& Petri de Laurano & fratris sui Arnaldi & uxoris ejus qui
sic istam cartam firmaverunt. S.Bernardi de Caneto. S.Bernardi
de Tresmals. S.Guillelmi Comitis. S.Bernardi Pontii. S.Guil-
lelmi Calveti. S.Arnaldi Pelapol & Bernardi fratris ejus. Wil-
lelmus rogatus scripsit anno MCXXV.

XIII..................

XIV. (3 avril 1129). III nonas aprilis, anno MCXXVII, Guillelmo
926 Rogerii ipsam in Carcassona estagam quae fuit Guillelmi Stephani
cum ista turre & cum exitibus, &c., & ipsas duas condaminas quae
fuerunt Petri Raymundi Vescheta, &c.

7 mars 1127

Valaissete, Hist. gen. de Languedoc,
nouv. ed.

V, cc. 941-943

Accords entre le vicomte Bernard-Aton et Guillaume
de Minerve. (Cartulaire du château de Foix.)

I. In nomine Domini. Ego Wilher-
mus de Minerba dono vobis Bernardo-
Atonis vicecomiti & uxori vestrae Caeci-
liae & infantibus vestris ipsum castellum
de Laurano & dono vobis ipsum castellum
de Olarge: haec duo castella dono vobis
cum ipsis suis forteciis quae ibi hodie sunt
& in eorum terminiis factae fuerint &
cum omnibus pertinentiis vel adjacentiis
eorum & cum omnibus ad ipsa casrella ubi-
que pertinentibus, sicut ipsa castella cum
omnibus sibi pertinentibus ex parte paren-
tum meorum mihi acciderunt & pertinent
vel pertinere, per alodium sive per
aliam qualemcumque vocem, &c. Et ego
praenominatus Bernardus-Atonis vicecomes
& uxor mea Caecilia vicecomitissa
donamus vobis ad fevum tibi supradicto
Wilhermo de Minerba praenominatum
castellum de Laurano & totum quantum
de te ibi adquisitum & gadaignatum habe-
mus, & donamus tibi ad fevum totum
quantum ibi antea adquisitum vel gadai-
gnatum habebamus de Arnaldo de Laurano
& de nepotibus ejus, Petro scilicet de
Laurano & fratre ejus Arnaldo, ut hoc
totum superius scriptum habeas & tu
& posteritas tua & teneas de nobis ad
fevum & juretis illud nobis recta fide sine
inganno; per eamdem convenientiam ha-
beas tu & posteritas tua de ipso infante
nostro qui Carcassonam per nos vel per
nostram vocem habuerit & vel tenuerit &
de posteritate illius omni tempore. Et
convenimus & laudamus tibi ut ipsum
castellum de Laurano faciamus tibi jurari
ab [Petro] & fratre ejus Arnaldo & a con-

942

sobrinis eorum filiis suprascripti Arnaldi
avunculi eorum; & si facere non poteri-
mus, simus tibi fideles adjutores & adju-
vemus te tantum eos guerrejare tecum &
sine te usque fiat tibi sine inganno. Per
eandem convenientiam donamus tibi ad
~~XX~~ fevum praedictum castellam de Olarge,
quantum scilicet de tibi adquisitum vel
gadaignatum habemus, ut tu & posteritas
tua habeatis de nobis & teneatis ad fevum
& juretis illud nobis sine inganno; per
eandem convenientiam tu & posteritas
tua habeatis & teneatis illud ad fevum de
ipso infante nostro qui Ambiletum habue-
rit & tenuerit per nos vel per nostram
vocem & de posteritate ejus omni tem-
pore. Et convenimus & laudamus tibi ut
ipsum castellum de Olarge faciamus tibi
jurari ab Engelberto de Olarge sine tuo
inganno, & si facere non poterimus, si-
mus tibi fideles & adjuvemus te illum
tantum guerrejare tectum & sine te, us-
que fiat tibi sine tuo inganno. Et propter
hoc mittimus tibi in pignore castellum de
Poixairic & castellum de Lavineria & to-
tum quantum in eis habeamus: sed post-
quam praedicta sacramenta tibi erunt facta,
ipsa castella scilicet Poixaric & Lavineria
sint de ipso pignore expedita & omnino
delibera. Ego item praedictum Bernardus-
Atonis vicecomes & ego Caecilia viceco-
mitissa in loco sacramenti plivimus tibi
praedicto Wilherno per nostras fides &
suscipimus te in nostro causimento & in
nostro sacramento, ut totum sicut supe-
rius scriptum est tibi faciamus & atten-
damus sine inganno & ut faciamus tibi
totum jurari a filiis nostris Rogerio &
Raymundo sine tuo inganno. Donamus
iterum vobis ad fevum in civitate Carcas-
sonae ipsum mansum qui fuit Amelii An-

["ruga de Valle Sigerii, qui affrontat de Al-\ntano in manso Johannis filii Lombardae,\n&c. Facta carta ista nonis martii, reg-\nnante Lodovico rege. S.domini Bernardi-\nAtonis vicomitis & uxoris ejus Caeciliae\nvicecomitissae & filiorum illorum Ray-\nmundi & Rogerii, qui sic istam cartam\nfirmaverunt. S.Guilhelmi de Minerba qui\nsic istam cartam firmavit. S.Wilhermi de\nOlonzaco. S.Raimundi de Lavineria &\nHermengaudi fratris ejus. S.Petri de Pi-\npionis. S.Bernardi Amati. S.Arnaldi de\nPelapol. S.Bernardi de Tresmalz. Wilher-\nmus scripsit hoc jussione & precatu do-\nmini praedicti Wilhermi de Minerba &\njussione domini Bernardi-Atonis viceco-\nmitis & conjugis Caecilae vicecomitissae,\nanno MCXXVI Incarnationis dominicae.", "II. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Veissete, Hist. gen. de Languedoc,

nouv. ed.

c. 1132

V, c. 988-993

Traité entre Bérenger-Raimond, comte de Provence, et Guillaume
VI, seigneur de Montpellier, touchant le comté de Melgueil, etc.

(Manuscrits d'Aubays, n. 81.)

In nomine Domini. Haec est carta diffinitionis inter Berengarium-
Raymundum, filium Dulciae, comitem Gavaldani & marchionem Provinciae
& Guillelmum de Montepessulano filium Ermessendis. Ego prae-
dictus Berengarius-Raymundus in Deo nomine laudo & concedo tibi
Guillelmo de Montepessulano supradicto filio Ermessendis & suc-
cessoribus tuis qui domini vel dominae erunt de Montepessulano cum
hac praesenti carta bona fide & sine omni inganno, omnes possession-
es & omnes tenezones quos pater tuus & tu vel aliquis homo vel foe-
mina per vos in vita Bernardi comitis Melgoriensis filii Mariae
tenuistis & possedistis. Similiter laudo & concedo tibi ipsi Guillelmo
de Montepessulano filio Ermessendis & successoribus tuis qui
domini vel dominae erunt de Montpessulano, omnia placita & omnes
convenientias & bailias quae Bernardus comes Melgoriensis filius
Mariae tecim fecit & jurejurando firmavit. Et similiter laudo
& concedo tibi & successoribus tuis qui domini vel dominae erunt
de Montepessulano jure pignoris ea quae Bernardus comes Melgo-
riensis filius Mariae tibi obligavit pro ipsis placitis & con-
venientiis & bailiis tenendis, ut non infrigantur nec inde in-
frigatur; & nominatim laudo tibi ipsi Guillelmo de Montepessulano
& successoribus tuis qui domoni vel dominae erunt de Montepessulano
III denarios in moneta Melgoriensi in singulis XX solidis tam
in denariis quam in obolis, qui apud Melgorium facti fuerint vel
extra mea voluntate vel succesorum meorum qui comites Melgorii vel
comitissae fuerint: quos III denarios Bernardus comes dedit tibi

ad feudum & ad totos honores ad faciendum omnes voluntates tuas,
pro damno quod tu & homines tui habetis in minoratione ipsius
monetae quam ipse fecit & pro XVIIM solidorum Melgoriensium quos
ei dedisti. Praeterea Melgoriensem monetam non faciam fabri-
cari nisi in hac lege & in hoc pondere, scilicet quod in singulis
solidis sint IV denarii argenti fini, ⌜ XXIV denarii sint in uncia,
⌝ in duobus solidis obolorum sint III denarii argenti fini, &
XXV denarii in uncia, & in XX solidorum ⌜ denariorum non sint
nisi III solidi obolorum. De hac autem lege & de hoc pondere non
faciam eandem monetam minui mea voluntate neque mea arte neque
meo ingenio neque meo consilio. Et si quis de meis hominibus
de quibus potestatem habuero hoc violare praesumpserit, per tuum
consilium faiam de eo justitiam. Faciam insuper omnibus magist-
ris & operariis & monetariis ejusdem monetae jurare, ut ad eandem
supradictam legem & pondus eam faciant & teneant. Similiter
laudo. Montepessulo & successribus tuis... cum omnibus perti-
nentiis suis, ut tu habeas illud & possideas, quia praedictus Ber-
nardus comes donavit & concessit illud tibi, quicquid in ea
posset vendicare. Praeterea laudo & concedo tibi & omnibus homi-
nibus de Montepessulo, quibus comitissa de Monteferrando vel
homines ejus aliquid obligaverint, omnes honores quos eis ipsa
comitissa impignoravit vel alienavit. Similiter laudo & concedo
tibi ipsi Guillelmo de Montepessulano & successoribus tuis quandiu
Aialmos comitissa vixerit castrum de Monteferrando cum omnibus
suis pertinentiis & cum toto honore comitati qui est in comitatu
Sustantionensi super caminum publicum, qui ducit a Ponte- fescal

↑Il manque quelque chose dans cet endroit. [Remarque des Béné-dictins.]

usque ad locum qui dicitur Vetula, sicut Aialmos comitissa melius
visa est habuisse vel possedisse vel homo vel foemina per eam.

Post mortem vero comitissae laudo & successribus tuis Monteferrand-
um cum toto supradicto quod est super caminum, ita ut omnes fruct-
us & redditus qui de eodem honore exierint vel exire debuerint
tui sint, tandiu donec ego Berengarius-Raymundus solvam tibi
Guillelmo de Montepessulo vel successoribus tuis sine vestro
vestrorumve enganno XVM solidorum Melgoriensium quos tu dedisti
praedictae comitissae pro supradicto honore. Si autem Melgoriensis
meneta fuerit abatuda vel pejorata, dabo tibi vel successoribus
tuis marcham argenti fini pro L solidos donec hac ratione
habeam persoluta XVM solidorum sine enganno tuo & tuorum. Et
ego Berengarius-Raymundus convenio tibi Guillelmo de Montepessulo,
quod postquam Beatrix filia sororis tuae Guillelmae ad legitimam
pervenerit aetatem, faciam ei & tibi & successoribus tuis laudare
& concedere totum sicut suprascriptum est ab eadem Beatrice. Si
vero ista Beatrix mortua fuerit sine infante postquam habuerit
XII annos completos & ego habuero eam acceptam in uxorem, laudo
& concedo tobi Guillelmo de Montepessulo & successoribus tuis sine
dolo in vita mea & post mortem meam in perpetuum, castrum de Mont-
e ferrando cum toto honore comitatus Melgoriensis qui est supra
praedictum cominum, sicut Aialmos comitissa melius visa est eum
tenuisse. Et ego habeam Melgorium cum reliquo comitatu Melgor-
iensi qui est infra caminum versus mare, salvis tuis tenezonibus
& convenientiis, placitis & bailiis quae Bernardus tecum fecit.

Sed si ego Berengarius-Raymundus mortuus fuero sine legitimo
infante, Melgorium cum Melgoriensi comitatu qui est infra caminum
versus mare ad te Guillelmum de Montepessulo vel ad successores

tuos sine omni impedimento revertatur. Si vero Beatrix
mortua fuerit antequam XII annos aetatis suae hebeat completos,
ego Berengarius-Raymundus accipiam filiam tuam in uxorem,
sed si mortua fuerit filia tua antequam habeat XII annos,
accipiam in uxorem aliam tuam filiam, & si illa mortua fuerit
antequam habeat XII annos, accipiam tertiam; & quantumcumque
de filiabus tuis in uxorem accipiam, habeb Melgorium in
dote cum ea cum alio honore qui est in comitatu Melgoriensi
infra caminum versus mare, salvis tenezonibus tuis & con-
venientiis & placitis & III denariis in Melgoriensi moneta
& bailiis tibi & successoribus tuis. Et tu Guillelmus de
Montepessulo habebis Monteferrandum cum toto honore comitatus
qui est supra caminum & successores tui ad feudum & ad omnes
honores & ad faciendum omnes voluntates tuas, & facias tu &
successoribus tui mihi hominium. Praeterea ego Berengarius-
Raymundus convenio tibi Guillelmo de Montepessulo quod si
aliquis homo vel foemina fecerit guerram, ego adjutor tibi
& successoribus tuis inde ero quamdiu justitiam parati fue-
ritis facere, postquam per te vel per nuncium tuum me commonue-
ris, & ille commonitione me non subtraham & postea stabo tibi
in eodem sacramento quamdiu vixero. Omnia ista sicut superius
scripta sunt & tenezones & convenientias & bailias & III dena-
rios in moneta, ego Berengarius-Raymundus laudo & concedo tibi
Guillelmo de Montepessulo & successoribus tuis bona fide &
sine dolo, sicut melius scriptum est in cartis in quibus juratum
fuit & sicut in hac carta scriptum est. Et convenio tibi quod
non infringam hoc nec inde aliquid infringam nec homo nec foe-

mina mea arte vel meo consilio nec meo ingenio. Et si nescius hoc fecero, postquam me commonueris per sacramentum per te vel per nuncium tuum, & de illa commonitione me non subtraham, totum infra XL dies emendatum habebo & postea stabo tibi in eodem sacramento quamdiu vixero. Et ego Berengarius-Raymundus convenio tibi Guillelmo de Montepessulo postquam ad legitimam aetatem pervenero, laudem & confirmem hoc tibi & successoribus totum sicut suprascrigtum est. — Eto ego Guillelmus de Montepessulo si Beatrix mortua fuerit ante XII annum vel post, antequam ducas eam uxorem, laudo & concedo tibi castrum Melgorii cum filia mea cum toto honore comitas quod est infra caminum versus mare, salvis placitis & tenezonibus & convenientiis & bailiis & pignoribus & III denarios in Melgoriensi moneta, sicut suprascrigtum est, mihi & successoribus meis sine nostro enganno. Et ego Guillelmus de Montepessulo ero tibi Berengario-Raymundo rectus adjutor ad praedictum honorem acquirendum & retinendum, & si aliquis eum tibi abstulerit vel guerram tibi fecerit, ero rectus adjutor tibi inde scilicet in Substantionensi territorio contra omnes homines, praeter Bernardum de Andusia, quamdiu paratus fueris facere justitiam, & hoc tenebo quotiens tu me commonueris per sacramentum per te vel per nuncium tuum, & de illa commonitione me non subtraham & postea ero tibi in eodem sacramento quamdiu vixero. — Et ego Bernardum Felcois mandato Berengarii-Rayundi juro tibi Guillelmo de Montepessulo filio Ermessendis quod hoc placitum, sicut suprascrigtum est, non infringatur tibi nec aliquid infringetur tibi nec successoribus tuis mea arte vel meo consilio vel mea ope; quod si Beren-

garius-Raymundus praedicta placita infringit vel inde aliquid
infringit vel homo vel foemina ejus ope vei arte vel consilio,
postquam ego sciero vel postquam tu per te vel per nuncium
me commonueris & de illa commonitione me non subtraham, infra
XL dies in potestate tua ad Montempessulanum, nisi legimam
occasionem mortis vel gravissimae infirmitatis habuero vel
captionis, quae non sit in fraudem ejus rei, & transactis
eis occasionibus in poste potestate tua redibo ad Montempessul-
anum, & tibi tandiu vobis ero obses totum vestra cognitione
sine vestro inganno, donec totum sit vobis emendatum sine vestro
inganno, & postea vobis stabo in eodem sacramento, quotiens
fractum fuerit vobis vel fractum inde aliquid vobis fuerit,
donec totum sit vobis sine vestro inganno emendatum. Sicut
Guillelmus Felcois juravit per se & si ipse malam fidem tibi
portaverit, ego portabo bonam vel per tuam cognitionem sine
inganno, ita ego Guillelmus Raymundus Senescale juro per me.

993 Similiter juravit Oto Senescale, Raimundus de Sabeiras, Guillelmus Petrus de Castellet, Raimundus de Poialt Peirella, Raimundus de Rocca, Arnuldus de Pornella, Radulfus de Provencheras, Deodatus Fulcherius, Miro de Cornus, Gaufridus Porcellatus, Raimundus Gantelmus, Raimundus sacrista, Berengarius Bertrannus, Ugo de Monferran, Guido de Monferran, Stephanus de Nugaret, Rigaldus de Calms, Stephanus de Petralata, Raterius de Compeire, Guillelmus Bertrannus, Raimundus Bertrannus, Poncius Guillelmus de Morers, Guiraudus Raimundus de Monferran, Guillelmus Gantelmus, Bertrannus Avorainus, Guillelmus juvenis de Tarasco, Guillelmus de Agulla, Bermundus Raimaldus,

Guillelmus Raimundus de Avinione, Raimundus de Roca, Raimundus de Salers, Ugo Gauffridus de Massilia frater Gaufridi de Massi-

lia, Bermundus de Leulde, Henricus de Petralata, Bernardus de Luzanco, Guillelmus de Plannes Mancip, Gaufridus d'Albiac, Ugo Bertrannus Mancip, Stephanus de Turre, Bernardus Gaufridus de Omilau, Raimundus de Mestojol & filius ejus Raimundus Geraldus, Guitardus de Seveirac, Petrus de Caslus & socius ejus Raimundus de Provencheiras, Raimundus Arle de Compeire.

Avril 1139

Vaissete, Hist. gen. de Languedoc,
nouv. ed.

V, cc. 1029-1031

Assemblée tenue à Lézat.
(Archives de l'abbaye de Lézat.)

1030

IN nomine sanctae & individuae Trinitatis. Ego Guillelmus Lezati, abbas intuens monasterium Lezati, quod consructum est in honore beatorum apostolorum Petri & Pauli ac sancti Antonii confessoris caeterorumque sanctorum qui inibi venerantur, ab incolis & extraneis per violentiam expoliari, depraedari & destrui necnon & villam quae monasterio praefato continuatur, quod est lacrimabile dictu, consilio & voluntate totius congregationis ejusdem loci convocavi principes & nobiles hujus patriae Convenarum, Rogerium comitem Fuxi & Bernardum comitem & Raymundum Willelmi de Venca Raymundumque Atoneum de Altariba necnon & Bernardum de Bellomonte ac Arnuldum Bernardi de Marcafaba & Bernardum de Montealto aliosque quamplures, qui amore omnipotentis Dei & redemptione suorum peccaminum praefati monasterii & villae tutores & defensores adversum violentos raptores & fures constituti erant. Ostendi quippe eis lamentabilem quaerimoniam de monasterii & villae lapsu ac destructione, hominum injusta nece & de quorumdam fuga & ceteris infortuniis quae in praesenti longum est narrare. Qui vehementer irati & tristes, videntes quod monasterium jamdictum & villam tueri & defendere uptote deberent nequaquam aliter possent, demum mihi consuluerunt quod castrum & munitiones in villa ordirer & pro posse nostro & vellicheriferem. Nibilior quorum & dominus Rodgerius, comes Fuxi, voluntate & mandato caeterorum pro se & pro praedictis sic exorsus est loqui:—"Ego Rodgerius jam saedictus comes Fuxi omneque meum ordinium omneque meum jus

quod ad castrum praedictum pertinet & omnem meam dominationem, si
quam habeo, dono libere & concedo Deo & beato Petro apostolo &
beato Antonio & omnibus reliquiis praedicti monasterii & Willelmo
abbati & omnibus monachi tam praesentibus quam futu is in per-
petuum. Nos autem praedicti Bernardus Convenarum comes & Ray-
mundus Willelmi & Raimundus Ato & Bernardus de Bellomonte & Ar-
naldus Bernardi de Marcafava, qui in defensione praedicti loci
parati bona fide esse debemus, omneque nostrum jus & omne nostrum
ordinium, si quod habemus, Deo & reliquiis sactorum praenominatorum
& abbati jamdicto ejusque successoribus & monachis praesentibus &
futuris libere ad habendum vos & ad possidendum sine omni contra-
dictione concedimus & damus. Si quis vero hoc donum & hanc
libertatem violare tentaverit, ego Rodgerius comes & omne nostrum
ordinium & praedicti principes omneque illorum ordinium semper
guirentiam sufficientem & caeteris praedictis omni occasione
remota facere debemus. Tali namque pacto talique conventu
castrum & valla inibi coepta secundum voluntatem abbatis praedicti
loci est facta, ut nullus ex principibus neque comes inde guerram
ac vastationem neque comes inde guerram ac vastationem alteri faciant
nec exeundo ac reundo malum hostibus suis inferant, ne.....pere-
undi villae....neque vim neque dominatum requirant, &c., sed
secundum dispositionem & voluntatem abbatis ac monachorum omnia
fiant, & non solum in Lesati villa operandi liberam facultatem
habeant, imo in omnibus sancti Petri obedientiis secundum sui posse
& velle operandi licentiam & construendi castrum habeant. Haec
carta fuit facta mense aprilis, luna xx, feria vii, anno ab
Incarnatione Domini MXXXXIX, regnante Lodoico rege Francorum,
Ildefonso comite Tolosano & Emelio episcopo. Hujus rei sunt

10 mai 1140

V, cc. 1039-1041

Accord entre l'évêque d'Elne & Guillem de Salses,
au sujet des fortifications de la ville d'Elne.
(Cartulaire d'Elne, f° 359, v°.)

Notum sit imnobus hominibus qualiter Guillelmus de Salses venit in discordia cum Udalgario episcopo Elenensi propter ipsos valls, quos supradictus episcopus faciebat in circuitu villae Elenensis & propter ipsam fortezam quam predictus episcopus faciebat in ecclesiam Beate Eulalie Elenensis, dicens se debere habere per episcopum Elenensem ipsos valls & ipsos fortezas. Ad quod respondit supradictus episcopus deffesionibus suis & scripturis beate Eulalie, quod nec ipse Guillelmus nec antecessores ejus aliquid in supradictis vallis vel fortezas ab episcopo Elenensi accaptaverunt vel habuerunt vel tenuerunt. Cujus altercationis supradictus episcopus & supradictus Willelmus elegeunt judicem Arnallum Narbonensem episcopum, ut cognosceret inter eos ne supradictus Guillelmus curie supradicti episcopi juditio pergravatus videri posset.

Ad ultimum vero supradictus Wilelmus cum consilio
cum consilio uxoris sue nomine Adaladis
& amicorum suorum & omnium hominum,
recognoscens supradictos valls & supra-

dictas fortezas non essesui juris sed ec-
clesie Elenensis, venit ante supradictum
episcopum & dixit se nolle placitare cum
eo, sed omnes suas voces & querimonias
quas inde habebat ecclesie Elenensi & su-
pradicto episcopo & successoribus suis sine
illorum engan definire. Ideo in Dei no-
mine ego Guillelmus de Salses & ego Aloi-
dis uxir Vuilelmi de Salces cum filiis nos-
tris definimus & evacuamus vobis Udalgario
episcopo & omnibus successoribus vestris
omnes meas voces & querimonias quas
juste νel injuste feceramus vobis de supra-
dictis valls & supradictas fortezas, ita ut
nec nos nec aliquis homo vel femina per
nostram vocem vel rationem vobis vel suc-
cessoribus vestris hic vel in futuro aliquam
querimoniam moveat vel movere possit.
Actum est hoc VIº idus madii, anno domi-
nice Incarnationis MCXL, regnants Ludovico
rege in Francia. Signum Vuilelmus de
Salces. Signum Adalaidis. Signum Ar-
nalli. Signum Guillelmi qui hanc scriptu-
ram fieri jussimus, firmavimus, laudavimus
testesque firmare rogavimus. Et hoc fuit
factum in presentia Gofredi comitis & Gaz-
berti vicecomitis Castrinovi, & Pontii de
Verneto, & Raimundi de Caneto, & Gaz-

27 juillet 1146

Vaissets, Hist. gen. de Languedoc,
nouv. ed.

V, c. 1088

Chartes toucant les vicomtes de Béziers et de Minerve.
(Cartulaire du château de Foix, caisse 15.)

I. Anno CXLVI incarnati Verbi divini post M. Ego R. Trencavellus proconsul Biterris dono tibi Petro Minerbensi vicecomiti & tuae posteritati totum hoc quod habeo & habere debeo in Opiano & in terminis illius & homo & foemina & homines aut feminae ulla ratione & voce de me habent & tenent & habere & tenere debent. Sicut superius est dictum, sic omni inganno remoto dono tibi tuaeque posteritati totum, ita tamen ut dum vixeris illud totum habeas & teneas de me & a posteri & meis fideliter per feudum, & post obitum tuum feudus ille & omnes alii feudi quos tene & a vicecomite Carcassonae remaneant tuo infanti, scilicet cui dimiseris tuam partem de Minerba, qui omnes ipsos fevos habeat & teneat fideliter a vicecomite praememorato Carcassonnæ, & sic ipsum donum firmum & stabile permaneat omni tempore. Si autem, homo aut foemina illud donum vobis amparaverit, ego & posteri mei erimus vobis legales guirenti. Istius doni mando esse testes Guillermum de Sancto Felice vicarium Carcassonæ & Petrum de Vilario vicarium Redensem & Guillermum Petri de Altopullo & Wilhermum de Redorta & Guillermum de Durban. Arnaldus de Clairanc hoc scripsit jussu domini R. Trencavelli & testium praedictorum, VIª feria, VI kalendas augustas, rege Kudovico, &c.

II. ....................

Jul. 1147

Veissete, Hist. gen. de Languedoc,
nonv. ed.

V, cc. 1096-1097

571 - CCCC LXII. 1.

Strains de la charte.
(Archives de l'hôtel de ville de Toulouse.)

Manifestum sit omnibus hominibus tam presentibus quam futuris hanc cartam audientibus, quod ego Ildefonsus comes Tholose dico & concedo & recognosco quod nullo modo habeo questam neque toltam in civitate Tholosa neque in suburbio Sancti Saturnini nec in hominibus & feminis que ibi sunt vel ibi erunt, neque habeo in predicta civitate neque in suburbio calvacatam comunem, nisi bellum in Tholosano michi pararetur, neque habeo ibi prestum nisi eis evenerit per eorum voluntatem uniuscujusque. Insuper confirmo & laudo omnibus hominibus Tholose & suburbii ibi manentibus & mansuris omnes illos bonos mores & franquimentos quos habebant & quos ego ibi eis dedi & feci. Hoc totum sicut superius scriptum est laudavit & concessit Ramundus Sancti Egidii

(&c.) "vel ibi sunt."

filius prefati comitis. S. Stephani Caraborde.
S. Guillermi Ramundi. S. Boni mancipii Mauranni.
S. Petri Guidonis. S. Toseti. S. Poncii de
Soreda. S. Poncii de Villanova. S. Petri de
Roais. S. Guillelmi de Brugariis. S. Curvi de
Turribus. Hoc fuit factum julio mense, feria
IIIIa, anno ab Incarnatione Domini M°C°XL°VII°.
Poncius Vitalis scripsit.

Vaisssete, Hist. gen. de Languedoc,
nouv. ed.

c. 1152

V, cc. 1131-1133

585. — CCCCLXXXIX. — Ach touchant Raimond Trencavel.

(château de Foix, cartulaire, caisse 15.)

### VII. Omnibus, &c.
Sit vere notum quod Polverellus de Auriaco & Guillermus Petri ambo fratres conquerebantur de Poncio de Auriaco & de Raimundo de Cuc & de Isarno Ademar de castro de Auriaco, quod Polverellus & Guillermus Petri & Poncius de Auriaco alter alteri juraverunt inter se, ita ut Poncius de Auriaco illud castrum non aufferret Polverello neque Guillermo Petri nec Polverellus Poncio de Auriaco. Et si forte esset homo aut foemina qui ipsum castrum subtraheret seu abstulisset Pulverello vel Guillermo Petri, Poncius de Auriaco adjutor illis esse debuisset quousque illud castrum recuperatum habuissent, & e converso Polverellus & Guillermus Petri eandem vicem juste Poncio de Auriaco reddent. - Item Polverellus & Guillermus Petri conquesti sunt de Poncio de Auriaco & Raimundo de Cuc & Isarno Ademar de suo castro Auriaco

quod abstulerant & destruxerant, sibi recto oblato in manu domini Raimundi Trencavelli proconsulis Biterrensis cujus castrum de Auriaco est & renuerunt accipere. Rursus Polverellus & Guillermus Petri conquesti sunt de Isarno Ademar, eo quod ipse Isarnus Ademar fecisset castrum & fortezam in Auriaco, quod pater suus numquam ibi habuit. —
Item conquesti sunt Polverellus & Guillermus Petri de Poncio de Auriaco & Raimundo de Cuc & Isarno Ademar de malefactis ferme intolerabilibus & infinitis, quae ille & adjutores eorum fecerant eis frangendo ecclesias & igni accendendo, homines & foeminas raubando & occidendo, vineas & arbores abscindendo & multa alia damna eis inferendo. —
Finitis quaerimoniis praescriptis denotentur quaerimoniae quas Poncius de Auriaco & Raimundus de Cuc & Isarnus Ademar objiciunt adversus duos fratres praescriptos. Conquerebatur Poncius de Auriaco & Raimundus de Cuc & Isarnus Ademar de Polverello &

Guillermo Petri duobus fratribus, eo quia ipsi fratres auferebant eis honorem Bernardi Poncii eorum fratris, quem scilicet honorem idem Bernardus Poncius dederat illis. Conquesti sunt iterum de illis duobus fratribus de tantis dammis & ferme infinitis quos ipsi & adjutores eorum intulerant eis frangendo ecclesias & igni accendendo homines & foeminas raubando & occidendo & arbores abscindendo & multa alia malefacta eis inferendo. —
Auditis utique utriusque partis allegationibus in potestate Trencavelli vicecomitis domni de Auriaco, stantibus cum eo domno Poncio Carcasonae episcopo & Guillermo de Isla & Berengario de

同倫裁判
共經五段

Brugairolas & Guillermo de Sancto Felice & Guillermo de Durbant & Bernardo Raimundi de Canesuspenso & Raimundo de Retorta & Poncio de Ferrol & Matanto, sicut in antea Polverellus & Guillermus Petri & Poncius de Auriaco & Raimundus de Cuc & Isarnus Ademar dedissent se in manu domni Raimundi Trencavelli vice-comitis ad auddendum rectum & recipiendum;

sed postea omnes illi gratum & libera volun-
tate tradiderunt se in manu ejusdem domini vice-
comitis Raymundi Trencavelli ad finem recipiendum,
quae finis tali modo est locuta in uno & concessa.

—Polverellus & Guillermus Petri bona fide & intensione solvunt & dimittunt & omnino condonant Poncio de Auriaco & Raimundo de Cuc & Isarno Ademar Omnia damna parescripta & malefacta & omnes quaerimonias, quas de illis hucusque fecerunt ac de illis facere potuerunt, praeter bastidam novam Isarni Ademar, quam Polverellus & Guillermus Petri debent reiterare in tantum forciae quantum pater Isarni Ademar visus fuerat habere & tenere in die obitus sui, exceptis fidanciis quas requirebant in Isarno Ademar & Raimundo de Cuc, si eum dominus requirat in militibus sui castri. — Poncius de Auriaco & Raimundus de Cuc & Isarnus Ademar bona fide & intentione solvunt, dimittunt & omnino condonant Polverello & Guillermus Petri omnia damna parescripta & malefacta & omnes quaerimonias quas de illis hucusque fecerunt atque ulla ratione facere potuerunt; sed si forte Poncius de Auriaco quaerimoniam faciebat de Polverello & Guillermus Petri vel ipsi de oe de aliis rebus & honoribus exceptis praenominatis, illud reconcilietur ad finem consilio militum de Auriaco; quod si fieri non poterit, veniant in potestate Raymund Trencavelli proconsulis, cujus castrum de Auriaco est.

nouv. ed.

T, col. 1131-33

14 nov. 1155

V, cc. 1184-1185

606

Accord pour la justice de la ville
d'Elne, entfe l'évêque Arnaud & un
seigneur des environs.

(cartularie d'Elne, f° 569 v°)

In Dei nomine. Manifestum sit cunctis
tam praesentibus quam futuris quod contentiones
fuerunt inter dominum Arnaldum Helenensem episco-
pum & Gauzbertum de Avalrino de justiciis & re-
galiis Helne & aliis quamplurimis causis, [de]
quibus omnibus venit predictus Gaubertus apud
Helnam & misit se in potestatem predicti domini sui
episcopi, ut predicte contentiones ipsius judic*
vel mandato terminarentur. Quapropter elegit
predictus episcopus judices, scilicet Bernardum
archiepiscopum Terragonensem & Petrum Ausonensem
episcopum & alios quamplures sapientes, quorum
judicio vel consilio hujusmodi contentiones
finirentur. Qui hapita deliberatione collatoque
ad invicem consilio, statuerunt pro bono pacis
ut Gauzbertus de Alvarino recognosceret omnes
justicias & omnia regalia domino suo Helenense epis-
copo.— Itaque ego Gaubertus de Alvarino recognosco
& laudo consilio & laudamento predictorum judicum
ecclesie Sanctae Eulalie & tibi Arnaldo domino meo
Helenensi episcopo & omnibus successoribus tuis in
perpetuum omnia regalia & omnes batalas & omnes
justicias, scilicet cogocias, homicidia, adulteria,
furta & fures in mortuo alieno a colle de Bagis us-
que ad ripam maris & a Riurdo usque ad flumen de Tec
sicut ego teneo per te omnes justicias Valrini ex-
ceptis bataliis. Iterum recognosco & laudo ecclesie
Sanctae Eulalie & tibi Arnaldo domino meo Helenensi
episcopo & omnibus successoribus tuis in perpetuum
omnes carrarias in villa Helne heremas & condirectas
& vetitum vini per duos menses. Insuper mando &
volo ut omnes mei homines in villa Helna comorantes
& eorum heredes jurent ecclesie Sancte Eulalie &
tibi Artaldo domino meo Helenensi episcopo & omni-
ous successoribus tuis a XX ano & supra sicuti alii
homines illius villey juraverunt, tali videlicet

titi

tenore ut tu & omnes tui successores & manuten-
neas & manuteneant eos in guerra contra omnes
homines, excepto me & heredibus meis. Si quis
contra hoc venire temptaverit, agere non valeat
sed in duplo componat. Quod est actum X° VIII°
kalendas decembris, ano dominice Incarnationis
MCLV, regnante Lodoico rege in Francia. S.Artaldi
episcopi qui hec laudo, firmo. S. Gauberti de
Avalrino qui hoc laudo, firmo. S. Bernardi Thera-
conensis archiepiscopi. Petrus Ausonensis epis-
copus. S.Arnaldi de Castronovo. S.Petri de Ruira.
S. Guillelmi de Castro-Rossilione. S. Bernardi
fratris ejus. S. Guillemi de Peiteus. S.Ermengaudi
de Locata. S.Raimundi de Ovelans. S. Ermengarde
vicecomitisse Narbone. S. Bernardi de Messeto
archidiaconi. S. Petri de Malloliis precentoris.
S. Petri de Mataplana sacriste. S. Bernardi Guill-
elmi precentoris. S. Bernardi precentoris. S.
Raimundi de Palaciolo. S. Bernardi de Bruliano

S. Guillelmi de Petracalce vicario episcopi.
Petrus precentor scripsit hoc rogatus die & anno
quo supra.

6 fevrier 1156

nouv. ed.

V, cc. 1190-1192

(Cartulaire d'Elne, fos. 1 & 2 addit.)

Concession du droit de guerre et de fortification aux bourgeois d'Elne par l'évêque et le chapitre de Sainte-Eulalie. An 1156, 6 fevrier. ex

Quia rebus gestis memorialem oportet conscribi notitiam, ne quod recte geritur oblivione aut inficitione vel machinatione aliqua irritum fieri possit, notum esse volumus omnibus hominibus praesentibus atque futuris, quod ego Artaldus, Elenensis episcopus, et fratres nostri ejusdem ecclesiae canonici, videntes multa incommoda et pericula hominibus ville Elenensis contigisse et contingere posse, rogatu et instantia fidelis et amici nostri Arnalli de Turre et aliorum proborum

hominum nostre ville, habita deliberatione collatoque ad invicem consilio, concessimus villam superiorem & inferiorem vallis ambiri, ut tam nos quam ipsi vitam tutiorem atque tranquilliorem ducere possemus. Eo siquidem tenore & compensatione ut omnes totius homines ville a XV annis & supra tam presentes quam futuri recognoscant Deo & beate Eulalie & michi Artaldo Elenensi episcopo & successoribus meis omnes justitias & omne batalas & omnes cogocias & omnia homicidia & omnes latrones de colle de Bagis usque ad ripam maris in omnibus locis, & recognoscant omnes carreras heremas & condirectas in tota villa Elenensi & in omnibus suis terminis, & similiter recognoscant omnia alia jura & consuetudines & omnia dominia ecclesie nostre que habet vel habere debet in seipsis & in omnibus prefatis locis, & recognita pro eorum posse jurisjurandi interposita religione conservent & defendant contra omnes homines & contra omnes foeminas fideliter, qui vel que nobis vel

successoribus nostris de damno vel injuria illata nobis vel nostris pro injuria vel proborum hominum consilio satisfacere nolent.

Preterea de villa ista nullis hominibus guerram faciant sine nostra nostrorumque licentia, ita scilicet quod si aliquis homo vel foemina ipsis vel eorum successoribus injuriam fecerit vel damnum derit, nos & successores nostri operam dabimus ut eis secundum justitiam vel proborum hominum consilium satisfiat. Si vero hoc obtinere non possimus, dabimus eis licentiam ut de hac villa guerram faciendo jus suum reposcant. Ei quicumque ille fuerit qui injuriam vel damnum acceperit, sive clericus sive miles sive pedes, de quocumque domino sit, si hoc juramento adscriptus fuerit & habitator ville, omnes alios sive milites sive pedites coadjutores usquedum ei satisfiat fideliter habeat, & si eorum domini guerram habuerint, qui extra villam istam castella habent, nos & successores nostri pro reformatione pacis operam demus. Si vero pacem reforemare non poterimus, dabimus licentiam eorum hominibus qui voluerint, ut extra villam sequantur dominos suos, ita tamen ut ad villam istam non redent donec guerra finita sit vel trevia accepta. Et cum trevia fuerit finita, predicto tenore ad dominos suos redeant & eorum res interim sub nostra sint nostrorumque successorum protectione.

Sciendum vero quod predictum juramentum singulis XV annis finitis prestat bitur ab his omnibus a quibus nondum prestitum fuerit, & servabitur ab omnibus minoribus & majoribus fideliter in omnibus usque in subroganitionem alterius epi-scopi. Et ipsi subrogato jurabunt omnes

predicto tenore & similiter jurabunt omnes eorum successores & ipsi omnibus nostris successoribus in perpetuum. Et propter hoc sacramentum quod vos & vestri successores vel prestatis vel prestaturi estis nobis vel successribus nostris & fideliter servabitis, nos & nostri successores manutenebimus vos & vestros successores qui hoc sacramento eritis astricti & res vestras contra omnes homines excepto dominos vestros. Et propter hoc idem sacramentum concedimus omnibus hominibus hujus ville qui hoc sacramento astricti sunt vel erunt nobis vel successoribus nostris & illud pro posse suo fideliter servabunt, quod habeant licentiam claudere villam superiorem & inferiorem vallis quibus-cumque voluerint, & hanc licentiam & postatem faciendi & si diruta essent restaurandi habeant semper ipsi & successores eorum ad fidelitatem beate Eulalie & nostram & successorum nostrorum in omnibus.

1192

Sicut in hac carta scriptum est & melius intelligi potest, ad honorem omnipotentis Dei & commodum beate Eulalie, sic nos subscripti conservabimus fideliter tibi Artaldo episcopo domino nostro & successorum tuis sine omni inganno per Deum & hec sancta quatuor Evangelia. Hoc juro ego Petrus Michelis Rex & frater meus Bernardus Michelis, Berengarius de Bagia, &c. (Sequuntur CCC circiter burgensium Elenensium nomina.)

Et est manifestum. Si quis contra haec venire tentaverit, agere non valeat, sed in duplo componat. Factum est hoc in manu domini Artaldi Elenensis episcopi, & in praesentia Bernardi de Mesteto archidiaconi, Ademarii de Turriliis archidiaconi, & Petri de Malloliis praecentoris, & Ber-

nardi Guillermi praecentoris & Petri de
Mataplana sacriste & aliorum clericorum
beate Eulalie, VIIIº idus febroarii, anno
dominicae Incarnationis MCLV, regnante
Lodoyco in Francia. S. Arnalli de Turre.
Signum Guillerme uxoris ejus. S. Gocberti
filii eorum qui hoc laudavere & firmavere.
Et dictus Arnaldus de Turre recognovit se
tenere in feudum quidquid habeat vel
habere debeat in villis praedictis & ter-
minis earum pro episcopo.

Petrus hoc scripsit rogatus die & anno
quo supra.

4 novembre 1163

Vaissete, Hist. gen. de Languedoc,
nonv. ed.

V, cc. 1275-1277

Plaids tenus à Carcassonne par le vicomte Raimond-Trencavel. (Château de Foix, caisse 22.)

I. Anno MCLXIII, Incarnationis dominicae, IIª feria, II nonis novembris, rege Lodovico regnante. Haec est catra judicii quod dedit dominus Raymundus Trenca-velli proconsul Biterrensis de controver-siis, quae erant inter Ugonem Escafredi & fratres & Isarnum Jordani & fratrem illius & nepotes eorum, filios scilicet Ugonis de Saxaco, de castro Montisregalis & de cas-tro de Saxaco, de quibus quaerimoniis in manu domini Raymundi Trenca-velli se fir-maverunt. Qui auditis & diligenter hinc inde inquisitis allegationibus, post multas testium productiones, praestito etiam sa-cramento calumniae, assidentibus sibi Pon-tio Carcassœ episcopo & vicariis suis Guilhelmo scilicet de Sancto Felice & Pe-tro de Vilario & Bernardo Pilapuli & Pontio Ferol & Petro Raymundi de Alto-pullo & magistro Marchisio & magistro Maurino, in hunc modum diffini-vam de-dit sententiam: — Ut finis seu transactio-quam Ugo Escafredi & pater ejus cum pa-tre Isarni Jordani tempore destructionis Montisregalis fecerant non valeat utpote-per viam & potentiam facta; & judicavit ut Isarnus Jordani & frater ejus & nepotes eorum habeant partem tertiam in castro Montisregalis, videlicet in mota superio-ris cincti & in firmantiis & justitiis & leddis & in omnibus aliis rebus, quae ad dominationem seu potestationem praedicti castri modo pertinent vel in futurum per-tinebunt. — Et si Ugo Escafredi vel fratres ejus, absente Isarno Jordani & fratre ejus & nepotibus eorum, firmantias acceperint,

1276

aut Isarnus Jordani & frater ejus seu nepotes eorum firmantias acceperint, absente Ugone Escafredi & fratribus suis, firman-tiae illae redeant in potestatem eorum pro partibus superius dictis. Si vero praesentes fuerint, simul firmantias accipiant & nul-lus eorum possit remittere partem alterius.

—Similiter per sententiam diffinivit ut Isarnus Jordani & frater ejus & nepotes eorum habeant tertiam in tota illa adquisitione quam Ugo Escafredi & frater ejus fecerunt in loco ubi solebat esse cas-trum de Villalleguto & in prato de Garuela. Et istam partem & illam quam

habent in castro Montisregalis, sicut su-perius determinatum est, habeat Isarnus Jordani & frater ejus & nepotes eorum in feudum honorifice ab Hugone Escafre & fratribus ejus, ita ut unus eorum faciat terminium Ugoni Escafredi vel uni de fra-tribus suis. —Item dominus Raymundus Trencavelli cum praedictis assessoribus judicavit, ut ab omni illa petitione quam in castro de Saxaco & suis terminis Ugo Escafredi & fratres ejus faciebant & facere poterant ex toto caderent in perpetuum, eo quod Ugo Escafre & fratres in eorum domino R. Trencavelli & assessoribus suis illi petitioni renuntiaverunt. —Similietr judictam fuit quod Isarnus Jordani & frater ejus & nepotes eorum de castro Montis-regalis possint facere guerram cuicumque voluerint, excepto domino Carcassonae & Ugoni Escaffre & fratribus suis & ut mili-tes de eodem castro debeant eos adjuvare contra omnes homines quibus vellunt fa-cere justitiam, excepto domino Carcasso-nae & Ugone Escafre & fratribus suis. —Hoc judicium, sicut supradictum est, ego Isarnus Jordani & ego Jordanus & nos fra-trtes Ugo de Saxaco & Bertrandus & ego Ugo Escafre & ego Aimericus & ego Isarnus

1277

tenebimus & observabimus bona fide, &
numquam contra hoc infringendum venie-
mus nos vel aliquis arte vel ingenio nostro,
salva fidelitate domini Raymundi Trencavelli
& Rogerii filii & ejus successoris
qui dominus Carcassonae fuerit, Hc.

Nos milites Montisregalis Pontius de
Villanova & Isarnus & B.de Villanova &
Rogerius de Villanova & G.de Rocca &
B.de Villalegud & Guillhermus de Mafai-
rolas, Ugo de Romegos, Petrus Bernardi,
P.Raimundi de Villatraver, Ainardus, Ri-
galdus, Bertrandus de Villatraver, B. &
Petrus de Arzencs junior, mandato U.Es-
cafre, &c. juramus quod si aliquis prae-
dictorum dominorum hoc infregerit, alii
fideles adjutores simus.

II. ....................

nouv. ed.

1165

V, cc. 1287-1288

Acte du comité Raimond-Trencavel.
(Château de Foix, cartulaire, caisse 15...)

avr. 1165

Notum sit haec audientibus quod haec est carta diffinitionis & amicabilis compositionis factae inter dominum Raymundum Trencavellum Bit-errensem vicecomitem filium Cœciliæ & Ademarum de Nerac filium Ademarae & Raymundum filium ejus & V. de Lescura & Raymundum filium Sclarmundae & Sicardum filium Serenaæ de controversiis, quas inter se habebant de castro scilicet Sancti Jorii, quod Raymundus Trenvacellus noviter aedificaverat, quod Ademarus & participes ejus prænominati dicebant intra sua aedificatum. Tandem vero auditis eorum quæerimoniis placuit domino Raymundo Trencavello, quod causa pacis & concordiae daret & concederet Ademaro & ejus participibus castrum jamdictum ad feudum infra superiores vallatos, excepta turre sua & domibus suis propriis. Itaque milites ipsius castri debent jurare Ademaro & participibus jamdictis hoc castrum, salva fidelitate & dominio Raymundi Trencavelli & abbatis Castrensis, quod castrum eis nec aliquid inde nec aliquis

arte vel consilio eorum, & si quis castrum eis auferret, quod ipsi inde fideles adjutores eis existerent. Et ego Raymundus Trencavellus dono tibi Ademaro de Nerac. Et ego Wilhermus de Lescura & ego Raymundus & ego Sicardus & ego Raymundus de Nerac & ego Bernadus Begonis in loco Raymundi Sclarmundae filii, donec ad aetatem jurandi perveniat, nos omnes bona fide & sine dolo juramus superquartuor Die Evangelia tibi domino Raymundo Trencavel & R. filio tuo & domino R. Castrensi abbati hoc castrum Sancti Jorii, quod castrum tibi vel tuis vel abbati non auferemus nec aliquid inde nec aliquis arte vel consilio nostro, & si quis castrum vel tibi vel tuis vel abbati auferret, quod fideles adjutores vobis existamus sine lucro vestri honoris nec vestri averi. Hoc fuit factum anno MCLXV, mense aprilis, in Savanensi mercato, in praesentia B. de Nerac & Wilhelmi Ademari & B. Begonis & B. Isarni & Gausberti Pelapol & Estolti de Lumber

& Bertrandis de Monteacuto & Raymundi de Vilar & Petri Vassalli & Ugonis filii ejus, & in praesentia ipsorum miltum qui ipsum castrum juraverunt, scilicet Bertrandis de Vallats & Petri Vassalli & Bertrandis Vassalli & Ademari & Matfrei & Bernardi Duranti & Raymundi de Torena & Bernardi Caeta, qui haec scripsit.

nouv. ed. V, cc. 1287-8

1168

Valissete, Hist. gen. de Languedoc,
nonv. ed.

V, c. 1802

Ordonnance de Parnond-Ordonnance & de Parnond-Ordonne.

Actes de Guillemette de Montpellier, tutrice de son fils Bernard-Aton, vicomte de Nimes.

I. ........ II. ........ III. ........ IV. ........

V. (Trésor des chartes du roi, Toulouse, sac 8, n. 2.)

Aquesta carta es de l'estar que ac a
Berniz Elesiars de Salve & sui infantes. Anno
ab Incarnatione Domini M ° C LX VIII °, ses
devenc que nElsiars de Salve e sos fraire en
Rostanz aurerun a Sang Jacme, el vescon-
tessa de Nemse na Guillelma venc ab elz a
parlament, e dis lur que ela avia auzit dir,
que il voliun vendre tot quant avion a Berniz,
e vedet lur que non o vendesson ad altre se a
son fil, oc qe de lo teniun, et ela daria lur
en aitant con altre, e mais Rostainz de Salve
& Ilisiars sos fraire conogron qe del ves-
comte teniun tot quant aviun a Berniz, e
disserun que ia non o volriun ad altre ni o
vendriun. Apres la vescontessa dis lur, que
l'estars da Berniz lur lavia obs, & il trame-
serun a la vescontessa las claws del lur estar
de Berniz per Peirun de la Torre, & sun aizo
elas que aizi sun cosidas.

Juillet 1173

Vaissète, Hist. gen. de Languedoc,
nouv. ed.

V, c. 1306

## Extraits de diverses chartes.

### V. (Trésor des chartes du roi, Toulouse, sac 13, n. 29.)

Hec est concordia quam faciunt
Isarnus de Dorniano & fratres ejus scilicet
Petrus & Bego cum nepote eorum Petro.
Concordia talis est: omnes illas conven-
tiones & jusjurandum quod Petrus fecerat
avunculis suis Isarno scilicet & Begoni
solvunt ei bona fide sine inganno; & Pe-
trus similiter solvit eis cunctas conventio-
nes & jusjurandum quod ei fecerant avun-
culi sui Isarnus & Bego, bona fide sine
inganno. De illo honore qui ex parte Pon-
cii de Dorniano avi sui Petrum contingit,
isti fratres scilicet Isarnus, Petrus & Bego
concedunt & donant nepoti eorum Petro
fraternitatem suam scilicet quartam par-
tem omnis honoris quem pater illorum
Poncius Dorniani eis dimisit, excepta illa
ancaberia quam Poncius dedit filio suo
Isarno ante suos fratres, Petrus vero facit
conventionem Isarno ut illum honorem
quem partivit cum eo nullo modo possit
deexire Petrus de illo honore versus Bego-
nem neque versus Petrum neque versus
eorum successores neque per donum ne-
que per compram cum censu aud sine
censu. Eodem modo facit conventionem
Petrus avunculo (sic) suo Petro, ut umquam
istum honorem quem partivit cum eo nullo
modo possit deexire versus Isarnum neque
versus Begonem neque versus eorum suc-
cessores. Eodem modo facit conventionem
Petrus avunculo suo Begoni ut nunquam non
possit Petrus de illo honore quem partivit
cum eo ullo modo versus Isarnum neque
versus Petrum deexire neque versus eo-
rum successores ut predictum est. Talis

1307

est conventio quod Petrus non possit istum
honorem ullo modo conjungere cum ho-
nore aunculorum suorum, quem honorem
cum eis partivit, nec in presenti neque in
futuro. Isti fratres Isarnus, Petrus, Bego
faciunt conventionem inter se ut umquam
nemo eorum hunc predictum honorem
possint ullo modo lucari nepotis eorum
Petri, neque illi neque eorum posteri nec
ullus homo illorum nec eorum femina, nisi
illam partem qualem Petrus de partibus
eorum acceperat. Dictum est itaque quod
lucrum quod fecerant isti fratres in furnis
Podii Laurentii & lucrum quod fecerant
in castro Verdale & lucrum quod fecerant
in forcia de Maurengs illud ipsemet
qui tenet & habeat (sic). Si vero Petrus ne-
pos eorum ire trans mare voluerit, donent
ei aunculi predicti unusquisque eorum D
solidos Melgorienses & mulam unam per
be & per fe pro honore suo, & tunc quis-
que eorum recuperet partem honoris quam
Petrus ab unoquoque eorum acceperat,
predictis conventionibus firmiter existen-
tibus; set si Petrus reversus fuerit, reddat
D solidos predictos & precium mule aun-
culis suis unique scilicet & postea re-
cuperet partem sui honoris, salvis predic-
tis conventionibus. Cognitum sit quod hec
concordia fuit facta in manu Bernardi de
Monteschiu & Amanevi, & isti fratres Isar-
nus, Petrus & Bego & Petrus nepos eorum
juraverunt super IIIIor Evangelia ut hanc
concordiam quam isti mandassent semper
teneant isti & eorum successores. Istud
predictum jusjurandum & conventiones
prescriptas juraverunt Poncius Dorniani
& Guilabertus frater ejus & Paimundus
de Dorniani ejusque frater Isarnus super
sancta ut predictum est tenere. Hoc totum
factum fuit in presentiarum Raimundi ab-

H.F. XXIII. Hominium ad exercitum Fuxenzenem vocatorum: index
secundus. §5±6, p.758-759.
-p.758

5. Baillivia Viromandensis.

Comes Suessionis comparuit et vadit ad exercitum
se quarto militum pro debito regis, quod confitetur,
et ducit secum sex milites ultra suum servicium.

Johannes de Trito, miles, comparens pro se, ducit
secum Mathaeum de Brouilly, militem.

Dominus Guillelmus de Longa Valle comparuit se
segundo militum pro debito regis, et ducit ultra
Guillelmus de Longa Valle, Johannem de Vadrignon,
Gillonem de Hadecourt, Johannes de Cans, milites
pro se et ultra servicium debitum.

Robertus de Nova Villa, miles, et Johannes de Nova
Villa comparuerunt, dicentes se debere exercitum
ad gagia domini regis.

Radulphus de Ambleni, miles, comparuit, dicens
se debere exercitum ad gagia domini regis eundo et
redeundo.

Hugo de Baines, miles, et Anselmus Vardi, serviens,
comparentes per literas domini regis, Rogerum et
Henricum de Campo Repulso, clericos regis, custodes
regaliae Remensis et de Dulmensi praesentaverunt.

Idem Hugo de Baines comparuit pro Gaufrido Qui-
cos, Gauterio de Cheroisy, Guioto de Selorni, Johanne
G., Goberto de Molento, Godardo Milone de Ressy.

Idem Anselmus comparuit pro Johanne le Payen.

Petrus de Sallon, pro Guyoto de Tourny.

Hugo de Ressy, pro Johanne de Hude.

Johannes de Colombes, Johannes de Soissons, Johan-
nes Rebois Demensi, Galterus de Sapine, Johannes de
Gessy, Vandronieres et Poessars pro Droardo de Irion.

Guyotus de Tapignère, Johannes Gronon, pro Galtero
Buiron et Guillelmo de Alneto.

Item, Balduinus de Vendo, miles, comparuit pro re-
galibus Laudunensibus.

Radulphus de Trabis, miles, comparuit pro domino
de Coq, et ducit decem milites pro ipso domino; dubitat
tamen quantum debeat pro exercitu. Nomina militum
sunt hec: idem miles, Hogo de Basentin, Adam de Quardi-
neto, Rogerius d'Andel, Johannes de Trabis, Mathaeus de
Fayello, Johannes de Montigny, Johannes de Cullis, Guil-
lemus de Prato, milites.

Johannes de Audenarde, dominus de Roussy, armiger,

comparens, nesciens quantum servicium debet regi,
Robertum de Radignaico, Petrum Discon milites ducit,
et vadit in exercitum.

Johannes Charbonnel, miles, comparens pro domina
de Villers, matre sua, dicens ipsum non debere exer-
citum, nec ad gagia regis; vadit non obstante hoc ad
exercitum pro ipsa.

6. Baillivia Silvanectensis.

Ansellus de Gollicort, miles, dicit se nihil debere
nisi custodiam xl. dierum.

Rogerius de Seri, miles, comparens, dicit idem.

Simon de Magniaco, armiger, comparuit, idem illud
dicens.

Theobaldus de Bailliaco, miles, comparens, non cred-
ens debere exercitum, vadit ad exercitum.

Mathaeus de Clery, Robertus de Chailly, milites,
comparens pro Johanne de Roca Guidonis, milite, debent
duos milites; pro ipso vadunt ad exercitum.

Guido de Neris, miles, comparens, dicit se debere
exercitum; vadit.

Petrus de Christe, armiger, comparuit pro G
se, et debet xl dies pro terra sua de Montegny.

Johannes de Hengny, miles, comparuit pro Johanne
de Montchevrel, qui debet exercitum; vadit pro ipso
ad exercitum.

Comes Domini Martini mittit pro se Johannem et
Henricum de Tria, fratres, et Girardum de Favello,
qui pro eo vadunt ad exercitum.

Guillelmus de Guery, miles, comparens, non credens
debere exercitum; tamen vadit pro voluntate regis.

De Camera compotorum habui quendam rotulum cui sig-
num est 8; item ejus superscriptio a parte extra
est talis:

Miltes et armigeri et alii qui debent servicium
domino regi et venerunt exercitum Fuxensem, et confessi
sunt per cedulas suas servicia sicut scripta sunt
in rotulo isto.

De quo rotulo ego extraxi ea quae secuntur.

1. [Comites, milites banerii, etc.]

Dux Burgundiae adduxit secum vii milites baner-
tos qui sunt se quinquagesimo militum; et dux habebat
alios milites.

Comes Britanniae adduxit 1x milites, de quibus
sunt xvi banerii.

Comes Flandriae adduxit xiii milites banerios
et xl alios milites.

Comes Bołloniae adduxit xxxiii milites et lxx
scutiferos; sed dicit quod ad expensas regis.

Comes Drocarum misit pro se x milites, scilicet
Guill. de Caëeu, jehan de Caieu, Mahiu de Caieu, G. l'Es-
rouille, Symon de Hous, Joh. des Barres, Milonem Baleinne,
Godardum, Barnardum Mulet.

Episcopus Nivernensis misit duos milites pro ecclesia sua, et ad tantum tenetur ut dixit.

Comes Donni Martini misit duos milites quos debet
ad serviendum per xl dies pro terra sua de Monceyo
et pro terra sua de Trie; et insuper misit alios
iiii de gratia.

Comes Pontivi dicit quod debet domino regi ser-
vicium quinque militum per xl dies ratione comitatus
Pontivi; et insuper ipse venit ad mandatum regis se
duodecimo militum, quorum iii erant banerii, videlicet:
Johannes de Nigella, filius ejus vicecominus de Pin-
queigni et Guillelmus de Pois, milites.

Episcopus Carnotensis debet servicium trium mi-
litum per xl dies, ut dicit.

Comes Blesensis debet servicium domino regi
pro terra sua de Guise decem militum; et dicit
quod debent habere vadia sua a rege eundo et re-
deundo.

Item, dicit idem comes quod ipse est par de

[ cedula, schedula, scheda, = testificatio, testamentum.]

Viromandia, et sic usi sunt ejus antecessores, ut dicit, nec debent ire in exercitum nisi in exercitum regis.

Item, dicit idem comes quod ipse, ratione comitatus Campaniae, debet regi x milites cum expensis regis, eundo et redeundo; et sic usi sunt ejus antecessores, ut dicit.

Milites banerii regis Navarrae, scilicet Hugo de Convlans, marescallus Campaniae, Hugo de Convlans, filius ejus, dominus de Croissilles, dominus de Tour-este, Radulphus de Toureste, frater ejus, dominus Attre-batensis, dominus de Arzillières, dominus de Broies, dominus de Paceyo, dominus Gauffridus de Joinville, dominus de Saint Fale.

Comitissa Nivernensis misit duodecim milites banerios, scilicet, etc.; item, vii alios sine baneria, scilicet, etc.

Hui sunt milites comitissae Nivernensis, videlicet; Johannes de Solleray, Petrus de Rasseau et Stephanus frater ejus, Gaufridus de Moz, Guillelmus Gaubers, Guillelmus de Chaulinis, Petrus de Barres, Guillelmus Coutremoret, Petrus de Moris, Guido Forrechat, marescallus Nivernensis, Guillelmus de Ruilli, Gaufridus de Males, milites banerii. Isti sunt sine baneriis: Guillelmus de Craigues, Johannes de Mota, Seguinus de Ternant et Hugo de Bosco, milites.

Episcopus Constanciensis debet servicium quatuor militum per x1 dies ratione baronniae Sancti Laudi Constanciensis.

Episcopus Abbricensis misit quatuor milites pro x1 diebus.

Dominus Herveus de Lione debet servicium per x1 dies unius militis pro feodo de Castro Novo, et quatuor militum pro terra quae fuit domini Guillelmi de Pissiaco. De baillivia Gisorcii est.

Dominus Robertus d'Yvry debet servicium trium militum per x1 dies eundo et redeundo. Gisorcii.

Comitissa Marchiae misit x milites, scilicet, etc.

Comes Rutinensis venit cum iiii.xx.x equitibus armatis, quorum vii erant banerii et xxvi erant milites, iiii.xx.xvii scutiferi et xxvi balistarii.

Comes Flandriae venit apud Tholosam se quadragesimo militum, quorum xxii

10. De Tholosa, Alvernia, Agenno, et pluribus alii
bailliviis seu senescalliis.

Guillelmus de Monasterio, miles, Albiensis dyocesis,
dicit se non teneri facere exercitum et cavalcатam
domino regi, quia quicquid habet tenet in feodum
ab episcopo Albiensi, exceptis triginta solidis
vel circa in redditibus quod tenet a domino rege
tantum; et ideo non venit ex debito sed ex gratia,
et secum adduxit tres milites et quatuor domicellos
cum equis armatis.

Berengarius de Calo Monte et Bernardus Esca-
fredi, diocesis Ruthenensis, dicunt quod, quando
domini comites Tholosani qui pro tempore fuerunt
et mandabant eisdem seu praedecessoribus ipsorum
quod eos cum armis sequerentur, quod de consuetu-
dine patriae illius observata, de qua memoria non
extitit, consueverunt eum sequi infra comitatum
Tholosanum cum armis, ad expensas eorundem comitum,
a die qua a domibus propinquis recedebant.

Guillelmus de Boeriis debet servire regi, sicut
dicit, usque ad Figiacum, et post Figiacum debet
habere vadia.

Jordanus de Rupe Forti, de comitatu Tholosano,
debet exercitum et cavalcатam per comitatum Tho-
losanum as sumptus et expensas domini regis.

Chartardus de Sancto Germano dicit quod nullum
debet servicium domino regi; tamen venit per cita-
tionem senescalli cum tribus militibus, scilicet
Johanne de Vaudeto, R. de Maia et Johanne de Resella.

Hermengaudus de Combreto, miles, dicit quod de
usu et de consuetudine observata, de qua non extitit
memoria, consuetum est quod ipse et antecessores
ejus solebant sequi, quando necesse erat, comitem
Tholosanum cum armis per comitatum Tholosanum, ad
expensas ipsius comitis, a die qua a domibus suis
recedebant donec ad domum suam remanerent. remearent.

Barones, milites et domicelli Albiensis dyocesis
dicunt ut dicit Hermengaudus de Combreto.

Barones, milites et domicelli de castellania
Montis Cuci, dyocesis Caturcensis, dicunt quod,
imminente guerra in comitatu Tholosano, milites
dicti loci, non omnes, immo potentiores et ad guer-

ram aptiores solebant sequi ex gratia et rogati
comites Tholosanos ad defensionem comitatus Tholo-
sani et ad expensas dictorum comitum. Modo senes-
callus Agennensis de novo omnes milites et domicel-
los, senes et juvenes, pauperes et divites, ad exer-
citum domini regis perinde compellit; et non solum
milites nec domicellos, sed eorum homines: qui hom-
ines, per dictum senescallum compulsi, promiserunt
dicto senescallo et se obligaverunt ad solvendum
eidem magnam pecuniae quantitatem; quod in castel-
lania Montis Cuci nunquam fuerat consuetum sicut
dicunt.

Idem dicunt milites de castellania Montis Lanardi,
dyocesis Caturcensis.

Beraldus dominus de Mercorio venit apud Tholosam
cum duodecim militibus, duodecim scutiferis et decem
balistariis; qui dicunt quod ipse nec alii de Alver-
nia non consueverunt exire fines Alverniae ad veniendum
in exercitum seu cavalcатam domini regis seu comitis
Pictaviae; et de hoc ipse et praedecessores sui usi
sunt tempora longiora, nec etiam posset super
hoc contrarium reperiri. Et si contigerit quod ipsi
vocati fuissent in subsidium praedecessorum domini
regis et suorum vel infra fines Alverniae vel extra,
hoc totum erat ex gratia, et hoc totum factum erat
ad propria stipendia domini regis et comitum, sicut
dicit.

Hugo de Arpajone, baro, dicit quod ipse debet domi-
no regi homagium et juramentum fidelitatis; exercitum
autem seu cavalcатam ex debito non debet. Et si
contigerit quod ipse veniat in exercitum vel caval-
cатam, dicit quod hoc totum debet esse ad expensas
proprias comitum Tholosanorum seu aliorum vocantium.

Bernardus de Combreto, Bernardus Berengarii de
Mala Morte, Bego de Ariaco, Petrus Azemarii, domi-
celli, Poncius Bernardi, miles, Ruthenensis dyocesis,
socii Hugonis de Arpajone, declarant et dicunt illud
quod declarat et dicit dictus Hugo.

Barnardus et Guillelmus de Oluna, domicelli, dicunt
pro se et suis particiariis quod ipsi debent tantum
domino regi xv libras Caturcensium cum homagio
unius illorum.

Hay de

Hay de Alvernia est in homagio regis et debet
servicium domino regi per xl dies, et misit unum
militem pro se.

11. Item, in eodum rotulo scriptae sunt cedulae quae sequuntur.

Hugo de Arpajone habet duos milites et undecim
domicellos.

Dominus Hugo de Balaguerio habet unum militem
et quinque domicellos.

Deodatus de Caslucio, filius domini Bernardi
de Olargio, habet secum sex domicellos.

Dominus Hugo de Cardaillaco habet secum quinque milites cum equis armatis et unum baneriam.

Dominus Aimericus de Narbona habet duodecim milites cum equis armatis, et unum domicellum; et habet unam baneriam. triginta unum domicellos cum Equis armatis, et duodecim balistarios; et habet unam baneriam.

Bernardus Hugonis de Cardaillaco habet secum septem domicellos et portat baneriam.

Remondus Barax, Deodatus et Arnaldus, fratres,
habent undecim milites et portant tres banerias.

Bego de Barreria habet secum septem domicellos
et portat baneriam.

Bernardus de Langlada habet secum duos domicellos
et duos balistarios.

Petrus Grimoardi, burgensis de Castro Sarraceno,
mittit pro ipso unum militem et tres domicellos.

Bertrandus de Lardo, burgensis de Caturco, mittit
Giraldum de Rossilone, domicellum.

Bertrandus de Gordono, miles, Hugo de Genebreria,
miles, socii sunt.

Bernardus de Podio Barlart, domicellws.

Bertrandus de Pesilliaco mittit Amalvinum de Podio, domicellum, et Bernardum de Talmaco, domicellum.

(Univ. Penn. Tr. & Rep., IV, ii,

"statist. doc," & Faltna, 71-14.)

Resources of Venice.

From the speech of Thomas Mocenigo in 1421

Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script. XXII, 952-954. Italian.

The speech of Mocenigo was made on the occasion of a visit to Venice of a Florentine embassy for the purpose of securing the alliance of Venice in the struggle with the duke of Milan. The war party in Venice, was led Francesco Foscari, to whom this speech is especially addressed. The advantage of peace which Venice has so long enjoyed and to which she enjoyed so much of her prosperity are detailed at length by the Doge Mocenigo. In the passage here quoted especial reference is made to the commerce of Venice. While the figures are all in round numbers and not always consistent (the text of the original is carefully followed) yet they must be regarded as valuable approximation by one well-fitted to form an estimate. It is rather the character than the amount of the commerce which will fasten the attention of the reader. Venice was at the time the great emporium of the Orient. It on its part distributed the textiles enumerated as coming from the interior to the various centres of trade in the East.

Signor Francesco Foscari, youthful Procurator, if you are able to reply to these questions, reassure the Council by taking up this one which I propose to you. If you found in Venice a garden in such a condition that it produced enough grain every year to furnish sustenance to 500 persons, and that besides there were many bushels to be sold; that the garden produced so much wine, that it furnished sustenance to 500 persons, and that there were besides many measures to be sold; and that it produced every sort of oats and vegetables of considerable value, and that the garden produced more-over every sort of fruit so that 500 persons might live from it every year, and that there should be some for sale; that the garden pro-duced every year beeves,sheep, kids and birds of all sorts which might

furnish sustenance for 500 persons, yet so that some should remain for sale; and that the said garden produced so much cheese and eggs that it might furnish sustenance to 500 persons, yet so that some should remain for sale; and that the garden produced so much fish of all sorts for the sustenance of 500 persons, and that besides this fish could be sold for a considerable number of ducats; it would be agreed that such a garden was most noble, producing so many things, not only for the support of 500 persons, but also goods for sale for 500 ducats, the said garden requiring no cost for its maintenance. And one morning some one should say to you: "Signor Francesco your enemies have gone to the Piazza to take 500 sailors and have paid them to enter your garden; they bear 500 scythes to destroy the trees and the vines, also 100 villians with 100 pairs of oxen and 100 ploughs, paid by your enemies, to destroy all the plants which are in the said garden, to destroy all the animals, great and small, which are in the said garden," if you were wise, you would not suffer that your garden should be destroyed. You would go to your strong box and take enough gold to hire 1000 men to resist those who wish to destroy the said garden. If you should pay, Signor Francesco, these 500 men with scythes and 100 villians with ploughs for destroying the said gardens, it would be said that you had gone crazy. Let us examine if we are in such a position. We have planned to comprehend all the commerce which Venice at present conducts, which we have known. We will say of the Milanese merchants and of the exchange banks which confirm this, that there comes every week from Milan 17,000 to 18,000 ducats which enter into this city, making every year the sum of 900,000. From Monza 1000 ducats every week, amounting annually to 56,000 ducats. From Como 200 ducats every week, amounting annually to 104,000 ducats. From Alessandria della Paglia 1000 ducats every

week, amounting annually to 56,000 ducats. From Tortona and Novara
2000 ducats every week, amounting annually to 104,000 ducats. From
Pavia 200 ducats every week, amounting annually to 104,000 ducats.
From Cremona 2000 ducats every week, amounting annually to 104,000 duc-
ats. From Bergamo 1500 ducats every week, amounting annually to
78,000 ducats. From Parma 2000 ducats every week, amounting to 104,000
ducats. From Piacenza 1000 ducats every week, amounting to 52,000
ducats.

All these things the banks affirm to be thus
on the average, that there is introduced from the countries of the
duke of Milan annually 1,612,000 ducats of gold. Does it not appear
that this is a beautiful and most noble garden which Venice possesses
without cost? Alessandria della Paglia, Tortona and Novara, place
their 6000 pieces of cloth per year at 15 ducats the piece, amounting
to 90,000 ducats. Pavia places 3000 pieces of cloth at 15 ducats the
piece, which is 45,000 ducats. Milan places 4000 pieces of fine
cloth at 30 ducats the piece, which is 120,000 ducats. Como, 12,000
pieces at 15 ducats the piece, which amounts to 180,000 ducats. Monza
6000 pieces at 15 ducats the piece, which amounts to 90,000 ducats.
Brescia 5000 pieces at 15 ducats the piece, which amounts to 75,000
ducats. Bergamo 10,000 pieces at 7 ducats the piece, which amounts
to 70,000 ducats. Cremona places 40,000 fustians at 40 and a quarter
the piece, which amounts to 170,000. Parma 4000 pieces at 15 ducats
the piece, which is 60,000 ducats. This amounts in all to 90,000
pieces which makes 900,000 ducats. And we have revenues from the lands
of Lombardy at one ducat per piece, 200,000 ducats, which with this
and with the goods amounts to 28,000,000 ducats. Does it not appear
that this is the most beautiful garden of Venice? Of these things

-4-

which the Lombards carry away from you every year the first is cotton
(1)
5000 M. for 250,000 ducats, thread 20,000 M.at from 15 to 20 ducats
the hundred, making 300 ducats, Catalonian wool at 60 ducats per M.
for 4000 M., 120,000 ducats. French wool at 300 ducats per M. for
40 M., making 120,000 ducats. Cloth of gold and of silk per year for
250,000 ducats. 3000 cargoes of pepper at 100 ducats make 200,000
ducats. Cinnamon 400 loads at 160 ducats per load, 64,000 ducats.
Ginger 200 M. at 40 ducats per M., 80,000 ducats. Sugar of one boiling,
of two and of three, estimated at 15 ducats the hundred, 95,000 ducats.
Green ginger for several thousands of ducats. Other things of all sorts
for several thousands of ducats, for embroidery and sewing 30,000
ducats. *Endachi* and grains for 50,000 ducats. Now in the way of making
and estimate for all it will be seen to ne 28,000,000 ducats. And
this is a beautiful garden for Venice without cost. Soap for 250,000
ducats, slaves for 30,000, and considerable salted goods which are sold
every year. And all this draft which the said Lombardy makes upon these
lands is a reason to navigate so many ships in Syria, so many galleys
in Romania, so many in Catalonia, so many in Flanders, in Cyprus, in
Sicily, and in other parts of the world, by means of which Venice re-
ceives dues and freights, three, two and a half per cent. Sanseri and
Tintori; freights of vessels and galleys weighers, porters, bargemen,
sailors, rowers and captains, with the profits of merchants in the ven-
tures, which gives a sum of 600,000 ducats to us of Venice without
cost. From such profits many thousand persons live on the fat of the
land. And is this a garden which we ought to undo? In truth no. But
it is to be defended against any who wish to desolate it.

(1) The original has *migliaja* "thousands" for which we use the abbreviation.

(Univ. Penn. Tr. & Rep., III, ii)

Resources of Venice.

Signor Francesco Foscari, youthful Procurator, if you are able to reply to these questions, reassure the Council by taking up this one which I propose to you. If you found in Venice a garden in such a condition that it produced enough grain every year to furnish sustenance to 500 persons, and that besides there were many bushels to be sold; that the garden produced so much wine, that it furnished sustenance to 500 persons, and that there were besides many measures to be sold; and that it produce every sort of oats and vegetables of considerable value, and that the garden produced moreover every sort of fruit so that 500 persons might live from it every year, and that there should be some for sale; that the garden produced every year beeves, sheep, kids and birds of all sorts which might

-3-

furnish sustenance for 500 persons, yet so that some should remain for
sale; and that the said garden produced so much cheese and eggs that
it might furnish sustenance to 500 persons, yet so that some should
remain for sale; and that the garden produced so much fish of all
sorts for the sustenance of 500 persons, and that besides this fish
could be sold for a considerable number of ducats; it would be agreed
that such a garden was most noble, producing so many things, not only
for the support of 500 persons, but also goods for sale for 500
ducats, the said garden requiring no cost for its maintenance. And
one morning some one should say to you: "Signor Francesco your
enemies have gone to the Piazza to take 500 sailors and have paid
them to enter your garden; they bear 500 scythes to destroy the trees
and the vines, also 100 villians with 100 pairs of oxen and 100
ploughs, paid by your enemies, to destroy all the plants which are
in the said garden, to destroy all the animals, great and small, which
are in the said garden." if you were wise, you would not suffer that
your garden should be destroyed. You would go to your strong box and
take enough gold to hire 1000 men to resist those who wish to destroy
the said garden. If you should pay, Signor Francesco, these 500 men
with scythes and 100 villians with ploughs for destroying the said
gardens, it would be said that you had gone crazy. Let us examine
if we are in such a position. We have planned to comprehend all the
commerce which Venice at present conducts, which we have known. We
will say of the Milanese merchants and of the exchange banks which
confirm this, that there comes every week from Milan 17,000 to 18,000
ducats which enter into this city, making every year the sum of
900,000. From Monza 1000 ducats every week, amounting annually to
56,000 ducats. From Como 200 ducats every week, amounting annually
to 104,000 ducats. From Alessandria della Paglia 1000 ducats every

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week, amounting annually to 56,000 ducats. From Tortona and Novara
2000 ducats every week, amounting annually to 104,000 ducats. From
Pavia 200 ducats every week, amounting annually to 104,000 ducats.
From Cremona 2000 ducats every week, amounting annually to 104,000 ducats.
From Bergamo 1500 ducats every week, amounting annually to
78,000 ducats. From Parma 2000 ducats every week, amounting to 104,000 ducats.
From Piacenza 1000 ducats every week, amounting to 52,000 ducats.

142-1

4

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which the Lombards carry away from you every year the first is cotton
5000 M. for 250,000 ducats, thread 20,000 M. at from 15 to 20 ducats
the hundred, making 300 ducats, Catalonian wool at 60 ducats per M.
for 4000 M., 120,000 ducats. French wool at 300 ducats per M. for
40 M., making 120,000 ducats. Cloth of gold and of silk per year for
250,000 ducats. 3000 cargoes of pepper at 100 ducats make 200,000
ducats. Cinnamon 400 loads at 160 ducats per load, 64,000 ducats.
Ginger 200 M. at 40 ducats per M., 80,000 ducats. Sugar of one boiling,
of two and of three, estimated at 15 ducats the hundred, 95,000 ducats.
Green ginger for several thousands of ducats. Other things of all sorts
for several thousands of ducats, for embroidery and sewing 30,000
ducats. Endachi and grains for 50,000 ducats. Now in the way of making
and estimate for all it will be seen to ne 28,000,000 ducats. And
this is a beautiful garden for Venice without cost. Soap for 250,000
ducats, slaves for 30,000, and considerable salted goods which are sold
every year. And all this draft which the said Lombardy makes upon these
lands is a reason to navigate so many ships in Syria, so many galleys
in Romania, so many in Catalonia, so many in Flanders, in Cyprus, in
Sicily, and in other parts of the world, by means of which Venice re-
ceives dues and freights, three, two and a half per cent. Sanseri and
Tintori; freights of vessels and galleys weighers, porters, bargemen,
sailors, rowers and captains, with the profits of merchants in the ven-
tures, which gives a sum of 600,000 ducats to us of Venice without
cost. From such profits many thousand persons live on the fat of the
land. And is this a garden which we ought to undo? In truth no. But
it is to be defended against any who wish to desolate it.

(1) The original has migliaja "thousands" for which we use the abbreviation.

(Univ. Penn. Tr. & Rep., IV, ii.)

"Statist. docs." by Falkner, 8-11.)

LEVY OF TROOPS FOR WARS IN BOHEMIA, 1422

Deutsche Reichstagsakten Bd. VIII, (1883) pp. 157-165
Reprinted in Altmann und Bernheim; Ausgewählte Urkunden, Second Ed., pp. 174-177. German.

The levy of troops for the Bohemian wars gives us a picture of the relative size and importance of the various powers of Germany in 1422. The statisticians will note especially the concentration of power in the Rhine lands. The contingents to be furnished by the cities, afford an excellent scale of the relative importance of towns in the epoch concerned.

(The Electors). Archbishops: Mayence 50 with swords, Cologne 40 with swords. Treves 40 with swords. The count Palatine 50 with swords. Saxony 20 mounted men-at-arms. Brandenburg 50 with swords.

The Bishops: The archbishop of Magdenburg 30 swordsmen, 10 archers. Bishop of Hildesheim 5 swordsmen 5 archers. That of Wüzburg 20 swordsmen. That of Bamberg 20 swordsmen. That of Eichstätt 10 swordsmen. That of Strassburg 10 swordsmen. That of Constanz 8 swordsmen. That of Basle 2 swordsmen. That of Coire 2 swordsmen. That of Besançon 6 swordsmen. That of Augsburg 2 swordsmen. That of Metz 6 swordsmen. That of Toul 3 swordsmen. That of Verdun 6 swordsmen. That of Lausanne 6 swordsmen. That of Speyer 8 swordsmen. That of Worms 2 swordsmen. That of Verden 3 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. That of Schwerin 8 swordsmen, 8 men-at-arms. That of Halberstadt 6 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. That of Bremen 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. That of Kammin 6 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. That of Regensburg 5 swordsmen. That of Munster 1-swordsmen.

Dukes and lay princes. Duke of Lorraine 20 swordsmen. Duke of Bar 20 swordsmen. Duke of Savoy 50 swordsmen. Margrave of Baden, 10 swordsmen. Landgrave of Hesse 20 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Duke Otto of the Leina 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Erich of Brunswick, 5 swordsmen, 5 men-at-arms. Duke Otto of Hirschberg 5 swordsmen, 5 men-at-arms. Bernhard and William of Brunswick with their cities namely, Brunswick and Lüneburg, 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. John of Mecklenburg, 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Albrecht of Mecklenburg, 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Children of Duke Ulrich with the untry of Stargardt 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Otto and Sasimir of Stetin 20 swordsmen, 12 men-at-arms. Vladislaf of Wolgast 15 swordsmen, 12 men-at-arms. Erich of Saxony-Lauenberg 3 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. Louis of Ingoldstadt in Bavaria 16 swordsmen. Ernest and William of Bavaria 10 swordsmen. Henry of Bavaria 20 swordsmen. John of Bavaria 10 swordsmen. Stephen of Bavaria 5 swordsmen. Otto of Bavaria 5 swordsmen. Adolphus of Cleve 20 swordsmen. Duke of Berg, 6 spearsmen. the bishop of Utrecht, with Deventer, Kempten, Zwolle and Utrecht, 40 swordsmen.

Lords and counts in the Netherlands. The duke of Jülich, and the knights of Jülich and Guelders, and the four cities of Romunde, Nymwegen, Arnheim and Zutphen 60 swordsmen. The three cities of Brabant 100 swordsmen. The cities of Leige 100 swordsmen. Standard bearers, knights and men of Holland 60 swordsmen. Standard bearers, knights and men of Hainault, the cities of Hainault, the count of Namurs 20 swordsmen. Lords and knights of Flanders, the cities of Flanders 20 swordsmen.

Counts and Lords. Gerhard, count of Mark 3 swordsmen. William count of Ravensburg 2 swordsmen. Count of Teckelnburg 2 swordsmen. Count of Riedenburg 1 swordsman. Lord of Lippe 2 swordsmen. Lord of Dippoldswald 1 swordsman. Count of Bentheim 1 swordsman, Count of Schaunburg 1 swordsman. Count of Oldenburg 1 swordsman. Frederick and Willian of Henneberg 4 swordsmen, Count of Rheineck 2 swordsmen. Count of Kastel 2 swordsmen. Count of Hohenlohe 2 swordsmen. Count of Weinsberg 2 swordsmen. Count of Heideck 1 swordsmen. Otto Erich of the Heust 6 swordsmen. Count of Wurttemberg 20 swordsmen. Count of Schauen 15 swordsmen. Margrave of Rotelen 3, swordsmen. Margrave of Toggenburg 5 swordsmen. Conrad of Freiburg 5 swordsmen. Hugo master of the order of St. John, 10 swordsmen. Christopher of Winden 6 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. Albrecht and George of Anhalt 5 swordsmen, 5 men-at-arms. Bernhard of Anhalt 4 swordsmen, 4 men-at-arms. Bernhard of Rheimstein 3 swordsmen, 3 men at arms. Count of Wernigerode 4 swordsmen, 4 archers. Emich of Leinigen 3 swordsmen. Frederick of Leinigen 2 swordsmen. Philipp of Nassau 4 swordsmen. John of Sponheim 5 swordsmen. Frederick of Veldenz 3 swordsmen. John and Frederick, counts of the Rhine 2 swordsmen. Philipp and Emich, lords of Oberstein 2 swordsmen. Lord of Hohenfels 1 swordsman. Nicholas Vogt of Honolstein 1 swordsmen. John of Katsenellenbogen 8 swordsmen. Adolphus of Nassau 2 swordsmen. William of Weid 3 swordsmen. Philipp and Salentin lord of Ysenburg 3 swordsmen. John of Wied, Reinhard, lord of Westerburg 2 swordsmen. Deitrick, lord of Runkel 1 swordsmen. John and Henry, counts of Nassau, lord of Bidsstein 2 swordsmen. Bernhard and John brothers, count Solms 3 swordsmen. John of Wittgenstein 1 swordsman. Rupert of Virneburg 2 swordsmen. Gottfried Eberhard, lord of Eppstein 4 swordsmen. Reinhard, lord of Hanau 3 swordsmen. Dieter, lord of Büdgen 3 swordsmen. Michael of Wertheim 1 swordsman. William of Eberstein 1 swordsman. Lords of Arbergen 3 swordsmen. William of Blankenstein 1 swordsman. John, lord of Schleiden 1 swordsman. Frederick of Moers 4 swordsmen. John, lord of Heimsberg 4 swordsmen. Walrave of Moers 1 swordsman. William Craft, lord of Saffenburg 1 swordsman. John, lord of Rodenmachern 2 swordsmen. John and Gottfreid, lord of Ziegenhain 2 swordsmen. Henry of Waldeck and the others of Waldeck 4 swordsmen. John Henry of Vinstigen 2 swordsmen. The lord of Wibelkoben 1 swordsmen. Schenk Eberhard, Schenk Conrad and Schenk Conrad the younger, of Ehrenpach, 3 swordsmen. Conrad, lord of Bickenbach, 1 swordsman. The lord of Neuenahr 1 swordsman. Eberhard of Lineburg, lord of Hartenburg 2 swordsmen. Count of Limburg 1 swordsman. The lord of Harn 2 swordsmen. John of Saarwenden 1 swordsman. The Brothers of Bitsch 1 swordsman. Count of Salm 1 swordsman.

The Abbots. The abbot of Fulda 6 swordsmen. The abbot of Weissenburg 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Zelle 1 swordsmen. The abbot of Mürbach 3 swordsmen. The abbot of Maulbronn 5 swordsmen. The abbot of Einsiedeln 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Biebenhausen 3 swordsmen.

the abbot of Salem 5 swordsmen. The abbot of Alb 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Kempten 2 swoedsmen. The abbot of Schaffhausen 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Petershausen 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Kinzing 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Weingarten 4 swordsmen. The abbot of Elchin- gen 2 swordsmen. The abbot of St. Blasien 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Balbeuren 2 swordsmen. The Abbot of Zwiefalten 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Isni 1 swordsman. The abbot of St. George 1 swordsmen. The abbot of Saint John 1 swordsman. The Abbot of Pfaeffers 1 swordsmen. The abbot of Königsbrünn 1 swordsmen. Rpior of Schussenreid 2 swordsmen.

The cities. The confederates of Berne, Lucerne, Zurich, Freiburg in Vaud, 250 horse. Constance, Lindau, Buchhorn, Ravensburg, Ueberlingen, Selle am Unter See, Diessenhofen, 50 swordsmen and 200 mounted men. Schaffhausen, Waldshut, Lauffenberg, Säckingen, Rhäinfelden, Winterthür, Rapperswil, Frauenfeld 26 men-at-arms. Kempten, Isny, Wangen, Leutkirch, Memmingen, Augsburg, Biberach, Pfullendoff, Kaufbeuren, Ulm, Giengen, Nordlingen, Bopfingen, Aalen, Gmünd, Dünkelsbühl, Esslingen, Reutlingen, Rottweil, Weil, Buchau, 100 swordsmen and 100 men-at-arms. Halle 12 swordsmen and 12 men-at-arms. Heilbronn, Wimpfen, Weinsberg 24 mounted men armed. Basle 16 swordsmen. Strassburg, Muhlhausen, Colmar, Münster in St. Gregor- ienthal, Kaiserberg, Dürkheim, Schlettstadt, Oberehnheim, Roshein, Hagenau, Weissenburg, 30 swordsmen. Freiburg, Neuenberg, Breisach, Kenzingen Edingen 10 swordsmen. Verden 10 swordsmen. Kaufmansarburg 3 swordsmen. Treves 4 swordsmen, Metz 20 swordsmen. Toul 10 swordsmen. Speyer Worms and Mayence 24 swordsmen. Cologne, Aix la Chapelle 30 swordsmen. Dortmund 6 swordsmen. Frankfort 15 swordsmen. Freib- berg 2 swordsmen Gelnhausen 3 swordsmen. Wetzlar 2 swordsmen. Nurem- berg 30 swordsmen, 30 men-at-arms. Rotherburg, 12 swordsmen, 12 men- at-arms. Windsheim 6 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. Weissenburg in Franconia 5 swordsmen, 5 men-at-arms. Rgengsburg 15 swordsmen, 15 men-at-arms. Lübeck 30 swordsmen, 30 men-at-arms. Hamburg 15 swordsmen, 15 men-at- arms. Mühlhausen [Saxony] 3 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. Nordhausen 15 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Aschesleben 10 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. Halberstadt 10 swordsmen. 10 men-at-arms. Quedlingurg 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Sum total 754 swordsmen and 777 mounted horse from the cities.

Univ. Penn. Tr. & Rep. II, 11.

"Statist. obs.," G. Falkner, 8-11.)

## LEVI OF TROOPS FOR WARS IN BOHEMIA, 1422

Deutsche Reichstagsakten Bd.VIII, (1883) pp.157-165
Reprinted in Altmann und Bernheim; Ausgewählte Urkunden, Second Ed., pp. 174-177. German.

Dukes and lay princes. Duke of Lorraine 20 swordsmen. Duke of Bar 20 swordsmen. Duke of Savoy 50 swordsmen. Margrave of Baden, 10 swordsmen. Landgrave of Hesse 20 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Duke Otto of the Leina 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Erich of Brunswick, 5 swordsmen, 5 men-at-arms. Duke Otto of Hirschberg 5 swordsmen, 5 men-at-arms. Bernhard and William of Brunswick with their cities namely, Brunswick and Lüneburg, 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. John of Mecklenburg, 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Albrecht of Mecklenburg, 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Children of Duke Ulrich with the country of Stargardt 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Otto and Sasimir of Stettin 20 swordsmen, 12 men-at-arms. Vladislaf of Wolgast 15 swordsmen, 12 men-at-arms. Erich of Saxe-Lauenberg 3 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. Louis of Ingoldstadt in Bavaria 16 swordsmen. Ernest and William of Bavaria 10 swordsmen. Henry of Bavaria 20 swordsmen. John of Bavaria 10 swordsmen. Stephen of Bavaria 5 swordsmen. Otto of Bavaria 5 swordsmen. Adolphus of Cleve 20 swordsmen. Duke of Berg, 6 spearsmen. the bishop of Utrecht, with Deventer, Kempten, Zwolle and Utrecht, 40 swordsmen.

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Counts and Lords. Gerhard, count of Mark 3 swordsmen. William count of Ravensburg 2 swordsmen. Count of Teckelnburg 2 swordsmen. Count of Riedenburg 1 swordsman. Lord of Lippe 2 swordsmen. Lord of Dippoldswald 1 swordsman. Count of Bentheim 1 swordsman, Count of Schaunburg 1 swordsman. Count of Oldenburg 1 swordsman. Frederick and Willian of Henneberg 4 swordsmen, Count of Rheineck 2 swordsmen. Count of Kastel 2 swordsmen. Count of Hohenlohe 2 swordsmen. Count of Weinsberg 2 swordsmen. Count of Heideck 1 swordsmen. Otto Erich of the Heust 6 swordsmen. Count of Wurttemberg 20 swordsmen. Count of Schauen 15 swordsmen. Margrave of Rotelen 3 swordsmen. Margrave of Toggenburg 5 swordsmen. Conrad of Freiburg 5 swordsmen. Hugo master of the order of St. John, 10 swordsmen. Christopher of Winden 6 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. Albrecht and George of Anhalt 5 swordsmen, 5 men-at-arms. Bernhard of Anhalt 4 swordsmen, 4 men-at-arms. Bernhard of Rheimstein 3 swordsmen, 3 men at arms. Count of Wernigerode 4 swordsmen, 4 archers. Emich of Leinigen 3 swordsmen. Frederick of Leinigen 2 swordsmen. Philipp of Nassau 4 swordsmen. John of Sponheim 5 swordsmen. Frederick of Veldenz 3 swordsmen. John and Frederick, counts of the Rhine 2 swordsmen. Philipp and Emich, lords of Oberstein 2 swordsmen. Lord of Hohenfels 1 swordsman. Nicholas Vogt of Honolstein 1 swordsmen. John of Katsenellenbogen 8 swordsmen. Adolphus of Nassau 2 swordsmen. William of Weid 3 swordsmen. Philipp and Salentin lord of Ysenburg 3 swordsmen. John of Wied, Reinhard, lord of Westerburg 2 swordsmen. Deitrick, lord of Runkel 1 swordsmen. John and Henry, counts of Nassau, lord of Bißstein 2 swordsmen. Bernhard and John brothers, count Solms 3 swordsmen. John of Wittgenstein 1 swordsman. Rupert of Virneburg 2 swordsmen. Gottfried Eberhard, lord of Eppstein 4 swordsmen. Reinhard, lord of Hanau 3 swordsmen. Dieter, lord of Büdgen 3 swordsmen. Michael of Wertheim 1 swordsman. William of Eberstein 1 swordsman. Lords of Arbergen 3 swordsmen. William of Blankenstein 1 swordsman. John, lord of Schleiden 1 swordsman. Frederick of Moers 4 swordsmen. John, lord of Heimsberg 4 swordsmen. Walrave of Moers 1 swordsman. William Craft, lord of Saffenburg 1 swordsman. John, lord of Rodenmachern 2 swordsmen. John and Gottfreid, lord of Ziegenhain 2 swordsmen. Henry of Waldeck and the others of Waldeck 4 swordsmen. John Henry of Vinstigen 2 swordsmen. The lord of Wibelkoben 1 swordsmen. Schenk Eberhard, Schenk Conrad and Schenk Conrad the younger, of Ehrenpach, 3 swordsmen. Conrad, lord of Bickenbach, 1 swordsman. The lord of Neuenahr 1 swordsman. Eberhard of Lineburg, lord of Hartenburg 2 swordsmen. Count of Limburg 1 swordsman. The lord of Harn 2 swordsmen. John of Saarwenden 1 swordsman. The Brothers of Bitsch 1 swordsmen. Count of Salm 1 swordsman.

The Abbots. The abbot of Fulda 6 swordsmen. The abbot of Weissenburg 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Zelle 1 swordsmen. The abbot of Murbach 3 swordsmen. The abbot of Maulbronn 5 swordsmen. The abbot of Einsiedeln 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Biebenhausen 3 swordsmen.

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the abbot of Salem 5 swordsmen. The abbot of Alb 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Kemptem 2 swoedsmen. The abbot of Schaffhausen 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Petershausen 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Kinzing 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Weingarten 4 swordsmen. The abbot of Elchin- gen 2 swordsmen. The abbot of St. Blasien 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Balbeuren 2 swordsmen. The Abbot of Zwiefalten 2 swordsmen. The abbot of Isni 1 swordsman. The abbot of St. George 1swordsman. The abbot of Saint John 1 swordsman. The Abbot of Pfaeffers 1 swordsman. The abbot of Königsbrünn 1 swordsman. Rpior of Schussenreid 2 swords- men.

The cities. The confederates of Berne, Lucerne, Zurich, Freiburg in Vaud, 250 horse. Constance, Lindau, Buchhorn, Ravensburg, Ueberlingen, Selle am Unter See, Diessenhofen, 50 swordsmen and 200 mounted men. Schaffhausen, Waldshut, Lauffenberg, Säckingen, Rhäinfelden, Winterthür, Rapperswil, Frauenfeld 26 men-at-arms. Kempten, Isny, Wangen, Leutkirch, Memmingen, Augsburg, Biberach, Pfullendoff, Kaufbeuren, Ulm, Giengen, Nordlingen, Bopfingen, Aalen, Gmünd, Dünkelsbühl, Esslingen, Reutlingen, Rottweil, Weil, Buchau, 100 swordsmen and 100 men-at-arms. Halle 12 swordsmen and 12 men-at-arms. Heilbronn, Wimpfen, Weinsberg 24 mounted men armed. Basle 16 swordsmen. Strassburg, Muhlhausen, Colmar, Münster in St. Gregor- ienthal, Kaiserberg, Dürkheim, Schlettstadt, Oberehnheim, Roshein, Hagenau, Weissenburg, 30 swordsmen. Freiburg, Neuenberg, Breisach, Kenzingen Edingen 10 swordsmen. Verden 10 swordsmen. Kaufmansarburg 3 swordsmen. Treves 4 swordsmen, Metz 20 swordsmen. Toul 10 swordsmen. Speyer Worms and Mayence 24 swordsmen. Cologne, Aix la Chapelle 30 swordsmen. Dortmund 6 swordsmen. Frankfort 15 swordsmen. Freid- berg 2 swordsmen Gelnhausen 3 swordsmen. Wetzlar 2 swordsmen. Nurem- berg 30 swordsmen, 30 men-at-arms. Rotherburg, 12 swordsmen, 12 men- at-arms. Windsheim 6 swordsmen 6 men-at-arms. Weissenburg in Franconia 5 swordsmen, 5 men-at-arms. Rgengsburg 15 swordsmen, 15 men-at-arms. Lübeck 30 swordsmen, 30 men-at-arms. Hamburg 15 swordsmen, 15 men-at- arms. Mühlhausen [Saxony] 3 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. Nordhausen 15 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Aschesleben 10 swordsmen, 6 men-at-arms. Halberstadt 10 swordsmen. 10 men-at-arms. Quedlingurg 10 swordsmen, 10 men-at-arms. Sum total 754 swordsmen and 777 mounted horse from the cities.

MEMORANDUM OF THE POWER AND REVENUES OF
THE STATES OF EUROPE IN 142-

Note to Life of Mocenigo.

Muratori Script.rer. Ital.XXII, pp 960 et seq.
Italian.

The memorandum here quoted is by an unknown hand. It was affixed to the document from which Muratori derives his information before 1450. It may be regarded in the light of a contemporary estimate of the relative strength of European nations. Age excellent system of reports by which the Venetian am-bassadors kept the home government informed as to the doings of foreign powers is a guaranty that the statement represents the best available information. While in some respects it is vague and indefinite it yet gives us an excellent idea of the budget of receipts of that commonwealth.

Income of all the Christian powers and what they
are able to do. The king of France with all his force and the
feudal services of princes, dukes, marquises, counts, barons,
knights, bishops, abbots, canons, priests and citizens, can in
his own country raise 30,000 horsemen skilled in arms. If de-
siring to send them out of the country the said realm could not,
since the costs would be doubled, send more than 15,000 horse.
Before the war with their own countrymen, it could have raised
100,000 for that war destroyed both Church and revenues. In the
total therefore, 15,000 horse. The king of England with the
power of his revenues, and the feudal services of princes and
others as above could paying them every month, raise at home 30,000
horsemen skilled in arms. In making the test of war these powers

are equal. They have always been powerful in their undertakings.
And if one of these forces had been greater than the other, one
would have been destroyed. The English were overcome, after the
division occurred in England, and they could not make provision
for their forces. This was before 1414. They had 40,000 horse.
Wars have weakened these countries, their men and their revenues,
so that now wishing to send a force out of the country it is
agreed that they have the half, i.e., 15,000 horsemen. The king
of Scotland, who is a lord of a great country, and of a people of so
great poverty that he would not be able to maintain with his reveh-
ues and the taxes and dues of the clergy and laity, 10,000 horsemen
skilled in arms in his own country; outside of the country on ac-
count of the great cost, 5000 horse. The king of Norway who is lord
of a great country, and a people equally poor could not maintain
at home with his revenues and the taxes and dues of clergy and laity
10,000 horsemen skilled in arms, abroad 5000 horse. The king of
Spain with all his revenues and feudal dues of clergy and laity, with
all his forces 30,000 horsemen skilled in arms. In 1414 he paid
for 20,000. Wishing to maintain them out of the country at double
cost they would be 15,000 horsemen. The king of Portugal with
all his revenues from clergy and laity with all his force, would
have, if he paid every month, at home 6000 horsemen skilled in arms
abroad 3000 horse. The king of Brittany with all his revenues and
feudal dues of clergy and laity, paying every month, could maintain
at home 8000 horsemen skilled in arms, abroad 4000. The master of
St. James with all his force of men skilled in arms, at home 4000
horsemen, abroad 2000. The duke of Burgundy with all his force
as above at home 3000 cavalry. In 1414 he held 1000. But war

But war has destroyed the country. Abroad 5000 men. The king René [of Provence] with all his revenues would be able to raise at home 6000 horse, abroad 3000. The duke of Savoy with all his revenues would be able to raise at home 8000 horse, abroad 4000. The marquis of Montferrat would be able to hold 2000 horse at home, 1000 abroad. The count Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, with all his force could hold as mercenaries 10,000 horse at home and 5000 abroad. The signory of Venice can, with all its force pay for 10,000 horsemen skilled in arms at home, and 5000 abroad. The marquis of Ferrara at home 2000 horsemen, abroad 1000. The marquis of Mantua, at home 2000, abroad 1000. The signory of Bologna 2000 at home 1000 abroad. The community of Siena at home 2000 abroad 1000. The Signory of Florence with all its revenues of 1414 could place 1000. At present through the wars it can place 4000 at home and 2000 abroad.

The Pope with all his revenues of his States of the Church, and with the profits of churches which he receives was able in 1414 to raise 8000 horsemen; at present at home 6000 horsemen, abroad 3000. The king of Aragon in the Realm of Naples can raise with all his revenues 12,000 horsemen at home and 6000 abroad. The princes of the Realm are able with all their revenues to raise 4000 horsemen at home 2000 abroad. The Community of Genoa were able in 1414 to maintain 5000 horsemen. But through their present dissension and the wars they are only able to maintain at present 2000. The Barcelonians with all the community and the lord of Catalonia, counting citizens and knights, can at home, paying every month maintain 12,000 horsemen, and abroad 6000. All Germany with the lords temporal and spiritual, the free and the other cities, north and south Germany, and the Emperor who is

German, can raise with all their resources and revenues 60,000 horsemen at home and 30,000 abroad. The king of Hungary, with all the dukes, lords, princes, barons, prelates, clergy, and laity, and with all his resources and revenues can raise at home 80,000 horsemen abroad 40,000. The grand master of Prussia with all his revenues, 30,000 horsemen. In 1414 he had 50,000. But war has weakened him. Abroad 15,000 horsemen. The king of Poland, with all his revenues with dukes, marquises, barons, cities and boroughs can raise at home 50,000 horsemen, abroad 25,000. The Wallachians with all their revenues and feudal service, at home 20,000 horsemen, abroad 10,000. Morea with its resources of 1414 could raise 50,000 horsemen. War has weakened them. At present at home 20,000, abroad 10,000. All Albania, Croatia, Slavonia, Servia, Surria and Bosnia with all their revenues at home 30,000, abroad 15,000. The king of Cyprus with all his revenues can raise in the Island 2000, abroad 1000. The duke of Nicae in the Archipelago with all his power can pay for 2000 horsemen at home, 1000 abroad. The grand master of Rhodes with all his revenues and feudal dues of his liegemen, clergy, and laity of the island would be able to raise 4000 horsemen at home, 200 abroad. The lord of Mitylene 2000 horsemen, abroad 1000. The emperor of Trebizonde with all his power could raise at home 25,000 horsemen, abroad 15,000. The king of Georgia with his revenues of 1414 raised 30,000 horsemen. At present he can raise at home 10,000 horsemen, abroad 5000. The emperor of Constantinople can only raise ***. Power of the Infidel Monarchs. The Tunk can in all his dominions raise 40,000 horsemen, valiant men to defend him against the Christians. The Caraman with all his power can raise at home 60,000 horsemen, abroad

30,000. Ussun Cassan with all his power can raise at home 20,000 horsemen in the service of Mahomet, abroad 10,000. The Caraifan with all his resources at home 20,000, abroad 10,000. Tamerlane with all his Tarter power can raise at home 1,000,000 horsemen, abroad 500,000. The king of Tunis, of Granada and the other cities of Barbary who have galleys and boats to the injury of Christians at home are 100,000 horsemen abroad 50,000.

Revenues of some Christian princes in the year 1423. The king of France in the year 1414 had 2,000,000 ducats or which daily revenues. But the wars have continued for forty years have reduced the ordinary revenues to 1,000,000 ducats. The king of England had 2,000,000 ducats ordinary revenue. The continued wars have desolated the island. At the present time he has 700,000 ducats revenue. The king of Spain had in 1410, 3,000,000 ducats ordinary revenue, but the continued wars have reduced it to 800,000 ducats. The king of Portugal had in 1410, 200,000 ducats revenue. By the wars it is reduced to 140,000 ducats. The king of Brittany in 1414 had 200,000 ducats revenue. By the wars it is reduced to 140,000 ducats. The duke of Burgundy had in 1400 3,000,000 ducats. By the wars it is reduced to 900,000 ducats. The duke of Savoy as a free country has 150,000 ducats revenue. The marquis of Montferrat as a free country has 100,000 ducats revenue. Count Francesco, duke of Milan (in 1423 duke Fillippo Maria had 1,000,000 ducats revenue) has at present on account of the wars only 500,000 ducats. The signory of Venice had in 1423 1,110,000 ducats ordinary revenue. By reason of great wars which have destroyed commerce it has 800,000 ducats ordinary revenue. The marquis of Ferrara had in 1423, 70,000 ducats ordinary revenue. Through the Italian wars he has by remain-

-6-

ing at peace 150,000 ducats. The Marquis of Montferrat had in
1423, 150,000 ducats, today 60,000 ducats. The Bolognese had in
1423, 400,000 ducats ordinary revenue. But by the wars it has come
to 200,000 ducats. Florence in 1423 had a revenue of 400,000
ducats. But since then, through the great wars it is reduced to
200,000 ducats. The pope, though formerly he had none, has 400,000
ducats ordinary revenue. The Geneseo through the great division
among them are reduced to 130,000 ducats. The king of Aragon, in
all his realm with Sicily, though at first he had considerably more,
has a revenue of 310,000 ducats.

Revenues of our signory on the main-land and the
cost of these domains. The country of Friuli gives annually
75,000 ducats. Its cost are annually 6330 ducats. There remains net
1170 ducats. Trevigi and suburbs 40,000 ducats, costs 10,100 ducats,
remainder 29,900 ducats. Pardua and suburbs 65,500 ducats, costs
14,000 ducats, remainder 51,500 ducats. Vicenza and suburbs 34,500
ducats, costs 7500 ducats, remainder 26,900. Verona and suburbs
52,500 ducats, costs 18,000 ducats, remainder 34,000 ducats. Brescia
and suburbs 75,500 ducats, costs 16,000 ducats, remainder 59,500
ducats. Bergamo and suburbs, 25,500 ducats, costs 9,500 ducats, re-
mainder 16,000 ducats. Crema and suburbs 7400 ducats, costs 3900
ducats, remainder 3500 ducats. Ravenna and suburbs 9000 ducats, costs
2770 ducats, remainder 6230 ducats. Sum of the above 317,400 ducats,
costs 88,200 ducats, remainder 229,200 ducats. Revenues of Venice.

The indendants of the revenues levy every year 150,000
ducats. The Salt office levies every year 165,000 ducats. Eight
offices connected with the Bureau of Taxes levy per year 233,500

ducats. Offices connected with the Arsenal levy annually 73,280 ducats. From the profits of the Bureau of Taxes per year 150,000 ducats and salaries 26,500 ducats, leaving 611,600 ducats. Maritime possessions yield annually 180,000 ducats. Other extraordinary revenues. Revenue of the tithe of houses and possessions in the Duchy 25,000 ducats. For the clergy who pay in cash half the tithe, the other being held by the Bureau of Taxes, 15,000 ducats. Possessions abroad and foreign stations 5000 ducats. Priests, for their revenues, 22,000 ducats. Sea-faring Jews two-tenths per year 600 ducats. Land Jews 500 ducats for the tithe and 1000 ducats for the two-tenths.

The tithe of the merchants 16,000 ducats. Revenue of Noli and Gioje 6000 ducats. Poll taxes and exchange 20,000 ducats. Note that we must subtract from these the following namely: for the persons who are unable to pay the tithe of the houses, it cannot be exacted 6000 ducats; for the half of the tithe of the profit of the Bureau of Taxes, 7500 ducats; for the priests, to be deducted for the Patriarchate 2000 ducats; for the merchandise for the revenues 6000 ducats; for Noli and Gioje 4000 ducats: for poll-taxes and exchange 12,000 ducats.

Univ. Penn. Tr. & Rep., IV, 11,

"Statist. does." by Falkner, 14-18.

Note to Life of Mocenigo.

Income of all the Christian powers and what they are able to do. The king of France with all his force and the feudal services of princes, dukes, marquises, counts, barons, knights, bishops, abbots, canons, priests and citizens, can in his own country raise 30,000 horsemen skilled in arms. If desiring to send them out of the country the said realm could not, since the costs would be doubled, send more than 15,000 horse. Before the war with their own countrymen, it could have raised 100,000 for that war destroyed both Church and revenues. In the total therefore, 15,000 horse. The king of England with the power of his revenues, and the feudal services of princes and others as above could paying them every month, raise at home 30,000 horsemen skilled in arms. In making the test of war these powers

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are equal. They have always been powerful in their undertakings. And if one of these forces had been greater than the other, one would have been destroyed. The English were overcome, after the division occurred in England, and they could not make provision for their forces. This was before 1414. They had 40,000 horse. Wars have weakened these countries, their men and their revenues, so that now wishing to send a force out of the country it is agreed that they have the half, i.e., 15,000 horsemen. The king of Scotland, who is a lord of a great country, and of a people of so great poverty that he would not be able to maintain with his revenues and the taxes and dues of the clergy and laity, 10,000 horsemen skilled in arms in his own country; outside of the country on account of the great cost, 5000 horse. The king of Norway who is lord of a great country, and a people equally poor could not maintain at home with his revenues and the taxes and dues of clergy and laity, 10,000 horsemen skilled in arms, abroad 5000 horse. The king of Spain with all his revenues and feudal dues of clergy and laity, with all his forces 30,000 horsemen skilled in arms. In 1414 he paid for 20,000. Wishing to maintain them out of the country at double cost they would be 15,000 horsemen. The king of Portugal with all his revenues from clergy and laity with all his force, would have, if he paid every month, at home 6000 horsemen skilled in arms abroad 3000 horse. The king of Brittany with all his revenues and feudal dues of clergy and laity, paying every month, could maintain at home 8000 horsemen skilled in arms, abroad 4000. The master of St. James with all his force of men skilled in arms, at home 4000 horsemen, abroad 2000. The duke of Burgundy with all his force as above at home 3000 cavalry. In 1414 he held 1000. But war

-4-

German, can raise with all their resources and revenues 60,000 horsemen at home and 30,000 abroad. The king of Hungary, with all the dukes, lords, princes, barons, prelates, clergy, and laity, and with all his resources and revenues can raise at home 80,000 horsemen abroad 40,000. The grand master of Prussia with all his revenues, 30,000 horsemen. In 1414 he had 50,000. But war has weakened him. Abroad 15,000 horsemen. The king of Poland, with all his revenues with dukes, marquises, barons, cities and boroughs can raise at home 50,000 horsemen, abroad 25,000. The Wallachians with all their revenues and feudal service, at home 20,000 horsemen, abroad 10,000. Morea with its resources of 1414 could raise 50,000 horsemen. War has weakened them. At present at home 20,000, abroad 10,000. All Albania, Croatia, Slavonia, Servia, Surria and Bœnia with all their revenues at home 30,000, abroad 15,000. The king of Cyprus with all his revenues can raise in the Island 2000, abroad 1000. The duke of Nicae in the Archipelago with all his power can pay for 2000 horsemen at home, 1000 abroad. The grand master of Rhodes with all his revenues and feudal dues of his liegemen, clergy, and laity of the island would be able to raise 4000 horsemen at home, 200 abroad. The lord of Mitylene 2000 horsemen, abroad 1000. The emperor of Trebizonde with all his power could raise at home 25,000 horsemen, abroad 15,000. The king of Georgia with his revenues of 1414 raised 30,000 horsemen. At present he can raise at home 10,000 horsemen, abroad 5000. The emperor of Constantinople can only raise ***. Power of the Infidel Monarchs. The Tunk can in all his dominions raise 40,000 horsemen, valient men to defend him against the Christians. The Caraman with all his power can raise at home 60,000 horsemen, abroad

-5-

Revenues of some Christian princes in the year 1423. The king of France in the year 1414 had 2,000,000 ducats or which dinary revenues. But the wars\have continued for forty years have reduced the ordinary revenues to 1,000,000 ducats. The king of England had 2,000,000 ducats ordinary revenue. The continued wars have desolated the island. At the present time he has 700,000 ducats revenue. The king of Spain had in 1410, 3,000,000 ducats or dinary revenue, but the continued wars have reduced it to 800,000 ducats. The king of Portugal had in 1410, 200,000 ducats revenue. By the wars it is reduced to 140,000 ducats. The king of Brittany in 1414 had 200,000 ducats revenue. By the wars it is reduced to 140 000 ducats. The duke of Burgundy had in 1400 3,000,000 ducats. By the wars it is reduced to 900,000 ducats. The duke of Savoy as a free country has 150,000 ducats revenue. The marquis of Montferrat as a free country has 100,000 ducats revenue. Count Francesco, duke of Milan (in 1423 duke Fillippo Maria had 1,000,000 ducats revenue) has at present on account of the wars only 500,000 ducats. The signory of Venice had in 1423 1,110,000 ducats ordinary revenue. By reason of great wars which have destroyed commerce it has 800,000 ducats ordinary revenue. The marquis of Ferrara had in 1423, 70,000 ducats ordinary revenue. Through the Italian wars he has by remain-

-6-

Revenues of our signory on the main-land and the
cost of these domains. The country of Friuli gives annually
75,000 ducats. Its cost are annually 6330 ducats. There remains net
1170 ducats. Trevigi and suburbs 40,000 ducats, costs 10,100 ducats,
remainder 29,900 ducats. Pardua and suburbs 65,500 ducats, costs
14,000 ducats, remainder 51,500 ducats. Vicenza and suburbs 34,500
ducats, costs 700 ducats, remainder 26,900. Verona and suburbs
52,500 ducats, costs 18,000 ducats, remainder 34,000 ducats. Brescia
and suburbs 75,500 ducats, costs 16,000 ducats, remainder 59,500
ducats. Bergamo and suburbs, 25,500 ducats, costs 9,500 ducats, re-
mainder 16,000 ducats. Crema and suburbs 7400 ducats, costs 3900
ducats, remainder 3500 ducats. Ravenna and suburbs 9000 ducats, costs
2770 ducats, remainder 6230 ducats. Sum of the above 317,400 ducats,
costs 88,200 ducats, remainder 229,200 ducats. Revenues of Venice.

ducats. Offices connected with the Arsenal levy annually 73,280 ducats. From the profits of the Bureau of Taxes per year 150,000 ducats and salaries 26,500 ducats, leaving 611,600 ducats. Maritime possessions yield annually 180,000 ducats. Other extraordinary revenues. Revenue of the tithe of houses and possessions in the Duchy of 25,000 ducats. For the clergy who pay in cash half the tithe, the other being held by the Bureau of Taxes, 15,000 ducats. Possessions abroad and foreign stations 5000 ducats. Priests, for their revenues, 22,000 ducats. Sea-faring Jews two-tenths per year 600 ducats. Land Jews 500 ducats for the tithe and 1000 ducats for the two-tenths. The tithe of the merchants 16,000 ducats. Revenue of Noli and Gioje 6000 ducats. Poll taxes and exchange 20,000 ducats. Note that we must subtract from these the following namely: for the persons who are unable to pay the tithe of the houses, it cannot be exacted 6000 ducats; for the half of the tithe of the profit of the Bureau of Taxes, 7500 ducats; for the priests, to be deducted for the Patriarchate 2000 ducats; for the merchandise for the revenues 6000 ducats; for Noli and Gioje 4000 ducats: for poll-taxes and exchange 12,000 ducats.

-2-

e Laici, pagando ogni mese, d'uomini periti nell'arme, cavalli
10000 in casa sua. Fuori di casa per la grande spesa cavalli 5000.

Il Re di Norvegia, ch'è Signore di grandi paesi e popoli, ma
similmente poveri, non potrebbe tenere colle ᵈue entrate e daje
di Cherici e Laici cavalli 10000. Di fuori 5000. Il Re di
Spagna con tutto le sue entrate, e angarie di Cherici e Laici,
con tutto il suo sforzo, d'uomini periti ᵈd'arme, cavalli 30000.

Del 1414 avea pagati cavalli 20000. ma volendoli tenere ᵈuori
di casa per le spese doppie, ᵈarebbono cavalli 15000. Il Re di
Portogallo con tuttª le sue entrate di Cherici e Laici con tutto
il suo sforzo, pagandoli ogni mese, d'uomini periti nell'arme
farebbe in casa sua cavalli 6000. fuori cavalli 3000. Il Re
di Bretagna con tutte le sue entrate e angarie di Cherici e
di Laici, d'uomini periti nell'arme, pagandoli ogni mese, in casa
 avea potrebbe tenere cavalli 8000. fuori di casa cavalli 4000.

Il Maestro di San Jacopo, con tutte le sue armate d'unomini periti
nell'arme, in casa sua cavalli 4000. fuori cavalli 2000. Il Duca
di Borgogna con tutte le sue armate, ut supra, in casa ᵈua cavalli
3000. Nel 1414. avea tenutone 1000. Ma le guerre hanno distrutto
il paese. Fuori di casa cavalli 5000. Il Re Reſnieri con tutte
le sue entrate farebbe in casa sua cavalli 6000. fuori di casa sua
cavalli 3000. Il Duca di Savoja con tutte le sue entrate farebbe
in casa sua cavalli 8000. fuori di casa cavalli 4000. Il Marchese
di Monferrate terrebbe in casa cavalli 2000. e fuori di casa cavalli
1000. Il Conte Francesco Sforza Duca di Milano con tutto lo suo
sforzo, in casa può fare cavalli 10000. con fatica, fuori cavalli
5000. La Signoria di Venezia con tutte le sue entrate in casa

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Caramono con tutte le sue potenze in casa sua può mettere cavalli 60000. ma fuori di casa cavalli 30000. Uffun Cassan con tutto il suo potere, in casa Kua metterebbe cavalli 20000. in Servigo di Maometto, fuori cavalli 10000. Il Caraisan con tutte le sue forze in casa cavalli 20000. fuora cavalli 10000. Zausa con tutte le sue forze cavalli 200000. fuori di casa cavalli 100000. Il Tamerlano con tutta la Kua potenza de' Tartari potrà in casa sua fare un millione di cavalli, fuori 500000. Il Re di Tunisi, di Granata, e le altre Citta delle Barberia, fanno Galere e Fuste a danno de' Cristiani, in casa Kua Xono cavalli 100000. fuori di casa 50000.

Entrate d'alcuni Principi Cristiani nell'Anno 1423.

Il Re di Francia dell'Anno 1414. avea d'entrata ordinaria due
millioni di Ducati. Ma per le continue guerre già d'anni 40. è
ridotto all'entrata ordinaria d'un millione di Ducati. Il Re
d'Inghilterra avea d'entrata ordinaria due millioni di Ducati. Le
continue guerre hanno disfatto l'Isola. Al preſente ha d'entrata
Ducati 700000. Il Re di Spagno del 1410. avea d'entrata ordi-
naria tre millioni di Ducati, 800000. Il Re di Portogallo del 1410.
avea d'entrata Ducati 200000. Per le guerre è ridotta a Ducati
140000. Il Re di Bretagna del 1414. avea d'entrata Ducati 200000.
Per le guerre è ridotta in Ducati 140000. Il Duca di Borgogna
del 1400 avea d'entrata Ducati tre millioni. Per le guerre è
ridotta in Ducati 900000. Il Duca di Savoja, per essere paese
franco ha d'entrata Ducati 150000. Il Marchese di Monferrato, per
essere paese franco ha d'entrata Ducati 100000. Il Conte Fran-
cesco Duca di Milano (del 1423. avea d'entrata il Duca Filippo Maria
un millione di Ducati), al preſente per le guerre ha kolamente

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Ducati 500000. La Signoria di Venezia avea d'entrata del 1423. d'ordinario un millione e cento mila Ducati. Per le grandi guerre che hanno distrutte le mercatanzie ha d'ordinario Ducati 800000. Il Marchese di Ferrara del 1423. avea d'ordinario Ducati 70000. Per le guerre d'Italia, egli per istare in pace, ha Ducati 150000. Il Marchese di Monferrato del 1423. avea Ducati 150000. ora Ducati 60000. I Bolognesi del 1423. avea no d'ordinario Ducati 400000. Ma per le guerre è venuta in Ducati 200000. Firenze del 1423. avea d'entrata Ducati 400000. Ma poi per le grandi guerre è ridotta in Ducati 200000. Il Papa ha d'ordinario, benchè avanti avessene più, Ducati 800000. I Genovesi per le grandi divisioni tra loro sono ridotti in Ducati 180000. Il Re d'Aragona in tutto il suo Reame colla Sicilia ha d'entrata, benchè prima ne avea ai più, Ducati, 310000.

Entrate di Terraferma della Signoria nostra, e la spesa di quelle Terre. La Patria del Friuli rende all'anno Ducati 7500. Ha di spesa all'anno Ducati 6330. Restano netti Ducati 1170. Trivigi e il Trivigiano Ducati 400000. spesa 10100. restano Ducati 29900. Padova e il Padovano Ducati 65500. Spesa Ducati 14000. Restano 51500. Vicenza e il Vicentino Ducati 34500. spesa Ducati 7600. Restano 26900. Verona e il Veronese Ducati 52500. spesa Ducati 18000. Restano 34500. Brescia e il Bresciano Ducati 75500. spesa Ducati 16000. Restano 59500. Bergomo e il Bergamasco Ducati 25500. spesa 9500. Restano 16000. Crema e il Cremasco Ducati 7400. spesa 3900. Restano 3500. Ravenna e il Ravennasco Ducati 9000. spesa Ducati 2770. Restano Ducati 6230. Somma la Ruddetta entrata Ducati 317400. La spesa Ducati 88200. Restano

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Ducati 229200. Entrate di Venezia. 'Governadori dell'entrate riscuotono all'anno Ducati 150000. Ufizio de Sale riscuote ogni anno Ducati 165000. Otto Ufizj obbligati alla Camera degl'Imprestiti riscuotono all'anno Ducati 233500. Ufizj rispondono all' Arsenale all'anno Ducati 73280. Per un prò alla Camera degl' Imprestiti all'anno Ducati 150000. salar际ti F.alangit Duke Ducati 26500. netto Ducati 611600. Tre maritime rendono all'anno Ducati 180000. Altre entrate straordinarie. Entrate di Decime di case e di possessioni nel Dogato Ducati 25000. Pro d'imprestiti che si pagano de' constanti la metà delle Decime e l'altra si tiene in Camera, Ducati 15000. Possessioni di fuori e case da stazio Ducati 5000. Preti per l'entrate loro, Ducati 22000. Giudei da mare per le Decime due all'anno Ducati 600. Giudei da terra Ducati 500 per Decmia, per Decime due Ducati 1000. Decime della Mercatanzia Ducati 16000. Noli, e Gioje, cioè entrate Ducati 6000. Tanse e Cambii Ducati 20000. Nota che s'ha da difalcare dalla detta entrata questo,cioè. Per le persone inpotenti a pagare non si possono riscuotere delle Decime delle Case Ducati 6000. Per la metà della Dacima de'prò della Camera degl'Imprestiti Ducati 7500. Pe' preti da essere diffalcati pel Patriarca Ducati 2000. Per la mercatanzia per l'entrata Ducati 6000. Per Noli e Gioje Ducati 4000. Per Tanse e Cambii Ducati 12000.

col.964

BOEHER, PRINCIPIA JURIS FEUDALIS
Appendix documentorum.

<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>1201.</td>
      <td>X.</td>
      <td>Epicopus feuda ob bene merita mutat in femina,</td>
      <td>p. 19</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1235.</td>
      <td>I.</td>
      <td>Fridericus II. Ottoni, vi oblationis, in feudum dat<br>Ducatum Brunsuicensem et Luneburgensem,</td>
      <td>p. 1</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1242.</td>
      <td>XII.</td>
      <td>Dux comiti bona in feudum confert in eventum si hunc<br>supervixerit,</td>
      <td>p. 22</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1258.</td>
      <td>IX.</td>
      <td>Comites feuda, quae tenent ab Episcopo, in manus eius<br>resignant in favorem emtoris,</td>
      <td>p. 18</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1271.</td>
      <td>XI.</td>
      <td>Comes domos dat in feudum pignoratitium, reluitioni<br>obnoxium,</td>
      <td>p. 21</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1289.</td>
      <td>VII.</td>
      <td>Literae reversales Henrici de castro in feudum oblato<br>et recepto,</td>
      <td>p. 15</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1324.</td>
      <td>XVII.</td>
      <td>Archiepiscopus dat castrum, sibi oblatum, in feudum<br>ligium Joanni de Nassov eiusque heredibus masculis<br>et in horum defectu femellis,</td>
      <td>p. 29</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1328?</td>
      <td>III.</td>
      <td>Ludovici senioris prima investitura de Marchia<br>Brandenburgica ... per mortem Waldemari Imperio<br>apertis,</td>
      <td>p. 6.</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1328.</td>
      <td>IV.</td>
      <td>Ludovici Imp. altera investitura, eiusdem argu-<br>menti,</td>
      <td>p. 8</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1352.</td>
      <td>V.</td>
      <td>Carolus IV. investit Ottonem et Wilhelmum Duces<br>Luneburgenses sub lege vasallagii,</td>
      <td>p. 11</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1376.</td>
      <td>VIIIa.</td>
      <td>Literae reversales de feudo ad vitae tempus concesso:<br>quod antea fuerat Comitis Holstiae,</td>
      <td>p. 16</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1376</td>
      <td>VIIIb.</td>
      <td>Comes a monasterio facultatem sibi datam esse agnoscit<br>conferendi villam in feudum ad vitam vasalli,</td>
      <td>p. 17</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1413.</td>
      <td>XV.</td>
      <td>Landgravii and Marchiones nobilibus bona dant in sim-<br>ultaneam investituram,</td>
      <td>p. 25</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1420.</td>
      <td>II.</td>
      <td>Oblatio feudi facta in renovata investitura,</td>
      <td>p. 4.</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1476.</td>
      <td>XIII.</td>
      <td>Fridericus III. Imp. civitati Francofurtanae villam<br>una cum indicio in feudum largitur sub lege consti-<br>tuendi duos provasallos,</td>
      <td>p. 23</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1521.</td>
      <td>VI.</td>
      <td>Carolus V investit Henricum episcopum Raceburgensem<br>de regalibus,</td>
      <td>p. 12</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

- 2 -

1568. XIV. Dux Joachimum investit de villa sub nexu servitiorum militarium et palatinorum, p. 24

1614. XVI. Investura simultanea de officio, p. 28

1748. XVIII. Literae investiturae Regis de feudo appropriato Nobilibus datae, p. 30

1764. XX. Mandatum de renovatione feudi et investiturae simultaneae, p. 34

1808. XXI. Königlich Baierisches Lehnsedict, p. 63

1809. XXII. Allodification aller im (ehmaligen) Königreiche Westphalen gelegenen Lehen, p. 89

1814. XXIII. Bürgerliche transitorische Gesetzgebung: Königl. Grossbritannisch-Hannoversche Verondnung, p. 94

1815. XXIV. Ditto, p. 96

XXV. Königl. Preuss. Verondnung über die Lehen u. Fideicomisse in den jenseits der Elbe gelegenen Provinzen, p. 98