Brilliant National Work!!

THE MISSION OF AMERICA:

CONTAINING THE

CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA,

RESOURCES OF THE PACIFIC,

THE AMERICAN NAVY.

TO WHICH IS ADDED,

THE OPERATIONS OF COMMODORE STOCKTON

ON THE WESTERN COAST,

From the Original Manuscript of the late S. Fenimore Cooper.

The last known edition of this distinguished author

[AN ACCOUNT OF

OREGON, MORMONISM, UTAH, &c. ALSO, THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA,
AND THE COLONIZATION OF AFRICA, &c.

COMPILED FROM OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS BY THOMAS C. CLARKE.

PHILADELPHIA:

PUBLISHED BY S. C. PAUL & Co., 83 WALNUT STREET.
1852.

ADVERTISEMENT.

The interest which the subject has awakened, and the desire of
the friends of Commodore Robert F. Stockton, to possess those por-
tions of "The Mission of America," which relate to that gentleman's
operations on the Pacific Coast, has induced us to anticipate the pub-
lication of the book by presenting the extracts which appear in the
following pages.

The book will contain, among its numerous engravings, an outline
map of the World, on Mercator's projection, showing the relative po-
sition of this country, with Europe and Asia, and their teeming millions,
Portraits of Gen. KEARNEY, Col. J. C. FREMONT, and others, and brief
but interesting biographies of both of these gentlemen.

# THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

## INTRODUCTION.

The principal object of the compiler in the production of this volume, has been the desire to furnish the public with the means of ready reference to a multitude of highly-important facts, and the history of certain measures intimately interwoven with future events, and hourly increasing in interest with the progress of our great and happy Country. But, while depending upon authentic documents for the chief part of the information embraced in these pages, he has not hesitated to intersperse occasional comments and reflections of his own, such as are naturally awakened by the context, in the mind of one who cannot be indifferent to the present prosperity and destined glory of the United States of America, the Model Republic of the World.

The subject matter of this work may be naturally arranged under the following general heads, each illustrated by facts derived from the highest accessible authority. The compiler trusts that the task has been performed in a manner consistent with the rigorous truth of history and justice towards the distinguished living actors in the drama, who have been permitted by Providence to add additional lustre to the heaven-born banner of our favored land.

*First*.—The early history of California, with a general review of the effect of the absolutism of Spain, and the theocratic governments of the missions in retarding the advancement of civil life on the western coast of North America, until time had ripened human progress, and brought about the critical era in which it became desirable that the purse-strings of the world should be transferred to the safekeeping of the “Pioneer of Nations.”

*Secondly*.—The progress of North American discovery and conquest in California, and the establishment of that power, by which alone the vast commercial interests of the Pacific can be brought into close relation with those of the more highly cultivated communities of Europe and the New World, under the fostering influence of universal peace. In this portion of the work, full-justice will be done to the bold adventure and dashing energy of Fremont, the determined and persevering courage of Kearney, and the high and statesman-like qualities of Stockton, to whose hands an All-wise Providence finally entrusted the keys of the “golden gate” that opens to the western world the broad, blue highway of the East.

*Thirdly*.—A review of the almost unlimi-ted resources of the coasts of Asia, and the numerous archipelagoes of the great Pacific, with comments upon the unmeasured field there opening for our commerce, and the humanizing and Christian influence of civil-ization of which the United States must henceforth be regarded as the advanced guard and the Heaven-appointed missionary. Under this head, something will be said of the settlement of the Mormons in the Great Valley—one of the most singular moral phenomena of the age, and a subject not unim-portant in relation to questions of national policy and the general capacities of man. A short history of the rise and progress of the American Navy, with comments upon the incalculable importance of the recent action of this right arm of our national defen-ces, and the brilliance of its future destiny closely interwoven, as it is, with the best hopes of the country and the world.

*Fourthly*.—An account of American co-lonization in Africa—a singular instance of

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THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

the hidden ways in which an Over-ruling Power bends apparent evils to the noblest and happiest ends and effects, by the most unpromising means, the most extensive and unexpected good. Under this head, we confess, it will be not less a labor of love than of justice to dwell with peculiar emphasis upon the action of one, whose name has become as intimately associated with the regeneration of Africa as with the conquest of California—Commodore Stockton, the founder of the Republic of Liberia. From the scene of his intrepidity in breaking down, single-handed, the savage opposition of the natives, in 1821, (on which startling occasion he displayed so forcibly the cool self-possession and fiery courage which have rendered him the model of an American sailor,) we shall turn, with a feeling of pride, to his letter on the Slave Question, addressed to the Hon. Daniel Webster, in 1850—in which we trace his claim to equal eminence in the category of far-sighted and broadly philanthropic American statesmen. From the whole history of his career—which must become closely interlinked with the future of two oceans and three continents— we may surely derive some slight apology for a glow of patriotic warmth, which we cannot resist in doing justice to one who, in every vicissitude, has honorably borne his country's banner, and proved himself a man!

America is peculiarly the county of advancement, and the eye of the genuine American is ever fixed upon the future. This volume will, therefore, be concluded with a prospective glance, from the glaciers of the Sierra Nevada, just tinged with the iridescent beams of morning, into the dimness of the western horizon, where Night, gathering

her mantle about her, is already slowly retreating, and where the vision of Columbia is momentarily catching new objects of compromise and glory, As she stands half doubting, with her left arm stretched forth over the empire of Montezuma, and her right hand pointing prophetically towards the pole, can we not hear her exclamation, “Is this a dream of the morning? or is it the reality of hope?” Who can doubt, in view of the great events existing, or in progress of development, “that the teeming populations of the vast countries bordering upon the Pacific, and the islands which repose in its bosom, quickened by the enterprize and civilization of the Anglo-American race, are to be the instruments by which, in the lapse of time a vast commerce is to be created; surely no one who can interpret the destinies of nations by the signs of the times.”

If the United States are wise—if her statesmen have the genius to grasp the magnificent prize which the future holds out—they will control the vast and immense commerce of which the bosom of the mighty and majestic Pacific is to be the theatre. The moment the western slope of this continent is connected with Asia by a line of steamships, the commercial supremacy of the United States is established. We will then be the first maritime, commercial, and political power of the world.”

For those, in whose bosoms beat the true pulses of patriotism, (and we write for none other,) we are conscious of having performed an acceptable service in collating this volume, with its accompanying graphic illustrations, and in this consciousness, we launch it fearlessly on the ocean of public favor.

CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA.

Before entering upon this sketch of the
conquest of California, it is necessary to a
clear understanding of the subject, that we
should premise a few paragraphs upon the
actual condition of affairs in that misgoverned
but highly important portion of the Mexican
territory under the war of conquest really
commenced.

News of the Mexican invasion of the ter-
ritory of the United States on the Northern
bank of the Rio Grande, reached Commo-
dore Sloat, at Mazatlan, on the 6th of
June, 1846, he being then in command of
the squadron of the Pacific, acting under or-
ders which had reference, of course, to the
very threatening condition of affairs between
the two nations.

At this moment, Colonel Kearney was
preparing for his memorable expedition,
many of the details of which will be fully
noticed in this work, on the authority of the
official report of Lieutenant Emory. That
highly distinguished and much lamented
officer was appointed to the command of the
"Army of the West," designed for the con-
quest of New Mexico and the countries be-
yond; and the small force, honored with
such an imposing title, consisting of two bat-
teries of six-pounders, three squadrons of
dragoons, a regiment of cavalry, and two
companies of infantry, was concentrated in
admirable order and precision on the first of
August, 1846, at a camp nine miles below
Bent's fort. On the succeeding day it took
up its line of march. For the history of
the conquest of New Mexico, the diminu-
tion of the Army of the West, in conse-
quence of news received from California,
the long and weary journey, and the almost
super-human energy, bravery, and sufferings
of the remaining band, until hemmed in by
a superior force at San Pasqual, December
7th, 1846,—we must refer to the notes of

Lieutenant Emory, which have furnished
the material for a valuable chapter, or to the
original in Ex. Doc., No. 41, Washington,
1848. Here, it is only necessary to add
that, Colonel Kearney received his commis-
sion as a Brigadier General of the U. S. A.
while upon the march, on the 14th day of
August.

At the time of the reception, by Commo-
dore Sloat, of the news of the commence-
ment of hostilities, Captain Fremont was
pursuing that memorable course of discovery
and scientific research which has given such
lustre to his name. He was then at the
head of the Scientific Exploring Expedition,
in the interior of California, having recently
sought shelter there after a long, laborious
and dangerous journey.

We learn, from a brilliant little volume,
by Rev. Walter Colton, Chaplain to the U.
S. Frigate Congress, Commodore Stockton,
commanding, which arrived at Monterey,
from Honolulu, July 15th, 1846, that the
whole of California had been in a state of
confusion, even before the arrival of the
warlike intelligence from the United States.
By permission, we extract Mr. Colton's ex-
planation of the causes of this turmoil.

"The jealousy of the government," says
he, "had been roused by the arrival of a
fresh body of emigrants, who had located
themselves on the Sacramento, and by the
movements of Captain Fremont, whose sci-
entific projects, a disturbed imagination had
converted into revolutionary purposes. The
emigrants were ordered out of the country,
with Captain Fremont and his exploring
party; and measures adopted to enforce the
mandate. But the indomitable captain and
the emigrants were not thus to be ousted or
overawed. They had the Anglo-Saxon
blood in them, and decided that a man has

10

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

a right to live where he pleases on this green earth of God's.

"They ran up a flag sufficiently significant of their intentions—a white field, red border, with a grizzly bear eyeing a single star, which threw its light on the motto, 'The Republic of California.' To this flag and its fortunes they pledged themselves in mutual confidence, and though a band of only two hundred, pushed their measures so vigorously that General Castro, with a force of three times their numbers, retreated before their resolute positions.

"They are now (July 18th) within the department of Monterey, and their arrival is looked for hourly. Such is the brief history of the Bear Flag, and of that courageous organization which set the ball of Anglo-Saxon supremacy rolling in California."

It would appear then, that California was at this moment in a state of intestine war, and from the earlier American proclamations and official reports, the government *de facto* seems to have been also, in rebellion against the central government of Mexico. Murder, the assassination of American citizens and outrageous oppressions of the natives, led some part of the population even to desire the protection of a foreign flag against the usurped authority of a Mexican Governor and the predatory violence of an army commanded by an officer acting under a doubtful commission. In other words, the country was in an anarchial condition, and Captain Fremont was forced into connection with one of the prevailing factions, in self-defence, and in the proper performance of duties in themselves legal, and such as all civilized nations delight to foster and encourage.

Such a condition of affairs could not fail to engross the attention of the officer in charge of American interests in the Pacific, and instantly upon hearing of the commencement of hostilities on the Atlantic side of the continent, Commodore Sloat assuming some necessary responsibilities, proceeded to take military possession of the cities of Monterey and San Francisco, which yielded without a

struggle. At Monterey, he issued a proclamation, enjoining quietude upon the people of California on the condition of continued security and repose.

Immediately on his arrival, Commodore Stockton reported himself for duty to Commodore Sloat, whose broad pennant was displayed from the Frigate Savannah, then at anchor with her consorts the sloop-of-war Cyane, Captain Mervine, and the sloop-of-war Levant, Commander Page. At this time the U. S. sloop-of-war Portsmouth, J. B. Montgomery, commander, lay at San Francisco, and the Warren, J. B. Hull, commander, at Mazatlan. The American Flag was floating peacefully over Monterey, San Francisco, Sonoma and Sutter's Fort.

Captain Fremont and his band, with Lieutenant Gillespie of the Marine corps, mustering two hundred well mounted men, marched into Monterey, on the 22d; on the 23d Commodore Sloat, who, in consequence of ill-health, was about to return to the United States, surrendered the command of the naval forces to Commodore Stockton, his appointed successor. On the 29th, he transferred, also, the command of the land forces, and took passage for Panama, in the sloop-of-war Levant, which was detached for that service.

Commodore Stockton, now commander-in-chief of the naval and land forces of the United States on the Pacific and in California, commenced immediately, with all his proverbial energy and felicity, in expeditents, to make preparations for the complicated, difficult and delicate task imposed upon him by the orders of the Navy Department, the nature and extent of which may be inferred from the tenor of the following brief extract from the instructions subsequently received from Mr. Bancroft, then Secretary of the Navy, dated July 12th, 1846.

"The object of the United States is, under its rights as a belligerent nation, to possess itself entirely of Upper California. This will bring with it the necessity of a civil

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

administration. Such a government should
be established under your protection," &c.

On the day of his inauguration, the Com-
mander-in-chief issued a wise and concili-
atory address to the People of California.
In this proclamation,—after announcing the
invasion of the territory of the United States
by the Mexicans on the Rio Grande, the
signal defeat of the invaders, the persecution
of Capt. Fremont and his scientific party
by General Castro, commander of the Mexi-
can forces in California, the military seizure
of Monterey and San Francisco in reprisal
for these and other outrages, the invitation
to the Californian civil authorities to remain
in the quiet exercise of their accustomed
functions, their refusal and flight, the general
prevalence of rapine and ,uninvestigated
murder in the interior, the recent brutal as-
sassination of three American citizens, and
his determination to bring the murderer to
justice as soon as possible,—he describes his
further intentions as follows:

"In the first place, however, I am con-
strained by every principle of national honor,
as well as a due regard for the safety and
best interests of the people of California, to
put an end at once, and by force, to the law-
less depredations daily committed by Gene-
ral Castro's men, upon the persons and pro-
perty of peaceful and unoffending inhabit-
ants.

"I cannot, therefore, confine my opera-
tions to the quiet and undisturbed posses-
sion of the defenceless ports of Monterey
and San Francisco, whilst the people else-
where are suffering from lawless violence;
but will immediately march against these
boasting and abusive chiefs, who have not
only violated every principle of national
hospitality and good faith towards Captain
Fremont and his surveying party; but who,
unless driven out, will, with the aid of the
hostile Indians, keep this beautiful country
in a constant state of revolution and blood—
as well as against all others who may be
found in arms, or aiding or abetting General
Castro.

"The present general of the forces of Cali-

fornia is an usurper—has been guilty of
great offences—has impoverished and drain-
ed the country of almost its last dollar, and
has deserted his post now when most
needed.

"He has deluded and deceived the in-
habitants of California, and they wish his
expulsion from the country. He came into
power by rebellion and force, and by force
he must be expelled."

He then promises security to the persons
and property of all who are content to live
peaceably under the existing laws, and the
orders issued by the commander-in-chief,
and invites the return and co-operation of
the local magistracy.

On the day of assuming the command,
Commodore Stockton also proceeded to or-
ganize a battalion of mounted riflemen, of
which Captain Fremont was appointed ma-
jor, and Lieutenant Gillespie captain, and
the organization being completed, the corps
was received as a body of volunteers into
the service of the United States. On the
succeeding day, (July 30,) this corps was
embarked on the Cyane, then under the
command of Captain Dupont, Captain Mer-
vine having been transferred to the Savan-
nah, and Mr. Livingston succeeding Mr.
Dupont in the Congress.

The Cyane was immediately ordered
from Monterey to San Diego in order to
land the battalion to the southward of a
Mexican force under General Castro and
Governor Rico, then strongly fortified at
the "Camp of the Mesa," three miles from
the city of Los Angeles, the capital of Cali-
fornia.

A few days after the departure of the
Cyane, Commodore Stockton, in the Con-
gress, set sail for the port of San Pedro, dis-
tant about thirty miles from the capital,
where he landed with what he aptly terms
his "sailor army,"—a detachment of three
hundred and sixty men—and without delay,
took up his line of march for the Camp of
the Mesa, expecting a junction with Cap-
tain Fremont and his eighty rifles. When,
however, he had arrived within twelve

12

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

miles of that position, the Mexican camp was suddenly broken up, General Castro with Governor Pico and other principal officers, separated, with their forces, into different parties, and scattered in various directions. Unfortunately, the mounted riflemen under command of Captain Fremont did not arrive in time to embarrass this movement, but many of the enemy's officers were subsequently captured and released upon parole.

The junction effected, the commander-in-chief immediately marched upon the capital, and entered it without resistance, on the thirteenth of August, 1846.

On the 17th, the Commodore issued his proclamation establishing the necessary civil regulations, enjoining quiet, and, on that condition promising protection to the citizens of the new territory. On the 22d, he addressed to the Secretary of the Navy, his report of their brilliant results, from which we extract the following terse and vigorous summary:

> "Thus, in less than a month after I assumed the command of the United States forces in California, we have chased the Mexican army more than three hundred miles along the coast; pursued them thirty miles in the interior of their own country, routed and dispersed them, and secured the Territory to the United States; ended the war, restored peace and harmony among the people, and put a civil Government into successful operation."

Thus happily terminated "this trying and hazardous march—a longer march, perhaps, than has ever been made in the interior of a country by sailors after an enemy."

On the 22d of August, we find the Commodore, in the capacity of Governor of California, directing an election of Alcades and other municipal officers to be held on the 15th of the succeeding September, and on the 24th of August he directed Captain, now Major Fremont, to increase his force to three hundred men, by enlistment, for the purpose of establishing a garrison of fifty in San Francisco, fifty in Monterey, fifty in

Ciudad de los Angeles, twenty-five in San Diego, and retaining a body of one hundred men to be kept together as a nucleus upon which the others could be readily concentrated in case of any sudden necessity. He also notified Major Fremont of his intention of withdrawing his sea forces as soon as it could be safely done, in order to protect the American commerce in the Pacific. He informed the Major that he had determined, before leaving the country, to appoint him Governor of the territory, and Captain Gillespie Secretary thereof; also, a Council of State and other necessary officers; and he made an appointment for the Major to meet him at San Francisco, on the 25th of October, when he hoped "to leave the desk and the camp, and take to the ship and to the sea."

Upper California was now entirely free from Mexican control; the stars and stripes were waving over every commanding position; the country was reduced to a conquered province, and began to feel the benefits of a wise and admirably adopted territorial government.

Here we must pause; and before entering upon the history of the civil commotions and still more stirring events which shortly followed, it is but just that we should present the leading hero of the struggle in a new light. We have seen him enacting the part of the sailor—the soldier—the statesman: let us regard him also as the philanthropist! In reviewing the operations of Governor Stockton, apart from the deck, the camp, and the cabinet, during the very short period of his legislative and executive career, we shall find additional reason for surprise at his vast variety of talent, his exhaustless fertility of resources, and his almost infinite capacity for detail. Nor is this all. We shall also find ample cause for patriotic exultation and honest national pride, in observing the wide difference of actual results between the conquering march of a free people which fraternizes with, and endeavors to enlighten and elevate the conquered, and the inroads of an invading force under

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

13

the influence of the darker and sterner go-
vernments of Europe.

Even while harrassed with the regulation
of a numerous squadron at sea, the com-
mand of the most heterogenous of all ar-
mies by law, and the organization of a new
government for the turbulent people, differ-
ing most widely from us in language, habits,
costume, manners and religion, Commodore
Stockton did not neglect those collateral
matters on which the progress and true hap-
piness of nations so essentially depend.

Immediately on his arrival at Monterey,
he commenced preparations for the estab-
lishment of a free press; and on the 5th of
August, 1846, hardly three weeks after his
landing, he was instrumental in giving to the
public the first newspaper ever issued in
California and the first American publication,
that ever appeared on the Pacific shores of
our continent. It was entitled "The Cali-
fornian," and was subsequently owned and
conducted by Rev. Walter Colton, originally
of Philadelphia, and for some time prior to
his death, Alcalde of Monterey. The Com-
modore also erected the first school-house in
California, and, if we mistake not, was in-
strumental in the first establishment of the
freedom of religious worship, as it exists in
the United States. A statesman and a phi-
losopher, no less than a soldier, he had the
wisdom to discern what were the sole, sta-
ble and enduring foundations of National
prosperity and power; and with him to see
was to act, he at once set about laying these
foundations with his wanted energy and
skill.

Here we should be pleased to amplify
upon those singular traits of generalship
which enabled this distinguished Sea com-
mander to control, amalgamate and conduct
to victorious result, on land, a force com-
posed of the wildest and most incompatable
elements; but, as more brilliant events are
still to be narrated, we defer these comments
till the second act of the drama of California,
in 1846-7—the military rebellion, shall
have been described. Let it suffice, at pre-
sent, to say that victory, in the splendid

achievement that has been described was
obviously due chiefly to those high moral
qualities in the commander, which led him,
in the midst of war, to seize on every op-
portunity of extending civil blessings even
to the conquered. The ubiquity of his eye,
the readiness of his hand in all, even the
humblest mechanical pursuits, and his open-
hearted philanthropy, rendered him as atten-
tive to the well being of his men as to the
interests of a province. Firm, prompt and
exacting, it may be, in matters of duty, he
was free from the haughtiness of power, and
could instantly dispense with the peculiar
reserve of the naval captain when the neces-
sities of discipline ceased to require it. And
when, as we shall hereafter see, his little
half-clad army were compelled to struggle
with the treacherous quicksand, as weak and
exhausted, they trailed their artillery by
human strength through rivers and up steep
hill sides in the face of the foe, the man
whose genius planned the campaign, could
put his own hand to the ropes, and share,
without the loss of his authority, the com-
mon labors of his men—these qualities
alone explain the apparent miracle of his
success in all his plans, by means such as
were awarded him by Providence.

The bulk of his army was composed of
sailors and marines, whose proverbial anti-
pathy, each to each, were dangerous when
called forth on a field so novel to the actors.
His auxiliaries were partly drawn from the
ranks of the regular army and partly from
the pioneer huntsmen of the rocky range,
thus necessarily involving with his other
embarrassments, the jealousies of rival ser-
vices and the repulsion of antagonistic man-
ners. The mountain men of Major Fre-
mont's command mistook the distant ocean
for "a great prairie without trees," and on
a nearer approach, were lost in amazement
at the vast dimensions of a frigate, enquiring
with eager curiosity, what magic power
could move the formidable mass, and shaking
their heads, with polite incredulity, when
told of the mechanical effect of sails. Jack,
on the other hand, when mounted upon

14

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

guard, mistook the sober ox browsing among the bushes, for "a bloody Indian," and roused the sleeping camp by laying the monster low with villainous saltpetre. Yet was this band of incorruptibles to be trained to regular evolutions, by a discipline drawn partly from the army, partly from the machine, and partly from the indigenous tactics of the emigrant caravan of the West; armed with more boarding-pikes than bayonets, it was to be trained to march in the face of an enemy, moving in hollow square, not such as is known to Europeans, but such as bears the dignified title of "the Yankee corral," defending the artillery and baggage in the centre. Thus armed, and almost without horses, with even the dragoons on foot, it was to meet the charge of the best mounted cavalry in the world on wide and open plains, or in deep, ravines and rugged mountains and in greatly superior numbers, thundering on flank, on front, and rear! That this should have been accomplished, not slowly, and with long continued exertion, but suddenly, during the march of an expe- dition engaged in actual service almost from the hour of its organization, can be due only to the possession, by the commander, of that electric influence over the minds of men which marks true greatness—eloquence to move the heart to noble daring; courage to inspire endurance by personal example, and that mysterious magnetism of will, to which men yield instinctively, they scarce know why.

A natural enthusiasm leading us here, to anticipate a little, our apology must be the feeling forced upon us that justice has not yet been done to the Conqueror of California. Great wars and the movements of great armies are not always necessary to test the merits of a great commander; and if this panegyric should seem highly drawn to those who now peruse, for the first time, the narrative of the operations of the army and navy on the Pacific in 1846, we confidently refer to the sequel of this history, in proof of its correctness.

On the 28th of August, four days after

receiving the orders to that effect, from Commodore Stockton, Major Fremont, with forty men, proceeded northward, on a recruiting expedition, and the Commodore, withdrawing his forces from Los Angeles, sailed with his squadron for San Francisco. Captain Gillespie was left, with the volunteer riflemen and a few cannon, for the protection of Los Angeles, and Lieutenant Talbot, with a small party, to garrison Santa Barbara.

About a month after his arrival at San Francisco, the fleet, with the exception of the flag ship, having been sent to the coasts of Mexico, to the southward, in prosecution of the war, news came by express, to the Commander-in-chief, that the Mexican officers, with a few exceptions, had broken their parole and raised a general insurrection against the authority of the United States. The insurgents, collecting an overwhelming force, immediately invested Capt. Gillespie in Los Angeles. This officer maintained his position from the 23d till the 30th of September, when, finding longer resistance against such vastly superior numbers unavailing, he capitulated and was permitted to retire to Monterey. Lieutenant Talbot, also, was permitted to march out of Santa Barbara, his men retaining possession of their arms. Meanwhile, the frigate Savannah had been dispatched to San Pedro, in the hope of its arriving in season to relieve Los Angeles. It found, however, on reaching San Pedro, that Los Angeles and Santa Barbara had been captured, and that the whole country was in possession of the insurgents. Her commander, Captain Mer-vine, landed with his men and the former garrison of Los Angeles, and marched towards this city to attack the enemy. About fifteen miles from the city, the hostile parties met, the Californians being numerous, well mounted, and possessing several pieces of artillery. After a smart encounter, the Americans, unsupplied with cannon, were driven back to their ship with the loss of several killed and wounded.

During this period, Commodore Stockton

BY THE AMERICAN FORCES UNDER COMMODORE R. F. STOCKTON, U. S. N.

PASSAGE OF THE RIVER SAN GABRIEL.

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

15

was engaged, with his usual activity, in
carrying into effect measures suited to the
emergency. Sending to Fremont to join
him with whatever men and numbers he
could collect, he sailed to San Pedro to
await his coming. The troops remained
encamped here for several days, harrassed
incessantly by a party of the enemy, who
covered the neighboring hills, until the Com-
modore had abandoned the hope of Fre-
mont's co-operation, and the men were
exhausted with constant skirmishing, and
watching. The enemy had, besides, driven
away every animal from the vicinity, so
that it was impossible to procure provisions
for an expedition into the interior. The
Commodore, therefore, embarked and pro-
ceeded down the coast to San Diego, and
here commenced vigorous preparations for
an expedition to Los Angeles. These pre-
parations and the subsequent march to the
city, together with the victorious encounters
with the foe during its progress, exhibited
a very rare degree of military skill. The
ship, in which he arrived, was so exhausted
of provisions, that the men were reduced to
one-fourth the ordinary allowance; the town
was surrounded by the insurgents; there
were no horses or any other cattle there,
and he was obliged to bring these supplies
from a distance of 200 miles through a
country swarming with enemies; a fort was
to be built, for mounting the artillery; sad-
dles, bridles and harness, gun-carriages and
a thousand similar things were to be made—
in short, the multitudinous appendages and
appointments of an army were to be created
out of the raw material, after procuring that
material itself with infinite difficulty, nor
was it the least difficult task of the whole
to create the army itself out of sailors and
ship mechanics, averse as these are to the
duties of the soldier, and well nigh impossi-
ble as it is to bring them into that state of
military discipline, which can alone insure
their acting with efficiency on land. But
Commodore Stockton's resistless energy,
with his power of fixing the love and enkin-
dling the enthusiasm of the sailor, succeeded

in so far overcoming these numberless dif-
ficulties, that he resolved to march for Los
Angeles.

Just before starting, he was joined by
General Kearney of the United States
Army, with sixty men, who, by the over-
land route, from Santa Fe, had reached
California in December. (See Emory's
notes.) Kearney had hardly arrived in the
country, before his small force, jaded and
worn by the long, tedious march, was at-
tacked by very superior numbers of the
enemy under Pico, and so roughly handled,
as to lose twenty killed and fifteen wounded,
besides four pieces of cannon. He was
rescued from his position by a timely rein-
forcement dispatched to his relief by Com.
Stockton, and succeeded, with the slender
remains of his original force, in reaching
San Diego, from San Pasqual, with the
naval detachment sent by Com. Stockton
to his assistance, on the 12th December.

Unfortunately, a slight want of clearness
in the separate instructions issued from
different Departments, led at one time, to
some personal feeling between the remnant
of the Army of the West and the Naval
force on the Pacific. The question of the
Commandership-in-chief was, for a moment,
mooted between General Kearney and Com.
Stockton, and the difficulty has been since
enhanced by the natural and not unpraise-
worthy rivalry of diverse services, each
avaricious of the meed of fame. While re-
gretting this occurrence, there is much
pleasure in being able to state, upon high
authority, that the General waived, for the
time, his supposed claims, with magnanimity,
and acted most efficiently under the orders
of the Commodore, on this expedition, with
the slender remains of the Army of the West,
now reduced to sixty dismounted dragoons.
Still more happy is it that the last thoughts
of the lamented Kearney were not embittered
by any hardness of feeling towards the gal-
lant Stockton, nor has the mind of the latter
received any sting from the consciousness of
injustice towards acknowledged merit, from

16

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

which death has removed the power of pleading its own cause.

On the 29th of December, Commodore Stockton having completed such preparations as were practicable under all the harrassment of daily and wearisome skirmishes with the surrounding enemy, from the midst of whom he was compelled to seize his supplies, commenced his march for Los Angeles, with about six hundred fighting men, consisting of 67 men from the First Regiment of U. S. Dragoons, under Captain Turner; 60 Volunteer Mounted Riflemen, under Captain Gillespie, 25 Indians and Californians, with a body of sailors, marines, &c., landed from the frigate Congress, and constituted of detachments from that vessel, the Savannah, the Portsmouth, and the Cyane.

This force was divided into four battalions, under Captains Turner and Gillespie, and Lieutenants Renshaw and Zielin, the whole division commanded by Brigadier General Kearney, under Commodore Stockton, as Commander-in-chief. The Artillery consisted of six pieces of various character, in charge of Lieutenant Tilghman of the Navy, acting as Captain of Artillery, and the wagon train, in charge of Lieutenant Minor of the Navy, was composed of one four-wheeled carriage and ten ox carts heavily laden, and only defensible against the threatened charges of detachments of the Mexican cavalry, which hung about the line of march by being enclosed with the cattle, &c., in the centre of a hollow square, called facetiously by the tars, a Yankee Canal—a necessity which greatly protracted the march, when the ground facilitated attack. Few men would have ventured to undertake such an expedition at all—few would have dreamed of the possibility of carrying it, under such circumstances, to a triumphant issue. The country was, for the most part, rough and monotonous, the weather was very cold and the roads heavy; in spite of all exertions for their equipment, the men were poorly clad, and their shoes were made of canvass by themselves; the draught animals were poor and weak, some of them giving out daily

and thus leaving the heavy ammunition, provision wagons and field-pieces, to be dragged by hand with immense labor, through deep sands and up steep acclivities; with the prospect perpetually before them of encountering, at any moment, an enraged foe, of far superior numbers and appointments, mounted on horses swift as the wind and fighting on their own familiar soil;— here, certainly, was an amount and complication of obstacles, which most men might have been reckoned excusable for thinking insuperable. During the ten days' march, which preceded the meeting with the enemy, the men, brave, high spirited and hardy as they were, were repeatedly disposed to abandon all further effort in despair, being worn down by the intolerable severity of their toils. But, on all such occasions, the Commodore's own iron will and invincible tenacity of purpose wrought, with regenerating force on their prostrate energies, and they again bent to their tasks with renewed buoyancy and vigor.

On the tenth day, the little army reached the River San Gabriel, after a toilsome march of one hundred and fifty miles.—Here they came in sight of the enemy, occupying the heights on the other side of the stream in large force, and furnished with four pieces of artillery. These heights are six hundred yards from the river, and about fifty feet above its level—the river being fifty yards in width. There was no bridge over the stream, but only a ford, with water flowing over a bottom of soft sand, into which heavy vehicles sank deeply, and were therefore, conveyed across with no small difficulty. The enemy's main body, with his artillery, was stationed directly in front of the ford, and the cannon opened with ball and grape on the instant the Americans halted, which they did within about four hundred yards of the river. Commodore Stockton immediately made his dispositions for crossing the stream and attacking the enemy. The crossing of a river in presence of an enemy, whether on the retreat or the advance, is proverbially one of the most difficult operations

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

17

in war, and in the latter case most especially
so. In the present instance, the difficulty
was increased by the nature of the American
force, which, in such critical and extremely
complicated circumstances, might easily for-
get and break away from that military discip-
line so distasteful to them and so recently
adopted, ut which was indispensable to suc-
cess.

After arranging his forces, the Commodore
passed from rank to rank, reminding his men
of the day (which was the 8th of January,)
with all its immortal associations, and by those
brief, energetic phrases so effective with men
in such condition, infused into their breasts
the fire and enthusiasm which burned in his
own. The army moved steadily forward,
under the incessant fire of the enemy's artil-
lery, across the sandy flat bordering the ri-
ver, till, arriving within fifty yards of the
water, an order was given that the guns should
be unlimbered, for the purpose of returning
the enemy's fire. The Commodore, who was
in advance, perceiving this movement, coun-
termanded it, and directed that not a shot
should be fired till the river was crossed. The
men entered the current, and moved forward
with perfect regularity under the galling fire,
but the guns being arrested in mid-stream by
the quicksand, * * * * reported the
ford impassable. The reply of the Command-
der-in-chief was characteristic. "Quicksand
or not, we must cross the river," and dis-
mounting in the water, he laid his own hand
manfully to the tow ropes, and by infusing
his own determination into the men, he suc-
ceeded in giving a prophetic proof of the truth
of a more modern saw: "there is no difficulty
to him who wills."

The troops having formed, the artillery
opened upon the enemy; Com. Stockton
acting as gunner, as well as commander, and
aiming and firing the pieces himself, directing
them with such precision and effect, as
speedily to dismount one of the heaviest pieces
of the opposing battery. Some charges of the
enemy for the purpose of capturing our guns,
having been repulsed, the Commodore gave
orders to charge up the hill, from the brow

of which the enemy still kept up an incessant
fire of round shot and grape. Our troops
moved with perfect steadiness, in spite of
continual charges from the enemy's horse and
the unintermitted thunder of his heavy cannon,
till coming to the shock with his main body
on the height, after a short conflict of a few
minutes, he broke in full retreat. The
Mexican right wing charged upon the Ameri-
can rear, encumbered with horses, baggage
and cattle, but being received with a well-
aimed, steady fire by the guard under Capt.
Gillespie, it also turned and fled in full
speed. The rest of the opposing forces
retreated behind their artillery, which had
taken post in a ravine, and again opened their
fire; but the Commodore advancing returned
it with such rapidity and precision, that the
enemy, after being repeatedly driven from
his position, was at last compelled to quit the
field.

The Mexican loss must have been consider-
able, though it was impossible to ascertain
its amount, as they carried off both killed
and wounded on their horses. Our own loss
was small, the men having been ordered to
drop wherever they perceived the flash of
the enemy's cannon, a manœuvre not unfre-
quently practised to advantage, elsewhere,
during the Mexican war, and thus, by the
balls flying over them, the lives of many were
saved.

Our army encamped on the battle field,
and at nine o'clock next morning, began its
march over the plains of the Mesa, towards
Los Angeles. At about six miles from the
encampment, the enemy again appeared
ranged in order of battle. This plain is as
level and beautiful, as if carpeted, and af-
forded unrivalled facilities for the operations
of that cavalry, which was the boast of the
Californians; and here, the enemy, had
previously declared, the American Army
should meet its destruction. The battle was
begun by a tremendous fire from the enemy's
cannon, which were masked by a ravine in
front of the American left. The fire was
returned by the Americans, while still advanc-
ing. But, on the enemy bringing up addi-

2

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

tional field pieces, the Americans halted and placing their guns in battery, poured into the enemy so quick and well directed a fire, that their artillerists, unable to maintain their ground, bore off their guns to the rear. The Mexican Commander then marshalled his whole cavalry for a charge. Their splendid and perfectly trained horses with riders unsurpassed in the world, offered a truly grand and brilliant exhibition, as they charged with loud shouts, on the four sides at once of the American Army, which was arranged, as usual, in the form of a square. But the Americans, standing like veteran infantry, silent and unmoveable as rocks, until the Mexicans had approached within a suitable distance, poured in a volley of musketry, which emptied many a saddle, and sent the assailants back as speedily as they had advanced. Their attacks were repeated at several points, but invariably with the same result. They could make no more impression on our serried ranks, than the surge upon the granite cliff. At last, a four pounder, charged with grape, being directed by the Commodore himself, and fired into a body of the enemy at the distance of thirty yards, wrought such fearful execution, that the Mexicans broke and retreated. Our forces followed to within three miles of the city, where they encamped for the night, in order to avoid the inevitable irregularities attending the taking possession of a hostile town under cover of darkness.

On the morning of the 10th, a flag of truce was brought into camp, just as the encampment was about to be raised. It conveyed a proposal from the Californians to yield their beloved city of the Angels, if the Americans would agree to respect persons and property. This was acceded to, but lacking confidence in the honesty of General Flores, who had broken his parole, when liberated after his capture soon after the former conquest of the Capital, the Army moved forward in the order adopted to guard against attack, and entered the city without opposition:—nor was this precaution unwise, as was proved by the demeanor of some

horsemen on a neighboring height, and many "drunken and desperate fellows" in the streets, which gave evidence that the feeling of hostility was by no means extinguished. The identical flag of the stars and stripes that was removed at the commencement of the insurrection now waved once more over the Government house, casting its protecting shadow over the City of the Angels, the centre of wealth and political power in California, and the mother of revolutions. It was soon afterwards ascertained that Flores, with about one hundred and fifty followers, and a large lot of the best mules in the country, borrowed from his patriotic friends, had fled to Sonora, followed by the curses of their owners.

On the 13th January, Andres Pico, the Mexican Commander-in-chief, on his retreat with a portion of his remaining forces, met, at Cowingo, Major Fremont, who was advancing to join Stockton with four hundred men. Fremont, not fully apprised of what had occurred, accepted Pico's offer of capitulation, by which the Californians surrendered themselves, delivered up their artillery and arms of all kinds, and retired peaceably to their homes; promising to submit to all the laws and regulations established by Stockton, and to abstain from again taking up arms during the war between Mexico and the United States, but to aid in placing the country in a defensive and tranquil condition; and finally engaging to set all persons at liberty. Although Pico, like Flores, had violated his parole, the Commodore thought it best to confirm these stipulations, and they were confirmed accordingly.

Thus California, already by the right of conquest a territory of the United States, though harrassed by discord and insurrection, became finally a peaceful and undisputed province of our glorious Union. Will any one who reads this simple and truthful narrative presume to question by whose especial agency, under Providence, this region of inexhaustible riches—this region of which the vast importance is becoming hourly more and more clearly conspicuous—

COMMODORE R. F. STOCKTON.

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

was brought under our control? Most
surely every candid reader will reply, em-
phatically, No!

It is true that the records of history pre-
sent us with the details of numerous military
operations more imposing at a superficial
glance, from the magnitude of the armies
engaged, the multitude of the killed and
wounded, and the grandeur of the evils and
suffering they have caused; but even mere
military glory is not truly measured by a
guage like this. The fame of Xenophon,
the hero of ten thousand, survives the
memory of three thousand years; and
Leonidas, the leader of three hundred, is
inscribed upon the scroll of Fame, a name
before whose lustre those of earth's greatest
scourges fade. Let us not then despise the
march from Monterey to Los Angeles—the
battles of San Gabriel and the Mesa, because
the distance and the numbers were estimated
by hundreds—not by thousands. The
genius of a soldier is measured by the diffi-
culties he has overcome, and the relative
deficiency of the means at his disposal—
his moral dignity and true greatness are
proclaimed by his loftiness of purpose and
statesman-like philanthropy—his fame is
generally, though not always justly, mea-
sured by the magnitude of his results. So
far as the builder up of States and institutions
surpasses the overthrower of dynasties—as
the Creator exceeds the destroyer—by so
much does the hero exceed the conqueror:—
thus Alfred rises above William, and
Washington takes precedence of Alexander.
Judged by these rules, the little that has yet
been told of Commodore Stockton, (and this
is but one act in the drama of a varied and
eventful life), entitles him beyond dispute to
a high rank among the great men of his age
and nation. The time may come when we
may take a wider range and do full justice
to his reputation, and if we dwell somewhat
now upon the man, in the conclusion of a
campaign of which he was the soul and
living principle, it is because we solemnly
believe that he has not yet received from
his fellow-citizens the due reward of his

brilliant services which posterity will award
him as the real founder of more States than
one. He has cast into the ocean of humanity
two pebbles, and the circling waves that
have been thus raised by his agency will
break upon the distant shores of Time.

Commodore Stockton is, what the Ger-
mans aptly term, "Many-sided,"—that is,
he combines in himself numerous qualities,
in great degree, which are very rarely found
thus associated in individuals. He possesses,
in the first place, as it seems to us, sterling
courage—of that description, which Napo-
leon attributed to Ney, and called "two
o'clock in the morning courage"—a quality
enabling its possessor to act with the calm
and complete appliance of his whole powers,
when roused from slumber, by an enemy's
attack, at any hour. This quality is mani-
fested through our entire narrative; and was
displayed perhaps still more strikingly, on
another continent, some years before the era
of the Mexican war, to which we may allude
under another caption. [See chapter on the
colonization of Africa.]

Connected with this is a vivid, excitable,
enthusiastic spirit, in which he reminds us
strongly of the lamented Worth. In the
charge upon the cannon-crowned hill at
Monterey, (of Nuevo Leon,) when his men
seemed, for a moment, ready to falter, Worth
pushed in front of them, with his chapeau
held on his sword's point at arm's length
above his head, and thus reanimated the
ranks with an order, before which all obsta-
cles gave way. So, too, Stockton, when
acting as Commander-in-chief of an army,
flung himself among the van of his soldiery,
and, breast deep in the river, put his own
strength to the drag ropes of his artillery.

With this courage, and enthusiastic, ex-
citability of temperament, are united an iron
firmness and an indomitable tenacity of
purpose, which sustain and render them
almost invariably effective. Many men are
found both brave and susceptible of high
enthusiasm, and who are therefore capable
of great achievements, where but a single
effort, or a brief succession of efforts, is

20

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

required; yet lacking steadiness of purpose and a sustained force of volition, independent of casual excitement, their executive vigor is liable to subside with the temporary course of stimulation. But Stockton's firmness and persistency fully equal his enthusiasm, however highly raised, and constitute a basis entirely adequate to its support.

These qualities were all brought most conspicuously to view, in the preparations for the expedition to the Capital, and during the long march itself. So also, was another striking characteristic, to which we have already alluded more than once—a promptness in seizing upon expedients, and a boundless fertility of resources. With a force almost entirely of seamen, he was, in fact, compelled within a brief period, to create an army out of material, in some respects, more difficult to be moulded, than green hands from the plough and workbench. In the adoption of a discipline suited to his material, he exhibited that rare sagacity and common-sense readiness for great emergencies, which have marked his whole career through life. Instead of attempting to compress Jack within the straight jacket of the complex military tactics by law established, he confined himself simply to four evolutions—"form line!"—"form square!"—"fire!"—"charge!"—but he brought his sailor force to execute these with a celerity and precision unsurpassed by the most thorough drilled veteran soldiery.

After thus creating an army, we have seen him compelled to procure or create all the provisions and multitudinous equipments of an army, amid difficulties and embarrassments, to which most commanders would have totally succumbed. But according to the first half of the proverb, the Commodore was "Jack of all trades," and, in contradiction to the other half, he was "good at all." And, in the long, dreary, inexpressibly toilsome march following—men performing much of the labor of draught-animals in addition to all other duties—it was the Leader's inexhaustible vitality, never-flagging cheerfulness and push-ahead energy, which,

acting on his men by a genial contagion, alone carried them over the mountainous obstacles lying in the way.

But it is not in war and its accompaniments alone, whether on sea or land, that Stockton manifests the attributes of an extraordinary man. The same wisdom; the same sagacity and sound judgment; the same power of influencing men through the better feelings of their nature, have been not less conspicuous in his career, as a civilian; his Californian statesmanship—the wise government established by him, together with the Press, the school, the free form of worship, and his judicious, conciliatory and popular measures and general conduct.

It would be a pleasurable task to dilate upon other points in the character of the first American Governor of California, his public spirited efforts in the improvement of his native New Jersey, and his labors in his revision of her constitution, nor would it be less agreeable to show that the virtues of the man and the principles of the statesman are based upon the sure foundation of a truly Christian faith, which he has not hesitated at times to evince as a lay preceptor amid the necessities of maritime life and the darkness of isolated communities. But all these matters, so proper to the biography of a distinguished man might appear impertinent and misplaced in a narrative of the conquest of California.

Elsewhere in this volume, we shall have occasion incidentally to comment upon his views upon the great question of the destiny of the African race, and the future results of colonization in Liberia, as also, his noble efforts in Congress to elevate the condition of the American sailor, whom he loves as a brother, and governs with a skill surpassing the emulation of the martinet, and a lenity positively parental. Enough has now been said to prove, by every legitimate test, that the sailor, soldier, legislator, civilian and philanthropist who held the chief command in California, is not merely a conqueror but a hero, and as he is yet in the vigor of middle age, it appears searably possible that,

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

21

if Providence should extend his life to the
natural term of existence, he will yet impress
his name still more deeply on the monu-
ments of his country. Personally, we know
him not, and in the teeth of a preconceived
prejudice, we have judged him solely from
the tenor of his recorded deeds. Feeling,
that notwithstanding the laudation of the
press of all parties, justice has not been
rendered him, and that his merits have not
been properly placed before the masses of
his fellow-citizens, we feel it a privilege to
be allowed the opportunity of endeavoring,
partially at least, to remedy the evil, believ-
ing, as we do, that the ground of the pro-
verbial charge of ingratitude upon republics
is chiefly the result of ignorance, and not an
error of the popular heart.

We cannot more appropriately close this
little sketch than by heartily subscribing to
the spirit of a toast and accompanying re-
marks by the Mayor of Philadelphia, at
a feast given in honor of the Commodore
on his return from the theatre of our narra-
tive, by a very large association of his per-
sonal friends and ardent admirers.

His honor, the Mayor, on rising, said :

"It was a matter of congratulation that the distinguished subject of the toast he was about to offer, was in our midst in the enjoyment of health; and long, long may he live to prove to the world how worthy he was of the honors we now bestow upon him! His merits and his deeds of chivalry were known to us all. His fame would be the subject of the historian, and his posterity and ours would read his deeds of daring with admiration and delight; and congratulate themselves that such a man had gone before them.

"He would not offend the ears of so good
and brave a man by personal eulogy in his
presence. His reputation belonged to his
country and posterity would rejoice in the
land that had given us a Stockton."

He therefore gave—

"COMMODORE ROBERT FIELD STOCKTON, as distinguished for his CIVIC ACQUIREMENTS, as he is for his Naval and MILITARY RENOWN; equally at home whether on land or sea, when called upon to meet the enemies of his country. A man who never turned his back on friend or foe."

COMMODORE
ROBERT FIELD STOCKTON,

WITH A FINE MEZZOTINT FROM A PORTRAIT, BY SULLY.

Engraved by Sartain.

The portrait which we present of this
gentleman was apparently taken at a period
when there were fewer years over his
head than now, and a more grave and ma-
ture expression has settled upon his features.
The painting by Mr. Sully represents a more
youthful head than we should look for in a
personage who, though still in the full vigor
of intellect and prime of life, has spent so
long a period of his existence in the service
of the country, passing through so many
striking vicissitudes.

Possessing no adequate materials for the
purpose, it is not our object, at this time, to
write a biography of this gentleman; though,
we confess, the task would be an agreeable
one from the singular profusion of remarka-
ble incidents which our researches have made
us acquainted with. Some of these incidents
and characteristics we have presented—in
connection with subjects to which these pa-
ges are devoted, and to which they properly
belong—in the prosecution of this work.

This we have done from a sincere con-
viction that few names are more intimately
and appropriately identified with what we
conceive to be the glorious "MISSION OF
AMERICA."

A faithful history of Commodore Robert
F. Stockton—from the period of his entering
the Navy, in 1811 or '12, until his election,
in 1851, to a seat in the Senate of the Uni-
ted States,—would form one of the most
interesting volumes ever presented to the
public. His whole life, as far as glimpses
of it are seen in tracing out the history of
the country, seems to have been one of ex-
traordinary peril, rare achievements, and
brilliant success. Wherever the veins of

the mine are touched, it glitters with the
brightest and most attractive metal. But it
has never been exhumed. He has been a
man of action, rather than of words. Satis-
fied with the achievement of glorious deeds,
he has been singularly indifferent about the
preservation of the records of his acts. Ex-
hibiting, throughout a long career in the ser-
vice of his country, indomitable courage,
wonderful resources, unparalleled energy of
character and conduct, his ambition seems to
have gone no further than to succeed in the
accomplishment of every enterprise, indiffer-
ent as to the merit of success or the credit
due to it.

Reminiscences of this singular man, ga-
thered from three continents, are to be found
in old newspapers, in magazines, and in the
correspondence of military, naval, and other
public men. Twenty-five years ago, when
a young lieutenant in the Navy, his name
was on every tongue in the English and
American circles in the ports of the Medi-
terranean; and although many would not
approve of the apparent recklessness of dan-
ger with which he at one time challenged all
the officers of a British regiment—and at
another, all the officers of a British line-of-
battle-ships to single combat,—yet the fact
that the quarrels were purely *national*, not
*personal*—for insults to our national charac-
ter and Navy, and that they terminated in
the most honorable manner, and without
loss of life, show that they were managed
with consummate skill, as well as heroic
daring.

There is not in the tales of fiction a more
thrilling narrative of brilliant achievements
than those which resulted in securing Cape

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

Messurando, and preparing the way for the settlement of Liberia, in Africa. And when the history of the conquest of California is written, the country will be as much astonished by the brilliancy its details reflect upon our arms, as our people have been by the discovery of its wonderful riches. The merit of a commander is never truly weighed unless we consider, not only what he accomplished, but the means by which he accomplished it. The triumphs of that campaign, which added to the Union the "El Dorado" of the West, were not achieveve by well-appointed armies, possessed of all the material useful in the conduct of such an enterprize: but, by comparatively a handful of sailors and volunteers, fresh from their ships, disqualified to some extent by a long voyage, or hastily gathered, and led, not by a military chief, trained by life-long service in the military school, and in the field—but by a naval officer, who had no previous experience as a soldier. And yet, but a few short months elapsed from the time when the flag of the Congress was first unfurled in the Bay of San Francisco, until the stars and the stripes floated over the City of the Angels, and the people of the richest province of Mexico were living peacefully under a constitution given to them by the victors.

One feature, singularly remarkable in the naval and military history of Commodore Stockton, is, the enthusiasm with which he always inspired those under his command, and their devoted attachment to his person. It sprung from a cause which is perfectly natural, easily understood, and yet rarely witnessed. If fatigue was to be encountered, he shared it; if privation, he participated in it; if danger, he was the foremost to meet it in his own person. If brave, even to the verge of rashness, he was equally humane, and careful of the lives of men. Indeed, more anxious for the safety of others than for his own. It was this characteristic of the commander, this "art-Napoleon," that made him the idol of those he commanded—that enabled him to govern without the lash, furnishing, by his example, the giant argu-

ment that brought about the abolition in the Navy of that degrading remnant of barbarism. When on the quarter-deck, in the omnipotence of power, he still regarded his meanest sailor as an American citizen—a man—and a brother—appealing by his conduct constantly to their honor rather than their fears. And the Navy—that glorious arm of our nation's chivalry!—has reason to rejoice that they have at last, in the Senate of the Union, such an advocate and defender, as well as such a representative of their chivalry and honor.

But it is, after all, in the walks of civil life that Com. Stockton has won most eminently the character of a great public benefactor.—That stupendous enterprise, the Delaware and Raritan Ship Canal, connecting the waters of the Delaware with those of New York, is, as literally his work as if he had spoken it into existence. For several years it had been talked about—companies were formed to construct it—every body saw its importance as a great and necessary link in the inland navigation of the country—the want of it cost millions of money and infinite loss in the war of 1812; but it was deemed so difficult of construction, and so hazardous as a pecuniary enterprise, that no power or combination of powers could be concentrated to accomplish it. Stockton's attention was attracted to it during a temporary leave of absence from the service—he put his hand to it, and before his tact, energy, and talents, all difficulties disappeared, and it is secured forever to the country. If its benefits to our commerce may be calculated in time of peace, they are incalculable in time of war with a strong maritime power.

Commodore Stockton, soon after the close of the Mexican war, resigned his commission and devoted himself to the pursuits of civil life, taking a deep interest and a prominent part in public affairs. His brief career in this new field of action, reproduced all the wonderful characteristics of the man. When he threw up his commission, the great question of the continuance of the Union was approaching a crisis which filled the heart of every patriot with alarm. He at once entered the arena

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

as a statesman. In a noble letter to Mr. Webster, (printed in this volume) he unfolded a series of the most striking and able views of that question which the whole discussion has produced, and pointed out the substantial lines of that compromise which was afterwards happily adopted. The Legislature of his native State soon after elected him to her highest place of trust, the post of Senator, for six years. And in his first public appearance after his election, in his Elizabethtown speech, he placed the whole subject of our domestic policy before the country in a light which did more to strengthen the hands and hearts of the friends of the Union in all sections of the country than any paper which had previously emanated from the North or the South. It was a bold enunciation of doctrines of the right stamp, and its response was felt in every heart throughout the Union. The question of sustaining the course of the new Senator came soon after this before the people of his native State, and resulted in one of the most sweeping victories ever obtained by a political party.

In looking at his whole career from youth to manhood, as a pioneer in the great system of internal improvement by railroads and canals, the first to pledge himself wholly and boldly on the issue, staking his fortune to ensure that confidence which others shrunk from —as an American champion, daring, singlehanded, the boasters of the British fleet,— again braving the perils of African pestilence and bearding the savage lion in his den, to found a new republic—the true friend of the humblest sailor in his country’s service, setting an example of kindness and humanity, showing the force of the law of love over the lacerating lash,—eloquently enforcing, by precept and practice, the high principles of morality and honor—restoring peace to the distracted councils of the Sandwich Islands, by diplomatic skill—showing the invincible courage and judgment of the veteran General on the plains and mountains of California—ele-

vating the glorious flag of our Union, over the Capital of the Land of Gold—organizing a wise system of government befitting our model republic—and all those proofs of daring, of eloquence, and of statesmanship, crowned with his prouder triumph of having first introduced those pioneers of human progress, the Bible, the school house and the printing press on the shores of Africa and our Pacific—these are some of the many traits, blended with retiring, unobtrusive merit, the brilliant traits of character, spread over a life time, and over every sea and continent, showing forth the most remarkable, because the most useful qualities that could possibly distinguish the “MAN OF THE AGE,” who, amid labors so diversified and so important in their influence upon the welfare of the country, has found leisure to cultivate the noblest arts and pursuits of peace—leisure and power to encourage industry and education and home improvements, that have made his native State a pattern of solid worth and growing prosperity. In all of which may it not, with impartial truth, be declared that in Stockton the National Hero—in Stockton the successful General, and Civil Governor, and the Commander in Chief—in Stockton the founder of Republics and the constructor of railroads and canals, that in each and all of these the world has in the present New Jersey Senator of the United States, the model of a TRUE AMERICAN, presenting the embodiment and personification of the Universal American Nation ! !

Such is the man to whose character and history some portion of this volume is devoted—and to which our attention could not fail to be attracted by the subject itself. If coming events do indeed cast their shadows before, Commodore Stockton is destined to play a distinguished part in the country’s future—he has come up with all the brilliancy of a sun in the political hemisphere—and every true lover of his country must rejoice in its auspicious promise.

COLONIZATION.

"Leaving the negroes in charge of Mr. Wiltberger, Dr. Ayres accompanied Captain Stockton on an exploring agency along the coast. On the 11th of December, 1821, they came at anchor in Mesurado Bay.

"That is the spot we ought to have," said Captain Stockton, pointing to the high bluff of Cape Mesurado, as they stood together on the quarter-deck; "that should be the site of our colony—no finer spot on all the coast."

"Then we must have it," answered Dr. Ayres with Saxon energy. Did they know all the obstacles in the way of a measure so bold? England and France had been trying for it for one hundred years without success; the interview with Messrs. Andrus and Bacon six months before positively was refused, and even their gifts were sent scornfully back by King Peter. Though well aware of the ill success of every previous attempt at a negotiation, and the uncompromising hostility of the natives to any thing bearing the semblance of a white settlement, they did not mean to sail tamely or timidly by, without making an effort, or at least inquiry; and every new aspect of the coast only strengthened their desire to obtain possession of it. They determined to land. Some head-men met them on the shore, to whom they gave suitable presents. They expressed a desire to see King Peter. Messenger after messenger was sent to beg a palaver with his majesty; but it was not until he had disappointed and deceived them again and again, that he consented to an interview, and then only on condition that they should dare to meet him in his own capital, far into the interior. To accomplish this, they must leave the coast, wade through water, wallow through mud, cut through dismal jungles, and in an enemy's country, surrounded on all sides by savages, whose fiercest passions had been nurtured by the slave trade, and who cared not a straw for human life. They must go armed to the teeth, and even then expect at any moment robbery and death.

Could they dare visit King Peter at such hazards? Could they brave the lion in his den? Yes, they could dare any thing in the prosecution of a great and worthy enterprise.

"We will go!" was the resolute answer. In order to convince the natives that their object was a peaceful one, they determined to go unarmed, with the exception of a small pair of pocket pistols, which Captain Stockton usually wore in his coat. Wild beasts and savages armed with muskets, roamed through the forests, but they reached the capital in safety, where groups of naked barbarians came out to meet them gaping with wonder. Having been conducted to Palaver Hall, which was spread with mats for their reception, a head-man came forward and shook them by the hands, announcing the arrival of his majesty. When the king entered, he took no notice of the strangers, but went to the farthest corner of the hut, where he sat down, with an angry frown upon his brow, and a glance of defiance in his eye.

On being introduced by one of the chiefs, he asked, in a surly tone, what they wanted, and what business they had in his dominions. The plan of the colonists was carefully and minutely explained all about which he well knew, having been informed of the object of Mr. Andrus' visit several months before, and more recently, through his head-men of its contemplated renewal by Captain Stockton and Dr. Ayres. Meanwhile large bodies of the natives began to darken around them; but every thing wore a peaceable aspect, until, on the entrance of a fresh band, an unusual excitement began to agitate the crowd. Affairs looked dark and threatening. Captain Stockton arose and took his seat near the king. Presently a mulatto rushed forward, and doubling up his fist charged Capt. Stockton with capturing slave-vessels. "This is a man trying to ruin the slave trade!" he cried, in a loud and angry tone.

"These are people who are quarreling at Sherbro!" shouted another.

A horrid war yell broke from the multitude; every one sprang upon his feet, scowling vengeance upon the agents. Captain Stockton fully conscious of the extreme peril of their position, instantly arose, and drawing out one of his pistols, pointed at the head of the king, while raising his other hand to heaven, he solemnly appealed to the God of Heaven for protection in this fearful crisis. King Peter flinched before the calm courage of the white man, and the barbarians fell flat on their faces at the apparent danger of their chief. The Captain then withdrew his pistol; their savage rage was hushed; awed and subdued by the fearless energy of their visitors, some crept away, while their chiefs began to listen with respect to the advances and proposals now made to them.

And what was the result? Success crowned their efforts.

Dangers at first threatened them, difficulties were strown at every step in their way, but by courage and perseverance these were conquered, so that on the 25th of April, 1822, the *American Flag was hoisted on the Cape Mesurado.*" "From the New Republic." Boston, 1850.

The herald of the holy hearts, who, from the happy West,
Had sent to teach the heathen where lay the Land of Rest:—
The last link of a Sacred Chain of Brotherhood was he:—
Some lay at rest in foreign graves, and some had crossed the sea
But like them, undeterred by fear, had ELI AYRES, gone forth,
Perchance to lay a wasted frame in pestilential earth.
Beside him stood a stately form whose aspect breathed command,
With his eagle eyes in earnest gaze on the bland and smiling land.
He, too, was now a pilgrim, though in his country's cause,
To bear abroad her "stars and stripes" and to maintain her laws.
The earnest of a future fame was in those fiery eyes
Which had caught their light from freedom, and under freedom's skies.
Then out-spake ROBERT STOCKTON, whom after years beheld
Raise the Ophir of the Ancients from the mystic dust of Eld;
And like Cortez of the past, over field and flood and plain,
Bear on his conquering banner, undimmed by touch or stain:
"There," quoth he "shall our colony, despite the savage host,
Uprear its head: no finer spot is on this deadly coast!"
He knew even when he spake, that a century or more
Had haughty England striven to grasp a foothold on that shore;
That France had practised every art and scheme but both in vain.
And knowing this, he felt at once their loss was Freedom's gain.
For weary weeks he waited while his messengers went and came,
With the tropic calm about him, while the wind was like a flame;
When the sea lay like to molten glass, and the very air was dead,
And his flag fell down in fluted folds from the peak above his head
At last the Afric Monarch bade him, if he dared, to come
And see, him in the fastness of his swarthy savage home.
The road spread over deserts where the hungry lion lay;
Through jungles where the tiger couched, expectant of his prey;
Through marshes whose miasma infected every breath
With shivering cramps and fiery heats, whose presence heralds death.
And every swamp, and every wood, and every jungle, held
Foes deadlier than their cobras, or the fabulous Ghouls of Eld.

INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE.

LETTER OF
COMMODORE STOCKTON
ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION.

Mr. Webster to Commodore Stockton.

Washington, March 22, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR :—

I send to you, as an old friend, a copy of
my late speech in the Senate. It relates to
a subject quite interesting to the country, as
connected with the question of proper go-
vernments for those new territories which
you had an *important agency* in bringing
under the power of the United States.

I would hardly ask your opinion of the
general sentiments of the speech, although I
know you are a very competent judge; but
that, being out of the strife of politics, your
judgment is not likely to be biassed, and
that you have as great a stake as any man
in the preservation of the Union, and the
maintenance of the Government on its true
principles.

I am, dear sir,

With great respect, yours,

DANIEL WEBSTER.

COMMODORE STOCKTON.

Reply of Commodore Stockton.

Princeton, March 25.

DEAR SIR:—

I thank you for your letter and a copy of
the recent speech delivered by you in the
Senate of the United States.

I need say nothing in commendation of
your course, which has been so generally
approved, and will proceed (without refer-

ring to any difference of opinion that may
seem to exist between us on the subject), to
communicate to you my candid and long-
cherished opinions on the subject of slavery
as it exists in the United States, and the
duty of the Government and the people in
connection with it.

In view of a national crisis in the affairs
of Great Britain, one of her eminent states-
men once said :—"In order to be prepared
for the trials of these times, we should be
possessed of a prompt facility of adverting
in all our doubts to some grand and compre-
hensive truth. In a deep and strong soil
must that tree fix its roots, the height of
which is to reach to Heaven, and the sight
of it to the ends of the earth."

A great crisis presents itself in the path
of the Republic. Interests of incalculable
consequence are involved in it—to you, to
myself, to every citizen—consequences not
limited in our times, but extending onward
to all future generations; and, if there is
anything in the hopes that have been cher-
ished of the universally progressive princi-
ples of liberty, to the world for ages to come.
"There are times, (says another eminent
person,) when the assertion of great princi-
ples is the best service a man can render so-
ciety," and this is such a time. We are all
called upon to pause at the present crisis,
and consider well what are the demands of
duty. It is no time to palter about party
distinctions or sectional differences; now,
if ever, it becomes us to feel that we are
Americans, *only Americans*. It is no time
to calculate questions of personal popular-
ity; that sacrifice which any citizen may
make is as nothing, if it contributes to save
his country. A Jerseyman myself, born on
one of those proud battle-fields where
American liberty was purchased; bearing a

32

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

life devoted to the service of the Union—I
can withhold nothing from the cause of that
Union with which I solemnly believe liber-
ty is herself identified, “one and insepara-
ble.”

It appears to me that the polar truth to
which the view of our fellow-citizens should
be directed in the present emergency, is
this:—That God works in the affairs of na-
tions, and shapes them to His purposes;
and that to ascertain His will we must study
in the school of His Providences, and take
counsel from the observations of His ways
to regulate our own. The destinies of men
and of nations are in the bosom of the Most
High. He lives in the history of the past;
He will live in the history of the future;
and he who has most deeply reflected upon
the records of the past, has most clearly
seen that the great characteristics which
have marked the progress of every nation,
in every age, have eventually resulted in the
accomplishment of some grand design in
which the hand of Providence, though for a
time obscured by shadows, has been at last
clearly and distinctly seen.

Of this, our own history furnishes a lumi-
nous example. The preparation for the
erection of the great temple of civil and reli-
gious liberty we now inhabit, began in the
discoveries and convulsions of the fifteenth
century. The materials for it were found
in men schooled by providential trials, and
disciplined to the work they were to com-
mence; and it is as rational to suppose the
world was the production of chance, as to
suppose that the combination of events
which led them to this continent, which
cherished and protected their infant colonies,
which brought about the Revolution and its
results, and has made us what we are, was
the work of chance; it is this which inspires
me with hope, that He who founded the
Republic will save it—that He has great
purposes to accomplish yet, and that they
will be unfolded through successive years
for ages to come, in perfecting the institu-
tions of a rational freedom here, and in ex-
tending them to all other continents.

Though men were the instruments, the
American Revolution was the work of an
unseen Power—the actors in it themselves
looked back with astonishment at the course
they had taken, and the results that had
been accomplished. The greater the event,
the more clearly has the hand of Providence
always been seen in it—the greater the
hero, the more heartfelt always has been
his acknowledgment that a superior des-
tiny controlled his actions. The American
Constitution is the result of a fearful strug-
gle. Its full price was by no means the
sufferings undergone in the conflict. The
series of events by which it was accom-
plished, we are now able to trace distinctly
back, through the privations and trials of
the early colonists, to the days when popu-
lar freedom first began the contest with arbi-
trary power in the civil wars of England—
and its pathway is everywhere marked with
patient endurance and costly sacrifice.

Things permanently good are of slow
growth—the offspring of hardship, they are
made strong through suffering. So univer-
sal is this law, that the most hasty minds
have a secret misgiving of the efficacy of
hasty products; and we would as soon ex-
pect undisciplined troops to be equal to the
hardships and perils of a dangerous cam-
paign, as that an undisciplined community
could triumph in that fiercest of all war-
fares, the warfare which marks everywhere
the pathway to national existence, greatness
and virtue.

More than two centuries have passed
since the events which were to result in
founding the Republic were put in motion;
and who does not perceive, both in our co-
lonial and constitutional history, that the
process by which we have, within a com-
paratively few years, come to the full
achievement of a distinctive nationality, has
been one mainly of forbearance and self-de-
nial? Nor have we been the only suffer-
ers. When our ancestors came to this
country, they found it in the possession of
another race. That race has had their day.
A great continent, fitted by nature for large

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33

developments in the progress of humanity, had been for centuries committed to their keeping, and they had proved faithless to their trust. It was manifest from the commencement of the struggles, that one of the two races must give way to the other, and no one doubts the beneficence of that Providence which decided for the Anglo-Saxon race. Yet how touching is the story of the red man's wrongs! We commiserate his sufferings, while we clearly see that the decree by which his race wastes away before the advancing footsteps of civilization, is the fiat of Infinite Wisdom.

The same all-pervading Providence has brought us in contact with still another race—the African; but under widely different circumstances. Out of this circumstance, and the events connected with it, the crisis we are now considering has grown. Three millions of that race, scattered through fifteen of the States of the Union, are in the condition of servitude. Individuals in the non-slaveholding States have not only been long in the habit of denouncing the holding of slaves as a sin, as, indeed, among the worst of crimes, but have insisted on immediate and unconditional abolition—have carried on the work of agitation—have encouraged slaves to desert their masters—have protected fugitive slaves from pursuit and reclamation, and have even gone so far as to declare that it was cause for separating from the South altogether.

The General Government has been agitated; compromise after compromise has been made, and proved, as was to be expected, only the means of postponing, rather than of settling the question; until at last things have reached a condition that real danger to the Union seems to be apprehended by the wisest men of both sections of the country. It is time for men now to speak out, calmly but fearlessly. Whatever has been wrong should be made right, and the question settled now and for ever. We should not meanly shrink from our just responsibilities, and put them upon our children.

Now, in reference to the relation of master and slave, it is proper we should bear in mind that African slavery was introduced into this country by *no act of ours*. For its introduction the American people are in no just sense responsible. Its introduction here was the act of Great Britain, while we were her colonies. She engrafted this system into our communities at a time when these communities (then in their infancy) were unable to make any effectual resistance. Our ancestors, at the time, and through all the process by which it was accomplished, remonstrated and protested against it; but their remonstrances and protests were unheeded. Its introduction was considered by the early colonists an evil—a measure of oppression to them as well as to the slave—but they were as powerless to resist it as the slave himself.

So far as we are concerned, this circumstance in our condition is Providential. If we would presume to scrutinize and judge the ways of Providence, we are driven back to first principles. God rules in the affairs of nations and of men as an absolute sovereign, and shapes all human events to His great purposes. The purposes He designed to accomplish in all this, may be involved in comparative darkness now; but if it shall appear hereafter that *this was the means by which in the lapse of centuries, He accomplished the redemption of Africa herself*, who will say that the means He chose were inconsistent with His wisdom or His goodness?

This fact, then, is undisputed, that when the battles of the Revolution had been fought—when the North and the South had passed shoulder to shoulder through that long and bloody and self-sacrificing struggle, and the independence of their country was achieved, the institution of slavery, planted by other hands in our midst, existed. A very large number of our citizens, both in the North and South, were slaveholders. Property is the creature of the law, and slaves had been made property by law—been so held for ages. What was to be

3

34

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

done? The general welfare—the preservation of all that had been gained—the law of self-defence, required that a Government should be established, and that this Government should embrace and combine in one indissoluble union, all the liberated colonies. If that had not been accomplished, all would have been shipwrecked together.

The men of the Revolution saw this plainly. They were men equal to the crisis. They considered the question as a whole. They sacrificed on the altar of concession their different views and interests as to particulars, that they might reach harmoniously the grand result. The articles of confederation, and subsequently the Constitution, were the results of compromise—and whatever politicians may say—the spirit—the intent—the fair construction of that compromise is, that the institution of slavery belongs exclusively to the States, as a matter of State regulation, and that the General Government has nothing to do with it.

No power over it was delegated by the Constitution to the General Government, (except as to the importation of slaves into the States,) nor was any such power prohibited by it to the States. It was expressly provided that persons held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, should not be discharged from such service or labor, but should be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor might be due; and by an amendment to the Constitution, adopted in 1791, it was provided that the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the people. Such is the Constitution—such the compromise upon which it was formed—such the imperative necessity of that compromise; and even if that compromise and that Constitution were the result of a *mistake*, it is binding now, and as long as it shall remain unaltered, on every law-abiding man.

If the toleration of slavery—if the permission for its existence in any part of the

Union was a great national crime—when and by whom was that crime committed? At the formation of the government, at the adoption of the Constitution, and by the Washingtons, the Roger Shermans, the Hamiltons, the Madisons, the Franklins, the Pinkneys of the land—by such men as Livingston and Paterson, Brearly and Dayton of my own native State, approved and sanctioned with unparalleled unanimity by the North and South. Under its auspices I need not say with what giant strides the Republic has advanced to greatness and prosperity, nor that Heaven has smiled profitiously upon our common heritage.

Now, the question which has come up with such a threatening aspect before the country, is, in my judgment, one of morals, not of politics—questions always the most difficult and dangerous to deal with—because they do not lie in notions of expediency, but in matters of conscience. They are always liable to run into fanaticism, and are always mingled with questions of religious faith and moral obligation. The question is one of morals, and as such it is to be settled, if settled permanently at all. Out of this aspect of the case have sprung, as incidents, all the questions that have heretofore been and are now the subjects of discussion. The convention of '87, the Missouri compromise, the contested question of abolition petitions in Congress, the agitations in the North, the recriminations of the South, the difficulties about fugitive slaves, and latterly, the California question and the Wilmot Proviso, are all but branches of one fruitful tree —the question as to the moral character of slavery, as it exists in the States, and the moral duty consequent upon that character. In reference to those phases or incidents of this question, which involve the action of the government, they never would have been unsettled, or at any rate never would have come up in their present embarrassing forms, if the General Government had adhered, as it ought in my opinion to have adhered, from the beginning, to a strict construction of the Constitution. The framers

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

of this instrument meant to exclude, and by
the language of the instrument did exclude
the National Government from all action
upon the subject.

They granted no such power, they expressly excluded all powers not granted. Whenever the doctrine of inferential powers —that latitudinarian doctrine—comes fully to be insisted on and adopted, the Constitution, will become itself a thing of wax, to be moulded by the ever-changing opinions of men into whatever shape those opinions happen to take—the majority will become supreme—its will, the Constitution, and everything conservative, will be liable to be broken down. Suppose a measure oppressive—ruinous to one portion of the Union, is adopted by a mere constitutional majority; and in constitutional form—it is said the party complaining and denying its constitutionality, has an appeal to the Supreme Court. But to argue that that is always to be regarded as a place of absolute security, is to argue that it is infallible. It undergoes the process of change by death; the new incumbents are apt to partake of the views of the Constitution held by a majority of the government, and the Court to become itself the advocate of those views. Beyond this are the rocks, the breakers of revolution; the dernier resort of an oppressed people. The Constitution itself was originally intended to be the cable and anchor of the Union and all its parts—and nothing, you may rely upon it, but the doctrine of a strict construction, can ever preserve it what it was intended to be.

Upon the question of domestic slavery in
the States and in the territories, non-inter-
vention is the true principle. There the
letter of the Constitution placed it, and there
it should be left. The law of nature, fixing
the bounds of the institution by the unalter-
able constitution of the colored race; the
temperature of the climate and nature of the
soil, and the will of the people acting
through the State Legislatures upon their
several States, are the true and legitimate re-
gulators; and all interference, except moral

suasion, the power of argument, the free ex-
pression of opinion, ought to be excluded.

I now come to the main question—the
question which lies back of all the others.
1st. Is domestic slavery a sin, or an unmit-
gated evil? and 2d. What is the duty of
the people of the non-slaveholding States,
respecting it? These questions go to the
root of the whole difficulty.

Consider, first—the condition of the co-
lored man as it would have been had he
been left in Africa. 2d. The circumstances
under which we find him here. 3d. The
necessity, if such there be, of his present
continuance in the condition in which we
find him. 4th. The ultimate tendency of
what may seem to be a Providential arrange-
ment of this state of things.

1st. Of all the races of men with which
history and travel have acquainted us, there
is none so sunk beyond all hope of self-re-
storation as the African, on his wide conti-
nent. In ignorance so utter, that he is little
elevated above the brute; in superstition so
gross, that it drags him even lower than the
brute; without a thought of liberty, he is the
sport of tyranny, in its lowest, meanest, and
most cruel forms; he has nothing he can
call his own; he has no idea of God, of
justice, of moral obligation, of the rights of
persons or property. In a word, "Africa
has long forgotten God, and God has aban-
doned Africa"—but not, I trust, for ever.
From such a land and such a condition—
sold, bartered away by his countrymen—the
slave was brought to these shores while we
were colonists, and subject to British law.
Here he is in a civilized and Christian coun-
try; he has more opportunities of enlighten-
ment than he would have had in Africa; he
is, as a general rule, treated with kindness;
he is protected from want in sickness and
old age; and is, on the whole, better off,
safer, happier, than he would have been in
his native country.

2d. But, in the second place, with the
moral character of the act, bringing the slave
to this country, we have nothing to do. We

36

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

find him here—the thing is done. So far
as the slave trade is concerned, we have
acted on that, and abolished it. Slavery
was introduced in other times and under
other auspices. It existed when the govern-
ment was established; an institution which
could not be got rid of—which had of ne-
cessity to be tolerated. Slaves had been
made property in the Colonies by British
law. The Government found it an existing
institution, and the Constitution left it so—
of necessity, imperative and uncontrollable
—to be enacted on exclusively by the
States; subject to the moulding and chang-
ing and controlling opinions and consciences
of those concerned. These have not been
inactive. In many of the States the institu-
tion has been abolished; in others, melior-
ated; in all, it is a question for opinion and
conscience to act upon. As the General
Government has no power to abolish it, so
it has no power to prevent any State from
abolishing it.

3d. In the third place, every considerate
man sees, that in the present condition of
things, slavery cannot be immediately and
absolutely abolished. We must reason
about things as they are—not as we might
wish them to be. The slave is property;
he became so by a law of our common an-
cestors; he was left in that condition by the
law of our common fathers who founded
the Republic. The burden of this purchase
should be borne in all justice, equally by
our citizens, and we are not ready to pay
the price. But, if we were ready, he is not
in a condition to take care of himself. He
has not the culture, the training, the experi-
ence, necessary to self-dependence. And
where is he to go? No reflecting man is
prepared to say he is willing to have three
millions of slaves turned loose in the States,
to fill the prisons and poor-houses and alms-
houses of the country, or to live by plunder
on the community. What, too, is to be his
lot for the future in such a case? Is he to
live in our midst as a marked and degraded
being, through all time, or are we prepared
to place him on an equality with us, civilly

and socially. Are we ready for amalgama-
tion?

There seems, under those circumstances,
to be a necessity for his continuance at pre-
sent in the condition in which he is placed.

In the fourth place, the hand of Providence
seems to be clearly pointing out an ultimate
design in all this arrangement of things.—
Yonder is Africa, with her one hundred and
fifty millions of miserable, degraded, igno-
rant, lawless, superstitious idolaters. Who-
ever has stood upon her sands, has stood
upon a continent that has geographical and
physical peculiarities which belong to no
other of the great divisions of the globe.—
The latter appear, upon the face of them, to
have been adapted to draw out the energies
of the natives in their inequalities of tempe-
rature, soil, and surface, inviting the inge-
nuity and enterprise of man to overcome
them, and in the varieties of their products
tempting the interchanges of commerce; thus
affording ample encouragement to the pro-
gress of civil and social improvement. But
Africa is still, as of old, a land of silence and
of mystery. Like the interminable dreari-
ness of her own deserts, her moral wastes of
mind lie waiting for the approach of influ-
ences from abroad. No savage people have
ever advanced to a civilised state without
intercommunication with others. All the
continents in the world have, in their turn,
been occupied and civilized by means of
colonies; but in no one of them did it appear
so inevitably necessary, from a previous ex-
amination of circumstances, as in that of
Africa. It is plain to the very eye, that
Africa is a land to which civilization *must
be brought*. The attempt has been made
over and over again by devoted missionaries
and others to penetrate that land, and seek
to impart the blessings of civilization and
Christianity to her savage hordes. But the
labor has been spent in vain. The white
man cannot live in Africa. The annals of
the Moravians, of Cape Colony, of Sierra
Leone, of Liberia, contain the records of the
sacrifice of some of the best men that have
lived to grace the pages of any people's his-

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

37

tory, in the vain attempt to accomplish some-
thing for her redemption through the instru-
mentality of white men. Who, then, is to
do this work?

Let, now, any calm, reflecting spectator of
the present state of the world be asked to
look at Africa, and then, from among the na-
tions, point out the people best calculated to
do this work—and when his eye falls upon
the descendants of the sons of that continent
now in America, will he not say, THESE ARE
THE PEOPLE APPOINTED FOR THAT WORK?

The ways of God are mysterious. So
Joseph was sold a slave into Egypt; so his
father and his brethren were driven thither
by providential circumstances; so their gene-
rations remained as slaves in Egypt for four
centuries and a half; and when the appoint-
ed time had come, in His own appointed way,
the Ruler of nations led them to the accom-
plishment of His great purposes.

Has He no purpose in all this arrangement
that has been going on, in the gathering of a
vast family of these people here, in their con-
dition of servitude, endurance, discipline—in
the difficulties with which their emancipation
is surrounded—in the natural impossibilities
that the whites ever will or can consent to
raise them to a condition of equality? No
purpose in casting their lot in a country so
free for the interchange of opinion, and where
opinion is so enlightened and progressive,
and there is so much benevolence and Chris-
tian enterprise? Has he not a purpose in all
this, to accomplish (in some way of his own,
through this instrumentality) the regenera-
tion of the millions of benighted Africa?
The germs of Colonies are already planted
there, as the fruits of this system of servitude.
But the free African among us clings to this
country still, under all his disabilities, regard-
less of the claims of the land of his fathers
upon him; and may not SLAVERY AND THE
NECESSITY OF MIGRATION AS THE CONDITION
of his release, be the appointed instrument to
produce compliance? The colonies we have
settled in Africa would, ere this day, have

become a Republic of power, had the free
negroes of the North been willing to become
citizens of it. But, like the Israelites of old,
who would, but for the Divine interposition,
have sacrificed their liberators in the wilder-
ness, and returned into Egypt, these liberated
descendants of Africa cannot be persuaded
to look toward the land of their fathers. The
millions of their colored bondmen THERE
awaken no sympathy in their hearts. Their
fixed and resolute purpose appears to be to
remain among the whites, and force them-
selves by progressive steps into a civil and
social equality with them; and it is chiefly
with a view to strengthen themselves in these
particular views and aspirations, that they
band together under the abolition flag, and
fill our cities with threats of vengeance
against the white race, if they shall dare to
execute the laws in relation to fugitive slaves.

Now, when we come to reflect calmly and
candidly upon all these circumstances, in
connection with the question—is domestic
slavery, as it exists at the South, A SIN? it
seems to me that the question must be an-
swered in the NEGATIVE. The relation of
master and slave may be, and doubtless is,
sometimes the occasion of cruelty and injus-
tice. But this is also true of the relation of
husband and wife, parent and child, master
and apprentice, and of employer and em-
ployed in our system of labor. But the
abuses of a system or relation form no sound
argument against the system or relation itself.
I am no apologist for abuse. I am as ready
as any man to denounce cruelty, unnatural
separations, a disregard of the domestic rela-
tions, or a deprivation of the means of moral
and religious culture to the slave, under our
system of slavery, as a crime. But the cor-
rection of these belongs to the duties of the
State Governments. We, in New Jersey,
have no more right to interfere with South
Carolina, than she with us, in such matters;
nor have we in New Jersey any more right
to interfere with the slaves of South Carolina
or Georgia, than we have with the slaves of
Russia or Austria. Each Southern State

38

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

being, in respect to this question, as abso-
lutely sovereign as are Russia and Austria.
We are to reason about the institution of
Slavery as we reason about every other hu-
man institution, from its proper, humane,
conscientious, and lawful USE, when both
parties discharge their mutual obligations.

And now I proceed to consider: WHAT IS
THE DUTY OF THE PEOPLE OF NON-SLAVE-
HOLDING STATES RESPECTING SLAVERY?

Shall we attempt forcibly to break down
this institution of Slavery? To make the
attempt is :—

First.—To violate the Constitution and its
compromises. I care not whether under color
of inferential instruction—assuming the Con-
stitution to imply the power of interference—
(which, by the way, I unconditionally deny)
—or acting regardless of it. In either case,
it is, at best, the appeal to the mere majority
power, acting upon and forcing the minority.

Second.—It is to attempt the liberation of
the slave, and fail. For by the effort, the
most we can do is to drive the South with its
slaves out of the Union, without liberating a
single slave; and,

Third.—IT IS TO COMPEL A DISSO-
LUTION OF THE UNION. Have the peo-
ple considered the consequences implied in
this branch of the alternative? Suppose,
after all, that in opposition to the plain teach-
ings of the Bible, and the judgment of God's
holiest men, they still hold that slavery is in
itself SINFUL, AND THE OWNERS OF SLAVES
ARE MEN-STEALERS, ROBBERS AND PIRATES,
then, indeed, this question assumes a more
serious aspect, and Mr. Calhoun may no
longer be denounced as either unpatriotic or
extravagant in calling for an amendment of
the Constitution, or any other means that
will secure his constituents from imminent
peril, and his posterity from the calamities of
civil war. But—

Is there not, in this view, a crime of deeper
and redder dye, in marching over a desecrat-
ed Bible and a broken compact to shed oceans
of fraternal blood? Is it lawful, on their own

principles, to do evil that good may come—
even if good could by it be accomplished?
If they succeed in driving the South to a se-
cession, they inevitable kindle the fire of a
conflagration which will burn over this whole
Republic, until it reduces to ashes the struc-
ture which Providence has for centuries been
preparing and rearing up on this continent;
and, in the conflagration, their own homes
and hopes will be mingled with the sacrifice.

"One great principle," says Dr. Chann-
ing, "which we should lay down as immova-
bly true, is, that if a good work cannot be
carried on by the calm, self-controlled, bene-
volent spirit of Christianity, then the time for
doing it has not come. GOD ASKS NOT THE
AID OF OUR VICES. He can overrule them
for good, but they are not the chosen instru-
ments of human happiness." But, if we
would adopt, as I sincerely do, the other al-
ternative—that with the institution of slavery
as it exists in the South, we have nothing to
do—that we are not only prohibited by the
Constitution from meddling with it, but that
it is a question of conscience to be settled by
Southern men for themselves—a question
upon which good men may differ, and must
be left to differ if they will, whether in the
North or South—a new train of thoughts, a
new field of benevolent and Christian enter-
prise opens before us. Going back to the
great truth from which we started, and re-
garding all the circumstances of the present
state of things as a part of the design of
Providence to accomplish a great result for
Africa, there is a work and a great work for
us to do. Let the great heart of Christian
benevolence in the North and the South unite
in selecting from this vast African family,
this nursery planted and growing on our
shores, the proper subjects to be sent upon
the mission of redemption to the land of their
ancestors, until the last slave shall have de-
parted, and Africa's long night shall have
been dispelled by the sun of freedom and
civilization. The philanthropist will find
here enough to do to satisfy the largest be-
nevolence—in acts, in personal sacrifices, in

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

contributions to the cause of humanity, without the violation of personal or legal rights—doing good that good may come.

Let the General Government then retrace its steps—and instead of provisos and compromise lines, and agreements to keep up the balance of power—fall back upon the literal construction of the Constitution—adopt the principle of TOTAL NON-INTERVENTION, now and for ever—leaving the laws of nature, and the voice of public opinion to adjust the limits of the institution, free, uncontrolled, and uninfluenced by the action of Congress, and all will be safe. The gordian knot will be dissolved—not cut—and the ark of the covenant, with its sacred deposit, be borne on safely to its destination.

The measures, in short, which I would propose, are—

1st. A declarative act in such form as may be deemed proper, that the Constitution gives no power to the General Government to act on the subject of domestic slavery, either with respect to its existence in the States, the Territories, or the District of Columbia.

2d. The most efficient act that can be framed to enforce the Constitution in relation to fugitive slaves.

3d. That California, in consideration of the peculiar circumstances of her case, be admitted without the approval or disapproval of that part of her constitution which relates to slavery.

I believe these three positions, carried out, would settle the question for ever. They involve no concessions—no compromise—they are no temporary expedient. They put the solution of the difficulty on the eternal principles of right—the law of the Constitution.

I think the great majority of the North and South are prepared to place it there, and having placed it there, to stand by and maintain the Union at all hazards.

At such a time all good men will forbear, exchange opinions, and reason in the spirit of conciliation.

Conscientious differences of opinion among

men will always exist in relation to moral questions.

Some conscientious men believe slavery to be a sin—other conscientious men believe that the law of property which enables one man to hold what they insist is the common gift of the Creator to his creatures, is sin. Again, still, other conscientious men hold that to take a glass of wine is sin, and so on through an endless variety of subjects.

If these conscientious opinions, or any of them, prevade the majority, are all who do not hold them to be driven with fire and sword out of the Union, or compelled to yield their opinions, equally conscientious, to the majority? These notions are inconsistent with a wise moderation; they come from an abuse of reason in the first place, and a proposed abuse of power in the second.

Such arguments are always drawn principally from the EXCESSES of a system, rather than from the system itself, and there lies the error; it is the error of FANATICISM, which always puts in the plea of conscience, whether it burns the supposed heretic at the stake, or hunts down witchcraft, or impales the Nestorian, or fans the flame of civil war.

Instead of railing with infuriated declamation against a system, because of its excesses, which are incident to every human institution, we should calmly and dispassionately seek to extract the truth from the general rule, rather than from its exceptions. The system of slavery, like every human system, has its excesses, its exceptions from the general rule. But it is quite probable that there may exist in the one, as in the other, an absolute law, which is working out a beneficent result.

The idea, that out of the institution of domestic slavery in this country is to spring the regeneration of Africa, derives, it seems to me, great force from the recurrence to past history.

We invariably find that in the dispensation of Providence, nations which have been called to act an important part in the work of

40

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

human progress, have been led through a long previous discipline of trial; the restraints and endurance of youth have preceded the power and efficiency of manhood. Primary subjection is the law of stable growth, and seems an indispensable condition of the advancement of our race.

We have only to look back through a few centuries to find the evidence of this in the annals of our race. Our ancestors were for centuries a down-trodden, enslaved and toiling people. The Anglo-Saxon race have become what they are, by a long training in the school of patient endurance; in the case of England, under oppressive servitude to the Roman and the Norman; in the case of America, under the oppression of our mother country, and the trying discipline of Colonial suffering. In the life of a nation, hundreds of years may be as a day in the life of an individual. It is often necessary for many generations to pass, before a new influence can be made to affect the mass. If all were willing, the work of national preparation might be more rapid; but thousands are to be made willing—and by the Providential adaptation of the means to the end.

It is conceded, on all hands, that the prostration of the African people, now in bond-age on our shores, is to come to an end.

That while there is an interchange of benefits between the parties, there is at the same time a community of evil, which renders it better, both for the whites and the blacks, that it should come to an end.

When shall that time be, is the great question before the American people.

In seeking an answer to this question, we may be sure there is some safer ground on which to take our stand, than that of political chicane, of fanatical prejudice, or of any merely temporary or prudential expediency.

If slavery is to be abolished now, then it is to be done in a moment. That is to say, at one stroke a community of three millions of people, habituated to a certain way of life, are to be thrown into new circumstances—

a thing plainly preposterous, because no kind of society changes its customs suddenly and succeeds in doing well. Great changes in society must come in with previous preparation, or they come in to little purpose. Seven years sufficed to fight the battles of the revolution, but many more were spent in preparation for that event, and many more will be required to perfect its results. If Providence rules in the affairs of nations, the existence of slavery has some prospective purpose, only to be accomplished by prior preparation for it.

Let us not be impatient or presumptuous. These African people are passing to their destiny along the same path which has been trod by other nations, through a mixture of hardship, of endurance, but in a land of light, and amid a civilized society. They are preparing to accomplish a work for their native continent, which no other people in the world can accomplish. Their plain mission is, ultimately to carry the gifts of society, of religion, of government, to the last remaining continent of the earth—where these blessings are totally unknown. Their work is a great one, as it would seem to be connected essentially with the final and universal triumph of civilization and Christianity, in the world. It is our duty to follow, not to attempt to lead in the ways and purposes of Providence. We are to move forward when the pillar of fire and cloud moves forward; and to rest when it rests.

Doubtless there is a time for action; but it is characteristic of all great changes that they make known their own seasons. That time, in the present instance, has not yet come—for the manifest reason that the way is not yet open for it. When the time shall come, the way will come with it, the preparation for it be complete. The North settled this question easily, quietly. Surely, it is no great stretch of charity for us to suppose that in due time the same thing will be accomplished in the South. We of the North have given no peculiar evidence of superior

PASSAGES
FROM THE SPEECH OF
ROBERT F. STOCKTON, OF NEW JERSEY,
ON
FLOGGING IN THE NAVY.

DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, JANUARY 7, 1852.

Mr. President:

The memorial upon the table presents for the consideration of the Senate nothing less than the whole foundation of our naval structure—the human material by which your ships are worked and fought, your guns leveled, and their thunders pointed at your foes. Goods ships, well built, well rigged, and fully equipped, are magnificent and perfect specimens of human science and art. But unless they are manned by good men they will sail only to become prizes to your enemies. If you do not desire to build ships for your enemies, you must give them crews worthy to defend them. To that end, and for humanity's sake, I am utterly and irreconcilably opposed to the use of the lash in the Navy, or anywhere else. The longest, the most arduous voyages are made in the merchant service without the use of the lash. In the Polar seas—among the icebergs of the Arctic and Antarctic oceans, the intrepid New Englander pursues his gigantic game and hurls his harpoon; and after a three years' voyage, returns with the oily spoils of his adventurous navigation. But he owes none of his success, his patient endurance, his exemplary discipline, and his indefatigable industry, to the guardian ministrations of the lash. To say that men who can make such voyages, and endure such hardships cheerfully and contentedly, cannot navigate their own national ships without the infliction of the infamous lash, is a libel. Is their nature changed the moment they step on the deck of a national vessel? Are they less men—less Americans—as soon as the custody of the American flag, or the national honor, is entrusted to their keeping? The theory that the Navy cannot be governed, and that our national ships cannot be navigated, without the use of the

lash, seems to me to be founded in that false idea, that sailors ARE NOT MEN. Who in social life respects a man whose back has been scarred at the whipping-post? Into what depth of contempt does such punishment sink its victim? And here is one of the worst evils of the system. It destroys those feelings of respect and kindness which officers ought to entertain for the sailors under their command. But this is only one of the worst evils of the system. It destroys those feelings of regard and respect which the sailors should entertain for their officers. The truth is, there are no relations of affection and regard between them. The one is the oppressor, and the other the oppressed. Sir, a man may fear or hate; but he neither loves nor respects his tyrant. The worst government upon earth is that of fear; the best, that of love and affection. These sentiments, by a law of our nature, must be mutual sentiments. Bonaparte was the idol of the soldier, because the soldier was his idol. They loved him because they supposed he loved them. There is nothing that gallant and brave men will not do and suffer for a commander whom they love. Difficulties and dangers and death have no dangers for such men. In great battles, where the contest has been doubtful, those soldiers have always fought most desperately whose devotion to their commander was the greatest. It has always been considered as an essential element in the character of a successful commander, that he should be able to excite and encourage the confidence and affection of the men under his command. But what confidence or regard can be expected under the government of the lash? But more than this: this punishment destroys the sailor's own self-respect. What has honor—what has pride—

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

what has patriotism to do with a man who may be,
at the caprice of another, subjected to an infa-
mous punishment, worse—aye, sir, in some cases
worse a thousand times—than death? Can noble-
ness of sentiment, or an honorable pride of char-
acter, dwell with one whose every muscle has
been made to quiver under the LASH? Can he
long continue to love his country, whose laws de-
grade him to the level of a brute? The infamous
"question of torture" now only remains as a blot
on the page of Anglo-Saxon history. The whip-
ping-post, where the worst vagrants used to ex-
piate their offences, has been discarded from so-
ciety. The worst offences in our State prisons
are no longer punished by the lash. Why is all
this? Why are those punishments now condemn-
ed as the shameful relics of a barbarous age? It
is because the light of a better day has dawned.
It is because the precepts of the Gospel of Chris-
tianity have ameliorated our laws. It is because
society has made the discovery, that if a man is fit
to live at all, he ought not to be divested of all
the qualities which make a man, by the infamous
mutilation of his body. What is the answer
which is given to all this by those who seek to re-
store this relic of barbarism to the Navy? Why,
they tell us we intend only to apply this system
of punishment to seamen—we intend only to flog
sailors. That is quite true. It is only sailors
who are to be treated like brutes—aye, sir, worse
than brutes. No man who hears me, would per-
mit his dog to be thus treated. There is no spot
on the habitable globe known to me, where a man
would be permitted to seize up his dog, and lash
him until he cut the flesh from his ribs, and the
blood should be made to run down from his back-
bone to his heels. But, sir, it is only the sailor,
for whom this punishment is to be reserved.

Who, O Senators! is the American sailor, that
he is to be treated worse than a dog? He has
been my companion for more than a quarter of a
century—through calm and storm, privations,
sufferings, and danger. In peace and in war I
have lived with him, and fought with him side by
side by sea and land. I have seen him in the
Northern ocean, where there was no night to veil
his deeds. I have seen him on the coast of
Africa, surrounded by pestilential disease. I
have seen him among the West India Islands in
chase of pirates, with his parched tongue hanging
almost out of his mouth. I have encamped with
him on the California mountains, and on the plains
of the Mesa—I have seen the rays of the morning
sun play on his carbine and his boarding-pike. I
have seen him march one hundred and fifty miles
through an enemy's country, over mountains and
through rivers, with no shoes on but those of can-

vass, made by his own hands, and with no provision but what he took from the enemy. I have seen his feet scarified by the projecting rocks, as he hauled his cannon over the hills. I have seen him plunge into the Rio San Gabriel, and drag his guns after him in the face of a galling fire from a desperate foe. And finally, I have laid beside him on the cold ground, when the ice has formed on his beard. Sir, his heart has beat close to my own. I ought to know him. I do know him. And this day—now, before the assembled Senate of the Republic, I stand up to speak in his behalf. I hope he will find an abler advocate. Nay, I am sure he will find abler advocates on this floor. But, nevertheless, hear me.

Mr. President, the American sailors, as a class,
have loved their country as well, and have done
more for her in peace and war, than any other
equal number of citizens. Passing by for a mo-
ment their antecedent glorious achievements, let
me remind you that he has recently gained for his
country an empire. Through perils by land and
perils by water he has gained a golden empire,
which has added to his country's renown and
greatness, and perhaps saved his fellow citizens
from almost universal bankruptcy and ruin. And
what has his country done for him? When the
fighting was over, the battles won, the conquest
achieved, you sent a band of Mormons to Califor-
nia to drive him to his ship, and rob him of his
glory—and historians, too, to prove once more
that history is a LIE. You refused to give him
"bounty lands," which you gave to the soldier—
his comrade fighting by his side—and you have
neglected to give him even your thanks. And
now, to cap the climax of his country's ingrati-
tude, these memorialists would have him scourged.
They would scourge him for drunkenness, when
they put the bottle to his mouth. They would
scourge him for inattention to his duty, when in-
justice and wrong have made him for an instant
discontented and sullen. Shame! Shame! You
would scourge him while living, and when dead
consign him to a felon's grave. That I may not
be supposed to have drawn upon my fancy, or to
have exaggerated his country's inhumanity, I ask
the Secretary of the Senate to read these docu-
ments.

The Secretary read them.

[The official documents read by the Secretary,
from the "Boston Marine Society," from the offi-
cers of the New York City Hospital, &c., disclose
a sad state of negligence, in regard to the poor
sailor, suffering from disease, or accident, occa-
sioned by devotion to the service of the country.
We copy a portion of the discreditable evidence.]

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

47

During the year 1850 there were 106 deaths of seamen; of which number 45 were buried by friends, the balance (61) were taken by the Alms-house to Potter's field; for the latter class the Government allow us five dollars each—$3 for coffin, and $2 for ground.)

Not one in ten have money to provide for themselves.

Very respectfully,

JOHN L. ROOME,

Superintendent of the City Hospital, N. Y.

"The grand jury for the September term of 1851, examined 276 complaints, and found 133 bills of indictment. They visited the various public institutions, but made no presentment. Previous to being discharged by the court, the foreman, Henry Erben, Esq., at the request of the grand inquest, stated to the court that the jury had visited Potter's Field, and found it in a horrible condition. One pit was about half filled. The coffins were exposed to the sun. The stench from them was very great."

Mr. President, to whom in time of peace are entrusted the lives of the thousands who traverse the ocean? Whose energy and skill, and hardy self-denying toil, carry the products of your soil through the world, and brings back the rich return? It is the American sailor. By his superior qualities as a man, he has enabled you to rival in commerce the boasted mistress of the ocean. Where is the coast or harbor in the wide world accessible to human enterprise to which he has not carried your flag? His berth is no sinecure. His service is no easy service. He is necessarily an isolated being; he knows no comforts of home, and wife, and children. He reaps no golden rewards for the increase of treasure which he brings to you. When on shore he is among strangers, and friendless. When worn out he is scarcely provided for. Making many rich, he lives and dies poor; carrying the arts of civilization and the blessings of the Gospel through the world, he is treated as an outcast from the mercies of both. But look to your history—that part of it which the world knows by heart—and you will find on its brightest page the glorious achievements of the American sailor. Whatever his country has done to disgrace him and break his spirit, he has never disgraced her; he has always been ready to serve her; he always has served her faithfully and effectually. He has often been weighed in the balance, and never found wanting. The only fault ever found with him is, that he sometimes fights ahead of his orders. The world has no match for him, man for man; and he asks no odds, and he cares for no odds, when the cause of humanity or the glory of his country calls him to fight. Who, in the darkest days of our Revolution, carried your flag into the very chops of the British Channel, bearded the lion in his den, and woke the echoes of old Albion's hills by the

thunders of his cannon and the shouts of triumph? It was the American sailor. And the names of John Paul Jones and the Bon Homme Richard will go down with the annals of time forever. Who struck the first blow that humbled the Barbary flag, which for a hundred years had been the terror of Christendom, drove it from the Mediterranean, and put an end to the infamous tribute it had been accustomed to extort? It was the American sailor. And the name of Decatur and his gallant companions will be as lasting as monumental brass.

In your war of 1812, when your arms on shore were covered by disaster—when Winchester had been defeated—when the Army of the Northwest had surrendered, and when the gloom of despondency hung like a cloud over the land, who first relied on the fires of national glory and made the welkin ring with the shouts of victory? It was the American sailor. And the names of Hull and the Constitution will be remembered as long as we have anything left worth remembering. That was no small event. The wand of Mexican prowess was broken on the Rio Grande. The wand of British invincibility was broken when the flag of the Guerriere came down. That one event was worth more to the Republic than all the money which has ever been expended for the Navy. Since that day the Navy has had no stain upon its escutcheon, but has been cherished as your pride and glory. And the American sailor has established a reputation throughout the world—in peace and in war, in storm and in battle— for unsurpassed heroism and prowess.

Mr. President, I am no painter. I cannot draw with artistical skill the scene I would have you look upon. But it requires no artist. Picture it to yourself, sir. See the gallant bold sailor who has served his apprenticeship with Hull in the Constitution, or one who helped to drag the guns across the San Gabriel, stripped and lashed worse than a dog. Can you stand it, sir? Yet your laws have authorized it to be done—it probably has been done. And now it is proposed to give authority to do it again. Will the American people stand it? Will this more than Roman Senate long debate whether an American citizen, as he is—the sailor shall be entitled to all his rights as an American citizen or not; whether, freeman as he is, he shall be scourged like a slave? Cicero's climacteric, in his speech against Verres, is, that though a Roman citizen, his client had been scourged. And shall an American citizen be scourged? Forbid it, God of humanity, forbid it. For my own part, I would rather see the Navy abolished, and the stars and stripes buried with their glory in the depths of

48

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

the ocean, than that those who won its glories
should be subjected to a punishment so ignomini-
ous and brutalizing. Sir, if I had the power
vouchsafed to others, to impress my own feelings
upon the hearts of those who hear me, I would
rouse in the minds of Senators such a sense of
national pride and human sympathy that they
would with one voice demand that the memorial
which seeks to rob the American sailor of his
rights as an American freeman, should be thrown
under your table and trampled beneath your
feet.

Mr. President, the object of all our legislation for our seamen should be to elevate them as a class, and not to degrade them. In proportion as you do this, and teach the sailor to respect himself, you will bring him to the performance of his duty with cheerfulness and alacrity. You best appeal to his patriotism by showing him that he is honored and respected by his country. You best appeal to his sentiment of native pride by presenting motives to his emulation. You can do infinitely more with him by rewarding him for his faithfulness than by flogging him for his delinquencies. Whatever the peculiarities of the sailors may be, he is still a man, with all the impulses, wishes, and hopes of a man. And if there is one trait more peculiar to him than another, it is the sentiment of gratitude. He never forgets a kindness, and would take his heart out of his bosom, if he could, to save a friend. Let him only see that he is honored and respected by his country, and her honor and interest will always be safe in his hands.

I believe that many of the officers of the Navy
have fallen into the error of supposing that sai-
ors are more influenced by their fears than by
their affections. They do not rightly appreciate
his character. If they would take more pains to
think for him—to keep him out of temptation—
to attend to his wants—to see that he was fairly
and justly dealt by—and properly to consider
the fair allowance which ought to be made for
him, they would find it much less difficult to en-
force discipline, to gain his confidence, and find
him much more tractable. It is not by the sever-
ity of discipline as much as it is by a firm, just,
and generous government, that he is to be con-
trolled. It is so among men everywhere. It is
rather by humane and judicious laws, than by
the severity of penal enactments, that good gov-
ernment is established and maintained. Again:
in the training and governing those men who are
to fight your battles, and face every danger with
courage, their fear should seldom be appealed to.
You ought not to cultivate the emotions which
make men cowards, and teach them habitually to

shrink from the fear of personal suffering. You
ought rather to teach them to despise all honor-
able suffering. True heroism is an intellectual
quality. It is moral intrepidity that makes the
man of true and reliable courage. And this can
only co-exist with a proper sense of personal
honor and self-respect. Degrade a man by an in-
famous punishment, which destroys his personal
honor and self-respect, and you do all that hu-
man ingenuity can to make him cowardly.

But it is said that the Navy cannot be governed
without the lash. As a general proposition, I ex-
press my utter dissent to it. I admit that among
sailors, as among other classes, there will always
be found some who are vicious and troublesome.
That is the case in the Army as well as in the
Navy; and they have abolished the lash in the
Army. It is as easy to get other and less offen-
sive punishments for the Navy as for the Army;
and if those punishments will not answer, the re-
fractory person had better be driven in disgrace
from the Navy. He is not fit to be trusted in the
hour of peril—he is unworthy to have the honor
of the flag confided to him. Sufficient induce-
ments should be offered to the better classes to
enter the Navy; and a part of those inducements
should always be good treatment. A free use of
the lash—nay, its probable use, its permission by
law—has always been an objection urged by the
better classes to entering the Navy. They prefer
the merchant service, where they can at least se-
lect their own commander, while in the Navy
they know not into whose hands they may fall.
Thus you see that the very necessity which is
pleaded creates, in a great degree, the circum-
stances out of which it is supposed to spring.
You flog because there are bad men in the Navy,
and the fact that you do flog excludes the better
class of sailors from entering the service; so that
the mischief is self-perpetuating. But again, it
is said that a large majority of the officers of the
Navy are of opinion that the lash is necessary and
indispensable.

Well, there are differences of opinion about it.
We all know, however, that old notions and opin-
ions are hard to be rooted out, and that men are
very apt to love arbitrary power when they are
to exercise it, and not be subject to it. All his-
tory shows this, and the experience of all reform-
ers confirms it. Lord Denman, late Chief Justice
of England, in a letter on the subject of legal re-
form, complains that everywhere he met the ob-
jection that the judges were opposed to it. And
Lord Brougham, in a speech delivered in Parlia-
ment on the same subject, expresses a similar sen-
timent; yet it was not long before the judges and
the bar and the people concurred in opinion as to

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

49

the beneficial effects of the same reforms. It would seem, sir, that it is a part of man's nature to yield with great reluctance the smallest atom of power with which he may be invested. He is unwilling to admit that he can abuse it. Its safest depository he considers is his own hands. For these and similar reasons, I think that the opinion of the officers of the Navy on this subject should be taken with many grains of allowance. I find no fault with the independent expression of their opinions. It is the opinion itself which I propose to combat. Their argument is as brief as it seems to some minds formidable. They declare the lash to be necessary and indispensable. If they are right in this opinion, there is an end to the matter. Necessity has no law. But I beg leave to inquire into this alleged necessity.

[We have not space for the able and elaborate examination which Mr. Stockton here entered upon.]

The officers of the Navy, in my judgment, are entitled to high commendation. They are, as a class, brave, noble, generous, and patriotic men; and in all the elements of character which constitute valuable public servants, they have no superiors. But however much respect I may entertain for them as a class, it is my duty, which I shall endeavor to perform, to deal without reserve or false delicacy with their arguments, and the errors which disgrace and paralyze the service to which they belong. It does appear to me, Mr. President, that the argument, from necessity, has resolved itself simply into this: that the lash is an easy and short way to settle a trifling difficulty with a sailor. And so were the thumb-screw and the rack an easy and short way to get a confession, and the inquisition settled matters of faith easily and readily. But, sir, there has been a great change in the opinions of mankind on this subject, and I hope the change will go on until the last relic of barbarism shall be banished from the world.

But I care very little for the details of this argument, and will not detain the Senate any longer in relation to them. There is one broad proposition upon which I stand. It is this: That an American sailor is an American citizen, and that no American citizen shall, with my consent, be subjected to this infamous punishment. Placing myself upon this proposition, I am prepared for any consequences. I love the Navy. When I speak of the Navy, I mean the sailor as well as the officer. They are all my fellow-citizens, and yours; and come what may, my voice will ever be raised against a punishment which degrades my countrymen to the level of a brute, and destroys all that is worth living for—personal honor and self-respect.

Mr. President, reference has been made by these memorialists to the example of the British Government. With what propriety such an appeal is made by the citizens of a free republican Government to the institutions of monarchy, let others determine. But, sir, I am not aware that the British Parliament has ever by statute expressly authorized the use of the lash. There is no doubt that it is used in the Navy of Great Britain, and has been so used since the restoration of the monarchy under the Stuarts; but there is no evidence that the practice of flogging prevailed in the republican fleets of the English Commonwealth; and it is doubted by the best authorities that it ever was tolerated prior to the act of 13th Charles II. We have copied it from their practice, and not from their statute-book. But our Congress did what no British Parliament ever did: they sanctioned it in express terms by the laws of the United States. And here, Mr. President, you must permit me to call the attention of the Senate to a most singular fact, which is this: Our laws of April, 1800, was principally copied from the statute of Charles II., and is openly and avowedly more severe and arbitrary than the British act, even under the Stuarts, and has remained so until last year, although flogging, as a punishment, was tolerated during the whole of that time, and up to the present moment, on land in England. To say that no laws can be devised for the government of the Navy which do not tolerate the lash, is an acknowledgment of imbecility which this Senate will never make.

The difficulty in regard to this matter has been that in framing articles for the government of the Navy, three things have been overlooked, which ought never to be lost sight of. First, that an American sailor is an American citizen and a free man, though in the service of his country. Second, that he has yielded no legal right, not inconsistent with his obligations of duty. Third, that naval officers are not infallible, and require as stringent regulations for their government as other citizens invested with authority.

And now, Mr. President, I come to the discussion of a part of this subject far from being agreeable. Why is it that naval officers, and even some seamen, as I am told, desire to have the lash restored to the Navy? It is a symptom of unfavourable augury. It is an indication that the moral standard by which the Navy is estimated, is low and degraded. It argues a preference for the exercise of arbitrary power, rather than appeal to those feelings of respect and sentiments of honor, which should influence the conduct of honorable men towards each other in the service of their country.

4

50

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

The great Montesquieu has said, that while virtue was the principle of a republic, honor was that of a monarchy. Now the actual government, in peace or war, in your military and naval service, is necessarily, in some degree, monarchical. Within the limits of his command, and in reference to those immediately subject to him, the captain, the colonel, the general, or the commander of a ship of war, is a sovereign—a monarch; and I hold that honor is the principle on which the government of his subordinates should be founded. Tell me not that a sailor's heart is insensible to the dictates of honor. I know better. It is there. It may indeed slumber and remain passive, and be almost extinguished by sullen revenge or bitter hatred; yet there it is, as real, and in as perfect existence, as in your breast or mine. By proper appeals to it, by generous treatment, by manly and discriminating excitement, it kindles into activity, and becomes the supreme arbiter of the sailor's life and conduct. Sir, if the officers would only believe in the existence of this sentiment of honor, and appeal to it as an instrument for the preservation of discipline, we should not be asked to restore the lash. *** And if we are to go back to the lash, I do not see why we should not retrograde likewise to the boot, the rack, and the torture. What would be thought of the man who would propose to introduce into our penal code those horrible and barbarous punishments of which I have spoken? What would be thought of the civilized community who would approve such a proposition, and re-enact punishments in vogue three hundred years ago? Yet the proposition to restore the lash is of a similar character. It takes for granted that the sailor has remained stationary, ever since the rack, the thumb-screw, and the boot were abolished as part of the criminal law of civilized nations; it takes for granted that all the light which has irradiated the human mind during the progress of the world, none of it has been poured on the understanding of the sailor. That he alone has remained stationary. That he alone has remained ignorant and incapable of improvement. That he alone is doomed to remain the victim of injustice and cruelty. Look, sir, through the various pursuits of human life, and wherever your eyes rest, you find that improvement has advanced with giant strides. You find that it has elevated and enlightened the ploughman in his field—the mechanic in his workshop—the merchant—the professional man—the daily laborer—all have felt the benign influences of improved civilization. If the sailor has not felt it in an equal degree with other classes, it is because you have degraded and abused him, by treatment from which other classes have compelled you to relieve them. His voice has

not been heard like that of other classes in the halls of legislation. He has no representative in such places. He wields no political influence. He has no residence. His domicile is on the ship. If the interests of the sailor had received a title of the attention bestowed by legislators on the interests of other classes, we should not now be discussing the question whether or not he should be remanded to the tender mercies of these penal atrocities, from which the progress of modern improvement has relieved all other denominations of men—we would not now be discussing the question whether he should be treated like a man or a brute.

Mr. President, a word or two more and I am done. We hear a great deal of the delinquencies of sailors. There are delinquencies of officers, as well as of sailors. There are officers in the Navy, as well as sailors, who ought not to be there. If you desire to prepare the Navy for the exigencies of war—if you desire to preserve your ancient renown as a naval Power, you must, in my judgment, abolish the lash, and adopt a system of rewards and punishments in its stead. You must abolish the liquor ration; you must alter the whole system of the recruiting service; in one word, you must purge the Navy of all its foul stuff, in high places as well as low places; and you must lay broad and deep the foundation of your naval greatness in the character of the COMMON SAILOR. The bone and sinew of every Navy is the common sailor. You require the commanding intellect of scientific officers to direct him, and you require good ships. But after all, the common sailor is the working power which enables the captain and the ship to gain laurels. 'Tis the sailor who works and sails and fights the ship; and in proportion as he is superior or inferior, will be the success of the captain and the ship. Sir, in all the best traits of character which distinguish sailors, no nation excels the United States. The American sailor is bold, intelligent, hardy, and enterprising, and in nautical skill is unsurpassed. He shrinks from no danger, he dreads no foe, and yields to no superior. No shoals are too dangerous, no seas too boisterous, no climate too rigorous for him. The burning sun of the tropics cannot make him effeminate, nor can the eternal winter of the polar seas paralyze his energies. Foster, cherish, develop these characteristics by a generous and paternal government. Excite his emulation, and stimulate his ambition by rewards. But above all, save him, save him from the brutalizing lash, and inspire him with love and confidence for your service; and then there is no achievement so arduous, no conflict so desperate, in which his actions will not shed glory upon his country. And

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

when the final struggle comes, as soon it will
come, for the empire of the seas, you may rest
with entire confidence that victory will be yours.

I move you, sir, that it is inexpedient to grant
the prayer of the petitioners.

MR. BADGER* having replied—MR. STOCKTON
made the following rejoinder :

MR. PRESIDENT, I have been accustomed here-
tofore to look to the Senator from North Carolina,
(Mr. Badger) for direction and counsel in import-
ant matters. I have always had great pleasure
in considering him not only my friend, but worthy
of the most entire confidence and respect; but
however much I may regard him individually—
however much I may esteem his great learning
and acquirements, I must say to the Senate, even
at the risk of being thought quite presumptuous,
that I do not think that the Senator from North
Carolina has treated my remarks with his usual
candor and fairness. He has stated my arguments
in his own way, and then unceremoniously de-
clares, that I have myself refuted them. His
speech seems to have been characterized by a de-
gree of levity not altogether in good taste. It ap-
pears to me that under the circumstances, I had
a right to expect something more kind and consi-
derate from the honorable Senator. Certainly the
attempt to turn my argument into ridicule was the
last thing I should have expected from him.

MR. BADGER. I beg pardon of the Senator. I
intended no such thing.

MR. STOCKTON. I thought the gentleman in-
tended to do so. The gentleman at any rate took
advantage of the opportunity to display to the Se-
nate, at the expense of my argument, the versa-
tility of his genius, and his classical erudition.
As far as it was agreeable to him, I am glad that
he had the opportunity to do so. But, sir, there
is nothing, in my judgment, which the Senator
said worthy of a reply from me, except one re-
mark. In referring to my remark, that when the
sailor was flogged he was scourged like a slave,
the honorable Senator intimated that I was claim-
ing more for the sailor than he was justly entitled
to. Sir, all that I ask for the American sailor is,
that he shall be treated like an American citizen.
I have asked for nothing more. Now, I would in-
quire of the Senator if American citizens are
scourged?

MR. BADGER. Certainly they are.

MR. STOCKTON. That may be the case in North
Carolina. It is said they are somewhat behind
the age there; as their criminal code has remain-
ed stationary, so has North Carolina remained
stationary. (Laughter.)

MR. BADGER. And in Virginia and Delaware.
Most respectable company for North Carolina.

MR. STOCKTON. I shall say nothing about Del-
aware, and I have no knowledge of flogging
being allowed in Virginia. But do say, that the
American citizen in the other States of the Union,
is elevated high above the scourge. All I ask is,
that the American sailor should be treated like
any other American freeman, and not punished
like a slave. The slave is, perhaps, as univer-
sally punished by the lash, when he deserves it, as
the American freeman is exempt from such a pun-
ishment. Therefore it was that I said that an
American freeman as he was, the American sailor
ought not to be scourged like a slave. Now, I
would ask the honorable Senator whether he would
have the punishment of the lash inflicted upon the
freemen of the United States generally? If the
honorable Senator is prepared to say that he is
willing to have this punishment inflicted on all the
citizens of the United States, there may be some
consistency in his position.

MR. BADGER. Does the gentleman wish me to
answer that question?

MR. STOCKTON. Certainly, if you see fit.

MR. BADGER. Then I would say that I am to-
tally opposed to any law for whipping all of the
citizens of the United States, for we should be
brought into the difficulty of being citizens of the
United States. With regard to the subject of pun-
ishing offences, I am very well satisfied that the
system of punishment prescribed by the laws of
the United States, prevails over the citizens of the
United States; and I am very well satisfied that
the system prescribed by law, prevails over those
citizens of the United States who are sailors. I
would ask the Senator, if he intends that the sai-
lors shall have all the privileges of citizens of the
United States? Does he intend that bills shall be
found against them by grand-juries, and that they
be brought to trial before judge and jury?

MR. STOCKTON. I should be very glad if sai-
lors could have the benefit of a trial by jury. The
Senator says wisely, that he does not want all the
citizens of the United States scourged. No, sir!
The honorable Senators are not going to take it
on themselves.

MR. BADGER, (in his seat.) Present company
always excepted.

MR. STOCKTON. It is determined that the exe-
cutive head of the government shall not get it—
that the members of Congress shall not get it.
Now, sir, please tell me why the Senator should
not be flogged as well as the sailor. Or why any
other public servant, as well as the sailor, should
not be scourged. Especially let him tell us, why
the defrauders of the Government—those men who
rob the public treasury—should not be scourged
as well as the sailor.

EXTRACTS.

COOPER'S NAVAL HISTORY.

The decease of the distinguished author, J. Fenimore
Cooper, Esq., imparts increased interest to the produc-
tions of his powerful pen. At the recent meeting in
New York, in honor of the departed historian, Mr.
Webster united with other eminent men in paying a
just tribute to the memory of the lamented Cooper.
He spoke in the highest terms of the "Naval History
of the United States," which Mr. Cooper has made
the standard work of the country. "Written," Mr.
Webster says, "with his mind filled with striking in-
cidents, from expeditions and battles, in which our
Naval Commanders had been engaged. He digested
our naval annals," continues Mr. W., "with that air
of sincere dealing which the reader willingly takes as
a pledge of its authenticity."

Before his death, Mr. Cooper wrote a "continuation
of his Naval History," not yet published, from which
we are permitted to make a brief extract.

Mr. Cooper giving a detailed account of the opera-
tions of the Navy in the "Conquest of California,"
says:—

"Throughout the whole of the foregoing movements, Commodore Stockton exhibited great activity, energy and spirit. He and his ship seem to have been everywhere, and whatever may be the decision of military etiquette, as between the rival competitors for the command of this successful expedition against the enemy's capital, there can be no misapprehension on one subject, and that is, that Commodore Stockton was in the thickest of the fight, and animated his men, not only by his presence, but by a VERY BRILLIANT PERSONAL EXAMPLE.

"Commodore Stockton virtually assumed the com-
mand near the close of July, and the whole of the suc-
ceeding five months was, on his part, a scene of as
great exertion, and of as bold assumption of responsi-
bility as ever characterized the SERVICE OF ANY
MAN UNDER THE FLAG. We conceive the
whole of those movements, marked as they were, by
so much decision and enterprise, to have been highly
creditable to the American arms, and particularly so,
to that branch of the service of which we are writing."

[MS. Naval History.

FROM THE AMERICAN COURIER

Of September 7, 1850.

SCENES IN CALIFORNIA.

A California Magistrate—Splendid Horses
—Brilliant Achievements—Gallant Com-
manders, and Heroic Sailors and Sol-
diers.

The incidents and adventures related in Colton's
"Three Years in California" are, some of them, of a
very exciting character, and, from their more general
nature, give a much better idea of California as it was
than the books which are written merely to illustrate
the gold regions and the mining operations. The author
resided there before the new revelations were made.

He marched into the city while the adjacent hills
were glittering with the lances of the foe. These heroic
scenes have been lost sight of in the more wide spread
operations nearer home, but the conquest of California,
and the brilliant exploits of our Pacific squadron, will
yet be portrayed in just colors. Commodore Stockton
is entitled to still higher commendation for the patriotic
and statesman-like manner in which the first American
government was established in California, and the
rights of citizens placed in civil and political security
beneath our glorious stars and stripes. The extent of
our notice of Mr. Colton's Three Years' Residence
prevents a more particular review of these important
events, at present, and we close with an extract from
the "Alcade's work, which we make in justice to both
the distinguished gentlemen, whose generous devotion
to the country was manifested in a spirit of harmony
and mutual deference which has vainly been sought to
be disturbed. One, the lamented Kearney, now repo-
ses in the quiet of an honored grave, the other in the
quiet of domestic life: presenting in a voluntary retire-
ment from office and a relinquishment of its emoluments,
evidence of a disinterested patriotism whereat our
world of office-holders and office-hunters are much peri-
plexed. But to the extract (page 200.)

"Commodore Stockton has left us on his return home
over the continent. His measures in California have

56

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

been bold and vigorous, and followed by decisive results. He found the country in anarchy and confusion, and the greater part under the Mexican flag, and has left it in peace and quietness, beneath the stars and stripes. His position in the march of the American forces from San Diego and in the battle of San Gabriel has not been changed by any subsequent information in the judgment of the candid and impartial. He tendered the command of the expedition to Gen. Kearney, which that gallant officer deferred to the Commodore, out of regard to his position at the head of the Naval forces, upon which the success of the enterprise depended. The propriety of this arrangement is seen in the fact that the General had but 60 dragoons at his command, and those on foot, while the Pacific squadron poured 600 seamen and marines upon the field. Every general movement emanated from Commodore Stockton, with the good understauding and harmonious action of Gen. Kearney."

Such is the tribute to a brilliant commander who, within himself, possesses more of the elements of true greatness, and of qualities to endear him to the people, and awaken popular enthusiasm, than any other man now living. Born on the central field of national triumph, and reared among the classic battle-grounds of Monmouth, Princeton and Trenton, he was early and thoroughly imbued with a spirit of devoted patriotism. Early associations upon a noble nature united with an indomitable spirit of energy, to form a marked character, a character in which strong integrity, and self-sacrificing devotion to the interests of his country and the rights of his fellow man, stand out in beautiful and bold relief. The brightest ornament of our Navy, while sharing its highest honors, Commodore Stockton never the sailor's friend, giving an earnest of his sincerity, in the efforts for abolishing the barbarous system of "flogging," and removing the demoralizing temptation of the "spirit ration." These, and a uniform course of kindness and humanity, has endeared him alike to the honest tar and to all who appreciate a consistent devotion to human rights. But brilliant as have been his associations with our gallant Navy, his quality as an accomplished scholar, a sound lawyer and an able civilian, shine forth in still brighter colors. During the Harrison campaign, which gave so memorable an interest to the Presidential canvass of 1840, Commodore Stockton displayed powers of eloquence that placed him high among the most distinguished of American orators. Yet his purpose achieved, he retired from the political arena, manifesting then, as he manifests now, a disinterested patriotism which the mere political partizan cannot comprehend or appreciate. At a national crisis most eminent, we have within a few weeks seen a Webster seeking counsel from the strong, comprehensive mind of the Naval veteran; counsel that in its enlarged and ripened wisdom, so pertinently conforms to the general sentiment and the good sense of the country. As a clear-headed, strong-minded, business man, Commodore Stockton has no superior.

In another paper the Editor says:

"One old friend, 'as full as an egg is of meat,' on the subject, has given us some incidents of his own residence in Galveston, at the time when the American "Congress," under Commodore Stockton, was stationed upon that coast. Galveston is one of the most

delightful spots, for a quiet residence, in all Texas, and the extent to which the officers of our Navyendeared themselves to the inhabitants, lives as a 'green spot' upon the memory of our friend. Under the lead of their gallant chief, they became regularly ' quartered' upon the good will and affection of the citizens On the occasion of a Fair, for the benefit of the ' first church in that quarter, the Commodore, like an Irishman, always 'first' at a fair or a fight, commenced operations by laying siege to a favorite table, which having purchased in full, out and out, and witnessed the golden proceeds safely stored in the treasury of the delighted 'fair,' his noble example was so contagious, that, before the evening was through, the ladies had abundant reason to bless the American Navy. Why asked our Galveston friend, not give credit to Commodore Stockton for such and a thousand similar acts of disinterested generosity?

"Of far greater importance are the acts which have blended and welded, at a white heat, the name of Stockton with some of the most important events of the age. To be the first to plant the stars and stripes upon the shores of Liberia, and aid in laying the foundation of a new Republic, which is destined to shed the light of civilization, and diffuse the full tide of Christian glory upon benighted Africa; to be the FIRST to introduce a PRINTING PRESS, and a SCHOOL, as Commodore Stockton was, upon the shores of OUR Pacific, and raise high over all, the bright banner of the brave and free; these and such heroic achievements as were adverted to in our notice of 'California,' are all full of greatness and covered with glory. Such facts as these—numerous, and full of deep interest— form the grounds upon which we predicated the remark that 'this brilliant commander possesses more of the elements of true greatness, and of qualities to endear him to the people, and awaken a wide spread popular enthusiasm than any other man now living.' We are only astonished that with so many powerful and just claims upon the consideration of his countrymen, this gentleman should have been so singularly kept, or rather should have kept himself so long from public observation. A studious concealment appears to have been thrown over some of the most deeply interesting events in our national history. We should like to see them placed, properly, and justly, in their true light, before the people. If the public journals of the country were to do but simple justice to the heroic achievements of this gentleman, who appears to seek no other distinction than that of a private, unobtrusive citizen, a deep sensation would be awakened throughout the land. It would then be seen how largely our country, and the great cause of universal freedom, is indebted to one who has claimed so little, yet done so much."

Again, the following sentiments are given in the same paper so long ago as January 18, 1851, in reference to the correspondence between Messrs. Webster and Stockton.

"We have read some powerful arguments in letters, speeches and resolutions, but no where have we met with a more clear, comprehensive and conclusive ex-

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

position of the whole subject—the differences between
the North and South—than that presented in the
letter of Commodore Stockton to Hon. Daniel
Webster.

"This noble letter was written in reply to one received by Commodore Stockton accompanying a speech of Mr. Webster's, delivered in the Senate, and which the distinguished statesman states to be 'interesting to the country as connected with the new territories, which Commodore Stockton had an important agency in bringing under the power of the United States.'

"The feature in this correspondence which most in terests us, and which will give the views expressed by Commodore Stockton greater weight with the country, is the passage in which Mr. Webster uses the follow- ing language :—'I would hardly ask your opinion of the general sentiments of the speech, although I know you are a very competent judge; but that, BEING OUT OF THE STRIFE OF POLITICS, your judgment is not likely to be biassed, and that you have as great a stake as any man in the preservation of the Union, and the maintenance of the Government on its true princi- ples.'

"It is this which entitles the opinions of this most able and distinguished commander to our confidence. The Secretary of State pays a just compliment to the Com- modore; the highest compliment, in our estimation, that can be paid to any man, when he not only thinks Commodore Stockton 'a very competent judge, but that being OUT OF THE STRIFE OF POLITICS, his judg- ment is not likely to be biassed.' The opinions of such a man—free from the trammels of party, at the same time so long and honorably devoted to the service of his country.

"The views set forth by Commodore Stockton furnish an extraordinary evidence of the powers of mind, the grasp of intellect, clearness of judgment, and real states- man-like ability which in so remarkable a degree dis- tinguish the writer. They have the additional merit of disinterested patriotism, and present Commodore Stockton in a light which must ensure for him the ap- plause of all good men and the gratitude of the coun- try.

"We have seen, in different newspapers, compli- mentary notices of Commodore Stockton's heroism in he conquest of California, where hardships were en- dured, and victories achieved of a most brilliant char- acter, but all these exhibitions of heroism, though elevating their author in popular favor, sink into the tshad in comparison with the high civil and statesman- like influences which this same heroic commander has exerted. His instrumentality in introducing American civilization upon the shores of the Pacific, and upon the continent of Africa, no less than the improvement in the comfort and welfare of our sailors, we see commended in the highest terms. But whatever meed of praise he may be entitled to from these causes, we look with far higher satisfaction upon the influence which has been exerted by the truly noble and timely letter of Commodore Stockton to Mr. Webster.

"We shall ever feel bound, from admiration of his manly patriotism and eminent services, to bestow upon

the Commodore the meed of well earned praise, and, while allowing the Courier to take no part in the party politics of the day, we shall never hesitate in extending that justice to a deserving favorite, which we are glad to see is being so generally awarded to Commodore Stockton by the independent newspaper press. He is a devoted patriot, a brave veteran, an enlightened statesman, and most emphatically an honest man, and as such we are proud to honor him.

"We give a specimen of this most eloquent produc- tion, quoting from page 21, and regretting our inability to present the entire letter to our readers.

[As we have already published the Commodore's letter in the Olive Branch, we om't the Courier's elo- quent extract.]

"Such are sentiments of one of the most profound thinkers in this country,—a far-seeing, philosophical man, who, to all the best qualities of the statesman adds, what to many of our great men are deficient in, active business habits and experience, and a thorough knowledge of the working of our social, civil and political systems,—a knowledge gleaned from the busy, bustling walks of every-day life.

"Such a man, at such a period, is invaluable, and we believe we express but a rapidly growing apprecia- tion of his merits among the people at large, when we say no other man living has rendered so varied and important service to the country, both on sea or land or has given more conclusive evidence of ability to appreciate rightly and serve efficiently the best interests of the people, than the author of this letter—Commo- dore ROBERT F. STOCKTON."

## THE PRESS AND THE PEOPLE.

We have before us extracts from one hundred and thirty-seven newspapers, from pretty much every State in the Union, whose hearty love and enthusiasm for Senator Stockton show how rapidly, how extensively, and we may well add how em- phatically he is becoming the marked and brilliant MAN OF THE PEOPLE.

There is no other man in these whole U. States that can show so broad a foundation of popular favor, or who has half so wide-spread and enthu- siastic a hold upon the affections of the masses.

From the Sussex (N. J.) Herald.

NEW JERSEY AHEAD.

We have been furnished for publication with the fol- lowing extract from a letter recently received by a citi- zen of our village from a gentleman of Charleston, South Carolina, of good standing and influence. He is a native Jerseyman, but for many years has resided in Charleston and is well known to most of our citizens;

58

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

his character and standing need no ecomiums from us. The Democrats of New Jersey will be gratified to learn the estimation they are held in other sections, and the happy effects produced upon public opinion at the South, by the election of Commodore Stockton, his Fourth of July oration, and our recent Democratic triumph in the fall election.

## EXTRACT FROM A LETTER.

"You will have learned ere this the result of the elections throughout the Southern States; everywhere the Disunionists have been rebuked, and the South has shown her devotion to the Flag of our common country.

"The hostile and angry feelings, which had been en- gendered by the agitation of the slavery question, have yielded to the evidence afforded us that the people of the South will respect their constitutional obligations.

"The election of Commodore Stockton to the Senate, in opposition to Mr. Dayton, who had spoken and voted against every measure which looked like doing justice to the South, was an important fact, and had its influence on public opinion here.

"The Fourth of July oration of the new Senator, breathing as it did the most enlightened conservatism, was extensively read at the South, and helped not a little to allay the angry spirit which had been aroused by the Abolitionists and Free Soilers and which was rapidly bursting asunder the bonds that bound together the different sections of our country."

## From the Nantucket (Massachusetts) Mirror.

This able journal has a long editorial comment on the noble course of the Naval Senator. It is too long to copy. Commending the eloquent speech of Commodore Stockton, it says, "the discussion cannot fail to do good, because it reveals certain facts of striking import. It shows that the subject of human right is engaging a large share of public attention, and that considerations of justice and humanity are coming to be more and more regarded in the legislation of enlightened States.

"We cannot but thank Commodore Stockton for his able and eloquent vindication of the rights of humanity in the person of the American sailor."

## From the National Democrat.

### SENATOR STOCKTON ON THE COMPROMISE MEASURES.

The remarks of this able, dignified and popular Senator, on the presentation of the resolutions of the New Jersey Legislature on the Compromise, are illustrative of the character of the man. Not only should the State of New Jersey feel a pride in having so able a Senator in the National Legislature, but the whole country may participate in that feeling. The following extract from the Senator's remarks is full of evidence of patriotic devotion to the Constitution and the Union, and that he is no Northern man, nor Southern man, though ardently devoted to the interests and prosperity of both sections of this great Republic. Sena-

tor Stockton makes few long speeches; but there is a beauty of sentiment, and boldness of expression, which shows that he is emphatically a man of the nineteenth century, whose mind is imbued with the principles and measures of a rational progress, devoid of fanatical vagaries and dangerous and impracticable theories, which retard the real progress and prosperity of a nation. As a statesman he is destined to rank among he ablest in the land. What could be more patriotic and beautiful than the following:

"In the name of a patriotic, generous, and heroic constitution—aye, sir, if my colleague will permit me to say so—in the name of every man, woman, and thinkin' child in the State of New Jersey, I place my hand on that sacred instrument (the Constitution) and declare for me and mine that no letter of it shall be infracted if we can help it—neither by Northern or Southern unwise counsels. If wrongs exist, they must be redressed by law, and according to the Constitution But this Union of the States—the world's wonder—is the common heritage, as it is the common glory, of all the people of all the States. We must not permit one link of the golden chain to be broken, and the hopes and happiness of mankind, for all coming time, to be lighted in the bud by wild fanaticism or hasty passion."

## From the Boston Evening Transcript.

### STOCKTON'S SPEECH.

"This is truly an excellent speech, honorable alike to the head and heart of Mr. Stockton, who sustained himself and his cause, in an admirable manner, notwithstanding the attempts repeatedly made, to BADGER him.

"Mr. Stockton's speech, in spirit and in grain, would have graeed the lips of Collingwood, emphatically the SAILOR'S FRIEND. It is indeed delightful to receive the doctrines, presented in his able speech, from one, whose relation to the Navy, for a quarter of a century, and whose rank and standing, give high authority to the words he utters."

## From the Public Ledger.

### COMMODORE STOCKTON.

The admirable speech of Commodore Stockton, against the petition to restore flogging in the Navy, delivered in the Senate of the United States, on Wednesday, and published next morning in full among the telegraph despatches to the Ledger, does infinite credit to that gallant officer, and contrasts nobly with the old-foggy ideas of Mr. Badger, who was formerly Secretary of the Navy. Com. Stockton is one of the most efficient of our naval officers. He has probably done more real active duty than any other officer of the same age, and has rendered services to his country of the most important character. Energetic and enterprising in a high degree, he is always busily employed, and personally superintending, every branch of duty assigned him. Such a man is more likely, both to understand and appreciate the characters of the men employed under him, than the reserved, arrogant and consequential commander, who considers it a privilege for a sailor to speak to him, and thinks an application of the lash to his back a compliment, to be remembered

THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

59

by him with gratitude for the rest of his days. This speech of Commodore Stockton, we think, settles forever the petition to restore the degrading punishment.

From a Western Paper.

"The eloquence of Commodore Stockton has made thousands of hearts beat with admiration. We are sure that one class of persons in this great community will ever breathe his name with reverence and affection, and that is the wives of sailors. They are deserving, noble women, struggling to rear up their little ones; and they have long listened to the story of the sailor's wrongs, till the whole soul has been fired with indignation, and they have prayed with streaming eyes to the great Creator, that man in power might learn to treat his fellow man with the humanity he would accord his beast. God bless the noble Commodore."

## THE SOUTH.

We find in the Trenton True American the following extract of a letter written by a Southern gentleman in Washington, to his friend in Trenton. It is very manifest that the Commodore is destined to have a commanding influence in the Senate, and the Country at large:—

"Washington, Dec. 10.—I was in the Senate to-day, when your new Democratic Senator, (Com. Stockton) addressed the Senate on the Kossuth Resolutions. I had read his letter to Webster, and his speech at Elizabethtown, and not without fears that, rising as he did, immediately after the eloquent Sumner, he would fail to arrest the attention of the Senate—but I cannot express my gratification, when I found that he electrified the whole body by the force, eloquence and truthfulness, with which he warned the Senate against the danger of committing this country to an alliance with England. I was gratified to witness the effect which his warning had, and the quick response his declarations received from all parts of the Senate.—There is no man now in public life, who combines so many of those qualities which gave General Jackson his commanding influence over the country. With a wise prescience he foresees the dangers of an alliance with England, and with the address of an experienced statesman, he avails himself of the same occasion to express his high respect and sympathy for Kossuth, at the same time, that by his timely warning he admonishes the noble Hungarian and the country that England is not and never will be the champion of Republican Liberty—and that therefore we never can be united with her in a war for the Independence of Hungary.

"I was the more gratified because, since the death of Mr. Calhoun, we of the South have felt that there was no person in either House of Congress, upon whose wisdom and counsels we could rely. His moral courage, his purity of purpose, his jealous watchfulness and punctilious regard for the honor of his country, and the freshness and manly boldness with which he declares his opinions and policy, contrasts so forcibly with the groveling subserviency of the place-hunting demagogues of the day, that we are constrained to look to him as the man most deserving our confidence and support."

A Kentuckian exclaims: "Read the following outburst of eloquence. In our opinion it should be engrav'd on gold, and remain a lasting memento of the good Commodore's kindness of heart and nobility of purpose." We have not room for the extract.

## GRACE GREENWOOD.

This highly talented and popular American writer, one of the most intelligent and brilliant of the day, thus writes from "Washington, January 9th, 1852.—A topic of interest here, even in the midst of the Hungarian dispensation, is the speech of Commodore Stockton, delivered in the Senate on Wednesday morning, against the memorial praying for the re-establishment of flogging in the navy. It was indeed a noble effort, strong and earnest in its reasoning, containing many passages of genuine eloquence, of pathos, and poetic beauty, and throughout it was informed with a manly, just, and humane spirit.

"Such words from such a source, cannot fail to reach the hearts of the people, and to call forth a strong and unmistakable response. Thank God for the token! Whenever we hear such words in our legislative halls —hear our rulers abjured to 'do justly and love mercy;' whenever we see the dignity of manhood recognised by our laws—a reverence for man, as man, entering into their spirit, let us take heart, and look forward with renewals of faith to the time when God's image shall nowhere be degraded and imbruted by stripes and chains, and when cruelty and oppression shall lapse into frightful traditions scarce credited of men."

From the Erie (Pa.) Observer.

* * * "It is a strong fact in this matter that the only sailor on the floor of the Senate, a service tried Naval officer, Commodore Stockton, has had the bold independent spirit to rise superior to the prejudices of the school in which he was educated and place himself and his valuable experience on the side of reform, while others are putting their shoulders against the wheel of progress."

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THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

We close the extracts from the newspapers, with the following, which appeared in November last in a popular New England paper issued from the City of Boston. It is the conclusion of a long and interesting biography of Commodore Stockton.

His indomitable energy, firmness and decision of character, united with exceedingly active habits, a thoroughly educated mind, and great natural endowments, are qualities that have arrested the attention of members of both political parties; though we believe the new Senator is understood to be thoroughly Democratic in his principles and predilections. With him, however, it is country first and foremost. His country is to him all in all, first and last, and party next. This warm, enthusiastic devotion to the great principle of UNION, has made Commodore Stockton a great favorite with men of all parties, of which we have found abundant and striking evidence in turning over the different newspaper files in our search for materials. We have been surprised at the warm and decided tone of political as well as no-party journals. The Philadelphia Civic honors, referred to above, we find set forth in glowing terms in the *Pennsylvania Inquirer*, a leading Whig journal, from whence our extracts are taken. The *Frankford Herald*, a paper of large circulation and considerable influence, also hailing from Pennsylvania, and claiming to be of the no-party class, in a general review of the Presidential candidates, has the following, with which we take leave of the subject:—

"About Commodore, now Senator, Stockton, there is no mystery and no mistake. He stands out a plain, bold, strong man; plain in directness of purpose and speech, bold at the cannon's mouth, and strong in every sense of the word, but especially in good sense, sound judgment, and a determined, unflinching spirit that is destined to make its way through popular enthusiasm to the popular heart. Of his achievements on land and on sea, his hardships, exposures and triumphs as the 'Conqueror of California,' we need only say, now, they will furnish

startling 'thunder' for a political campaign; the right kind of absorbing interest to 'work up' a hurricane of enthusiasm. No other man is so surpassing rich in these. Yet, whatever the 'man-of-war's-men may say in his praise, however they may sing his 'glory and renown' on land or sea, we have too much of the quaker in us to rely on the glories or trophies of war. We want more substantial material than the glory of the battle-field or the quarter-deck, and we have it in the peaceful pursuits which, to our sober senses, form the crowning merit of Commodore Stockton's character.

"The business habits, active pursuits and untiring perseverance, with the capable management which he has exhibited in his own State, we wish to see carried out on a more extended scale. The same sound policy that has secured for New Jersey an overflowing treasury and no taxes, (while other States are loaded both with debts and taxes,) that has built up her benevolent institutions, and furnished the means of educating all her children, evidences of prosperity and progress every where abounding, and for which New Jersey is mainly indebted to her Stockton, we should glory in seeing extended over this nation. Not the perils nor the glory of his Pacific achievements, fearful, or brilliant as they unquestionably are, nor his still nobler introduction of Christianity and Civilization—the Church, the School-house and the Printing-press, upon the continent of benighted Africa, and the shores of our mighty Pacific; not these, vast as their results may prove, are wanted to make out a claim that, above all others, must prove irresistible. In the Navy, order, absolute discipline and comfort, was the sailor's boast. It was Commodore Stockton's pride to make his ships models in the Navy, as he has made his State a model in the republic. May he be permitted to infuse that same enlightened spirit into all this nation, and restore peace and harmony to our glorious Union. The soul whose greatness conceived the magnificent scheme of emancipation can aid in perpetuating what our Fathers began, the model Republic of the world."

# THE MISSION OF AMERICA.

## GENERAL CONTENTS.

### INTRODUCTION.

* CHAPTER I. History of California, from its discovery to the commencement of the Conquest of the United States.

* CHAPTER II. An account of the Spantsh Missionaries in California, and their influence on the native population.

* CHAPTER III. Narrative of the extraordinary overland journey of Colonel Fremont, from the Columbia river, Oregon, to the Great Basin and California. With a portrait of Hon. J. B. Fremont.

* CHAPTER IV. Military reconnoissance, with "the Army of the West," under Brigadier General S. W. Kearney, from Santa Fe to San Diego; by Lieutenant Colonel Emory. With a portrait of Brigadier General Kearney.

* CHAPTER V. Operations of the Navy, under the command of Commodore R. F. Stockton—Sailors on land service—Battles of San Pasqual, San Barnado, and San Gabriel—Passage of the men. and capture of "the City of the Angels," the capital of California. With a portrait of Commodore R. F. Stockton, from the painting by Sully.

* CHAPTER VI. Official Reports—Organization of the Government, and the address of Commodore Stockton, as civil Governor and Commander-in-chief in the new Territory.

* CHAPTER VII. Review of the resources of California—Exports of Gold—Agricultural and mineralogical products—Commercial relations and prospects.

* CHAPTER VIII. Notes of the Mormon settlement in the Great Valley, on the land route to California. With the origin, character and principles of Mormonism justly exhibited.

* CHAPTER IX. An account of the Territory of Oregon: Its rivers, harbors, soil, climate, population, agricultural and other resources.

* CHAPTER X. View of the population, natural productions, manufactures, trade, commerce, wealth, and capacities of the Pacific Ocean, its coasts and islands, including India, China, Japan, Java, Ceylon, the Sandwich Islands, etc.

* CHAPTER XI. A chronological sketch of the American Navy, from its foundation to the war of the Revolution; with its action in the wars with Algiers, France, Great Britain, and Mexico; with details of its present efficiency and prospects.

* CHAPTER XII. The proposed intercommunications by means of railroads and canals, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans.

* CHAPTER XIII. History of the Colonization of Africa—Foundation of the Republic of Liberia, by Commodore Stockton, in 1826—Remarks upon his influence on the future destiny of that colony—His letter on the Slavery question in the United States, addressed to the Hon. Daniel Webster, in 1850; with a full account of the extent, soil, resources, population, and condition of the new Republic of Liberia.

* CHAPTER XIV. Future destiny of America, as resulting from her recent increase of territorial dominion, and her vast advancement among the Great Powers of the earth, in population, influence, resources, and duties.