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# SUBPANEL I - U.S. INTERNATIONAL OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGY

## I. THE AMERICAN NATIONAL PURPOSE IN THE WORLD ENVIRONMENT

### A. The American Affirmation

This report is written by Americans for Americans and from the American point of view. Its inquiry is into the position of Americans in a world environment which is undergoing radical change. Such an inquiry must start from the objectives toward which we strive at home. But no set of purposes can be surmised and no set of long-range objectives can be derived unless and until we can all refer to a framework of accepted basic values. Fortunately, we have been provided with such a framework.

The elegance and economy of words in certain of our great public documents make it possible to state our generally agreed national purposes briefly and simply. If these seem trite, this is one of our present problems; for the words, which have lost much of their strength through being taken for granted, are loaded with 2500 years of political discussion, conflict, and trial and error in the search for a tolerable relation between governors and governed and between nations.

The principles on which our institutions are based were not new when they were enunciated. They grew out of centuries of religious and philosophical reflection about the nature of man, the concept of his dignity and his relationship to forces transcending him. They were the product of the

His relationship to forces transcending him. They were the product of the
sophisticated reflection about the nature of man, the concept of his dignity and
they were associated. They drew out commitments of religions and built-
the principles on which our institutions are based were not new when
governed and between nations.

Trial and error in the search for a tolerable relation between governors and
granted, are loaded with 3200 years of political discussion, conflict, and
for the words, which have lost much of their strength through being taken for
p directly and simply. If these seem trite, this is one of our present problems;
documents make it possible to state our generally stated national purposes
the elegance and economy of words in certain of our great public

until we can all refer to a framework of accepted basic values, commonly,
emulated and no set of long-range objectives can be derived unless and
until we have been provided with such a framework,

A. The American Affirmation

# I. THE AMERICAN NATIONAL SURVEY IN THE WORLD ENVIRONMENT

SUBSECTION I - U.S. INTERNATIONAL OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGY

Draft of May 18, 1983
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of World War II, met in San Francisco, they affirmed similar purposes when they created the United Nations. The deep significance of this result for the American people has been obscured by the controversies which are, and were expected to be, the principal task of that body. Its Charter sets forth commitments of the now 81 members, both as to purpose and as to standards of conduct, which are entirely congenial to American purpose and long-range policy. The Charter sets the terms of reference for both debate and behavior, providing strong support for those who comply with it and multiplying the costs for those who would violate or ignore it. This gravitational pull of the Charter is an invaluable asset of the American people, just because their own aspirations are parallel. That these aspirations are demonstrably shared by so many other peoples underlines the humanist base of the American experience and of the ideas around which we revolve.

"We, the people of the United Nations

Determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and

To reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal right of men and women and of nations large and small, and

To establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and

To promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, and for these ends.

To practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbors, and

To unite our strength to maintain international peace and security, and

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To insure, by the acceptance of principles and the institu-
tion of methods, that armed forces shall not be used, save in the
common interest, and

To employ international machinery for the promotion of the
economic and social advancement of all people, have resolved to
combine our efforts to accomplish these aims." ...

B. <u>The American Outlook</u>

In spite of the basis provided by an agreed national purpose which by
its terms is clearly not limited to the domestic scene and by the strong indi-
cations that these aspirations are shared by other nations and peoples, the
United States lacks at present a clearly articulated concept of national purpose
in international affairs. It has not related its accepted national purpose to
the world environment today. Reasons for this failure are many, but perhaps
the most important lie in the nature of democracies in general and of the
American democracy in particular.

By its nature, a democracy must give first attention to the needs and
aspirations of its individual citizens. It must, therefore, concentrate on the
objectives and problems which appear familiar and important to them. In
normal times during the past, individual private citizens have had little
contact with problems abroad or experience in dealing with them; for them the
familiar and urgent problems have been schools, roads and local government,
the tasks of making a living and raising a family. In the past, these tasks
were essentially local and afforded no insights into events or conditions
abroad and imposed no necessity for being concerned with them.

In the United States this characteristic has been reinforced by history.

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The American people have been absorbed for the past three centuries in the enormous and satisfying task of settling, developing, and governing their country. Since the area was large and many of the problems new, the task called for concentration and effort; yet, because of natural advantages, not the least of which were the abundance of the land and the insulation against foreign interference provided by others, success was great. Both the concentration and the success turned Americans away from foreign interests and the nature of the success served to conceal their importance. Their successes at home not only gave them no reason for looking outwards, but contributed to their confidence that any problems arising abroad, which might threaten domestic tranquillity, would be readily soluble.

This combination of factors has prevented either the public or its leaders in the past from giving more than the most casual and intermittent attention to the foreign objectives of the United States and from relating the specific problems which have arisen to any scheme of objectives or overall concepts.

De Tocqueville observed this characteristic over a hundred years ago.

"Experience, instruction, and habit may almost always succeed in creating a species of practical discretion in democracies and that science of the daily occurrences of life which is called good sense. Good sense may suffice to direct the ordinary course of society; and amongst a people who education has been provided for, the advantages of democratic liberty in the internal affairs of the country may more than compensate for the evils inherent in a democratic government. But such is not always the case in the mutual relations of foreign nations.

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"Foreign politics demand scarcely any of those qualities which a
democracy possesses; and they require, on the contrary, the
perfect use of almost all those faculties in which it is deficient.
Democracy is favorable to the increase of the internal resources
of a state; it tends to diffuse a moderate independence; it pro-
motes the growth of public spirit, and fortifies the respect which
is entertained for law in all classes of society: and these are
advantages which only exercise an indirect influence over the
relations which one people bears to another. But a democracy is
unable to regulate the details of an important undertaking, to per-
severe in a design, and to work out its execution in the presence
of serious obstacles. It cannot combine its measures with
secrecy, and it will not await their consequences with patience."

The environment which led to this behavior and approach is disappear-
ing. Technological developments are in the process of undermining the
simple domestic patterns which led to the basic unconcern of private citizens
with matters beyond the continental boundaries. In the first place, the
destructive power of weapons and their range have been prodigiously increased
with the result that the mainland of the United States is militarily vulverable
to a degree entirely new in its history. Secondly, technological change has
increased the complexity of productive economic relations and consequently
the interdependence of the world economy. This change means that the U.S.
economy is more dependent on happenings outside the boundaries of the
United States that at other times in its past.

Because of these developments, it is no longer possible "to insure
the domestic tranquillity", "to provide for the common defense", or "to
promote the general welfare" of the people of the United States without
relationships with other peoples and, in varying degrees, dependence on them.

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While the technological developments exist as facts, their implications have
perhaps not penetrated through the land. But by their nature they invade the
private lives of ordinary citizens and in that way broaden the range of
matters appearing familiar and urgent to them. American sons and husbands
stand at battle stations as the Sixth Fleet steams into the Eastern Mediter-
ranean; American manufacturers seek raw materials all over the globe. These
changes thus offer possibilities of modifying domestic patterns of thought,
and thereby of developing a meaningful concept of national purpose in
international affairs, and they also require that this be done.

While, in this sense, the choice of involvement in the world around
us is imposed on the American people, it does not follow that they would not
have made this choice voluntarily. The humanistic drive that made "the
pursuit of happiness" a private right and a public interest would not have
permitted complete indifference to what went on in the outside world, par-
ticularly as the people of the United States approached the solution of their
material needs. For, the moral of the 17th century Protestant remains with
us.

"No man is an Iland, intire of itself; every man is a peece of
the Continent, a part of the maine; if a Clod bee washed away
by the Sea, Europe is the lesse, as well as if a Promontorie
were, as well as if a manor of thy friends or of thine owne were;
any man's death diminishes me, because I am involved in
Mankind ... "

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Or as Benjamin Franklin put it,

"For my own Part, when I am employed in serving others,
I do not look upon myself as conferring Favours but as paying
Debts. In my Travels, and since my Settlement, I have re-
ceived much kindness from Men, to whom I shall never have any
Opportunity of making the least direct Return. And numberless
Mercies from God, who is infinitely above being benefitted by
our Services. Those kindnesses from Men, I can therefore only
Return on their Fellow Men ... "

It would seem, therefore, that the basis for a concept of national
purpose in international affairs, can be found by relating the objectives found
in the Declaration of Independence and the Preamble of the Constitution to
international affairs. This involves a recognition that the United States is
becoming increasingly involved in a changing world. Other countries will be
gaining in economic organization and strength; in population; in developing
resources; in military power. American dependence on intellectual and
technical interchange, and on esthetic, artistic and spiritual impulses from
other countries, on raw materials and other products from overseas both will
and should tend to grow. This will not be a matter of American choice; it
will be a situation imposed by the increase of population here and elsewhere,
the continued rise in standard of living, the impossibility of defense within
national borders. Probably also the rapid spread of atomic information and
technique of guided missiles will reduce the comparative lead which the
United States (and the Soviet Union) have in military power to a point where
military superiority becomes almost meaningless. An elaboration of this

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relationship in the international environment facing the world will be attempted
in the following section.

The conduct by a nation of its foreign affairs involves taking an end-
less series of decisions, big and little. Each is an opportunity to move
toward the realization of long-range objectives. Crises, which have been
occurring regularly during the past thirty years, in each case present an oppor-
tunity on a more or less large scale to lay a base for or significantly move
toward realization of these objectives. But use cannot be made of small
decisions, nor advantage taken of great crises, unless the United States is
clear about its objectives and unless these objectives are well understood
by the American people.

The principal reason for making this report is to contribute to the
clarification of American objectives. Without such clarity, we will have
difficulty in acting purposefully in a world of flux. With it we shall be able
to make constructive use of crises and give a sense of direction to the many
small decisions the totality of which determine the success of American
foreign policy and the image of us by other nations.

C. Global Objectives and Their Necessity

I

Before embarking on an analysis of the global objectives of the United
States, it must be recognized that there will always be a variety of local and
parochial issues which will not always fall within the framework of general

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objectives. These must be dealt with as may seem best under the circumstances,
and one of the circumstances will always be the framework of general objectives.
With this qualification, we can turn to general objectives and the conditions
which create them.

The principal objective of the United States is to bring about, with the
help of like-minded peoples, a world environment in which the civilization of
the United States can continue to develop in conformity with principles,
expressed in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, arising
out of the great religious and philosophic affirmations of the dignity of man.
This general objective is central to a number of others.

Fundamental to it is survival, or as The Federalist put it "the safety
of the people." Survival of the United States implies not merely that the
continental island shall not be invaded and our institutions overthrown, but
also that they and the people who create them and flourish under them shall
not wither under the threat of nuclear blackmail, or through the denial of
markets in which to buy and sell.

But this objective implies more than survival. It requires an increas-
ing free exchange of ideas in all fields, not as an end itself, but as leading
to the revolutionary effects arising from the impact of ideas and an under-
standing of their true implication. These ideas form the basis of the environ-
ment which the United States is seeking. An essential part of this environ-
ment is the existence of conditions which will permit and assist the develop-
ment of other peoples toward an increasing realization of the dignity of man,
with the understanding that this will involve a variety of institutions and
patterns of life.

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Basic to the realization of these aspects of our principal objective is the need for an international order. For man cannot trade or exchange ideas, let alone realize more subtle aspects of his worth in a world characterized by disorder, riot and rebellion. The United States should, therefore, devote all possible efforts politically, militarily and economically to bring about an evolution toward world order and to preserve it as it emerges at different times in different places. This is the keystone of our international objectives. In this concept, however, order is not static; it involves the notion of orderly change. But even in this notion of change, the emphasis is on order.

As a part of this effort, the United States will work to maintain the peace, not as an end in itself, but as that state of society which under ordinary conditions contributes most to the realization of basic human values. Peace is, thus, not an abstraction but the resultant of a number of elements in balance, including the threats to human values imposed by maintaining peace at any price in a given situation and those which would be created by war in the same situation. This concept of peace, together with that of the need for order requires the exhaustion of all devices for maintaining the peace before falling back on force as a means of foreign policy. But it also contemplates the use of force when there appears to be no other alternative for preserving human values and international order in the longer run.

This concept suggests certain other attitudes, these include efforts to transform competition and rivalry between nations into non-military expressions, limit national competition for military power and eliminate the

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use of force in the world except to maintain the peace and preserve inter-national order under an acceptable system of justice.

This statement of objectives raises an important dispute between the United States and the leaders of the Soviet Union. While in the long run, we both seek an international order, the basis of that order differ. Our concept sees the realization of human dignity as the reason for creating that order, and the nature of man as providing the possibility for doing so. Theirs does not take this view of the nature of man or the importance of his dignity; and for this reason, they are permitted the luxury of a more casual attitude toward order and can promote disorder when that seems more expedient.

II

The global objectives which have been described derive from our national experience, but there are a variety of forces at large in the world which suggest that these objectives cannot be realized on a unilateral basis and that other peoples need many of the elements inherent in our objectives. The first of these forces is the disintegration of world order. During the past three hundred years or so the international affairs of the world have been ordered through a framework consisting of a relatively small number of states, centered in Europe, with colonies dependent on them scattered over the globe. The American states were, of course, colonies at the beginning of this period and even after they achieved their independence they rarely were active in international affairs outside the hemisphere.

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The elements of this framework included:

a) The concept of the state as a person whose domestic life was of no concern to other states and in which they had no legitimate interest.

b) The concept that a state had no legal duty not to go to war; that there was no legal distinction between aggression and defense.

c) An acceptance of the idea that if a state had the force to impose its will on others, particularly more backward peoples, it had the right to do so. This idea was accepted even by the backward peoples.

d) An acceptance of the idea that a state had certain standards and responsibilities, particularly with respect to its conduct toward other states and their citizens who were engaged in lawful activities.

This framework began to break down at the time of World War I and its dissolution has been completed in recent years. Virtually all the elements of the framework have now disappeared. Western Europe is no longer the center of the world, colonialism is dead, there are a vast number of neo-states claiming equality but not recognizing the responsibilities going with that status, aggressive war is condemned (although no one is quite sure what constitutes aggression), and states or groups of states are claiming a juridical interest in the "domestic" affairs of other states. Not all these changes are for the worse, but combined they present a difficult task for the rebuilder.

A second force is the continuous rise of population occurring in most areas of the world. Since this growth is not necessarily coordinated with an

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economic potential, it causes social dislocations, economic problems and grave threats to national and regional stability, particularly in Asia.

A third pressure is the revolution of rising expectations which appears to have caught the imagination of all, including the most backward peoples. In order to meet this general insistence on a rising standard of living, there will have to be a far greater exchange of goods and services and greater certainty that this exchange will be uninterrupted. The problem, of course, is complicated by the rise in population. The factors entering into this freer and wider exchange are varied and complicated. They include:

a) A general access to raw materials and sources of energy on terms which do not admit of exploitation of either the landlord or the consumer. The notion of the exploitation of the exporter of raw materials has become a recognized classic, but the notion of the exploited consumer, though not so well known, is just as important.

b) The adequate development of autonomous techniques and economic organization. It may be through such development that the problem of fair exchange referred to above may be dealt with.

c) Guaranteed freedom of essential transport by sea, air, and certain international highways and waterways. This, of course, is related closely to both of the two previous factors.

d) Uninterrupted communication with opportunities for all people to participate.

Technological change offers possibilities of meeting the revolution

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of rising expectations, but has produced a situation which also demands an
order beyond and above that of nation states. Some elements of this order
can be found in the elements mentioned above. It is quite clear that pro-
ductive economic relations require a variety of international arrangements in
order to attain complete utility. Even the United States is not self-sufficient
in raw materials; it sells about ten percent of its agricultural production
abroad; and it is deeply committed to patterns of international trade. This
situation is even more true for other countries not so fortunate as the United
States in their economic bases.

The fourth important force for the development of global objectives on
the part of the United States, and for a common minimum of objectives among
all peoples, are the technical necessities for various types of concerted
activities to safeguard and enrich mankind. Some responses to these pres-
sures have been already made. For example, the allocation of wavelengths
for radio broadcasting has been achieved through an international agreement
which on the whole has stood up fairly well through the years. But technical
necessities run through a wide range of matters which have not been fully
dealt with - for example, diseases of men, and of the animals and crops on
which they depend, safety on the sea and in the air, and the wide range of
problems arising from nuclear energy.

Since this last group of problems is currently before the public in a
distorted form, perhaps a special comment is called for. Most of the public
discussions is concerned with the effects of testing hydrogen bombs; it has

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not concerned itself with problems connected with the peaceful uses of nuclear
energy such as the disposal of radioactive wastes and the hazards which would
be created if a nuclear power plant got out of control, if it "ran away". In-
formed opinion does not consider that tests of nuclear weapons at the present
level or any contemplated level pose any significant threat to human health.
On the other hand, it is extremely concerned with the problems arising from
the peaceful uses of nuclear energy in populated areas. The nature of these
problems requires some sort of international organization of control.

Changes in military technology, related to the same set of worries,
provide another force toward a type of international organization. The de-
fense of the United States, and of other countries, cannot be realized in the
face of modern technology within their national boundaries. Small countries
are powerless to protect themselves against the forces available. Even large
countries like the United States require bases on points outside their
boundaries for long-range detection, air interception and other forms of de-
fense in depth, and they also need to draw on resources, human and natural,
outside their boundaries for the requirements of effective defense. This
state of affairs calls, at the lowest level, for a combination of international
arrangements which will permit effective defense and at a higher one for
arrangements which will limit the necessities of effective defense.

Although the areas involved, geographical and functional, are not the
same, the existence of these various forces at work together suggests that the
national interest of the United States and virtually all nations requires a

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limited delegation of powers to the end that these necessary common interests
may be served. Reference has already been made to the need of a new world
order to replace the vanished old. These forces suggest the basis, as well
as the need, for the new order, which will be based on a combination of
elements drawn from the past and the present. These will include the old
concept that a state has certain minimum responsibilities toward other states
and their citizens and somewhat newer ones that no state has unlimited rights
to be a public nuisance and that all states are subject to an exercise of
international eminent domain.

It should be noted that all these pressures are working in direction
consistent with the objectives of the United States. They are seeking an in-
ternational order in which the potentialities of man may be better realized.
They do not threaten his dignity; they offer to enrich it.

III

In addition to these pressures the United States has a number of
advantages on its side as it seeks to achieve its objectives. Not the least
of these is its immense power, economic, military, and ideological. The
economic and military facts are well-known, and their significance is often
understood. The United States has created a higher standard of living for a
larger population than has yet been achieved in history. The United States
has a great capacity to contribute economic, technical and scientific assis-
tance to the rest of the world. It can apply military force for maintaining

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order in certain situations. These facts contribute both to the stability of the world and to the creation of opportunities for human growth.

Important as these are, the United States must remember that it can, and it already has, exported more than technical "know-how", or economic or military power. While it is important that the United States should offer, wherever appropriate, to contribute its technical competence where it is needed, it would be a sorry pass if better ways of tightening screws were all it had to offer to a waiting world. Although it would almost seem that we had consciously tried to present this image of ourselves, it fortunately is not true.

The revolution which is sweeping Asia and Africa is a Western revolution of which the creation of the United States and its growth are an important part.

It is not without significance that U.S. Supreme Court cases on freedom of speech are cited as authority before the Supreme Court of India, or that the federal structures are being adopted in many of the emerging states of Asia and Africa. Even in Europe, to whom we owe so much, it is recognized that the United States has much to offer in the way of social institutions contributing to the dignity of all men. If the United States can live up to the Western traditions and recapture the leadership of its own revolution, it has in its hand an almost limitless force for the realization of its own objectives.

This, of course, does not mean that American civilization is to be imposed or copied. Nevertheless its interest in the well-being of individuals represents a universal aspiration toward the dignity of man which offers great opportunities. The reality of this interest is demonstrated to the world by

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the interest of this country in helping other peoples to improve their lot and
by the relative success which the peoples of the New World have achieved in
cooperative peacemaking in the Western Hemisphere. This interest makes it
easier for the United States to cooperate in cultural, technical, scientific and
philosophical exchange, where we have much to offer and much to receive.

IV

However comforting this analysis of the forces which support the
international objectives of the United States may be, it must nevertheless be
recognized that there are a variety of obstacles to their realization. Some of
these are features of the domestic scene in the United States, others arise
abroad from a variety of causes, historical, religious, economic, social,
psychological, but without any willed opposition to our objectives, and finally
there is the Soviet Union consciously and willfully opposed to our objectives
because of a different view of the nature of man.

Among the features of the American scene which act as obstacles to
the realization of the objectives are the following. Most of these are capable
of being overcome and some are in the process of being so.

a) The lack of a clear-cut affirmation of American ideals and objectives, accompanied by continuous action indicating our intention to make these objectives real.

b) The treatment in the United States of racial and religious minorities.

c) The confusing clamor which accompanies all political actions.

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d) Failure to picture accurately our own society or values.

e) The lack of confidence, patience and humility in facing problems
abroad.

f) Lack of trained personnel skilled in and capable of appreciating and
dealing with other civilizations and peoples.

g) Undue fear by American economic interests of foreign economic
competition.

h) Insufficient willingness on the part of the United States to assume
responsibility in cases where it would be decisive.

Among the obstacles which arise abroad are:

a) The lack of any system of values commanding general acceptance.
This arises from an unawareness of the dignity of man as the common aspiration of all peoples.

b) The discords arising from the lack of solutions providing economic
and social order while much of the world lives in misery or at hazard.

c) The lack of appreciation of the complexity of problems of local
peoples and leaders in personal terms.

d) The apparent dichotomy between nationalism and sovereignty on
the one hand and the necessity of a peaceful and workable world order on the
other.

e) Accepted stereotypes of the cultural inadequacy of the United States
and of its crass materialism.

f) Undue fear of competition or conquest by American private enterprise.

While formidable, these barriers do not seem final. Many of them
can be overcome through a better projection of our image and our objectives.

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## II. THE AMERICAN NATIONAL PURPOSE AND ACTION

### I

While a clear statement of national purpose, on either domestic or international matters, is significant by itself, it is nevertheless true that, to have real meaning, the national purpose must be translated into action. This means that an examination of American objectives in our relations with the rest of the world must go beyond a few propositions too vague to be applied. But any attempt to break the whole into manageable parts produces its own dilemmas. Each important problem in our foreign relations soon emerges into every other one; it is difficult to deal with the part separate from the whole, but the whole is too big to grasp. In following sections an attempt is made to take a closer look by means of a regional approach, which, despite its limitations, has its advantages.

Objectives stated in regional terms, if they are to be helpful or realistic, must be considered against the background of both general objectives and differences in American purposes in different areas. They must take into account that the principal regions vary widely in characteristics and circumstances. For this reason, many purposes may be realized best on the basis of regional cooperation and many world-wide objectives can best be realized through cooperation among regions.

This regional analysis will be made in the framework imposed by our national purposes. Elements of that framework will be -

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a) A preference for international order and, where change is called for, for orderly change.

b) A preference for nations which share our basic objectives.

c) A preference for nations evolving toward government under law for human development and dignity.

d) A preference for nations cooperating with the broad purposes expressed in the United Nations Charter.

It will also be made with the knowledge that the translation of national purpose into action is a more difficult task abroad than it is at home. Even at home this translation presents problems; for, in spite of the fact that the national purpose of the United States derives from the needs, aspirations and behavior of the people of the United States, its realization involves problems of choice, priority, ambiguity, and technique which are not easy to solve. Even at home, realization of the national purpose may be frustrated in part by the effects of the behavior of others. For example, if the leaders of the Soviet Union behaved otherwise, portions of the defense budget could be used for example, for education.

When, however, it becomes a question of translating national purpose into action abroad, the importance of the needs, aspirations, and behaviors of other countries, leaders, and peoples becomes infinitely more significant. While the definition of our national purpose is a matter for our determination, these other factors clearly are not. Consequently, the realization of our national purpose abroad is far less under our control than at home and may be

national purpose abroad if it fails under our control then at home and may be
these other factors clearly are not. Consequently, the realization of our
mission in the definition of our national purpose is a matter for our determination,
while the definition of our national purpose is a matter for our determination,
other communities, leaders, and peoples becomes infinitely more significant
into action abroad, the importance of the needs, aspirations, and deviations
when, however, it becomes a question of translating national purposes
for example, for education.

Soviet Union perceived otherwise, portions of the defense budget could be used
by the effects of the behavior of others. For example, if the leaders of the
Even at home, realization of the national purpose may be frustrated in part
of choice, priority, ambiguity, and techniques which are not easy to solve.
behavior of the people of the United States, if a realization involves problems
national purpose of the United States derives from the needs, aspirations and
at home this translation presents problems; for, in spite of the fact that the
purposes into action is a more difficult task should be done at home. Even
it will also be made with the knowledge that the translation of national
expressed in the United Nations Charter.

b) A preference for nations cooperating with the proud purposes
human development and dignity.

c) A preference for nations evolving toward development under law for
orderly conduct.

d) A preference for nations which share our political objectives.

for orderly conduct.

e) A preference for international order and, where conduct is called for,

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impossible in many cases. The existence of a number of forces in the world which are beyond the influence of the United States has to be accepted as a basic element of the foreign relations of the United States.

This is not to say, however, that the United States cannot realize any part of its national purposes abroad. The chances of such realization depend on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national purposes have been broadly defined as securing the way of life called for in the Declaration of Independence and the Preamble of the Constitution. These include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the world is passing through a period of great change, such conditions must include mechanisms for providing orderly change. In analyzing relationship of these purposes to the outside world, the first step is to examine the behaviors of the people of the outside world and their leaders to see whether these behaviors are compatible with the realization of our purposes or not. This examination must be made region by region and country by country because there exist everywhere behaviors of both types.

Once this first step is taken, the next is to examine the causes and determinants of these behaviors. These causes and determinants will vary from region to region and it would be a grave mistake to assume that they will be the same as those influencing behaviors in the United States. The analysis of these causes should include the determination of:

["be the same as those influencing behaviors in the United States. The analysis from region to region and it would be a grave mistake to assume that they will determinants of these behaviors. These causes and determinants will vary.", "Once this that step is taken, the next is to examine the causes and", "exist everywhere behaviors of both types. Examination must be made region by region and country by country because there behaviors are compatible with the realization of our purposes or not. This of the people of the outside world and their leaders to see whether these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence and the Pledge of the Constitution. These purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence and the Pledge of the Constitution. These purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes have been broadly defined as accounting for the way of life called for by these purposes and to the tools available to us for carrying them out. Our national a careful analysis of the outside forces and their relationship to our national on how effectively national purpose is translated into action. This depends on part of its national purposes imposed. The cause of such realization depends on the creation of conditions necessary for an international order. Because the security against aggression, security of our economic interests and the Declaration of Independence, the Pledge of the Constitution, these purposes are being achieved through a period of great change, upon conditions that include security against aggression, security of our

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a) Whether they are active, in the sense of currently producing some
important behavior, or dormant.

b) Whether they are self-serving, in the sense of being stimulated by some immediate self-interest, or ideological, in the sense of being stimulated by some concept outside and above mere self-interest.

c) Whether they are supporting, opposing or neutral with respect to
our purposes.

Once a classification of this sort has been made, it may be possible
for the United States to strengthen the behaviors which are compatible with its
purposes and to change, isolate or weaken those which are neutral or opposed.
Since, however, the United States lacks the means to influence all sorts of
behavior all over the world, a further step in the analysis is necessary. This
step is to determine in each case which change, whether to be made or to be
prevented, is critically important to the realization of our purposes. This
change then becomes our policy objective for the country or region in question
and the basis for choosing the means appropriate to the realization of that
objective.

Before turning to the means which are available to the government of
the United States for carrying out policy objectives in the different regions
and countries, it must be stressed that it is not only the government which is
carrying on the foreign relations of the United States. Thousands of private
citizens, corporations and foundations are doing so as well. It is easy to
think of a number of countries where the behavior of the senior representative

right of a number of committees where the behavior of the senior representative
critizes, criticizes and sanctions are doing so as well. If it is easy to
carrying on the foreign relations of the United States. Thousands of people
and countries, if it must be attested that it is not only the government which is
the United States for carrying out policy objectives in the different regions
Before tuning to the means which are available to the government or
objective.

and the basis for choosing the means appropriate to the realization of that
objective then becomes our policy objective for the country or region in question
prevented, if critically important to the realization of our purposes. This
step is to determine in each case which change, whether to be made or to be
performed all over the world, a further step in the analysis is necessary. This
step, however, the United States takes the means to influence all sorts of
purposes and to change, isolate or weaken those which are neutral or opposite
for the United States to attempt the behavior which are compatible with it.
Once a classification of this sort has been made, it may be possible
on our part to choose.

c) Whether they are supporting, opposing or neutral with respect to
by some concept outside and above mere self-interest.

some immediate self-interest, or ideological, in the sense of being stimulated
by whether they are self-serving, in the sense of being stimulated by
important behavior, or dominant.

a) Whether they are serve, in the sense of currently producing some

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of a corporation doing business there has more effect on the country than that
of the U. S. ambassador, and there are many others where the work of our
great foundations has done more toward creating a true image of the United
States than official activities. These private activities are, of course, not
subject to government control and will not follow short-range fluctuations in
United States policy in ordinary cases. Nevertheless because they are
manifestations of the American purpose, they are usually consistent with it
in the longer term. Because they are not subject to the limitations of govern-
mental activities, they give to the total of United States foreign policy a
flexibility and range of impact that is very important.

This is not an argument for complete laissez-faire in this field. There
is great need for communication in both directions between the leaders in the
private and public aspects of national affairs so that there may be some sort
of fundamental agreement on what the objectives of the United States are.
But given this agreement, there should be great latitude given to the private
aspect in carrying out its specific objectives within the framework imposed by
the national objectives.

As far as the government is concerned, it has a number of means
available to it in carrying out its policy objectives in the various regions and
countries. They include -

a) Political means, represented by the tools of diplomacy, by inter-national agreements, by influences exercised through the United Nations, and the like.

and the like.

### International agreements, by influence, concluded between the United Nations,

a) Political means, represented by the tools of diplomacy, by later-

countries. They include -

available to it in carrying out its policy objectives in the various regions and
As far as the government is concerned, it has a number of means
the national objectives.

a) In carrying out its specific objectives within the framework embodied in
But given this agreement, there should be great latitude given to the private
of fundamental agreements on what the objectives of the United States are.

b) Great need for communication in both directions between the leaders in the
States and public aspects of national interests so that there may be some sort
flexibility and range of impact that is very important.

This is not an argument for complete isolation in this field. There
flexibility and range of impact that is very important.

c) In carrying out its specific objectives, they give to the total of United States foreign policy a
In the longer term, because they are not subject to the limitations of govern-
 manifestations of the Americanulate, they are usually consistent with it
United States policy in ordinary cases. Nevertheless, because they are
subject to government control and will not follow arbitrary fluctuations in
States than official activities. These private activities are, of course, not
great transformations has done more toward creating a true image of the United
of the U. S. administration, and there are many others whose work of on
of a corporation doing business there has more effect on the country than that

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b) Economic means, represented by grants or loans for economic purposes, by trade agreements, by economic advisory services, including the services provided by the International Bank and similar agencies, by private investment, and the like.

c) Military means represented by military assistance, military training missions, U. S. bases and forces abroad, and the like.

d) Technical means represented by special techniques in the physical sciences, education, public health, public administration, business management and the like.

e) Psychological means represented by all sorts of propaganda media, but including also the psychological effects of political, military and other means.

f) Cultural, social and moral means.

Cutting across all these means are two problems - simple communication and style. For these means to be successful, the United States must be able to make understood, both at home and abroad, why they have been chosen and what they are supposed to achieve. This is not an easy task, even at home, and it is more difficult abroad. Communication may be helped by the kind of analysis suggested - relating the means to a specific policy objective which is central to a clearly stated national objective.

The style in which these means are used also affects the success of their use. The style will vary according to the means and according where it is being used, but it must be related both to the particular objective being

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sought and the broader national objectives.

Each of these means must be supplied by men skilled in its use, but mere skill in application is not enough. It must be applied so as to support the particular policy objective which has been determined to be relevant to our national purpose and this determination should not be made initially by the skilled expert in techniques. This is not to say that a technically unsound project can be justified by political reasons, but rather that the policy objective must be identified first and then the technical projects must be selected which best support it.

In considering the various means which are available for carrying out the policy objectives of the United States, care must be taken to use the one which will best support the particular policy objective and there should be no automatic assumption that any particular instrument is more or less appropriate than the others. Such an attitude toward these instruments does not exist in the United States at present. There is a general feeling in the United States that economic aid and technical assistance are better instruments and that political instruments are not appropriate for use by the United States. A careful study will show that in many cases this is not so.

By an analysis of this sort, the identification of the policy objective for each region or country and the selection of appropriate supporting operational objectives, the national purpose can be effectively translated into action. This analysis will provide a focus which will eliminate inconsistent and mutually self-defeating actions and which at the same time will assist

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Congress and the people of the United States in understanding and supporting
the foreign activities of the United States.

II

Among the choices facing the United States in translating its objectives
into action is the possibility that the objectives can be sought, and the means
for achieving them can be used, unilaterally, bilaterally or multilaterally.
Choice between these alternatives will turn on the following factors. A
bilateral or multilateral arrangement is not something of value in itself; it
is valuable only to the extent to which it enables the United States to achieve
its objectives. For it to work in this way, there must be a common purpose
among the participants, and this common purpose should form a significant
part of the national purpose of the participants. Secondly, this common purpose
must be aimed at achieving objectives which the participants could not
achieve alone and toward which the multilateral or bilateral arrangement is
capable of contributing. Absent such conditions, the United States can achieve
more acting unilaterally because it thereby avoids the limitations on its freedom
of action imposed by the existence of the arrangement and the interests of the
other participants. Since the articulation of common purpose is easier to
achieve among peoples who have a common history and common values, it
would appear that it would be easier for the United States to work out satis-
factory bilateral and multilateral arrangements with European nations or those
of Latin America than any others.

[lc]

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The United Nations provides an interesting case study of these principles. It must be recognized that the limitations of that organization arise very largely from the fact that its members share very few common purposes. The number of members is increasing and with that increase the relative influence of the United States in the United Nations is decreasing. In a sense, therefore, membership has decreased the effective power of the United States.

To say this is not to say the United Nations is useless. On the contrary, the United Nations serves many important functions. It affirms the aspirations of man for an orderly world; as it puts limits on the power of the United States it does so for other large and powerful nations, including the USSR; it provides a public forum for international issues and a procedure for dealing with them which has been quite effective in many cases. To abandon it would clearly be a backward step.

But having said that, it is equally necessary to say that the United States cannot look to the United Nations for the definition of its own national purpose and its general and regional objectives. Even if it appeared desirable to do so, the absence of a common purpose within the organization would make such a definition impossible. On the contrary, the United States must make these definitions itself and then use the United Nations when such use contributes to the realization of these objectives and act unilaterally or through other bilateral or multilateral arrangement when it does not.

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Draft of May 18, 1957

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III

American capacity to influence events in other parts of the world is large but not unlimited. The limitations involve not only material and military resources but such matters as trained manpower, public understanding, and the time and energy of leaders. We can not do everything we "could" do everywhere all the time. Statesmanship involves choices if sometimes by default. A large part of the official decision-making process is an exercise in adjusting priorities, with large stakes riding on the outcome. There is no formula by which this can be done automatically, even though our procedures might be steadily improved.

We recall that in World War II the Allies gave a clear first priority to the defeat of Germany, but the second priority effort in the Pacific was sufficient to defeat Japan before a major re-deployment from the European Theater was effected. We must accept a variety of burdens, for a variety of reasons, allocating our effort in the light of relative urgencies, the means most appropriate to the task, and the judgment as to what the United States could accept as its share in relation to what others can do.

Whatever the merit of individual priorities, it is clear that they are no better than the national purpose on the basis of which they are made.

The clearer we are about our national purpose and our role in the world, the most consistent and meaningful will be the choices we make.

Among the choices which the United States will face in pursuing its objectives abroad are -

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Draft of May 18, 1957

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a) Competition between domestic needs and our objectives abroad for the finite resources, human and material, available for carrying them out.

b) Priorities between strengthening the base and meeting emergencies at the rim of conflict.

c) Resolution of long-range ideological preferences with shorter range strategic, political or economic necessities.

d) Contradictions between mobilizing resistance to Communist expansion and identifying United States objectives with the national objectives of other governments and peoples.

e) Competition among countries and regions for the support of the United States and for the use of our not unlimited resources.

Resolution among choices of this sort will be made by taking into account the basic preferences referred to above and the nature of the problem in the light of its effect on our general objectives. This resolution will not be easy and there will be many cases where it will not be possible to have the best of all possible worlds. That choices must be made is an important element of our foreign relations which is not generally recognized in the United States. The choice and its consequences will be less painful, however, if it is made consciously with our national objectives in mind, than if it is made for us, by the motion of outside forces, willed or random.

IV

It is fashionable for Americans to talk about "leadership" and the "initiative" and, indeed, both are wholesome reminders of our responsibility.

It is desirable for Americans to talk about 'leadership' and the

iv.

It is made for us, by the motion of outside forces, divided or random.
If it is made consecutively with our national objectives in mind, then if it
United States. The choice and its consequences will be less fair than, however,
element of our foreign relations which is not generally recognized in the
the best of all possible worlds. That choice must be made so an important
not be easy and there will be many cases where it will not be possible to have
in the light of its effect on our general objectives. This resolution will
account the basic preferences referred to above and the name of the problem
Resolution among choices of this sort will be made by taking into
United States and for the use of our not unlimited resources.

e) Competition among countries and regions for the support of the
    of other governments and peoples.

f) Consolidations between mobilizingREFERENCES TO COMMUNIST
    range amongst political or economic necessities.

c) Resolution of long-range political preferences with shorter
at the rim of conflict.

b) Priorities between strengthening the base and meeting emergency
for the finite resources, human and material, available for carrying them out.

Draft of May 18, 1937
T. S. Report

- 32 -

American leadership is indeed indispensable and any absence of such leadership begets irritation, confusion and chaos. But leadership should not take the form of domination. The essence of freedom is unity through respect for diversity. In some situations, this implies willingness to accept the leadership of others. Apart from sharing the burdens more widely, sharing leadership builds up the prestige, experience and sense of responsibility of our partners in common cause.

A somber development of recent decades, from an American point of view, has been the relative decline of Western Europe as a center of power and influence. Inevitable though this decline was in certain respects, it should be recognized as a serious blow to us. Our objectives should include careful attention to possibilities for strengthening the international roles of countries which are closely allied to us in purpose and interest, such as the Commonwealth, France, Japan, perhaps India, and the leaders of Latin America.

The present position of the United States is such that whatever we do, or do not do, has a significant impact upon events abroad. Decisions made through inaction are ordinarily lost without trace and their importance is overlooked. Some problems, initially threatening, wither away with time and are better left alone. Others, if not foreseen and attended to in early stages, develop into dangerous and costly crises. The art is to recognize which is which. Pas trop de zele has been a useful maxim of diplomacy but America's new role now puts a high premium upon alertness, in order that both action and inaction can be thoughtfully and skillfully devised.

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V

Responsibility for meeting the Soviet threat is ours by the grace of
history and is readily left to us by others. We must attempt to mobilize the
will and the resources of the world community to meet it, to convert the struggle
into one between the Soviet Union and all the rest.

We have sometimes been tactless, but our friends abroad have not always
been helpful in understanding our problem. The rivalry between us and the
Soviet Union is not directly over bilateral issues, but over our concern about
what the Soviet Union threatens to do to somebody else, in Europe, the Middle
East or Asia, and about the threat to values of freedom and human dignity we
share with many nations. Our own American experience suggests that neutralism
in the present world is a luxury which can be enjoyed just because the United
States confronts the Soviet Union.

Nevertheless, we face a serious difficulty in explaining our purposes
in genuine terms to those who seem to share the same objectives. If public
understanding at home would permit us to do the things we must do, without
exaggerating the Soviet threat, we might reduce the prestige which we
regularly confer upon the Soviet Union as well as the resentment we encounter
elsewhere. We may discover that the more effective way to mobilize the world
community against the Soviet threat is to act more frequently as if the Soviet
Union did not exist.

VI

A dilemma which arises not infrequently requires a balance to be struck
between visible and practical instruments of power and those aspects of power
which derive from moral, political and psychological factors. This is not the
ethical question as to the role which morals "should" play in foreign policy.
It simply acknowledges that the object of policy is to get people to act one
way rather than another and that ideas are more powerful than weapons in
determining conduct as is demonstrated by the Soviet experience in the satellite
orbit. The dilemma can not be resolved by surrendering the physical instru-
ments of power. Other peoples and nations have an enormous stake in American
power, even if they are reluctant to confess it. On the other hand, physical
presence will not avail for long unless we can establish bonds of principle
and values.

and values.

principle will not avail for land unless we can establish bonds of principle
power, even if they are reluctant to cede it. On the other hand, physical
ments of power. Other peoples and nations have an enormous stake in American
orbits. The dilemma can not be resolved by amending the physical orbit-
determining conduct as is demonstrated by the Soviet experience in the sable
way rather than another and that ideas are more powerful than weapons in
it simply acknowledges that the object of policy is to set people to act one
ethical equation as to the role which morsels "should" play in foreign policy,
which derive from moral, political and psychological factors. This is not the
between viable and practical instruments of power and those aspects of power

A dilemma which arises not immediately requires a balance to be struck

- 34 -

Draft of May 18, 1937
I - Report

## III LATIN AMERICA

### A. The Present Situation

Latin America has a special significance for the United States, which arises from the history and geography of the New World. The Latin American republics achieved their independence from colonial rule a little later than the United States in the name of the same principles of Western European liberal thought that lay behind our Declaration of Independence. But, fearing that independence might be short-lived if it depended solely on nationalism, the leaders of the Latin American revolutions developed the idea of a union of the American republics through an American pact. Thus, added to the centrifugal concept of individual and national freedom was a centripetal concept of a free association of nations united by similar aspirations for freedom and respect for human dignity.

This is the origin of the Organization of American States. The first meeting of the Independent Nations of America was held in Panama in 1826, called by Simon Bolivar and welcomed by Henry Clay, then Secretary of State. During the following century, the concept was broadened and deepened. Although the record is far from perfect, the trend has been unmistakable: the greater the respect for diversity, the greater the possibilities for common action. Regional cooperation has been based on four principles - non-intervention, consultation, common action and mutual security.

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In the New World, thus, there has grown up the first effective regional organization of modern times. The political importance of this is tremendous, both as an example and as a practical problem of international law; for without the insistence of the Latin American republics under the leadership of Alberto Lleras Camargo, the Charter of the United Nations would not have included Article 51 which authorizes regional organizations for collective self-defense. Without this Article and the experience and example afforded by the Organization of American States, NATO would not have been possible. The United States, therefore, has been a partner with Latin America in developing an important institution of modern international life.

This is one element of the special relationship between the United States and Latin America. Another is the feeling of responsibility which the United States has historically felt for the area. That feeling can be traced through the history of the Monroe Doctrine and through some of the curious experiments in intervention during the first quarter of the 20th century.

While parts of this history were not appreciated in Latin America and perhaps do not reflect credit on us, the story clearly indicates that the feeling of responsibility has persisted.

One further element of the special relationship must be mentioned. Latin America is the region where the United States has its greatest opportunity for realizing its objectives because of proximity and similarity of historical development and aspirations. Our performance here, therefore,

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will have important repercussions elsewhere.

With respect to the region itself, it should be noted that there is great diversity within the region. First, there is great climatic and geographic variety. Then, the size of the countries varies greatly from Brazil with 60,000,000 people and an area larger than the United States to Costa Rica with area smaller than West Virginia and a population of less than a million. There are also great differences in political institutions and the degree of economic development in the different countries.

In spite of this diversity, however, there are strong tendencies for unity in the region. These come from the common colonial system which left with few exceptions a common inheritance of language, religion, history, institutions and culture.

The relative strength of Latin America is increasing. Her population is growing at a rate exceeding any part of the world save Oceania and there is room in which it can expand. Latin America has only seven per cent of the world's population and nineteen per cent of its land. Its economic progress in the last decade has been outstanding and its natural resources are far from being fully developed. Consequently it seems fair to say that the region stands on the verge of great economic growth.

There are, however, some difficulties in the economic picture. Many countries depend on the export of a single crop or commodity which is sold in a world market having alternate sources of supply. These countries are thus vulnerable to economic forces beyond their control.

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Draft of May 18, 1957

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This vulnerability is reinforced by the fact that the economic life of the region is strongly influenced by the general level of business activity in the United States and more specifically by the thirty or forty large American corporations which do a significant share of the total business in Latin America. One has only to think of Anaconda in Chile, Grace in Peru, United Fruit in Central America, or Creole in Venezuela to appreciate this.

This vulnerability is described as a fact of the present scene. This description does not imply that some one has been at fault or that the vulnerability is being consciously exploited by outside forces. Quite the contrary is true. For example, the basic pattern for oil concessions all over the world at present, the division of the net profits in equal shares between the producer and the government granting the concession, was first established in Venezuela by the United States oil companies when concessions elsewhere were much more favorable to the producer. Today, the large United States corporations working in Latin America have very enlightened policies, although it must be admitted that this happy state has not always existed. They and their employees strive to be good members of the communities where they work and to contribute to their sound development.

Furthermore, the economic scene reflects a real economic interdependence in the New World. Although the operations of these companies have great influence in Latin America, the same Latin American operations are important to the United States economy as well. This is clearly

[LC]

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demonstrated by the fact that fifty per cent of the foreign trade of the
United States is carried on in the Western Hemisphere, including Canada.

Finally it must be pointed out that for the purposes of defense, the
Western Hemisphere is crucial to the United States. Without it the United
States may be strategically untenable and it would need the economic base
which the region provides in order to survive. However, the present
military organization of the hemisphere does not add to its military strength.

B. **United States Objectives**

The general objectives of the United States in Latin America are:

a. To carry forward the traditions of regional cooperation which have existed for more than one hundred years and which have provided the world with valuable examples and to expand and develop this cooperation into the broad field of human development.

b. To maintain a strong and pervasive community of interest with Latin America.

If these general objectives are then translated into more specific
terms, we arrive at the following objectives:

a. The maintenance of peace in Latin America and the prevention of any part of the hemisphere from becoming a base for hostile forces from outside the hemisphere.

b. The economic development of Latin America and the strengthening of its economic institutions through a combination of public and private effort.

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Draft of May 18, 1957

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c. The strengthening of democratic forces and democratic political institutions in the region.

d. The increase of cultural exchange within Latin America and between Latin America and North America and the strengthening of educational institutions in the region.

### C. Considerations Affecting the Achievement of these Objectives

There are a number of conditions and behaviors which present obstacles to the achievement of these objectives. One of these is the tendency of leaders in the United States and the public generally to take Latin America for granted, unless there is a crisis. This behavior is not the sort which contributes to a pervasive community of interest with Latin America. It can perhaps be corrected as there arises a growing awareness of the importance of Latin America to the United States, economically and politically. Its economic importance has already been mentioned and cannot help but be recognized at all levels as economic ties further develop. Politically it has only to be noted that if the Latin American delegations side with the Afro-Asian bloc in the General Assembly of the United Nations, the United States cannot achieve its policies there.

Another type of behavior which threatens the achievement of United States objectives is the growing nationalism of the region. This springs from many factors. Among them are pride in the history and culture of the region and in its new vitality and growth, resentment that foreigners exercise an enormous degree of control over the economic life, and a fear that

The six objectives of control over the economic life, and of the
region and in its new vitality and growth, remain for foreign exer-
cing in many factors. Among them are pride in the history and culture of the
States objectives as the growing nationality of the region. This spring
Another type of behavior which therefore the achievement of United

The Asian race in the General Assembly of the United Nations, the United

It can perhaps be corrected as there areas a growing awareness of the im-
portance for granted, unless there is a crisis. This behavior is not the ac-
tivity of leaders in the United States and the public generally to take Latin
arcs to the achievement of these objectives. One of these is the ten-
There are a number of conditions and behaviors which present op-


### C. Considerations Affecting the Achievement of These Objectives

Institutions in the region.

... which Latin America and North America and the attending of educational

d. The increase of cultural exchange within Latin America and the Pacific

institutions in the region.

Draft of May 18, 1967
1 - Report

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Draft of May 18, 1957

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the region is being exploited. It can produce tensions which threaten the stability of the region and can lead to interference with the economic development of a country by cutting it off from capital, skilled manpower and techniques required for that development. It can also deny to the United States both markets and raw materials which it needs.

Fortunately there are a number of things which the United States can do toward modifying the development of this nationalism through both private action and governmental. One of the most important is for United States corporations to continue the enlightened policies which have characterized their operations in Latin America in recent years. Wherever possible, these activities should be carried on in partnership with local interests. The creation of the Creole Foundation in Venezuela is an example of a new type of constructive action by a corporation which can contribute to a favorable climate of opinion.

Another is for the United States, the corporations and the countries themselves to work together to diversify the single-crop, export economies so that these countries may become less vulnerable economically. This is a field where technical assistance has much to offer. An institution which could make an effective contribution in this direction would be a Regional Development Authority; organized under the Organization of American States, which would have responsibility for stimulating the economic development of the region and authority to assist projects which, in their early stages at least, would not be considered sound enough for loans under the

["Inades at least, would not be considered sound enough for loans under this\nagreement of the region and authority to assist projects which, in their early\ngood years, which would have responsibility for stimulating the economic de-\nvelopment Authority; organized under the Organization of American\ncountries, which would become less vulnerable economically. This is\nso that these countries may become less vulnerable economically. This is\nnot possible where technological assistance has much to offer. An institution which\ntherefore makes an effective contribution in this direction would be a Regional\nfield which would be a Regional field which would be a Regional field\nwhere technological assistance has much to offer. An institution which\ntherefore makes an effective contribution in this direction would be a Regional\nfield which would be a Regional field which would be a Regional field\nwhere technological assistance has much to offer. 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standards of the International Bank. The United States could funnel the economic aid, which it should provide for the region on the same basis as it provides such aid for other regions, through the Authority. Under this approach the economic development of the region would become a shared effort which directly and indirectly would lessen the economic vulnerability of the area and thereby lessen the reasons for irrational nationalism. It would build on the traditions of cooperation which have persisted and stress the special relationship between Latin America and the United States.

At present in the field of economics, the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America stands far above any Latin American organization in influence and prestige. In some respects, the doctrines which it has been propounding are at variance with U.S. objectives in the region. It would appear, therefore, that this was a situation where the United States could achieve more by working outside the United Nations than through it. A Regional Development Authority might well afford the opportunity for doing so.

Still another economic problem is presented by the fact that the five Central American republics have recently formed a common market and proposals are being circulated for a hemispheric common market and common currency-credit system. These proposals create serious questions for the United States - should it take the lead in developing these regional activities, follow reluctantly the lead of the Latin Americans, or ignore the proposals? As far as the ultimate position in such an organization of the United States