KISSINGER, HENRY A.

AUG 5 1971

Dear Fred:

Many thanks for your letter of July 20 It has
been too long since I have heard from you and
I was glad to hear where you and what you are
doing.

I don't know when I will be master enough of
my own time that I can plan a visit to see old
friends in Germany, but would like to think
that it won't be too many years off. Please
stay in touch and let me know if you make plans
to come to Washington.

Mr. Frederick A. Praeger
Schmidschneiderstrasse 7
D-8036 Herrsching/Ammersee
Republic of Germany

jlp:7/29/71

Ab 15. Dezember 1970
ist unsere neue Privatadresse:

Starting December 15th, 1970,
our new private address is:

Frederick A. Praeger
Schmidschneiderstraße 7
D-8036 Herrsching am Ammersee
German Federal Republic
Our private telephone number is: 08152/439

Meine Büroadresse ist:
My office address is:

Frederick A. Praeger
Axel Juncker Verlag GmbH
Stievestraße 9
D-8 München 19
German Federal Republic
Telephone number: 0811/177016

HELOISE B. und FREDERICK A. PRAEGER

Frederick A. Praeger
Schmidschneiderstraße 7
D - 8036 Herrsching/Ammersee
Telefon 0 81 52 / 439
Bundesrepublik Deutschland

20. Juli 1971

FAP/sm

Mr. Henry Kissinger
THE WHITE HOUSE

Washington, D.C.
U S A

Dear Henry,

der Zweck dieses Briefes ist eigentlich nur, Ihnen zu sagen,
daß ich hier in München sehr oft an Ihre Aufgaben, Ihre
Schwierigkeiten und Ihre ungeheure Arbeitslast denke und
daß ich mich freue, daß Sie dort sind, wo Sie sind. Ich weiß
zumindest, daß Intelligenz, Vernunft und Weitblick an diesem
entscheidenden Punkt so viel tun, als es die geschichtliche
Entwicklung erlaubt. Mehr als das wäre unmöglich, und ich
hoffe, daß Sie sich durch die vielen Schwierigkeiten und
Frustrationen nicht entmutigen lassen.

Ich weiß, daß Sie auch auf einer etwaigen Deutschland-Reise
keine ruhige Minute haben werden. Wenn aber vielleicht doch
und wenn Sie vielleicht ein paar ruhige Minuten brauchen
können, legen Sie doch bitte eine Kopie dieses Briefes in
Ihre Deutschland-Mappe. Ich komme gerne dorthin, wo Sie
Ihre Pflichten auf der nächsten Reise treiben werden.

Mit herzlichen Grüßen und
allen guten Wünschen,
Ihr

Frederick A. Praeger

P.S. Wie Sie sehen, sind wir von Wien nach München übersiedelt.
Leider, oder vielleicht Gott sei Dank, habe ich wieder ein
paar kleine deutsche Verlage.

The White House
Washington

GENERAL

F05-2

C034-2

BE4-12

1973 FEB 13 AM 10 47

F86-11-1 KISSINGER, HENRY A.

02-12 1238P EST

WHA059(1040)(1-011827A044002)PD 02/13/73 1035

ICS IPMNAWA WSH

ZCZC 10036 RELAY (ZC 01013) AH NEWYORK NY 123

PMS

DR HENRY KISSINGER

THE WHITE HOUSE DC

DEAR DR. KISSINGER:

MAY I REMIND YOU OF OUR MEETING IN WASHINGTON SEVERAL MONTHS AGO WHEN I ASKED YOU FOR HELP IN OBTAINING MY VISA TO CHINA FOR WHICH I APPLIED ELEVEN MONTHS AGO WITHOUT RECEIVING AN ANSWER. THE PURPOSE OF MY TRIP IS TO DISCUSS WITH CHINESE AUTHORITIES THE POSSIBILITY OF SHOOTING PART OF MY FILM ABOUT THE CANADIAN SURGEON DR. NORMAN BETHUNE WHO ORGANIZED MEDICAL UNITS FOR THE CHINESE IN 1938, BECAME A CLOSE FRIEND OF CHAIRMAN MAO AND DIED IN CHINA IN 1939. I HOPE YOU WON'T THINK IT PRESUMPTUOUS WHEN I ASK YOU DURING YOUR STAY IN CHINA TO DROP A WORD FOR ME AND PERHAPS FIND OUT WHY THEY DID NOT EVEN ANSWER ME. WARMEST THANKS AND

REGARDS.

OTTO PREMINGER

FORM 6003 PAINTER BY THE AMERICAN PRESS COMPANY, N.Y.

Dispatched 3/27/72 (rb)

The Handbook offers guidance also from
leading people across the world. Past volumes
have carried contributions by authorities
and leaders:

GOVERNMENT

Gaylord Nelson, U Thant, Warren Earl Berger,
Earl Warren, Eugene J. McCarthy, Richard M.
Nixon, J. W. Fulbright, Edward L. Katzenbach,
Jr., Shirley Chisholm, Newton N. Minnow,
Dean Rusk, Russell E. Train, John O. Pastore,
Carl Albert, John Sherman Cooper, Margaret
M. Heckler, Margaret Chase Smith, George
Romney, Maurine Newberger, James W. Sy-
mington, John V. Lindsay.

EDUCATION

Nathan Pusey, Robert M. Hutchins, Mary
Ellen Chase, Martha A. Shull, Alexander
Meiklejohn, Theodore A. Distler, Theodore M.
Hesburg, Richard A. Weigle, Guy E. Snaveley,
Sarah Gibson Blanding, Mildred McAfee Hor-
ton, Virginia Gildersleeve, Frank P. Graham.
Barbara Ward, Paul A. Freund, Jay B. Nash,
George Wald, James E. Allen, Jr.

BUSINESS

Sylvia Porter, Columnist; Robert P. Gerholz, U.S.A. Chamber of Commerce; John T. Connor, Secretary, U. S. Department of Commerce; Joseph C. Wilson, Xerox Corp.; Don L. Jordan, NAM; Frederick R. Kappel, AT&T; Karl R. Bendetsen, U. S. Plywood-Champion Papers, Inc.; Edward C. Logelin, U. S. Steel; Elmer W. Engstrom, RCA; Edward N. Cole, GM; Richard S. Reynolds, Jr., Reynolds Metals, Co.; Robert W. Sarnoff, RCA; Conrad Hilton, Hilton Hotels.

RELIGION

Elton Trueblood, William Barclay, David H. C.
Read, Billy Graham, Ralph W. Sockman,
Cynthia Wedel, Toyohika Kagawa, the Pope,
some Jewish leaders.

COLLEGE PRESIDENTS

Princeton, Notre Dame, Vassar, Wisconsin,
Oberlin, Smith, St. Johns, etc.

OTHER

Whitney M. Young, Jr., Benjamin R. Epstein,
Mathew Ahmann, Max Levin, M.D., David R.
Mace, Evelyn Millis Duvall.

Also, counselors, teachers, students and many
others.

HISTORIANS

Will Durant, Kenneth Scott Latourette, Walter
Prescott Webb, Roland H. Bainton, Arthur M.
Schlesinger, Jr.

WRITERS

Archibald Macleish, John Kieran, Ann Langers, Louis Bromfield, Philip Wylie, Stephen Leacock, Kenneth Scott Latourette, Gunnar Myrdal, Ralph Nader.

SCIENCE & ENGINEERING

Glenn T. Seaborg, Edward C. Kendall, Robert
Hofstadter, Wernher Von Braun, J. R. Pierce.
John R. Whinnery, Eric A. Walker.

COMMUNICATIONS

Eric Sevareid, William F. Buckley, Norman
Cousins, Harry Golden, Ralph McGill, Mark
Ethridge, Jonathan Daniels, Steve Allen, Brooks
Atkinson, Chet Huntley, Jeanette I., (Mrs.
Karl) Menninger, Guy Ryan.

Also, well known earlier leaders like Cecil B.
DeMille, Bernard Baruch, John Foster Dulles,
Elmer Davis, Joseph N. Welch, Lady Astor,
Eleanor Roosevelt, Adlai E. Stevenson, Everett
McK. Dirksen, J. Edgar Hoover, Ralph Bunche,
Amos Alonzo Stagg.

OUTLOOK PUBLISHERS • 512 E. Main St. • Richmond, Va. 23219

APPOINTMENT 5/20/71 jlj

COL. PRIBRAM (2 weeks)

Type of Request & Date

(Last name and pending date)

GENERAL

Name: Col. RKKX Pribram OTTO E

F-26-11-1 KISSINGER, HENRY A.

KISSINGER, HENRY A. /P

Request: Says he is a personal friend of HAK's, who wrote a letter to HAK from Germany and would like to see HAK while he is here.

When asked for a subject he said "It is personal business and I think it would be up to him whether to see me or not."

He is apparently attending the Intelligence School. Message can be left at OX 3-2986 if he is not to be found at OX 3-2985.

He will be in the Washington area for two weeks.

DRH's Recommendation:

HAK's Answer:

Date and Time:

Party Contacted:

Additional Information:

Resolution:

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At three dollars a
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SCANDIA

AN OPINION

BY RAYMOND K. PRICE, JR.
ON INTELLECTUAL ARROGANCE

THE "COURAGE" OF ONE'S CONVICTIONS
MAY BE MERE OBSTINACY

Raymond K. Price, Jr. was editorial page editor of the New York Herald Tribune for the last two years of its existence. He has also been on the staff of Collier's and Life, is now working on his first novel.

Senator Fulbright has lately been raising a great hue and cry about what he calls "the arrogance of power." The shrillness of his and his allies' complaints has provoked retorts about the arrogance of dissent. Both warnings have their pertinence (and im- pertinence). But more precisely to the point, in this Age of Arrogance, are what we might call the conceits of certainty.

It's part of our American folklore that there is some mystic higher virtue in hav- ing "the courage of one's convictions," as if to fight makes right. Yet all too often this supposed courage is little more than a closed mind, and these convictions mere- ly a package of unsupported prejudices. I submit that what we need today is more people with the courage of their own un- certainties—a bit less arrogance and more intellectual humility. We need people who will stop haranguing long enough to listen, to question, to learn.

I recently finished nine years of writing editorials for the New York Herald Trib- une. In the end, one of my most striking (and troubling) reflections was that I found myself less and less certain about more and more things. The more I wrestled daily with difficult public questions, trying to get at the facts behind the headlines, trying to sort out right from wrong, good from bad, practical from impractical, the larger became my own gray areas of doubt and uncertainty.

The same doubts, however, seldom seemed to assail the bankers and house- wives and artists I kept meeting at cocktail parties, or the cab drivers or students who would occasionally lecture me, or the writers of angry letters to the editor. They knew just what we should do in Vietnam. They knew how we should handle school integration, or housing, or budgets, or taxes. They knew that this or that politician was a total knave or a sainted savior, or, more annoyingly, they knew that all the supporters of a candidate they opposed were either knaves or fools, or both. And they often had the irritating habit of in- sisting, with all the passion of ignorance, that others accept their own banal views as if they were Holy Writ.

And it's not only the nonprofessionals (or, more precisely, those venturing out- side their fields of professional compe- tence) who pass off their biases as fact. At

one gathering, during a recent political campaign, I fell into a discussion of poli- tics with a group of psychiatrists. Speaking of Candidate X, one of the doctors posi- tively declared him a paranoid schizo- phrenic. "Why?" I asked, dumfounded. (I knew the candidate rather well, and, while often disagreeing with him, I had immense respect for his brilliance, his wit, his charm, and his integrity.) "He thinks different [sic]," said the doctor. "He starts out from the same premises as other peo- ple, but he reaches different conclusions." Well, so much for the sanity of politics, and the politics of sanity.

In asking for a greater leaven of doubt in our public discourse, I don't mean the kind of cynicism, fashionable in some circles, that simply disbelieves everything —this represents its own kind of arrogance. I mean an inner-directed doubt that recog- nizes one's own fallibility.

Our opinions are simply the end product of a process of judgment. This process can be no better than the facts we feed in, but it can be a great deal worse. At each step there is the chance of error: error in the factual input, in the relative impor- tance we assign various elements of that input, in the significance we give them. in the conclusions we draw. It's a fair guess that for every opinion we hold pas- sionately, someone else holds the opposite with equal conviction. One of us (at least) must be wrong. And the firmness with which we hold to our view is hardly a re- liable guide to its correctness. In fact. I would suggest the opposite: the more deep- ly held a conviction is, the less we put it to the test of questioning, and thus the more likely we are to persist in error.

One of the most poignant documents in American history was signed more than two-and-a-half centuries ago by 12 men in Salem, Massachusetts. It is easy for us, now, to see the error of the witchcraft hysteria that swept Salem (the good peo- ple of that city had the courage of their convictions, and acted on them) in 1692, a year that saw no less than 11 women and 8 men hanged, one man "pressed to death." and 150 persons imprisoned on witchcraft charges. But not until that cataclysm of terror and vengeance was over did the 12 men of the jury that condemned the "witches" find sufficient doubt in their own souls to sign a paper declaring: "... we justly fear that we were sadly deluded and mistaken, for which we are much dis- quieted and distressed in our minds; and do therefore humbly beg forgiveness, first of God for Christ," sake for this our Error

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... we would none of us do such things again on such grounds for the whole World...."

They (and their victims) learned a hard lesson about the elusiveness of truth, and the camouflages that passion can lay over it.

Often what we pass off as the courage of our own convictions is, of course, nothing more than the uncritical acceptance of someone else's. A charismatic leader can lay down a set of arbitrary dicta, and multitudes will bow to them as immutable truths. This has been most strikingly demonstrated in Communist China, where the "thoughts of Mao" have lately bantered the greatest mass madness of the decade. But we see it in our own country as well. We see it among those who boast (and yes, some do boast) that they have to read their favorite columnist in order to know what to think (they brandish the name as a status symbol); we see it in the periodic sweep of fads and fashions across the political landscape, in the parroting of catch-phrases, in the sudden stampedes to the latest Liberal or Conservative cause, and in the breathless adulation of the latest political hero, be it Bobby Kennedy or Ronald Reagan.

Only a few years ago, pundits were moaning the supposed apathy of what they labeled the Silent Generation; then came the Beat Generation, marked by a sort of mystical outsidersness. Now we have what might be called a passionate, or committed, generation—a set of attitudes by no means limited to the young, but caught up in the whole cult of youth and epitomized by the zealots of the New Left. To say that this latest crop of young firebrands (the New Left) are simply angry young men and women is to miss the point. There is a strain of elation in their attacks. Where others got their kicks smashing windows, they are intent on smashing the whole social and political structure. The sense of power one feels' when setting off an explosive, the vicarious thrill that draws crowds to watch the operation of a house-wrecker's ball—this helps fuel an orgy of wantonness that runs through the Get-Out-of-Vietnam demonstrations, the civil disobedience of civil-rights extremists, the riots in the Negro slums. And we have been timid in our efforts to counter it, partly because of our blind obeisance to the totem of "the courage of one's convictions." Yet there can be no rule of reason except among people willing to reason together—and this means hearing the other fellow out, not merely hurling insults or worse.

I'm not trying to knock dedication, per se. We need dedicated people, and we need people who burn with passion's fire. But we can do without those who insist that they alone have a monopoly on virtue, or wisdom, or truth. Our public debates today deal with extremely complex issues, and they keep getting more complex all the time. Nowhere is this more true than in the realm of foreign policy. Moralistic posturings are not enough. We live in an

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mend: be sure to stay with this magazine!

9. One set of in-laws will offer to finance your honeymoon, and this will make you think that you will somehow be indebted to them. On the other hand, the offer will be tempting. You will finally decide to take it, and he will decide not to take it. Then you have to start all over.

10. Two nights before the wedding, even the sleeping pills won't work. You will pace the floor and wrestle with the sudden thought that the whole thing is a mistake. For one horrible moment, you will think about running away. Then you will realize that if you do, you will put an entire industry out of business—the caterers, the preacher, the baker, the travel agent, etcetera. All that money gone, not to mention the deposit on your new apartment! It ends with a tearful phone call to him; then you find out he had the same bad night, and you both sort of laugh and cry at the same time and by the time you hang up, you're very glad you're getting married: Congratulations.

## An opinion

[continued from page 90]

imperfect world of imperfect people, where the facts are often not pretty, often contradictory, often dull, and often badly reflected in the headlines. But the conduct of foreign relations (including the conduct of war and the search for peace) requires a vast knowledge of those facts, as well as a sense of the requirements of power, the patterns of history, and the subtleties of intergovernmental relationships. Most of those who shout, "Get Out of Vietnam!" or "Bomb Hanoi!" and who stop troop trains or heckle the Secretary of Defense or picket the White House, can't really know what they are talking about. They are usually passing snap, emotional judgments on a highly involved tactical and technical situation, and the diplomats and military men (to whom they refuse to listen) can be excused if they run a trifle short of patience.

The wise man knows the limits of prudence, and the prudent man knows the limits of wisdom. Francis Bacon once wrote: "If a man will begin with certainties, he shall end in doubts; but if he will be content to begin with doubts, he shall end in certainties." We may never arrive at those final certainties. But if more of us spent a little time totting up all the things we have "known" to be true that turned out false; if we were a bit more careful to distinguish between what we know and what we believe, and to express our beliefs in terms of probabilities rather than certainties; if, that is, we had the courage of our doubts, and searched more discriminatingly after fact, we at least would have a far healthier public discourse. We wouldn't always be right, but at least we would be more nearly right more of the time—which is the best man can hope for.

Of course, everything I've said here may be wrong. But I doubt it.

Mademoiselle for May 1967

106

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

Appointment 9/14/70

Cong. XXXXX Price (Texas)

Type of Request & Date

(Last name and pending date)

Name: Cong. Price of Texas

Request: Would like to see HAK. He saw the Deputy Head of the North Vietnamese delegation in Paris last week for an hour or two. Discussion of POW's with the Congressman asking if he could visit Hanoi [several POW's are past colleagues of the Congressman's] and tour POW camps. During conversation North Vietnamese said can I come to the US and the Congressman replied that he thought it may be possible. He would like to discuss this possibility with you.

Contact Mr. Reese, Exec. Asst to Congressman.

DRY's Recommendation: Stoff - Snipe
Hollings
Haug

HAK's Answer:

Date and Time:

Party Contacted: /s/ Snipe

Additional Information:

Resolution:

RECEIVED
SEP 21 1970
CENTRAL FILES

INDUSTRIAL COLLEGE OF THE ARMED FORCES

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20315

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

JAN 15 1969

Box 113

January 11, 1969

Dr. Henry Alfred Kissinger
Assistant to the President Elect
on National Security Affairs
Office of the President Elect
450 Park Ave,
New York, N. Y. 10022

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

The Office of Emergency Preparedness is sending me to the
1968-69 class of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces.
I have chosen for my thesis the topic "Industry-Government
Relationships In Emergency Petroleum And Gas Planning And
Operations From Pre World War II To The Present."

The draft of this thesis has just been completed and
includes a comprehensive discussion of the invaluable work
of the National Security Council in its development of a
National Petroleum Program during the Korean crisis.

Attached hereto is a copy of the draft foreword and
table of contents of this study. If you like I can make a
copy of the complete draft report for you or if you prefer
I can send you a copy of the final thesis which should be
completed about March 31.

In discussing this with your secretary on the telephone,
she also thought you might be interested in this report. I
chose this topic as I was involved in Petroleum Planning for
Emergencies since 1947 in the DOD or OEP.

FOREWORD

Following every free world petroleum emergency, there has
been much controversy over the manner in which it was met by both
industry and government. Even where, in the face of impossible odds,
all petroleum requirements were met due to the emergency actions
taken, many unequivocally criticized virtually every aspect of the
program. This criticism took on special significance as much of it
was voiced by leaders of the community, press and the government
including Congress.

Sometimes the reaction became particularly virulent if the
government extended certain limited antitrust and other immunity to
participating petroleum companies in the solution to a crisis, and
this action was accompanied or followed by price or profit rises.
In one instance many of the petroleum companies involved were in-
dicted by the Justice Department. Even though the case was ultimately
dismissed by the court which bitterly criticized the Justice Depart-
ment, millions of dollars were expended by the government and the
petroleum companies in the lengthy court trial that ensued.

Of course, there were just as many or more leaders of the
government, community, press and industry who enthusiastically
defended and commended the successful emergency programs.

Questions have also been raised as to whether the actual
steps taken to meet the real emergencies where they occur have

ii

been consistent with petroleum planning for emergencies.

Another question is whether petroleum industry personnel play
too great a role in government planning for operations during
petroleum emergencies.

This dissertation makes a comprehensive comparison of
the plans and the actual steps taken to manage petroleum and gas
during every petroleum crises from pre-World War II to the
present, and attempts to ascertain the best means of meeting the
various emergency contingencies. The advantages, disadvantages,
criticisms, and problems of having industry representatives and
industry executives playing key roles with the government in
these endeavors are evaluated in depth to determine whether
such activities in the future are in the best interest of the United
States.

The tie-in between planning and actual operations during
the various emergencies and any potential inconsistencies between
them have also been carefully evaluated.

In addition to extensive research into these matters, the
author brings a wealth of his own experience into play. As a
government employee with no obligation to or connection with a
private oil company, he impartially, objectively, and actively
participated in many of the petroleum emergencies discussed.

iii

His participation was as a member of the petroleum policy
organization in the Department of Defense from 1947 through
1958 and from then to the present in the Office of Emergency
Preparedness, for its predecessor agencies.~

I want to thank all those who gave invaluable help in the
preparation of this report; Miss Cassie Martin, the only one
who can read my handwriting, for the excellent typing of the
manuscript and my wife, Betty, who in addition to her patience
and understanding during its preparation gave unstintingly of
her time, day and night, in providing all manner of assistance
in the varied operations required in putting this document
together. In addition

iv

Chapter

<table><tbody><tr><td>Korean Crisis</td><td>68</td></tr><tr><td>Meeting the Crisis</td><td>68</td></tr><tr><td>Proposed Minerals and Energy Administration</td><td>69</td></tr><tr><td>Petroleum Administration for Defense (PAD)</td><td>70</td></tr><tr><td>Creation of PAD.</td><td>70</td></tr><tr><td>Authorities to be Given to PAD</td><td>71</td></tr><tr><td>Organization and Responsibilities of PAD</td><td>72</td></tr><tr><td>Pad Relationships with ODM, DPA and Other Government Agencies</td><td>73</td></tr><tr><td>Handling of Natural Gas by PAD</td><td>76</td></tr><tr><td>Industry and Government Relationships and Cooperation</td><td>77</td></tr><tr><td>Use of Industry Personnel in PAD</td><td>78</td></tr><tr><td>Use of Industry Advisory Committees</td><td>81</td></tr><tr><td>Restrictions on Use of Industry and Antitrust Problems</td><td>83</td></tr><tr><td>NPC Exemption From Restrictions.</td><td>85</td></tr><tr><td>Government and Industry Teamwork</td><td>85</td></tr><tr><td>Iranian Petroleum Crisis</td><td>86</td></tr><tr><td>Significance of Denial of Iran's Oil</td><td>87</td></tr><tr><td>Meeting the Problem</td><td>88</td></tr><tr><td>Voluntary Agreement, Plan of Action and the Foreign Petroleum Supply Committee (FPSC)</td><td>88</td></tr><tr><td>Congressional Criticism to Voluntary Agreement</td><td>90</td></tr><tr><td>Response to Criticism of Congress</td><td>91</td></tr><tr><td>Termination of "Plan of Action"</td><td>92</td></tr><tr><td>Department of Justice Criticism and Charges.</td><td>93</td></tr><tr><td>Arguments for the Voluntary Agreement and the FPSC</td><td>94</td></tr><tr><td>Termination of Voluntary Agreement</td><td>94</td></tr><tr><td>Reactivation of Voluntary Agreement.</td><td>95</td></tr><tr><td>Meeting Essential Demands During the Crisis</td><td>96</td></tr><tr><td>Domestic (U.S.) Petroleum Supplies</td><td>96</td></tr><tr><td>Foreign Petroleum Supplies</td><td>99</td></tr><tr><td>PAD Over-all Accomplishments</td><td>99</td></tr><tr><td>End of Korean Crisis</td><td>102</td></tr><tr><td>Termination of PAD</td><td>102</td></tr><tr><td>Critique of the Industry-Government Cooperative Effort</td><td>103</td></tr><tr><td>Reactivation of Peacetime Organization</td><td>104</td></tr></tbody></table>

vii

Chapter

<table><tr><td>Viet Nam</td><td>135</td></tr><tr><td>Natural Gas Planning</td><td>136</td></tr><tr><td>Foreign</td><td>137</td></tr><tr><td>Appraisal of the Petroleum Industry</td><td>138</td></tr></table>

VI. GOVERNMENT WITH INDUSTRY IN MEETING THE 1967

<table><tr><td>MIDDLE EAST PETROLEUM CRISIS</td><td>139</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>Pre-Crisis Petroleum Preparedness Activities</td><td>139</td></tr><tr><td>Petroleum Security Subcommittee Studies</td><td>139</td></tr><tr><td>Preparation of a Draft Plan of Action</td><td>139</td></tr><tr><td>Middle East 1967 Petroleum Crisis</td><td>140</td></tr><tr><td>U. S. National Security Threatened</td><td>140</td></tr><tr><td>Foreign Petroleum Supply Committee (FPSC) Called</td><td>141</td></tr><tr><td>Existence of a Petroleum Emergency</td><td>141</td></tr><tr><td>Plan of Action Developed and Approved</td><td>141</td></tr><tr><td>Emergency Petroleum Supply Committee</td><td>142</td></tr><tr><td>Creation of the EPSC</td><td>142</td></tr><tr><td>Functions of the EPSC including "Schedules"</td><td>142</td></tr><tr><td>Membership in the EPSC</td><td>143</td></tr><tr><td>Activities of the EPSC</td><td>143</td></tr><tr><td>Emergency Actions by the EPSC Unnecessary as Private Industry Met All Essential Requirements</td><td>144</td></tr><tr><td>Plan of Action and EPSC Inactivated on a Standby Status</td><td>144</td></tr><tr><td>Effect of the Crisis on Petroleum Supply/Demand</td><td>144</td></tr><tr><td>Transportation, the Real Problem</td><td>145</td></tr><tr><td>The Solution to the Transportation Problem by Private Industry</td><td>146</td></tr><tr><td>Lessened Future Strategic Significance of the Middle East</td><td>147</td></tr><tr><td>Emergency Petroleum and Gas Administration (EPGA)</td><td>147</td></tr></table>

ix

GENERAL

F-6-11-11

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON

November 24, 1969

Senator Javits had requested an appointment with the President for Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, High Commissioner for Refugees at the U. N. in Switzerland. The President has regretted the request.

Kissinger said he would see him. The Prince will be in Washington on Dec. 4 and Dec. 5. If an appointment can be set up, the contact would be Senator Javits' office, Miss Joan McGuire.

RECEIVED
JUL 10 1970
OFFICE FILES

KLSSINGER, HENRY A./P*

March 10, 1972

Dear Sherrie:

Mr. Kissinger asked me to write to you when he read your nice letter. He was pleased that you chose to write to him.

I am afraid that Mr. Kissinger doesn't have any particularly favorite poems. He does all kinds of reading, but mostly about history, government and politics.

He is sorry not to be able to give you a poem, but asked me to send this photograph of him to you. He wishes you well in your studies.

Miss Sherrie, Pritchett
c/o M. Joan Byrne
M & K Primary School
APO San Francisco
96239

RECEIVED
MAR 1 3 1972
CENTRAL FILS

CENTRAL OFFICE
MAR 1 3 1975

RECEIVED

96236
APO San Francisco
M & K Primary School
c/o M. Joan Byrne
Miss Sherrie Pritchett

Henry V. Kissinger
Personal Secretary to
Julienne R. Pinesu

Sincerely,

to you. He wishes you well in your studies.
but asked me to send this photograph of him
He is sorry not to be able to give you a poem.

Government and politics,
all kinds of reading, put mostly about history,
say particularly favorite poem. He does
I am afraid that Mr. Kissinger doesn't have
you choose to write to him.

He read your nice letter. He was pleased that
Mr. Kissinger asked me to write to you when

Dear Sherrie:

March 10, 1975

KISSINGER, HENRY V.

GENERAL

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

Dear Mr. Prittie:

Thank you for your letter of April 16 inviting me to make a contribution to your work on Willy Brandt. I was honored that he, and you, were interested in my thoughts.

Unfortunately, I feel that it is impossible for me at present to make a thoughtful contribution to your book as the press of business and the many official demands on my time are too great. I regret therefore that I will not be able to help you.

I shall look forward with great interest to reading your book on Willy Brandt.

The Hon. T. C. F. Prittie
Britain and Israel
15 Uxbridge Street
London W8 7TQ England

RECEIVED

MAY 1 0 1972

CENTRAL FIELDS

jlp:5/8/72

BRITAIN AND ISRAEL

THE HON. T. C. F. PRITTIE, M.B.E., M.A.

AIR VICE-MARSHAL R. I. JONES, C.B., A.F.C., R.A.F. (Rtd)

15 UXBRIDGE STREET

LONDON W8 7TQ

01-229 3129

16 April, 1972

Dear Mr Kissinger,

This is, I know, a grave imposition on you, but I wondered if I
might ask your help? I am writing a book on Willy Brandt, and he has
himself suggested that I should write to you. I have known him since
1947 (I was head of the "Manchester Guardian bureau" in Ger any from 1946
to 1963), but I am anxious to get impressions of him from others who knew
him well. Hence this letter.

On a separate sheet I have put down some "specimen" questions. I
am afraid they read somewhat dully, but that is always inevitable when
leaving it to the reader of them to decide what was interesting about a
certain person. I would be deeply grateful for any help you can give me,
and any thoughts of yours could be jotted down in any kind of note form.
I know that Willy Brandt would be most grateful too.

Questions about Willy Brandt.

1. When did you first get to know him, and what were your early impressions of him?

2. How would you evaluate his contribution to Berlin? Any particular memories in respect of this would be most valuable.

3. In your personal relations with him, did you find him a really valuable supporter of U.S. policies in Europe and of the Western Alliance?

4. Do you feel there were any important points of conflict between him and the U.S.A., as the Federal Republic's chief ally? It has, for instance, been suggested to me that Brandt was "difficult" at the time of the building of the Berlin Wall and that President Kennedy in particular found this so.

5. What are your feelings about him, purely as a person, and which are his characteristics which strike you as the most important or significant?

6. How do you, as an American, view his brand of socialism? Do you feel that he has developed his Social Democratic Party into the best kind of party to find middle-of-the-road support, and to govern?

7. How do you view Brandt's "Ostpolitik"? Are there too many risks involved in it, or could it perhaps lead to the Federal republic taking a "middle" position between East and West, and trying to play off one against the other?

8. Would Brandt be justified in going ahead with the idea of a European Security Conference, always assuming that he gets his treaties with Russia, the DDR and Poland ratified?

9. What are Brandt's salient qualities as a statesman?

10. Any small personal memories of yours about Brandt would be immensely useful--incidents, phrases, perhaps letters from him or to him, things said about him, and so forth. Small things are sometimes revealing and he may well have expressed himself to you in terms which stick in your mind.

Dr. Henry Kissinger,
White House,
Washington, D.C.

117 Durie St.
Toronto 159,
Ont. Canada.
May 14. 72.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

It is hard to believe that you will answer my letter or to react on
it because you are in the position equalling to the highest one in USA.

But, a commoner like me always hope for the powerful reaction, as I do.

I published my second book in English, STORMY ROAD TO FREEDOM, three
years ago, and I dedicated it most sincerely to American fighters (sol
diers) in Vietnam. I sent copy of it in Pentagon, asking to have this
book in USA army libraries. My letter was not answered.

I lived for many years in Russia, and I know that Russia has no other pur
pose that dominate the world, and at first to undermine the power and autho
rity of USA - main obstacle to Russia idea for world domination.

I am glad that man like you are in position of top advise to the Presi
dent of USA, and I expressed that feeling in the autograph of my book to
you.

Will we fight Russia for our existence, or not, - I believe that it could
be advisable to American soldiers and to Americans in general to read my
"Stormy Road to Freedom", to understand real nature of Russians.

Would you invite my book to libraries of USA army? It achieved a big suc
cess with readers in Canadian libraries.

Respectfully and sincerely yours - Nicholas Prychodko
Nicholas Prychodko, (Ph. D., P. Eng.)

GENERAL

FC 6-11+1/Kissinger, Henry[]
KISSINGER, HENRY A. /P

MAY 27 1970

Dear Ed:

Thank you for your letter of May 8. As I am sure you know, the meeting with my Harvard colleagues was painful for many reasons. You can be sure that your point was heard. I can only hope that the day will come when we can talk to each other again in calmer days.

With warm regards,

Henry A. Kissinger

Professor E. M. Purcell
Harvard University
Department of Physics
Lyman Laboratory of Physics
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

HAK,jlp:5/22/70

HARVARD UNIVERSITY

DEPARTMENT OF PHYSICS

LYMAN LABORATORY OF PHYSICS
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 02138

May 8, 1970

Mr. Henry J. Kissinger
The White House
Washington, D. C.

Dear Henry,

Although I had promised to join Schelling and the others who are to meet with you today, I have decided that I ought not to come. Things have gone so far that what I might wish to say is not easily said to one's luncheon host, and if said could only evoke, from someone who is still serving this President, yet another specious defense of the indefensible.

It is hard to believe that the actions of the past ten days were planned by rational men who understand this democracy and want to preserve it. The "success" of the Cambodian venture will be a deeper disgrace than its failure. Either way, it is a fitting, if unplanned, culmination of the program for perpetual warfare that you call Vietnamization. I say culmination hopefully---such revulsion has now been aroused that the country may at last require its government to bring this shameful and stupid business to the end that is so long overdue.

HAK-Personal [x] ②
Marty Purlmutter - summer '70

(Last name and pending date)

Name: Marty Purlmutter

Request: Would like to see HAK sometime this summer on the West Coast.

and respected him
Marty Purlmutter called to say that he knew HAK at Harvard and would be working in LA this summer from July 20 to August 25. He would like to see HAK sometime out there. He said he was Chairman of "Chaos (?)" and would be active in the strike again in the fall. He said he would like to straighten out some things in his head.

I told him that Miss Mathews was the girl to call as he will call after July 7 with a telephone number where he can be reached in California. David may want to talk with him.

jlj 6/26/70

JTH's Recommendation:

HAK's Answer: 10 7/5

Date and Time:

Party Contacted:

Additional Information: Can be reached through Mr. Studholme in Denver - 303-0173 or wh. of 7/27 through Dr. Steen, Calif. Inst. of Tech Arts

RECEIVED

JUL 31 1970

CENTRAL FILES

Resolution:

for

H-K-Pus

[L]

June 7, 1972

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs

Dear Henry:

Phyllis, the children, and I were honored by your presence at the ceremony last Friday. You were kind to have attended and your overly-generous words were appreciated.

I do look forward, as you intimated, to continuing some form of public, as well as commercial, service. Perhaps the two can be done simultaneously. The Harvard Business School suggested such a thought some years ago through an intriguing course, viz, Business Responsibilities in the American Society. The acronym, of course, was BRAS. I shall now find out if the premises underlying dual business/ public service are true or false -- or should it be "trusies or falsies"?

Thank you, again, for joining us last Friday. The association with you and your staff has been a memorable high point of the past three-plus years. The nation is fortunate, indeed, to have and to benefit from your service during this complex era.

All best wishes.

RECEIVED
FEB 20 1973

CENTRAL FILES

HARVARD UNIVERSITY

CAMBRIDGE, APRIL 2, 1970

TO MEMBERS OF THE FACULTY AND STAFF:

With great regret I inform you of the death of

HEINRICH A. BRÜNING

Lucius N. Littauer Professor of Government, *Emeritus*, which occurred on the thirtieth ultimo, in the eighty-fifth year of his age.

Your obedient servant,

NATHAN MARSH PUSEY

RECEIVED

APR 10 1970

CENTRAL FILES