THE NEW YORK TIMES, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 13, 1973

Kissinger-Tho Draft Is Said to Demand New Cease-Fire in Vietnam

Continued From Page 1, Col. 4

pledge to halt all reconnaissance flights over North Vietnam. The January agreement included a section that was construed to ban such flights, but the United States later resumed them to monitor what it said were North Vietnamese violations of the accord.

The sources said that the United States also pledged in the draft document to resume mine-clearing and talks on reconstruction aid to North Vietnam, both suspended on April 19. Defense and State Department officials said at the time that the suspensions were meant to persuade North Vietnam to live up to the accord and halt the infiltration of men and material into South Vietnam.

## Essentials of the Draft

The essential points of the draft document being worked on in Paris were said by the Saigon informants to be the following:

* The United States pledges to end all reconnaissance flights over North Vietnam.

* The United States pledges to resume minesweeping in North Vietnamese waters within five days of the signing of the document and to complete the work within 30 days. The United States will also provide North Vietnam with the means to clear mines from rivers.

* The United States will resume talks on aid to North Vietnam within four days after the signing of the document.

* An order to cease firing in South Vietnam will be carried out 24 hours after the signing of the communiqué. All forces will remain in place and refrain from all aggressive, terrorist and revengeful activities.

* The parties will help secure civilians missing in action, help to determine the location of graves and to facilitate the exhumation and repatriation of the dead.

* The parties will immediately begin the "demarcation of the territory under their control."

* Twenty-four hours after the cease-fire, commanders of units facing each other will meet to work out temporary measures to avoid conflicts and insure that supplies are continued.

* Fifteen days after the cease-fire, the opposing sides in South Vietnam will reach agreement on points of entry for re-supply on a one-for-one basis.

* The two South Vietnamese sides pledge to return all civilian personnel they have captured and detained. This should begin within 30 days and be completed in no more than 45 days, the International Red Cross will be permitted to visit all prison camps.

* The two South Vietnamese sides pledge to carry out seriously Article 11 of the Paris accord, which prohibits all acts of reprisal and discrimination.

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### why a COWARD?

You see, Coward pays against individuals or organizations that have collaborated with one side or the other, and also calls for assurance of democratic liberties.

* A National Council of National Reconciliation and Concord will be established within 45 days. The two South Vietnamese sides will then discuss elections and the nature of the body that is to be elected.

* The two South Vietnamese sides will begin discussions on the subject of reducing their forces and demobilizing troops.

* Diplomatic immunity and privileges will be granted immediately to the members of the two-party Joint Military Commission, which is to help work out the details of the cease-fire. The commission is made up of representatives of the Saigon Government and the Viet Cong.

* The two sides pledge to cooperate and provide necessary help to the International Commission of Control and Supervision to monitor the cease-fire.

* All foreign stop all military draw all their military equipment.

President Thieu hours this morning told the National Security another discussion South Vietnam should make accord being worked out in Paris. No decision has been made.

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New Cease-Fire in Vietnam

The two sides pledge to cooperate and provide necessary help to the International Commission of Control and Su-

pervision to move about freely to monitor the cease-fire.

All foreign countries will stop all military activities in Cambodia and Laos and withdraw all their troops and military equipment.

President Thieu met for three hours this morning with his National Security Council for yet another discussion of whether South Vietnam should sign the accord being worked out in Paris. No decision was announced.

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(Name of paper)'s columnist Kevin Phillips writes that it is not surprising that Kissinger permitted wiretaps, because his heroes operated police states.

BY KEVIN P. PHILLIPS
HENRY KISSINGER'S HEROES

WASHINGTON (KFS) — With "The Year of Europe" under way and Leonid Brezhnev's visit at hand, it seems extraordinary that Henry Kissinger's foreign-policy role is still suffering from lingering wiretap-itis. The time has come for hitherto pro-Kissinger journalists long knowledgeable of his diplomatic heroes — Metternich, Bismarck and De Gaulle — to stop parading anger and astonishment that Kissinger would permit wiretaps and surveillance! In the past, foreign realpolitik and strict internal security have gone hand in hand.

Anyone with a working knowledge of history (and I suppose this excludes most liberals) ought to know that Metternich, Bismarck and De Gaulle made police tactics a bulwark of foreign policy. Secret agents and political police kept the internal order that is so essential to effective international balance-of-power manipulation. Kissinger's heroes all had a domestic side, too.

## Metternich Ran a Police State

Austrian Prince Klemens von Metternich, foremost in Kissinger's pantheon of heroes, is remembered for his grand-scale diplomatic "concert of Europe" in the years after Napoleon. But in order to maintain a stable Austrian internal base for foreign maneuvering, Metternich ran an out-and-out police state. Few textbooks touch on this side of 19th century Austria, but adequate documentation is available in the Hungarian-American historian Oscar Jaszi's monumental volume, "The Dissolution of the Hapsburg Monarchy." To combat revolution, Jaszi notes, "Metternich, one could say without exaggeration, created a Spy International, and his paid agents and denouncers swarmed in all the capitals of Europe. But naturally, the real center of gravity of the system was in the monarchy itself, and its insidious, polypous arms entangled not only the suspected literati and politicians but often even the leading elements of Viennese society. Step by step, even the more prominent archdukes came under police control; and Metternich seized the correspondence of the Empress...."

A visiting Englishman described Metternich's Austria this way:

"Since the year 1811, ten thousand naderer, or secret policemen, are at work. They are recruited from the lower classes of the merchants, of domestic servants, of workers, nay even of prostitutes, and they form a coalition which traverses the entire Viennese society... You can scarcely pronounce a word at Vienna that would escape them."

German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, disciple of Metternich and second hero of Dr. Kissinger, likewise favored police state methods to strike at his political opposition. In 1878, he said:

"We can only strike at the heart of Social Democracy if we are empowered to disregard the barriers which the (Prussian) Constitution has established in the so-called fundamental rights, barriers arising out of excessive, doctrinaire concern for the protection of the individual and the parties."

(MORE)

BY KEVIN P. PHILLIPS

xx parties.

What Allen Dulles Said

"The Kaiser's Iron Chancellor also pioneered in surveillance and espionage. In "The Craft of Intelligence," Allen Dulles observed that Bismarck's spymaster "Wilhelm Stieber kept the reins of both Prussian military intelligence and the Prussian secret police in his ambitious hands. To him goes the credit for the first exercise in mass espionage."

As for le Grand Charles, French police methods of the Gaullist era can be seen in the current movie "Day of the Jackal." Political wiretapping is routine; habeas corpus does not exist; press censorship is widespread, and the government controls the TV stations. Writer Sanche de Gramont, in his recent book "The French," says that "during the 1969 Presidential election, a deputy asked the Ministry of the Interior whether wiretaps could be suspended for the duration of the campaign. He received no reply."

Whether or not Kissinger should have been expected to balk at a few wiretaps is a reasonable question. Maybe. Probably not. But I do not see how his diplomatic and security techniques can be neatly compartmentalized. Wiretap-angered pundits who have previously lauded Kissinger as an American Metternich apparently never knew the whole Metternich — or the whole Kissinger.

Distributed by King Features Syndicate

(MP)

RADIO - TV
DEFENSE DIALOG

RADIO TV REPORTS INC. WASH., D.C. SUMMARIES NOT TO BE QUOTED.

THURSDAY, JUNE 14, 1973 (BROADCASTS OF JUNE 13)

SUMMARY OF NETWORK NEWS IN THIS ISSUE

JOHN CHANCELLOR, NBC: The US, SVN, the VC and NVN reached an amended peace agreement today in Paris, which, it is hoped, will finally make the January cease fire work. It contains 14 points, some of the most important are these: all fighting to stop in 24 hours; the US will end reconnaissance flights over NVN; the US will resume the minesweeping in NVNese waters; Washington will also start to talk with Hanoi again about help and reconstruction; there will be further prisoner exchange; a national council of reconciliation will finally be created, that council will call for national elections, and all foreign troops will leave Laos and Cambodia. LLOYD DOBYNS, NBC: Kissinger and Tho had initiated the joint communique during their 90-minute meeting. Apparently eager to finish it, they scheduled a formal signing for a few hours later. It was brief and businesslike, and when all four men had signed, Kissinger went to a news conference. He indicated to reporters that this time he thought it would work, that there would be peace. CBS and ABC also reported the signing of the second agreement.

CHANCELLOR, NBC: Kissinger did say in Paris that there is nothing in the amended agreement to prevent continued American bombing of Cambodia. That bombing continued today for the 99th straight day.

CHANCELLOR: East Germany today ratified the treaty with West Germany, which ends 24 years of hostility between the two states. The treaty provides for UN membership for East and West Germany if they want it. And West Germany said that it will apply for membership tomorrow. East Germany asked for membership in the UN yesterday.

BARRY SERAFIN, CBS: The Pentagon says 13 American servicemen have been killed in Cambodia, Laos and VN since the VN cease fire was signed four months ago. Two others are missing in Cambodia. Here in Washington House and Senate conferees are still working to break a deadlock over legislation to end US involvement in IC.

FRANK BLAIR, NBC: In SVN five people were killed and another 20 injured when a bomb exploded in an outdoor movie theater in the Mekong Delta.

FRANK MC GEE, NBC: The most pronounced belief I brought home with me from WWII was that no one man can speak for all veterans of any one war. That caveat aside, they do hold in common certain attitudes and follow certain patterns of behavior that are common, more or less common, to all of them. And we've been concerned ever since the VN War took the turn that it did, what effect that war would have on the young men who were involved in it, and what effect they might have on society as a whole when they came home. Haven't had much of an opportunity to get answers because we don't have the opportunity to talk to that many veterans, but Dr. Robert J. Lipton has, and he's written a book about it called, "Home From the War, Vietnam Veterans," And he says neither victims, nor executioners. Are the veterans of this war different from the veterans of other wars? And if so how? DR. ROBERT LIPTON: Things are very different. I think there's a kind of common denominator to all veterans from all wars in that they undergo a lot of conflicts which have been inadequately recognized. So they share something with veterans of all wars in that struggle for re-entry, as it's called. But they have in addition to that some special features that have to do, first, with this war being inseparable from daily atrocities as a counterinsurgency war in which one couldn't distinguish the enemy.

PREPARED BY THE AIR FORCE (SAFAA) AS EXECUTIVE AGENT FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE TO BRING TO THE ATTENTION OF KEY DOD PERSONNEL MATTERS WITHIN THEIR OFFICIAL RESPONSIBILITIES.

FOR INFORMATION REGARDING THIS PUBLICATION CALL MR. HARRY ZUBKOFF, OX 52884

## NBC NIGHTLY NEWS NBC-TV 6:30

### Agreement Signed In Paris

**JOHN CHANCELLOR:** The US, SVN, the VC and NVN reached an amended peace agreement today in Paris, which, it is hoped, will finally make the January cease fire work.

All fighting to stop in 24 hours.

The US will end reconnaissance flights over NVN.

The US will resume the sweeping in NVNese waters.

Washington will also start to talk with Hanoi again about help and reconstruction.

There will be a further prisoner exchange.

A national council of reconciliation will finally be created. That council will call for national elections, and all foreign troops will leave Laos and Cambodia.

For more on the story here is Lloyd Dobyns.

**LLOYD DOBYNS:** Since last Saturday there had been reports that a new communique on VN would be signed any day. Today it finally happened.

Henry Kissinger with Le Duc Tho stole out of a conference at Gif Sur Yvette to make the announcement.

**HENRY KISSINGER:** Le Duc Tho and I have concluded our negotiations.

**DOBYNS:** Kissinger and Tho had initialled the joint communique during their 90-minute meeting. Apparently eager to finish it, they scheduled a formal signing for a few hours later.

That was held at the Hotel Majestic, where peace talks first started five years ago, and where last January a peace agreement was signed.

In the same room, Kissinger, Tho and representatives from Saigon and the VC, signed a new paper, one that they said would make the peace agreement work better.

**KISSINGER:** And the history of IC is replete with agreements and

joint declarations. I'm not naive enough to pretend to you that the mere fact of having again agreed to certain words in itself guarantees peace. But it is never words alone that produce peace, it is the combination of words, intention and the consequences of non-performance.

We have negotiated this in good faith after a long war, a great deal of suffering, with the hope that at last the parties concerned will draw the conclusion from the overwhelming reality in VN that nobody can have his way by force.

**DOBYNS:** Kissinger's statement was not so much positive as it was optimistic, not so certain as it was hopeful.

Five years after negotiations started, Kissinger now seems to believe that the war is finally coming to an end.

In his remarks he repeatedly returned to a single theme, that after all these years, both sides seem finally to have learned there never will be a military victory in VN.

Lloyd Dobyns, NBC News, Paris.

### US Bombs Cambodia 99th Straight Day

**CHANCELLOR:** Kissinger did say in Paris that there is nothing in the amended agreement to prevent continued American bombing of Cambodia. That bombing continued today for the 99th straight day.

### East-West Germany Reach Agreement

**CHANCELLOR:** East Germany today ratified the treaty with West Germany which ends 24 years of hostility between the two states.

## CBS EVENING NEWS CBS-TV 7 PM

### US And Hanoi Make Second Agreement

**ROGER MUDD:** In Paris today the US and Hanoi came up with a second

2 Thursday, June 14, 1973

peace agreement for VN designed primarily to make the first agreement work.

Among other things it calls for the fighting to end at midnight tomorrow, Washington time, and for the US to resume minesweeping operations in NVNese waters.

PETER KALISCHER: It was back to Salon II at the Hotel Majestic for another double VN peace ceremony, four and a-half months after 12 foreign ministers signed the peace agreement that somehow never brought peace.

Today there were four signatories, Henry Kissinger for the US; Hanoi's Le Duc Tho, and the delegation chiefs for SVN and the VC.

The document was a communique that mainly restated the terms of the January agreement.

At a news conference, I asked Kissinger if it in anyway curtailed US military operations in Cambodia.

HENRY KISSINGER: There's nothing in this communique that commits the US to cease such operations. It is our hope and we will make major efforts in that direction. We are making major efforts in that direction to continue the diplomacy that will produce a cease fire in Cambodia.

KALISCHER: Kissinger was asked how this document, more than the original agreement, would guarantee peace.

KISSINGER: There is nothing in any communique that makes a communique work. The communique works because the parties concerned intend to implement it.

KALISCHER: At the second signing ceremony, it was only Kissinger and Le Duc Tho.

Whatever might be said about the communique it was the first peace document these two really negotiators ever signed rather than just initialed. Maybe that would make a difference.

Peter Kalischer, CBS News, Paris.

ABC EVENING NEWS ABC-TV 7 PM

Kissinger and Tho Reach Agreement

HARRY REASONER: It was nearly one month ago when Henry Kissinger

and Le Duc Tho began a new round of secret talks to patch up the VN cease fire.

Today in Paris they reached agreement on a document that calls for the strict and scrupulous implementation of the cease.

But Kissinger told newsmen there's nothing in the new agreement that will stop US bombing of Cambodia. He said US efforts to produce a cease fire in that country will continue.

JOHN ROLFSON: The VN peace settlement was signed here in the Hotel Majestic four and a-half months ago. It has not brought peace. So now the negotiators are back with a new agreement intended to make the first one work better.

Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho put their initials on the new document today at a meeting house outside Paris at Gif.

They had put it together in a series of negotiations over the past month. In consultation with their partners, the Government of Saigon and the VC.

After the handshake all four of them came here to the Majestic in Paris for the signing ceremony.

The French had rebuilt for them the famous big round table with ears, the way it was for four and a-half years of negotiations.

The main new point of their joint communique is to order a real cease fire in SVN in 36 hours. The document repeats at length terms of the original settlement, and it pledges everyone to carry them out scrupulously.

Since this has not been done up till now, Henry Kissinger later told us this restatement of the terms satisfies American concern about VNese violations.

HENRY KISSINGER: Now we have today signed a communique, ladies and gentlemen, and the history of IC is replete with agreements and joint declarations. I'm not naive enough to pretend to you that the mere fact of having again agreed to certain words in itself guarantees peace, but I will also say that since all parties have worked so seriously for the last three weeks, we have every hope that they will match this effort with performance.

3 Thursday, June 14, 1973

ROLFSON: But for performance, Kissinger said, the US is not only depending on goodwill. He warned all the VNese there'll be consequences in case of non-performance.

This is John Rolfson, ABC News, in Paris.

## CBS MORNING NEWS CBS-TV 7 AM

### 13 Americans Killed Since Cease Fire

BARRY SERAFIN: The Pentagon says 13 American servicemen have been killed in Cambodia, Laos and VN since the VN cease fire was signed four months ago. Two others are missing in Cambodia.

## THE TODAY SHOW NBC-TV 7 AM

### Explosion Kills Five In SVN

FRANK BLAIR: In SVN five people were killed and another 20 injured when a bomb exploded in an outdoor movie theater in the Mekong Delta.

### Home From The War

FRANK McGEE: The most pronounced belief I brought home with me from WWII was that no one man can speak for all veterans of any one war.

That caveat aside, they do hold in common certain attitudes and follow certain patterns of behavior that are common, more or less common to all of them, and we've been concerned ever since the VN War took the turn that it did, what effect that war would have on the young men who were involved in it and what effect they might have on society as a whole when they came home.

Haven't had much of an opportunity to get answers because we don't have the opportunity to talk to that many veterans, but Dr. Robert J. Lipton has, and he's written a book about it called, "Home From the War, Vietnam Veterans." And he says neither victims

nor executioners. And we're going to talk with Dr. Lipton who's joined us this morning.

Thank you, sir, for being with us. First question, I guess, is, are the veterans of this war different from the veterans of other wars? And if so, how?

DR. ROBERT J. LIPTON: Things are very different.

I think there's a kind of common denominator to all veterans from all wars in that they undergo a lot of conflicts which have been inadequately recognized. So they share something with veterans of all wars in that struggle for re-entry, as it's called. But they have in addition to that some special features that have to do, first, with this war being inseparable from daily atrocities as a counterinsurgency war in which one couldn't distinguish the enemy; and second, the enormous unpopularity of the war, in the sense that they've been part of a tainted project which both they and society share.

And those two related facts make them quite different, they're more alienated.

McGEE: Let's take up the first one, first, the atrocities. What effect did this have on the veterans and how does he feel about it now?

LIPTON: Well, the men I spoke to in rap groups over two and a-half years in New York felt themselves part of what I and we together came to call an atrocity producing situation. That is, one in which the norm, the more or less expected behavior, was to commit atrocities. And that's why to them My Lai was no great surprise, it was simply bigger than the average situation in VN, but it characterized what went on there. And that gave them the sense of having been into something wrong, dirty, evil. No matter how one came out politically, one had to sense there was something wrong about what one was asked to do and what one did in this war.

McGEE: Pursue that a bit further then what effect does this (confusion of voices) had on their lives?

LIPTON: Well, they were likely to come back with an uneasy feeling which was often related to guilt, confusion over what they were asked to do, questions of what their coun-

4 Thursday, June 14, 1973

THE WASHINGTON POST

Thursday, June 14, 1973

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# 4 Parties Sign Pact To Bolster Cease-Fire

By Jonathan C. Randal
Washington Post Foreign Service

PARIS, June 13—The United States, North and South Vietnam and the Vietcong today signed a modest joint communique designed to consolidate the shaky Indochina cease-fire agreement.

The limitations of the 2,500-word document—fruit of nearly a month of on again-off-again negotiations between presidential adviser Henry A. Kissinger and Hanoi's chief negotiator Le Duc Tho—were underscored by its failure to provide for an end to the fighting in Laos or Cambodia.

The single most important article of the communique — otherwise devoted mainly to either promising the obvious or literally quoting the original agreement—was a call for a “strictly” observed cease-fire to begin at midnight EDT Thursday.

But in a news conference, Kissinger himself admitted “I’m not naive enough to pretend to you that the mere fact of having again agreed to certain words in itself guarantees peace.”

“But . . . since all parties worked so seriously over the last three weeks, we have every hope that they will match this effort with performance . . .”

He described the communique as an “amplification and consolidation of the original agreement” and maintained “We believe we have achieved a satisfactory conclusion of points which were of principal concern to the United States.”

Kissinger also expressed the hope that after so long a war all “parties will draw

the conclusion from the overwhelming reality in Vietnam—that no one can have his way by force.”

Nonetheless, Kissinger acknowledged in answering questions that the communique contained no solution for Cambodia and “nothing in [it] commits the United States to cease” bombing in that country.

Hinting, as he had done in January, at progress on Cambodia, Kissinger said that “long discussions” had taken place. But “since the final results depend on sovereign decisions of other parties,” he declined to go into details and said he preferred to “leave it to events to testify to progress.”

Throughout his news conference, Kissinger clearly indicated that he hoped to disengage himself from Indochina and devote himself to other problems.

‘I hope to be able to reduce my own participation in the process” of continuing diplomatic efforts involving Indonesia, he said jocularly, “in order to preserve my emotional stability.”

Asked whether he thought another round of talks might prove necessary if today's call for a cease-fire was no better honored than the original accord, he replied, “It is a prospect I cannot face today.”

Earlier he indicated the frustrations of negotiating with all the Vietnamese by noting “the art of compromise is not the most highly developed quality in Vietnam.”

The communique itself basically involves more commitments by the United

See TALKS, A25, Col. 1

United Press International

Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho after announcement of agreement in Paris.

Kissinger, Tho Greet Success

Paris, France -UPI- White House adviser Henry Kissinger and Hanoi's Le Duc Tho shook hands outside a Communist owned villa in suburban Gif-sur-Yvette Wednesday after Kissinger's announcement of an agreement on ending Vietnam ceasefire violations.

Milwaukee
Sentinel

"For two reasons," Stans said. "It was possible to determine at any time from remaining records and from recollection of people who had given that money. Secondly, under the law, as we understand, there was no reason to keep records."

"Why destroy previous records and why destroy subsequent records and reduce yourself to reconstructing what you already destroyed?" Ervin asked.

Stans repeated that it was to

protect the privacy of contributors and "we had no right to give away his anonymity."

Ervin also pursued $50,000 the finance committee loaned to a Maryland fund raising dinner for Vice President Agnew.

Ervin asked whether that money was not to make it appear "they took in $50,000 more than they really took in" — as a deception of the American public in honor that was paid to the vice president.

HAVE A GOODDAY
TROUBLESHOOTER

The key vote forbidding the offering of any of these non-germane amendments was 254 to 160. The only Maryland or Virginia members voting to open the bill to these non-germane amendments were Maryland Democrats Clarence Long, Parren Mitchell and Paul Sarbanes.

Rep. Robert Leggett (D-Calif.) made one final effort to use "must" bills as a shelter to pass vetoed measures. He proposed that the debt ceiling be extended for three months instead of five, thus giving the House more frequent opportunities to try yesterday's exercise again. Leggett said it made no sense for one-third plus one of the House and Senate to set congressional policy by sustaining presidential vetoes. He lost by a voice vote.

The bill was passed without amendment, 261 to 152, and sent to the Senate.

In addition to extending the debt ceiling, the bill makes two other changes in law. It would increase by about $5 billion the amount of long-term securities the government can sell without regard to the 4¼ per cent interest rate ceiling. And it would permit citizens to take their federal income tax refunds in bonds instead of cash. The government hopes this would reduce inflationary pressure caused by billions of dollars in refunds suddenly put into circulation.

Former Minnesota Sen. Eugene J. McCarthy, left, could seek the seat of New Hamp-

shire Republic
when Cotton's

# McCarthy Makes New Eyes Comeback Road

By David S. Broder

Washington Post Staff Writer

Former Sen. Eugene J. McCarthy (D) yesterday completed a four day political tour of New Hampshire, setting the stage for a possible comeback in the state where, in 1968, he scored his most notable upset.

The 57-year-old Minnesotan told reporters in Concord that it was "just speculation" to suggest that he might run for the Senate there next year, but added, "I am not ruling anything out."

McCarthy confirmed that he is looking for a farm to buy in New Hampshire and said, "My interest in politics will maintain itself into 1974," when the seat of Sen. Norris Cotton (R) is up for election.

It was in New Hampshire in March, 1968, that McCarthy threw the presidential race into an uproar by winning nearly half the Democratic primary vote and all

the convention delegates against Lyndon B. Johnson.

Ultimately, he was defeated for the nomination by Hubert H. Humphrey and he retired from the Senate in 1970, leaving the Minnesota seat open for Humphrey's comeback.

McCarthy competed and lost in the 1972 Illinois presidential primary, and played no significant political role later in that year. But in recent months there have been signs that his interest in politics has been reviving.

Now an editor for the New York publishing firm of Simon and Shuster, the ex-senator accepted an invitation from New Hampshire Democratic officials to make four days of fund-raising speeches for the state party between a daughter's graduation from the Putney School in Vermont and a son's graduation from Harvard. The last two events on the eight-stop statewide tour were canceled yesterday by the death of McCarthy's father.

Jean Wallin, a New Hampshire member of the Democratic National Committee who backed McCarthy in 1968 and accompanied him on his tour, said the talk of a Senate race "just started

Sunday, June 17th

THE NEW YORK TIMES, THURSDAY, JUNE 14, 1973

CONVICT ACCUSES
EX-UNION OFFICIAL

Says His U.M.W. Boss Had
Ordered Yablonski Killing

ERIE, Pa., June 13 (AP) — A convicted murderer, William A. Prater, a former union unionist, was charged with a new trial, testified today against Albert E. Pasz, a unionist, at United Mine Workers' insur-

Three months ago, Prater took the stand in his own behalf and denied any knowledge of what the Government contended was a U.M.W.-backed plot to kill Mr. Yablonski.

Prater, a former union unionist, was charged with a new trial, testified today and asked you to make arrangements to kill Joseph Yablonski? Richard Sprague, a special prosecutor, asked Prater today.

Adopt Pass," Prater responded.

Asked by the prosecutor to identify Mr. Pasz, Prater pointed at the 53-year-old defendant, who sat at a nearby table with his lawyer.

Mr. Yablonski, his wife and his daughter were murdered in their Clarksville, Pa., home in December 1969.

Prater, 56 years old, appearing before a Federal judge yesterday, pleaded guilty to a federal charge of conspiring to violate the civil rights of Mr. Yablonski.

Parole Arrangements

It was on that Federal charge that both Prater of LaFollett, Tenn., and Mr. Pasz, of Middleboro, Tenn., Prater's former boss in the U.M.W.'s District 19, had been brought to Pennsylvania, where state murder charges subsequently were filed, Prater was sentenced to life imprisonment on the federal charge. Mr. Sprague has asked that the state sentence Prater to concurrent life terms on three murder convictions.

During his brief appearance today, Prater was asked by Mr. Sprague what had made him admit his guilt.

The main thing was my wife and seven children," Prater said. "I'd already caused them considerable hardship since I was guilty and my family I was guilty."

The government contends that Mr. Pasz, a former member of the union's policy-making international Executive Board, a union unionist, is a union unionist and that he has been a union unionist for 20 years. He denies the charges. He has not yet been charged with union unionist murder.

$1-Million Reported Available

ERIE, Pa., June 13 (UP)—A retired mine union president from Appalachia testified today that Albert E. Pasz assured him that comparators were ready to spend $1-million to protect the killers of a United Mine Workers reformer, Joseph A. (Jack) Yablonski.

Joseph Huntington of LaFollett, Tenn., testified that he asked Mr. Pasz, who is on trial here for murder, for assistance of protection should she killers be captured.

He told me "We are prepared to spend $1-million to get you out," said Huntington, one of six persons who have confessed or been convicted in the case.

"I asked him if Joe Yablonski died some other way," Look

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MORTON H. HALPERIN
... seeks $825,000 penalty

ities, bombing, violent demonstrations, burning draft cards.

"I saw people I was very close to breaking the law without any regard for any other person's pattern of behavior or belief," Magruder said. "I believed as firmly as they did that the President was correct in this issue. So consequently ... we had become inured to using some activities that would help us in accomplishing what we thought was a cause, a legitimate cause."

In particular, Magruder singled out the Rev. William Sloan Coffin, the Yale chaplain who was indicted for obstructing the Selective Service System. An anti-war, leader, Coffin had taught Magruder in an ethics course at Williams College some 15 years ago and recently disparaged his former student in public comments.

"He tells me my ethics were bad," Magruder said sharply. "Yet he was indicted for criminal charges"

Halperin Sues Kissinger, 10 Others, Over Wiretaps

By William Claiborne
Washington Post Staff Writer

Former White House aide Horton H. Halperin filed a lawsuit in U.S. District Court here yesterday, asking that national security affairs adviser Dr. Henry A. Kissinger and 10 other defendants be penalized $100 a day for up to two years for placing illegal wiretaps in his home.

Each of the defendants could be assessed up to $75,000, for a total of $825,000, under the terms of a wiretap statute in the 1968 Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act.

Halperin was one of 17 government officials and newsmen whose phones were bugged between 1969 and 1971 in an administration attempt to pinpoint leaks of classified material. President Nixon has said he personally authorized the wiretap program.

Halperin alleged that the wiretapping violated his and his family's constitutional rights of free speech and privacy, as well as violating the federal statute prohibiting government electronic surveillance without a court order.

Named as defendants in the lawsuit are:

Kissinger, former Attorney General John N. Mitchell; former White House chief of staff H.R. (Bob) Haldeman; former presidential domestic advisor John D. Ehrlichman; presidential aide Gen. Alexander M. Haig, Jr.; William C. Sullivan, former assistant

to the late FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover; the Chesapeake and Potomac Telephone Co., and four "John Doe" defendants employed by the FBI and other executive branch agencies.

Acting FBI Director William D. Ruckelshaus was named as an additional defendant because of his role as "custodian" of the wiretap records, but the lawsuit does not seek damages from him.

In a press conference at the American Civil Liberties Union Foundation, sponsor of the suit, Halperin said the wiretaps represented "a larger White House effort to pry into the private lives and political beliefs of many Americans with frightening implications for civil liberties and constitutional processes."

He said that the government spied on conversations he had with U.S. senators and congressmen "who expressed their views of current government policies." However, he refused to name the lawmakers he talked with during the period his telephone was tapped.

Moreover, Halperin charged, he monitored conversations of his wife Ina, and his three children, David, 10, Mark, 8 and Gary 6.

Motions filed with the lawsuit ask the court to block any attempt by the FBI to destroy logs, summaries or transcripts of the wiretaps.

Halperin, formerly an aide to Kissinger and now a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution here, charged that Kissinger and Haig, "acting in concert with Ehrlichman and Halderman," ordered the illegal wiretaps. Mitchell, he said, oversaw their installation in May, 1969.

Halperin said his telephone was tapped for no less than eight months and up to 25 months. The 1968 law provides penalties of $100 for each day of illegal monitoring of telephone calls, and specifies that the levy may be applied to everyone involved in the wiretap.

In his May 22 explanation of the Watergate scandal, Mr. Nixon said that the names of newsmen and government officials selected as wiretap targets were suggested by Hoover, Kissinger and Mitchell. However, Kissinger has since claimed that he merely supplied a list of names of government officials who had access to classified documents, and did not specify whose telephones should be tapped.

Halperin said yesterday that there was little doubt in his mind that Kissinger had singled him out for telephone surveillance. He said he based that assertion on the fact that neither Mr. Nixon nor Hoover were personally familiar with the staff members of the National Security Council,

Associated Press

Former White House special counsel Charles Colson waiting to testify on Capitol Hill.

Colson:
New Round
Of Denials

Hunt's Blackmail
Of Others Reported

By Jules Witcover

Washington Post Staff Writer

It was another day of denials yesterday in the increasingly public life of Charles W. Colson, the former presidential special counsel known as a particularly unpublic figure during his days on the White House staff.

Colson, now a lawyer in Washington, testified before the House Interstate and Foreign Commerce Investigations subcommittee and either during or after the hearing denied that:

* He ever pressed Jeb S. Magruder, former deputy director of the Committee for the Re-election of the President, speedier approval

WATERGATE, From A1

June 17 arrests in the Democrats' Watergate headquarters.

Another factor, however, according to one source, was that "from the beginning Hunt began blackmailing the White House." The source added:

"They (White House officials) went along . . . In fact, it is Hunt's demands and threats that make the case a clear example of obstruction of justice. Hunt was being paid to keep quiet. It demolishes the argument that the money was just for lawyers' fees and care for the families of the defendants."

Sources said that without the crucial element of

channels to the White House and he was nervous whether the promises of executive clemency were real," another source reported.

"So he wrote a three-page letter that he gave to Bittman with new demands... he upped the ante and demanded more direct channels with the White House and assurance of an executive clemency." The source added: "It kicked up a crisis at the White House."

At about this time, the sources reported, Hunt contacted then-presidential special counsel Colson, who had originally hired Hunt as a White House consultant.

Colson, according to the sources, taped the conversation with Hunt to protect his own interests and has

Liddy and Magruder in February, Magruder said. This plan also was rejected by Mitchell, according to Magruder.

The third proposal, budgeted at $250,000, was approved by Mitchell in Key Biscayne, Fla., on March 30. Mitchell both approved the project and indicated the "targets" he would like to seeel bugged, Magruder testified.

After the bugging was executed during a May 28 break-in at the Watergate, Mitchell was shown the first "fruits" of the operations—logs of wiretapped conversations — Magruder said. Mitchell then complained to Liddy, Magruder testified, that the logs contained nothing of any substance. The second Watergate break-in, at which the burglars were arrested, followed this scolding.

Mitchell also participated in the cover-up operation, Magruder told the Senate committee. When the cover-up began to fall apart this spring, Magruder said, he told Mitchell that he had decided to tell the truth.

"He (Mitchell) indicated that he would not be able to go that way," Magruder said. "He wished me luck and I wished him luck."

Mitchell could not be reached yesterday for comment. He has maintained, however, in previous public statements that although he attended meetings where the bugging was discussed, he always voiced disapproval of the operation.

Every document given to Mitchell, including the proposals and budgets for the Watergate bugging operation, was given to Haldeman's aide, Strachan, Magruder told the committee. "I had to assume that since

Halperin Sues Kissinger and Others on Taps

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, June 14 —
Dr. Morton H. Halperin, whose
home telephone was tapped
while he was working on Henry
A. Kissinger's staff at the
White House, filed suit today
against Mr. Kissinger and other
White House officials.

The suit, filed in United State
District Court here, by the
American Civil Liberties Union,
alleged that the wiretap was
on Dr. Halperin's phone for 8
to 25 months or more. He and
his family are asking for dam-
ages of $100 a day from each
of the defendants for every day
that the telephone was tapped.

The existence of the wiretap
became known during the Pen-
tagon papers trial. Dr. Daniel
Ellsberg had been a guest in
the Halperin home, and calls
that he made from the home
were intercepted.

The suit is based on the Safe
Streets Act of 1968, which pro-
hibits wiretapping except for
investigation of specified crime
and requires issuance of a war-
rant by a court.

Dr. Halperin, who was Mr.
Kissinger's assistant from Au-
gust, 1967, through January,
1969, said that he believed the
tap on his phone "was a viola-
tion of our constitutional rights
not authorized by any Congres-

sional legislator or court de-
cision."

‘Frightening Implications’

Speaking for his family—his
wife and three children are
also plaintiffs in the suit—Dr.
Halperin said, "We see it as
part of a larger White House
effort to pry into the private
lives and political beliefs of
many Americans with fright-

ening implications for civil
liberties and constitutional
process."

Other defendants in the suit
are: John N. Mitchell, former
Attorney General; H. R. Halde-
man and John D. Ehrlichman,
former chief White House as-
sistants; Gen. Alexander M.
Haig Jr., now Mr. Nixon's chief
of staff; William O. Sullivan,
who was an assistant to the
late director of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation, J.
Edgar Hoover; William D.
Ruckelshaus, the acting direc-
TOR OF THE F.B.I., and the
Chesapeake and Potomac Tele-
phone Company.

The Administration has said
that taps were placed on the
telephones of 17 or 18 Gov-
ernment officials and White
House aides in early 1969 be-
cause of the Administration's
concern over "leaks" of in-
formation to the press, par-
ticularly regarding the talks on
limiting strategic arms.

The suit alleged that in the
spring of 1969 Mr. Kissinger,
Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlich-
man decided to tap the phones
of Dr. Halperin and other em-
ployes of the National Security
Council. The suit charged that
Mr. Mitchell had ordered the
taps installed.

Mr. Ruckelshaus was named
as a defendant in an effort
to obtain records of the taps.

Associated Press

Dr. Morton H. Halperin

**BADILLO:** No, I don't, I'm very exact.

Now I would not as Mayor, under
any circumstances, vote in support of
any project where the rental per room
is over $60. In other words, I would not
give any kind of tax abatement, I would
not give any kind of zoning change, I
would not give any kind of benefit for
the building of luxury housing.

It is not a question that I'm against
the idea of having luxury high-rise units
being built, but I think in a city that
has the housing crisis that New York
City has, that the resources of this city
have got to be limited to middle-income
people and to low-income people.

**BEAME:** Is there any place where private industry is building at $65 a room?

**BADILLO:** If private industry is able to build it on their own, that's their right.

Q.: But can they, sir?

**BADILLO:** There may be some places where they can't. But city tax abatement should not be given out for luxury apartments.

**BEAME:** At the Board of Estimate, if you ever kept in touch with it, you would have found that I continually pointed up that Mitchell-Lama is a failure, that it was providing housing for families who could earn up to $50,000 a year, and therefore I called for the committee that I indicated earlier.

Let me ask you a very simple question: how much does it cost to build an apartment today?

**BADILLO:** It depends.

**BEAME:** A three-family home would cost you maybe $30,000 an apartment. Mitchell-Lama, it would cost you $45,-

after, because I said there are 5,000 that I'm going to have. Now if you ask me how many police there should be in the city, I couldn't give you the answer. We've got 6,000 miles of streets, that will be something we see as we provide additional policemen.

About policemen living in the city? Two years I've been talking about that. Civilanization of the department? I approved money to put it in the budget this year. I started that program as budget director.

**BADILLO:** I think that statement by Mr. Beame that he personally is going to add 3,000 policemen to the force next week shows that what we have going on here is a political deal to have the budgetary process turned around for the benefit of Mr. Beame's candidacy.

Because he has been controller and he has not increased the policemen. And Matt Troy, who supports Mr. Beame, is chairman of the finance committee. Four of the borough presidents came out yesterday for him, the Board of Estimate and the City Council, the overwhelming majority of whom support Mr. Beame. Obviously, they have agreed on a deal where they're going to let Mr. Beame take over the budget process. Because what right does any man who is one single member of the Board of Estimate have to say, 'I am going to change it next week' with such assurance.

**BEAME:** I am recommending it.

**BADILLO:** That's not what you said, Mr. Beame.

**BEAME:** You know what I meant.

**BADILLO:** I know what you meant.

**BEAME:** Wagner has Wagner, are you saying we are ministrating migration?

**BADILLO:** I agree to your migration 1940's and

**BEAME:** I agree to your migration plan, do to point

**BADILLO:** I want you to Relocation

**BEAME:** He doesn't tell me the disaster will be in the city.

**BADILLO:** in relocation was it a social

Q.: The Mr. Beame Badillo's

**BEAME:** about any one of Mr. Beame's that I think don't ship that

We saw He's going that's not

I think character — to be a man who knows how to think he as I can.

THE NEW YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, JUNE 15, 1973

United Press International

Inen yesterday in Moscow

Pains Politburo

If there is no consensus, he added, a small group or committee of members is selected to resolve the disputed issue.

"Mr. Brezhnev said that the ruling body generally met Thursdays at 3 P.M. and that the sessions lasted three to six hours, depending on the amount of business. Traditionally foreign policy issues are given priority in discussion ahead of domestic problems, the party leader said.

GIVE A KID A BREAK.

No Nixon-Bre

By DREW MIDDLETON
Special to The New York Times

COPENHAGEN, Denmark,
June 14 — Secretary of State
William P. Rogers promised the
Atlantic allies today that Presi-
dent Nixon would make no de-
cisions or agreements with Leo-
nid I. Brezhnev, the Soviet
Communist party leader, that
would be detrimental to the in-
terests of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization.

Mr. Rogers departed from
the text of his statement to
give this assurance to the for-
eign ministers of 14 other
NATO countries assembled for
a ministerial meeting. He re-
jected any idea that two
powers should resolve issues
that impinged on the vital in-
terests of other countries.

The Administration, how-
ever, he told the ministers, be-
lieves it is "imperative" to
build a new framework for re-
lations between the United
States and Europe because re-
lations between the West and
the Soviet Union have changed
for the better.

This echoed Henry A. Kissinger's speech in New York on April 23 and was followed by the first two substantive European replies to United States proposals for a re-examination of trans-Atlantic economic, political and security problems.

A Kissinger Point Rejected

The ministerial meeting was
closed to reporters. Reports of
the conference were relayed to
the press by spokesmen for
the various delegations and
through transcripts of the
speeches of the Dutch and
Canadian Foreign Ministers.

Max van der Stoel, the new
Foreign Minister of the Neth-
erlands, presented a long, and,
the American delegation felt,

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Kissinger Gives Hint
Of Accord With Tho
On Cambodian War

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, June 14—
Henry A. Kissinger hinted
broadly today that the United
States had received some kind
of assurances from North Viet-
nam in Paris that could provide
the basis for an end to the
fighting in Cambodia.

Speaking in extremely guard-
ed terms, Mr. Kissinger refused
to confirm reports from Paris
and Saigon that a secret un-
derstanding had been reached
that went beyond the commu-
niqué on Vietnam signed by
him and Le Duc Tho, Hanoi's
chief negotiator, and the two
South Vietnamese parties, in
Paris yesterday.

But he did nothing to dampen
speculation that in fact such
an understanding had been
achieved.

Mr. Kissinger said that any
agreement on Laos and Cam-
bodia would no longer be "se-
Continued on Page 10, Column 5

It was the second time in four months that a scheduled session of the conference, which meets twice weekly, passed without any delegates taking the floor.

Delegates dispersed after agreeing to meet again next Tuesday.

The lack of speakers was seen as reflecting an inactive mood and tended to confirm predictions that little early progress was likely toward bans on chemical weapons and underground nuclear tests.

## NIAGARA FALLS GETS CERAMICS MUSEUM

NIAGARA FALLS, N. Y., June 14 (UPI)—A museum devoted entirely to ceramics, described as a “total multimedia expression,” opened to the public here today.

The Carborundum Museum of Ceramics, said to be the only one of its kind in the world, depicts the “history, technology and art of ceramics as it relates to man and his environment.”

A. Richard Denatale, director of the museum, described the museum as a “multimedia expression” because it contains displays, films, slides and miniature bone-china assembly line.

Mr. Denatale said that

Kissinger Hints at an Accord With Hanoi on Cambodia

Continued From Page 1, Col. 4

"If he discussed it publicly. Then, however, he made the following statement:

"The evolution in Laos and Cambodia depends not only on decisions taken by Hanoi and Washington, but also on decisions taken by other sovereign parties. Therefore one can only make judgments on impact of such events such as the signing of the communiqué on the development in these countries.

"On that basis, we hope that progress will be made, first toward bringing about a political solution in Laos.

"And secondly, that an im-

petus would be given to an end to hostilities in Cambodia and a political solution. Negotiations that are involved there are complex and no useful purpose would be served by engaging in a detailed discussion, but it is our belief that the communiqué that was agreed to yesterday will make a positive contribution and events over the next weeks should testify if the hope is well taken."

### 'Our Best Judgment'

Mr. Kissinger, aware of commentaries expressing little enthusiasm for the latest Vietnamese document, said that

"we can only give a judgment" and that such judgments by the Administration "have not always been wrong."

"Our best judgment," he said, "is that the possibility for peace in Indochina has been strengthened."

He said that the original January cease-fire accord had worked "reasonably well," considering the distrust in Indonesia. "I have the impression", he went on, "that the realization that military victory cannot be achieved in Vietnam by either of the contending sides is becoming clearer."

As for Cambodia, he said that the complex negotiations

going on there needed "an opportunity to mature."

The negotiations to which Mr. Kissinger referred were not known. There have been no public signs that the Lon Nol Government was negotiating with either the Cambodian insurgents, who are deeply reliant on Hanoi, or with the government in exile of the former chief of state, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, based in Peking.

The impression given by Mr. Kissinger was that the United States had some indication or assurance from Hanoi that it would take steps in coming weeks to persuade the insurgents to diminish the fighting and begin negotiations.

# Kissinger Tones Down Summit Expectations

WP 6/1/57/73

## No Breakthroughs Likely

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

Presidential adviser Henry A. Kissinger yesterday projected a Soviet-American summit that would consolidate the relationship between the two countries rather than achieve spectacular breakthroughs on unresolved issues.

He nevertheless held out the possibility that President Nixon and Soviet Communist Party leader Leonid I. Brezhnev could contribute to speeding up the bilateral talks on limiting offensive nuclear weapons. But he virtually foreclosed that specific agreements to control what he called "the

most dangerous weapon" would result from the Brezhnev-Nixon meeting.

"We do not expect, indeed we do not aim, for a settlement of these questions at this meeting," he said. But he added that the discussions "might open the way to more harmonious, compatible instructions to the delegations in Geneva." His remarks suggested that there would be particular emphasis on getting qualitative limitations to control the proliferation of multiple nuclear warheads.

Kissinger expressed the
See BREZHNEV, A23, Col. 8

LEONID I. BREZHNEV

... meets U.S. newsmen

## Brezhnev Has High Hopes

From News Dispatches

MOSCOW, June 14—In his first press conference since coming to power almost nine years ago, Soviet leader Leonid I. Brezhnev today discussed his hopes for large-scale trade with the United States, Watergate and the Soviet Union's controversial policy on the emigration of Jews.

"It never entered my head whether President Nixon lost any influence as a result of the Watergate case," Brezhnev told a group of 11 American newsmen during a more than three-hour conference. "I am not going to the United States with any intention of bringing pressure to bear on the Presi-

dent because of the Watergate affair."

The Soviet Communist Party leader begins his 10-day visit to the United States Saturday.

Brezhnev said that the Soviet Union was interested in a "truly large-scale economic relationship" with the United States and voiced confidence that the summit would "give a new impulse to the effort to place Soviet-American trade on a stable and long-term basis."

But he warned that trade should not be one-sided and pointed out that his country has "immense natural wealth" in timber, oil and

See MOSCOW, A22, Col. 1

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 15 JUNE 1973

# Dr. Kissinger's push for peace

The new cease-fire agreement signed in Paris on Wednesday is supposed to be the climax to Henry Kissinger's patient and tenacious four-year search for a viable settlement for Indo-China.

Whether it is the keystone in Dr. Kissinger's arch is not evident from the text of the agreement itself. Success depends largely on how much is in the secret background behind the text. We are informed that there is a great deal and that this possibly is the beginning of the end of the strife which has tortured the peoples of Southeast Asia ever since World War II.

The essence of the new agreement, and the basis for hope that it is a settlement, lies in the fact that the Saigon government has finally, although with utmost reluctance, accepted a political reality. This reality is that the United States is not going on any longer spending its blood and treasure to put the government in Saigon in full and effective control (both military and political) of every acre of territory which appears on the maps as belonging to the republic of South Vietnam.

The whole of nominal South Vietnam is not available. In eight years of war a half million Americans tried to get it for the Saigon regime. Mr. Nixon gave that up when he pulled his ground troops out of Vietnam. President Thieu's army is physically unable to do what the Americans gave up trying to do. This is the military reality. Dr. Kissinger accepts it as the unavoidable basis for a settlement. Now President Thieu bows to the inevitable. The Viet Cong are in physical possession of the mountain spine of the Indo-China peninsula. They will remain under the Kissinger settlement in possession of that spine.

What does Dr. Kissinger get in return? An understanding (not in the text) that the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong will cease from attempting to add substantially by military means to their acreage in the valleys and river plains.

Further (also not in the text) Hanoi is supposed to encourage the local Communists in Cambodia to enter into an agreement for the reneutralization of Cambodia. This would mean calling off the present military pressure on Phnom Penh, which in turn would

mean an end to American bombs which are being used to keep supply roads open to Phnom Penh. It might also mean a return of Prince Sihanouk to Phnom Penh.

The textual hint of all this lies in American agreement to do three specific things. American reconnaissance flights over North Vietnam cease "immediately, completely, and indefinitely." Talks on economic aid to North Vietnam are to begin in four days from the signing. Clearing of mines from Haiphong harbor is to resume in five days from the signing and be completed in 30 days.

Those three commitments represent spending most of Dr. Kissinger's last bargaining coins. He expects in return reneutralization of Cambodia and an end to major military pressure in South Vietnam itself.

All of this should, and could, mean a new order in Indo-China in which Communists and anti-Communists will seek their purposes by other than military means. The maps will be changed. No man can foresee the ultimate political results. But it can mean the end of the American involvement on terms Washington can live with.

2-E

could be negotiated. So it is perhaps true
of the parties should now reaffirm their intention
to "strictly respect and scrupulously implement all
the provisions."

Beyond that, however, Henry A. Kissinger's
latest round of negotiations with Le Duc Tho leave
more questions than answers.

For there is nothing in the record to suggest why
the Vietnamese, both Communist and non-Commun-
nist, should now decide to stop cheating. Nor has
President Nixon made it absolutely clear that the
Americans also are prepared to stop cheating and
get on with fulfilling their obligations, even if the
other parties continue to cheat.

It is worthy of note that this new statement of
good intentions ties the United States to a precise
timetable for good behavior — reconnaissance
flights shall be stopped forthwith, the mines shall
be cleared in 30 days. the first phase of economic
agreements with North Vietnam shall be concluded
in 15 days, and so forth—while the obligations of
the others are to be carried out "as soon as possi-
ble."

This timetable distinction is valid recognition of
the central objective of the Paris agreement. That
objective was and is to end foreign interference—
meaning, to get the Americans out. If this reaffir-
mation of the January agreement does that, it will
be judged well worth the effort.

This is not to minimize the desirability of making
all aspects of the Paris agreement work. The con-
tinued warfare in South Vietnam, Laos and Cam-
bodia only deepens the tragedy of the last quarter-
century. If this agreement advances real peace in
the region, it will rank as a major diplomatic
achievement.

United States is the sole source of supply for South
Vietnam's military, a supply that, under the Paris
agreement, is to be limited to the replacement of
expended arms but is not now closely audited.
The United States maintains a force of 45,000 men
in Thailand to operate aerial warfare against Cam-
bodia and Laos. The United States is providing
most if not all of the external support for the Cam-
bodian military, and finances Thai mercenaries
operating in Laos as part of a complex of Ameri-
can-sponsored military operations there. All of
these activities violate the Paris peace agreement.

What is needed now, as an appropriate follow-up
on the newest Paris agreement, is a clarification of
American policy: how it is to be drawn, directed
and controlled.

There is, fortunately, coming to a vote in the
Senate this week an ideal vehicle for this clarifica-
tion, the amendment to the State Department au-
thorization bill sponsored by Sens. Clifford P. Case
(R-N.J.) and Frank Church (D-Ida.). It does noth-
ing more than insist that there be specific congres-
sional authorization for any involvement by the
United States in hostilities "in or over or from off
the shores of North Vietnam, South Vietnam, Laos
or Cambodia." and the same congressional authori-
zation would be required for any assistance to
North Vietnam under terms of the cease-fire
agreement.

Nothing, it seems to us, is more compelling than
scrupulous implementation of the cease-fire by the
United States. We welcome the new commitment
implicit in Kissinger's signature on the new Paris
agreement. But Kissinger's reassertion Wednesday
of America's right to go on bombing Cambodia
dramatizes the necessity of the added assurance
of the Case-Church amendment.

1-E

WP 6/15/73 'Not a New Agreement' on Vietnam

In Paris Wednesday the four parties to the January Vietnam cease-fire agreement signed what Henry Kissinger described as "an amplification and consolidation" of that pact, "not a new agreement." He noted: "I am not naive enough to pretend to you that the mere fact of having agreed to certain words in itself guarantees peace." Just what he has been doing shuttling back and forth to Paris in recent weeks and just what the new document means, is frankly something of a mystery to us. The Kissinger shuttle has had the appearance of an unseemly overreaching American effort to manipulate those domestic events in Vietnam which we had thought the January agreement had left to the Vietnamese. In this regard, the document signed Wednesday amounts only to an agreement to respect an agreement. Why should the signatures be worth more in June than January? Is this to become a regular semi-annual affair?

Perhaps events will bestow some measure of clarity on what new and secret commitments the Vietnamese parties may have undertaken, if any, to respect the January cease-fire. The new communique does specify, however, certain American commitments. In April, ostensibly to indicate displeasure over North Vietnamese military movements into and in South Vietnam, Mr. Nixon had suspended mine-clearing operations off North Vietnam, halted reconstruction aid talks, and resumed aerial reconnaissance flights. Wednesday he agreed to start up the mine-clearing and the aid talks; to produce quick results in both of them; and to halt reconnaissance flights "indefinitely."

We commend the President for taking these steps. They fulfill the pledges the United States made in the January agreement and, perhaps not incidentally, they

smooth the way for the arrival here on Sunday of Leonid Brezhnev, head of the Soviet government, Hanoi's chief patron. Whatever may happen in South Vietnam, Washington and Hanoi will now have cleared their bilateral relations: Hanoi had done its part earlier by releasing the American POWs.

In response to a question, Dr. Kissinger said that the new communique does not commit the United States to stop bombing Cambodia—a post "cease-fire" rampage which reached its 100th day Thursday. The more relevant question, however, is not whether Washington has made a commitment on the bombing but whether it has made a secret deal to help bring about negotiations between the beleaguered American - supported government in Phnom Penh and the Cambodian insurgents led—or so he hopes—by Prince Sihanouk. Such a negotiation, or the prospect of one, would presumably induce the President to stop bombing if Congress has not done so first. Yesterday, despite an appeal by Dr. Kissinger, the Senate voted to cut off all funds for continuing war in Indochina. Senate Republican leader Hugh Scott, who voted with the majority, added an appraisal no less accurate than succinct. "We have had it," he said.

As always, the place to look for the reality of American policy in Indochina is not on documents of state but in the mind of Richard Nixon. As always, it is difficult to know whether Mr. Nixon still believes it important to engage American prestige in bringing about one outcome or another in Vietnam, or whether he has finally decided to let go. Our own judgment remains unchanged: The United States long ago completed its self-appointed mission of enabling Saigon to work out its destiny on its own.

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THE WASHINGTON POST,

Joseph Alsop

# Kissinger's New Agreement

The language bristles with diplomatic legalisms. The points covered are remote and obscure. The effects are not easy to predict. Yet several important meanings lurk in the Paris communique jointly agreed upon by Dr. Henry A. Kissinger and Le Duc Tho.

To begin with, this new agreement is a reaffirmation of the accord on a cease-fire, at a time when that accord seemed to be on the point of collapsing. Concerning promises made by representatives of the Hanoi government, you can never say they will be faithfully kept. But you can at least say the promises are rather more likely to be kept if Hanoi has been willing to reafirm them.

Hence there is still a reasonable chance of a decent outcome in Vietnam. A reasonable chance was what the cease-fire accord originally offered. Detailed reaffirmation of the cease-fire accord means, in turn, that this reasonable chance continues to exist.

Only time will tell the practical effects of all the complex provisions concerning the Saigon-Viet Cong "joint military commission"; concerning "each party's area of control"; concerning "strict implementation" of this point or that in the original accord. Over time, of course, the Rube Goldberg machinery for divided authority in South Vietnam cannot be expected to endure in anything like the shape described in either the cease-fire accord or the new communique. One side or the other—the Saigon government or the Viet Cong—will more or less gain the upper hand.

But in this process that will determine South Vietnam's future, a huge, perhaps decisive role will surely be

played by the degree of armed intervention by North Vietnamese troops. It is vain to hope that there will be absolutely no North Vietnamese intervention. On this point, Hanoi has broken too many promises already. But in view of the new communique it is possible to hope that Hanoi's intervention will be limited and manageable. Hence the reasonable chance above-mentioned.

This interpretation of the Kissinger-Tho communique is strongly reinforced by the communique's laconic paragraph 13: "Article 20 of (the cease-fire accord), regarding Cambodia and Laos, shall be scrupulously implemented." This was the article calling for the departure from Cambodia and Laos of all troops of foreign origin, including North Vietnamese.

Without an important North Vietnamese presence in Laos, particularly, Hanoi is physically unable to support large scale intervention in South Vietnam. It is known, furthermore, that Dr. Kissinger succeeding in getting Le Duc Tho to specify an early date—July 1—when Hanoi will begin withdrawing North Vietnamese troops from Laos. Cambodia is a more thorny problem, involving Prince Sihanouk's strong supporters, the Chinese leaders in Beijing. But the Paris meetings further produced a good chance of an eventual arrangement in Cambodia involving no North Vietnamese presence.

In sum, although all is provisional, and every North Vietnamese commitment may later be disregarded, Dr. Kissinger's achievement in Paris has been both adroit and considerable. You may deplore the need for an American negotiator to be adroit. But the need arises directly from the deter-

mination of the U.S. Senate to strike from the hands of the Nixon administration all possible means of enforcing Hanoi's compliance with Hanoi's own promises.

Dr. Kissinger's negotiating assets have in fact been brutally devalued on Capitol Hill. But he has had other assets. One set of them, oddly enough, is clearly in Hanoi itself. Quite recently, the North Vietnamese official press has published important discussions of "big unit war"—which is another way of saying armed intervention in South Vietnam on a major scale.

In these discussions, "big unit war" has been firmly condemned as wrong and unwise. All this can only mean there is an increasingly self-assertive younger generation in the North Vietnamese Communist Party, whose members believe that their seniors in the Politburo have already poured out far too much blood and treasure on the adventure in South Vietnam.

Concurrence in this belief was not suggested by the speeches of Hanoi's first party secretary, Le Duan, during his Peking visit. But here the striking feature was the responses Le Duan got from the Chinese leaders. The Chinese always talked of the vital importance of preserving the new peace in Vietnam. Their silence about the "continuing struggle" was all but deafening.

Partly because of their own quarrel with the Chinese, the Soviets also want no resumption of large scale fighting in Vietnam. So these were the assets Dr. Kissinger had, to replace those our own Congress had devalued.

© 1973, Los Angeles Times

## S Veto Threat

ported, even though the salaries and expenses of business lobbyists are tax deductible as legitimate business costs.

McCarty said he disagreed with other OEO officials who have been blocking approval of grant renewals to eight migrant legal service programs.

McCarty approved the eight grants, but three have been objected to by a review committee appointed by OEO acting director Howard E. Phillips. McCarty wants to waive the review procedure on grounds that the eight programs are running out of money and unable to assist their clients.

"I don't think we should back people up against the wall like that," said McCarty.

The Michigan Migrant Legal Assistance Project, Inc., has filed suit in U.S. District Court here claiming that OEO has illegally blocked renewal of its grant.

The Michigan project filed an affidavit from a House committee staff member who said he was told by Lawrence Straw, chairman of the OEO review committee, that the project's grant was rejected because its director and another staff lawyer were members of the National Lawyers Guild.

McCarty said he does not consider the membership of legal service lawyers in the liberal activist guild to be a legitimate cause for rejecting grant applicants.

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III. 18 Jun 73

AA 3

USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
NIXON-BREZHNEV SUMMIT

# NIXON, KISSINGER PRESUMMIT REMARKS ON IMPORTANCE OF TALKS

## Improved Relations Sought

Moscow TASS in English 1759 GMT 15 Jun 73 L

[Text] Washington June 15 TASS--U.S. President Richard Nixon made a statement in Illinois in which he said he hoped his forthcoming talks with the general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Leonid Brezhnev would help to further improve Soviet-American relations.

In a few days, he said, he would welcome the leader of the Soviet Union in Washington. For the second time in 12 months they will meet at summit level.

In the last 4 years, the President said, the U.S. already signed more agreements with the Soviet Union than in the rest of the post-war period. We hope, he stressed, to expand these relations still more during the vitally important meetings next week.

Of the contemporary international situation, the President said that, despite certain serious problems still existing in the world, there are weighty reasons for optimism. As Leonid Brezhnev recently said, the President recalled, today this planet is nearer to durable and lasting peace than ever before.

## Arms Race Progress Foreseen

Moscow Domestic Service in Russian 0900 GMT 17 Jun 73 L

[Text] In a radio and television address President Nixon has stated that the first meeting of the summit talks with Leonid Ilich Brezhnev will take place in Washington on Monday. "Today I can forecast with full confidence," Nixon stated, "that the talks will result in quite definite progress on the problem of reducing the dangerous arms race and preventing new wars." "I am also convinced," the U.S. President stressed, "that the talks will lead to the improvement of relations between two of the largest countries of the world."

## Kissinger Outlines Talks

Moscow Domestic Service in Russian 1500 GMT 15 Jun 73 L

[Text] U.S. Presidential Assistant for National Security Affairs Kissinger has held a press conference on the forthcoming visit to the United States of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Leonid Ilich Brezhnev.

Dwelling upon Soviet-U.S. relations, Kissinger noted that important changes have taken place in these relations in recent years, reflecting the reality that in the nuclear age there can be no alternative to peace between great nuclear powers. The latter are not only obliged to avoid conflicts but also to be restrained in relations with each other and in their relations with other countries.

The presidential assistant said that the forthcoming summit meeting marks the culmination of a series of bilateral agreements over which there have been intensive negotiations during recent months. There will also be a general review of the international situation as it appears to the two leaders a year after their meeting. The international situation will be discussed from a concrete point of view, in other words, what can be done to lessen the danger of war and to reduce tension. There will be a painstaking examination of ways to strengthen the principles agreed on in Moscow last year, which provide for mutual exercise of restraint. In conclusion, Kissinger expressed the wish that Soviet-U.S. summit meetings become a more regular feature of international diplomacy.

III. 18 Jun 73

AA 2

Newfoundland Stopover

Moscow TASS in English 1812 GMT 16 Jun 73 L

[Text] Gander (the island of Newfoundland) June 16 TASS--General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Leonid Brezhnev and the persons accompanying him have made a short stop-over here today en route to the United States. At the airport Leonid Brezhnev was welcomed by Canadian Minister of Regional Development D. Jamieson, Charge d'Affaires of the USSR to Canada V. Vorobyev and other officials.

Leonid Brezhnev has sent from board plane the following telegram to Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau:

Leaving after a short stop-over the hospitable land of Canada I am sending you, Mr Prime Minister, and the Canadian people the best wishes of happiness and prosperity. I am confident that the good-neighbourly relations between the Soviet Union and Canada will further develop in the interests of both countries and consolidation of mainstays of universal peace."

ROGERS, OTHERS MEET BREZHNEV ON ARRIVAL IN U.S.

Moscow TASS in English 2220 GMT 16 Jun 73 L

[Text] Washington June 16 TASS--General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, member of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet Leonid Brezhnev has arrived today for an official visit in the United States of America at the invitation of U.S. President Richard Nixon.

At Andrews Airport near Washington decked with the national flags of the USSR and the USA Leonid Brezhnev and accompanying him Andrey Gromyko, Nikolay Patolichev, Boris Bugayev, Georgiy Tsukanov, Andrey Aleksandrov, Leonid Zamyatin and other officials were met by U.S. Secretary of State William Rogers, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Walter Stoessel, White House and State Department officials, Ambassador of the Soviet Union to the USA Anatoliy Dobrynin and Soviet Embassy officials.

A guard of honour was mustered on the airfield.

From the airport Leonid Brezhnev went to his residence in Camp David (Maryland).

The official welcoming ceremony will be held in accordance with the protocol accepted in the USA at the White House in Washington at 10:30 a.m. of local time on June 18.

NIXON, ADVISORS PREPARE FOR BREZHNEV TALKS

Moscow Domestic Service in Russian 2103 GMT 16 Jun 73 L

[Text] The United States is welcoming general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, Presidium member of the USSR Supreme Soviet, Leonid Ilich Brezhnev, who is arriving on a visit at the invitation of the U.S. President, Richard Nixon. Officially, the visit does not begin until 18 June, when Leonid Ilich Brezhnev will receive a ceremonial welcome at the White House. However, even now attention in the United States is centered on the forthcoming important negotiations.

President Nixon left the capital with his closest aides to go to his Florida residence at Key Biscayne, where they will actively prepare the American position for the White House talks. Before leaving for Key Biscayne Nixon said that as a result of the Soviet-American summit meeting he expected important agreements to be concluded and further progress in lessening the danger of war and reducing the burden of the arms race to be achieved.

III. 18 Jun 73

AA 4

PRAVDA on Kissinger Press Conference

Moscow PRAVDA in Russian 16 Jun 73 p 4 L

[TASS-attributed report: "H. Kissinger Press Conference"]

[Text] Washington, 15 June--TASS--H. Kissinger, the U.S. presidential adviser on national security affairs, has spoken at a press conference in connection with the upcoming visit to the United States by L.I. Brezhnev, general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

President R. Nixon and Leonid Brezhnev, general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, agreed, H. Kissinger stated, that another meeting should take place approximately 1 year after their talks in Moscow. At that time they discussed in outline what the tasks should be and how they could be resolved.

Detailed preparations for next week's meetings have been in progress for over a year, and it will follow in outline the direction established by the Moscow summit meeting last May.

Having dwelt on the state of Soviet-U.S. relations, H. Kissinger said that apart from short intervals, relations between the United States and the Soviet Union almost throughout the postwar period have been characterized by an atmosphere of hostility. But a change of course started to become discernible early in 1971. There have been important changes in Soviet-U.S. relations in recent years, H. Kissinger noted. These changes "have reflected the reality that in the nuclear age there can be no alternative to peace between the great nuclear powers. They are not only under an obligation to avoid conflicts but are also obliged to be restrained in their relations with each other and in their relations with third countries, and in the final analysis they must endeavor to move from the relaxation of tension to the achievement of specific objectives for the benefit both of their own peoples and of peoples everywhere."

H. Kissinger noted that the climax of this process was the Moscow summit meeting in 1972. A number of bilateral agreements were concluded, including the agreement on strategic arms limitation. "And possibly just as important in the historical perspective as if it had been a full agreement is the declaration on principles in which the United States and the Soviet Union attempted to spell out a code of conduct both in relations between themselves and in the relations of third countries."

Since then we have attempted to consolidate this progress, H. Kissinger continued, and this meeting between General Secretary L.I. Brezhnev and President R. Nixon will provide an opportunity for summarizing the results and attempting to clarify what further progress can be achieved not only in avoiding war but also in creating an international system whereby the fear of war begins to play a progressively less important role and mankind's aspirations can become the main concern of all countries, and particularly those countries who have it within their power to inflict unheardof suffering on mankind.

This top-level meeting, the presidential assistant stated, will complete a series of bilateral agreements on which there have been intensive negotiations in recent months. Another range of questions for discussion, he continued, will be a general review of the international situation as seen by the two leaders a year after their last meeting, which will be discussed from the specific viewpoint of what can be done to reduce the danger of war and ease tension.

There will be detailed discussion of how it is possible to reinforce the principles providing for mutual restraint agreed on in Moscow last year and how they can serve as a guide to action for the two countries with respect to each other and to other countries of the world.

Last year's meeting was the first at the top level between the President and Soviet leaders, H. Kissinger said in conclusion, and we believe that such meetings will become a more regular feature of international diplomacy and that, consequently, the successes achieved last year will be reinforced at this and subsequent meetings by a series of concrete measures.

III. 18 Jun 73

AA 5

In conclusion, Brezhnev expressed the wish that Soviet-U.S. summit meetings become a more regular feature of international diplomacy.

U.S. SENATORS, PRESIDENTIAL AIDE HAIL SUMMIT TALKS

TASS on Senators' Statements

Moscow TASS in English 1508 GMT 15 Jun 73 L

[Text] Washington June 15 TASS--American senators welcome the upcoming visit of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Leonid Brezhnev to the United States. Representatives of both political parties in the capitol express the confidence that the USSR-USA summit meeting will promote further normalization of Soviet-American relations and of the international situation.

The Republican leader in the Senate Hugh Scott said in the Congress that Leonid Brezhnev's coming visit will crown the thorough preparations that took place over the year. It can be said with confidence that this visit will result in the real progress in the improvement of relations between the United States and the Soviet Union and in further easing of tensions. Pointing to the historical importance of the up-coming meeting, Scott said that it is high time to improve the relations precisely now and not in some remote future.

"I don't think there's any question that personal visit of this character is beneficial. It gives an opportunity for the people of the United States to have a first-hand impression of Mr. Leonid Brezhnev and I think they'll like him because he's a very likable personality. He's a good politician in the highest sense of the word", Democratic Senator Vance Hartke told a TASS correspondent.

The senator stressed that further development of Soviet-American relations will be given a new impetus as a result of the coming talks.

Hartke believes that there are now great opportunities for increasing trade and other exchanges between the two countries.

Republican Senator William Saxby said that the majority of the American people will welcome Leonid Brezhnev's visit and said he is confident that the visit will be a success.

The progress achieved in the recent years in Soviet-American relations is one of the most important achievements over the past decade.

Saxby believes that one of the most promising fields of future cooperation between the Soviet Union and the United States is the widening of trade and economic relations. The Soviet Union can offer much to the United States and can buy much from it. In this connection, he came out for the granting to the Soviet Union of the most favoured nation treatment.

Senator Saxby said that now the ice has been broken and said he is optimistic about further development of mutual relations.

This view is shared by Democratic Senator William Hathaway who said that the coming talks between Leonid Brezhnev and Richard Nixon will make a new contribution to the preservation of peace, will consolidate Soviet-American cooperation in economic, scientific, technical and cultural fields and will also promote a greater mutual understanding.

THE NEW YORK TIMES, MONDAY, JUNE 18, 19

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# A Growing Number of Isr
Are Now Pioneers for

By TERENCE SMITH
Special to The New York Times

JERUSALEM, June 17 — Is there a need for women's liberation in Israel, where women are drafted into the army, work in the fields alongside men and where a woman serves as Premier?

Yes, say an increasing number of Israeli women, arguing that the much-advertised notion of sexual equality in Israel is more myth than reality.

"We have been brainwashed by our own legends of pioneering equality," says Shulamit Aloni, a writer, lawyer, former member of Parliament and feminist who is married and has three sons. "The equality that generally prevailed when the state was founded 25 years ago has been replaced by a bourgeois, middle-class sexism."

Although it is still a fledgling movement here, women's liberation is reflected in small groups that have sprung up recently in all of Israel's larger cities and towns. The women have staged demonstrations against the "Miss Israel" beauty contest, started letter-writing campaigns protesting discrimination in the mass media and have published booklets calling for abortion reform and revamping of the religious laws governing marriage and divorce.

## A Victory Over El Al

One group, made up mostly of English-speaking immigrants, began holding consciousness-raising sessions in Jerusalem three months ago. "We've been swamped by Israelis wanting

ever has been elected a mayor or deputy mayor of any large town.

There is no civil marriage divorce in Israel. All such matters are in the province of the rabbinical courts. A woman may not appear as a witness in her own divorce proceeding nor may she initiate the

Israeli feminists say the battle with women fighting along men getting beauty treatments

internal intelligence-gathering, in and outside the military. Their data flows to Col. Dimitrios Ioannides, head of the military police, and the most feared man in Greece.

Six days after the "velos" sailed off to Italy, Papadopoulos announced that "that danger of the eventual predominance of lurking Communism has been warded off" and that he was endowing Greece with a republic. It took his draftsmen only two weeks to come up with a constitution of 34 articles, 24 pages, and Papadopoulos as president.

The outcome of the vote on this instrument is not in doubt. The government counts the ballots. The only question is what score it will announce. Five years ago, it proclaimed a constitution with an "unchangeable" provision for a monarchy and declared that 92 per cent had said "yes." This time, a more modest claim is expected to be made, something near 80 per cent.

The government's inner council, the dozen hardline colonels and majors, are reported to be happy with some but not all of Papadopoulos' moves. They welcome the end of monarchy because King Constantine, despite his lack of popular support, might still have served as a rallying point for legitimate opposition. They would also welcome the removal of the coup-making ex-colonels from the cabinet—two are currently deputy prime ministers—because their corruption of-fends the more austere army.

Cut the hardliners are

trate in the film "Z" was tortured during his 11-month spell in the military police jail, although the government itself later said it had no charge to bring against him. But Sartzetakis is one of the exceptions proving the rule. The military, moreover, had a special score to settle with him since he uncovered their complicity in the plot to murder a leftist deputy in 1963.

A distinguished and conservative economist, John Pesnazoglou, is now held without charge in the military police fail. But, unlike some of the arrested naval officers, there has been no sign that Pesnazoglou has been physically abused.

His treatment is simply designed to spread fear among dissident intellectuals and is said to be more characteristic of those the government knows have stories of plots to tell.

The same cat-and-mouse game is played with newspapers. The two opposition dailies are cut off from the heavy government advertising, find their circulation interfered with, and occasionally discover a colleague in the military police prison. But they do appear.

For many Greeks, Washington's close identification with the government' no matter how "selective" its repression, is giving the United States a bad name. A noted legal authority says:

"I speak as an anti-Communist. I fought them in our civil war. I am pro-Nato. But in the minds of the people the Americans are the

neth Rush said "we note with interest that the Greek government has pledged a return to parliamentary rule, and free and fair general elections . . . which should provide the Greek people an opportunity to exercise free choice in determining their future."

American officials interpret this as an innocent expression of hope. But Greeks read it as an endorsement of the government's proposals.

The Konstantopoulos paper, for example, ran a ban-

Associated Press

Gen. Odysseus Anghelis, right, vice president designate of Greece, sits next to the

army chief of staff, Gen. Dimitrios Zagoradakos, at a parade in March.

## Water, water, go away

Billy Hubert and his son, Will, paddle past a home in the Eagle Lake community near Vicksburg, Miss., as flood waters continue to linger in the area. The water is not expected to subside for several more weeks.

# Canoeing saga
runs afoul of
the 20th century

By Jerry Crimmins

Chicago Tribune Press Service

PRAIRIE DU CHIEN, Wis., June 17 — While seven “explorers” from the 17th century paddled two birchbark canoes out of the mouth of the Wisconsin River into the Mississippi River, an astronaut, Donald [Deke] Slayton, of the United States of America [1973] watched from a bluff 350 feet above.

Illinois by canoe

In the background, a high school Agents of the KGB detained 10 of the Jewish activists both days after arresting them in the morning in various parts of the city. The arrests thwarted plans they had to demonstrate later in the day.

Canoeing enthusiast Jer
"What do you want? Name
job. Name the school. Wha
you want?"

"I told them," Tsypin s
"that what I wanted was
a simple

now, we will have virtua
chance to go when Br
d returns to Moscow," one
young activists said.

"They are applying real
brainpower to avoid any kind
of arrest scene which would
give American Jews ammuni-
tion to use against the Krem-
lin while Brezhnev is in the

continued from page one
rael. Their friends didn't
ow where they were being
d or when they would be
free.

ENNY KNEW IT was com-
but it was what he didn't
that bugged him badly:

The Midnight Earl...

ny Post 6-20-1973

RICHARD M. DIXON, President Nixon's lookalike, says that in his recent appearances, audiences seemed friendly to Nixon... Westbury Music Fair signed Buddy Hackett for Aug. 27-Sept. 1... Five B'way shows'll have closed in 2 weeks... Liv Ullman's flying to Wash'n from LA to be Henry Kissinger's date at the Brezhnev dinner. Next day she shows him "40 Carats"... Basheyba's cultural exchange bill with Israel & the U. S. was approved by Congress... Russian dancers Strotsky Bros. at the Casino Russe yelled angrily: "We're not Russians—we're Ukrainians"... George C. Scott used pay from "Oklahoma Crude" to buy a $325,000 spread in Greenwich... Bravo: Pianist Jimmy Spencer at Gatsby's First Av.

III. 19 Jun 73

AA 3

There are possibilities, we believe, not only to consolidate, but also to considerably
widen the area of agreement.

To this will be devoted further talks that will take place here in Washington, and at
the concluding stage--on the Western coast of California, on San Clemente.

Leonid Brezhnev believes that if our two states will move also in the future along the
road outlined during the Moscow meeting, this may lead to new major and useful steps
in developing Soviet-American relations. At the same time this will be an expression
of the desire of the sides to promote a relaxation of general tension in the world.

On behalf of Richard Nixon, White House Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler stated that, in the President's opinion, the talks that have started proceeded very well. The United States attaches great importance to the further development of constructive relations between the two countries, a beginning to which was made during the President's meeting with Leonid Brezhnev last year in Moscow.

The two leaders examined the progress attained in expanding cooperation under the agreements signed by the countries during last year's summit talks. They will continue a discussion of these questions. The President emphasised once again that the United States will invariably work for new considerable successes in developing cooperation in such fields as science, technology, environmental protection, medicine and space exploration.

President Nixon believes that during the constructive talks that will follow these days, the United States and the Soviet Union may advance still further along the road that leads from tension to positive goals, to gain concrete achievements to the mutual advantage and the benefit of all people.

NIXON HOSTS 18 JUNE WHITE HOUSE DINNER FOR BREZHNEV

Officials Present

Moscow Domestic Service in Russian 0700 GMT 19 Jun 73 L

[Excerpt] President Richard Nixon gave a dinner in the White House on 18 June in honor of Leonid Ilich Brezhnev. Present at the dinner on the American side were Vice President Agnew, Secretary of State Rogers, Assistant to the President for National Security Kissinger, Presidential Assistant Laird, Secretary of the Treasury Shultz, Secretary of Agriculture Butz, Secretary of Defence Designate Schlesinger, Congressmen Mansfield, Scott, Ford, O'Neill, Griffin and others, White House officials, representatives of business circles, of American trade unions and other officials.

Present at the dinner on the Soviet side were Minister of Foreign Affairs Gromyko, Minister of Foreign Trade Patolichev, Minister of Civil Aviation Bugayev, Tsukanov and Aleksandrov, assistants to the CPSU Central Committee general secretary, General Director of TASS Zamyatin, Director of the Institute of the United States of the USSR Academy of Sciences Arbatov, member of the Collegium of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs Kornienko, and USSR Ambassador in the United States Dobrynin.

III. 19 Jun 73

AA 4

At the dinner President Nixon and CPSU Central Committee General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev exchanged speeches which those present listened to with great attention and met with applause.

Nixon Speech

Moscow TASS in English 0700 GMT 19 Jun 73 L

[Text] Washington, June 18 (TASS)--Following is the text of the speech by the U.S. President Richard Nixon at the dinner at White House:

Mr. General Secretary, members of the Soviet delegation, distinguished guests and friends:

I am told that in the Ukraine, where we were so hospitably received on our visit to Kiev last year, and where our guest of honor this evening lived as a young man, there is a proverb which says, "praise the day in the evening".

I take this bit of advice as my text this evening for a few reflections on the first day of a very important week of meetings and also on the first year of an historic new departure in relations between the United States and the Soviet Union.

The results of our discussions today allow us to praise, indeed, our day. We have resumed the talks that ended just over a year ago. But we have resumed these talks on a new foundation of significant accomplishments in reshaping relations between our two peoples and our two countries. Our common starting point was the document that you and I signed on May 29, 1972, in which we agreed on basic principles of our relations and the agreements to limit strategic weapons. On this basis, a year ago we set a course toward a more constructive and mutually beneficial relationship.

We have been able to embark on this course because we have recognized certain fundamental factors. We have recognized that despite the differences in our ideology and our social systems, we can develop normal relations. We agreed that in the nuclear age, there is no alternative to a policy of peace. We have recognized that we have special responsibilities to work for the removal of the danger of war, and of nuclear war in particular. We accepted the great task of limiting strategic arms. We have recognized that our responsibilities include the scrupulous respect for the rights of all countries, large or small.

Today, in our discussion we have reconfirmed these principles. We have laid the groundwork for a significant improvement in our relations that will result from the discussions and agreements undertaken this week.

We receive you and your colleagues tonight, and for this week, with the firm intention of building on our past successes. A year ago, when I reported to the U.S. Congress upon my return from the Soviet Union, I described the principles we had agreed to as a road map--a map which would be useful only if both our two countries followed it faithfully. Tonight, looking back over the first twelve months of our journey along the route which that map marks out, I believe there is good reason to be encouraged. Now we have another profound opportunity to advance along this course that we set for ourselves in Moscow.

It is America's hope that the coming days of our meetings will carry forward the promising start we have made on this first day.

Amid talks with Brezhnev

Wednesday, June 20, 1973—THE DETROIT NEWS—5-B

Chinese calls on Kissinger

By J. F. TER HORST

Chief of Our Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON — Between meetings with President Nixon and Soviet Communist Secretary Leonid I. Brezhnev, Henry A. Kissinger hurried to his own office in the White House yesterday to chat privately with a distinguished caller — Chinese Communist diplomat Huang Chen.

That interlude, coming on the second day of the Nixon-Brezhnev summit conference, illustrates neatly the new triangulation of world diplomacy in which the United States finds itself as the powerful Western "friend" of those bitter rivals, the USSR and the People's Republic of China.

Huang's call of Kissinger had a twofold purpose.

He wanted to test whether, in the midst of White House preoccupation with the Brezhnev visit, the President's chief foreign policy adviser still had time to talk with Peking's man in Washington.

Additionally, the canny Huang wanted, and got, a Kissinger overview of the nature and tenor of the Nixon-Brezhnev meetings which, in Chinese eyes, could have a profound effect on future Peking-Washington and Peking-Moscow relations.

WITH HUANG STATIONED. in Washington as head of the new Communist Chinese "liaison office," Peking for the first time finds itself in an unusual position to minitor the American-Soviet summit conference.

Instead of relying on second hand reports from friendly embassies, delayed news dispatches and radio broadcasts, Peking's diplomats in Washington can savor the atmosphere of the Brezhnev visit, see and hear it on American television and ponder the detailed reports in the Washington papers.

More importantly, as Huang demonstrated, he can go to the White House on short notice and get a firsthand account from Kissinger.

Huang's success should demonstrate, not only to Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai but also to Breshev and Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, the importance which the U.S. government attaches to its new relationship with mainland China.

The power triangle, in the view of many diplomats, may be the world's most useful tool for achieving what Mr. Nixon calls "a generation of peace."

China's turn toward Washington in the last two years was not so much a product of U.S. missionary effort as Peking's fear of Soviet expansion, the 50 Russian divisions on the north China border and Kremlin political inroads into Asia and the Mideast.

As China surveyed the world scene, it saw only one nation — the United States — with sufficient power to deter a Soviet threat to its own future.

Equally, say these diplomats, Moscow had a keen need for close ties with Washington.

Fearful of a Peking-Washington alliance, aware that its nuclear might could only trigger

retaliation by the United States and faced with the necessity of relying on the United States for food and civilian technology, the Brezhnev regime likewise embarked on a policy of closer Soviet ties with the United States.

THE RESULT HAS GIVEN the Nixon administration the opportunity to establish amicable relations with both China and Russia, while making it plain to both that the United States has no desire to gang up with one against the other.

If Kissinger's chat with Huang allayed suspicions on that score about the purposes of the Brezhnev-Nixon summit, it is an exchange idea that will have reciprocal value for the United States and the Soviet Union in the future.

Speculation already has commenced about another summit conference between Mr. Nixon and Chou to follow their Peking meeting of last year and to match this second American-Soviet summit conference.

The Russians, who have been informed of Huang's call on Kissinger, certainly will want a duplicate briefing during any future Peking-Washington conference — and Kissinger will provide it.

And if Communist China undertakes a diplomatic session in which the United States has a vital interest, the White House anticipates that David K. E. Bruce, America's liaison chief in Peking, will be in position to ask — and get — a full appraisal from Chou En-lai.

US of N. Korea in the UN Security Council meeting on Wednesday, June 20, 1973.

Q: Shirley MacLaine has been all around the world and has had an opportunity to make the acquaintance of many men of all ages and persuasions. Has she ever said who she thought was the sexiest man she ever met?—Mrs. T. M.. Kent, Wash.

A: Chou En-Lai. "We've all decided," Shirley announced, "that he is the sexiest man in the world!"

Q: I'm curious. What do the names Kleindienst, Ehrlichman, Kissinger and Haldeman mean in German?—Mrs. Ken K. Washington, D.C.

A: "Der Sprach-Brock" interprets the first syllable in the name Haldeman roughly as slope, hillside; "mann" in German is the same as "man" in English. The name Kissinger comes from the area of Kissingen, Germany. Kleindienst translates into "little service" and Ehrlichman into "honest man."

21 JUNE 73

EVENING STAR