INTERNATIONAL

Socialism or Mao,” said one American. “He talked about satisfying consumer demand, rates of savings and granting more decision-making power to local officials.” If confirmed as next Prime Minister, Zhao could become the first of a new breed of truly “modern” Chinese leaders.

ANGUS DEMING with MELINDA LIU in Peking,
BERNARD KRISHER in Tokyo and
FRED COLEMAN in Washington

JAPAN
# A Prime Minister Known as 'Mr. Fish'

For two weeks, the power brokers of Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party exchanged messages, met in secret and dropped hints in newspapers as they tried to agree on a new Prime Minister. The front runners—Yasuhiro Nakasone and Toshio Komoto—did their own quiet lobbying. It was the classic Japanese political ritual, but it played out last week to a totally unexpected end. Nakasone's bend-with-the-wind reputation ended his chances, and Komoto's failure to win key factional support ended his. Instead, LDP leaders chose Zenko Suzuki, a little-known 69-year-old party veteran who has avoided making enemies, to lead the party—and Japan.

Suzuki, a loyal lieutenant who never expressed much interest in leading, probably will be officially anointed by the party this week, in part because there is nothing the least bit controversial about him. He is considered an expert on agriculture and fishing he has been called "Mr. Fish") and is known within the party as a shrewd mediator. A close friend of the late Prime Minister Masayoshi Ohira, Suzuki served in the Diet and held three medium-level Cabinet posts over the past 33 years. Even his closest colleagues profess not to know whether he is a hawk or dove. His views on such key issues as defense, foreign affairs and economics are mysteries. "I have difficulty concluding what his opinions are on economic and financial matters," said Tadashi Sasaki, chairman of the Japan Committee for Economic Development.

Truce: Suzuki's views may not make much of a difference. Most of Japan's policies are made by a coalition of civil servants, businessmen and factional leaders of the LDP—not the Prime Minister. "The LDP is like a big oil tanker," said one diplomat. "It's not the helmsman who directs the ship; it's the whole crew." A U.S. official maintained that Suzuki's selection might bring a truce among the factions that will produce "a strong, stable government." With a solid Diet majority after last month's election, the party is not likely to waver from the policies of economic growth and close U.S. ties it has followed for 25 years—whatever positions emerge from mystery man Suzuki.

UPI

Dobrynin, Kissinger (1973): A breakfast in Washington, a deceptive report from Trianon

SOVIET UNION

# A CIA Spy in the Kremlin

It was a dark exercise in espionage and counterespionage, a story as startling as anything out of "Smiley's People"—or "The Spy Who Came in From the Cold." But the story was real—and so were its victims. NEWSWEEK learned last week that for a number of years during the early 1970s, the CIA had a top-grade spy in the Soviet Foreign Ministry in Moscow. The agent's code name was "Trianon." For a time he supplied the CIA with a reliable and accurate flow of diplomatic secrets. Then, Trianon's reports began to smack of disinformation, a run of subtle and not-so-subtle lies designed to mislead and discredit—touching, among others, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, Anatoly Dobrynin, the Soviet Union's ambassador in Washington, and Jimmy Carter's first round of SALT negotiations with Moscow. NEWSWEEK's David Martin reports from Washington:

The Trianon file opened in the early 1970s. Trianon was then a Soviet diplomat posted overseas. After the Central Intelligence Agency recruited him, he returned to Moscow and a well-placed job in the Soviet Foreign Ministry. From that vantage, he passed intelligence on Soviet diplomatic intrigues to the CIA in Washington. The CIA considered him one of the most valuable operatives on the payroll of The Company, a worthy replacement for Col. Oleg Penkovsky, who had supplied the CIA with 5,000 pages of top-secret documents in the mid-1960s. "Trianon's information was carefully assessed by a group of agency analysts and

judged to be sound and of high quality," said one intelligence expert in Washington. "CIA experts had full confidence in this guy's stuff."

Then, during the Presidency of Gerald Ford, the quality of Trianon's production began to slip. His information ceased to tally with that of other CIA sources. Senior Administration officials began to fear that he had been discovered and "turned" by the KGB. "When a first-rate source turns in fourth-rate stuff consistently," explains one expert, "you begin to suspect something." The KGB apparently had begun using Trianon as a channel of "disinformation"—deliberately falsified data—perhap without his knowledge. Suspicions heightened in the early months of the Carter Administration. But as long as Trianon kept selling, the CIA kept buying.

**Private Conversation:** In April 1977, Trianon filed a startling report that further undermined his credibility: a copy, supposedly verbatim, of a cable to the Politburo by Dobrynin. The document recounted a private breakfast conversation in Washington between Dobrynin and former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger—

and it attributed to Kissinger some highly unseemly diplomatic meddling. According to Dobrynin's purported cable, Kissinger had requested the meeting and had used it to attack Jimmy Carter's first major plans for SALT II.

One month earlier, Kissinger's successor, Cyrus Vance, had gone to Moscow with Carter's proposal calling for deep cuts in the nuclear arsenals of the United States and the Soviet Union. The package repre-

Martha Peterson
Tass from Sovfoto

NEWSWEEK/JULY 21, 1980

INTERNATIONAL

sented a significant break with a previous
generation of strategic-arms understand-
ings negotiated by Kissinger. According
to the Dobrynin cable, Kissinger said he
did not blame the Russians for rejecting
the Carter Administration's initiative. The
new proposal was bad, he reportedly told
Dobrynin; the Carter Administration had
clearly misread the Soviet leadership in its
attitudes toward arms control; the Presi-
dent was a prisoner of his own ideological
illusions. Kissinger was also represented
as having criticized national-security ad-
viser Zbigniew Brzezinski as dogmatically
anti-Soviet. Finally, he was said to have
concluded the chat by asking Dobrynin to
pass along his best wishes to Soviet Presi-
dent Leonid Brezhnev.

**Cable:** Kissinger strongly denied the Tri-
anon allegations last week. He also accused
the Administration of leaking the story to
discredit him on the eve of this week's Re-
publican National Convention. A Kissinger
spokesman in Washington told NEWSWEEK that
the April 1977 breakfast had
taken place and that Kissinger and Dobrynin
did discuss SALT. But it was the
Soviet ambassador who had requested the
meeting, using it to complain about the
new SALT proposals, the aide said. Kissinger
offered neither solace nor advice.

Almost no one inside the CIA took the allegations against Kissinger seriously. Several years earlier a Polish defector who had worked with the KGB in the 1950s had claimed that Kissinger had been recruited as a Soviet agent after World War II; but the same defector also called himself the last of the Romanov dynasty of Russia—so the CIA groaned and dismissed him. The most plausible explanation for the alleged Dobrynin cable—which has mysteriously disappeared from the CIA’s files—seemed to be that the KGB was out to discredit Kissinger even at the expense of besmirching Dobrynin. Why? “To divide the Americans,” speculated one source. “The tough thing for the Russians is a strong, bipartisan consensus in the United States.”

Whatever the Russians' purpose, the
Trianon file closed abruptly three months
after the Kissinger-Dobrynin breakfast. On
July 15, 1977, KGB agents arrested a CIA
operative named Martha Peterson at one
of Trianon's "dead drops," a prearranged
place for leaving messages, in Moscow. The
Soviet press reported that she had been
carrying two poison ampules. (Sources in
Washington said the poison had been re-
quested by Trianon for his own use if the
KGB unmasked him.) The Soviets inter-
rogated Peterson and released her. Trianon
dropped from sight. The CIA subsequently
heard that Trianon had committed suicide
but no one could be sure whether that report
was one more exercise in KGB disinfor-
mation. So the CIA may never find out
the real fate of its onetime master spy.

LEBANON

The Christians'
Bloody Civil War

During the 1975-76 civil war, Lebanon's rancorous Christian political parties found common cause in fighting Palestinian and Muslim leftists. But last week the uneasy alliance broke down in a blood bath that spilled from Christian-held east Beirut to the northern Mediterranean coast. Shouting "We will kill you," gunmen of the Christian Phalangist Party broke into the seaside villa of Dany Chamoun, military commander of the National Liberal Party's "Tiger" militia. Finding Chamoun away, they burned the house and carried off his wife and daughter. NLP sympathizers at a nearby resort were machine-gunned in a swimming pool; the corpses of other Phalangist victims had their tongues cut out. Elsewhere, the Phalangists' 10,000-man private army attacked NLP outposts with artillery and mortars. When the shooting finally stopped, the Red Cross cleared streets littered with bodies, Christian hospitals overflamed with the wounded, and more than 300 Christians lay dead—most of them members of the NLP.

Surrender: It was the worst outbreak of fighting among the Christian parties since the close of the civil war four years ago. After two days of pounding, the NLP decided it had had enough. Chamoun's father, 80-year-old NLP president Camille Chamoun, ordered his men to surrender their strongholds, offices and ammunition depots to the Phalangists—and to save their own lives. Reunited with his wife and daughter after the Red Cross negotiated their release, Dany Chamoun resigned as

head of the NLP Tigers. He said he was
withdrawing from politics, and might even
move to Muslim-held west Beirut.

With the collapse of the NLP militia
the man who emerged as Lebanon's most
powerful Christian leader was Phalangist
commander Bashir Gemayel, 33. The son
of party-founder Pierre Gemayel, 75, (a
pharmacist impressed in the 1930s by the
regimen of Nazi youth groups), the hot-
headed younger Gemayel is a Jesuit-trained
lawyer with an ear for Beethoven and a
nose for trouble. He announced confidently
that he would set up a 40,000-man "home
guard" in order to bring all of Lebanon's
fractious Christian forces under his wing.
"It's the first time that the Christians in
this part of the world will be unified in
fourteen centuries," boasted one of Ge-
mayel's followers.

**Drive for Power:** That remained to be seen. In Beirut, diplomats predicted that former President Suleiman Franjieh, yet another Christian leader who has been feuding with the Phalangists since his son Tony was killed by Phalangist terrorists two years ago, would attempt to convince the Chams to join him in an anti-Gemayel front. Undaunted, Gemayel hinted that his own next target might be Lebanon's well-armed Palestinians. Gemayel's ascendancy could also be a blow to Israel, since Chamoun was known to be more sympathetic than the Phalangists to the Israelis. Faced with shooting among rival Muslim groups as well as Christian feuding, Lebanon's President Elias Sarkis appeared powerless to control the situation. And given Gemayel's accelerating drive for power, it seemed just possible that Lebanon might tumble into another bloody round of civil war.

FAY WILLEY with bureau reports

Bashir Gemayel (center) maps out his next move: Pushing Lebanon closer to civil war

Gysembergh-Jeanette Harris

□ NEWSWEEK/JULY 21, 1980

The Kissinger-CBS Disconnection

If he had it to do all over again, Don Hewitt, producer of 60 Minutes, would drop the word "connection" from "The Kissinger-Shah Connection"—the title of a segment aired May 4 on the CBS program. "The Kissinger-Shah Connection" set off charges and counter-charges between former secretary of state Henry Kissinger and CBS. Publications from the New Republic to the Wall Street Journal raised questions of broadcasting ethics and journalism-by-innuendo. The broadcast attempted to show that there was a "link" between Kissinger as secretary of state, the shah of Iran, higher oil prices, and, by inference, arms sales to Iran.

Dan Rather, who narrated the segment, said on the air: "... there is little doubt that, during the time he was secretary of state, Kissinger gave the ruler of the Peacock Throne preferential treatment. And the question is why.

"In attempting to find that out, people in a position to know pointed us toward a link between Henry Kissinger, the shah of Iran and the price you're now paying for gasoline."

Kissinger denies any

"connection" with the shah to raise oil prices. He states that he sought to hold prices down, that Saudi Arabia was primarily responsible for the price hikes and that Iran did not need additional revenue for arms purchases.

Although Rather said on the program that Kissinger, "... after many requests ... refused to appear in this story," 60 Minutes provided no one else to rebut its thesis. Rather did say on the air, "Henry Kissinger calls the whole story—quote—'malicious, ridiculous and untrue.'"

Bill Leonard, president of CBS News, says Kissinger had a "firm agreement" with CBS to appear on the show and "reneged" on it.

60 Minutes structured the program to include former ambassador to Saudi Arabia, James Akins (whom Kissinger had fired); former secretary of the treasury, William Simon; and former undersecretary of state, George Ball.

Rather stated on the air that "under Kissinger's direction, there was virtually no debate when the shah ordered $5.7 billion worth of military hardware from this country between October

1976 and September 1977." Kissinger answers that the "overwhelming majority of these sales occurred during the Carter administration which was in office eight out of the twelve months mentioned. (Jimmy Carter was inaugurated in January 1977.) All these sales, moreover, were four to five years after events described in the program and in some cases concerned weapons that did not even exist in 1972-73."

Roder Coloff, vice president of CBS News, says, "The $5.7 billion figure did in fact represent orders which were placed while Dr. Kissinger was still secretary of state. That figure represents what the Defense Security Assistance Agency refers to as the 'value of agreements' which were signed by the U.S. and Iran between October 1976 and September 1977. But the agreements were all signed on the basis of commitments made to Iran during the Ford administration."

Rather stated on the air: "They (Kissinger and the shah) talked privately for one hour (in October 1969), it is believed, during which the groundwork was laid for the Nixon administration's policy toward Iran of con-

tinuing military aid to the shah." Kissinger responds that he had no contact of any kind with the shah between 1969 and 1972. Furthermore, he says, "My schedule of appointments shows no private meeting between the shah and me in October 1969."

After the program was broadcast, George Ball wrote to Rather to clarify his part in the segment. "During the interview the one question that was in any way related to [oil prices] was your query as to whether I had seen anything in the files indicating that an effort had been made to dissuade the shah from raising oil prices, and I replied in the negative. In fact, I was looking, at the time, for events that may have led to the revolution and oil prices were not within the perview of my inquiry. I have no information as to what, if anything, the administration did to deter the shah from promoting an oil increase."

Describing the events that led up to the program, Kissinger says, "In all my experience with news organizations, I was never exposed to the pressure and threats employed by 60 Minutes. Within a twenty-four

hour period, I received eight phone calls from Mr. Rather, Mr. Wallace and Mr. Hewitt and a personal visit from Mr. Rather on the day of the failed rescue mission in Iran, all giving me deadlines of two hours to respond. Their theme was identical: 60 Minutes would proceed with the presenta-

tion that I had told them was untrue without consulting additional documents or other witnesses, unless I personally rebutted the charges."

Hewitt, too, says he was subjected to pressure from "powerful people." And Bill Leonard says, "We didn't feel anyone in the

world could answer the questions but Henry Kissinger." As for the "connection," he says: "Connection is a very different word than conspiracy—an extremely different word than conspiracy."

Rather says, "I wish someone would explain to me why Henry Kissinger

dropped out of the broadcast after we postponed it a week for him."

Kissinger says, "What Rather wanted to do was not to interview me, but to undertake a scientific experiment to see whether a man can be induced to commit suicide after he has just been assassinated."

Perhaps most importantly we must
urgently develop a common energy
policy. The most blatant demonstra-
tion of allied disarray is the semian-
nual display of impotence when the
leaders of the industrialized nations
wait for the latest dispensation from
the producers regarding price in-
creases. This dependence must be
ended by a coherent consumer strat-
egy. But we can rally our allies to a
common cause only if we have a pur-
 poseful long-range strategy ourselves.

This a new Administration will pro-
vide.

The developing world is in chaos for
many reasons, not all caused by our ac-
tions. But the Administration has com-
pounded instability by currying favor
with what it saw as the forces of
change, which it identified with trendy
Marxism — from the Sandinistas in
Nicaragua to the P.L.O. in the Middle
East. We are making the world safe for
anti-American radicalism. When the
nonaligned nations met in Havana last
September, their declaration was more
viciously anti-American than ever be-
fore.

‘Vision of a Better World’

So cannot abandon two-thirds of hu-
manity to misery, feudalism and de-
spair. Americans know that our own se-
curity and prosperity depend on a
world of progress, cooperation, justice
and human dignity. However, we must
offer not self-abasement but a self-con-
fident vision of a better world. And
many urgent problems await our com-
mitment: to relieve the crushing bur-
don of energy costs for the poorest na-
tions; to encourage adequate sources of
private and public development capi-
tal; to guarantee our access to vital
minerals and raw materials at a fair
price in a global economic structure
beneficial to all.

We have many true friends in the
developing world who are sympathetic
to the democratic nations, who believe
in peaceful change, and despair when
we undermine them by facile slogans
and indecision. They wait for our lead-
ership; they require our protection;
they yearn for our inspiration in their
struggles which are now lonely — but
will not be after November.

A new Administration is needed, in
short, to restore steadiness and coher-
ence to our foreign policy. The world is
in turmoil because America — the
leader of free peoples — has lost its
compass course. If you do not know
where you are going, every road will
get you there.

Our current foreign policy special-
izes in responding to disasters it has
helped produce. Amazingly enough, the
Carter Administration claims that it is
we who are reckless because we de-
mand a new defense policy, that we are
simplistic in opposing radicalism, that
we fail to understand the complexities
of the contemporary world — that we
are risking war. But the American peo-
ple know better. They undestand that
confusion, timidity, impotence and in-
competence risk war. They know that
firmness and constancy are the best in-
surance of peace.

This, then, sums up the position of a
new Administration as I understand it:

A. It will urgently and decisively re-
build our defenses.

B. It will restore our alliances.

C. It will resist, vigorously and un-
compromisingly, Soviet expansionism.

D. It will be prepared to negotiate to
push back the specter of nuclear war,
to reduce arms and to establish rules of
international conduct on the basis of
strict reciprocity and principle.

E. It will extend a hand of compas-
sion and assistance to developing coun-
tries that seek progress and human dig-
nity and a better life for their peoples.

Thus our party and our candidate
offer renewal and hope.

We will define ourselves by our
ideals, not our fears. We shall be
judged not by the stridency of our

rhetoric but by the nobility of our pur-
poses. We will resist the dark forces
that threaten liberty. But we will also
hold out the promise of a more peaceful
world and of a more humane future.

As a party of individualists we have
had and continue to have our differ-
ences. As men and women of principle
we have contested them vigorously.

But the time has come to close ranks.

We all now turn to Ronald Reagan as

the trustee of our hopes.

He will have the dedicated suport of
all of us, for we know that his election is
essential to the future of freedom and
to the progress of America. Under his
leadership we will overcome the
storms ahead; we will hold our heads
high and we will build that better world
at peace that fulfills the dreams of
mankind and the high ideals of our peo-
ple.

# Kissinger tried to get his old job back

LOS ANGELES (UPI) — Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger tried to engineer both a vice presidential spot for Gerald Ford and his own appointment to his old cabinet post, top aides to Ronald Reagan told the Los Angeles Times.

Unnamed "top aides" to the Republican presidential nominee were quoted by the Times Sunday as saying Ford and Reagan met privately last Wednesday after the aides thought a deal had been cut.

But when the meeting was over, the plan had broken down.

They said Reagan had been "shocked" when Ford told him in private that one condition of the vice presidential offer was that Kissinger be named secretary of state, the Times reported.

The newspaper said the aides quoted Reagan as saying, "That can't happen."

The Times also reported that Kissinger and Alan Greenspan, head of the Council of Economic Advisors in the Ford Administration, had acted as Ford emissaries in pressing for a vigorous vice presidential role for the former chief executive.

The conditions of a Ford vice presidential spot had been typed up in a "talking paper."

The Times said Reagan aides disclosed they believed they had a workable deal with Ford early last Wednesday morning, but that it collapsed in a private meeting between Ford and Reagan at 3:30 p.m.

The aides said Ford had been induced by Kissinger to insist that Kissinger be named

secretary of state in a future Reagan administration.

"Kissinger saw himself at the fulcrum of power," the Times quoted a Reagan aide as saying. "He had Ford's ear and ours."

"For the first time in my life," the Times source said of Kissinger's toughness, "I felt sorry for the North Vietnamese."

Negotiations with Ford had grown serious after Ford hinted to the Republican Convention in a speech Tuesday that he was interested in leaving retirement to play a more active role in national politics.

Reagan aides said they interpreted the remarks in Ford's speech to be a feeler and contacted him later that night to offer the vice presidential spot on the ticket, according to the Times.

★ ★ THE PENINSULA TIMES TRIBUNE, Wednesday, July 16, 1980—A-5

# Kissinger assails Carter policies, says Reagan a competent leader

JUL 16 1980

Associated Press

DETROIT — Henry Kissinger indicted President Carter's foreign policy at the Republican National Convention with an attack that some conservative delegates might well have launched at the former secretary of state himself.

But the conservatives, though still resenting Kissinger's policy of detente with the Soviets, politely cheered his call Tuesday night for strong and steady foreign leadership under Ronald Reagan.

Some Kissinger detractors had raised the possibility of booing him during his address. But any initial feelings of contempt turned into disinterest and restlessness by the time Kissinger reached the podium at midnight to attack Carter's "diplomacy of incoherency."

"We are here to put an end to

drift, confusion, retreat and weakness in our foreign policy," Kissinger told a chattering crowd of speech-weary delegates in the final oration of Tuesday's seven-hour session. "Another four years like the last four will make disaster irretrievable."

"The Carter administration has managed the extraordinary feat of having at one and the same time the worst relations with our allies, the worst relations with our adversaries and the most serious upheavals in the developing world since the end of the Second World War," he said.

Kissinger, who managed foreign affairs for Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, said a new president is needed "to restore steadiness and coherence to our foreign policy."

The "trustee of our hopes," he

said, is Reagan, the man Kissinger declined to support until Reagan emerged as the certain GOP presidential candidate.

Earlier Tuesday, Kissinger conferred briefly with Reagan and then told reporters that his and the candidate's foreign policy views are "compatible."

Kissinger also pronounced Reagan a competent leader in foreign affairs who would "behave responsibly and fruitfully" in the White House.

Kissinger said he did not come to see Reagan to discuss future employment in a new Republican administration. "I'm not here as a job-seeker," he said, adding that he might be interested later.

Reagan, however, has promised that one person he will not name as a secretary of state is Henry Kissinger.

A-6—THE PENINSULA TIMES TRIBUNE, Wednesday, July 16, 1980

# Conservative platform reflects Reagan views

Associated Press

DETROIT — The Republican National Convention is promising “a new beginning for America” in a 1980 platform that it hopes will help speed Ronald Reagan into the White House in January.

If it doesn't, it won't be because it fails to reflect Reagan's conservative views: it's the most conservative GOP platform since Sen. Barry Goldwater went down to defeat in 1964.

Goldwater, in fact, praised the platform during an emotional speech to the convention Tuesday night in which he urged all party members to support it even if some don't like it.

"If we're not happy with every dot and comma in the platform, all right, let's live with what we got

and all that. ("Let's give the terward, "Only one state stood on the principle of full discussion." He had hoped to propose a pro-ERA plank in the platform and relax its anti-abortion stance.")

An attempt by the Massachusetts delegation to obtain a roll-call vote on the platform was declared out of order. Support of six delegations was needed to force a roll-call vote and none joined Massachusetts.

The delegates who are almost unanimously committed to Reagan were in no mood to change a platform that had already won their candidate's praise. Consideration of the platform was the last major item of convention business prior to the nomination of Reagan as the presidential nominee tonight.

As approved, the platform lambasts the Carter administration for

April

Kissinger seen edging way
into Reagan circle of aides

*** JUE 11 1980

WASHINGTON (AP) — Much to the chagrin of some of Ronald Reagan's most conservative supporters, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger appears to be edging his way into Reagan's circle of foreign policy advisers.

Kissinger will deliver one of the main speeches at Tuesday night's Republican convention session, and recently he began to offer advice indirectly to Reagan, through meetings with the chief of Reagan's foreign policy advisory group, Richard V. Allen.

Allen confirmed such contacts Thursday, saying, "Henry Kissinger is one of those people I consult with regularly. I saw him the other day."

But, he added, "I can't judge the relative growth of influence of one adviser or the other. We have more than 100 formally with us and an-

other two dozen or so who are outside the circle of advisers. I truly would not know how to forecast what would happen if Gov. Reagan became president."

Earlier Allen described Kissinger as "a singular personality in the field of foreign affairs. I would expect that a Reagan administration would obviously not overlook the kind of asset that he represents."

In Detroit, site of next week's convention, sources said some delegates who resent Kissinger's inroads into the Reagan camp may demonstrate when he takes the convention podium.

Sen. Jesse Helms, an outspoken opponent of Kissinger's, said he had heard rumors of a protest, but would take no part himself.

"I don't see that his talking serves any value," said the North Carolina conservative.

report following her departure.

By Edith M. Lederer

Associated Press

KABUL, Afghanistan — Afghan rebels are fighting more effectively now than at any time since the Soviet military intervention last December but need anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons badly, according to informed sources.

The rebels reported killing 25 to 30 Russian soldiers in a 22-mile-long valley between two mountains stretching south of Kabul, the Afghan capital, into Paktya Province over the past two weeks, the sources said. They said rebel spokesmen also reported the downing of dozens of Soviet helicopter gunships and at least one Antonov transport plane last week in Panjsher, about 45 miles north of Kabul.

Most observers believe the claims are exaggerated, but that the rebels have acquired some anti-aircraft weapons, including a Czechoslovak ZK-1, according to one well-informed source. Still, the observers said the rebels are no match for the Soviets because of the lack of more such weapons.

The sources said the anti-communist

rifles and other weapons captured the Afghan army but kept asking the Americans and other rich nations that have condemned the viet action are not supplying the weapons they need.

One rebel leader, Sayid Ahmadlani, this week visited London, West Germany, and Strasbourg, France, appealing for anti-tank anti-aircraft weapons:

The sources said the Afghan war was particularly intense in the producing region north of Kabul, lasting last Thursday, when 100 rebels shot down two helicopters. the Soviets responded with an air barrage from a nearby Soviet airfield.

On Sunday, the rebels attacked Soviet military camp of Guldara, 15 miles north of Kabul, the Afghan capital. Informed sources said the Russians suffered heavy casualties and incurred heavy losses, a Soviet force of almost 20 tanks and personnel carriers, a tillery, jet fighters and helicopter gunships attacked and bombed the Soviet airfield in the yard region for three days.

One witness from the Gulda said he was watching from a distance. the region Monday and saw the shoot down five Soviet helicopters.