idea shared by oth-
ers and later adopted as U.S.
policy.

Meanwhile, Kissinger was
proceeding to pluck most of
the foreign policy plums avail-
able at Harvard. He was di-
rector of the International
Seminar, associate director of
the Center for International
Affairs and head of the De-
fense Studies Program.

He put it partime tours as
a foreign affairs consultant to
Presidents Kennedy and John-
son and developed a close as-
sociation with New York Gov.
Nelson Rockefeller as his for-
eign affairs adviser in 1964
and 1968.

WHEN NIXON WON the
1968 nomination, Kissinger al-
legedly said some disparaging
things about his future boss.
He's never denied them, but
he says now he doesn't re-

member making the state-
ments attributed to him.

He does acknowledge,
though, that "I didn't think
much of the President at that
time. I had the general dislike
of him. But I didn't know
much about him."

They had met only once be-
fore, in December 1967, at a
cocktail party at author Clare
Booth Luce's Manhattan
apartment.

On Nov. 28, 1968, they spent
hours comparing views on for-
eign issues and found they
shared many common
thoughts.

A week later, Nixon an-
nounced the appointment of
Henry Kissinger as his assist-
ant for National security af-
fairs.

The refugee from Hitler's
Germany, the would-be ac-
countant, the Harvard profes-
sor, was given control of the
nation's foreign policy machin-
ery. To some, it meant he had
become the world's second
most powerful man.

AP WIREPHOTO

PROFESSOR KISINGER

... a few months before Kissinger met Nixon in '67

May 4, 1972

[L.C]