- 11 -

be able to perceive us as an entity, purposeful and
persevering.

We must restore our unity and our capacity to
act as a confident nation. The consensus which sustained
an enlightened involvement in foreign affairs for a
generation is itself our most precious national resource.

The people of this country must make clear to their
leaders that they want a strong America. Our divisions
must be put behind us. We must attack our problems
and not each other. We must face the future and our
immense challenges as a united people.

-12-

Today's Agenda

If we can maintain and deepen the sources of our strength

then we can address the agenda before us with confidence and

the sense of excitement which ushers in great achievement.

Let me now discuss the work we are undertaking and the

prospects for success.

Our first priority is our _allies and friends_.

America and her allies are not united simply by the treaty
documents of a generation ago. A document without life and
continuing purpose is sterile. But to an extraordinary degree
we and our allies are facing up to our common problems
together. Our defense relations remain close and effective.
Our consultations in all fields remain continuous and intimate.

-13-

We have found it possible -- and essential -- to harmonize our respective approaches to improved relations with the Communist powers. And we have recognized that our alliances will flourish only if we find fresh purpose beyond the dimensions of security.

On the central problem of our economic health, an issue of immediate concern to every American, we have begun to coordinate our anti-recession policies so that the restoration of non-inflationary growth in one country will reinforce that in all the others.

On the vital subject of energy, we have in the last year and a half created the International Energy Agency, an organization for collective efforts. We agreed on an energy-sharing system to safeguard against a new selective or general oil embargo; we established a $25 billion solidarity fund to

-14-

ensure against monetary dislocations due to the massive
payments imbalances caused by energy costs; we launched
new programs of conservation and developing alternative
sources. And we are building the foundation for construc-
tive dialogue with the energy producers to achieve a fair
and reliable long-term economic relationship.

We are far from the end of our efforts. As the economies
of all the industrialized nations recover their progress, this only
makes more urgent the necessity for energy conservation and
development of new energy sources. Without determined
efforts now, the expansion of demand will give free rein to
the producers' desire to maintain or raise the price of oil.

-15-

The President believes the national interest demands a
determined energy program. He will work with the Congress
to the fullest extent possible; if it is not possible he is
prepared to exercise the authority he has to do what is
necessary for this country.

While our trans-Atlantic partnership is basically
strong, the internal situations in certain allied countries
are a cause for great concern. The roots of turbulence
and drift and fragility are fundamentally domestic and beyond
our control or province. Insofar as the United States has
an impact, it can be traced to the general perception of our
overall international performance. Similarly, insofar as we
have any indirect influence on the course of events in these
countries, it will flow from our projection of confidence,
direction, and staying power.

-16-

Our emphasis on Europe will not be at the expense of Asia.

We will not -- for we cannot -- choose between these two great continents. The security interests of all the great world powers intersect in Asia. China comprises the heartland of Asia; the Soviet Far East spreads across the top of Asia; the Japanese islands span 2,000 miles off the mainland; Western Europe has important economic links with Asia and feels indirectly the effects of any disturbance of the equilibrium of the area. And the United States is a Pacific power -- with possessions, strategic interests, economic ties and allies and friends encompassing the entire region.

Therefore, in the wake of recent events, the world must know that the United States regards the stability and equilibrium in Asia as of vital importance to the peace of the world.

-17-

We have no higher priority than our bonds with Japan.

Last week I discussed in detail the crucial U.S. -Japanese relationship in a changing world. As I said on that occasion we cannot confine our interest in Asia to Japan alone. For her fate is bound up with the region as a whole. Thus, for example, we consider the security of the Korean peninsula as vital to Japan, to all of Asia and to our own interests.

We will maintain our treaty obligations throughout the Asia and Pacific area. Those in Asia who wish to continue security arrangements with us will find us a firm friend.

Those who wish to alter our relationship will find us willing to consider change.

Above all, in discussing our alliances we wish to make clear that the sense of common interest must be reciprocal. Whether in Europe or Asia or elsewhere we will not be pressured by threats of withdrawal from alliances. We maintain mutual

-18-

security ties in our self-interest, not as favors to others. We
assume that is the attitude of our friends as well, that their ties
to us are serving their own national purposes, and are not granted
to us as privileges. Where this is not the mutual perception,
then clearly it is time for change. Where it is the mutual per-
ception, the U.S. will remain a steady friend.

However fundamental our alliances, we recognize as well
that a peace that rests solely on balance of forces and off-setting
blocs is fragile and sterile. We are committed to continue the
effort to ease, not intensify, the divisions and tensions of the
world, and therefore to improve relations with the Communist
powers. In the thermonuclear age, we cannot allow very real
political differences to lead to direct clashes between superpowers.

-18a-

In the past few years we have taken a number of practical
steps to regularize our relations with the Soviet Union. We have
proceeded without illusion. The objective has been to serve our
interests, as well as that of all humanity, in mitigating the danger

-19-

of war and engaging our potential adversaries in new patterns
of national conduct.

This relationship proceeds on several levels. In controlling the danger of thermonuclear war and restraining the arms race, we have achieved balanced and effective agreements. In our bilateral relations, we have reached a number of practical arrangements of economic and technical cooperation; they are a two-way street, providing mutual benefits and giving both sides a stake in continuing positive relations.

In resolving political conflicts in vital areas where we are both engaged directly, such as Europe, we have made significant progress. We reached an agreement in 1971 to make Berlin

-20-

more secure; and we are engaged in comprehensive negotiations
on mutual and balanced force reductions and on the broader
questions of security and cooperation in Europe.

In other areas of the world -- the Middle East, South and
Southeast Asia, for example -- the success of U.S.-Soviet
relations has been uneven. It has always been clear to us
that detente is no substitute for our own effort. It is also
clear that we will not permit detente to be used as a device
for selective exploitation of opportunities, for to do so will
strain the entire fabric of our evolving relationship.

The main item on the U.S.-Soviet agenda today is SALT.
We are actively engaged in working out a new agreement based
on the principles already agreed by the President and General

-21-

Secretary Brezhnev in Vladivostok last November.

With joint efforts we expect to overcome the remaining obstacles. We look forward to a further meeting between the two leaders in the United States later this year.

Our new relationship with the People's Republic of China is now a durable feature of the world scene. It serves our respective interests and the broader interests of peace and stability in Asia and around the world. No stable international order is conceivable without the participation of this one-quarter of the human race. President Ford looks forward with pleasure to his visit to China later this year.

-22-

This visit should confirm the durability of this relationship and
our ties
further advance/in accordance with the principles of the
Shanghai Communique.

Our present agenda necessarily includes those areas of
crisis which pose a danger of wider conflagration. To help
mediate disputes where our good offices are desired is an
American tradition and one which is particularly important
today, especially in those areas where we are uniquely
placed to help the parties involved reach a durable solution.

The Middle East still poses the gravest danger of war and
world-wide economic dislocation. We are convinced that our
interests, those of our friends and allies, and of both the
Arabs and Israelis require continued movement toward a
settlement of the conflict.

-23-

It would be foolhardy to be lulled into inaction because of
the relative quiet in the area in recent weeks. We welcome the
opening of the Suez Canal as a constructive step; we believe
the Syrian decision to extend the United Nations mandate for
six months was wise; and the recent decision of the Israeli
Government to thin out and withdraw certain of its forces
and equipment is a positive response consistent with the
spirit of the steps taken by Egypt and Syria.

But the fundamental issues remain. It would be imprudent
to view these recent steps -- valuable as they are -- as an
indication that diplomacy is no longer urgent.

Since October 1973, we have actively pursued a strategy
which has permitted us to protect all our interests in the
Middle East while advancing on a step-by-step basis the

-24-

cause of peace. We have broad and far-reaching political,
economic and strategic interests throughout the area. We
have seen a marked improvement in our relations with the
Arab world while at the same time maintaining our policy
of friendship with Israel and support of its security. We
want no polarization of the area. We want our interests and
those of our allies to prosper. And we are determined to
assist the parties to make practical progress towards a
just and durable peace which would help all of the people
in the area pursue their development.

Some progress has been made. The disengagement
agreements between Israel and Egypt and Israel and Syria have
been carried out impeccably by both sides. But with the

-25-

suspension of the negotiations last March, we found
it necessary to undertake a reassessment of our policy to
determine what course of action would have the greatest
chance of promoting practical progress towards peace.

We have two choices. One involves revival of negotiations
for another interim agreement between Israel and Egypt;
this would be a valuable step in itself; its implementation
would help build confidence and help set the stage for further
moves toward a final settlement.

The other choice involves moving directly toward
negotiations at a Geneva Conference aimed at a final settle-
ment. The reassessment is nearing a close. But it is not
yet clear which course will prove the more productive, and

-26-

we are continuing our review in consultation with the leaders
of the governments in the area. Whatever course is followed,
our ultimate goal is unchanged -- to find solutions that will
take into account the territorial integrity and right to live in
security and peace of all of the states and the peoples in the
area.

The future course of negotiations may not be clear at this
time, but the alternative to continuing, successful negotiations is
obvious -- it would mean a return to the cycle of violence and
counter-violence which in the past has led to costly and painful
hostilities between the two sides. At stake are not only the
lives and futures of the peoples in the area, or the possibility
of a new international crisis over oil and a new setback to the

-27-

world's hopes for economic recovery. Crisis in the Middle
East has threatened the unity of our most fundamental alliances
and brought inevitable risk of direct U.S. -Soviet confrontation.

thus
A new crisis would/pose dangers to vital American interests.

has enabled us to reconcile
On the other hand, the process of peace/successfully the many
American concerns, strategic and moral, that are involved.

The United States is interested only in whichever
negotiating course is the most productive. If one fails,
we will adopt the other. We will not halt our efforts. They
have had the wholehearted support of the American people
and Congress. We will not be deflected from the fundamental
national interests of the United States.

-28-

In Cyprus also, we have sought to promote an accommodation between the parties. The President met with leaders of Greece and Turkey at the NATO summit and was encouraged by the attitudes expressed. The cohesion of NATO, the security of the Eastern Mediterranean, and our traditional friendships with both countries require that a solution be found. As time passes, new risks and dangers will emerge. The President intends to work with the Congress to find a solution to the problems on our side which have impaired our efforts to promote movement. It is imperative that differences and interests between the domestic American groups concerned do not paralyze our national ability to act on this issue of global importance. It is time to act and to bring this problem to a successful conclusion.

-29-

These political conflicts pose familiar problems. But they take place against an increasingly ominous background: the proliferation of nuclear weapons technology. It is imperative that the suppliers of nuclear materials firmly commit themselves to observe a system of reliable safeguards and restraint. In a world of energy problems, peaceful nuclear energy is of heightened importance; but at the same time strong measures are needed to bottle the genie of nuclear devastation.

As we achieve further progress in addressing the security concerns of the major powers, and as these tensions ease, other issues come to the fore in international relations. The problems of the new nations of the developing world press more urgently on the international agenda.

-30-

The health of the dollar, the expansion of our trade, the free flow in investment, the supply and price of energy, food, and other vital raw materials are all dependent on the health of the international economic system. But no economic system can be stable if scores of new nations consider themselves outside and hostile to it. Whether we accommodate the interests of consumers and producers, rich and poor, in the global economy will determine whether our children inherit a world of tranquility or a world of conflict.

The United States will protect its own interests, without apology. We will not submit to blackmail or bloc pressures or ideological rhetoric. But we are prepared to discuss, with understanding and imagination, the issues of concern to the developing countries.

-31-

The United States has already taken the lead with new proposals on a range of these issues:

- To fight the scourge of hunger, this Government called for the World Food Conference which met last November in Rome. Realizing that food aid cannot provide a long-term solution to the global food problem, we secured agreement on programs to raise food production in developing countries, to improve agricultural financing and distribution, and on the need for an international system of nationally-held grain reserves. This effort can serve as a model of how nations should cooperate on the issues of vital resources.

- One hundred and forty nations are now engaged in an unprecedented negotiation on a comprehensive new law of the sea. At stake are the reach of territorial sovereignty, the

-32-

safety of the shipping lanes, access to vast resources. If this
negotiation fails, the prospects of international conflict are
greatly magnified over the rest of this century. The United
States will make a major effort to bring it to a successful
conclusion.

-- On the broader question of raw materials, the developing
countries seek a reliable source of equitable earned income.
We in turn seek reliability of supply. We have proposed new
international rules and procedures on access to supplies and
markets; discussions on new arrangements for commodity trade
on a case-by-case basis; and new ways of financing commodity
development in producing countries. We are ready to deal with
this controversial issue with realism, imagination, and under-
standing.

- 33 -

## Challenge at Home

The tragedy of Indochina, paradoxically, has brought home to many -- in America and around the world -- how much peace and progress worldwide have depended upon the United States of America. It is time, therefore, to put an end to the self-doubt and cynicism which, more than any foreign adversary, rob us of our capacity for effective action. It is time to remind ourselves that under America's leadership great things have been accomplished in the three decades that have passed since the end of World War II.

In our pluralistic society, national action depends on the consensus and support of citizens in every sphere -- not only in government but in the professions and business and labor and clergy and educators and among all who shape national opinion.

- 34 -

This consensus supported an enlightened international
involvement for more than a generation, putting behind
us the illusion that the greatest nation on earth
could remain isolated from the world around it. Today
again -- more than any time in our recent past -- the
attitudes of citizens such as yourselves will determine
the direction our country will choose.

Will we be so discouraged by adversity abroad
and uncertainty at home that we weaken the pillar
of stability and the vision of hope that we have
given the world for thirty years? I think not.

Will the world become engulfed in anarchy -- in
economic warfare, proliferating weapons of
destruction, and festering disputes? Or will the
United States, in keeping with its past, lead the
search for a new pattern of stable international

- 35 -

relations to replace the order that is passing?
I believe that we will follow the latter course,
and in so doing leave to our children the prospect
of a world at peace. This is a challenge truly
worthy of our nation.

Throughout our history America has proved
capable of renewal and greatness. The colonists
who came to the shores of a wilderness; the founding
fathers, who created the world's only permanent
revolution -- the only revolution that never
declined into tyranny; the pioneers whose eyes
never left the horizon; the men of enterprise who
made American productivity and efficiency the world's
standard; the soldiers and statesmen of our century
who built a world power both great and good; and
the creative minds of a democratic society who

- 36 -

have given the breath of freedom and inspiration
to men and women everywhere -- these are the
foundations on which we build and the tradition we
seek to emulate.

How can a country with such a heritage do
other than try with all its heart and mind? The
challenge of today is as great as any faced by
those who came before us.

"Equal and exact justice to all men" -- this
was how Thomas Jefferson defined the goal of our
national destiny, at home and abroad. And then
he added, "Should we ever wander in moments of error
or alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to
regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty
and safety."

We are, I believe, at one of those moments in

- 37 -

our national history when it would be wise to heed
Jefferson's advice and find our way back to the
unity and dedication to a common enterprise which
for nearly two centuries have made the United States
the hope of the world.

Draft II 6/15/75

# ATLANTA
## A NEW WORLD AND ITS MEANING FOR AMERICA

Momentous changes have been at work in the world for nearly a decade. Powerful historical forces present us with challenges which will affect the future of our planet across the widest range of human activity.

It is imperative that we recognize this -- and that our foreign policy reflect the purpose and design the times demand. If we are to serve America's interests we must do more than react to events; we must seek to master our destiny.

Individual setbacks, which are inevitable in a complex world, must not be permitted to divert us from the immense and long-term consequences of the actions we take today -- whether economic, political, military, social or cultural. We must understand the basic trends that have brought us to this point. If we fathom the currents of history, we can direct them to positive ends for ourselves and all mankind.

-2-

EV

It now is clear that the post-World War II era began
to come to a close at the end of the 1960's. Looking back,
we can see that the great contributions of our nation were
crucial in making the post war era one of creativity and
success. Indeed, our very success created the new conditions--
and problems -- which we now must face.

-- American assistance to the postwar recovery of Western
Europe and Japan promoted the resurgence of these areas as
strong, independent pillars of the free world.

-- The inexorable process of decolonization, which this
nation encouraged from the first, and our pioneering
programs of economic and technical assistance helped scores
of new nations begin their search for identity.

-- The United States led the successful United Nations
effort to stop aggression in Korea; and we have provided the
bulwark of defense and security in the crucial areas of the globe.

-- The global economic system -- the structure of trading
and monetary relations created at Bretton Woods in 1945 --

-3-

has nourished the growth and spread of economic progress,
not only in the industrial democracies, but throughout the
globe.

Paradoxically, we found certainty in the postwar years
in the evidently rigid demaraction of the world into
Communist and non-Communist blocs. Our major challenges
seemed to be military; America enjoyed a monopoly and then
an overwhelming preponderance of strategic nuclear power.
Carrying out our responsibility as protector, we took a
predominant role in our alliances.

But the success we achieved in promoting the security
and growth of our friends and allies helped produce a diffusion
of power. There now are many other centers of initiative and
strength in the non-Communist world, both in developed and
developing countries. And while the Soviet Union has come
close to matching the United States in strategic military
strength, the seemingly monolithic Communist world itself has

-4-

fragmented into rival centers of doctrine and power.

These changes have come about against a background of grave global problems -- some familiar, some new. The proliferation of the atom has expanded nuclear arsenals among the super powers and spread the knowledge needed for weapons technology among many nations. And a new dimension of issues has burst forth on the international agenda -- energy, raw materials, food, ecology, law of the sea -- which compel international accommodation.

The result is a world of heretofore unimagined diversity and complexity -- yet which cries out for comprehensive solutions which benefit all nations. Compared to the rigid bipolar division of the Cold War, we have entered an international era which lacks inherent structure. If there is to be stability and peace, we must help to create it.

If there is to be material progress and justice, we must engage other nations in new levels of international cooperation.

-5-

Yet despite the magnitude of the problems ahead, this
is also a period of enormous potential. A world of pluralism,
of independent states free to determine their destiny and
resistant to hegemony, is a world of hope and creativity.

* * * * *

Over the last few years we have set out a foreign policy
design capable of creatively and constructively meeting the
needs of a new era. Our policy has, as a whole, been successful.
It still provides a sound framework for serving our own
national interests and those of a better world!

-- We have responded to the new importance and strength
of our allies by creating more balanced and mature
alliance relationships. We have strengthened our defense
links, adjusted the burdens of defense cooperation, and
carried out intensive consultations on detente as
well as on the new agenda of international problems.
Indeed, on the issues of energy and economic cooperation,
we have laid the foundations for a great era of solidarity

-6-

and progress -- if we have the will to persevere.

-- The emergence of two Communist superpowers in an age of nuclear balance has posed new requirements for our diplomacy. We have explored new possibilities of constructive relations with both. With the Soviet Union we have achieved unprecedented agreements in arms control and in many other fields; with the People's Republic of China we have successfully brought an end to two decades of mutual isolation and launched a promising new process.

-- We have worked tirelessly in promoting peaceful settlement of international disputes. In Berlin, in the Middle East, in Cyprus, we have sought to use our influence to resolve long-standing conflicts where opportunities arose. This is in the oldest and finest national tradition.

-- Over these 30 years since the war, we have maintained our military and economic strength unsurpassed by any

-7-

other nation. We have maintained our alliances, which
are the major reinforcement of our efforts to preserve
international harmony and stability. And in every area
we have adapted our actions, our strengths and our alliances
to new conditions.

-- On the new issues of diplomacy -- food, energy, raw
materials, trade and monetary reform -- the United States
has begun to take the lead. We have proposed new
mechanisms of cooperation. Our prosperity and security
requires a stable and productive international order.
And this, in turn, will require the constructive
participation of all the world's nations -- who must
perceive the international structure as fundamentally just.

America's Role: Responsibility and Resolve

So our policy reflects continuity and change. In a new
era the world looks to us still -- for creative change,
certainly, but also for constancy. The greatest potential
source of instability in the world is the prospect of America's

-8-

removing the pillar of strength that we have provided to
the structure of peace for a generation.

The United States is no longer preponderant, but our
role is pivotal. We are the largest single concentration of
economic and military power. We are the nation with the
most skill and experience at organizing international cooperation.
We are the preponderant influence in global communication.

We must resolve to build upon our achievements of the
past 30 years; we must recognize and accept the central
importance of our role in helping to construct a new inter-
national era of cooperation. If we do not, there is no other
nation capable of picking up where we leave off.

This is our strength; this is our advantage; this is
our duty and our responsibility. There is no refuge for us
from a turbulent world; indeed, the world's hopes for
tranquility depend on our steadfast contribution. There is
no final end to our striving; there is only the inner

-9-

CJD

satisfaction that comes from knowing that we are doing our
duty, that we are pursuing -- with success -- the process
of maintaining the peace.

Credibility is not something to be taken lightly. It
is what enables a nation to influence events without making
every issue a test of strength. And there is no question that
the internal traumas we have gone through in the past decade --
the destruction of three Presidents and a long and bitter war --
has raised questions in many parts of the world. Whether our
friends remain willing to stake their futures on our reliability,
and whether our potential adversaries remain reluctant to
probe and challenge us -- will be determined by what we do *now*.

First we must turn to our traditional allies and friends
-- the great industrial democracies -- with whom we share
experience, values, and capabilities. Our moral purpose, our
material interests, and that of the rest of the world, requires
this. For the industrial democracies have been the engine of
freedom, progress and prosperity throughout the modern era.

-10-

We must seek to reconcile our differences with potential adversaries. Our values and systems will not soon if ever be compatible. But peace requires that we establish more rational relationships with those whose enmity could lead to nuclear destruction.

And we must build for a new era of justice and equilibrium with the developing nations. Interdependence is not a concept but a reality. Prosperity and stability is impossible unless the worlds nations are joined in a system of justice and basic equilibrium.

**Allies and Friends** -- The President returned a few weeks ago from a most successful meeting of NATO heads of government in Brussels. He also visited Spain and Italy. Last November, in his first trip abroad as President, he visited Japan and the Republic of Korea.

What unites America and her allies is not simply the treaty documents of a generation ago. A document without life and continuing purpose is sterile. But to an extraordinary

-11-

degree we and our allies face common problems and are facing
up to them together. Our defense relations remain close and
effective; our consultations in all fields remain continuous
and intimate. We have found it possible -- and invaluable --
to harmonize our respective approaches to improved relations
with the Communist powers, to realize the benefits of our
solidarity as well as of detente.

On the central problem of our economic health, an issue
of immediate concern to every American, we have begun to
coordinate our anti-recession policies with those of our
allies so that the restoration of non-inflationary growth
in one country will reinforce that in all the others. On
the vital subject of energy, we have in the last year and a
half with our allies created the International Energy Agency,
an organization for collective efforts; agreed on an energy-
sharing system to safeguard against a new selective or general
oil embargo; established a $25 billion solidarity fund to

-12-

ensure against monetary dislocations due to massive payments
imbalances because of energy costs; and launched substantial
new efforts to develop alternative sources. We have built
promising foundations for constructive discussions with the
oil producers which has always been our goal.

We are far from the end of our efforts. As the economies
of all the industrialized nations recover their progress, this
only makes more urgent the necessity for energy conservation
and development of new energy sources; without determined
efforts now the expansion of demand will give free rein to
the producers' desire to maintain or raise the price of oil.

This is not only a national interest; it is a collective

-13-

necessity of all the industrial democracies of Western Europe,
Japan, and North America who call themselves allies.

Because we are the strongest, no collective enterprise can
succeed without us. We consume half of the industrialized
world's energy. If we undertake an effective energy
program we give encouragement and significance to our allies'
efforts to do the same. Together we can not only learn to
economize effectively on our energy use but we can restore
balance to the bargaining relationship between consumers and
producers and exert market pressure on the international price.
And we will reduce the unprecedented vulnerability of our
economies to external decision and of our foreign policies
to external pressure.

**Detente** The solidarity of our alliances is not an end in
itself. It has always been our hope to ease, not intensify,
the divisions and tensions of the world. In the thermonuclear
age, we cannot allow the very real political differences of

-14-

our age to reach the point of direct physical conflict
between the superpowers. Therefore, we have in the last few years
taken a number of practical steps to regularize our relationship
with the Soviet Union. The objective has always been to serve
our interest and the world interest in a more reliable and
more constructive relationship between us.

This relationship proceeds on several levels. In
controlling the danger of nuclear war and realizing the
possibilities of arms limitation, we have reached an
unprecedented series of agreements. In our bilateral relations,
we have begun a number of practical arrangements of economic
and technological cooperation; they are meant as a two-way
street: for direct mutual benefit, and to give both sides an
increasing stake in continuing constructive relations. In
resolving political conflicts in vital areas where we are
engaged directly, such as Europe, we have accomplished a
great deal. The agreement on Berlin, the on-going talks on

-15-

mutual and balanced force reductions, and the broader
discussions on security and cooperation in Europe are
manifestations of genuine progress.

Detente must also mitigate our conflict in other areas
of the world -- the Middle East, South and Southeast Asia,
for example. Progress on this level has been less than
satisfactory. We will not permit detente to be used as a
device for selective exploitation of opportunities. Unless
positive steps are forthcoming in reducing conflict in
peripheral areas, the entire fabric of the policy will be
strained.

The main item on the agenda of US-Soviet relations
today is a new agreement on strategic arms limitation,
implementing the principles worked out by the President and
General Secretary Brezhnev at Vladivostok. We intend to
complete this negotiation and look forward to a further meeting
between the two leaders this year.

-16-

Our new relationship with the People's Republic of China
should prove to be a lasting feature of the world scene.

This visit will confirm the durability of this relationship
and will be a further step in its improvement in accordance
with the principles of the Shanghai Communique.

**Areas of Crisis,** The present agenda includes those areas
of continuing turmoil which pose a danger of wider conflagration.

To help mediate disputes where our good offices are desired
is an American tradition that goes back at least to the
beginning of this century. We intend to pursue this, because
we serve our own interest in serving the world's interest
in peace. The Middle East War and oil embargo of 1973 revealed
dramatically how events far away touch our lives directly.

-17-

In the Middle East I can report to you that the
President's discussions with President Sadat of Egypt and
Prime Minister Rabin of Israel were useful steps in our
search for means of further progress.

The passions and mistrust of decades of conflict are
not easy to overcome. The international implications of
events in the Middle East, and the moral and strategic
commitments of outside powers, only compound its basic
intractability.

But we cannot stand still. The stagnation of diplomatic
effort means that events take their own momentum toward
new clashes and war. In the last year and a half, a process
has been started of negotiation and accommodation and movement.
Its ultimate goal is a final, just and durable commitment of
peace. This is an opportunity that has not come before in
three decades and may never come again.

The United States regards it as an essential national
interest that this opportunity not be permitted to slip away.

-18-

The President's recent discussions helped clarify some of the issues and choices we face. We evaluate the results as useful and important. If one approach proves not to be fruitful, we will determine upon another. There can be no doubt in anyone's mind of the President's determination to move forward. The consequences of confrontation need not be described.

We cannot expect progress to be swift. Our hopes for the avoidance of war rest largely on a recognition by the countries concerned that some progress is being made. We have an interest in the survival and security of Israel, but we also have an interest in good relations with the Arab countries. We are seeking step-by-step progress, but we do not want to get into a position where we become more interested in such measures than the countries concerned should be. Despite complexities, delays and differences in perspective, I believe that new momentum is possible. If so, the future will regard this past winter and spring as a

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necessary period of stock-taking by all the parties.

We are hopeful, and we shall continue to treat the
Middle East as one of the central issues on the international
agenda.

In Cyprus also we have made further efforts to promote
an accommodation between the parties concerned. The President
met with the Greek and Turkish leaders at the NATO Summit
and was encouraged by the attitudes expressed. We have an
important interest in retaining both of these countries in
NATO and in maintaining our traditional friendships with
them. It is crucial that our efforts at this and to prevent
chaos in the Eastern Mediterranean not be deflected by
contending domestic interests within our own country. The
President intends to work with the Congress to find a solution
to the problems on our side which have impaired our efforts
to promote movement. The prospect for peace in the
Mediterranean as well as the health of our vital alliances

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hinge importantly on this question.

A world of continuing turmoil poses familiar problems. But the world of today poses an unparalleled danger: the proliferation of nuclear weapons technology. The United States regards as high priorities firm agreements by the suppliers of nuclear materials to observe a system of reliable safeguards and restraint by all nations. in this field.

In a world of energy problems, peaceful nuclear energy is of heightened importance; but strong measures are needed to ensure its peaceful development while bottling up the genie of nuclear weaponry.

**Relations with the developing world.** As we achieve further progress in addressing the security concerns of the major powers, and as these tensions ease, other issues come to the fore in international relations. The problems of the new nations of the developing world press more urgently on the international agenda.

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The stability and growth of the global economic system is indispensable to our national interest. The health of the dollar, the expansion of our trade, the free flow in investment, the supply and price of energy, food, and other vital raw materials are all essential to our own prosperity. But no stable economic order can be achieved in the world if 100 new nations consider themselves outside and hostile to it. Whether we can accommodate the interests of consumers and producers, rich and poor, in the global economy will determine whether our children inherit a world of tranquility or a world of conflict.

The United States will protect its own interests, without apology. We will not submit to blackmail or bloc pressure tactics. But we are prepared to discuss, with understanding and imagination, the issues of concern to the developing countries and to seek practical and fair solutions.

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- To fight the scourge of hunger, this Government called for the World Food Conference which met last November in Rome. We urged, and secured agreement on, a program of international collaborative effort to raise food production in developing countries, to improve the means of financing and distribution of food production, and on the need for an international system of nationally held grain reserves. We regard our technical skills in this area and our abundance of food as giving us a special responsibility. And we have intended this effort as a model of how nations should cooperate on these issues of vital resources.

- One hundred and forty nations are now engaged in a vital negotiation to develop and define a comprehensive new law of the sea. At stake are the reach of our navies,

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the safety of the shipping lanes, the right to vast
economic reaches. And, portentously, these negotiations
provide a test of whether the international community
can choose between chaos and the rule of law across
three-quarters of the earth. If this negotiation fails,
the prospects of international conflict are greatly
magnified over the rest of this century. Bilateral
and multilateral talks are now going on in preparation
for the resumption of the international conference
next March. The United States will make a major effort
to bring this to a successful conclusion.

-- In energy, the key to the international effort lies
with America, for we use half the industrial world's energy.
We must bring our consumption under control, or no one
else will. We must continue our urgent efforts to
coordinate conservation and energy development programs
with other consumers. Only this way can we bring pressure

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through the market on the international price of oil.

Ultimately, we seek a new, fair and balanced relationship
between all the consumers and producers of energy.

-- On the broader question of raw materials, on which
the economies of the developing countries are so dependent,
we understand their interest in equitable and reliable
prices enabling them to earn a stable long-term income.
We in turn seek reliability of supply. A flourishing
world economy requires action on this issue. The U.S.
proposes:

- new international rules and procedures on
access to supplies and markets;

- discussions on new arrangements for commodity
trade, on a case-by-case basis; and

- new ways of financing commodity development
in producing countries.

We are ready to deal with this controversial issue with
realism, imagination, and understanding for the concerns of
the developing world.

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## The Domestic Dimension

Only rarely in history does a nation have the possibility to shape its international environment. We stand at such a juncture. And the greatest uncertainty -- paradoxically -- is not our lack of strength abroad but the question of our unity and resolve at home.

Our destiny is in our own hands.

For thirty years the security and prosperity of mankind were sustained to an extraordinary degree by America. And in turn, it sustained America's strength and purpose.

It is time to remind ourselves of what we have accomplished. It is time to stop the self-doubt and self-punishment which, more than any foreign adversary, robs us of our capacity for effective leadership.

Our strength rests on our economic and military power. But even more, it rests on the spirit of a united free and gifted people. No force is stronger than the power of free

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men joining together. In our pluralistic society, national
action depends on the consensus and support of leaders in
every sphere -- not only government but the professions
and business and labor and clergy and educators and all who
shape national opinion. This consensus supported an enlightened
international involvement for a generation after World War II,
putting behind us the illusions of our isolation. Today again --
more than any time in our recent past -- the attitudes of
citizens such as yourselves are of vital importance in
determining the direction which our country will choose.

Will Americans be so discouraged that they pull away
the pillar of stability and the vision of hope that they have
given the world for thirty years? Or will we continue to
recognize how much depends upon us?

Will the world be engulfed in anarchy -- in economic
warfare, proliferating weapons of destruction, and festering
disputes? Or will America use its influence to help establish

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a new pattern of stable international relations to replace
the order that has passed? A confident and united America
will continue to be the hope of mankind. If we succeed, we
can leave to our children a prospect of enduring peace.

## CONCLUSION

The agenda we face is insistent. The survival and
well-being of our children depend upon the actions which we
take now. It is time to put aside cynicism and go to work.

No nation, no era in world history has faced issues
so massive or so vital. And never before has mankind
possessed the tools and the organization needed to address
problems of such scope. Today, challenge and capability
come hand-in-hand.

To recognize and employ this new world of challenge
and opportunity, no one nation is morally or intellectually
adequate. Yet America is uniquely placed for the task. In
a world which is at once increasingly homogeneous and

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heterogeneous, it is our nation which has experienced the
difficulties and the blessings of forging a common purpose
out of cultural, racial and social variety. More than any,
we have shown ourselves capable of unity without destroying
our creative diversity.

While we are far from living in a single world
community, the basic features of technical, industrial
civilization are rapidly becoming universal. This is at
once bringing about a renewed diversity in national cultural,
social and intellectual activity, and a new stress between
our nation's values and those of the non-Western world. In
our time there is no greater need than to uphold and strengthen
our, and humanity's, core values while seeking the synthesis
needed for the world civilization of the future.

Progress implies problems. Challenges never cease.
As long as we meet successive challenges with energetic and
purposeful responses, we will be working to construct a finer

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world than any of us heretofore imagined. If we take up
the opportunities before us, if we explore the potentialities
of our time, then it may not be illusory to look forward to
the global synthesis which now eludes us.

Throughout our history -- the longest history of any
modern state -- American has proved capable of renewal and
renewed greatness. The colonists who came to the shores
of a harsh vast wilderness; the pioneers whose eyes never
left the horizon; the founding fathers, who created the
world's only revolution which did not decline into tyranny;
the industrialists who made American productivity and
efficiency the world's standard; the soldiers and statesmen
of our century who built a world power both great and good;
and our writers, artists and architects who have given an air
of freedom and inspiration to peoples everywhere.

How can a country with such a heritage do other than
unite and go forward? The challenge of today is as great