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member of his household.

A little later he sent for me and we sat in the hall while the guests were leaving, and we talked of his coming trip to New York. He is to lunch and dine with me Monday so that we may finish up everything before my departure for Europe. He wishes to appoint my brother-in-law, President Mezes, as one of the Mediators in the Mexico matter. I admitted Mezes' fitness for the work, but I protested against his giving it to him. I did not want my brother-in-law to occupy such a position, and did not think he should take a man from Texas, particularly since our Government has been so rabid in his talk concerning Mexico. I was sure it would make a bad impression if a Texan was selected for so important a place.

We talked of Hamlin for the Federal Reserve Board and I told him how much McAdoo desired it. He said he simply could not do it and for the reasons given before. I told him Harding had accepted. This, of course, was news to him as Harding's letter had not reached him.

We all left the White House by 8.30. Loulie and I drove with Mr. and Mrs. Tumulty down to Potomac Park. Tumulty said he was thinking of resigning, that he could not live on the money he was getting. I can see that he is influencing the President toward conservatism. He has been doing everything possible to have the railroad rates increased and also he has been doing what he could to have the President meet the big financiers of the country. He spoke of himself as a "conservative progressive". My opinion is that he might eliminate the last word.

May 8, 1914.

I breakfasted with William Phillips at half past eight. He said Governor Osborne thought of resigning. If he does I expressed my intention of suggesting Phillips for the place, provided we could think of a suitable man for the place Phillips occupies. He thought Bliss of the Paris Embassy would do, although he first suggested Fletcher, our Minister to Chile. I have Fletcher in the back

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of my head mind for Ambassador to Mexico when things become settled there, and I intend to suggest him to the President for that place. I thought Mr. Bryan might want John Lind. Phillips replied "for heaven's sake speare us from Lind".

I asked Phillips to follow closely the bill for the rent of embassies now in the Committee on Foreign Affairs, in both the House and the Senate, and see that it was passed. I explained to him in confidence that Page would have to resign unless this was done. He promised to give it attention. He thought Page had been unwise in getting a house in Grosvenor Square, for he could have had one much cheaper in Belgrave Square and, in this way, brought down his expenses. This was in line with my own advice to Page last summer when I was in London. Mrs. Page's social success has been a curious thing. Phillips said she gave one of the smartest dances that had been given in London the other day, that she had the and right people there was not one that was a misfit.

Burleson interrupted our conversation. He began with the cry that the President should see more business men; he was getting too much advice from Bryan, and he expatiated upon Bryan's bad diplomatic appointments; in the Cabinet Daniels was mere a "me too" to Bryan and no one regarded him seriously. Houston had no backbone, and anything the President suggested, he agreed to. He had noticed that the President was absolutely fair, and was not treating McAdoo any differently now that he was about to come into his family than he had before. He urged me to be for Ira Nelson Morris of Chicago for some minor diplomatic appointment.

Burleson has the Panama tolls question in hand while McAdoo is away. He thinks we will win in the Senate by from ten to fifteen votes.

When Burleson left I went to the Treasury Department to do some telephoning and have some chores done by the office force. Afterward I saw Comptroller Williams. We agreed that Edward Simmons of St Louis would be a good man for the Federal Reserve Board now that Mr. Olney has declined. In this he differs from

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from McAdoo and Houston. He earnestly urged me to accept the Governorship of this Board. I replied that it was out of the question, that Mr. Olney had suggested the same thing and so had others, but I was too busy with various matters to even think of it. At my request he promised to appoint W. V. Lauraine of Houston, Texas, a bank inspector.

From the Treasury I went to the White House offices in order to see members of the Cabinet before they convened. McReynolds, Burleson, Lane, Garrison and others each held me for a moment. Lane was anxious to know whether I thought it advisable for him to go to California at this time to take the L. L. D. degree which the University of California offered him. I advised taking it up with the President and to be governed by his wishes.

I noticed Otto Carmicheal talking to Tumulty in the latter's office. Carmicheal is in closer touch with the interests than any man I know. He was telling Tumulty of Thos. F. Ryan's friendship for the President, and how Ryan was forcing all his friends, and the corporations with which he was connected, to support the President. I think Tumulty believes him. Tumulty says McCombs is now representing the Guggenheims.

Sloane of the Secret Service expresses concern over the President's New York visit. I am not so much afraid of the visit itself as I am of his taking part in a long, slow funeral parade, the routs of which will be published in advance.

The British Ambassador called on me at Phillips. To my surprise, he did not seem interested in the tolls controversy. He thought it unimportant save as it might show our good intentions to keep our treaty obligations. Mexico was the burden of his thoughts. He was afraid riot and ruin would rule in Mexico City when Huerta was deposed, or if he left of his own volition. He thought Zapata and Villa would fight with one another in looting the City. He said Mr. Bryan had come to think of Villa as a "Sir Galahad" when, as a matter of fact, he was a cut-throat and a prison bird. He gave details of the

Benton murder, the facts of which have now been verified. Benton, it seems, had come to Villa to protest against the stealing of his cattle and during a wordy warfare, one of Villa's lieutenants stabbed him in the back, and his body was thrown in quicklime in order that it would quickly disappear.

Spring-Rice was thoroughly pessimistic about the whole Mexican business. He had just received a dispatch from the British Foreign Office stating Sir Edward Grey had told our Ambassador of the British Government's concern over the safety of British subjects in the City of Mexico, should Huerta go either voluntarily or be forced out. He intimated we would be held responsible for the loss of British life and property since his Government thought we were not taking necessary precautions.

I argued this point with him explaining what a delicate situation we had to deal with. I tried to better what seemed to me to be a bad situation. If I were President X and handling the Mexico policy I would do something positive to bring about order in that country. This idea of letting the situation drift and having it take care of itself as best it may seems to me worse than folly. We should treat Mexico very much as we have Cuba and for the same reasons. It would not be long before the Mexicans would find we were friends and not enemies, and that our purposes in intervening in their affairs were not for any sinister motives.

Spring-Rice asked when I would be in London. He said he wished to know so as to inform his Government.

At luncheon I discussed the Diplomatic Service with Phillips and made some suggestions. He is to keep me informed while I am in Europe.

Secretary Garrison came at half past three and we drove for an hour and a half. He had two things upon his mind. One was that the President was not seeing enough people, particularly Senators and Representatives. Garrison also has the "conservative colic" and I saw it was necessary for him to relieve himself. Of course, the burden of all this talk is to have me influence the

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President. He talked also of Mexico and the trouble he is having with Bryan.
He said it was impossible to make Mr. Bryan believe anything serious was happen-
ing over there. He minimized everything and thought Villa was a high-minded and
noble citizen, and nothing should be done to offend his sensibilities.

Garrison has no patience with our Mexican policy. He says the Mexicans in
power are a lot of treacherous bandits and the only way to make them good is with
a big stick. He wishes more troops at Vera Cruz and he wishes to be ready to
make a quick movement upon the City. In this, he is right. I shall urge the
President on Monday to furnish every facility to the War Department to move quickly upon the City should it become necessary.

The administration will be censured if riot and massacre occurs. It will not
do to take chances even though in using precautionary measures, hostilities may
possibly be brought about.

I had been told by the President that General Scott knew Villa well, but
Garrison says the only time Scott ever saw Villa was at midnight on the bridge
between El Paso and El Paso del Norte, and the interview lasted only ten minutes.
What he told Villa was that he should observe the rules of civilized warfare and
not murder prisoners and other things to bring upon himself the condemnation of
civilized peoples. He gave Villa a copy of the rules of warfare and suggested
he have them translated, which Villa promised to do.

This shows how utterly unreliable all information is. The President fully
believed that General Scott knew Villa well, and seriously thought of sending him
to the Border in order to keep in touch with Villa, and control him as far as
possible.

Garrison thought Huerta had used remarkable self control, and had lived
up to strict international ethics in all his communications with this Government.
He considered it remarkable that such a man should be so punctilious and account-
ed for it by believing he had considerable ability and education. He spoke of
the war map Huerta had made of Mexico and, which Garrison says is as good as any-

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thing we have in our War Office.

I kaft leave on the midnight for New York.

New York, May 9, 1914.

Paul Warburg called this morning. He wished to urge me to accept the Governorship of the Federal Reserve Board. He was very complimentary in regard to my fitness for this particular office and said it would be a joy to him if I would consent to act in such a capacity. He thought, too, it would be a patriotic and splendid thing for me to do. I explained to him, as I did to Mr. Olney Comptroller Williams and others, how impossible it was for me to take office and do the other things which I was doing. I promised to cooperate with him in every way and aid him whenever possible. We agreed pretty much as to the policy which should be pursued in the organization of the regional banks.

The Mayor's office has been in touch with me frequently today. So also has Dudley Malone. They think it would be very unwise for the President to ride in the procession on Monday. I called Tumulty on the telephone and told him this opinion prevailed generally here and that Chief Flynn of the Secret Service concurred in it. I asked him to see the President and let me know what was determined. I advised his going directly to the Navy Yard and not attempting anything else.

May 10, 1914.

Mayor Mitchel came by this morning. He wished to emphasize the folly of the President's riding in the funeral cortege tomorrow. The police and secret service men have all advised against it. The Mayor is evidently nervous. He is not to blame for the recent attempt upon his life has brought the matter very close home to him.

He outlined the precautions he himself was taking. When he rides in an automobile, policemen in citizens clothes are always waiting at his destination. In addition, he has a revolver in a scabbard in his car so he can reach it at

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once if necessary. I always carry a six-shooter when the President is with me
for I feel I could be of more protection to him than the Secret Service men who
go with him. I shoot quickly and accurately and without aim further than look-
ing at the object.

Soon after the Mayor left, he had Chief Magistrate McAdoo issue a permit
for me to carry arms.

The Attorney General lunched with me. We went over much the same ground
covered in Washington. We discussed the vacant Federal judgeship here and I in-
sisted upon his making an immediate appointment. The docket is becoming clogged
and there is no reason for his delay. I had Augustus Hand see him this morning
in order that he might look him over. His only objection to him was that he had
no chin. The two men I sent him last week as candidates for United States Mar-
shals seemed to be all right excepting they were too fat. I have another suggest
ion to make for an appointment, but the man has a large mole on the back of his
ear. I shall ask him to be careful not to expose that side of his head.

Later in the day, Gregory and I were laughing at this excentricity of McRey-
nolds. Gregory says he is such a big, fine-looking fellow himself that he can-
not get it through his head that anyone has any ability that is not built upon
the same lines.

Gregory took supper with us at Janet's and Gordon's. He is distressed
if
about Folk's"grandstand play" in the New Haven matter. He thought Folk got
the officials of the New Haven on the stand, it would give them immunity from
criminal prosecution. He is writing a letter to the Interstate Commerce Commis-
sion throwing the responsibility entirely upon them in the event they go ahead in
their spectacular course. The newspapers are praising Folk, and in order to get
the front page and big headlines, he is likely to undo all the work that has been
done by the Department of Justice.

The reason the Department of Justice has been able to make so satisfac-

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tory a settlement is because the officials fear criminal prosecution, and the Department has not indicated, either directly or indirectly, their subsequent intentions regarding that phase of the matter. If the officials are called before the Interstate Commerce Commission they become immune, and Gregory thinks they would not consent to the settlement which is now agreed upon and which only needs some legislation by the State of Massachusetts to close it up.

Gregory spoke of how empty Governor Walsh was. He thought he had less sense than any public man he had ever met who occupied so conspicuous a place. This bears out my opinion of him expressed last summer.

After I reached home and was in bed, Mayor Mitchel rang me up to say he had heard from the U. S. Secret Service men that the President had decided to be in the line of march tomorrow. He asked if I would not immediately communicate with the President and dissuade him.

I called the White House at Washington, but found the President had just left for the train. I gave the message to one of the secretaries and asked him to take it to the station. I notified the Mayor and promised to see the President immediately after his arrival tomorrow morning and to let him know the result.

May 11, 1914.

I went to the Pennsylvania Station at 7.30. The President was at breakfast. I joined him and we discussed the advisability of his taking part in the parade. He said he had no fear, that he did not believe anyone would make an attempt on his life. The fact that the papers had stated the Mayor had dissuaded him from going would in itself determine the matter. He believed the I. W. W.'s were good sports and would not try to do anything of that sort. I replied that he, himself, was something of a sport to insist upon going through with the program as planned.

We fell to talking of his speech. He had not prepared anything, but he would think it out en route from the Battery to the Navy Yard. It is his way of doing. Sometime he will make a serious blunder, It is an occasion for some-

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thing great, and he may or may not rise to the occasion.

We discussed Mexico, Villa, Huerta and the Mediation Board. He told me Justice Lamar was an old boyhood friend, and they used to play together and fight roosters. He was full of Lamar and his early boyhood days.

At 8. 30 they left the car. I did not go with them for I did not care to have the reporters see me. We arranged for him to lunch and dine with me and I suggested that we go to the Piping Rock Club this afternoon. When I asked if he would like someone to dine with us, he replied no, for he wished to talk with me concerning the Federal Reserve Board and other matters.

The President returned to our apartment about noon. There was a great crowd in front of the house. He changed his clothes and we talked of various matters before luncheon. Dr. Grayson lunched with us. After lunch we drove to the Piping Rock Club on Long Island. The President dozed most of the way. He often does this when motoring. I noticed he was more absent-minded than usual. At luncheon he told me something he had told me at breakfast. He also spoke of the fact that he was getting distressingly absent-minded.

Four automobiles followed us to Piping Rock. One contained Secret Service men, who refused to let any car pass ours, so we were free from dust. There were three cars filled with newspaper men. These hover around the President like birds of prey. They are there to be ready in the event of an accident or something untoward occurring.

We had tea at the Club, xxx walked over the golf course xxx and then returned to New York. After crossing the bridge at 59th Street we had a wild and exciting drive down Second Avenue. It had begun to rain and the motor cycle man was clearing our passage, and between the roar of the Elevated, the patter of the rain, and the hooting of the horns, the ride did not lack excitement.

No one dined with us excepting Grayson and after dinner he left us. The President read poems to me for nearly an hour. It was Wordsworth, Matthew

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Arnold, Edward Sill and Keats. What he particularly liked was "A Fool's Prayer" by Sill, and "A Conservative" by Gilman. When he finished reading I took out my budget.

I spoke first of the proposed visit of Queen Eleanora of Bulgaria which I had discussed with the State Department, and I told him she had been advised it would be best to postpone her visit.

Governor Osborne, First Assist. Secretary of State, has indicated his intention of resigning and I thought it wise to have a man ready for the place. I suggested Phillips, which met with the President's approval. I thought we could pick a man for Phillips' place easier than we could one for First Secretary.

In the event of war with Mexico, I asked him to give Major Joseph Wheeler a regiment, and gave my reasons for thinking it would be a good thing to do.

I discussed with him the tentative proposal of the Progressives to fuse the election of delegates to the Constitutional Convention. We went into this at considerable length. I also suggested the advisability of sending an invitation to one of the de Lesseps to take part as a guest of our Government in the opening of the Panama Canal.

My next item was, should intervention occur, to invite the A. B. C. Powers to join.

Then came McReynolds, and the trusts and the Colorado situation. The President thought the labor clause in the trust measure now pending could be gotten through, provided he read the riot act to the labor leaders and told them they must stand up to their first agreement or he would fight it out with them.

Next on the list was a letter from Walter Page which we read and which concerned my visit to the Kaiser. I asked the President to write me a letter of farewell and put in it something which would give me an excuse to show it to the Kaiser without having "to drag it in by the heels". This, I explained, was merely to show our relationship. He wished to know if I desired him to say something of the object of my mission. I did not, and he too, thought that was best. He

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made a memorandum in shorthand to send such a letter as I desired. He said his
heart misgave him to think I was going so soon, but he added, "it is worth while
for you go upon a great mission".

I explained the New Haven-Folk-Department of Justice situation. After
that we discussed the Federal Reserve Board appointments. I called up Warburg
while he was here. Warburg had been trying to get me during the day and I
thought perhaps he had something of importance which the President should know.
This I found was true. Ixxkakd

I told the President that Tumulty had said that within the next six
months he thought he would resign. I believed he was sincere, but he had some
purpose in giving me this information which he wished me to impart to him. He
seemed upset over the idea of losing Tumulty. Dr. Grayson came in at this
point and we made ready to go to the train where I left him.

May 12, 1914.

Andrew Carnegie called this morning. He appeared to be getting feeble
both in mind and body. He wanted to tell me how much he thought of the Presi-
dent; how often they corresponded, and how devoted he was to him. He thought
the President had made a mistake in his Mexican policy. He should have recogniz-
ed Huerta. Show me the man and I will tell you his opinion upon this subject.
I did not argue the question with him. The truth is, I told him absolutely
nothing. He did all the talking, telling about himself and the various matters
he is now interested in. He is preparing his memoirs and wished I would drop in
upon him sometime and see some of his correspondence. He had a pile of letters
from Roosevelt six inches high, and many from Taft and the President. He invited
us to visit him at Skibo Castle. He said he had read much of me and thought it
was a great thing for the President to have me advise him. He asked who would do
this after I left. I thought the President would get along well enough without

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anyone.

Martin came in with a proof of a future article for Life. He wondered whether should let it go as he had written it. I urged him to do so, and so it stands.

Last week he wrote rather a complimentary article about the Rockefellers and he showed me a letter from John D. Rockefeller, Jr. thanking him for it. He will not receive a similar one when this is published.

Charles Grasty of the Baltimore Sun called to talk of the Federal Reserve Board. Norman Hapgood came to lunch. I had a very interesting time with Hapgood discussing various phases of public affairs. He has just returned from Colorado and was full of the strike situation.

have me

Burton J. Hendrick called to tell him about the Federal Reserve Board. He is writing an article for the July number of the World's Work.

I also had an interesting talk with Peter Clark Macfarlane about the Colorado strike, the anti-trust bill and kindred matters.

John A. Hennessey came and spent an hour going over New York affairs. I found him an unusually sensible Irishman.

The Mr. and Mrs. Clarence J. Shearn dined with us.

May 13, 1914.

Billy Phillips telephoned from Washington. He had been for a drive with Mr. Bryan. I told him of my conversation with the President and of my recommendation of his for First Assistant Secretary of State in the event of Governor Osborne's resignation. He was pleased to know that the President had favorably accepted the suggestion of his name.

Warburg called over the telephone. He suggested that instead of appointing a permanent Governor of the Federal Reserve Board, we adopt the custom used in England and change the Governor every two years so that each member could serve in that capacity at some time. This suggestion meets with my approval and I asked him to put it in writing and I would submit it to the President.

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McAdoo telephoned from Windsor, Vermont. He is very insistent upon my coming up. I shall not be able to do so since my engagements here are too many and too important.

President Fahey of the U. S. Chamber of Commerce came this morning to discuss anti-trust legislation and to make some suggestions.

Robert Underwood Johnson and Mr. Egan, our Minister to Denmark, called. the
We discussed cooperative and intensive farming system of Denmark. Mr. Egan
told of some of the views held by the Kaiser, which he had obtained from the
Kaiser's cousin, Princess now living in Denmark. It gave me another
line upon the Kaiser which I hope will aid me when I meet him.

Telephone calls from McAdoo, Warburg and others came during the day. In the evening we went to dinner with Mr. and Mrs. Dudley Malone. I had a satisfactory talk with him.

May 14, 1914.

This morning everything began early. Mrs. Harriman came at 9.30 and she was preceded by one or two others and followed by Josiah Quincy.

I lunched with Dudley Malone, Frank Polk and Mrs. Harriman. We decided out tentatively upon bringing John A. Hennessey as the independent democratic candidate for Governor. Mrs. Harriman walked home with me and was full of the complaints that are being made in one direction or another.

&
The Commissioner of Corporations, Paul Warburg, Montgomery Hare came later. Tonight we dine at the Hare's to meet Mr. Joseph Choate. McAdoo telegraphs that he will be here on the later train tonight and will be with me tomorrow.

and
We had an interesting dinner. Mr. and Mrs. Choate, Mr. and Mrs. John Milburn were the other guests. The discussion was along general lines, but the Hay-Pauncefort Treaty and the Canal tolls came in for a large part of the conversation. Many stories were told of Roosevelt and other public men and the evening was delightful one.

I met Mr. and Mrs. McAdoo at the station at 10.15 and took them to the

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Vanderbilt Hotel.

May 15, 1914.

Today has been so full of visitors and confusion that it is difficult to sum it up correctly. Joseph Davies had come from Washington and was among my first guests. Then there was Arthur Page, Editor of World's Work, Mrs. Harriman, Guzman Borglum, the sculptor, Charles R. Crane of Chicago, and others.

I lunched with Mr. and Mrs. McAdoo at the Vanderbilt, and was with McAdoo nearly all the afternoon. We discussed the Federal Reserve Board, and I argued with him the President's point of view that the Board should not become too personal. McAdoo, on the contrary, held that it was of vital consequence not only to the administration but to the country, that this law be administered in the spirit intended, and therefore he thought it exceedingly unwise to have a Board not in sympathy with its purposes.

At his request I wrote the President the following letter.

Dear Governor:

I have had a long conference with McAdoo today. He is very earnest in his view that it would be risking a great deal to get a board unfriendly to the spirit and purpose of the Act. He thinks perhaps that Simmons of St Louis and A. C. Bartlett of Chicago might be the best available timber, though he would like to look into Bartlett further and then report to you.

Charles R. Crane was with me this morning. He recommends Bartlett as being the best xxxxxxxx man available in Chicago. Bartlett is a retired hardware merchant, a man of philanthropic purposes and was on the original list that I gave you.

I hope you will talk to McAdoo freely before making any appointment for he has a fine conception of the scope and purpose of the measure.

Affectionately yours,

New York, May 15, 1914.

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P. S. Your letter has just come. It touches me more deeply than you can ever know. Goodbye once more and may God sustain you.

May 16, 1914.

I had the following letter from the President this morning.

E. M. House Esq.
145 East 35th Street, New York.

My dear Friend:

It is hard to say goodbye, but knowing what I do it is delightful to think of what awaits you on the other side, and it is particularly heartening to me to know that I have such a friend and spokesman.

Mrs. Wilson and my daughters join with me in most affectionate messages and in the hope that you will both find your trip refreshing and stimulating in every way.

Your affectionate and grateful friend,

(Signed) Woodrow Wilson.

The White House, Washington,
May 15, 1914.

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At Sea, May 16, 1914.

S. S. Imperator.

We sailed today on the Imperator at ten o'clock. It was a stirring
time at the dock. I never saw so many people on a pier before. Several of our
good friends were there to bid us goodbye, and our cabin was filled with Flowers,
fruit and books. Commander Kerr sent word that he had given orders for our com-
fort, and later he called to ask if everything was going well with us.

May 23, 1914.

We had a featureless voyage. One day has been like another, with but little change of sea or sky. We made the best time the boat has yet made. The Captain told me it was always something of a strain on him to make a record trip. The ship is all that her friends claim for her in the way of comfort and sea-worthiness, but the passengers were mongrel lot.

I had several wireless messages, one from Mrs. Lay who desires her husband, who is now Consul at Rio Janeiro, appointed to the vacancy in London. Even at sea there is no rest from the office seekers.

Among the passengers that I found most agreeable were Dr. Alderman of the University of Virginia, Raymond Fosdick of New York and Count von Moltke. Prince Munster was also agreeable, but he is feudalistic in his views, while on the contrary, von Moltke is what we would term, progressive. He admitted to me that perhaps he was the only great "Noble" in Germany holding such views. I believe this is true. Both Prince Munster and von Moltke asked us to visit them at their country places.

At Cherbourg I had a cablegram from Walter Page welcoming us over.
Judge Moore, Frank Trumbull and Benjamin Strong of the Banker's Trust Company,
were among those I talked with. For the most part I was alone, trying to read
and rest.

Raymond Fosdick had been doing some work for John D. Rockefeller Jr.

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family
He said Rockefeller told him their joint fortune amounted to about a billion of
dollars. I thought that what he needed most was advice or broad minded per-
sons, and that he should disassociate himself from the lot of sycophants and self-
seekers who agreed to all his economic misconceptions.

Fosdick said his real purpose in visiting Europe at this time was to see
what could be done with the Italian Government about the Camorra. I cautioned
him about mentioning this. He said no one knew it excepting the President, the
Mayor of New York, his wife and me. I called his attention to the fact that the
last man who came over from America for this purpose was brutally murdered by some
of the sort he came to eliminate.

At Cuxhaven, we found Lanier Winslow, Gerard's Secretary, whom he had
sent to meet us and look out for our comfort. Gerard had given him instructions
that we were to pay for nothing, and Lanier and I had many controversies over
this order.

We went to Hamburg and took lunch and again saw von Moltke. He gave me
much valuable information concerning the political conditions in Germany. Among
other things, he told me that one of his uncles, who was head of the German Army
when the Morocco incident occurred, wanted Germany to declare war, but the
Kaiser suppressed him and others who thought with him. He talked very freely,
and I believe he had some inkling of my purpose here. His wife is as delight-
ful as he. They urged us to visit them at their home in Silesia, where they
have an estate inherited from the great Field Marshal. They were not only cor-
dial but insistent that we come.

Berlin, Germany.
7 Wilhelmplatz.

We reached Berlin at 9.30 a.m. and were met at the station by the Ambassador and driven to the Embassy. I found the Embassy delightfully situated at No. 7 Wilhelmplatz. It is well suited for the purposes of both the Chancellery and a residence, and it is perhaps the best equipped of any we have in the world.

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I had insisted before coming that we should not be entertained. There are only a few people I desire to meet. However, the Gerards did not literally follow our desires and we had several people every day. On Tuesday they gave a dinner of twenty-four covers at which were Admiral von Tirpitz, Minister of Marine, von Jagow, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Goshen, the British Ambassador, and Count and Countess von Moltke, who were invited at our request.

Von Tirpitz and I left the dining room together and we stood in one of the drawing rooms and talked for an hour. He evidenced a decided dislike for the British, a dislike that almost amounted to hatred. One of the things that amused me most was his suggestion that the English "looked down upon Germans and considered them their inferiors".

What Germany really wants is for England to detach herself from the Triple Entente and become neutral. It is clear that England is most feared by the Germans because she holds the balance of power. They also fear Russia, but to a lesser degree.

Von Tirpitz spoke of the anti-German feeling in the United States and cited our newspapers in evidence of it. He also spoke of Admiral Mahan's articles which have a pro-British leaning. I assured him our newspapers did not indicate our real feeling, and asked him whether the press of Germany represented the feeling of the Germans toward us. He replied, "not at all". He said the Government had absolutely no control over the German newspapers, but in England, he noticed the English brought their papers around to the Government point of view whenever the situation required it.

I spoke of the courage and character of the President. This I illustrated by different incidents, one being his insistence in taking part in the funeral parade of the Vera Cruz sailors, and another, his refusal to be intimidated or coerced into recognizing Huerta. I drew clearly the distinction between the President and Mr. Bryan. I wanted official Germany to know that if any inter-

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national complications arose between our two countries, they would have to deal
with a man of iron courage and inflexible will.

I could see that what I said had a deep effect not only upon him, but
upon von Jagow, von Falkenheim, Zimmerman and upon the Kaiser himself, to all of
whom I said much the same thing. After talking an hour with von Tirpitz, I
talked a half hour with von Jagow, and then with von Moltke and the other guests.
Von Tirpitz told Gerard that I was the most interesting American he could remember
having talked with, and thanked him for having been invited to the dinner.

Von Tirpitz and I talked largely of armaments, I pleading for a limitation
in the interest of international peace, and he stating vigorously the necessity
of Germany's maintaining the highest possible order of military and naval organi-
zation. He disclaimed any desire for conquest, and insisted it was peace that
Germany wanted, but the way to maintain it was to put fear into the hearts of her
enemies.

while
I pointed out the danger in this program, for Great Britain did not de-
sire to see Germany crushed because it would leave her to reckon alone with her
ancient enemy, Russia, at the same time, she could not view with equinimity the
ever increasing naval strength of Germany combined with her large and efficient
standing army. If it came to a decision as to whether Germany should be crushed
or be permitted to have a navy sufficient to overcome British supremacy at sea,
their policy would clearly be to let Germany go under.

I thought an understanding could be brought about between Germany and Eng-
land. He hoped so, but he did not trust England, because the English were not
reliable. Von Tirpitz was the most anti-English of any of the German officials
with whom I talked. I am giving my conversation with him very fully for it
indicates the general trend of my conversations with others.

May 27, 1914.

The Gerards gave an interesting luncheon today. Many of the South American
diplomats were present, and some of Berlin's notable financial magnates. There

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was nothing said, however, worthy of recording.

Among other things we did while in Berlin was to go to the Aviation
Field and see what they were doing in that direction. I found it difficult to
get any estimate of the aerial strength of Germany, but the nearest I could come
to it was that they have about 1000 aeroplanes and perhaps 80 or more Zeppelins.
One of the airmen was brought up to the club by the German Major in charge and in-
troduced to us. He then went up and did some spectacular flights for our bene-
fit. He came directly over our heads and looped the loop several times. He
performed all sorts of dangerous and curious maneuvers. I was glad when he came
down, for I was afraid his enthusiasm to please might result in his death. The
Major told me that 36 had already been killed on that field.

The airman was named Fokker and he told me he was a Dutchman and had recent-
ly come from Holland at the request of the German Government.

June 1, 1914.

It has been a wonderful day. Gerard and I set forth for Potsdam at
half past nine o'clock. We arrived too early and wandered about until nearly
eleven, and then entered the Palace. We found ourselves to be the only guests
invited to the Schrijpenfest.

We were taken through a beautiful sweep of rooms, running across the park
front, until we came to a side entrance. Here we waited a few minutes when the
Kaiser was announced. He came up and shook hands and passed out with his suite
into the park. We followed after the royal party which consisted of the Emepror,
the Empress and the Princes and their wives. We were given a position near the
royal family.

After religious exercises, came the parade, then the decorations were
given, and afterward we went across to the other palace where the soldiers were
having their lunch. During this time I was largely with Herr Zimmermann, Under
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and acting Secretary while von Jagow is

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absent. I found him quite responsive to my ideas concerning a sympathetic un-
derstanding between Great Britain, Germany and the United States. We discussed
every phase of the present European situation.

We lunched in the famous "Shell Hall". The table was crescent shaped
and was beautifully decorated. Gerard and I were seated directly opposite the
Imperial party. On my right was the Minister for War, General von Falkenheyn,
the man to my left was some General from Saxony, but I did not catch his name.
The Emperor talked across the table with our party, mostly with General von Fal-
kenheyn. I had a very satisfactory talk with von Falkenheyn along the lines I
followed with Zimmermann. The food was delicious and not long, perhaps, fifty
minutes.

The Imperial party then went into one of the large reseption rooms adjoining
the Shell Hall, and I was presented to the Empress. We talked some eight or ten
minutes. She spoke of Corfu, of the dryness of the season there and how glad she
was to be back in Germany and to see the beautij of the spring, of the hawthorn etc.
She inquired about my trip to Germany, and then we talked of the late sea dis-
aster, the sinking of the Empress of Ireland.

A moment later the Emperor sent for Gerard and me. Zimmermann went with
us. The Kaiser was on the terrace. Zimmermann and Gerard fell back and the
Kaiser and I talked alone. The conversation was very animated, both of us
talking at one another in quick succession. I did not observe any of the rules
governing conversations with royalty, but talked naturally as I would to any gen-
tleman. At first he told me of the fine discipline army training gave to Ger-
man citizens; how valuable it was to them in after life, both from a physical view-
point and in their later avocations. He cited many examples that had come under
his observation.

He spoke of the meager salaries the officers and men received and extolled
this feature. I broke in here and said that we had made patriotism mercenary
by our ridiculous pension system. He, too, thought it very bad. I told him

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the President had asked me to talk to him freely concerning his intentions regarding Mexico and of any other matter in which he might have an interest. I explained the President's purposes regarding Mexico. He broke in here to say what a great man Diaz was, and wanted to know why we did not send for him and put him in charge. I said he was too old in the first place, that he had not been able to hold his power, and that he was not in harmony with the modern or advanced thought of men. I thought where he had failed was in true statesmanship in that he did not rise to his opportunities and neglected the betterment of his race. He did everything to develop the natural resources of Mexico, but in doing this he placed them largely in the hands of a few rich exploiters and left the country more feudalistic than he found it. There was no comprehensive school system established and there was no effort to bring about an equitable distribution of the land. Conditions in Mexico were as bad or worse than they had been at any time in Russia. If we recognized Huerta, it would only have prolonged the trouble and would not have brought about a final solution. That ninety percent of the people of Mexico were in sympathy with the revolutionists, and it would have taken all the power of the United States and hundreds of millions of treasure and years of time to have continued to hold such as Huerta in power. The hour had struck for such antiquated and uncivilized government and it was unthinkable that we should become a party to the perpetuation of it.

We now got down to the interesting part and began to discuss the European situation as it affected the Anglo Saxon Race. He spoke of the folly of England forming an alliance with the Latins and Slavs, who had no sympathy with our ideals and purposes and who were vacillating and unreliable as allies. He spoke of them as being semi-barbarous, and of England, Germany and the United States as being the only hope of advancing Christian civilization.

His idea was that in the first place the Anglo Saxons should stand together as against the Latins and Slavs in Europe, but all western civilization

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should stand together as against the Oriental races. Knowing his views in this direction I spoke of the awakening of Japan and of her endeavors to proselyte the other Asiatic peoples. I explained to him the cause of the friction between America and Japan in regard to emigration, saying that Japan really wanted her overflow population to go into Korea and Manchuria but their race pride was hurt by the manner in which we were shutting them out.

He spoke of the fanaticism of the Japanese and the Orientals generally, and of the menace it was to the Western races on account of their numerical strength. He said Japan would never again go to war with Russia for the reason they had found it was impracticable to exact an indemnity from them in the event they were victorious. I thought that the balance of the world was practically in the same position in regard to Russia, and that it was greatly to Russia's advantage. He admitted this.

I thought Russia was the greatest menace to England and it was to England's advantage that Germany was in a position to hold Russia in check, and that Germany was the barrier between Europe and the Slavs. I found no difficulty in getting him to admit this.

He spoke of the impossibility of Great Britain being able to make a permanent and satisfactory alliance with either Russia or France. I told him that the English were very much concerned over his ever growing navy, which taken together with his enormous army constituted a menace and there might come a time when they would have to decide whether they ran more danger from him and his people making a successful invasion than they did from Russia, and the possibility of losing their Asiatic colonies. I thought when that point was reached, the decision would be against Germany.

I spoke of the community of interests between England, Germany and the United States and thought if they stood together, the peace of the world could be maintained. He assented to this quite readily. However, in my opinion, there could be no understanding between Germany and England so long as he continued

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to increase his navy. He replied that he **kannennunzum** must have a large navy
in order to protect Germany's commerce in an adequate way, and commensurate with
her growing power and importance. He also said it was necessary to have a navy
large enough to be able to defend themselves against the combined efforts of
Russia and France.

I asked when he would reach the end of his naval program. He said this
was well known since they had formulated a policy for building and when that was
completed they would be an end; that Great Britain had nothing to fear from Ger-
many and that he, personally, was a friend of England and was doing her incalcula-
ble service in holding the balance of power against Russia.

I told him that the President and I had thought perhaps an American might
be able to compose the difficulties here and bring about a better understanding
with a view to peace than any European, because of their distrust and dislike
of one another. He agreed to this suggestion. I had undertaken this work and
my
that was a reason for coming to Germany as I wanted to see him first. After
leaving Germany, it was my purpose to go directly to England where I should take
the matter up with that Government as I had done with him.

I explained that I expected to feel my way cautiously and see what could be
accomplished, and if he wished it, I would keep him informed. He asked me to do
this and said letters would reach him "through our friend Zimmermann here in the
Foreign Office". I spoke to Zimmermann afterward and he, too, suggested that
would be the way to reach the Kaiser, though, of course, he did not know what the
Kaiser and I had discussed.

I talked to the Kaiser on the terrace for thirty minutes and quite alone.
Gerard and Zimmermann stood some ten feet away. There was a special train
scheduled to leave Potsdam at three o'clock and the time was growing perilously
near, and everyone was becoming uneasy. The Empress herself came upon the ter-
race at one time for the purpose of breaking up our conversation and, prior to
that, she had sent one of her sons for the same purpose. Neither, however, ap-

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proached us for they saw the earnest and animated manner in which we were talking
She finally sent the Grand Chamberlain, who approached in a halting and embarras
ed way, and told the Emperor of the difficulty. He scarcely noticed him and
dismissed him curtly and continued our conversation for at least ten minutes more.

By this time I had said all I cared to and was ready to leave myself, there-
fore I stopped talking and was very quiet in order to indicate that I, at least,
was through. This had the desired effect and we bade each other goodbye. Gerard
told me afterward that there was the greatest amount of interest displayed con-
cerning what the Kaiser and I were discussing and that all Berlin was talking of
the episode and wondering what the devil we had to say to each other for so long
and in such an animated way.

The Berlin papers have been kind to me. One of them had this to say:

When I got in the automobile with Gerard I was very tired and in no humor to
discuss with him what I had done so I touched it lightly and gave him no more
than a vague idea of my purposesxxx.

I feel, however, that I am in a fair way to bring about a beginning of
the great task I have undertaken.

We left Berlin at eleven o'clock for Paris and arrived on the afternoon
of June 2nd.

Paris, June 8, 1914.

have

I spent a quiet week in Paris, my most arduous duty being to dodge
Americans and others wanting to see me. We have had many invitations to dinners
and luncheons, all of which have been declined although one included an invita-
tion from our Ambassador.

I called on Herrick, it having been understood that I would do so when I
was ready to talk with him. Mr. Roosevelt had been with him the day before,
and he told me something of T. R.'s mental and physical activities. Herrick made
the prediction that T. R. was getting ready to go back home and to give the demo-

crats a thoroughly unhappy time. I replied that I was sure he could do nothing
that would
to distress us so much as it would his fellow republicans.

Herrick read passages from his forthcoming book upon rural credits and
told me that within a short time he would have it finished and ready for publi-
cation. He would then like to return to America.

We discussed the advisability of forming a new commercial treaty with
France so as to do away with the great inequalities now being practiced against
the United States. Herrick has skillfully brought France to a point where the
request for a new treaty had come from them. He made some suggestions regard-
ing the personnel of the American Commission, should one be appointed for the pur-
pose of formulating such a treaty.

He wondered why the President had never said anything concerning his con-
tinuing as Ambassador. I thought the President did not have him on his mind,
for he was satisfied with his work, and that he had so many other problems to
solve that he had as yet given but little thought to the French Embassy.

London. June 12, 1914.

I Was came from Paris on the 9th. I lunched with Page on the 10th and he
lunched with me yesterday so we have had an exchange of ideas. He was kind
enough to say that he considered my work in Germany the most important done in
this generation. I thought before making an estimate we would have to see how
far I could get with it here. He replied I would find this Government very sym-
pathetic and he felt a beginning was as good as accomplished. We decided to ap-
proach Sir Edward Grey first and leave it to his judgment whether to bring in
Asquith and the King.

Page looked over his engagements and found it was impossible for him to be
free until Wednesday. He communicated with Sir Edward and asked him to lunch
on that day, and received a prompt acceptance. In the meantime I am to lunch
with Page on Saturday to meet T. R. and a distinguished company.

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On Sunday we go to General Sir Arthur and Lady Paget's for lunch and in the evening we dine with Mr. Burdett-Coutts. On Monday there is a large dinner at the Embassy, but I declined to go. On Tuesday we go to Ascot to the races, on Wednesday to the luncheon with Sir Edward Grey, and in the evening to dinner with Mr. Robert Fleming, the London financier. There is a busy time in prospect for me. I have requested Fleming to invite no one to meet me excepting Mr. Geo. Paish of the London Statist, I am particularly anxious not to become involved with any of the financial people having interests in Mexico.

Sir Horace Plunkett called soon after my arrival and told me of the trou-
bes in Ireland, giving me an insight into the situation which perhaps no one
else could give so well. He very much desires that I go there and see condi-
tions for myself.

Lord and Lady Bryce also called. Page has been invited to deliver an
address before the Royal Institute tomorrow evening. This is
considered an unusual honor. He handed me his speech to review, and I edited it
in three places where I thought he was indiscreet.

June 13, 1914.

I lunched with Chalmers Roberts of the World's Work and we had a delight-
ful talk concerning political and home affairs. He desired information for the
next issue of his magazine.

We went to hear Page speak at the Royal Institute. The audience was small
but select. The Duke of Northumberland presided. When the lecture was over,
Ruth Bryan and her husband, Capt. Reginald Owen, came up to speak to us. She
seemed delighted to hear directly from home and her people. Mrs. Grover Cleve-
land, now Mrs. Preston, also came up.

June 14, 1914.

I lunched with Page to meet Roosevelt today. I never saw T. R. in better

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condition. I was amused to hear him saying something polite and pleasing to each of the guests. He congratulated me upon having had Billy Phillips appointed to the State Department and said some other pleasant things. I heard him talking to George Trevellyan, the historian, and insisting that he had gotten more real information concerning Frederick the Great, as to his character and the real man, from a short essay of Lord Macaulay's than he had from Carlyle's life of him. I found later that Trevellyan is a grand nephew of Lord Macauley. And so he passed down the list.

The guests present were: The Spanish Ambassador, Merry del Val, Lord Grey, once Governor General of Candda, Lord Curzon, former Viceroy of India, the Bishop of London, Sir Horace Plunkett, John Sargent, George M. Trevelyan, Colonel Lee, T. R.'s host, Douglas Freshfield, Henry James, and several of the Embassy staff.

After luncheon, Page and I went to Ranelagh for the afternoon and remained to dinner. Our talk covered various subjects. Page thought I would not be able to do much at first in regard to my pacification plans, but he thought I would be able to sow the seed which would bring about the desired result later. He did not think the British Government would be in a position to negotiate with Germany. I shall know better about this when I meet Sir Edward Grey on Wednesday.

In addition to meeting Sir Edward on Wednesday at Page's, he has invited me to lunch with him on the 24th.

Sir William Tyrrell has invited us to visit his country place in Sussex over the next week-end.

I succeeded in obtaining some information at the luncheon today from Roosevelt's nephew, Philip, concerning the Colonel's political intentions. In discussing Roosevelt, Page remarked that "he would be a much greater man if he was not such a liar and egotist.

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June 14, 1914.

We lunched today with General Sir Arthur and Lady Paget at Warren House.

The other guests were the Duke of Argyle, Sir and Lady Dawson, of the King's Household, the British Ambassador to Constantinople and his wife, Mrs. Leeds, the rich American, and General, Sir George John Cowan. Lady Fingall, who was one of the guests was interesting. She said that her family and the Plunkett family sprung from the same source. That when they branched in 1161 they each built a castle in Ireland, and both families had lived continuously in them until now.

She is a very kind aggressive woman and thought it would be a good thing for the North and South of Ireland to fight out their differences. She also thought this would finally bring them together and they would then thresh England. If the Irish are all of her temperament I do not see much chance for a peaceable solution of their differences.

One of the features of the day was a terrific rain, hail and electric storm. Sir Arthur and Sir John said they had never witnessed heavier storms in the tropics and they had never seen anything like it in England. We left in a downpour, and several of the guests were unable to leave because their motors were put out of commission.

In the evening at 8.15 we dined with Burdett-Coutts at his palatial home in Piccadilly. The house resembles a museum more than a private residence. He has several million dollars worth of pictures and art treasures. Raphaels, Rembrants, Romneys, Lawrences, Lelys, Reynolds and others in great numbers. He showed us a letter Charles Dickens wrote the late Baroness Coutts, presenting her with the manuscript of one of his stories. The manuscript had a most astonishing number of internineations and erasures. Each page was almost illegible and was a mass of blots and blemishes. I had thought that Dickens wrote more readily and without having to make so many corrections. This particular

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manuscript is supposed to be lost and Burdett-Coutts read us an extract from a
recent life of Dickens which stated that no one knew where it was. I asked him
why he did not make it known to the public. He did not seem to think it worth
while.

He said the original Coutts had a large package from Louis Philippe of France
which practically covered the period of his life. Coutts was Louis Philippe's
foreign banker, and this correspondence extends over many years and concerns ma-
ny subjects other than finance. Coutts has never made these letters known to
the French historians, and said, if he should do so, it would revolutionize the
existing history of that king.

He stated that no life of Lawrence, the painter, gave any adequate idea of
how many pictures he pained or what prices he obtained for them. Again, one of
the Coutts acted as his financial sponsor. Lawrence had no business head and
was continually in debt, and Coutts agreed to take charge of his affairs provid-
ed he turned in the proceeds of every picture sold. Lawrence did this and Coutts
not only invested his money, but directed the amount of his expenditures even
down to the simplest items, such as housemaid's wages, the food on his table, etc.

It was a small dinner party and there were no other guests excepting his
niece, Judge and Mrs. Moore and young Paul Moore and his wife.

Coutts talked to me concerning the President's Mexican policy and, after my
explanation, said that for the first time he understood what was being striven
for. He has been in Parliament for twenty-eight years continuously. At one
time the Coutts fortune came perilously near going out of the family. An only
daughter married a Duke of St Albans, but not having any children, she willed all
the money back to the Coutts family. The late Baroness willed to the present
Burdett-Coutts, whose real name was Bartlett, all of her personal property, but
she was unable to transfer her interest in the bank, which still continues in the
family proper.

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June 27, 1914.

Robert Fleming called this morning. Also John A. Stewart, of the One Hundred Year Peace Committee.

I lunched with Sir Edward Grey, Sir William Tyrrell and Walter Page. We talked from 1.30 until 3.30 and I feel I have made a beginning. Sir Edward and I did practically all the talking, Page and Sir William only occasionally joining in.

We spoke first of the Panama tolls repeal bill. Sir Edward expressed pleasure at the fine way in which the President did it and without any negotiations between the two Governments in regard to it. He spoke of his having done it of his own volition because of his high sense of justice. He purposes paying this tribute to the President in Parliament when a fit opportunity occurs.

We then opened the subject of my visit to Germany. I related pretty much what happened. Sir Edward was visibly impressed, and we discussed every phase of the European situation, particularly as it applied to Germany and England. He agreed with me that the French statesmen had given up all idea of revenge and of the recovery of Alsace and Lorraine, and that they would be content with the autonomic of France as it now is. The French people dream still of revenge and recovery, but the statesmen know that the ever increasing population of Germany makes such a dream less and less probable of realization.

We spoke of the difficulties of bringing about negotiations. I suggested that the Kaiser, he and I meet at Kiel in some way, but this was not gone into further.

The relations between Russia and the British Empire were talked of freely and with the utmost candor. Sir Edward explained that Great Britain and Russia touched at so many points in the world that it was essential for them to have some sort of good understanding.

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I thought they should permit Germany to aid in the development of Persia. He said it might be a good move to play the other against the other, and yet the Germans were so aggressive it might be dangerous. Sir Edward was very fair concerning the necessity for Germany to maintain a navy commensurate with her commerce, and sufficient to protect herself from Russia and France. I told of the militant war spirit in Germany and of the high tension of the people, and I feared some spark might be fanned into a blaze. I thought Germany would strike quickly when she moved. That there would be no parley or discussion. That when she felt that a difficulty could not be overcome by peaceful negotiation, she would take no chances, but would strike. I thought the Kaiser himself and most of his immediate advisers did not want war because they wished Germany to expand commercially and grow in wealth, but the army was militany and aggressive and ready for war at any time.

I told him there was a feeling in Germany, which I shared, that the time had come when Wngland could protect herself no longer merely because of her isolated position. That modern inventions had so changed conditions that the Germans believed she would be within striking distance before long, just as were her Continental neighbors. Sir Edward replied, "the idea then is that England will be in the same positions as the Continental Powers". I said, "quite so".

I gave my opinion of the German aerial strength and what they might accomplish even now. I explained the part we desired to play as pacificators and why I felt we could do this better than they could do it themselves. I warned him that the present Chancellor of Germany might go at any time and be replaced by von Tirpitz, and a solution would then be a much more difficult undertaking.

Page said he had never been more interested than he was in this conversation. He feels certain, XXXXXX, that Sir Edward will take the matter up

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with his colleagues, and at our luncheon next Wednesday another step for ward
will be made.

I feel that my visit has been justified even if nothing more is done than
that already accomplished. It is difficult for me to realize that the dream
I had last year is beginning to come true. I have seen the Kaiser, and now
the British Government seem eager to carry on the discussion. It is hard to
realize, too, that every government in the world may be more or less affected
by the moves we are making and every human being may be concerned in the deci-
sions reached from day to day.

I told Sir Edward the Kaiser had said when his name was mentioned that,
he, Sir Edward, had never been on the Continent and therefore could not under-
stand Germany. Sir Edward replied that while this was not literally true, it
was nearly so; a great many years ago he went to India and crossed the Conti-
nent of Europe, though practically without stopping, and the other day he was
in Paris with the King for several days.

He asked if I had gone to Ascot yesterday, and when I said I had not,
he replied, "I, too, have dodged it for fifty-two years". He impresses me as
a quiet and dignified statesman who is more intent upon serving his country
than upon any success that may come to him.

I went to dinner at Robert Flemins at 27 Grosvenor Square. Sir
George Paish of the Statist, and Frank Trumbull were the other other guests.
Paish and I did most of the talking. I obtained a lot of valuable statisti-
cal information from him. Great Britain's income from her foreign investments
is one thousand million dollars per year, her total wealth is seventeen bil-
lion pounds. The total wealth of Germany is sixteen billion pounds and France
has only about ten or twelve billions, and the United States more than thirty
billion pounds.

I asked why France was considered such a rich nation-- so much richer
than her neighbor Germany, and with so much more money to lend. He said ♡

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it was because they used their money in that way and did not use it in devel-
opment. He likened France to an old maid who had an income of $20,000. Since
her expenditures were confined to herself it appeared as if she had a great
deal of money. On the other hand, if a man with a large family had $20,000.
it seemed he had but little because there were so many channels into which it
went. He thought it misleading to look at the total of a nation's indebted-
ness and not to consider why it was created. For instance, England had a
large indebtedness and had little or nothing other than her telephone and tel-
egraph system to show for it. On the other hand, France and Germany had their
railroads and a great deal of property of that sort which brought in a revenue
to offset their interest charges. Fleming thought a nation was well off when
it was large enough to expend its money within its own confines and gave the
United States as an example. He believes that such investments assure more
certainty of profitable returns.

I explained President Wilson's economic policy and what he had in mind
regarding Mexico. Fleming wanted to know when better conditions would be
brought about there and if it would be within the next century. I replied
that it would not be tomorrow and it would not be next week. As a matter of
fact, Mexico was in her normal condition such as she had been in for the past
two hundred years, with the exception of the twenty-five or thirty years when
Diaz held sway. During that period people were induced to invest money in
Mexico and they did it without due thought as to what would follow in the
event of Diaz's death or removal.

We have an invitation from the King's Equerry to witness the trooping
of the colors from the King's stand, on his birthday next Monday the 22nd. We
also have an invitation from the Prime Minister and his colleagues to be pres-
ent at a reception at the India Office at 10.30 P. M. Monday, in honor of the
King's birthday.

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June 18, 1914.

John A. Stewart of the Peace Centenary called this morning to inform me that the Committee in charge desired me to be one of the members to take over Sulgrave Manor, where George Washington was born, which is being given by England for certain purposes. They expect to have a fund of five hundred thousand dollars to carry on the work, and it would not be necessary for me to meet with the Committee more than once a year. Andrew Carnegie is one of the members. I declined.

I lunched with Sir Horace Plunkett, Sidney Brooks and Professor Adams of Oxford. Brooks was inclined to be controversial and critical of the Wilson Administration. I listened for awhile, then "took the bit in my teeth" and talked straight through the luncheon praising not only the President, but Mr. Bryan, McAdoo and the other members of the Cabinet. Adams listened with keen interest. He is one of the editors and owners of the new Political Review and offered to send me complimentary copies. He asked me to suggest some professor in one of the American universities to act as their correspondent.

Brooks invited me to lunch next week at Brook's Club to meet Lloyd George and anyone else I desired, and asked whether I wished to meet "politicians or gentlemen".

June 19, 1914.

Page came this morning at eleven. He saw Sir Edward Grey yesterday afternoon about some departmental matters which took some ten or fifteen minutes, and Sir Edward kept him for an hour talking about my peace plans. Sir Edward is very interested and will try and have the Prime Minister and the Lord Chancellor at the luncheon on Wednesday. Grey told Page they were willing to do all they could, but they didn't could not think out the manner of doing procedure, and asked him for suggestions. Page also seemed lacking in them. I thought I could make some and would do so on Wednesday.

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Page is going to Oxford Wednesday to receive a degree, therefore, he will not be present at the luncheon. He thought I would wish some American official there to hear the conversation and suggested Laughlin. I thought this might indicate some suspicion of bad faith on their part, and I therefore preferred being alone. As a matter of fact, I would rather be with them alone anyway, for they will talk more freely and I will be more upon my mettle.

Marwick telephoned and we arranged a dinner with Walter Long, Lady Duveen and the Pages for July 10th.

I went to lunch at Lady Paget's. We had an interesting and profitable discussion. She was a friend of Mr. Morgan's and told of how much he disliked Roosevelt. She said if Morgan had been living, Roosevelt would not have been able to get any money from men with whom he had influence.

Mrs. John Astor called after lunch. The Prince of Teck has asked her to continue the American-British Ladies Society for the Promotion of Peace between Great Britian and the United States. She wished Lady Paget's advice and Lady Paget referred her to me. My opinion was that the society had best be discontinued. They have already made too much of this peace celebration, and no good can come by continuing it beyond a period where it will grow stale and unprofitable.

I went with Lady Paget to Woods' Studio to see the plaster cast of Chatham's statue which the American born women living in Great Britain are to present the United States. It is very fine and I believe will be a success when put into marble. I suggested asking Lord Roseberry to find some words of Chatham's appreciation of America to place upon the base. Mr. Woods suggests that George M. Trevelyan might also be asked, and this we agreed to do. Woods says it is impossible to have the statue finished under eight months therefore it will not be ready for the December celebration. It was decided to have a large photograph made of it and let this be tendered in December.

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I agreed to help pick a suitable site for it in Washington. I find it is too large for the niche in the White House entrance hall that I had in mind.

June 20, 1914.

Sir William Tyrrell, Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, Loulie and I went down to Kithurst Warren, Cootham, Pulborough, Sussex, to be with Sir William and Lady Tyrrell for the week-end. This is a good deal of name for a mighty little place.

June 21, 1914.

Sir William, Sir Cecil and I sat up by the open fire until eleven o'clock last night discussing big and little affairs. This morning Sir Cecil and I resumed the conversation. I proposed, when I go home, that I take up with the President the formation of a definite foreign policy in regard to financial investments in the undeveloped countries of the world, particularly South America. My plan is that if England, the United States, Germany and France will come to an understanding concerning investments by their citizens in undeveloped countries, much good and profit will come to their citizens, as well as to the countries needing development. Stability would be brought about, investments would become safe, and low rates of interest might be established.

Sir Cecil thought the difficulty would be to establish some rule by which the United States would be satisfied that concessions and investments were not usurious and did not have a tendency to control the politics of the countries in which the investments were made.

To illustrate: If a man lends to another, using unfair means and exacts usurious interest, the borrower may go to the courts for relief. Each government could make it clear to those of its citizens desiring to pursue this form of investment that only fair and honorable dealings will be countenanced. If anything less is attempted, the loss will fall upon them.

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I shall mention this to Sir Edward Grey on Wednesday, and when Sir Cecil
Sir William and I take lunch together next week, we will formulate more defin-
ite plans. Both of them are delighted at the suggestion and have been kind
enough to say that it might be developed into a big and useful foreign policy.

Sir Cecil told of an incident that happened between the Kaiser, Roosevelt
and Henry White, our then Ambassador to France, during the Morocco Incident of
1911. It seems the Kaiser was opposed to war, and asked Roosevelt's good offices to help prevent it. Roosevelt brought White into the discussion and
went pretty far toward committing himself to the Kaiser's plan. Later, the
Kaiser concluded that he did not wish to be bound by any agreement and began
to try and evade the understanding. It became necessary for Roosevelt to
threaten him with the publication of the facts before he was brought to his
senses.

Sir Cecil related another incident of the Kaiser's visit to England, when
Joseph Chamberlain was in the Government. Chamberlain agreed to make a statement favorable to a better understanding with Germany which the Kaiser was to
endorse. For one reason or another, he postponed making the statement and
the Kaiser gently prodded him through a third party. Chamberlain finally did
as promised. Immediately after the statement was made, Germany repudiated the
suggestion and let Russia understand that she was working with her and, in no
Germany
circumstances, would take form a coalition with England. The result was bad
feeling between England and Russia, and the Russians acquiring the German Bag-
dad Railway concession.

He warned me to be careful in my dealing with the Kaiser, although he
knows but little of the plans I have in mind regarding the bringing about
of European amity.

Sir William xxx said Sir Edward Grey is turning over in his mind what
he could say that I could give the Kaiser which would be helpful in

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carrying out my plans. He has about concluded to give me some assurance regarding England, Russia and France which I might send the Kaiser in order to indicate their peaceful intentions. He assured me that I had Sir Edward's confidence and that he would talk to me without reserve. In return I promised to protect Sir Edward as fully as I would the President himself under like circumstances, and that he need have no fear of anything he might say in furthering the present undertaking.

Tyrrell said the Kaiser was trying hard to curry favor with the South American peoples. The Germans are assuming the attitude of being their friends, and not subservient to the United States as they try to make it appear England is. The Kaiser is desirous of forming a European coalition for the purpose of injuring the influence of the United States in South America, and of helping European influence and trade. His purpose is not to go to the extent of war, but to do everything he can within the bounds of international law.

There is considerable uneasiness in South America regarding our action in Mexico, because they feel that our purpose of maintaining a government there is to suit our own ideas as to what Mexico should have without regard to what Mexico should have or what her people desire.

During the day Tyrrell and I had conversations along other lines. We spoke of the sinister influence used against the Liberal Government in England as indeed they are used against the Democratic Administration in Washington. Duke of the Tobacco Trust told him the other day they were determined to hold their own in one way or another, and it was their purpose to force industrial depression if necessary by fomenting strikes or by using any other form of reprisal they could.

I hoped there would be no change of Government in England while we were in power in the United States, because our purposes were much the same.

By working together we could accomplish good for both countries and for other

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countries less fortunate than our own. I thought we could justify our exist-
ence by doing the things worth while. Any government could do the usual thing
and perform the usual duties, but we should try to do the unusual and justify
ourselves not only for living but for being in power. I expressed my lack of
sympathy with such propaganda as the Peace Centenary. One always found these
same peace makers; it was like the attendance of funerals in small towns; one
always knew in advance they would be there.

If the present Government went out he hoped Austen Chamberlain would
become the next Foreign Minister for the reason he was something of the Sir
Edward Grey type and he thought we could carry along our work better with him
than with anyone else in the Conservative Party.

He gave a lot of information of Lloyd George. He spoke of him as being
an uneducated man, a man who read not at all, but who obtained his information
from others. He was influenced almost wholly by those with whom he associated,
but he was a man whom they considered it was safer to have in the Cabinet than
outside in order that they might control him to better advantage. He said,
strangely enough, George was rather conservative in council, but his Celtic
enthusiasm ran away with him the moment he arose to speak, and he was apt to
say anything on such occasions.

We went into the Irish question. He considered "Seeley and General Paget
asses of the first water", and thought the mishaps in Ireland were largely due
to them. He admitted Asquith was to blame in not being more positive from the
start, and that he had let the situation get away from him by temporizing when
strong measures were needed. He said Paget got his present place through
the influence of the late King who was a warm friend of his and Lady Paget's.
In order to get rid of him he thought perhaps they would have to give him a
peerage.

Sir Cecil, Sir William, Loulie and I went to Viscount Buxton's for

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lunch. We met there Lewis Harcourt, Secretary of State for Colonial Affairs, Winbourne, brother of Lord Winbourne of polo fame, Lady Cunliff and several others. After lunch, Harcourt and I talked about the Kaiser, von Tirpitz and of Germany and France.

Lord Buxton has just been made Governor General of South Africa and goes to his post in a few days. They have a lovely place with a moat around it, and we enjoyed wandering in the gardens. Incidentally, I heard that Lady Lowther, whom we met last week at Coombe, was the heroine in "The House of Mirth".

June 22, 1914.

We lunched at the Laughlins. Sir William Tyrrell, Mr. and Mrs. John Garrett and Mrs. Robert Coelet were the other guests. Garrett is wondering whether he is to be appointed Ambassador to Argentine now that it has been raised from a Legation. I was not interested and did not discuss it with him/

June 23, 1914.

We went to dinner with the Robert Flemings, Loulie, Mrs. Fleming and a niece of Cecil Rhoades went to the opera afterwards. Miss Rhoades is an attractive girl.

I called on Borden and Mrs. Harriman, who have just arrived, and talked with her nearly two hours about New York State politics. She had many messages to give me from Mayor Mitchel, Dudley Malone and others. They seem to be in a worse muddle than ever.

June 24, 1914.

I lunched with Sir Edward Grey. The other guests were the Lord Chancellor, Lord Haldane, Lord Crewe, Secretary of State for India, and Sir William Tyrrell. We had an interesting discussion. I did not go into the details of my trip to Germany because I took it for granted that Sir Edward and Tyrrell had informed them of it. I expressed the view that nations were like individuals in as much as tale bearers and mischief makers were as likely to cause trouble. I ~~cited~~

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thought it essential that principals should get together. I cited the United
States and Great Britain as case in point. Matters were getting into rather a
serious condition in regard to Mexico when Sir William Tyrrell came to Washington,
but after he explained Sir Edward's intentions, and I had told him what the Pres-
ident's were, and had gotten the President and Sir William together for an hour's
talk, all difficulties were cleared away. As a result the two countries were on
a better footing than they had been for a long time.

I thought this might also be done among the leading European countries. Neith-
er England, Germany, Russia nor France desire war. That being true, why not get
together and compose their differences? The suggestion met with approval.

Tyrrell spoke of having gone to America without credentials. I said I had
gone to Germany without any, other than a letter from the President which I did
not show until after I had my talk with the Kaiser. Sir Edward laughed and said,
"Oh no, you did not go with any credentials excepting that you had everything".

We discussed several phases of the European situation, recalling first one
and then another incident which had been composed through conferences. I thought
the conference held here last year on the Balkan situation certainly prevented a
general European war, and Sir Edward believed that was true.

There was general agreement that a freer and more intimate communication
should be brought about between governments and, if necessary, special representa-
tives should be sent to Germany to talk over the situation and give assurances of
good intentions.

We discussed industrial conditions, particularly labor conditions. Sir
Edward and Crewe both thought one cause of dissatisfaction among laboring people
was the monotony of their lives; that it was now not so much a question of wages
but of shorter hours, so that more diversion could come into their lives.

We talked for two hours at the table. When we got up Crewe and Haldane
left to meet engagements, and Sir Edward, Tyrrell and I went to the library and

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talked largely of Mexico and of our plans regarding that country. I expressed
the view, given others concerning Mexico, that she was now in her normal condition
and that no one could tell just what was necessary to do until the revolutionists
established a government. Sir Edward seemed to think that we could not avoid in-
tervention. I thought if we went into Mexico it would be to help maintain an
existing government, which would be different and less difficult that to go in of
our own volition to establish one. He admitted this. When I left, Sir Edward
joined me and we drove to the Foreign Office where he got out and I went to the
berkeley Hotel.

During our discussion at the table, I brought out quite clearly my plan for
an understanding between the United States, Great Britain, Germany and France
regarding the undeveloped countries of the earth. This they generally approved.
I suggested that Page, Spring-Rice, Tyrrell and I should try to work out something
to present to the President upon my return. Sir Edward said the initiative would
have to come from the President because of the sensibilities of Americans in re-
gard to the Monroe Doctrine.

We went to dinner at the Wellington Club with Sir Horace Plunkett. The
other guests were Lady Paget, Lady Fingall, Earl Grey and Sidney and Mrs. Brooks.
Later we went to see the Irish Players. It was a delightful evening.

Lord Grey took occasion after dinner to urge that an appropriation be made at
this session of Congress for the celebration of the One Hundredth Anniversary of
Peace. He asked if I would not influence the Government here to take part in
the Panama Exposition at San Francisco. He had considered attacking the Govern-
ment upon this question in the House of Lords, but concluded no good would come of
such a course. He is stopping at Dorchester House and asked me to lunch there on
Monday.

Lady Paget and I talked of the Irish question. She spoke of General Sir
Arthur Paget's anxiety concerning the outcome. She said that Pittsburg wanted

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the statue of Chatham instead of having it go to Washington. Pittsburg, of course
was named for the first Pitt, and it would be appropriate from that point of view.
She asked what excuse to give them. I advised writing them that the statue had
already been tendered the Government to be placed at Washington, and that it could
not be reconsidered.

Sir Horace and I talked of the Irish situation about which he is much dis-
turbed. He is to see both Redmond and Lord Lansdowne and try and compose their
differences. He is so fair and broad in his views that if they would listen to
him, the trouble would soon end. He is still insistent that we visit him in
Ireland before sailing which we may or may not do.

June 26, 1914.

Sidney Brooks called at nine o'clock this morning and we went to the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer's for breakfast. We were a trifle late and Lloyd George
was waiting for us. There was also present at breakfast, Governor Clifford of the
Gold Coast Country, and Lloyd George's daughter. It was a most informal affair,
each of us going to a side table and helping himself to whatever desired, as is
the usual English custom. The choice of food consisted of fried sole, sausage,
ham, eggs, fruit, coffee and tea. George ate a very hearty breakfast.

He has a most agreeable personality, very much the type of many American pub-
lic men. I discovered, however, he was not very well posted in regard to Amer-
ican matters, not so well, in fact, as Sir Edward Grey and Sir William Tyrrell,
who seem to have a better understanding of what we are trying to do.

He could not understand why it was any set of men in the United States
could create or deny us industrial prosperity. He said no man or set of men in
England could do it for matters were regulated here largely by supply and demand,
and several times when the Government had brought in an extreme measure, the pre-
diction had been made that the country was "going to the devil", but just the re-
verse had happened. I asked him to consider for a moment that we had one man who

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possessed more wealth than one hundred of the richest men in England, and then he could better understand what we were contending with. He asked what Rockefeller was worth and when I named one thousand million dollars, he replied, "there is not a man in England who has as much as fifty millions, and only one who approaches that figure".

I undertook to explain the enormous power exercised by a firm like Morgan & Company, with their interlocking directorates and bank control, which enabled them to influence several thousand million dollars worth of property. He began to see daylight, and to understand how the railroads and great industries could be dominated by a small group of New York bankers.

We desired to know something of President Wilson and what he had accomplished. In a few words I explained the Currency Bill, and why it was the most far-reaching measure that we had enacted during the life of the present generation. I told how it would measurably take the financial control away from the hands of a few men and would make impossible one of the foolish and unnecessary money panics from which we have suffered so many times.

In discussing governmental machinery, he said Roosevelt had talked to him about the recall of judges. I did not agree that Roosevelt's idea was the remedy. I thought our courts should be deprived of the power of passing upon the constitutionality of legislative acts, and then there would be no need for their recall. I explained the negative character of our Government, showing how difficult it was for the will of the people to express itself into legislation. I cited the seventeen year struggle for the income tax, and the many times the country had passed upon the tariff question through the House of Representatives, and how often it had failed because of the Senate and the Executive.

We also spoke of the technicality of our courts and how difficult it was in criminal cases to make convictions. He said someone told him that an indictment against a criminal was once quashed because the American Flag was not flying on the

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courthouse at the time the grand jury met. I did not know of such a case, but
admitted there were many just as technically foolish.

He said at one time the Conservatives thought to make an attempt to have
their courts pass upon the constitutionality of legislative enactments. I
found George lamentably ignorant of the workings of our governmental system.

June 27, 1914.

I have a letter this morning from the President as follows:

The White House,
Washington.

My dear Friend:

Your letter from Paris written just after coming from Berlin gives
me a thrill of deep pleasure.

You have, I hope and believe, begun a great thing and I rejoice with all my
heart. You are doing it, too, in just the right way and with your characteristic
tact and quietness, and I wish you Godspeed in what follows. I could not have
done it nearly so well.

I have had a little glimpse of your movements in a letter from Page and wish
very much that our means of following our friend's movements were better than the
occasional letter, for my thoughts follow you constantly.

In haste and with sincere affection,

June 16, 1914.

I lunched with Page. Afterwards we went into the private park in
front of his house and talked for an hour or more. He asked me to bring to the
attention of the President the fact that he, the President, was not seeing enough

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business men and was not talking to them, as he expressed it, "in their language."
He thought the President had a broad and philanthropic view of the situation, and
that everything he was doing for the country was absolutely right, but he failed
to give proper assurances to the business world that he had their welfare at heart
and was not unfriendly as they thought. He suggested that the President should
 invite some of them to lunch and show them some marked social attention. I did
not think he would do this, he was not constituted that way; that I had been at
the White House a great deal, but with the exception of Cleveland Dodge there
once, I had not met anyone other than the immediate family.

I told him, too, how very tired the President was and how he had to conserve
his strength, and that we must take him as he was and not as some people would
like to have him. He said a prominent American told him the other day that the
President did not confer with anyone excepting me, that he, himself did not know
me but from what he had heard he thought it well he consulted with me, still he
thought a President should not confine himself to a single individual. Page asked how he knew this was true. He replied that it was a matter of common knowledge
in America.

I told Page the President consulted with the individual members of his
Cabinet about their departments, but he did not consult with them on matters affecting their colleagues and I thought he was right. If he did this he would soon
have every Cabinet officer meddling with the affairs of the others and there would
be general dissatisfaction. He consulted them as whole upon matters of general
interest and of large importance, but usually after he had made up his mind and
had written his message or speech, as the case might be.

Page showed me a letter from the President in which he advised him to
take his house for another year, saying he could not spare him and that he thought
some arrangement could be made by which his expenses could be partly met.

He insisted again upon my coming to dinner on the seventh to meet Asquith.
I told him I would not accept until after I had lunched with next week.

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If I like Asquith I will accept, otherwise I should prefer not to go. Page left
the invitation open in that way.

We have an invitation from Lord and Lady Bryce for luncheon on Monday. I
am sorry to have to decline it for he is one of the men whom I admire and would
like to know better.

June 28, 1914.

We dined with Frank Trumbull and went to the theater. I am trying
lifting
to have him use his influence toward gakkaring the business men of the United
States out of their funk and to go ahead with the business of the country. Pros-
perity is knocking hard at the door and it is a pity to be so blindly stupid and
prejudiced as not to take advantage of it. Trumbull is to sail on the Vaterland
tomorrow and he promises to try and form a "get together club" and change pessi-
mism into optimism.

June 29, 1914.

Mrs. Page lunched with us and I had a long talk with her about household
and social affairs, for they have decided to remain in London another year. I
think they are happy over it. The President's letter brought about their decision.
She told of the efforts being made to get certain Americans of shady reputations
under the shelter of the Embassy roof, and how hard it was to always know just
what to do.

We dined at the Page's. The other guests were Mr. and Mrs. Ralph Pulitzer
Mrs. Borden Harriman, Theodore Price and several others. Price was full of his
cotton picking machine. He is going to Texas this week to try it out on the C. P.
Taft farm in Nueces County. He was also full of a desire to bring about prosper-
ity at home. He says there is no reason why there should not be an industrial ex-
pansion to a marked degree if only people like Vanderlip and others will cease
grumbling and adopt a more optimistic tone. He thinks Stillman should be warned
of the harm Vanderlip is doing the National City Bank by his course. He said they
have gone from first to third place, a Chicago bank taking first, and the Guar-

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anty Trust Company of New York, second. He suggested that I get Sir George Paish to write an editorial in the Statist endorsing the President's idea that the situation was psychological and not real, and that we get Pulitzer to cable it to America.

I only talked generally to Pulitzer. He seems a clean-cut young fellow and his wife is a charming woman. Altogether it was an enjoyable evening.

June 29, 1914.

Loulie and I lunched at Dorchester House today. Those present were Sir George and Lady Holford, Earl and Lady Grey, Lord and Lady and ourselves. We had a delightful little party.

After luncheon Lord Grey again discussed with me the Peace Centenary and urged that I do what I could to have a suitable appropriation made by Congress. He said Senator Root had thought it would be a good idea in both England and America to have a complete stoppage of all industry and activity for five minutes so as to impress the occasion upon the minds of all. This would be spectacular, but I doubt its feasibility.

He asked me to visit some settlement work in which he is interested and I promised to go with him next week.

Lady Holford showed me over Dorchester House. They have some lovely pictures, Velasquez, Rembrants and many others. She said, however, they were too poor to entertain much, and I fancy that both this house and their country place are something of a burden to them. Lady Holford is an attractive woman. She has been married to Sir George only two years and, I am told, had something of a career. Earl and Lady Grey are delightful and I enjoyed our two hours with them very much.

June 30, 1914.

I had a good many callers today and Page took lunch with me. We talked at length of the "Great Adventure", and what could be done toward pushing it along. He had received a wireless from Senator Owen and Samuel Untermeyer, who were in mid-

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ocean. The wireless was to ascertain from Page whether he wished them to speak at the Fourth of July Dinner, if so, to please let them know and they would prepare something before arrival. Page told the bearer of the message that he had nothing to do with it, but he would tell the President of the American Society that he, Page, considered such a request as the best possible indication that they were not desirable either as speakers or guests. I told Page his message was very impolitic, and that he should not have sent it, particularly to Senator Owen who had done much service for the Administration. I mention this incident to show how little discretion Page has, and how likely he is to get into trouble before his term of office expires.

After Page, James Marwick called. He had a letter from Walter Long concerning the Conservative program, about which he had consulted with Bonar Law and Austen Chamberlain. Marwick asked my advice in order that he might repeat it to Long and to outline my views as to what the progressives should do in the premises. I was willing to give general advice, but I thought the really important thing was to think out a well constructed program, and that their success or failure would probably rest largely upon how well or how badly they did this.

John Stewart and Perris of the Peace Cetenary came to request me to send a cablegram to the President urging him to use his influence with Congress toward getting an appropriation for the celebration. I declined to do this. I think the celebration is a mistake and will probably in the end do more to promote friction between the two countries than to bring about good feeling. It will give an opportunity to all the opponents of England to air their views, and we will find that they will not be slow in embracing the opportunity. The mere fact that such a celebration has been suggested emphasizes the fact that the two nations have one been at war. Our Republic has had but one other European war in its lifetime, that with Spain.

After they left, Thomas Nelson Page called and asked permission to invite up three of his Richmond friends who were waiting downstairs,- Myers, McDonald and

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one other whose name I did not catch.

July 1, 1914.

It is very warm and I canceled all engagements and spent the day in the Park, reading and trying to keep cool. The thermometer registered 88 to 90 in the shade.

July 2, 1914.

We lunched with the Prime Minister and Mrs. Asquith today. The other guests were Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, H. J. Whigham, President of the Metropolitan Magazine and Town and Country, of New York, and others. There were twelve in all at the table.

After the ladies left the table, Asquith asked me to come and sit by him so that we might talk, which we did earnestly for fifteen or twenty minutes. I did nearly all the talking. We first discussed the merits of Cabinet officers sitting in Parliament or Congress, as the case may be. He thought there were advantages and disadvantages on both sides. I expressed the feeling that it was better they should have seats, and he was also inclined to this view. I spoke of the powers of a President and of a Prime Minister, showing wherein the one differed from the other. I felt very much at home in London now, for the reason that his Government was being abused in exactly the same terms and by the same sort of people who were abusing the Wilson Administration in the United States. This amused him. I thought the purposes of the Liberal Government and of the Democratic Party were quite similar; that we were striving for the same end, but if the Conservatives of the two countries had their way, the end would probably be that many of them would be stripped of their wealth and hanged to lamp-posts. He agreed to this.

I spoke of Germany and how its industrial and military systems were co-related. I was curious to see what the end would be. Big business in Germany desired a great military organization, and the military organization in turn was

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favorable to the industrial system as if existed there.

He spoke of Roosevelt and wondered whether he would give the President much trouble. That, I thought, was something to be seen. He thought if Roosevelt had been President we would now be in Mexico. We then drifted into a discussion of that situation. He said Mrs. Asquith had a few Mexican bonds, and today she received notice that the interest was not to be paid. People throughout England and Europe had these securities as investments and it was very hard on them to have things in such an unsatisfactory condition. This gave me an opportunity to launch in not a general statement of conditions there and what the President's purposes were. I have gone into this so often that I will not repeat further than to say that I tried to show him how utterly futile the recognition of Huerta would have been, and that the only chance for stability was the plan the President was pursuing.

He wanted to know if there was any good man among the Constitutionalists who might be made President. I thought there were one or two. As a friend of the United States, he was glad the President had not intervened and he hoped that he would not do so. He said, "we did that in South Africa, only to regret it for ever". I assured him we would not go south of the Rio Grande unless it was imperative in order to protect lives and property, or for the purpose of maintaining some government that asked our aid. In no event, would we acquire a foot of territory or demand a dollar of indemnity. What we did would be done from a purely altruistic viewpoint, and for the good of Mexico and civilization.

Mr. Asquith cast the usual slur upon Mr. Bryan. I explained why the President had taken him into his Cabinet. He understood that the President had acted wisely and yet he considered it extremely unfortunate that the necessity existed. This is the usual comment I hear everywhere, in Germany, in France and here. They do not do Mr. Bryan justice, but it is absolutely useless to fight his battles because in doing so, you discredit the purpose you are striving for.

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When we parted, Asquith was good enough to say he would like to renew our conversation. He stopped for a moment as we went out to speak to Spring-Rice. Later Sir Cecil told me that Asquith expressed pleasure at having met me and said I had given him a better idea of the Mexican situation than he had had before, and that I had given it in the fewest possible words, which was always appreciated by a man as busy as he was.

July 3, 1914.

We had to lunch today Walter Page, Thomas Nelson Page, Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, Sir William Tyrrell and Irwin Laughlin. Tyrrell brought me word that Sir Edward Grey had asked him to say he did not wish to give any written message to the Kaiser for fear of hurting the sensibilities of France, but he hoped I would convey to him the impressions I had received in my talks with the British Government in regard to my plan for a better understanding, just as I had conveyed to them the impressions I had gained in Germany. Sir Edward also expressed interest in my proposal regarding an understanding between the lending nations as to their loans to the weaker and undeveloped nations, and that we could count upon his Government's cordial support in that direction.

Page told me Sir Edward said to him yesterday that he had had a long talk with the German Ambassador here and had sent messages direct to the Kaiser concerning the bringing about a better understanding between the two countries, and the countries of Europe, along the lines suggested by me.

I feel we have gone a long way in the right direction and that much good has already been accomplished. I trust more will follow.

At luncheon we went into a full discussion of the general proposition about which we met. Sir Cecil had prepared a memorandum for Sir Edward which he entirely approved. He had no copy with him but Sir William promised to send one to me later in the day, which he did.

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We discussed at length from whom this general proposal should come and I advised that it be left open until I could talk with the President. I thought he might desire to make it himself and if that were done, Sir William thought it would be best to have Ambassador Jusserand at Washington announce the policy, ostensibly because he was the Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, but really because the South and Central Americans would take suggestions more kindly from the Maxime La-tins than they would from the Anglo Saxons.

We are to meet again on Wednesday at eleven o'clock at the Berkeley Hotel to go into further detail so as to have something concrete for me to take to the President. After that is done, I thought it might be well for Sir William to come to America in the Autumn and to be there when a final discussion takes place.

I am happy over the outcome, and since it is in line with the President's Mobile speech, I feel confident he will approve. I am glad to see it intimated in the morning papers that the President will say something tomorrow about America's hopes for the future and international peace. It shows how interested he is in furthering the "great adventure".

We dined with Ambassador and Mrs. Page to meet Ambassador and Mrs. Thos. Nelson Page. The two Pages and I had an interesting talk after dinner as there were no other guests. Thos. Nelson gave a detailed account of his experiences during the past year at Rome. He spoke highly of the King and thought him the most intelligent monarch in Europe and entirely free from affectation. He told of the friction there between Austria and Itlay and of how keenly the King felt concerning Albania and its affairs.

Then came the usual story concerning the dislike of the Italian s for Americans. I find this feeling general throughout Europe. The governments are friendly to our Government, but the people are generally infriendly.

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July 4, 1914.

I called on Page just before the public reception began. They had the house nicely decorated and conveniently arranged. I was surprised to see how elaborate the refreshments were. We had a long talk as to the best means of procedure in communicating with the Kaiser in furtherance of the "great adventure". I wanted to write him direct while Page thought it would be best to write him through the Foreign Office. Rather than to do that I told him I would prefer writing to Gerard and having him convey the substance of my letter either directly to the Emperor or to the Foreign Office, as the case might be.

July 5, 1914.

Loulie and I motored to Brighton and beyond with Ruth Bryan Owen, her husband and her father-in-law. We had a delightful lazy day and did not return until nightfall.

July 6, 1914.

Mrs. Harriman lunched with us and we exchanged experiences since we last met. In the late afternoon Irwin Laughlin came and I told him of my conversation with Page as to the best way to reach the Kaiser. He agreed with me that it would be best to write directly to him and he thought it would be entirely proper in the circumstances. I have therefore arranged to do this and send the letter through Herr Zimmermann, Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, just as the Kaiser suggested. I shall write on the Embassy stationery so as to give it a semi-official character.

My letter is attached.

July 7, 1914.

We went to dinner at the Embassy to meet the Prime Minister. Lord and Lady Glastonbury Courtney, Lord and Lady Sheffield, Lord and Lady Shuttleworth and others were there. There were thirty-two at the table, and with Page and Mrs. Page I counted sixteen belonging to the Page family and the Embassy and its con-

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nections. It seems absurd to me for him to spend his money is so unnecessary a
way. The dinner could have been cut down to fourteen and embraced everybody
that was needful. The Prime Minister had to leave for the House of Commons just
after dinner so there was no opportunity to talk with him.

July 8, 1914.

Page, Spring-Rice, and Laughlin came to my hotel to have a final discussion
regarding my second plan as to the backward countries of the world. Sir Cecil
and I settled the matter in a few minutes by agreeing that I should take home to
the President the assurance of his Government's hearty approval of the plan. It
was decided to leave to the President the occasion and the method of bringing it
forth.

We all thought the best way to do this was to approach the A. B. C. Powers,
ostensibly for the good of both Americas. I suggested that the President should
say to them that we were all borrowing countries (including the United States) and
that we should have some better understanding in order that interest rates might
be lessened. To do this capital would have to have better assurances of safety
than now. After the A. B. C. Powers had been approached, we thought then it
would be best for the President to take the matter up with Jusserand as Dean of
the Diplomatic Corps, and have him take occasion to make a public address ex-
plaining the doctrine. England will give it hearty approval and will use her
influence with France, Germany and other European States to bring about a general
acceptance.

Sir William Tyrrell was ill and could not be present, and Sir Cecil left with-
in the hour. Page and Laughlin remained in order to criticize and discuss my let-
ler to the Kaiser and Herr Zimmermann, copies of which are attached to the diary.

Lady Paget telephoned and asked me to lunch to meet Sir Ralph Paget
and some others. I suggesting ed bringing Senator Owen so that she might dis-
cuss the Chatham statue and a suitable place for it in the Capitol. I was to have

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lunched with Owen but he gladly went with me to Lady Paget's. The other guests were Field Marshal, Sir John French, Mrs. George Keppel, Sir Earnest Cassel, Sir Ralph Paget, Otto Kahn and several others.

Sir Ralph Paget has charge of the American Division in the Foreign Office and we had an interesting talk concerning diplomatic matters. He was at one time Minister to Guatemala and the Central American States, and he told some amusing incidents of his stay, relating particularly to the unreliability and dishonesty of those people.

Tonight, Senator Owen, Sidney and Mrs. Brooks, Mrs. Belo, of the Galveston-Dallas News, dined and went to the theater with us. We went to see Oscar Wilde's delightful play, "An Ideal Husband".

After the play Senator Owen came to our hotel and talked with me for an hour. He is the only American public man I have seen, outside of the President himself, who seems to appreciate the negative character of our Government and desires a change. I have promised to help him push the work forward and I told him in confi- dence of "Philip Dru2 a copy of which I am to send him.

I have an affectionate letter from McAdoo this morning giving an inside view of all that is going on in Washington.

Montgomery Hare called during the day to talk of New York politics and of his visit to McAdoo at Washington. He said McAdoo had given Stuart Gibboney a letter which he, Hare, had seen, in which McAdoo promised to make appointments upon the recommendation of Gibboney. At McAdoo's instigation, Burleson had done likewise, although Burleson's letter was much less strong.

Gibboney is telling around that none but McAdoo men will be put on guard, and that while McAdoo does not intend to run against the President, the understanding is he will be a candidate for President when Wilson finally relinquishes the office. I have never heard a more stupid political procedure. McAdoo will now have every aspirant for the Presidency upon his back, for it is certain to

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become known. His relations with Mr. Bryan, and Mr. Bryan's relations with the
President, and the President's with McAdoo will soon get into a state of turmoil.

July 9, 1914.

I have a letter from Gerard this morning in which he says that when he
dined with the Kaiser at Kiel he spoke of me most pleasantly, and von Tirpitz
thanked him for the pleasure of meeting me. Gerard also promised to come to see
me when he returns home in August.

Lady Paget, Chalmers Roberts and Mr. and Mrs. Montgomery Hare dined with us and went to see the "Duke of Kilecrankie". The more I see of Lady Paget, the better I like her. She is thoroughly American. She says she has never lost her love for her native land. She eats simply, rises early and, although one of the ultra smart set, she does not do the things that kill. She told of having raised ten thousand pounds in one evening during the Boer War, and of having raised nineteen thousand pounds in a few days for another charitable purpose.

July 10, 1914.

We went to a dinner given by Mr. James Marwick at Claridge's. The other
guests were Ambassador and Mrs. Page, Lady Doreen Long, Lady Coleridge, wife of
the late Chancellor, Sir John and Lady Burnett, the architect, Sir George Arm-
strong, the Australian High Commissioner, and several others. It was rather an
interesting dinner party and was made pleasant afterward by the singing of a young
South African prima donna.

July 11, 1914.

I lunched with Page. There was no one there of importance excepting Sena-
tor Owen. Page has had some further conversation with Sir Edward Grey concern-
ing the "great adventure". Grey thought things were progressing well and was
glad to hear through Page that I had written the Kaiser. Page did not tell him
anything of its contents. He said Sir Edward was much disturbed about the Russia-

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Austria-Serbia complication, and was afraid something serious might grow out of it.

July 12, 1914.

I had Charles Grasty and Sidney Brooks to lunch. We talked mainly of political conditions at home. Grasty and I defended Mr. Bryan, whom Brooks was inclined to ridicule. Brooks remarked that I was perhaps the least written of man in America, that I had done so much, and he would like to know how it happened. I told him if it had not been for the President's repeated visits to me in New York I very much doubted whether I would have been written about at all. That I had managed to keep out of the limelight for twenty-five years and I had a feeling that I might have continued to do so and still have accomplished the same things.

Grasty spoke of it being a fortunate thing for the country that the President and I had formed such a warm friendship. He thought we supplemented one another perfectly.

In speaking of the Pages, Brooks said Mrs. Page had made the greatest success of "any Ambassadress within his memory". This is delightful to hear.

After lunch Brooks, Loulie and I went to Holly Lodge for tea and spent the afternoon with Burdett-Coutts. The other guests were Lord and Lady Vivian, Mr. and Miss Balfour and young Ellis Ashmead Bartlett, a nephew and, I understand, the heir of Burdett Coutts. Brooks tells me that Bartlett is a war correspondent of some distinction and writes brilliantly.

There are sixty acres in Holly Lodge beautifully laid out. It is only twelve minutes from the heart of London, and the town extends for eight miles beyond. On clear days the City seems to lie at one's feet, since the elevation is some three hundred feet above the Thames.

July 13, 1914.

at Brook's in St James Street
I lunched with Sidney Brooks, Senator Owen, Marlow, Editor of the Daily Mail, and Arthur Pollen. I entertained them for awhile with stories of Cap-

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tail Bill McDonald. I find that the farther we get away from that sort of life
the better pleased people are to hear of it.

of the that
Brooks was kind enough to say that he was sure that some things were happening
in Washington would not have been done had I been there. One thing he mentioned
was the President's declining and then accepting the invitation of the G. A. R. to
speak. Another was the appointment of Thomas R. Jones of the Harvester Trust on
the Federal Reserve Board.

I have a cable this morning from Gregory announcing the death of Justice
Lurton. I sincerely hope the President will "stay put" and give McReynolds the
vacancy and make Gregory Attorney General as planned before I left.

At six o'clock Norman Hapgood called and we had an interesting exchange of
experiences since we met. Much to my surprise, he thought well of the President's
appointment of Thomas R. Jones to the Federal Reserve Board. This is accounted
for however by the fact that he is from Illinois and has known Jones favorably for
many years, besides Jones is a great friend of Cleveland Dodge who is helping to
finance Harper's Weekly.

In telling him of Justice Lurton's death, in the deepest confidence, I also
told him what the President had in mind to do, unless he has changed since I last
talked with him. In talking of the Cabinet, Hapgood expressed a hope that the
President would not appoint Garrison, Attorney General. He seems prejudiced
against Garrison from what Lane has told him of his unbending dignity in main-
taining the prerogatives of his office.

Hapgood took occasion to say that he considered Lane the ablest man and most
far-sighted statesman in the Cabinet, and he thought it a pity the President did
not consult him more concerning matters that came up affecting the public welfare.
He cited the anti-trust bills as an example. He said McReynolds had never men-
tioned the matter to Lane, and neither had the President, although Lane had the
best ideas upon the subject of anyone he knew.

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I went into the old explanation of how impossible it was for the President to have one department's affairs discussed by the heads of the others, and what an interminable mess it would get things into. If Lane desired to make suggestions concerning the anti-trust legislation, nothing could be easier, provided he went at it with sufficient tact. I told Hapgood how I made suggestions to the different Cabinet officials and discussed with them measures affecting their departments. My experience was that when I was right and made suggestions which were worth while, they were accepted.

We discussed the Kansas City Postmastership, but as my letter to the President on this subject is included in the diary, I will not go into it again.

We dined with Mr. and Mrs. Grasty and had a delightful evening. Grasty thinks the President is not very well advised regarding Maryland affairs because he takes too much advice from Marberry and Senator Lee, and does not consider the other factions. I have promised to give the President his view of the situation when I see him.

July 14, 1914.

I received a long cablegram from Louis Antisdale today concerning the New York situation and the delayed Federal appointments. I cabled McAdoo in regard to it, hoping they might be moved to action. There is really but one thing to do in that situation and it seems incredible they should not act without constant prodding.

Mrs. Harriman lunched with us prior to her departure for Carlsbad where she has been called on account of the illness of her husband.

We dined xxxx at the Ritz with Mr. and Mrs. Montgomery Hare and Colonel Robert Greer Monroe.

July 15, 1914.

Sidney Brooks telephoned early this morning to say that the President's

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Mexican policy was misunderstood throughout Europe and he thought I would be
performing a public service if I would write a letter to the Times explaining it.
I was unwilling to do this, but was willing to give him all the facts so that he
might write the article himself and indicate, if needs be, that it came from a
source close to the President.

We took lunch with Mrs. Joseph Fels at No. 10 Cornwall Terrace. We met there the Minister of Education for New Zealand, and Miss Dargin, the authoress. One of her books relates to Mexico and is called "The Mortal Gods". She said she knew John Reed well and seems to be something of a socialist. B. W. Huebsch the publisher was also there. It is his first trip to London and he is as pleased as a child with a new toy.

The man from New Zealand and I discussed the single tax. I was unwilling to follow as far as Henry George, Joseph Fels and other extremists. He tried to convince me but failed.

I have arranged to meet George Lansbury, Labor Socialist, within the next
day or two.

At six o'clock Sidney Brooks called with his article. What he wrote was entirely satisfactory and was a replica of what I had told him. The article will come out as soon as Huerta resigns, and he will also write a leader in the Times calling attention to the interview. It was agreed that no names should be mentioned.

Lady Paget called just before Brooks, but since I expected him, I could
not see her.

July 16, 1914.

Huerta has resigned and I am sending the President the following cable-
gram.

"Our faith in you has been justified. Congratulations and love".

It is a triumph for him and will add to his prestige both at home and
abroad. And this reminds me, in talking to Brooks yesterday, he insisted that

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war would be the final outcome. He challenged me to find an instance in history where the result had been otherwise. My only reply was that this was the Twentieth Century and the President himself in temperament and in purpose was different from any other who had attempted to do such things.

July 17, 1914.

My interview came out in the Times this morning and the editorial which Brooks wrote and I inspired. I think it will do the President good. The Times would certainly have taken a different view if I had not diverted its opinions.

Lord Northcliffe has invited me to lunch with him at Blackfriars in the Times Building on Monday.

James Speyer called this morning. He is pessimistic over the business situation, although he does not blame himself the President in the slightest. He thinks he has done all that could be done in the circumstances, and he does not even object to the anti-trust bills.

Speyer fell to talking of the Late Pierpont Morgan. James J. Hill had told him once that Morgan was like a dog jumping at a piece of meat-- the higher you held it, the higher he would jump. Speyer said it was well known among Morgan's friends that he had a mania for buying, and the fact that the price asked was disproportionate to its value, made no difference. He cited many instances where Morgan paid absurd prices for properties and for art collections. He gave one piece of inside information concerning the Dayton, Cincinnati & Hamilton Railroad. He said while Harriman refused to let the Erie keep that road after Morgan had sold it to them, that afterward he and Morgan became reconciled, and he told Morgan he would help him unload it on the B. & O. which they did, and from which purchase that road is now suffering.

I am writing the President today. See letter attached.

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Walter Page and his son, Lady Paget and Mr. and Mrs. Hare took tea with us. After dinner I went to 10 Cornwall Terrace to meet George Lansbury. Mrs. Fels was present during the conversation which lasted some forty-five minutes. Lansbury told of the progress of the women's suffrage movement, and also of his visit to America, giving his impressions as to the condition of labor there and in England. He was surprised to find that our poor were better clothed and better fed than the British, but were not so well housed.

I urged both Mrs. Fels and Lansbury to do what they could to restrain the rabid militants. They assured me they had and were doing all they could along these lines, but it was almost impossible to make them do anything sensible, since they were determined to get all the notoriety and personal prestige they could, and were not content to work unselfishly for the cause itself.

And this reminds me that Lady Paget thinks the Government has made a grave mistake in dealing with the militants. She said the Prime Minister made a mistake in putting them in jail; that they should have been publicly spanked and their names kept out of the papers so no one would have known what they were doing. She thinks the crze for notoriety is back of a large part of their actions. This coincides somewhat with the views of Mrs. Fels and Lansbury. Both Lansbury and Mrs. Fels thought that in the main the militant movement in England had been a source of benefit to the cause throughout the world as it had made the cause an active one.

July 19, 1914.

We took tea with Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Brooks. Brooks and I had a talk of nearly two hours and exchanged views concerning British and American affairs. He asked in much detail about the President and I told him of his courage, of his efficiency and of his general purposes. I gave an insight into the President's methods, character and manner of living.

Brooks thought it a pity the President did not have something of Roosevelt's

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faculty for meeting and enjoying people and forming a personal following. He
said Roosevelt had a strong personal following in every State of the Union while,
as far as he could learn, the President had none. I asked him to remember
that the President was not physically strong enough to do the things Roosevelt
did, but he was more efficient and, in the end, accomplished much more than T. R.

I told Brooks about the New York situation and what I was advising the
President to do there. He was interested in the outcome of the Autumn elec-
tions since they involve the fortunes of both the President and Roosevelt.

We went to the Embassy to dinner. The other guests were Dr. and Mrs. John
Finley, Mrs. Leggett and members of the family. Mrs. Finley told me in detail
of Mrs. Grover Cleveland's last romance and it came about.

Finley thinks well of Governor Glynn and believes his purposes are worth
I have a notion that back in Finley's head he has some idea of political prefer-
ment for himself at some later date.

July 20, 1914.

I lunched with Lord Northcliffe at the Times Building. The only others present was a man by the name of Percival and two of the editorial staff of the Times by the names of Porter and Kerr. Northcliffe was pleasant, but our conversation was upon English problems rather than America. I asked in detail concerning the Irish question and found they all thought there would certainly be a serious civil war in the event an attempt was made to place Protestant Ireland under Catholic Ireland. It was the consensus of opinion that the Protestants while numerically weaker, would probably be able to dominate the situation. They are more intelligent, have more money, and are infinitely better equipped.

Northcliffe said the Ulsterites had 80,000 well drilled, well armed men
with every modern equipment necessary for a three years war. The Nationalists
were badly organized and armed. I asked how long they could hold out provided
England established a blockade. They seemed to think they could hold out in-

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definitely. I do not agree with this. None of them seem to be well informed
as to the situation

Northcliffe spoke delightfully of Page, stating that he was one of the best
Ambassadors the United States had yet sent to England. He spoke of the celerity
with which business was disposed of now between the two countries, and the fine
understanding which had been brought about by Page. I took some of this com-
pliment to myself. He also spoke of Mrs. Page as being " a fine woman with
the
good sense, and one who pleased xxx English".

I told him something of the President and how much he had accomplished
in sixteen months. He was not disposed to dispute it.

I learned much of New Foundland. Northcliffe said that sometimes it was
very warm there in summer, in fact disagreeably so, the thermometer often reach-
ing 90 in the shade. The population is less than 250,000 and yet they are an
aggressive lot and get more titles and have more governmental flummery than an
ordinary empire. They tax imports enormously, and dislike Americans almost as
much as they do Canadians. Northcliffe quoted someone as saying that the
New Foundland governmental machinery reminded one of an elephant trappings
placed upon a rat".

We talked of the strange phenomena of the tariff, how it never did what
the theorists claim it will do under given circumstances. As far as we could
see, the English trade to America had not increased, neither had prices decreas-
ed in the United States. However, I thought it was too early to form a judg-
ment, for enormous imports have been in bond awaiting the passage of the tariff
bill and when they are exhausted, something like a true estimate of the measure
could be made.

They wished to know something about President Wilson's Civil Service
program and I explained it in some detail. They commented favorably upon the
action he has taken as to the Consular Service and thought it fine to stand up

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against the spoilsmen in the Democratic Party of whom they considered Mr. Bryan one of the worst.

Sir William Tyrrell, Sidney Brooks, Henry Roberts and many others came to say goodbye. Mrs. Fels sent me Miss Dargen's "The Mortal Gods" and Sidney Brooks has sent to the President what he considers the best detective story.

Sir William Tyrrell came to see me late in the afternoon. He brought word from Sir Edward Grey that he was sorry he had not seen more of me and in was only on account of the crisis Great Britain is now going through regarding the Irish question that kept him from it. Tyrrell and I went into a full discussion of that subject. He told me the plans of the Government and said unless a settlement was reached within the next few days, it is their intention to go before the country for a general election, and if they pass upon the question, his idea is that whatever England decides as a whole, Ireland will be compelled to live up to. It was quite possible they would have a coalition Cabinet next time, all members throwing aside party and rallying to the country as a whole.

I gave my views in the matter and expressed wonder that the Government had permitted either side in Ireland to arm. He thought it was a great mistake. He claimed it was on account of the weakness and folly of the Lieutenant Governor of Ireland and Birrell, Secretary for Ireland. We agreed as to the courage, tenacity and stupidity of Protestant Ulster with which they have to deal. I thought it was a crime the way the Conservatives had fostered the Irish troubles, simpy for party purposes. He was quite sure they had now become alarmed and were working to bring about an easement of the difficulties. Bonar Law was doing all he could as leader of the Conservatives, but he considered him a stupid fellow without many resources.

Tyrrell spoke well of Sir Edward Carson's efforts. He, too, has become alarmed and is doing his best to compromise, and to such an extent that the Ulsterites have become suspicious of him and he is under constant espionage. This

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reminds me that Northcliffe said that when he was in Ulster a week or so ago, he
was constantly followed, although his sympathy and that of his newspapers had been
with Ulster.

I showed Sir William the President's last letter, indicating that my pro-
posal as to the lending and borrowing countries of the world had met with his warm
approval. Tyrrell was very pleased and said he would take the good news to Sir
Edward Grey. I asked him not to mention it to Page or to anyone else, that I had
to use some caution for fear of hurting Page's sensibilities. Page was my good
friend and I did not wish to seem to be trespassing upon his prerogatives. We
agreed to keep in touch and it is Tyrrell's purpose to come to America with Sir
Cecil Spring-Rice at the end of September.

Tyrrell brought me another message from Sir Edward Grey which was to the
effect that he wished me to know before I sailed that the Austria-Serbia situation
was giving him grave concern.

July 21, 1914.

We left London on the steamer train at twelve o'clock for Liverpool.
The Ambassador, Laughlin, Crew, Winslow and several others were there to bid us
goodbye.

We sailed on the Cunard S. S. Franconia at five o'clock. The passengers are
a nice looking but uninteresting lot of folks.

I shall do nothing further with my diary until we land in Boston.

Boston, July 29, 1914.

The voyage was entirely uneventful, a little rough weather, much fog, but
we arrived on time. The Collector of the Port, Edmund Billings, and the Surveyor
of the Port, Maynard, were there to meet us. There were a corps of reporters, and
they grilled me for a half hour or more. I was shown a leader from the New York
Sun concerning me and the Texas election. I was also told of the declaration of
war between Austria and Serbia. I shall not go into what I said since the news-

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papers tell it more fully than I can say it here, and they have even added some-
thing from their own imagination.

July 30, 1914.

McAdoo telephoned today from Washington, and we had a satisfactory talk,
passing items of interest between us.

Dudley Malone came today to tell of the political situation in New York and
Washington. We had a profitable talk, although he did not of it. He related a
conversation he, Mayor Mitchel and Frank Polk recently had with Tumulty. Tumulty
was violent in his denunciation of McAdoo, even going to the extent of cursing him
roundly, and saying it was rumored that Stuart Cibboney was making in fees through
McAdoo's influence as much as $100,000. a year, and McAdoo was sharing in it. He,
himself, believed it was true. He told of McAdoo's increasing influence with the
President, and remarked that he, Tumulty, had none; that when he criticized anyone
the President immediately said something about "the green-eyed monster", indicating
that he thought Tumulty's views were always clouded by jealousy. He thought the
President was influenced by the man who was with him most and with him last. It
was a most extraordinary exposition of bad sense, bad manners and bad faith. When it
is remembered that Tumulty is not on particularly good terms with either Mitchel or
Malone, and that he had met Polk for the first time, the enmity of his indiscre-
tion can more readily be appreciated.

Malone was opposed to a Southern man being placed in the Cabinet, in the event
of McReynolds' appointment to the Supreme Bench. He thought that while a South-
erner would be inadvisable, it would be even worse if he were taken from Texas. In
his opinion it would be the best sort of politics to appoint a Catholic from the
West. The President and I, when the Cabinet was first being formed, went through
the ranks of the Catholic faith and could not find a single man who was of Cabinet
size excepting Senator O'Gorman and he not only did not want it, but was impossible
for other reasons. I believed it was more important to have a competent Attorney

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General, free from corporate alliances, than it was to take him from any particu-
lar section. What the American people wanted was efficiency and integrity.

Malone expressed his sympathy for the President in having as friends and co-
workers such men as McCombs, McAdoo and Tumulty. He does McAdoo injustice but
that of course he would not admit now.

Alhambra Cottage, Prides Crossing

August 5, 1914.

The general European war is of such staggering proportions and of such
epoch making consequences that I have not attempted to keep the diary from day to
day. I will say briefly that Richard Olney asked if I would not meet him one day
in Boston. I told him I never went to town, but would be very glad to have him
here to lunch with me. He came today.

By referring to the letters and telegrams I have been sending the President
which are a part of the diary, my conversation with Mr. Olney will be readily un-
derstood, and there is no need to give it in detail, for the President's commu-
nications to me and mine to him present the matter as clearly as I could do it
here.

August 6, 1914.

I received a telegram from Dr. Grayson this morning telling of Mrs. Wil-
son's serious illness. I have wired him for more information.

I notice from London dispatches that Page made the following accounccment to
the press which of course refers to the "great adventure".

"One thing I want to make clear that a great many people have talked to me about. Many seem to have the impression that the United States missed a great opportunity. The United States did everything possible to avert war. If ever a job was done right up to the hilt, it was that."

It looks to me as if Germany was riding for a fall, and it also seems to
me that if this should happen, France and Russia will want to rend her in twain. It
is clearly to the interest of England, America and civilization to have her inte-

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grity preserved, shorn however of her military and naval power.

I expect to see the British Ambassador and outline this to him. In the mean-
time I shall try and persuade the President to this course.

By referring to my letter to the President written about May 27th from
Berlin, it can be seen that I clearly foreshadowed the present catastrophe. I
knew then that the high tension under which Germany was working could lead to but
one result unless something was done to calm it.

I recall with what surprise Sir Edward Grey and other Members of the British
Government listened to my story of the German situation as I saw it. They believed
that matters were in better shape than they had been for a long while, and it was
hard for them to think I was diagnosing the situation correctly. I take it that I
will have some reputation as a prophet with Sir Edward and his confreres.

The afternoon and evening were very disturbing. Telegrams began early
in the morning concerning Mrs. Wilson. Dr. Grayson and McAdoo gave some hope, but
in the afternoon I could see the end was near, and later McAdoo, McReynolds, Grayson
and finally the President himself, told me of her death at five o'clock.

I am grieved beyond measure that I am heat-bound and cannot go to Wash-
ington, for it is now that I might comfort the President most. My letters from
him show that he did not know how mortally ill Mrs. Wilson was. Xx Her death
will be a grievous blow to the President for she was one of the elect, and has been
of more help to him than even he realizes.

I wrote Page today and include the letter in my diary.

August 7, 1914.

Nothing new today excepting my letters and telegrams to and from the Pres-
ident. Now that Great Britain has entered the general European war, cables are
so censored that but little news comes through.

August 8, 1914.

Nothing of importance today.

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August 9, 1914.

The Honorable George Fowlds, Minister of Education of New Zealand, and William Lloyd Garrison of Boston came out to see me today. I found Fowlds interesting and I got what information I could concerning New Zealand, its government and its people. We discussed at some length the workings of the single tax in New Zealand. He said that where the tax was in almost full operation, the population of the towns had increased 25%, while the general rate of increase throughout New Zealand was only 8%.

I asked what effect the tax has upon the value of real estate. He said strangely enough, it had not decreased in value because the population had increased to such an extent, where it was adopted, that it had made good any deficiency caused by the excessive rate. This might hold good for awhile, but I can see a time when the population must become level, and it is then that depreciation will certainly occur.

I also asked whether or not it increased rents, thereby increasing the cost of living generally and equalizing itself in that way. He said it had not increased rents because instead of having two tenants for one building there was now always two buildings for one tenant. In other words, the fact that the unimproved property was taxed and the improvements were not taxed, stimulated building activity Here again, I can see that conditions might become clogged. It will take a longer period than has been given this method of taxation to determine its merit. I say this, although I have a sympathetic feeling toward such taxation.

August 10, 1914.

Gregory came up this morning and remained until after dinner. I have persuaded him to take the Attorney Generalship in the event it is offered.

One of the most interesting things he told me was that the President and McAdoo asked him to go to Chicago to see Thomas R. Jones and have him write the

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President withdrawing his name for the Federal Reserve Board. The letter looked spontaneous, and it shows how uncertain such things are. When it was found that Jones could not be confirmed, that way was taken to solve the difficulty.

Gregory went into New Haven affairs in detail. I told him Mr. Olney thought it would be a mistake to bring criminal action against the present Board of Directors who were serving for purely disinterested reasons. McReynolds suggested proceedings against them, but he, Gregory, protested against it as unjust and because it would weaken their case in proceeding against the old directors. He said there were sixteen of the old directors who ought to be convicted, but if they included the new directors, such men as Hadley of Yale and ex-Senator Crane who had accepted directorships from a high sense of public duty, would be included and it would create sympathy for the others, and they would probably fail to convict anyone. I concur in this opinion, and he has brought McReynolds around to that viewpoint. He is still negotiating with them for a settlement as to the civil procedure and hopes it can be done along the original lines without suit.

I told Gregory if he became Attorney General he should let it be known in the beginning that he intended to make an infringement of the Sherman Act personal, and would bring criminal action against anyone who was guilty. I believed the people would applaud such a policy, and he could bring unscrupulous corporations to their senses quicker in this way than in any other.

I advised him how to conduct himself with the President. Never to go into long-winded arguments upon any subject, but to state his position in brief terms and never repeat. That when he and the President agreed upon a matter, never to give his reasons for so agreeing, as the President was too busy to listen to unimportant details. I was sure he would always be able to see the President whenever necessary if he did not burden him with unimportant and unnecessary verbiage.

It is fine to see Gregory so receptive of advice. He is very able, and has been exceedingly successful with New Haven affairs, but it has not spoiled him in

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the least. He is one of the few that I have ever met whom I believe would never get "the big head" no matter how successful he became. He is not only able but is as loyal as the Legion of Caesar. I am sorry that in my public or semi-public career I have met so few like him.

August 12, 1914.

This morning I received the following from Dr. Grayson.

Atlanta, Ga.

E. M. House
Prides Crossing, Mass.

"Everything went off smoothly. The President continues to hold up as brave and as wonderful as ever. We are trying to get him to board the Mayflower and cruise up to Beverley to get some much needed rest and be with you. He was deeply touched with your letter."

(Signed) Cary T. Grayson.

In reply to this I have written Dr. Grayson a letter urging him to persuade the President to come up to Prides to see me.

August 17, 1914.

I have done nothing with the diary during the past few days for the reason that the war makes all ordinary happenings seem trivial.

to see me

Frank Polk came up Saturday and again yesterday. He went over in detail the New York situation. He urged me to take a hand in it saying I was the only one who could compose it and bring order out of chaos.

Cleveland Dodge telephoned yesterday. He spoke guardedly of the President having asked him to contribute to a fund looking to the relief of our Ambassadors who are unable to meet their expenses. He meant, of course, Page of London. He said he was willing to subscribe and would leave it to me the manner of his doing so. He said the President would talk to me about it when we met, and that the President thought no one should know about it excepting the three of us. Dodge said he would never let anyone know of it excepting his wife, and he would tell her for the purpose of having his wishes carried out in the event of his

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death. I told him how fine I thought it was for him to do this.

I have not yet made up my mind how to approach Page. It will have to
be done diplomatically so as not to offend his sensibilities.

I am writing Page today and also to Gerard, copies of which are included in
the diary.

August 19, 1914.

It has been a busy day. Mr. and Mrs. Hugh Wallace were here from morning until night and in between times, the Ludlows and Cass Gilberts. Ludlow related much of interest concerning Carranza and Mexico. He feels that Carranza is wholly incompetent and is too old to properly maintain himself in the position which he has assumed. Villa, he thinks, is the only strong man that has developed so far in Mexico.

Wallace had a good deal to tell about the happenings since we parted in London
two months ago.

August 20, 1914.

H. H. Childers was my visit today. He came to consult me regarding his race
for Congress in Henry George's district, George being supposedly down and out on
account of his many physical infirmities.

Josiah Quincy talked a long while over the telephone, trying to get my opinion as to the best means of meeting the cotton situation so the farmers of the South may not be wrecked by the war.

August 21, 1914.

I have the following letter from Dr. Grayson this morning:

The White House,
Washington,
Aug. 20, '14.

My dear Friend:

To begin with I feel that I owe you a thousand pardons, and I feel
much ashamed for not writing to you while abroad, according to my promise. But I

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feel sure that if you knew exactly what I was laboring against, no explanations
would be necessary.

A few days after your departure for Europe, alarming systems developed with
Mrs. Wilson. I called several physicians in consultation for help but there was
none, except temporary. I felt it my duty to save the President from all worry,
anxiety and distress as long as possible. This was an awful load to struggle
under. He gradually realized the seriousness of the case and about a week before
the end, I told him I thought the daughters should be here-- he understood.

You cannot imagine how I felt through it all. Hoping almost against hope
that she would rally and improve. Complication after complication developed, add-
ing to the gravity of the kidney desease.

I longed for you many, many times. I went to our dear and true friend,
McAdoo, and told him all. I often thought of writing all my troubles to you, but
on reflection, I decided to spare you also. You were abroad, unable to help the
President, and I thought of how dreadful the news would be to you. I worked with
all my power for her and was hoping she would hold on until Fall at least, and I
could tell you all upon your return. When I meet you I will give you all the de-
tails.

If it were not that I feel I should stick to by the President every day now,
I would run up to spend a day with you. So much I would like to tell you in a
minor way. I went to New Jersey with T last Saturday, and spent Sunday there with
him. He is behaving much better, but our diagnosis is absolutely correct. I am
nursing him and want peace at any cost, within the bounds of self respect, for the
President's sake.

The President is holding up wonderfully well, all things considered, but
I am having a hard time to get him away. He thinks his salvation lies in hard
work. He needs a rest and a change of scene badly-- a mental change. He is
averse to going away, but I think that I am going to persuade him to go away.

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When I broached the subject to him this morning, he told me to "shut up" in a playful mood. I read him the enclosed editorial from the Chicago Chronicle, a republican paper.

Sorry I cannot write you that he will be at Beverly Friday according to our plans and hopes, but I have now given up this trip for a later date. After lunch today I am going to try to send the Mayflower to New York and get him aboard tomorrow evening and cruise up your way. He will not go from here on her because he does not like the sea trip/I want to get him in cool weather, the heat here is 100 in the shade today. Should there be any chance of getting up to Beverly will advise you by telegraph. Pardon this long letter. Hope you are enjoying good health and the summer vacation.

August 22, 1914.

Gordon Abbott came today and we discussed the financial outlook, and the never ending subject of the war.

We went to dinner at Mr. and Mrs. William Phillips. Ex-Ambassador Rockhill and his wife, the Francis Higginsons, Miss Loring and several others were present. Phillips had a chance to tell me something of conditions in Washington and of our Embassies abroad. Word had come from England that she did not wish Japan to declare war against Germany, but Japan did it for her own purposes which were primarily to throw Germany out of the Eastern Seas. He said further that England had tried to keep Japan from taking the German possessions in Samoa, so that they might not be close neighbors of ours there.

I hoped there would be no difficulty concerning this, for Japan was no more dangerous to us than Germany, and if Japan wanted to take the German base on those Islands, I thought we should not protest.

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He said Walter Page was calling for six additional secretaries, but Gerard and Penfield had not murmured. I called attention to the fact that there were ten times as many Americans in England as there were in Germany.

August 23, 1914.

Frank Andrews of Houston, Texas, spent the day with me, having come all the way from New York to do so. I always enjoy him for he is one of the tried and true. He told much of interest concerning the Texas political situation.

At night we went to the Francis L. Higginson, Jr's. The other guests were Mr. and Mrs. Ellery Sedgwick, Mr. and Mrs. Francis L. Higginson, and Mr. Gardner. Sedgwick has arranged to come to see me sometime this week so we may talk in a more confidential way than was possible at a dinner party.

I have a letter from Justice McReynolds today, a part of which reads:

"Whatever I can do that pleases you, meets in some degree your expectations, I count as doubly worth while. And Won't you please know without the shadow of doubt that I never forget, but find a sweet pleasure in remembering the source of my good fortune".

August 26, 1914.

I have a letter from Gregory which pleases me as much as any I have ever received;

He begins it: "Dearly Beloved" and all through it breathes the strongest affection. He ends by saying "Come to Washington soon, give me all the suggestions you can spare, and do not doubt that I know you to be, as you have been for years, my very best friend. The mere knowledge of this fact has wonderfully comforted me in hours of pain and depression. Outside my wife and children, that friendship is by far my most valued possession."

August 25, 1914.

Edward S. Martin spent the day with me. We had a delightful time telling

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of things that have happened since we last met. Politics, war, poetry, literature and art were all in the range of our conversation.

McCombs telephoned me from Saratoga today and wanted me to get the President to appoint him Ambassador to Mexico. I promised to take the matter up with the President immediately. Copies of my letters to the President explain just what I did. The last sentence in my second letter refers to the fact that Tumulty told me before I left for Europe that McCombs was retained by the Guggenheims. If this is true, it casts something of suspicion upon his motives for wishing to go to Mexico, particularly when we hear in mind his close intimacy with Hearst who also has property interests in that country.

August 28, 1914.

Today from Herr Zimmermann, Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, who was acting Secretary during my visit the latter part of my stay in Berlin. A copy of the letter is attached. I shall take it to Cornish to read to the President and plan an answer. It will probably give us an opening to make a tender of services when the time is ripe. I am leaving in the morning by motor for Cornish.

August 29, 1914.

Gordon and I left this morning by motor for Cornish. It was a terrible day, raining in torrents all the way. Turner, our chauffeur, became sick toward night, and we had to stop at Charleston until morning. I telephoned Dr. Grayson and asked him to see that the President did not wait for me as my arrival would be uncertain, although I expected to get there between ten and ten thirty.

August 30, 1914.

We arrived at Harlekendon at half past ten. The President met us at the door and insisted upon Gordon remaining to lunch since his train for New York did not leave until the afternoon.

I was glad to find the President situated so delightfully. The house

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reminds one of an English place. The view is superb, and the arrangement and furnishings are comfortable and artistic. The President showed me my room himself. It was the one Mrs. Wilson used to occupy and was next to his with a common bathroom between. We are in one wing of the house and quite to ourselves. A small stairway leads down to his study, and it was there that we sat and discussed matters until after one o'clock when lunch was announced.

I told of my experiences in Europe and gave him more of the details of my mission. He was interested in the personalities of the people who are the governments heads, and later said my knowledge of these men and of the situation in Europe would be of great value to him.

We discussed what might be the final distribution of power some centuries hence. He thought it quite possible that eventually there might be but two great nations in the world, - Russia, on the one hand, and this country on the other. I thought there would be three, China dominating Asia, Russia dominating Europe, and a part of Asia, and America dominating the Western World and perhaps the English speaking colonies.

The President spoke with deep feeling of the war. He said it made him heartsick to think of how near we had come to averting this great disaster, and he thought if it had been delayed a little longer, it could never have happened, because the nations would have gotten together in the way I had outlined.

I told in detail of my suggestion to Sir Edward Grey and other members of the Cabinet, that the surest guaranty of peace was for the principals to get together frequently and discuss matters with frankness and freedom as Great Britain and the United States were doing. He agreed that this was the most effective method and he again expressed deep regret that the war had come too soon to permit the inauguration of such procedure. He wondered whether things might have been different if I had gone sooner. I thought it would have made no difference for the reason that the Kaiser was at Corfu and it was impossible for me to approach him sooner than I did.

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I expressed regret that the war did not begin before I left England, as there
was a bare possibility I might have done something to have held it up long enough
to have brought about a KEMPEI KENKŌ conference.

I was interested to hear him express as his opinion, what I had written him
sometime ago in one of my letters from Europe, to the effect that if Germany won
it would change the course of our civilization and make the United States a mili-
tary nation. He also spoke of his deep regret, as indeed I did to him in that
same letter, that it would check his policy for a better international ethical code.

He felt deeply the destruction of Louvain, and I found him as unsympathetic with
the German attitude as is the balance of America. He goes even further than I in
his condemnation of Germany's part in this war, and almost allows his feeling to
include the German people as a whole rather than the leaders alone. He said Ger-
man philosophy was essentially selfish and lacking in spirituality. When I spoke
of the Kaiser building up the German machine as a means of maintaining peace, he
said: "what a foolish thing it was to create a powder magazine and risk someone's
sropping a spark into it".

He wanted to know about the Kaiser and I gave him my estimate of his abil-
ity and character. I showed him Zimmermann's letter and asked what he had to sug-
gest in the way of a reply. He thought to emphasize his mediation proposal and
let him know that we stood ready at any time. We planned to get in direct touch
with the Kaiser through Zimmermann, thinking perhaps, the Kaiser would prefer to
reach the President in an unofficial way through me rather than through our Ambas-
sador.

He thought the war would throw the world back three or four centuries. I did
not agree with him. He was particularly scornful of Germany's disregard of treaty
obligations, and was indignant at the German Chancellor's designation of the Bel-
gian Treaty as being "only a scrap of paper".

I took occasion here to explain to him Sir Edward Grey's strong feeling

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upon the question of treaty obligation, and his belief that he, the President, had
lifted international ethics to a high plane by his action in the Panama tolls ques-
tion.

I explained my plan about the backward nations and of how enthusiastically it
was received by the British Government, and how much they thought it would do to-
ward bringing about a better understanding between the great powers. I believed
if we had an opportunity to put this into effect, in all human probability, such a
war as this would not have occurred, because with the powers meeting at regular in-
tervals, and with such a concrete example of the good that might be accomplished by
concerted action, a conflagration such as was now going on would have been impossible.

I am not giving our conversation in full for the reason I did not of the talking, in order to explain the different phases of my European mission, and to tell him of the public men I met abroad.

I brought up McCombs' ambition to be Ambassador to Mexico. He replied
that McCombs was not his friend and he did not want to appoint him; that he was not
fitted for the place as he did not speak Spanish or have any knowledge of the Span-
ish people. He thought he would offer the place to Paul Fuller, if he would take
it, since Fuller had all the necessary qualifications and had done well in his ne-
gotiations with Villa, and if he did as well with Carranza, he would ask him to
accept the place.

We went into the Mexican situation carefully and agreed that Villa is
the only man of force now in sight in Mexico. We are afraid Carranza is not equal
to the situation. He is letting Carranza know that he will not be recognized un-
less he maintains himself as he should, and non-recognition means failure.

We discussed the appointments of Gregory and McReynolds, news of
their confirmation having just reached us. The President believed Gregory would
be of much assistance in looking after Congressional affairs; he considered his
Cabinet weak in this direction, McAdoo and Burleson being the only ones with any

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appitude for political work of that character.

Later, during the day, we discussed the advisability of his taking Har-
lekendon for another year. His inclination is to do so. I pointed out the dis-
advantages, one of which is that there is no hotel near by, and if he remained
there for any length of time, he would be compelled to see his Cabinet and other
people of importance. It would almost force him to invite them to the house as
his guests, which would be rather a burden upon him. There is an hotel about
sixteen miles away, but I called his attention to the fact that he would have to
place an automobile at the disposal of his guests which would also be inconven-
ient. We allowed the question to drop for the moment to take it up later. I
have a feeling that the place suits him as well or better than ~~xxx~~ many suggest-
ed. He pays $2500. as rental, and he could not get such a place along the
North Shore for less than $6000. to $8000.

We spoke of Mr. Bryan and how ~~xxx~~ responsibility sobers a man. Bryan
said to him the other day "this is the greatest school either of us ever attended."

In speaking of the German military organization, it was interesting to note
than Germany
that this Government was spending more for its military establishment if pen-
sions are included. He spoke of the frightful abuse of our pension system. When
I was in Berlin the Kaiser called attention to the fact that our military organ-
ization, including pensions, cost more than that of Germany." You," he said, "have
nothing for it, while we have the most efficient army in the world".

In the evenings of the two days I was there, we sat around and read and
talked and sometimes played pool, all of us playing equally badly, although the
President managed to win a majority of the games.

The second afternoon as we were sitting on the terrace looking out over
the broad Valley of the Connecticut, he began to talk of Mrs. Wilson and of what
her loss meant to him personally. Tears came into his eyes, and he said he felt
like a machine that had run down, and there was nothing left in him worth while.
As far as he could see, he was still doing good work and his mental capacity had

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not been impaired by the trouble he had gone through, and yet, he looked forward
to the next two years and a half with dread. He did not see how he could go
through with it.

I was surprised at his desire to discuss Mrs. Wilson. He showed me pho-
tographs of her, read poems written about her, and talked of her as freely as if
she were alive.

I spoke of the great work there was to do for humanity in the readjustment
of the wreckage that would come from the European war, and I hoped he would conso
sole himself with this knowledge. But few men had been given the opportunity to
serve as he would have. I spoke of the world having started wrongly, with
brute force dominating. Later this was recognized as unjust and for the first
time the beginning of law was established. It was equally wrong for the mentally
strong to oppress the mentally deficient, and when that was recognized, another
great step forward would be made, and I hoped he might prove an instrument for
doing this. I laid stress upon the power of public opinion and of the advantage
of having it enlisted on our side. Reforms of this sort *had* to be slow-
ly, and he did not have a hopeful outlook. I tried to make him see that reforms
were going forward with much more celerity than he [etofore] for man desired the
with
commendation of his fellow man more than anything else, and public opinion set
toward higher purposes, individuals would naturally strive to obtain the good
opinion of society.

At one time during my visit he spoke of belonging to the Clan Argyle and
the Clan Campbell of Scotland, and of their being about the worst lot of free-
booters Scotland had produced. He spoke of Scotch frugality, illustrating it
with a story of two highwaymen who set upon a Scotchman. The Scotchman fought
with such vim that he was overcome only after he had been mangled and bruised.
Almost to extinction. The highwaymen looked through his pockets and found six
pence and remarked to his companion "What wad he have to do with us having had a

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shilling".

He also told of a Scotchman who said he did not like to smoke a pipe. When he used his own tobacco it was too soon over with, and when he used someone else's, he stuffed it so full it would not draw.

He related many stories of Dr. McCosh of Princeton. He spoke well of him but said he was a snob, citing the fact that he once showed him with great pride while he, Wilson, was a freshman, a letter from the Duke of Argyle. He could not understand why a man of McCosh's ability and distinction should think it was of any importance to receive a letter from a Duke who was in every way his inferior.

Dr. Patten, his predecessor, he spoke of as an "intellectual humbug, an in-
tellectual immoral". He was very strict in his orthodoxy, but Wilson thought
this was true because he wanted to give himself a mental spree, and desired to
be different from others.

The President said he had a great desire to be let alone after he left
office. He considered one of the drawbacks of being President was that when
his term expired he could never be left to his own devices.

The second day I went over some campaign suggestions which had been com-
piled for him regarding the Congressional campaign this Autumn. This I approved.
During my visit he told many humorous stories, particularly about golf. One was
the story of a rather conceited American who was playing on a course in Scotland.
He told the caddie something of his prowess, and later said to him, "I expect you
have seen worse players than I am". The caddie did not reply, and a little later
he made the same remark. Then the caddie said "I heard you the first time, and I
was a thinking".

Another story was that when the game was new in this country a friend
insisted upon General Grant coming out to see him play, telling him how much good
it would do him. He was somewhat nervous and after teeing the ball, he struck

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the ground and the ball merely rolled from the tee. This made him more nervous
and the next time he missed the ball entirely. The silent General remarked,
"It does seem to be good exercise, but what is the ball for?"

The last morning I was with the President he planned to play golf early
enough to get back for lunch and leave on the 2.40 train for Washington. It
was my intention to leave Harlekendon for Prides when he started to the golf
field. This necessitated our getting up early and about the same time. He
arose a half hour earlier than was necessary, merely to give me the uninterrupted
use of our common bathroom. This illustrates, I think, as well as anything I
could mention, his consideration for others and the simplicity of the man. I
notice, too, in his relations with his family that he is always tender, affec-
tionate and considerate.

When he bade me goodbye I thanked him for the pleasure he had given me
and he replied" I came to Harlekendon largely to be in a place where you might
come to see me".

Dr Grayson had two long talks with me in which he told all the mischievous
petty, White House gossip. It seem impossible for the President to escape es-
pionage concerning his most intimate personal affairs. The President's closest
concerning
friends, and some members of his family often come to me about matters about
which they hesitate to approach him, and I wonder why. They seem to stand some-
what in awe of him, and again I wonder why.

In the course of my talks with the President we discussed past and pend-
ing legislation, such as the war revenue bill, the seamans bill, the shipping
registry bill, etc. etc.

Altogether it was a pleasant and profitable visit and one which I shall
long remember.

September 5, 1914.

The President and I settled the question of Page's expenses in London.

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Cleveland H. Dodge generously offers to give as much as $25,000, a year toward meeting them. The President was under the impression that Page was digging into his principal to that extent. He was relieved to find that he was running behind only $12,000. to $15,000. per year.

The President asked me to take the money from Dodge and lend it to Page, taking his note therefor and afterward destroying the note. He said that he and McAdoo had concluded this was the best way to reach the matter. I have concluded to do it differently, as my letter to the President will indicate.

Yesterday Billy Phillips called. We talked of many matters relating to the State Department. Curiously enough, he told me that in the event of Governor Osborn's resignation as First Assistant Secretary of State, he believed a better man than himself should be appointed. He thought the State Department needed strengthening badly. I insisted if the President should appoint him, he must accept. The President will probably desire to appoint him because it will do away with Mr. Bryan suggesting someone else.

We went over consular and diplomatic affairs. I urged him to keep our ambassadors and ministers better informed. I suggested some changes in the Diplomatic Services which he promised to attend to upon his return to Washington.

I am dining tonight to meet Ambassador Dumba. I am laying plans to make myself persona grata to all the nations involved in this European war, so that my services may be utilized to advantage and without objection in the event a proper opportunity arrives. I have been assiduously working to this end ever since the war broke loose. I do not believe in leaving things to chance, and then attribute failure to lack of luck or opportunity. I am trying to think out in advance the problems that the war will entail and the obligations which will fall upon this country, which I hope the President will properly meet.

September 6, 1914.

My letter to the President will explain my conversation with Dumba last

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night.

We lunched today with Mr. and Mrs. John Hays Hammond. The other guests were Governor Walsh and the Beazilian Ambassador and his wife. The latter was my partner at the table, and I found that she was born in Texas, coming from an old Brazoria County family I know well. We had a great time reminiscing.

Mr. Hammond told me that the Countess von Moltke, whom we know, is the daughter of the Chief Justice of Cape Colony, and one of the best friends he had in South Africa.

September 7, 1914.

Yesterday afternoon I motored down to Mattapoisett to see McAdoo. I reached there just in time for dinner. I have him and Eleanor looking well and we had a delightful evening together. I told of my experiences abroad and he told of the happenings at Washington since I have been away.

This morning we went over some cablegrams he had received from Page in London concerning the payment of $150,000,000. which represents the trade balance against us at this time, largely because of the sums due the English note holders of the City of New York. The difficulty is how to meet the payment in gold. After a conference with Sir Edward Grey, Lloyd George and the Governor of the Bank of England, Page wired that $50,000,000. of gold and $100,000,000. of currency would be accepted provided our Government guaranteed within a year to redeem the currency in gold if demanded.

September 8, 1914.

Among others Major Henry L. Higginson called this afternoon. The old gentleman wanted to know many things. One was the gold balance between this country and England. I assured him this was being worked out and told him how. Our conversation covered a wide range of subjects, and I was glad to hear him express a high opinion of the President. Where he differs from the President, I tried to convince him he was wrong.

Hugh Wallace has arrived at New York to say he

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would like to come up to see me about a matter of importance, relating to the
war. He is to be here tomorrow morning.

September 9, 1914.

Wallace arrived. He was with Count von Bernstorff who told him he had met Oscar Straus at James Speyer's house at dinner a few night ago, and that Straus had suggested that they go to Washington and see Mr. Bryan and let him know that the German Government would be willing to entertain peace proposals. This has already gotten into the papers, but was denied. As a matter of fact, it is true, and Wallace saw in it a possible undoing of all the work I have been trying to accomplish.

Bernstorff is less clever than I thought, for what could be more banal than his taking up this matter in a semi-public way through Oscar Straus and James Speyer. The fact that Bernstorff told Wallace about the matter and the fact that he has told Speyer and perhaps many others, indicates his inability to handle such a delicate matter.

Wallace returns to New York this afternoon and is to see Bernstorff in the morning. I have told him what to say to him. He is to be very guarded and not tell him anything we do not want generally known, at the same time, to hint that he is proceeding in the wrong way to accomplish the purposes of his country. Wallace is to keep in touch with me by telephone tomorrow. It is my intention to go to New York next week and to be in closer touch with affairs.

Wallace asked if I had any plan to suggest by which this Government could move just now. I thought if the President would send me over alone or with a small commission and permit me to go to the Hague and get in personal touch with each of the warring nations, something might be done to bring about a basis for peace. Even if this could not be done at once, the fact that we were on the ground, and were getting in closer touch each day with the different governments, would make better our ultimate power for effecting mediation.

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Pending actual negotiations for peace, cases could be brought to us, such as
violation of neutrality, which we in turn could transmit to Washington with sug-
gestions. Wallace was impressed with this thought and believes it should be
taken up with the President and worked out.
September 10, 1914

Wallace again called up from New York this morning telling of an in-
teresting talk he had had with Count von Bernstorff. Bernstorff wishes to have
a conference with me as soon as it is practicable. Bernstorff has not heard
directly from his Government, but Straus had received a letter from Spring-Fice
favorable
saying his Government was giving the matter consideration. I do not credit this
England will not stand for peace unless it also means permanent peace and that, I
think, Germany is not yet ready to concede.

Mayor Mitchel telephoned from New York to ask my advice concerning the
eighty million dollars which it is necessary for the City to raise immediately
to pay off its foreign obligations. A syndicate composed of most of the banks
and trust companies of New York has been formed and they have agreed to take care
of this loan on a 6% basis, provided the City will agree to change xkwiexxy its
system of financing so as to make it a "pay as you go" system. The City Cham-
berlain had been in Washington all day trying to see what could be done with
McAdoo, but up to the time the Mayor telephoned me, there was no hope of relief
from that quarter.

Mitchell asked if I thought it would be possible for the Government to come
to New York's relief by a loan. I did not believe this was feasible for it
would open up the floodgates and every municipality and State in the Union would
feel that in time of stress they might call on the National Treasury for aid.
I told him if he had taken the matter up with me before I might have been able to
help him out of his difficulty, but I thought the only thing now was to accept
the rigorous terms offered, since it was either that or default. The changing
of the system is to the advantage of the City even though it will increase taxes

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the first year, but in the long run, it will be better.

September 11, 1914.

Mr. Charles Norton, former Secretary to Mr. Taft, and now one of the Vice Presidents of the First National Bank of New York, came to see me today. He wished my advice regarding the formation of a commission to make the governmental departments more efficient, and to put more enthusiasm into them. He has talked with Presidents Lowell and Hadley and President-emeritus Eliot and several other well known men whom he hopes to have go on the commission.

I advised him to get a more practical lot of names. The public would call such a commission a set of theorists. I suggested such names as Theodore Vail, Cleveland H. Dodge, and Robert Brookings of St. Louis. I did not mean for him not to include Lowell, Hadley and Eliot, but thought the other type should be more numerous so as to give confidence as to the practicability of the undertaking. I promised to give him more names later, and to advise with them later.

I have a letter this morning from Governor Charles S. Hamlin of the Federal Reserve Board, asking my opinion regarding certain directors of Class C which they have under consideration.

I also have a letter from the British Ambassador asking when I shall be in New York as he wishes to be in closer touch with me.

September 14, 1914.

Ellery Sedgwick lunched with me and again expressed the hope I would write an article for the Atlantic Monthly, and perferably, about Woodrow Wilson.

I promised to think it over.

I outlined in a tentative way what I would say, laying particular stress upon the President's Mobile speech and his action in the Panama tolls matter, both of which mark new departures in international ethics. In my opinion, the President's domestic policy was far less important and lasting than these other

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things I have mentioned. Sedgwick agreed and thought I had the right perspective.

New York,
September 18, 1914.

I left Prides on Tuesday the 15th and motored down to New York, arriving here the afternoon of the sixteenth. I found McAdoo had been endeavoring to reach me over the telephone from Washington and left word for me to call him up. He wished to discuss the personnel of the appointments to the Regional Reserve Banks.

He also wanted to talk over the New York political situation, particularly with reference to Ambassador Gerard running for the Senate. He thought he should not make the race. He told of cablegrams that had passed between the President and Gerard, and how far the President had gone in discouraging him from making the race. The President considers Gerard a reactionary of the worst sort, and has but little confidence in his ability; too little I think. I promised to give the matter some attention and to advise them tomorrow.

On the sixteenth Don Seitz lunched with me at the Century for the purpose of discussing Gerard. The Judge had cabled the State Department asking them to request McAdoo, Seitz and me to confer and then advise him what was best to do. Seitz was inclined to do nothing. He thinks well of Gerard's ability. Gerard at one time represented the World and Seitz said he did it well.

He thought if Gerard ran, Hearst would, and for Hearst to succeed would be an unspeakable calamity. As a matter of fact, we did not discuss Gerard and his political fortunes to any extent. I got Seitz strung out about the World and he gave pretty much all he knew concerning its policy, its financial success and failures. He told of the Pulitzer boys, and quite a good deal about Joseph Punitzer Sr. I expressed sorrow that Mr. Pulitzer had suffered the loss of his eyesight. Seitz thought it was not an unmixed evil, because Pulitzer was

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such a restless individual he would probably have embarked in unknown and ad-
venturous fields, and might have lost the prestige he had gained in his early
life.

Stuart Gibboney called to go over the New York political situation. I
find it is too late to withdraw Gerard even if we so desired. The limit was
reached on Monday and he is compelled to run. This will be a disappointment to
the President and McAdoo, though I look upon it with complaisance. Gibboney
thinks we could not have a more reactionary or dyed in the wool Murphyite in
the Senate than Gerard. I do not agree with him.

McAdoo talked a long while from Washington, largely about the New York sit-
uation, telling how much concerned the President was. He expressed the opin-
ion that if his counsel and mine had been listened to in the beginning, there
would have been a different story to tell.

McAdoo telephoned again later in the morning. I thought further discussion
futile and that he might as well accept Gerard gracefully. He asked my opin-
ion of Benj. Strong and Pierre Jay for the principal offices in the Federal Re-
serve Bank here. I gave them both my cordial approval. It seems that War-
burg has suggested them and McAdoo does not altogether approve of them.

I have had many telephone calls and personal interviews with people
that it is useless to mention.

Count von Bernstorff and Hugh Wallace called to see me this afternoon. I
was with Montgomery Hare at the time and had to keep them waiting for a few mo-
ments. Hare was full of the New York situation and as pessimistic as usual.
Everyone was doing the wrong thing and the entire situation was just as bad as
it could be. McAdoo, Gibboney, Malone and many others came in for his disappro-
val.

I found Bernstorff in a different attitude from when I last saw him, which
was in the Spring. He was then debonaire and cocksure of himself and of his

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country. After telling him something of my visit to Germany and of my purpose in making it, and after speaking of the charming manner in which the Kaiser received me at Potsdam, we began to talk of the peace negotiations. I asked if he had met Sir Cecil Spring-Rice since hostilities began. He said he had not, that it was against diplomatic usage to do so. I thought the best thing that could be done now was for the two of them to meet and I asked if he was willing to do so provided I could bring it about. He hesitated for a moment and then said he would be willing to do so provided it was known to only the three of us. I agreed that the President would be the only one informed. If anything developed from the conference I promised permission from our Government for him to use code messages direct to his Government, which of course up to now, he has not been able to do. He said if nothing came from the conference, he would not mention it to his Government or to anyone else. He wondered how I would approach Spring-Rice. I thought to invite him to New York to confer with me, but would not mention the purpose of the conference, and unless I got Sir Cecil's consent to come to dinner to meet him, Bernstorff, I would not tell him that Bernstorff had agreed to come. In other words I promised to protect him in the event of a refusal.

In speaking of the difficulty he had in reaching his Government either by mail or wire, Bernstorff said he had received a note from the President the other day enclosing my letter to Zimmermann, asking him to send it through the Embassy. He was compelled to return the letter to the President suggesting that it be sent through the State Department, as he had no way of reaching his Government safely.

I told Bernstorff I thought Great Britain dominated the Allies at the moment, and it was so clearly to her interest not to have Germany totally crushed that I was hopeful that some peace move might be initiated at once. Great Britain would understand if the war went further, Russia and France might

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dominate the situation, just as she dominates it now. Bernstorff saw the
point. I told him also something of my conversation with the Kaiser, but
not all of it. I mentioned the fact that I had told him of the danger of
increasing their navy beyond the point at which it is now, for it made a con-
flict with Great Britain inevitable. He understood this, and intimated
that he had always opposed the aggressive naval policy of Germany, and for
the reasons I have outlined. It was clear to him that what has happened
would happen, and that their navy would be bottled up and would be of no ser-
vice excepting in protecting their ports. I thought they could have protect-
ed their ports inxxiiikexxxways more cheaply in other ways and just as effectively

I felt sure if the conflict could have been postponed for another year or
two, Germany and Austria would have been in a position to proceed against Rus-
sia without interference from the Western Powers. This interested him, par-
ticularly my reasons for so thinking.

Wallace was a silent listener to our conversation.

I am to meet Bernstorff again tomorrow night at James Speyer's country
place at Scarbrough, but it was agreed that Speyer was not to know of our con-
ference this afternoon, that what we did and said in the future was to be be-
tween ourselves and the angels.

I refer to my two last letters to the President which are attached.

September 19, 1914.

In reply to my letter of last night Sir Cecil Spring-Rice telephoned
from Washington to say that the First Secretary of the Embassy was absent and
it would be impossible for him to come over under a week. I insisted it was
a matter of sufficient importance for him to be here tomorrow. He replied
that he would take the mid-night train. I am to meet him at the Pennsylvania
Station at 7.30 and he is to breakfast with me.

I have a feeling that the best I can do is to get him to communicate

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with his Government and ask their advice regarding the conference. In consequence
of this conversation I sent the following telegram:

The President,
The White House,
Washington.

The gentleman from Washington will be here tomorrow morning to breakfast with me. After you have received my letters of last night and this morning please advise by wire whether I shall go ahead.

(Signed) E. M. House.

We went to dinner at the Speyer's country place near Scarbrough. Besides Speyer and Bernstorff there were Mr. and Mrs. Albert Shaw and Mr. and Mrs. De Lancy Nichol. I had a pleasant and profitable talk with Shaw. De Lancy Nichol and I reminisced a little. I had not met him since the ill fated Parker campaign in 1904 which he helped mismanage.

I purposely avoided talking with Bernstorff, but found an opportunity to say in an undertone that the British Ambassador would breakfast with me in the morning and that I would communicate with him later.

Upon my return home I found a telegram from the President saying:

Mr. E. M. House,
115 East 53rd Street,
New York City.

Think there can be no harm in your going on.

September 19, 1914.

(Signed) Woodrow Wilson.

September 20, 1914.

I met Sir Cecil at seven thirty at the Pennsylvania. I did not get out of the car for fear of being seen. We immediately took up the subject in hand. I found him unwilling to confer with Bernstorff whom he considers thoroughly unreliable. He says he has a bad reputation not only in England but in Germany, and that he was sent to America because it was thought he could do no harm here. He said Dr. Dernberg, for Colonial Secretary in Berlin who is now in the United States

["(165)", "was a more important man to see and that, in his opinion, Dernberg was sent here be-\ncause of Bernstorff's known incompetency.", "I explained to Sir Cecil the situation as I saw it. First that at this\ntime Great Britain dominated the Allies which 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Among other things he told me was that I had both the confidence and affection of Sir Edward Grey to an unusual degree. He also said I was one of the few that had come in contact with the Kaiser who had not fallen altogether under his influence. It was the information I gave Sir Edward Grey after my visit to Berlin that had opened his eyes to the seriousness of the situation, and he added that it might be that my endeavors for peace had been one of the causes which had brought on the war. He spoke frankly and freely, just as I believe he would have talked to Sir Edward Grey.

He told me of despatches that had passed between Sir Edward and himself, and we discussed at great length what was best to do in the circumstances, and what was best to tell Bernstorff. He is quite different from Bernstorff, in that he is frank and honest, and is a high-minded scholarly gentleman.

He thinks the best thing for the present is for the President to keep constantly in touch with the situation, and to give repeated assurances to the different governments that he stands ready to act whenever they feel the moment has arrived. He believes it would not do for the President to make any proposals as to terms, but merely to hold himself in an absolutely neutral position.

I asked what he thought of von Meyer's going to Europe as he desires. First, he thought well of his going to Russia, and afterward concluded it would be a mistake because they were not altogether pleased at the result of the Russian-Japanese peace terms.

I asked if he thought it would be advisable for me to go to Europe at this time. He believed it would be an excellent move if I went a little later, or as he termed it, at the psychological time. His thought was that I should first go to Germany, for he said, "you are on such terms with Sir Edward Grey you would have no difficulty in reaching him direct at any time."

Around eleven o'clock, Sir Cecil went to the Majestic Hotel to see Sir Courteey Bennett, the British Consul General. He merely did this to give an excuse for

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his trip to New York in the event it became known. We are taking every precaution that no one shall know of it. I have a lurking fear, however, that Bernstorff will let it be known in some way that will appear accidental.

We talked of the indiscretion of Sir Lionel Carden. Sir Cecil was indignant and hoped his Government would refuse to send him as Ambassador to Brazil. I thought this would have a wholesome effect, since we were trying to establish better relations with Brazil, and if anything happened to disturb them, we would lay it directly to Carden. Sir Cecil was distrustful of Carden, and thought it would not be an act of friendship for his Government to continue his services in the Western Hemisphere. If I would write this to Sir William Tyrrell, he felt certain they would act upon my advice.

He was complimentary to the President, and expressed the confidence of his Government in his intelligence, honesty and unselfish motives and said they constantly rejoiced that there was such a man at the head of our Government.

He understood the Germans had purchased for $2,000,000. the Munsey publications, which included the New York Press and the Literary Digest, and would spend any amount of money to put the British in a false position, and justify Germany's course. On the other hand, the English had done nothing and were relying upon the good sense of America to fathom the truth.

He told of the difficulties Great Britain was encountering. The Germans are trying to use some of the Danish West Indies wireless plants, and are also using them for coaling stations. Great Britain is afraid to interfere because it would mean that Germany would invade Denmark. Germany is getting food and supplies from Holland and they are afraid to interfere too strenuously there, for fear Holland would at once be taken.

I asked why the British fleet did not go into the Baltic. He said if it did, Germany would immediately over-run Denmark, mine the Straits and bottle it up. As to Norway and Sweden, there was the same reason for their being tender-

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ly nursed because of the anti-Russian feeling, although the people are friendly to England.

We went into every phase of the European situation, and I outlined what I considered would be a satisfactory outcome. I thought Germany should first be told that no peace negotiations could be entertained excepting on a basis of indemnity to Belgium and general disarmament. If they assented to this, France should insist upon Alsace coming to her and letting Germany, as a compromise, retain Lorraine. Sir Cecil here suggested that the two countries might be formed into neutral territory, which is not altogether a bad idea.

I thought Russia should propose to Germany and Austria that Poland should have autonomy and be made an independent nation, and Great Britain should support this proposal. Austria should be reduced to Hungary and Austria proper, and a strong Balkan confederation be formed. The Dardanelles should be open to all nations and Russia should have an open port on the Baltic. He agreed that this would be an admirable solution if it could be brought about.

the
I talked to Sir Cecil about our proposal to buy <u>German</u> ships. He never understood before that it was not intended to pay them money, but to give them Panama bonds which are not negotiable at this time. I talked him entirely inot the proposition and he thinks well of it. I thought it would be better for England to have these ships belong to the United States than to have them in German hands when the war was over. He agreed to this and said there was always the danger of these ships slipping out and becoming a menace to their commerce. I shall take this up with the President.

Sir Cecil returned to lunch at one o'clock and we talked continuously until 3.15 when he had to leave quickly to catch his train.

The substance of our conversation is fairly well embodied in the despatch we framed together and which he is to send Sir Edward Grey tonight. He made a copy for me which I attach.