THE
AMERICAN
ACADEMY
IN BERLIN

**Honorary Chairmen**

Henry A. Kissinger
Richard von Weizsäcker
Thomas L. Farmer

**Chairman**

Richard C. Holbrooke

**Vice Chairman**

Gahl Hodges Burt

**President**

Everette E. Dennis

**Executive Director**

Gary Smith

**Trustees**

Everette E. Dennis, ex-officio
Eberhard Diepgen, ex-officio
Richard B. Fisher
Jürgen Graf
Klaus Groenke
Karl von der Heyden
Thomas L. Hughes
Josef Joffe
Stephen M. Kellen
Horst Köhler
Baroness Nina von Maltzahn
Klaus Mangold
Erich Marx
Volker Schlöndorff
Jerry Speyer
Fritz Stern
Kurt Viermetz

June 19, 1998

Mr. Eckhard Pfeiffer
Chairman and CEO
Compaq Computers
P.O. Box 692000
Houston, Texas 77269-2000

Dear Mr. Pfeiffer:

I am sorry that I was unable to join you, Richard Holbrooke, Everette Dennis and Jon Vanden Heuvel at breakfast Thursday morning. I know that you got a thorough briefing about the American Academy in Berlin, but would have liked to add my personal assurance that this is an enterprise which I believe in and strongly support. As you know, I serve as honorary chairman of the Academy. In fact, as one who has steadfastly refused to raise money for various causes that have sought my endorsement over the years, this is the only one for which I break the rule.

We would be grateful if you'd consider a corporate contribution and also the possibility of membership on our board of directors. We would greatly value your advice, counsel and world view. As a truly transatlantic CEO, your own career embodies the principles we are seeking to advance at the Academy.

14 East 60th Street, Suite 604, New York, New York 10022 • Tel. (212) 588-1755 • Fax. (212) 588-1758

Royal Thai Embassy

1024 Wisconsin Avenue, N.W., Suite 401

Washington, D.C. 20007

http://www.thaiembassy.org

email: thai.wsn@thaiembassy.org

Tel. (202) 944-3600

Fax. (202) 944-3611

No. c. 1118/2541

June 11, 1998

The Honorable
Dr. Henry Kissinger
Suite 1021
1800 K Street, N.W.
Washington, DC 20006

JUL - 1 1998

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

I have the honor to present to you a volume of *Treasures of Two Nations: Thai Royal Gifts to the United States of America*, a study of a representative sampling of gifts from the Kings of Siam, as Thailand was once known, to the Presidents and people of the United States of America, spanning a period of 165 years, since the year 1833.

There are some 2,000 gifts of varying sizes and material that now are kept in the halls of the Smithsonian Institution. It is for the reason that our two nations have enjoyed friendly relations for over a century and a half that has made it possible for Thailand to have presented as many as 2,000 gifts to this great nation. These gifts, then, stand as testimony of that enduring friendship between our two peoples. May they remain so always.

Please accept, Dr. Kissinger, this volume of *Treasures of Two Nations: Thai Royal Gifts to the United States of America*, as a token of our enduring friendship and the renewed assurances of my highest consideration.

TREASURES OF
TWO NATIONS

THAI ROYAL GIFTS
TO THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

The Thai Royal Gifts described and illustrated in this volume are deeply symbolic of the long and evolving friendship between Thailand and the United States of America. This study documents for the first time a group of artifacts whose meaning and significance have, until now, been inadequately understood by scholars, and sometimes even misunderstood by the recipients of the gifts themselves – the presidents and people of the United States. Yet for both Thais and Americans these gifts truly are historic, artistic, and scientific treasures, through which the Kings of Thailand represented their nation, and its alliances with America through time.

The Smithsonian Institution maintains a priceless collection of nearly two thousand Thai Royal Gifts, items sent from Thailand to America through the reigns of seven Thai Kings of the Chakri Dynasty. These Thai Royal Gifts were initially given to mark treaty signings. Early sets of gifts included many valuable and highly formal items including luxurious silks, gold-encrusted vessels, traditional weapons, musical instruments, and a magnificent scale-model fleet of the Thai Royal Barges used to transport the King and his entourage. Over the years, Thai Kings continued to send traditional formal gifts but have also added books, and items from everyday life such as fish traps, tools, and mats. Royal Gifts enhanced Americans' exposure to Thai scholarship and crafts, and broadened Thailand's representation at World Expositions and at America's libraries and museums.

Treasures of Two Nations: Thai Royal Gifts to the United States of America will interest art-, social-, and diplomatic-historians; anthropologists, linguists, and ethnomusicologists; students of Thai theater and culture; and all those who will appreciate the aesthetic quality of the gift objects or the stories those objects were meant to tell.

ASIAN CULTURAL HISTORY PROGRAM
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

OFFICE OF
HENRY A. KISSINGER

March 19, 1998

Dear Caroline:

I have bad news, I'm afraid. Dr. Kissinger had hoped to find an opportunity to answer your questions about the opening of China before he left on a trip abroad. Unfortunately, however, he just ran out of time and asked me to explain and to say how sorry he is.

But there is one question even I, your mother's unworthy successor of 23 years, can answer. Your mother was a valuable addition to his travelling team. In fact, she was indispensable! And Dr. Kissinger remembers her with a great deal of fondness and admiration.

Ms. Caroline Hubbard
5107 - 38th Street, NW
Washington, DC 20016

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR • 350 PARK AVENUE • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 • (212) 759-7919

3 March 1998

Hon. Henry A. Kissinger
Kissinger & Associates
350 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10022

Mär 0 6 1998

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

I am a junior in high school and I have been assigned to write a term paper on American History. My mother is Julienne Pineau and because her time with you interests me so much I decided to write this paper on an aspect of her job. The resuming of diplomatic relations with China interests me the most and it gave me a perfect chance to figure out more about my mothers history and about you. I would appreciate it if you would answer these questions for me. The paper must be written by April 13, 1998, and I hope I have given you ample time to return the answers to my questions.

1. This trip has been claimed to be as exciting as the trip to the moon for The United States of America. What do you recall about your enthusiasm for the events leading up to the trip, the advance missions and the Presidents trip?

2. I have the impression that most of the Americans were happy about that resumption of diplomatic relations with China. Do you think that the Chinese were just as happy as we were?

3. How much of the decision to resume relations was Nixon's and how much was yours?

4. If I understand correctly Chou En-lai seemed to be more comfortable with Westerners than others in the Chinese leadership. Do you think that is a true statement, if so in what ways and why?

5. Was my mom a good addition and valuable member to your traveling party? (This question is more for me than for my paper.)

I can't thank you enough for your time. Information from you directly will be sure to make this paper a huge success.

BOOKNET

45 ROCKEFELLER PLAZA 20TH FLOOR

NEW YORK, NY 10111

212.698.7808

212.698.2472 FAX

Burton Pines
President & CEO

June 24, 1998

JUN 26 1998

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Kissinger & Associates
350 Park Avenue
New York, New York 10022

Dear Henry:

I've been reading with pleasure your observations about Bill Clinton's visit to China and the role that the legacy of the Tiananmen Square clash should play in U.S. policy. You're still solidly on the mark.

The landscape of the public debate over U.S.-China policy is, of course, fascinating. Both the left and the religious right (and those courting the religious right) have become fierce opponents of Beijing. As regards the left, at one time the staunchest champions of Mainland China, it seems that the attraction of Beijing faded when China shifted from being our enemy to being our friend. I don't recall much leftist outrage during the two decades of Mao's massacres and other human rights tragedies. For reasons perhaps best understood by psychiatrists, leftists feel comfortable supporting only those who oppose America.

As for the religious right, its new-found obsession with China surely satisfies its deep need to find a core of evil somewhere in the world and battle it. The religious right desperately believes that Satanic evil, in one or another guise, is at work somewhere on the planet; and Satan must be rooted-out. Only the continued existence of such evil can explain why their Savior still hasn't returned -- now more than 2,000 years after he promised that he would. And by now insisting that human rights and crusades for "religious freedom" become part of U.S. foreign policy, these one-time Reaganauts contradict a key tenet of Reagan (and your) foreign policy -- that what should drive our policy towards other nations is American security interests.

Meanwhile, thanks for your efforts to liberate the sets of the "Peony Pavilion" from their Shanghai captors. Helene and I have tickets for the performances and we'll be disappointed if the opera is canceled -- even though we're not sure how much we'll enjoy the music.

Best regards,

HENRY A. KISSINGER

January 5, 1998

Dear Mr. Consul General:

I had fully intended to visit the Manuel Bravo
exhibit at the Metropolitan Museum, but the time got
away from me and I was never able to do it. So I
am all the more delighted to have the catalogue of
the exhibition. I see that I missed a show as
outstanding as I heard it was, but now Nancy and I
can still enjoy the works of this great Mexican
artist. Thank you most sincerely for your splendid
gift.

Wishing you a happy, healthy and fruitful new year,

His Excellency
Ambassador Jorge Pinto M.
Consul General of Mexico
Consulate General of Mexico
Eight East 41st Street
New York, NY 10017

URGENT

No. 568 /2541

PERMANENT MISSION OF THAILAND
TO THE UNITED NATIONS

351 EAST 52ND STREET, NEW YORK, NY 10022

9 March 1998

MAR 11 1998

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

I have the honour to enclose herewith a letter addressed to you from
His Excellency Dr. Surin Pitsuwan, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand.

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
26th Floor, 350 Park Avenue
NEW YORK, N.Y. 10022

# Exploring Iran--A Preliminary Report

May 27, 1998

## Summary:

The Asia Society exploratory mission to Iran May 18-25, 1998 established cultural ties with the Islamic Republic for the first time since the revolution of 1979. Members of the delegation included President Nicholas Platt and Vice President for Cultural Programs Vishakha Desai. They were accompanied by Robert Oxnam, President Emeritus of the Society and Sheila Platt. The itinerary involved stops in Tehran, Shiraz and Isfahan, including contact with officials of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, the Mayor of Isfahan, a noted performer of Persian classical music, a well-placed Isfahan artist, and the director of the national museum, as well as visits to important museums, historical sites and architectural monuments.

The mission, which originated as a response to Iranian President Khatami's December appeal on CNN for "thoughtful dialogue" between Iran and private cultural institutions in the US yielded the following results and impressions.

## Results:

- agreement to cooperate in bringing Iran's most famous singer, Mohammad-Reza Shajarian, to New York next September, the timing to coincide with President Khatami's visit to the UN General Assembly.

- a concrete plan for a tour by senior Asia Society members to Iran in May 1999

- agreement on the part of Iran to make important objects available to an Asia Society exhibit of early Safavid art (1500-1550) planned for 2002.

- arrangements for the provision of materials on contemporary and traditional visual and performing arts in Iran.

## Impressions:

- While Iranian treatment of our private and unofficial mission was at times hesitant and confused, the officials we saw clearly want a better, broader relationship with the United States over time, and regard culture as the thin end of a wider wedge. We were described as "pioneers".

- The Iranians that we met were genuinely well-disposed toward America and Americans. Learning that we were Americans from New York, people reacted with unguarded pleasure. US government policy is the subject of some criticism from men and women in the street, but we were not harangued on the issues.

- The desire for change and greater personal freedom is palpable, particularly among younger people. Disillusionment with the results of the revolution, the performance of the economy, and the quality of the leadership currently provided were discussed freely in private conversations.

Khatami's popularity is high, but people realize his power is limited. The process of change will be slow

--The pull of Iranian culture remains powerful. Pride in Persia's past achievements and high levels of contemporary artistic activity are part of everyday life and discourse. The theocratic government not only lives with the sensuous and romantic aspects of Persian culture, but sometimes actively promotes them without any sense of contradiction.

--Official Shiite militance aside, Iran is not a very religious place. Women observe the strict dress code, but in comparison to other observant Muslim countries like Pakistan, mosques are not very well attended. The call to prayer is hard to hear in Tehran, and soft in other cities.

--For veterans of travel in Central and South Asia, Iran is a pleasant surprise. Roads are good, streets are clean, transportation and hotels adequate, and the sights and scenery are knockouts. Museums in Tehran are world -class. Given its rich history and the wealth of things to see, Iran is destined to become a major tourist destination if the current domestic trend toward political change continues.

Recommendation:

----If the US wants to support the forces of moderation in Iran, it will encourage the cultural contact Khatami has chosen as his low-risk channel of communication with us and then work to broaden it to political and economic topics. Culture is Khatami's field (he was Minister of Culture for eight years) and the people who deal with culture, both artists and officials, are his cadre. At the same time it will be important to avoid actions that provide anti-US ammunition to hard-liners at the top levels of the government. In this connection, the recent decision to forego sanctions against foreign corporations doing business with Iran was a good move on Washington's part.

End Summary:

Iran Diary- Notes and Commentary

May 18-Arrival in Tehran-

To get to Tehran from Tashkent (2 hours as the crow flies) on a Monday one must take a 5 hour dog leg to Istanbul and a 3 hour flight back to the Iranian capital. The long trek began with departure from our Tashkent hotel at 1:30am ended in late afternoon at Tehran airport, the women in our party restive and hot under full Islamic cover. Our reception was curious. We were met by officials of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, a Mr Kayvan and a Mr. Golkar.

Kayvan, a hearty individual said, "We had planned to welcome you in the VIP suite, but did not know the names of your party." He repeated this formulation several times. Mr. Kayvan gave

me his card, but immediately crossed out all the numbers saying that this was his old job and
were not valid any more. (This proved to be true). Our guides brought us through customs,
where one of our bags Sheila's, was searched thoroughly. Everyone else on the plane
appeared to have all their bags opened.

We were then placed in two cabs, paid for by the government, and taken to the hotel, where Kayvan and Golkar welcomed us again. Our tour guide did not appear. Later she told us that she saw we were in being met by the government and had backed off. We explained what we had come to Iran to do, and the people we expected to see, all subjects of previous lengthy conversation in New York. Our greeters seemed uninformed, but said they would get back to us.

This ambivalence suggested that the government, having invited us and approved our visas was not quite sure what to do with us. We were met and assisted but not with full courtesies, transported, but not in government cars

Meanwhile, I had had my first conversation in Iran-- with a young bank employee, as I was
changing money;

"What country are you from?

"America"

"Good country. Are you going to be our enemy or our friend?"

"Friend."

"Good, we would like that."

After a chaotic drive (Tehran has a population of 12 million and gas costs 10 cents a gallon) to the Laleh International Hotel (an Intercon before the revolution), we met our guide from Pasargad Travel, a bright, energetic and humorous woman named Azadeh, who became a good friend in the week that followed. She was as bemused as we were by our reception, but had herself had no idea of the nature of our mission. She had thought we were an ordinary tour group.

May 19

In the absence of any schedule of appointments from the government, we visited both the Archaeology and Islamic Art collections of the national museum. Excellent, well presented, well lit objects from 6000 BC on. First class in all respects.

We arranged a call on the Director of the National Museum, Mohammad-Reza Kargar. The meeting set stage for cooperation on an exhibition of early Safavid art we plan for 2002. Kargar, in his 40s, seemed a bit nervous, said he would back our request for contact with relevant government officials. He revealed that most of the world's Islamic art experts are descending on Iran. He plans a trip to America this summer. We invited him to visit us. He's

particularly interested in obtaining training and data on conservation for his staff. Vishakha said she would try to help, wearing her AAMD Presidential hat. (Privately, the best foundation to approach would be the Rockefeller Foundation)

After a borscht and yogurt lunch at an Armenian restaurant downtown, Sheila and I took stroll in the street, stopping by a little shop looking for rubber bands. The proprietor spoke good English, said he was trained as a translator and has, like many Iranians we met, a brother in LA.

"People here don't like mullahs very much", he volunteered. "Particularly me. They killed my sister, aged 21, when I was 10, After holding her 9 months in prison." (Many people, we learned as the trip proceeded, have similar stories and bitter feelings.)

In the afternoon we went to the national treasury and looked at the collection of crown jewels. Stashed in a large museum vault is a staggering array of thrones, crowns, daggers, swords, and ceremonial robes dating from late Mughal times (the Iranians invaded Delhi and took their crown jewels to Tehran, where they remain. (Vishakha was both riveted and incensed). The Pahlavi jewels are no slouch either, including the gigantic Dari Nur diamond, which is so huge it just looks like a small mirror. One star of the show is a globe of the world from the 19th century rendered in thousands of jewels, with the land masses in rubies and the seas in emeralds. Texas, Roy Huffington will be pleased to hear, got the biggest ruby of all. Then, on to the carpet museum, a creation--like many of Tehran's museums--of the Empress Farah Dibah in the 1970s. Beautiful, well organized, lit and presented. Carefully maintained by the cultural authorities. (Khatami was Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance for 8 years prior to becoming president of Iran).

In the evening, we were taken to dinner at the picturesque Ali Ghapoo restaurant by Iftikhar Ali, a Pakistani newspaperman (APP) from Peshawar, who has been Officer in Charge of the UN Information Centre since 1994. He is the father of Atteqa Ali, of our Cultural Division, hence the invitation.

He explained the ambivalence of our treatment as a function of the power competition going on between the conservatives under Supreme Leader Khamenei and the moderates under the popular President Khatami, who took office in August. Former President Rafsanjani uses his control over the Expediency Council to mediate between the Parliament (Majlis) and the Council of Guardians, tipping the balance between moderates and conservatives in any way that serves his own power interest.

There have been recent flare ups, including the imprisonment of Teheran's moderate mayor Karbaschi, jailed and released but still technically on trial for spurious charges of corruption. The conservatives dare not go after him further because he, too, is popular and Khatemi commanded 20 million votes in the election. Most recently, the commanding officer of the Revolutionary Guards gave'a speech May 1 in Qom calling for "counterrevolutionaries" to be beheaded for their lax approach to dialogue with the outside, particularly America. The newly

assertive, if not fully free, press criticized the speech widely, saying it went way beyond the
general's job description.

We have arrived in the middle of a standoff, with neither side giving way, but everyone cautious about next moves.

Iftikhar told us that the Iranian economy is in bad shape, shackled by a statist economy, major corruption (popular saying, "the longer the beard, the deeper the pocket"), and the confused directives of this three-headed power structure. Inflation is growing, along with budget imbalances fueled by expenditures on militant programs aimed to push the Shiite agenda abroad.

For all its militant clerical leadership, Iran is not a very religious country. Pahlavi rule imprinted a secular European stamp on Iran. (Merci is the most common way of saying thank you, we found). People do not pray or fast, or celebrate the great Muslim holidays. They never really learned how, and disillusionment with the secular results of the Islamic Revolution further dampen religious feeling. Those of us who have lived or spent time in practicing Muslim countries like Pakistan or Indonesia have been startled to hear no calls to prayer on the streets of Teheran at the usual times of day.

The only sign of militant Islam to be found everywhere is the Hejab, the stifling full-cover garb(except face) mandated for women, which gives the impression that half the population are nuns.

As we parted, Iftikhar said that things have a way of turning out in the end in dealings with the government of revolutionary Iran. The process can be chaotic and frustrating, given the structure of the body politic, but in the end, something happens.

May 20

Our second day in Teheran began without any word about appointments. Faced with the prospect of no connections and no operational result for our visit, I began to make phone calls, to anyone I could think of--Vice Foreign Minister Zarif, for whom we had organized a breakfast seminar in New York last October, the mysterious greeter Mr. Kayvan, whose non-numbers answered, but confirmed that he did not work there any more, Iftikhar Aki, who also did some phoning. I reached no one but at least made our presence felt.

We spent the rest of the morning at the glass and ceramics museum, another spectacular facility in a grand 19th century merchants' house, later the Egyptian Embassy, then purchased during the end of the Pahlavi reign (Farah again) and well kept up since. The installations are by an imaginative Dutch designer. The museum's Islamic dress patrol, however, was on alert status. An older attendant came up to Vishakha and informed her that she must close the top button of her costume, or else!

While working our way through the museum, we were discovered and interviewed by an
Iranian film crew--Amir Sayedi(Director) and Shahryar Asdai (Cinematographer)-- making a
satellite program for Asia and Europe. They asked on camera why we came, what our
impressions of the museum were, etc. We told them we were there to find opportunities for
public education about Iran, and v. impressed with the glass and ceramic museum, Vishakha
and Sheila both took part. Afterward, Sayedi, a diminutive whiskery person in a green polo
shirt came up to me and said "I love you", and kissed me on both cheeks. (Iranian men kiss in
public quite normally, I later noticed, but this was unexpected and took some getting used to.)
He also said to Sheila, "Your eyes are like the sea". Poetry has long been big in this country.
We then went to the Teheran Bazaar, the biggest and busiest in Iran. Hawkers shouting,
porters pushing, blind beggars singing, smells of saffron, rose petals, carpets glowing amid
flashes of old silver and new copper. We bought a suitcase-$16-to carry all the books we had
collected and been given, then visited the city mosque next door. Not much going on, even
though it was 1pm and time for prayers.

Sheila was pinched as we left the Bazaar. She rounded on the pincher, a callow, weedy youth dressed in black and roared several times, "You are reprehensible! You are disrespecting women!. He paled and turned away.

At lunch over kebabs, things began to happen. We learned that we had a appointment at 3pm with Vice Minister Kazemi a key figure in the visual and performing arts world in Iran, and close to Minister Mohadjerani and President Khatami. We also confirmed arrangements to visit with the top traditional singer in the country late in the afternoon, thanks to Rachel Cooper in New York who had obtained his home phone number.

The offices of Deputy Minister Kazemi are located in a building next to Vahdat Hall, the
Carnegie Hall of Teheran. After climbing 4 flights of paint cloths protecting the stairwell, we
were warmly received by the Vice Minister, accompanied by Mr. Golkhari, one of the worthies
who had met us at the airport.

After a brief welcome by our host, I gave a short introduction of our group and the Asia
Society, emphasizing that our presence in Iran was in direct response to President Khatami's
call for dialogue between the private cultural organizations of our countries.
Khazemi said he was happy to see us, and had heard a lot about the Society from
Ambassador Faradzadeh in New York. He also cited Khatami's call and added that he
personally felt a duty to move in the same direction, and make a start in establishing a
relationship between "cultural allies" in both countries. Having been Minister of Culture for
nine years, President Khatami knew from his own experience that artists are the "pioneers" of
cultural relationships. The field of culture is so vast that it can actually affect political and
economic ties, he said.

Iran has a great, ancient, and genuine culture, Khazemi continued. His own office is one of the
biggest in the ministry, with responsibility for all aspects of the performing and visual arts
except film. He reviewed current cultural activities in the country: a musical scene featuring
busy classical, folkloric (traditional) and regional elements. In September, the Teheran

Symphony will open its season, and plans to travel to Austria in the near future. The popularity of folk music is growing rapidly with more than 500 singers, composers and instrumentalists in operation. He hoped we would be able to meet the Chief of Iranian Music in the Ministry, Mr. Moredkhani (we did not, in the event).

Visual arts are equally busy, with more than 6000 contemporary artists active in the various schools of painting, modern expressionism, impressionism and classical. Iranian artists have their own Biannual exhibitions(Biennalle), and participate in Biennalles in other countries, including, most recently in India and Bangladesh.

Theater is entirely under government control, with roughly 20 performances occurring on any given night in Teheran. Currently Bertold Brecht's "Chalk Circle" is the leading attraction. Last year it was "Les Miserables".

Traditional architecture is well preserved. Isfahan, Kazemi's hometown and an important destination on our itinerary, has the best examples.

Vishakha Desai then described Asia Society plans to mount a major exhibition covering the art of the early Safavid period (1500-1550). We would be collaborating with an Italian museum and hoped to obtain the loan of objects from collections worldwide, including the museums of Iran. Kazemi said his government would cooperate fully, adding that he thought it advisable to include presentations on the 10 most famous architects of the period. He arranged for us to meet the Mayor of Isfahan and leading scholars and painters in that city.

I described the Asia Society's willingness to organize, as suggested by the Permanent Representative at the UN, a cultural event in New York to coincide with President Khatami's visit to the UNGA in September. Vishakha Desai noted that the original Iranian proposal for recreating a Persian bazaar as the centerpiece for a festival of Iranian arts was too elaborate to mount in New York on such short notice. We would prefer to focus on a simpler formula involving a top Iranian singer whom we would invite to put on a concert at the Society (as well as appear elsewhere in the US) to which we could invite the President of Iran. Kazemi approved this idea, noting that he was personally in charge of the cultural aspects of the President's visit to New York. In parting, we informed the Vice Minister that we were on our way to call on Mohammad-Reza Shajarian. Kazemi wished us luck. "He's the best", he said.

We called first on Reza Shajarian, the brother and manager of Mohammad-Reza, the best known singer in Iran. Charming, excellent English. The office is downtown. The star lives in a tony suburban development in North West Teheran, his house set off by a swimming pool, rose garden, and two ancient automobiles, a high-finned Plymouth circa 1959 and a Mercedes Benz saloon car.

En route, we stopped for a quick look at the Reza Abbasi Museum --a marvelous collection of miniature paintings, calligraphy, and gold objects.

Shajarian- a strikingly good looking man in his early fifties-- greeted us with his young wife and young son. He did not really know why, he said, but he liked Americans, and had not had much contact recently (his last concert tour in the US was in 1992. He liked the idea of doing a concert in New York at the time of Khatami's visit. "I love Khatami and he loves me". He is free in late September and would bring 6 additional musicians and staff. We heard his tapes being played in various parts of the country, most notably a restaurant outside Persepolis. People were astonished that we had met Shajarian. He is, for Iran, Pavarotti and Sinatra rolled into one.

After leaving Shajarian, Sheila and I called on Pakistan Ambassador Javid Hussein and his wife. He had learned from Itikhar Ali that we were n town and asked to see us. Hussein has been in Teheran for six months, and already seems well-wired. I briefed him on the result of my visit so far, and thanked him for the help provided us by Riaz Kokhar and the embassy of Pakistan in Washington. By next Spring he will be in a position to do a fine briefing for a visiting AS group, should we chose to call on him His residence is more than presentable. Ambassador Hussein sees Khatami getting stronger, aided by popular backing for his platform favoring rule of law and greater personal freedom, public disenchantment with the Mullocracy, and pressures for more openness imposed by the global economy. The process of change will not be smooth. The conservatives will not give way easily. 2 steps forward, 1 back are likely pace.

Hussein says the dynamics of the 3 way power struggle are murky at best. Rafsanjani exercises a lot of power by virtue of his balancing, mediating role. He will side with those who can enhance his influence the most.

At the end of a long day, we repaired to the Azadi Hotel (once Hyatt) for a well deserved caviar dinner.

May 21-25

The rest of our time in Iran we focused on the sites and routes we might take when bringing a larger Asia Society group to the country. We spent time in the famous gardens of Shiraz where famous 12th century poets drank wine and wrote the lyrics of what are still the top hit songs of Iran. Hafez was one of these, and young women come to touch his marble bier, say secret words and make wishes. We sat in the twilight drinking tea and listening to Sufi songs and the hubble bubble of people smoking hookahs nearby. The wine of Shiraz is now grown in Australia and California, but we could not help but be mildly intoxicated by the climate and the pace of the city. Tired from the exertions of Teheran, we moved in a languid way from bazaar to mosque to palace.

May 22 was a forced march through 2500 years of history, via the tombs of Cyrus and his grander offspring Darius and Xerxes to the magnificent ruins of Persepolis where Shah Pahlavi in 1971 made his grandiose attempt to link his line with Persia's founders. I had worked that event as a junior staff member of the Vice President Agnew's US delegation, but had little idea of the scope and sweep of the early empires.

Then, over the mountains by night to Isfahan, the seat of high Persian culture for at least seven centuries. Our guide was a leading local painter, teacher and designer named Jazizadeh, assigned to us by Vice Minister Kazemi. With him we wandered through the streets of the old town, past Seljuk Turk minarets and into the work places of artisans he knew, tile makers, calico dyers and the like. We happened down one winding street into a house placed around a hidden courtyard that belongs to a branch of a famous family named Tabatabai. Partially damaged by Iraqi bombs during the war, the house is dilapidated but handsome. Its inhabitants, four women and a boy all had blue eyes and seemed to enjoy our invasion, offering orange drinks. Nearby at the Friday Mosque a funeral was underway, with Mullahs singing and mourners beating their breasts in a rhythm that could be heard at all ends of the huge old structure.

Isfahan is an architects' town and Imam Square, a rectangle twice the size of Red Square and four times that of St. Marks is testimony to their mastery of spatial relationship and decorative art. We spent a lot of time there, wandering from the Ali Gapoo palace to the Lotfallah Mosque to the most stunning complex of all, the Imam Mosque. Our last evening in Isfahan we sat high in a teahouse at the north end of the square watching the sunset light change on the tiles of these buildings. vowing to be back.

In fact, we called on Isfahan's Mayor Javadi with this in mind. He said he would welcome a group next year. Vishakha suggested a concert for our group by leading Isfahan musicians at the Ali Ghapoo. He said he had not done it before, but thought it could be arranged. Javadi is interested in investment and hoped that our group might contain some powerful economic personages. He wants a sister city relationship with an American municipality. Isfahan already has such a relationship with Florence.

Javadi is very pro Khatemi, describing him as a man who follows thru on his word. We are, in fact, planning a trip for a small group of key people. Whether we go or not depends a lot on the process of politics in Iran. My conversations in Isfahan pointed up the complexity of the situation.

One young man who came up to me while we were sitting at one of Isfahan's lovely old bridges was almost in despair. A just graduated chemical engineer, he told me he was intending to immigrate to New Zealand. Why, I asked.

"Iran is fine for old people and children," he replied, "but not good for the younger generation. Khatami is a fine man but the Leader is not. He is a traditional person whose thinking is 1400 years old. We need more freedom and opportunity."

An older lady was more sanguine. A well-connected Iranian friend of friends, she dined with us at the Abbassi Hotel (a great period pile built from an old caravansary). She told me, "The younger generation will be the engine of change. The young women are particularly well-informed. Many of them listen to VOA, BBC, and Radio Israel. They know when the

OFFICE OF
HENRY A. KISSINGER

By Facsimile

(61-2) 6288-1534

October 19, 1998

Dear Mr. Hearder:

Dr. Kissinger much regrets that he will be unable to contribute his reminiscences about the late Sir James Plimsoll for your biography. He is up against his publisher's deadline for completing a book of his own and must devote all available time to that task. Therefore, he is trying to avoid as many other obligations as possible. Although he remembers Ambassador Plimsoll warmly, he does not feel he has any special insights that would be interesting and useful for his biographer.

He appreciated your contacting him, however, and wishes you every success with your forthcoming book.

Mr. Jeremy Hearder
83 Hilder Street
Weston ACT 2611
Australia

83 Hilder St
Weston ACT 2611
Australia

Phone and fax:
61 2 62881534

25th September 1998

The Hon Dr Henry A. Kissinger
Kissinger and Associates
26 Floor
350 Park Avenue
New York NY10022
USA

OCT 05 1998

I am writing a biography of Sir James Plimsoll, eminent Australian diplomat, who was our Ambassador in Washington from early 1970 through to the beginning of 1974, when he was assigned to Moscow. I wonder if you recall Sir James, during your time at the White House, and then as Secretary of State? If so, I would be most grateful for any reminiscences or comments that you could provide.

I retired from the Australian foreign service at the end of last year, after 38 years, which included nine overseas assignments. I worked with Sir James in Brussels, when he was Ambassador there in the late 1970's, after Moscow. I also had the opportunity of spending some time with him, while he was Governor of Tasmania- which was where he died in office in 1987.

I look forward to hearing from you.

With best wishes.

(Jeremy Hearer)

MAR 5-30 1993 4:20 PM NORMAN TUDHARL12

FAX NO. 212 001 3023

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1

Euology for Eric Breindel by Norman Podhoretz 3/9/98

I first met Eric Breindel when he was still a student at Harvard, and the qualities for which I came almost immediately to admire and cherish and love him were visible even at a glance. I mean his charm and the warmth that gave it body; I mean the quickness and the reach and the agility of his mind.

But there was also something else, something more unusual, and that was the unconventionality of his outlook on the issues under such fevered agitation in those days. Here, amazingly, was a Harvard student from New York who did not think America was the source of all evil, and who did not think that Israel was the guilty party in its conflict with the Arab world. How, I wondered, did he get away with such heretical views up there, in the People's Republic of Cambridge? How did he get away not only with loving America but also with caring so deeply about and fearing for the safety of Israel?

The answer, I suspected, lay in his charm and warmth and
brilliance. But it took a while before I began to understand how
he had arrived at these heretical views, and where he had found
the strength both to hold them in his head and the courage to
uphold them in public against all comers. The answer to that

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question, I eventually began to see, was that Eric Breindel was a very good Jew.

Of course, if the criterion was the number of *mitzvot* or commandments observed, Eric was not a good Jew at all. Of the 613 commandments the rabbis of old found in the Bible, Eric followed only a few, and even most of those only desultorily. But there was one that he truly *did* observe, and exactly as a good Jew is instructed to do--with all his heart and all his soul and all his might. This was the fifth of the Ten Commandments Moses brought back from Sinai: *Kabed et avikhah v'et imekhah*: "Honor thy father and thy mother."

Certainly Eric honored Joseph and Sonia Breindel by being a loving and loyal son. But there was more to his love and loyalty than normal filial devotion. Joseph and Sonia, as we all know, barely escaped Hitler's ovens, and Eric also honored them by absorbing into the deepest reaches of his consciousness the lessons of their experience, and the experience of those who had not managed to escape. Indeed, he made that experience into the shaping principle of all his thought. Out of it came his understanding of what totalitarianism means; out of it came his understanding that the major form of this unspeakable evil remaining in the world was Communism as embodied in the power of

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the Soviet Union; out of it came his understanding that the power of the United States was the only force in the world capable of stopping the totalitarian evil that still existed, just as it had been the only force capable of defeating the one that no longer did.

And so, as I came to know Eric better and better, I also came to recognize that it was through observing the Fifth Commandment that his general political outlook was formed and solidified. And so too I came to understand that in thus observing the Fifth Commandment Eric was also observing what the theologian Emil Fackenheim had taught many of us to accept as the 614th.

This new commandment, Fackenheim said, had issued forth from Auschwitz and it forbade us to give posthumous victories to Hitler. We were obligated, that is, to fight in every way we could against any new attempts to realize Hitler's dream of wiping the Jewish people off the face of the earth. Guided by the light of this new commandment, Eric Breindel put all his heart and all his soul and all his might into defending Israel against the war to the death that was--and still is--being waged against it by the Arab world. For I think Eric took the 614th Commandment as a logical corollary to the Fifth, and as such it became all

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the more binding on him.

But I must not run away from the awful problem that arises here. The Bible tells us that by obeying the Fifth Commandment, our days shall be lengthened upon the earth. Yet our presence here today testifies all too terribly that in Eric's case this promise has not been kept. I must also confess that I am tempted to rant, *l'havdil*, like Jeremiah or Job at the injustice of it, and to demand an accounting by God for breaking His promise, and breaking all our hearts, by shortening Eric Breindel's days upon this earth.

But I will not give in to this temptation. Instead I will affirm my conviction that in another sense Eric's days upon this earth *will* be lengthened. They will be lengthened through the words he has spoken and written, and through the influence he has thereby exerted on the minds of others. They will be lengthened, God willing, in the continued life of Israel and of the Jewish people: the people of Eric's father and mother, the people he devoted so much of his own young life to defending--with all the bravery of his heart, with all the devotion of his soul, and with all the power of his mind and pen.

OFFICE OF
HENRY A. KISSINGER

April 28, 1998

Dear Mr. Podhoretz:

Dr. Kissinger asked me to send you the following
quote for your new book (Dr. Kissinger took it with
him and the title is escaping me -- "Former Friends"
is coming to mind, but I could well be wrong!):

"Anyone interested in the evolution of the
views of American intellectuals in the last
half century will find Norman Podhoretz's
account of his relations with key literary
figures over that period indispensable.
And in the process the reader will learn
much about the fundamental issues that
continue to challenge our country and the
cause of freedom."

With Dr. Kissinger's warmest regards,

Mr. Norman Podhoretz
120 East 81st Street
New York, NY 10028

From: Norman Podhoretz To: Henry Kissinger

Date: 10/1/98 Time: 11:19:35

FAX COVER
PAGE

OCT 01 1998

<table><tr><td>To: Henry Kissinger</td><td colspan="3">From: Norman Podhoretz</td></tr><tr><td>Fax Number: 759-0042</td><td colspan="3">Company: Hudson Institute</td></tr><tr><td>Date: 10/1/98</td><td>Time: 11:19:12</td><td colspan="2">For Information Call: 212-861-0286</td></tr><tr><td>Subject: Bundy and Judt</td><td colspan="3">Fax Number: 212-861-9029</td></tr></table>

[Here's another copy of the fax you evidently never received when I sent it originally]

Dear Henry:

I had been hoping you would take Bundy on, and I think you did a wonderful job of it in "The New York Review." As for Tony Judt, he's a more complicated case, having done good work on the French intellectual Left but at the same time making sure that he never crosses over any line that will get him into serious trouble with types like the NYR crowd. His reply, in any case, was very weak, I thought, and you emerged the clear winner from the exchange.

Too bad you and Nancy weren't able to make it to Lally's daughter's wedding, which turned out to be the most opulent party since the disappearance of the Austro-Hungarian empire (not to mention the amount of money that was there on the hoof among the guests). Anyhow, we hope to see you at some point in the interstices of the innumerable Jewish holidays that are hard upon us.

Midge sends her love to both of you, and so do I.

Norman

Cover pages by Delrina

HAK:

Should you explain anything or otherwise
notify the President of Poland about your
not writing to the Nobel Committee Or can
you just let it slip by? It must be too
late for this year anyway, or very close to
it. Nominations were due last Feb. 1.

Just let it go by ✓ Write, explaining...
(what??) it came
too late

[Unofficial Translation]

OCT 0 1 1998

The President of the Republic of Poland

Warsaw, September 4, 1998

Honorable Henry Kissinger

Dear Mr. Kissinger,

I recently addressed the Secretary of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Professor Geir Lundestad, with a recommendation in support of Yad Vashem Holocaust Victims and Heroes Remembrance Authority's nomination of Professor Jan Karski for this year's Nobel Peace Prize. Jan Karski is an outstanding politician, a visionary and a great compatriot of mine. During World War II, he was sent on several courier missions to deliver extremely important reports about occupied Poland to the Polish government-in-exile and the Allied governments. The reports he delivered included information about the genocide which the Nazis were inflicting upon the Jewish population.

When the war was over, Jar Karski stayed in the United States and taught at Georgetown University. The London-based Government of the Republic of Poland awarded him with the order of Virtuti Militari. In 1995, President Lech Wałęsa awarded Professor Karski with Poland's highest distinction — the Order of the White Eagle. In Israel, Professor Karski received the honorable title of a Righteous Among the Nations and honorary citizenship bestowed upon *one who tried to stop the Holocaust*.

Throughout his life, Professor Karski has worked for peace and democracy, for saving human dignity and most of all for the highest value — life. Considering all that, as we look upon our times, when so many people have been hurt and so many values trampled upon, the nomination of Jan Karski, who stood in defense of freedom and tolerance, appears to be gaining in unique and extraordinary relevance. When we review the lesson learned by that generation which saw and personally experienced what the language of hate and the practice of scorn for law, truth and plain dignity can lead to, what does the lesson mean to us today? Jan Karski has taught everyone to respect the highest human values. I believe that he fully deserves to receive the Nobel Peace Prize.

Dear Mr. Kissinger,

Throughout your life, you have fought for law, respect for all people and a normal and democratic world. Therefore, as you are an outstanding and widely respected man of moral authority and political stature, I address you with this request to support Professor Karski's nomination, as he has given testimony to the difficult truth always and everywhere. In an attachment to this letter, you will find a copy of the recommendation I presented to Professor Lundestad. I eagerly count on your support for this initiative.

Please accept expressions of my highest respect for your efforts aimed at building a prosperous world based on democratic principles.

With friendship,

Aleksander Kwaśniewski
Aleksander Kwaśniewski

WED 14:20 ID:STOWARZYSZENIE ZIH

TEL:+49 22 827-92-25 P:01

THE JEWISH HISTORICAL INSTITUTE ASSOCIATION OF POLAND

00 090 Warsaw, 3/5 Tłomackie Str.

Tel/fax: (0-22) 8 27 92 25

E-mail: zih@it.com.pl

Ms. Nancy and Mr. Henry Kissinger
Suite 1021, 1800 K Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20006
via fax: (212) 753-7248
(212) 759-0042

Warsaw, 11 February 1998

Dear Ms. and Mr. Kissinger

FEB 1 1 1998

It was an honor and a great personal pleasure to meet you here in Warsaw. Your interest in the Museum of the History of Polish Jews and your willingness to participate in its creation obligates me to a stronger devotion to our mission. Several months have passed since I briefed you about the project, and I like to write about the next developments:

1. Finally, we have received the government money, approximately $90.000, we have also received $ 55.000 from the German Association to Support the Project. This donation funded parts of the planning process.

2. In December I met with President Aleksander Kwaśniewski, who agreed to become a patron of the project's work. I am including a letter from him. He also expressed willingness to endorse us in the European Union.

3. The Foundation for Polish-German Cooperation has made its decision. They awarded as about $750,000 for the planning stage. This is a very important piece of information and, I think, a success - now we will be able to begin long-term planning and we will have more time to create the fund-raising structure.

On March 23, 1998 we are organizing a concert in the Royal Castle in Warsaw, featuring cantor Joseph Malovany. The concert is already gaining wide popularity among polish politicians and businessmen. The President Aleksander Kwaśniewski will be participating.

We would be very honored if you could participate in this event as our very special guest and friend of the Museum. Following the concert, you are cordially invited to a traditional Jewish dinner hosted by Rabbi Chaskel Besser. The original invitation is sent by mail.

Under Secretary of State

Warsaw, June 30, 1998

Countess Isabelle d'Ornano
Paris

Dear Countess,

Following our recent conversation in Paris, I would like to clarify
the problems relating to reprivatization.

This is a vital element in the transformation of the political system
in Poland.

Satisfying the former owner's rights relating to their property, activating the inviolability of these rights and putting these in order represents a problem that needs to be solved before reprivatization can be undertaken.

Of all the post-communist states today Poland is the only one which has not yet returned to reprivatization. This fact is negatively perceived by the international community.

Poland is very actively engaged in becoming a member of the European Union. One of the main conditions stated in the « White Book » for admittance to a United Europe is indeed reprivatization and the settlement of property rights.

Respect of property rights is the main criterion for forming a nation
respectful of the law and it would be inadvisable for the State to sanction permanently the results of the violation of property rights. Especially because of the constitutional principle of Poland as a nation respectful of the law.

[cc]

In spite of arguments which have confirmed for a long time the need
in Poland for reprivatization, political forces on the left are blocking
the starting of this process in order to maintain the legal structure de-
veloped during the communist period.

Apart from this latter difficulty, reprivatization is impeded by the
private interests of monopolist groups concentrated - amongst others -
in state forests or farm holdings « State Forests », which under popu-
lar slogans of ecology and the protection of the natural environment,
endeavour at all costs to maintain their monopoly of confiscated forest
holdings.

A huge difficulty in order to reach privatization is the fact that a big
part of the State domain is still being administrated by local govern-
ments which, generally, does not feel obliged to help in the return to
reprivatization.

The Finance Minister drew up a project for reprivatization which
was handed over to the office of the Prime Minister and I hope that the
government will endorse it and transmit it to the Parliament.

This project concerns especially the restitution of the holdings as
they were and, if such is impossible, to give reprivatization bonds
which would allow the people concerned to replace equivalent
property.

The conception of reprivatization proposed in this law contributes
in fact a protection of the State Budget against the prompt payment
of damage in cash adjudged to former owners by court decisions.
Because of the limited possibilities of the State Budget such payments
could not be made.

One should remember that the default of these payments could
result in transferring complaints to European Court in Strasbourg
which would represent a serious threat for the Polish State.

According to our information such complaints have already been
made to the European Court and will be pronounced on.

Reprivatization should include the Poles living abroad because this
will be very important in relation to the growth of their economical
contacts with the Homeland through the establishing of reliability and
security of trade, once property problems have been solved.

I sincerely wish that this time the Government coming from the « So-
lidarnosc » tradition will succeed in the reprivatization process awai-
ted for so long.

This is indispensable if Poland is to be considered as a State which
respects the law. I was convinced of this during my last meeting with
you and your husband in Paris.

Sincerely yours

*Krzysztof Hubert Laszkiewicz*

30-06-98 14:09 Podsekretarz Stanu

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SZANOWNA PANI
HR. ISABELLE D'ORNANO

Szanowna Pani Hrabino,

W ślad za naszą rozmową odbytą w Paryżu, pragnę przybliżyć nieco Pani Hrabinie problematykę reprywatyzacji.

Reprywatyzacja powinna być niezbędnym elementem transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce.

Zadośćuczynienie byłym właścicielom za naruszenie ich prawa własności, realizacja konstytucyjnej zasady nienaruszalności tego prawa oraz potrzeba uporządkowania stosunków własnościowych w Polsce to tylko niektóre kwestie potwierdzające konieczność przeprowadzenia w Polsce reprywatyzacji.

Polska jest dziś jedynym krajem z tzw. bloku państw postkomunistycznych, który dotychczas nie przeprowadził reprywatyzacji. Fakt ten jest negatywnie dostrzegany przez społeczność międzynarodową.

Jest sprawą powszechnie wiadomą, iż Polska podejmuje intensywne działania, w celu uzyskania członkostwa w strukturach Unii Europejskiej. Jednym z głównych warunków przyjęcia Polski do struktur zjednoczonej Europy wymienionym w tzw. „Białej Księdze” Unii Europejskiej jest przeprowadzenie reprywatyzacji i uporządkowanie stosunków własnościowych.

Należy również usunąć dotychczasową niemożność realizacji roszczeń przez ok. 90 tyś. osób przesiedlonych z byłych kresów wschodnich tzw. „Zabużan”. Pomimo, iż prawo ich wywodzi się zarówno z umów międzynarodowych jak i aktualnie obowiązujących przepisów prawa polskiego, wyroków Sądu Najwyższego i orzeczeń Trybunału Konstytucyjnego, obywatele ci nie mogą otrzymać należnego im ekwiwalentu.

Poszanowanie prawa własności, jest podstawowym kryterium państwa prawa i niedopuszczalna jest sytuacja permanentnego sankcjonowania przez Państwo skutków dokonanych naruszeń prawa własności, szczególnie w aspekcie konstytucyjnego zapisu o Polsce jako Państwie Prawa.

Pomimo argumentów potwierdzających od dawna konieczność przeprowadzenia w Polsce reprywatyzacji, polityczne siły lewicy blokują uruchomienie tego procesu, między innymi w celu utrzymania stosunków prawno-strukturalnych wytworzonych w poprzedniej rzeczywistości komunistycznego Państwa.

Oprócz powyższej trudności, reprywatyzacja w Polsce jest hamowana przez partykularne interesy grup monopolistycznych, skupionych między innymi w Państwowym Gospodarstwie Leśnym „Lasy Państwowe”, które pod nośnymi hasłami ekologii i ochrony środowiska

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naturalnego, dążą za wszelką cenę do utrzymania swojego monopolistycznego władztwa nad zabranymi byłym właścicielom nieruchomościami leśnymi.

Dużym utrudnieniem dla realizacji procesu reprywatyzacji w Polsce jest także fakt przekazania znacznej części majątku państwowego strukturom samorządowym, które generalnie nie poczuwają się do obowiązku realizacji roszczeń reprywatyzacyjnych.

Minister Skarbu Państwa opracował projekt ustawy reprywatyzacyjnej, który został przekazany do Kancelarii Premiera i mam nadzieję, że już wkrótce Rząd z pozytywnym wnioskiem przekaże go do Parlamentu.

Projekt zasadniczo dotyczy zwrotu nieruchomości w naturze, a w sytuacjach niemożności dokonania tego zwrotu, przyznanie bonów reprywatyzacyjnych, za które można będzie nabyć między innymi mienie zamienne.

Koncepcja reprywatyzacji zaproponowana w projekcie ustawy, stanowi ochronę budżetu Państwa przed wypłatami odszkodowań w gotówce, zasadzonymi na rzecz byłych właścicieli w wyrokach sądowych i decyzjach administracyjnych wydanych w trybie aktualnie obowiązujących przepisów prawnych. Zasądzone wypłaty nie mogą być realizowane z uwagi na ograniczone możliwości budżetu Państwa.

Należy mieć jednak na uwadze fakt, iż nierealizowanie orzeczonych odszkodowań skutkuje groźbą kierowania skarg do Trybunału Europejskiego w Strasburgu, a z kolei brak realizacji orzeczeń tego Trybunału grozi najpoważniejszymi dla Państwa konsekwencjami, wynikającymi z prawa międzynarodowego. Według posiadanych informacji takie skargi już wpłynęły do Trybunału Europejskiego i będą przedmiotem jego rozstrzygnięć.

Reprywatyzacją powinna zostać objęta Polonia, gdyż będzie to miało duże znaczenie dla znacznego wzrostu jej kontaktów gospodarczych z krajem, poprzez ugruntowanie pewności i bezpieczeństwa obrotu gospodarczego na bazie uregulowanych stosunków własnościowych.

Wyrażam głęboką nadzieję, że tym razem Rząd wywodzący się z tradycji „Solidarności” przeprowadzi tak długo oczekiwany proces reprywatyzacji. Jest to niezbędne dla postrzegania Polski na arenie międzynarodowej jako Państwa Prawa, o czym ugruntowały mnie rozmowy odbyte między innymi z Panią Hrabiną i Jej Małżonkiem podczas mojego ostatniego pobytu w Paryżu.

Pozostaję z wyrazami szacunku

Krzysztof/Hubert Łaszkiewicz

[Lc]

MARY REATH • 40 CARTER ROAD • PRINCETON, NJ 08540

TEL (609) 219-0805 • FAX (609) 895-9632

May 5, 1998

Mr.Henry Kissinger

Courtesy of Bo Polk

Dear Mr. Kissinger,

I am putting together a book of favorite writings about spiritual or religious matters from people in the public eye and would very much like to include a contribution from you.

It might be a memorable prayer from childhood, a passage from a sacred text or favorite book, a verse or saying that has become a type of prayer, or any piece of writing that has served as a source of spiritual comfort or renewal. Or, it could be something by you that describes how you renew yourself spiritually, whether it be in a church, at the theater or on the beach.

I want it to contain contributions that might actually be useful to people in their own spiritual and religious development, as well as to remind readers that a public life does not preclude a spiritual life.

I have a good international list of people who I think might have something interesting to contribute and I would be thrilled if this were something you were moved to respond to. I serve on the vestry of Trinity Church, Wall Street in New York and I have put together a list of contributors that has depth and integrity.

Thank you for your time and, I hope, your response.

MAR 17 1998

885 PARK AVENUE
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10021

March 17, 1998

Mr. Henry Kissinger
River House
435 East 52nd Street
New York, New York 10022

Dear Henry,

We are most appreciative of your kind offer, through Faye Wattleton, to assist us in conjunction with our application to purchase Apartment 16/17, Cl, in River House. Our application was submitted last Thursday. The following is a brief overview of what we are currently doing which may be of assistance to you.

John is the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of The Leslie Fay Company, Inc., a major women's apparel manufacturer, where he has had a forty-three year career. Laura is a Senior Managing Director of Newmark & Company Real Estate, Inc., the largest privately-owned, full-service commercial real estate company in New York; and a member of the Board of Directors of the Elder-Beerman Stores Corporation. Our family consists of our three daughters and two sons-in-law, two of whom live in New York City and the third resides in London. We have resided at 885 Park Avenue for sixteen years, and Laura has served on their Board of Directors for twelve years.

While we both have extensive community and philanthropic involvements, we will list a few that are particularly meaningful to us. John serves as a Member of the Board of Trustees of the Wharton School (Undergraduate) of the University of Pennsylvania, and is a past Chairman of that Board. He is the current Vice President of the Educational Foundation of the Fashion Institute of Technology, is a past President of the Educational Foundation, and Trustee emeritus and past Vice-Chairman of the Fashion Institute of Technology. John was a founder of the Albert Einstein College of Medicine and serves as a Member of the Board of Overseers. Laura serves on the Board of Trustees and the Executive Committee of Carnegie Hall, the Board of Governors of the Parsons School of Design and their Executive Committee, is an Advisory Director of The Metropolitan Opera Association, Inc., and a member of the UJA-Jewish Continuity Commission.

If you would like to discuss any of the above in greater depth, require any further information, or just would like to talk to us before you write or send your letter, please feel free to call us. Our home number is 772-2217, John's office is 221-4111, and Laura's office is 372-2206. Again, our heartfelt thanks for whatever support you can lend on behalf of our application. It is truly appreciated, and we hope to soon be able to call you "neighbor".
Warmest regards.

By Fax

[10]

Rt. Hon. MICHAEL PORTILLO
25 VICTORIA SQUARE
LONDON SW1W 0RB

TELEPHONE & FAX: 0171 828 2550

Dr Henry Kissinger
350 Park Avenue
New York 10022
USA

JAN 12 1998

7 January 1998

Proposed visit to the United States, end May/early June 1998

When you and I met shortly before Christmas, you asked me to let you know of any plans that I might have to visit the United States. You had kindly suggested putting a group together over dinner in New York.

I will be giving a lecture on developments in Europe covering the European Union, the single currency, common foreign and security policy and NATO, to the World Affairs Council in Oklahoma City on June 2. I shall investigate whether other organisations might wish to hear the lecture at around that time, and I might spend a few days in America within the window of May 27 - June 8.

POSADAS, POSADAS & VecINO
ABOGADOS

JUNCAL 1305

11000 MONTEVIDEO - URUGUAY

TELEFONO: (05982) 916 22 02

FAX: (05982) 916 24 29

G. A. DE POSADAS BELGRANO (1902-1988)

GERMAN VECINO SANCHEZ

IGNACIO DE POSADAS MONTERO

LUIS NINESTEVEZ

TOMAS GUERRERO COSTA

ADRIANA SANZ AGUIAR

FRANCISCO OBES SECCO

JUAN CARLOS OREGGIA CARRAU

DANIEL GONZALEZ COTELO

RAUL VAIRO ERRAMOUSPE

JORGE SOSA FERNANDEZ

E MAIL: POSYVEC@ADINET.COM.UY

FERNANDO ARBIZA

ROBERTO DAVILA MARTINO

SANDRA TOJA QUARTARA

GABRIELA STORACE CARDOSO

RICARDO ROMERO DIAZ

FERNANDO DE POSADAS TRAMBAUER

JOSE RODRIGUEZ VAZQUEZ

JUAN DEFFEMINIS PAIVA

RICARDO PIQUET VECINO

XIMENA FURTADO CAZES

MA. ELENA DE POSADAS TRAMBAUER

EDUARDO FERRARI DEVOTO

Montevideo, March 2, 1998

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
c/o Kissinger Associates
350 Park Ave.
New York City
N.Y. 10022 - U.S.A.

MAR 0 4 1998

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

I thoroughly enjoyed meeting both you and your remarkably charming
wife at Puchi's Punta del Este haunt.

Palito Ortega's "cabalistic" presence somewhat detracted from subjects on
which I would have liked to pick your brain, but also added a quite novel approach to
politics! One doubts whether or not to wish his rabbi well with his predictions....

As promised, here is Richelieu, I hope you enjoy it.

Through an erstwhile fellow convict, as Brazil's Finance Minister, who is
also an Itamaraty ex-con, I will try to track down a good study of Brazilian diplomacy.
Decidedly un-Wilsonian and most interesting.

Do let me know if ever the winds blow you this way again.

Best regards to Mrs Kissinger, it was indeed a pleasure meeting you both.

IPM/ma

POSADAS, POSADAS & VECINO

## CONFERENCES AND PUBLICATIONS

"The Forgotten South of Our Continent" Kingston, Canadá, 1966

"The North and South of Our Continent An Intent at Understanding" Canadá 1966

"El Mayor Peligro" - Revista "Búsqueda", No. 47, 1976

"La Democracia" - Revista "Búsqueda", June 1976

"Intervención de las Facturas Consulares" - Revista de Comercio Exterior,
December 1976

"La Ley 14.625 y Las Empresas de Distribución" - Rev. de Derecho Laboral - T XX,
April 1977

"Asse, Manual para un Estudio del Instituto" - Published by the "Fundación de Cultura Universitaria", 1977

"Derecho a la Indemnización por Despido" - Ed. Ur. 1981

"The Changing Legal Environment in Uruguay, Management Implications" -
Ed. Council of the Americas, N.Y. Jan. 1981

"International Trade Conference - Policy Options for Developing Countries in the 80s" -
Kenia 1983

"Europa Comunitaria e América Latina Integrazione e Cooperazione Economica" -
Salerno, Italia 1983

"El Estado y la Actividad Privada" Universidad Catolica del Uruguay - 1988

"Uruguay, Paraíso Fiscal" - Instituto Brasilero de Administración de Empresas - Río de
Janeiro (1989)

"Situación Económica del Uruguay" ACDE - Montevideo, 1992

"Uruguay and Mercosur" Canning House, London, 1992

"Financial Deregulation", IDB Annual Conference, Hamburg (1993)

"Present and Future Perspectives of the Uruguayan Economy" Brussels 1993

"Perspectives de l'Uruguay dans Le Mercosur" Paris, 1993

"Economic Situation of Uruguay" Pekin 1993

"Uruguay, Gateway of Mercosur" London, 1994

"La Ley de Mercado de Valores" Universidad Católica, Montevideo, 1996

Languages: Spanish, English, French, Italian and Portuguese

C4J

Prognose zum weiteren Verlauf der Europäischen Währungsunion und
Grundzüge einer politischen Strategie

Der EURO wird zunächst relativ stabil sein. Durch die Finanzmärkte wird er nicht bedroht werden. Dazu sind die Volumina zu groß. In den kommenden Monaten werden sich die jetzt vorgegebenen Leitkurse entweder bewähren oder leicht verändern. Gegen eine der Teilnehmerwährungen zu spekulieren, wird nicht besonders sinnvoll sein. Denn die Notenbanken werden dem entgegenwirken. Die Stabilität der neuen Währung wird damit in den kommenden drei Jahren weitgehend gesichert sein.

Die eigentlichen Schwierigkeiten drohen dem EURO und damit der weiteren Entwicklung der Europäischen Union aus der politischen Entwicklung in den drei großen Teilnehmerländern Deutschland, Frankreich und Italien. Es gelang ihnen während der zweiten Phase der Währungsunion nicht, die notwendigen Reformen ihrer Steuer- und Sozialsysteme durchzuführen, die umfangreichen Subventionen abzubauen und ihre Arbeitsmärkte auf die neuen Bedingungen vorzubereiten. Die politischen Ursachen dieser Reformunfähigkeit stellen die eigentliche Bedrohung der weiteren europäischen Entwicklung dar.

I. In den kommenden drei bis fünf Jahren wird deutlich werden:

1. Italien wird nicht in der Lage sein, sein **Gesamtdefizit** auch nur unwesentlich zu verringern. Von einem Abbau in dem in Brüssel versprochenen Zeitraum wird bald keine Rede mehr sein. Nach einigen Jahren wird man deshalb die **Überschreitung** des Kriteriums Gesamtverschuldung durch Italien und Belgien hinnehmen. Die normative Kraft des Faktischen wird dieses so wichtige Kriterium stark relativieren, wenn nicht praktisch außer Kraft setzen.

2. Das wird nicht ohne Rückwirkung auf das Verhalten **Frankreichs** und **Deutschlands** sein. Beide Staaten werden bei den Versuchen, ihre Sozialsysteme zu verändern, die Voraussetzungen für die Überwindung der Arbeitslosigkeit zu schaffen, die Agrarmärkte zu reformieren und Subventionen abzubauen, auf enorme politische Widerstände stoßen. Die zentralistische Struktur Frankreichs

Ct

wird sich dabei ebenso als Hindernis einer wirklichen Reform erweisen wie die SPD Mehrheit in Deutschland, die wiederum der sozialistischen Mehrheit in Frankreich zu Hilfe kommen wird, und die Widerstände gegen einen nationalen Stabilitätspakt zwischen Bund und Ländern in Deutschland.

3. Als Folge werden weder Frankreich noch Deutschland in der Lage sein, ihre Haushalte dauerhaft auszugleichen. Sie werden sich weiterhin verschulden und dabei die 3% Grenze kaum wesentlich unterschreiten. Sie werden wachsende Schwierigkeiten haben, im Rahmen der 3% zu bleiben. Sanktionen werden deshalb jedoch nicht in Erwägung gezogen werden. Denn in beiden Fällen wird man sich auf die hohe Arbeitslosigkeit und auf die Notwendigkeit berufen, den sozialen Frieden zu sichern. Die Erweiterung des Stabilitätsbegriffes um die soziale und die Arbeitsmarktdimension wird dazu dienen, die weitere Verschuldenspolitik zu rechtfertigen.

4. Sanktionen werden auch nicht gegen Teilnehmerstaaten beschlossen werden, die die Grenze zulässiger Gesamtverschuldung überschreiten. Denn diese werden sich auf Belgien und Italien berufen können. Jedenfalls wird es im Rat für Sanktionen keine Mehrheiten geben, solange sich beide Länder weit außerhalb der zulässigen Verschuldensgrenze bewegen und andere Staaten ein Interesse an der Möglichkeit haben, sich ebenfalls weiter zu verschulden.

5. Nach etwa fünf Jahren werden sich die Stabilitätskriterien weitgehend aufgelöst haben. Der Stabilitätspakt im ursprünglich verstandenen Sinne wird dann gegenstandslos geworden sein. An seine Stelle wird eine neue Stabilitätsdefinition treten, die insbesondere den sozialen Frieden einschließt. Während die kleineren Länder und - dank des Mehrheitswahlsystems auch Großbritannien - mit der Reform ihrer Sozialsysteme erfolgreich sein werden, werden die drei großen kontinentalen Staaten Frankreich, Deutschland und Italien - die Eckstaaten der EWU - zu wirklichen Reformen nicht in der Lage sein. Stattdessen wird man erleben, daß die politischen und wirtschaftlichen Ziele neu interpretiert werden und die Tendenz zu mehr Gleichheit der Resultate zunimmt.

6. Dieser Prozeß einer Kursänderung zeichnet sich bereits ab. Ihre Notwendigkeit wird begründet mit Begriffen wie Neoliberalismus, Terror des Ökonomischen und (deutsche) Stabilitätshegemonie. Sie zielen ab auf eine Veränderung der Prioritäten zwischen Geldwertstabilität einerseits und sozialer/politischer Stabilität und einer "Gesellschaft jenseits von Angebot und Nachfrage" andererseits. In Wirklichkeit geht es um die Erneuerung eines sozialistischen Leitbildes,

diesmal mit dem Ziel, die politischen Lasten zu reduzieren, die - jedenfalls in Europa - mit Wettbewerb, hohen Leistungsanforderungen an die Bevölkerung und ausgeprägteren Ungleichheiten verbunden sind.

7. Europa wird unter dem Einfluß derart geänderter Prioritäten im Weltmarkt nicht ausreichend wettbewerbsfähig sein können. Als Folge werden Forderungen nach einem europäischen Protektionismus erhoben werden. Wahrscheinlich wird man sie bereits mit der Zustimmung zur Osterweiterung verbinden. Dabei wird man in den östlichen Staaten durchaus auf Zustimmung stoßen. Auch dort sind die Nachwirkungen sozialistischer Gleichheit noch lebendig. Äußerungen in diesem Sinne sind aus Frankreich seit einiger Zeit zu hören. Colbert lebt!

8. Die Europäische Zentralbank wird nicht in der Lage sein, eine derartige Entwicklung auf Dauer zu verhindern. Denn ihr fehlt - mangels eines europäischen Staatsvolkes und einer europäischen Stabilitätskultur - die politische Unterstützung, ohne die es der Bank unmöglich ist, die in Maastricht vereinbarte Stabilitätskultur gegen wachsende politische Widerstände in den drei Eckstaaten der EWU durchzusetzen. Da sich der Prozeß nicht abrupt, sondern schleichend vollziehen wird, wird man auch nicht in der Lage sein, den Punkt politisch wirksam festzumachen, an dem das Ziel einer Stabilitätsgemeinschaft (im Sinne der deutschen Verfassung) aufgegeben wird.

9. In der politischen Kultur der beiden anderen Eckstaaten der EWU ist die Stabilitätsgemeinschaft ohnehin nicht verankert. Der Widerstand der deutschen Bevölkerung gegen eine zunehmende Relativierung des geldpolitischen Stabilitätsziels wird im Laufe der kommenden Jahre abnehmen. Auch sie wird sich, vor die Wahl zwischen Stabilitätsziel und geringerem Reformaufwand gestellt, zunehmend weniger Widerstand gegen den leichteren Weg leisten.

10. Dazu wird auch die **demographische Veränderung** der Wahlbevölkerung beitragen. Mit dem Altern der Wahlbevölkerung werden sich die Zeithorizonte politischer Entscheidungen weiter verkürzen. Gegenwartsinteressen werden sich zunehmend erfolgreicher gegen Zukunftsinteressen durchsetzen. Immer mehr Wähler werden zudem von der Fortdauer des Alterssicherungssystems als Umlagesystem abhängen. Denn der Aufbau einer Alterssicherung auf Kapitalbasis wird für einen politisch wesentlichen Teil der Bevölkerung in den kommenden 15 Jahren wahrscheinlich nicht gelingen.

LJ

Zugleich werden jedoch die Steuereinnahmen der drei Staaten nicht mehr wachsen, sondern - auch als Folge des EURO und der Osterweiterung - stagnieren oder zurückgehen. Die damit verbundenen Schwierigkeiten, das soziale System wie bisher zu finanzieren, werden eine Relativierung der Stabilitätspolitik zusätzlich rechtfertigen.

11. Das heißt: Die durch den EURO bewirkte Anpassung wird nicht die Richtung nehmen, die man sich heute erhofft. Vielmehr wird der Anpassungsdruck durch eine **Abschwächung des Stabilitätsgebotes** verringert werden. Mit einer Fortsetzung der Stabilitätspolitik trotz wachsender politischer Anpassungskosten kann nur gerechnet werden, wenn die drei Eckstaaten weit höhere politische Kosten zu übernehmen in der Lage wären, als in der Vergangenheit, und dies unter ungünstigeren Bedingungen. Wenig spricht dafür, daß es sich dabei um eine realistische Annahme handelt.

12. Der Versuch, zugunsten einer europäischen Stabilitätsgemeinschaft und einer weiterhin offenen Weltwirtschaft umfassende Reformen auf sich zu nehmen, wird nach alldem nicht erfolgreich sein. **Die politischen Kosten sind höher als die Plausibilität des Zieles.** Der EURO als gemeinsame Währung muß daran nicht scheitern. Er kann auch zu einer europäischen Weichwährung werden. Welche politische Spannungen daraus für den inneren Zusammenhalt Europas erwachsen können, ist schwer einzuschätzen. An ihnen könnte allerdings die gemeinsame Währung auch zerbrechen.

13. Größere Probleme und Spannungen werden die EWU allerdings belasten, wenn **Deutschland am Stabilitätsziel festhält**, zu den notwendigen Reformen also fähig ist, und sich weigert, andere, weniger leistungsfähige Partner mit Transferleistungen zu unterstützen. Der politische Druck, der in diesem Falle auf Deutschland durch die anderen Eckstaaten ausgeübt würde - auch mit Blick auf unsere Vergangenheit - könnte ebenso zu einem Bruch der EWU beitragen wie die innenpolitischen Schwierigkeiten, die unsere Partner als Folge der Stabilitätspolitik zu bestehen hätten. Im Zweifel wird man dann zugunsten eines europäischen Zusammenhaltes entscheiden.

EXI

## II. Aussicht auf langfristigen Erfolg wird die EWU nur haben, wenn die EU und ihre Teilnehmerstaaten

(1) sich **Ziele** setzen, die von so überragender Bedeutung für die Menschen in Europa sind, daß sie bereit sein werden, dafür Einschränkungen hinzunehmen und Opfer zu bringen;

(2) plausibel begründen können, daß die Ziele nur mit Hilfe einer **Zusammenfassung aller wirtschaftlichen Kräfte** und deren Mobilisierung durch eine gemeinsame Währung und weitere politische Integration zu erreichen sein werden.

14. Solche Ziele sind:

(1) Ein **Engagement der EU in Osteuropa** mit dem Ziel, zur stabilen Entwicklung des Transformationsprozesses in Rußland und den unabhängigen Nachfolgestaaten der Sowjetunion beizutragen. Es gilt der Satz Havels: Wenn Osteuropa instabil wird, wird ganz Europa instabil.

(2) Das **Engagement der EU im Mittelmeerraum** mit dem Ziel, die Ursachen für eine sonst unvermeidliche Süd-Nord-Migration der nordafrikanischen Bevölkerung abzubauen. Das heißt vor allem: Zu einer Entwicklung der Region von Ägypten bis Marokko beizutragen, die es den dortigen Staaten und Völkern erlaubt, die Gefahren zu meistern, die sich aus der Bevölkerungsexplosion, der wachsenden Ausdehnung der Wüste, der Gefährdung der Wasservorräte und der durch Armut und Existenznot induzierten fundamentalistischen Bewegungen ergeben.

Eine massenhafte Migration die Bevölkerung Nordafrikas nach Norden kann die EU auf andere Weise kaum verhindern. Der Versuch, ihr mit Gewalt Einhalt zu gebieten, würde die moralische Substanz Europas gefährden. Der Schaden wäre weit größer als die Lasten, die sich aus einem Engagement der EU im Mittelmeerraum ergeben können. Das Mittelmeer ist ein europäisches Meer - wie es früher ein römisches Meer war.

15. Diese Aufgaben erfordern eine **Zusammenfassung der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Kräfte Europas**. Dabei wird die Führungsrolle für die Aufgaben in Osteuropa eher bei Deutschland, für die Mittelmeerpolitik eher bei Frankreich liegen. Europa wird zudem auf die enge **Kooperation mit den USA** angewiesen sein. Nur die USA sind in der Lage, das Gleichgewicht zwischen West-

LVJ

und Osteuropa zu sichern, ohne das Westeuropa zu stark unter den Einfluß
Rußlands geraten würde.

Ohne die Mitwirkung der USA muß Frankreich zudem befürchten, daß eine Füh-
rungsrolle Deutschlands in der europäischen Ostpolitik die politischen Gewichte
in Europa zum Nachteil Frankreichs verschieben könnte. Allein das Engagement
der USA kann Frankreich die Gewißheit vermitteln, daß das für den Erfolg der
EU notwendige Gleichgewicht in Europa gesichert bleibt.

Ohne die USA lassen sich jedoch auch die Aufgaben Europas im Mittelmeerraum nicht bewältigen. Die Erfahrungen der zurückliegenden Jahre lehren: Es ist bisher weder gelungen, die politischen und wirtschaftlichen Probleme in Algerien zu lösen, noch einen wirklichen Beitrag zum Frieden im Nahen Osten zu leisten, noch die Balkankrise ohne Hilfe der USA unter Kontrolle zu bringen.

16. Deshalb darf die zukünftige Europapolitik nicht von einer **Konfrontations-Strategie zwischen Europa und den USA** geprägt sein. Die Ideen Colberts sind für die EU ungeeignet. Verhängnisvoll für der EU wäre es, wenn die Unfähigkeit Frankreichs und Deutschlands, ihre sozialen und arbeitsmarktpolitischen Probleme zu lösen, als Vorwand für eine protektionistische Politik der EU in Anspruch genommen würden. Der EURO wäre dann nicht ein Mittel, um die Kräfte der Europäischen Union zu bündeln und für die eigentlichen europäischen Aufgaben zu stärken. Er würde dem Versuch dienstbar gemacht, die Probleme Europas mit sozialistischen Methoden zu lösen und zum Schutz dieser Politik auch eine Abschottung der EU gegenüber der globalen Wirtschaft in Kauf zu nehmen.

17. Ansätze für eine solche politische Entwicklung zeichnen sich derzeit im Bündnis zwischen deutschen und französischen Sozialisten ab. Das wurde in der Bundestagsdebatte über den Jahreswirtschaftsbericht am 8. 5. 98 deutlich. Lafontaine strebt ein Bündnis mit den französischen Sozialisten an. Er will das Ziel erreichen, das Mitterandt vorgegeben hat: ein sozialistisches Europa oder keines.

Lafontaine wird Frankreich in diesem Prozeß die politische Führung überlassen.
Er wird akzeptieren, daß die französischen Sozialisten auf die Nation setzen. Er
wird - solange er mit einem sozialistischen Europa rechnen kann - auch dem Satz
nicht widersprechen: L'europe, c'est la France nouvelle! Für Deutschland erhofft
sich Lafontaine von der europäischen Integratation eine Überwindung der
Nation. Die deutsche Nation soll sich in Europa auflösen.

Ero

18. An die Stelle des Nationalstaates soll in Deutschland der Wohlfahrtsstaat treten. Er soll zum Partner der sozialen Verbände, der Sozialbürokratie und ihrer politischen und administrativen Funktionäre werden. Gemeinsam errichten und festigen sie eine neue Form der sozialen Vormundschaft, die der Freiheit der Bürger begrenzte Freiräume beläßt, die Anspruchsmentalität der Menschen fördert und Mangelerscheinungen mit der Forderung nach mehr Gleichheit, also der Verteilung des Mangels beantwortet.

Auf diesem Wege sind wir in den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten, vor allem jedoch nach der deutschen Einheit bereits weit vorangeschritten. Ausdruck dieser Entwicklung sind die gewachsene Bereitschaft weiter Teile der Bevölkerung in Ost und West zu einem trade off von Freiheit und Selbstverantwortung gegen kollektive Sicherheit, die Akzeptanz konzertierter Aktionen, der runden Tischen und der Bündnisse für Arbeit, gegen Arbeitslosigkeit oder gegen Armut. Mit ihrer Forderung nach Konsens um fast jeden Preis ebnen diese Veranstaltungen letztlich den qualitativen Unterschied zwischen dem Staat und den gesellschaftlichen Gruppen und Mächten ein und beteiligen diese zunehmend an der inneren Souveränität, letztlich am Gesetzgebungs- und Gewaltmonopol des Staates.

19. Gegen diese Entwicklung können wir in Deutschland die Idee der Bürgergesellschaft und der verantworteten Freiheit des einzelnen nur dann mit Erfolg durchsetzen, wenn wir bereit sind, in unsere Auseinandersetzungen mit der SPD - und den GRÜNEN - auch die sozialistischen Parteien in Frankreich und Italien einzubeziehen. Mit dem EURO sind alle Fragen, die die Entwicklung der EU betreffen, im Ergebnis zu innenpolitischen Fragen geworden. Auseinandersetzungen um die Wirtschafts- und Sozialpolitik können deshalb nicht an den bisherigen nationalen Grenzen haltmachen. Sie müssen in der EU geführt werden.

Nur so können im übrigen auch europäische politische Parteien oder Bewegungen entstehen. Deren Existenz wiederum ist Voraussetzung für den Abbau des Demokratiedefizits in der Europäischen Union. Solange die politischen Debatten über zentrale Fragen der Wirtschafts-, Sozial- und Arbeitsmarktpolitik auf der Ebene der gegenwärtigen EU-Gremien verhandelt und entschieden werden, verharren sie auf der Ebene der Außenpolitik. Sie werden dann nach den Gesetz-mäßigkeiten der Außenpolitik, also durch Ausgleich zwischen den beteiligten Nationen gelöst. Nationale Parlamente und politische Parteien sind damit weitgehend ausgeschaltet. Ein öffentlicher politischer Diskurs, der diesen Namen

verdient und demokratischer Tradition entspricht, kann sich auf europäischer
Ebene so nicht entwickeln.

20. Wie sich ebenfalls in der Bundesratsdebatte vom 8. 5. 98 gezeigt hat, lehnen die Sozialdemokraten eine politische Auseinandersetzung mit den Parteien in Frankreich und Italien ausdrücklich ab. Sie sehen darin eine deutsche Anmaßung, die uns bereits im Blick auf unsere Vergangenheit untersagt sei. Die Einbindung Deutschlands in die EU, aber auch der Respekt vor der nationalen Selbständigkeit Frankreichs und Italiens lassen nach Ansicht der SPD eine deutsche Kritik an politischen Entwicklungen in Frankreich und Italien nicht zu. Deutschland dürfe nicht - so auch die Bundesregierung - zum Schulmeister Frankreichs oder Italiens werden.

21. Eine derartige Beschränkung dürfen wir nicht akzeptieren. Deutschland muß vielmehr in gleicher Weise auf den weiteren europäischen Prozeß einwirken können, wie unsere wichtigsten Partner. Auch deshalb darf **Deutschland der nationalen Frage nicht durch die Flucht in die EU zu entgehen** versuchen. Wir müssen uns der nationalen Frage und damit auch unserer Geschichte stellen und zu Antworten gelangen, die es uns erlauben, im Kreis der europäischen Nationen ein gleichberechtigtes Mitglied zu sein und gleichberechtigt an der Auseinandersetzung um die politische Gestaltung Europas teilzunehmen.

Diese bewußte Annahme der deutschen Nation, die auch den Blick in ihre schrecklichen Abgründe einschließt, ist aber **nur mit Hilfe der USA möglich**. Sie müssen uns bei diesem Prozeß begleiten und damit Deutschland zugleich vor dem Verdacht unserer Nachbarn schützen, wir vergewisserten uns nicht nur der deutschen Nation und unserer nationalen Interessen, sondern damit auch unserer früheren hegemonialen Ansprüche. Die USA werden damit eine ähnliche Aufgabe übernehmen wie im Zusammenhang mit der deutschen Einheit, als es darum ging, der Sowjetunion die Sorge vor der Erstreckung der NATO-Mitgliedschaft auf das geeinte Deutschland zu nehmen.

22. Daß die Deutschen ein realistisches Verhältnis zu ihrer Nation finden, liegt vor allem im **Interesse Europas**. In Europa wird es kein stabiles Gleichgewicht geben, wenn Frankreich und Groß-Britannien auf der Fortdauer ihrer Nationalstaaten bestehen, ihre Politik an diesem Verständnis orientieren und entsprechend formulieren (für Italien, Spanien und Portugal gilt dies in abgeschwächter Form ebenfalls), während Deutschland versucht, auf seine nationale Identität zu verzichten und in der Europäischen Union einen Ersatz zu finden.

Ein Deutschland, das sich in dieser Weise definiert ("Ich bin Sachse und Europäer mit deutscher Staatsangehörigkeit"), wird in Europa stets eine Sonderrolle einnehmen. In gewissem Sinne wird es ausgegrenzt bleiben. Denn unsere Nachbarn werden nicht bereit sein, ihre Nationen in Europa aufgehen zu lassen. Nur in diesem Falle jedoch gäbe es unter den Mitgliedstaaten wieder eine politisch/geschichtliche Gleichberechtigung.

23. Da die nationale Selbstbesinnung Deutschlands ohne eine Begleitung durch die USA nicht möglich erscheint, kann sich ohne eine Teilnahme der USA an der europäischen Entwicklung keine politische Gleichberechtigung zwischen den wichtigsten Partnern der Europäischen Union entwickeln. Paris weiß, daß diese Gleichberechtigung, jedenfalls im Verhältnis zu Deutschland, noch nicht besteht. Deshalb konnte es sich seinen Widerstand gegen Duisenberg leisten. Kohl hatte keine Alternative, als sich dem Druck zu beugen. Quod licet Paris, non licet Bonn.

24. Sollten die Sozialdemokraten in Deutschland die Regierung übernehmen, würde damit auch die Position Frankreichs gestärkt. Denn die Europapolitik der SPD würde von dem Ziel geprägt, die deutsche Nation in Europa aufgehen zu lassen. Sie würde die "Einbindung Deutschlands" in Europa damit zugleich im Sinne eines "Schutzes" Europas vor dem deutschen Gewicht und der Deutschen vor sich selbst vollziehen. Zugleich würde die Verbindung zu den USA erschwert, ohne die Deutschland nicht zu seiner nationalen Identität finden kann. Genau dies wollen jedoch wichtige Teile der SPD unter Führung Lafontaines und die GRÜNEN, wie mit deren kürzlichen außenpolitischen Beschlüssen erneut deutlich geworden ist.

25. Die vorhersehbare innenpolitische Reaktion auf eine derartige Politik wäre eine Stärkung des rechten Lagers in Deutschland. Unsere Nachbarn wiederum könnten darin Anzeichen einer Renaissance faschistischer Kräfte in Deutschland sehen. Ihre Sensibilität, teilweise ihr Mißtrauen, sind in dieser Frage ebenso lebendig wie die Versuchung, aus derartigen Phänomene ein Recht zur Disziplinierung der Deutschen abzuleiten. Beides zeigte sich kürzlich in Reaktionen auf den Erfolg der DVU in Sachsen-Anhalt.

Eine Stärkung rechter Kräfte würde jedoch den "Einbindungsdruck" auf Deutschland vergrößern. Zugleich würden damit die Schwierigkeiten der politischen Mitte wachsen, sich der nationalen Frage anzunehmen und sie im Sinne eines realistischen Verständnisses zu beantworten. Auch deshalb muß einer Politik

entgegengewirkt werden, deren Ziel es ist, die deutsche Nation, ohne Rücksicht auf das Verhalten unserer Nachbarn, in Europa aufgehen zu lassen, gewissermaßen als Wiedergutmachung für die Barbarei des Naziregimes. Im europäischen Raum würde diese Politik zu einem nachhaltigen Wettbewerbsnachteil der bürgerlichen politischen Kräfte und dazu führen, daß eine Europäisierung der politischen Auseinandersetzung um die zukünftige Politik der EU jedenfalls von ihnen nicht ausgehen könnte.

**Fazit:** Für den Erfolg der weiteren politischen Entwicklung der Europäischen Union im Sinne unserer politischen Grundsätze ist entscheidend:

1. Die Vorgabe europäischer Ziele, die sich nicht in dem Versprechen der Wohlsstandsmehrung erschöpfen, sondern die eigentlich existentiellen Zukunftsfragen Europas zum Inhalt haben. Denn nur aus der Autorität der Ziele, die wir gemeinsam verfolgen, wird die innere Kohäsion Europas erwachsen, ohne die es nicht möglich sein wird, die mit der weiteren Integration verbundenen Spannungen und Widersprüche zu überwinden.

2. Die Bereitschaft der Deutschen, sich im europäischen Sinne als Nation zu begreifen, die als solche in Europa Gleichberechtigung beansprucht und erwarten kann. Die deutsche Vergangenheit der ersten Hälfte dieses Jahrhundert ist Teil unserer Geschichte und bleibende Mahnung. Aber sie ist keine belastbare Grundlage für die zukünftige Rolle des geeinten Deutschland im geeinten Europa.

Dresden, den 24. 5. 98

[x]

JAN - 1 1998

GENERAL COLIN L. POWELL, USA (RET)

909 NORTH WASHINGTON STREET, SUITE 767
ALEXANDRIA, VIRGINIA 22314

December 30, 1997

Mr. David Rockefeller
30 Rockefeller Plaza
Room 5600
New York, NY 10112

Dear David:

Thank you for your recent letter inviting me to serve as the Chairman of International House. The materials you sent were very informative. I am embarrassed to acknowledge that although I am a New Yorker, I had never heard of International House. It is indeed a very impressive facility and program, of which you have every reason to be proud.

David, I realize the prestigious nature of the position, which makes it doubly difficult to decline the invitation. But I am afraid I must. Frankly, I can't take on any more activities. The chairmanship of America's Promise has turned out to be a near full-time job. I already find myself starting to neglect my responsibilities on the many other charitable boards I have committed myself to. I've hit the limit.

I regret, knowing however, that the unique nature of this chairmanship will permit you to find a worthy chairman.

30/05 '97 16:08

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MANUEL DE PRADO Y COLON DE CARVAJAL

Madrid, May 30, 1997

Dr. Henry Kissinger
350 Park Ave., 26th Floor
New York, N.Y. 10022

MAY 30 1997

Dear Henry,

It's been quite awhile since we've last been in touch. Recently I've had some health problems and I haven't been working during the past few month. I'm recovering now and feel much better.

A friend of mine has asked me for some advise concerning a soccer player, and since I know you are a tremendous soccer fan, I have taken the liberty of enclosing the resume of this quite well known and famous Spanish soccer player, José Maria Baquero who is now playing with the Veracruz Club, in Mexico.

Mr. Baquero would like to stay in the States for a year and improve his English, and has thought of the following options:

- Be a coach for an important University soccer team, where he wouldn't request much of a salary, only a house, since he is married and has children, and enough to cover expenses.

- Be a coach for a professional team.

- Or continue to play in a professional team.

After you take a look at his resume, please let me know what you think and if there is anything you could do for him. I have a keen interest in helping this friend of mine and I trust we can work something out.

I hope all is well with you and Nancy.

Best regards,

30/05 '97 16:10

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29/05 '97 16:55

BAQUERO

Partidos en los que hizo más de un goal:

MARCA MAS DE 1 GOLES EN UNA JORNADA TEMP.8081-9697 HASTA J-12
BAQUERO ESCUDERO JOSE MARIA - 84

18-11-1996

EQ-7-V5

CODIGO-JUGADOR GOL JOR TEMP PARTIDO RESULTADO

<table><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>3</td><td>6</td><td>9596</td><td>BARCELONA F.C</td><td>OVIEDO C.F</td><td>4- 1</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>15</td><td>9394</td><td>VALENCIA</td><td>BARCELONA F.C</td><td>0- 4</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>31</td><td>9192</td><td>BARCELONA F.C</td><td>ALBACETE</td><td>7- 1</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>19</td><td>9192</td><td>ATHL.BILBAO</td><td>BARCELONA F.C</td><td>0- 2</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>22</td><td>9091</td><td>BARCELONA F.C</td><td>BETIS</td><td>4- 2</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>20</td><td>9091</td><td>BARCELONA F.C</td><td>ESPAÑOL</td><td>5- 2</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>37</td><td>8990</td><td>BARCELONA F.C</td><td>ATHL.BILBAO</td><td>4- 2</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>34</td><td>8990</td><td>CADIZ C.F</td><td>BARCELONA F.C</td><td>0- 4</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>15</td><td>8990</td><td>BARCELONA F.C</td><td>CADIZ C.F</td><td>5- 0</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>19</td><td>8788</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>GIJON</td><td>3- 0</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>12</td><td>8788</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>CELTIA</td><td>3- 2</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>6</td><td>8788</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>VALENCIA</td><td>3- 0</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>34</td><td>8687</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>MALLORCA</td><td>7- 1</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>19</td><td>8687</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>SABADELL</td><td>4- 1</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>34</td><td>8586</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>REAL MADRID</td><td>5- 3</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>30</td><td>8586</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>HERCULES</td><td>6- 0</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>27</td><td>8586</td><td>OSASUNA</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>1- 2</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>20</td><td>8586</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>LAS PALMAS</td><td>6- 0</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>4</td><td>23</td><td>8485</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>VALENCIA</td><td>4- 1</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>25</td><td>8384</td><td>ESPAÑOL</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>2- 2</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>11</td><td>8384</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>SALAMANCA</td><td>4- 0</td></tr><tr><td>84-BAQUERO J.M. II</td><td>2</td><td>2</td><td>8384</td><td>REAL SOCIEDAD</td><td>GIJON</td><td>3- 0</td></tr></table>

SE HA CONSEGUIDO 2 GOLES EN UNA JORNADA... 20-VECES

SE HA CONSEGUIDO 3 GOLES EN UNA JORNADA... 1-VECES

SE HA CONSEGUIDO 4 GOLES EN UNA JORNADA... 1-VECES

KISSINGER ASSOCIATES

350 PARK AVENUE
NEW YORK, NY 10022
(212) 759-7919

FACSIMILE: (212) 759-0042

NO. OF PAGES: 1 (including cover)

DATE: July 23, 1997

RECIPIENT

NAME: Angela Gleason
Trebol International

FAX NO: (34-1)319-0918

SENDER

NAME: Suzanne S. McFarlane
Executive Assistant

Dear Angela:

On July 16 I sent a fax to Mr. Vilanova at Folchi & Asociados asking for the address of Mr. Baquero and fully explaining why we wanted it. To date I have had no reply. I believe he is with a team in Mexico.

It seems to me that if Mr. Baquero is serious enough about wanting a position in the US to get Dr. Kissinger involved, the least he can do is supply us with a way of getting in touch with him. (It has been a long day - now after 10:00 pm - and I know I'm getting cranky, but really!)

The US Soccer Federation wants to get in touch with him. At this point I can do nothing (except grouse to you!)

Other than that, my warmest thoughts to you and my favorite former Ambassador,

30/05 97 10.00

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TREBUL 181,2

Madrid, May 30, 1997

MAY 30 1997

Dear Henry,

A friend of mine has asked me for some advice concerning a soccer player, and since I know you are a tremendous soccer fan, I have taken the liberty of enclosing the resume of this quite well known and famous Spanish soccer player, José María Baquero who is now playing with the Veracruz Club, in Mexico.

Best regards,

HENRY A. KISSINGER

December 22, 1998

Dear Pat:

It has been brought to my attention that the
Medical College of Cornell University, affiliated
as you know with New York Hospital-Cornell Medical
Center, has received a challenge grant from the
Kresge Foundation. In order to receive the final
installment of the Kresge Challenge, the Medical
College must raise an endowment of ca. $1-million.
To achieve this goal, it is hoped that the Paley
Foundation would consider awarding the Medical
College a grant in the $50,000-$200,000 range.

The enclosed material on the Kresge Challenge grant
will give you additional information. I would
appreciate your placing it on the agenda for con-
sideration at the next meeting of the Board of
Trustees.

Mr. Patrick Gallagher
Executive Director
The Paley Foundation
One East 53rd Street
New York, NY 10022

Dictated by Dr. Kissinger while travelling abroad
but not read.

New York-Cornell
Office of Development

MEMORANDUM

**TO:** R.A. Rees Pritchett, M.D.

**FROM:** Julic Kimmel
Director, Corporate & Foundation Relations
821-0540

**DATE:** December 3, 1998

**RE:** William S. Paley Foundation

It was nice speaking with you recently, and thank you very much for agreeing to contact Mr. Henry Kissinger to discuss the possibility of a grant from the William S. Paley Foundation to the "Kresge Challenge" of the Medical College.

As I mentioned, the Medical College has recently been awarded a $500,000 grant from the Kresge Foundation for the Structural Biology Program/X-Ray Crystallography Unit, Kresge's grant is structured as a "challenge" program. The Medical College must raise an endowment of approximately $1 million in order to receive the final payment of the Kresge Foundation's grant. A description of the Kresge Challenge is attached for your information.

As discussed, Development proposes a grant request to the Paley Foundation in the range of $50,000-$200,000. For your information, the Foundation's prior giving history with New York-Cornell includes the following major gifts:

1982: $100,000 grant to establish the Paley Fellowship Fund

1990: $2,000,000 grant to the establish the William S. Paley Professorship of Clinical Medicine in honor of Harvey Klein, M.D.

1993: $100,000 grant to the George W. Hambrick, Jr. Professorship of Dermatology

A directory listing on the Paley Foundation is also attached for your information.

Dr. Pritchett, thank you very much in advance for your assistance. Should you have any questions or need additional information, please feel free to contact me at 821-0540.

cc: Larry Schafer, Vice President and Vice Provost for Development
    Jo Ann Cross, Director, Major Gifts