Henry A. Klaasen

Sincerely yours,

With warmest regards,

had some experience along this line--I will let you know immediately. If there are any changes in my plans--and we after all have told me that he will do what he can.

I have written to George Lodge about your friend, and he has which I would rather like, pick something at my intellectual level. have to listen to it for any extended period, so if we do to the theatre, Frenchatura out being elementary and becomes primitive when I Parisi, then, the weekend of January 38. That remember that my How thoughtful of you to call the other day. We will meet in

Dear Ernst:

The Netherlands
The Hague
I Smidwater
Mr. Ernst Van der Benda!

January 3, 1964

Dear Ernst:

January 3, 1964

PROF. DR. E. H. VAN DER BEUGEL

DEN HAAG, February 3rd 1967

SMIDSWATER 1
TEL. 070-113567

My dear Henry,

I will be in the United States in June and will
certainly accompany the Prince when he presents the
Netherlands' Chair to Harvard on Commencement Day.

In thinking about my trip I became aware that I have
not been at de West Coast for ages and I specially want
to see San Francisco again.

Do you think that you could arrange a lecture or
a speech for me? It should be somewhere between the 10th
and the 20th of June.

Prof.Henry A. Kissinger
c/o Harvard University
6 Divinity Avenue
CAMBRIDGE 38 (Mass.)
U.S.A.

February 13, 1967

Mr. Calvin J. Nichols, Director
World Affairs Council of Northern California
421 Powell Street
San Francisco 2, California

Dear Cal:

I am writing about a good friend of mine, Mr. Ernst Van der Beugel, who will be in the United States in June and is interested in speaking on the West Coast. He used to be Deputy Foreign Minister of the Netherlands and President of KLM, and is an unusually charming and intelligent person. It is my understanding that he would come for the cost of his transportation to the West Coast. He would be available sometime between June 10 and 20.

I look forward to hearing from you.

Best regards,

Henry V. Kissingger

Sincerely yours,

Best regards,

and so.

would be available sometime between June 10 of his transportation to the West Coast. He understanding that he would come for the coat charming and intelligent person. It is my and President of KIM, and is an unusually Deputy Foreign Minister of the Netherlands speaking on the West Coast. He used to be United States in June and is interested in Mr. Ernst Van der Beuge!, who will be in the I am writing about a good friend of mine.

Dear Cal:

San Francisco 3, California
421 Powell Street
World Affairs Council of Northern California
Mr. Calvin J. Nichols, Director

February 12, 1967

ERNST HANS VAN DER BEUGEL

## Biographical Information

Present position: Professor, Leyden University

Educ.: University of Amsterdam

Government service (Netherlands) 1945-60

Director, Bureau of the Marshall Plan, Ministry of Foreign Affairs 1947

Director General Economic and Military Aid Programme, 1952

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 1957-58

Ambassador and Special Consultant to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1959

Deputy President, KLM Royal Dutch Airlines 1960-61

President, KLM Royal Dutch Airlines 1961

Grand Cross of the Oak Crown (Luxembourg)

Grand Cross of the Order of Leopold II (Belgium)

Knight Commander of the Order of St. Michael and St. George (U.K.)

Grand Officer of Dannebrog (Denmark)

Commander, Legion d'Honneur (France)

Knight Netherlands Lion, Officer, Oranje Nassau

UTRECHT FAIR FORUM

APR 17 1967

The process of detente with the Soviet Union should not be monopolized by the Americans (who have the power to do so) without their European friends, nor by Europe (which has no power to do it) without America.

Relations Between Europe
and the United States

IN THE FIRST YEAR of the Kennedy Administration it looked as if the organization of the Atlantic World moved into its crowning achievement, a close partnership between the United States and a United Europe capable of preserving peace, working for a detente with the Soviet Union and fulfilling its task towards the developing countries in the "third world".

The commitment of the United States to Western Europe began in 1947 with the unprecedented offer of Marshall aid. Unprecedented in the scope and generosity, also unprecedented in the wisdom of its execution and in the strict limitation of imposed conditions.

The only basic condition was the organization of cooperation between European countries.

From that day on, the unification of Europe has been the central theme of American foreign policy towards Europe.

These efforts were first directed towards a looser and broader form of European cooperation, particularly the organization of European Economic Cooperation in Paris, but since the emergence of the Schuman Plan and especially the Common Market, American foreign policy focussed its attention and support on this new and unorthodox form of integration. The reasons for this support were manifold. The conviction that the economic, social and political problems of Europe could only be solved in a larger framework, the belief that the blessings of the American system should be transferred to the mother countries in Europe, the knowledge that the United States had gone to war twice because of intra-European rivalries, the very important consideration that a position of strength had to be built towards the expansionist Communist world, the belief that the problem of Germany could only be solved and the danger of its resurgent nationalism only embedded in a European framework, all this led to a strong, from time to time even rigid support of the integration efforts in Europe.

For those who criticize United States policy as an indispensable item on their daily menu, it is good to stress that American policy towards Europe has been charac-

terized by the complete reverse of the old European political dogma of "Divide et Impera".

Where in history can one find an example where a strong, mighty power accepts as a main principle of its foreign policy, the effort to build up another major power, in this case a United Europe?

In 1961 it seemed as if at last, this American policy and European activities directed to this same end began to bear fruit. The economic strength of Europe had increased to an amazing extent. The Common Market was a fait-accompli and had at last brought Great Britain to the conviction that it could play its indispensable role in world affairs better from within the Community than as a weakened power outside the process of close links between the United States and Europe. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization fulfilled its task of preserving peace by the irrevocable commitment of the United States and the process of military integration. Western Germany was deeply committed to the process of Atlantic cohesion and European integration. The Trade Expansion Act would be the first symbol of a working Atlantic Partnership between the United States and Europe.

And then, in January 1963, General de Gaulle held his press conference in which he challenged practically every aspect of the process of Western organization as we had known it before.

This does not imply that the present paralysis of the process of Western cooperation is entirely due to de Gaulle. This would give France and French policy more importance than it really deserves. The changing character of the cold war, the reluctance toward a continued dependence of Europe on the United States, the changing circumstances of economic and monetary strength on both sides of the ocean, the preoccupation of the United States with its Pacific problems, all this would have arisen even without the destructive activities of our French allies, but the brutal way in which it was done and the tenacity of this strange French aberration of self-fulfilling prophecy certainly created a situation in which so many things went wrong at the same time.

28

KNICKERBOCKER INTERNATIONAL,

And now we live, and it would be unwise to belittle
it, in a period of disintegration after more than fifteen
years of integration. France, for all practical purposes,
has left the alliance. The Brussels institutions still func-
tion in the technical field of implementation of the Rome
Treaty — a highly important aspect — but they have
lost their political glamour and their absolute priority
on the European scene. Nobody can deny that the in-
tense preoccupation with Europe by the United States
has been substituted by its commitment to the war in
Vietnam. I belong to those who support in general
America's role in that area because I feel that the out-
come of this struggle is as much in our interest as in that
of our American friends. We all are committed to Amer-
ica's position and prestige because it is the position
and prestige of the only relevant power in the free world
of which we are a part.

But the fact remains that Asia is first in America's foreign policy of to-day and that perhaps by their lack of available attention and time (every Government unfortunately has only a limited time and energy in action and in thinking at its disposal) it has no European policy at present.

I do not doubt the United States' basic commitment to Europe but I equally am worried about the concrete form of that commitment to-day.

Germany, so well on its way to an honorable and dem-
ocratic partner of the Western world, shows increasing
signs of unstability, and the unstability of 60-70 million
highly industrious people in the heart of Europe and in a
divided country is not something to be easily dismissed as
as a minor detail.

While the United Kingdom has made what looks like
the decision to join the Common Market, which could be
a step of immense importance, I am very pessimistic
about the possibility that the French Government having
already lost so much of its absurd illusion of the
hegemony of the continent of Europe, will permit Britain
to come in.

More than ever it is now necessary, in this frightening
period of paralysis, to be clear about our priorities.

These priorities are:

1. Our system of democracy, personal freedom and the structure of our society will not survive unless there is the strongest possible link between the United States and Europe. Europe has regained its economic strength but for all purposes, which are relevant for power relations on a global scale, no structure in the West can function without active participation and engagement of the United States.

This certainly is true in a situation where there is no
unified Europe and no prospect of one in a foreseeable
future. But it will be even true if some day this unified
Europe is established.

In the present circumstances to talk about a Euro-
pean foreign and defense policy is dangerous, absurd
and irresponsible.

Professor Dr. van der Beugel is Professor of Postwar Western Cooperation at Leyden University. He is a former State Secretary of Foreign Affairs, former President of KLM Royal Dutch Airlines, and he is a director of many international business concerns.

2. The United States should try to combine its heavy task in the Pacific with a more active and positive European policy. The way for example, the German problem has been treated by Washington in the last three years has been far less than adequate.

3. Peace in the world has always been and should always be the ultimate goal of any Atlantic policy.

But the process of detente with the Soviet Union
should not be monopolized by the Americans (who
have the power to do so), without their European
friends, nor by Europe (which has no power to do it)
without America.

4. There is no other solution for the vital German problem than the principle of absolute non-discrimination in every field and the strongest possible ties with the process of Atlantic cooperation and European integration.

German reunification is the last act of the process
of detente; it never can be the first.

5. Everything should be done to get Britain into the Common Market. If this would succeed, the process of the organization of the Western world could move on again.

6. One should try to outlive de Gaulle without too much undue damage to our relations with France. I do not believe that France will be totally different after de Gaulle, but at least there will be a new situation with new possibilities.

These six points are by no means a complete program.
But they are a few tendencies which we should follow
in order to have a chance to take up again at a later date
what we had hoped to achieve around 1960.

APRIL, 1967

UTRECHT FAIR FORUM CONTINUES ON PAGE 42

29

April 20, 1967

Prof. Dr. Ernst H. Van Der Beugel
c/o Bilderberg Meetings
1 Snidswater
The Hague
The Netherlands

My dear Ernst:

Thank you very much for
sending me your article on "Re-
lations Between Europe and the
United States." I read it with
great interest.

Warm regards.

U.S.A.
CAMBRIDGE - Massachusetts 02138
6 Divinity Avenue
Center for International Affairs
PROF. Henry A. Klaasen

With warmest regards,

letter.

I will write to you on a different subject in a separate
letter. This constantly misleading each other becomes RIDICULOUS.

America in June.

and hope then to hear from you that we will meet in
I will call you early in the morning on the 17th
cannot make Paris on these dates.

Your letter of May 2th decreased me because I just
that I was so depressed.

My dear Henry,

MAY 11 1967

REF. 050-113267

SMIDSWATER 1

DEN HAVG, May 9th 1967

PROF. DR. E. I. VAN DER BENGEL

U.S.A.
CAMBRIDGE (Mss.)
Harvard University,
6 Divinity Avenue,
Prof. Henry A.Kissinger,

With warm regards,

Thank you very much for the trouble you have taken.
at this moment nothing is necessary.

I am sure that long before his military service
him in obtaining a place in Harvard.

I write you this because you were kind enough to assist
years in the U.S.

This means of course that he must be務pone his study-
called up for approximately two years military service.
I just heard from young Keith that he has been

My dear Henry,

AUG 30 1967

PROF. Dr. E. H. VAN DER BEUGEL

TEF 070-113261
2MID2WATER 1

DEN HAVG. 58th August 1967

U.S.A.

CAMBRIDGE (MBA.) 05138

6 Divinity Avenue

Harvard University

Prof. Henry A. Klaasen

Warwheat reeds

My whole programme and will wait till I hear from you.
Your suggestions are because I still have to organize
be kind enough to let me know as soon as possible what
e't and 10th April would suit me but perhaps you would
many months.

an evening or part of the day together to make up for so
anyhow, the most important thing is that we spend
students or to the Center.

day in the Center if you should like me to speak to your
with you in Boston and perhaps the morning of the next
What I would very much like to do is to spend an evening
Thank you so much for your letter of February 20th.

My dear Henry,

FEB 3 8 1968

PROF. Ds E. H. VAN DER BEUGEL

TEL 010-113263

2MIDSWATER 1

DEN HAVG. February 26, 1968

[L.C.]