01-19-02 00:13

ID=212 4215882

P09/09

9

The late great Ambassador Chip Bohlen used to say: "If you don't know where you are going, any road will get you there." Cyrus Vance always knew where he was going - on a long journey that brought honor to his country and decency to the world.

I cannot part from our friend without returning to his human qualities: his love for his family, his loyalty to his friends, his reliability, his respect for other points of view, and even his attachment to Natasha, his basset hound, and her successors.

It was a privilege to be his contemporary.

1/18/02-#5

Cyrus Vance

Cyrus Vance made a seminal contribution to the peace of the world
and the security of the country. Ambitious to do rather than to be,
tenacious, unflappable, as dedicated to the cause of freedom as he was
self-effacing in his demeanor, Cy was a gentleman of what is now called
"the old school;" we would all be better off had qualities such as his
remained commonplace.

We met in the 1960s when Cy served in the Pentagon as General Counsel, Secretary of the Army, and Deputy Secretary of Defense. It was then that he invented the "2-1/2 Rule" about military procurement, to the

2

effect that everything takes twice as long, costs twice as much, and
works half as well as the original projections.

But the 1960s were not about management. America had launched
itself with exuberance and noble motives into shaping a world in
conformity with its values only to end the decade in division and turmoil.

It was a time for Cy's special qualities: a keen sense of direction,
total reliability, profound respect for different points of view. Above all,
Cy stood for a special brand of American optimism that sees the Golden
Age in the future, not in the past, and therefore never doubts that even
the most daunting problems are soluble.

Almost inevitably, Cy became the nation's indispensable
troubleshooter. When thoughtful assessments and calm judgment were
needed, he was called in: on Cyprus in 1967, on the Detroit conflagration

3

in 1968 after the assassination of Martin Luther King, and as negotiator with the North Vietnamese in Paris. Given his service in the Pentagon, peace in Vietnam was a task especially close to his heart. He performed it with understated passion despite being wracked by pain from a back injury that made it very difficult for him to get in and out of a car or even to sit down. He occasionally slept on the floor of his office, and his beloved Gay was pressed into service from time to time to tie his shoelaces. I learned all of this not from Cy, of course, but from his staff. His associates then and later spoke with affection and admiration of how meticulously he worked, how carefully he prepared himself, how he would edit any memorandum to remove superlatives or the word "very" and to modify any sentence that began with an "I." Cy served his nation and his principles, never himself; that is also why he rarely talked about his

4

service in the Navy during World War II. To Cy, doing one's duty was its
own reward.

What is not so widely known is that respect for his qualities
extended into the new Nixon administration. He was offered the position
of Undersecretary of State (now Deputy Secretary), and Secretary of
State Bill Rogers and I did our utmost to persuade him. Cy felt that he
owed his family some respite from public life. But two months later,
President Nixon showed his confidence by asking me to invite Cy to go to
Moscow to initiate two simultaneous negotiations on behalf of the new
administration: talks with the Soviets on principles of strategic arms
limitation and with a North Vietnamese negotiator to achieve a rapid
breakthrough in the stalled peace talks. The project failed because Hanoi
refused to negotiate in Moscow and the Soviets were not yet ready to

5

begin strategic arms limitation talks, and Nixon continued to try to link
negotiations with progress toward peace in Vietnam.

During the years that followed, though we differed on a number of
issues, Cy and I consulted regularly.

Thus, when he was appointed Secretary of State to succeed me, it
was the most seamless of transitions. From the day Cy was nominated
until the end of the transition, we worked as a team. And after he took
over, years of preparation enabled him to take charge in his understated
way. Cy guided the nation's foreign policy to the conclusion of the
Panama treaties, the Egyptian-Israeli peace agreement, the second
strategic arms limitation agreement, and completing the process of
normalizing relations with China. Many of these measures were
controversial; all have proved an integral part of the nation's international

6

architecture. (Though SALT II was never ratified, largely because of the
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, its limits were maintained by each
succeeding administration for over twenty years.) And when the
administration in which he served took a decision which he felt he could
not defend, Cy resigned over principle - only the second Secretary of
State in history to do so. But he never publicly argued the issue; he had
too much respect for the nation to expose it to a debate between the
President and his Secretary of State.

Out of office, Cy returned to the law firm Simpson, Thacher and
Bartlett that meant so much to him. But the practice of law did not keep
him from service to his country and to the world. Cy took on missions for
the UN Secretary General in the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute between

7

Azerbaijan and Armenia, in South Africa, and then in the Balkans. And
his advice then proved, in my view, profoundly farsighted.

By the 1980s, we had become good friends. One feature of that
friendship was a long lunch on Martha's Vineyard [every summer]. There
was [some] speculation [among our friends] as to what we talked about.
One topic we kept absolutely [confidential]: our annual debate about the
relative merits of labradors [versus] basset hounds. Needless to say, Cy
defended Natasha the basset hound and her successors with
characteristically fierce loyalty.

What we most often talked about then and in other meetings,
however, is how, having lived through the complexity and anguish of
policymaking, we could ease the task of our successors. In 1988, on the
eve of a presidential election, Cy and I wrote a joint article for *Foreign*

8

*Affairs*, calling for a restoration of bipartisanship in foreign policy and comity in executive-congressional relations: "We have decided to write this article together because of our deep belief that the security of free peoples and the growth of freedom both demand a restoration of bipartisan consensus in foreign policy." And we then outlined our views on a number of subjects before the nation.

In 1994, Cy and I wrote another joint article to contribute to a bipartisan approach to China policy. In pursuit of the same objective, we visited Russia together in 1987 and, in 1998, China.

In the last months of Cy's life, the nation has come together – as he had hoped. Cy will be laid to rest, by his choice, in Arlington National Cemetery among the comrades who, like he, each in his or her own way devoted their lives to the service of peace and values of the nation.

9

about his service in the Navy during World War II. Doing one's duty, to

Cy, was its own reward.

What is not so widely known is that
respect for his qualifications extended into the new Nixon administration
By the time I became national security adviser in 1968, Cy had
made himself a name

became a national treasure whose devotion to service was independent of
his political affiliation. I recommended him for the position of
secretary of state

Undersecretary of State (now Deputy Secretary), and Bill Rogers and I
did our utmost to persuade him. Cy felt that he owed his family some
respite from public life. But two months later, President Nixon showed
his confidence by asking me to invite Cy to go to Moscow to initiate two
simultaneous negotiations on behalf of the new administration:
beginning talks with the Soviets on the principles of strategic arms
limitation and with a North Vietnamese negotiator to achieve a rapid
breakthrough in the stalled peace talks. The project failed because Hanoi

020 8759 9120 P.04/09

CONCORDE 18-JAN-2002 19:10

JAN-17-2002 20:44

KAI DC

nation's international architecture. (Though SALT II was never ratified, largely because of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, its limits were maintained by each succeeding administration for over twenty years.) And when the administration in which he served took a decision which he felt he could not defend, Cy resigned over principle - only the second Secretary of State in history to do so. But he never publicly argued the issue; he had too much respect for the nation to expose it to a debate between the President and his Secretary of State.

7

Cy was a gentleman of what is now called "the old school;" we
would all be better off had matters such as his remained commonplace.
By the 1980s, we had become friends who having lived through the
complexity and anguish of policymaking, tried to work together to ease
the task of our successors. In 1988, on the eve of a presidential election,
Cy and I wrote a joint article for *Foreign Affairs*, calling for a restoration
of bipartisanship in foreign policy: "We have decided to write this article
together because of our deep belief that the security of free peoples and
the growth of freedom both demand a restoration of bipartisan consensus
in foreign policy." And we then outlined our views on a number of
subjects before the nation.

however is how

Lone

P.07/09

020 8759 9094

BA CONCORDE LOUNGE

18-JAN-2002 19:20

What we most often talked

8

In 1994, we wrote another joint article to contribute to a bipartisan
approach to China policy. In 1987, we visited Russia together and, in
1998, China.

And in the last months of his life he
Wore a mask with us today, he would take great satisfaction in seeing
how the nation has united to overcome its current challenges. He will be
laid to rest, by his choice, in Arlington National Cemetery among the
comrades who, like he, each in his or her own way devoted their lives to
the service of peace and the nation.

The late great Ambassador China Bohlen used to say: "If you don't
know where you are going, any road will get you there." Cyrus Vance
always knew where he was going and, in the process, brought honor to
his country and decency to the world.

020 8759 9120 P.08/09

18-JAN-2002 19:11
CONCORDE

020 8759 9120 P.09/09

CONCORDE

18-JAN-2002 19:11

1/17/02-#4

Cyrus Vance

Cyrus Vance made a seminal contribution to the peace of the world,
the security of the country, and the honor of our society. Purposeful,
tenacious, unflappable, as determined in the cause of freedom as he was
understated in his demeanor, he epitomized devotion to service. Cy's
ambition was not to be but to do.

It was his destiny to serve his country in a difficult period. I met Cy
in the 1960s when he served in the Pentagon as Legal Counsel, Secretary
of the Army, and Deputy Secretary of Defense. It was then that he laid
down the "2-1/2 Rule" about military procurement, to the effect that

2

But the 1960s were not about management. America had launched
itself with exuberance and noble motives into shaping a world in
conformity with its values [only to] end the decade in division and
turmoil.

It was a time for Cy's special qualities: a [keen] sense of direction,
[vast] knowledge, and profound respect for different points of view. And,
above all, for Cy's special American brand of optimism that saw the
Golden Age in the future, not in the past.

Almost inevitably, Cy became the nation's indispensable
troubleshooter. When reliable estimates and calm judgment were
needed, he was called in: in Cyprus in 1967, in the Detroit conflagration

3

in 1968 after the assassination of Martin Luther King, and [again in 1968]
as negotiator with the North Vietnamese in Paris. It was a task especially
close to his heart. He performed it with understated passion, wracked by
pain from a back injury that made it very difficult for him to get in and
out of a car or even to sit down. He occasionally slept on the floor of his
office, and his beloved Gay was pressed into service from time to time to
tie his shoelaces. I learned all of this not from Cy, of course, who sat
stoically and uncomplaining through our encounters, but from his staff.
They told me with affection and admiration how meticulously he worked,
how he would edit any memorandum to remove superlatives or the word
"very" and to modify any sentence that began with an "I." Cy served his
nation and his principles, never himself. That is also why he rarely talked

4

By the time I became national security adviser in 1969, Cy had
become a national treasure whose devotion to service was independent of
his political affiliation. I recommended him for the position of
Undersecretary of State (now Deputy Secretary), and Bill Rogers and I
did our utmost to persuade him. Cy felt that he owed his family some
respite from public life. But two months later, President Nixon showed
his confidence by asking me to invite Cy to go to Moscow to initiate two
simultaneous negotiations on behalf of the new administration:
beginning talks with the Soviets on the principles of strategic arms
limitation and with a North Vietnamese negotiator to achieve a rapid
breakthrough in the stalled peace talks. The project failed because Hanoi

5

refused to negotiate in Moscow and the Soviets were not yet ready - nor
was Nixon under those conditions - to initiate strategic arms limitation
talks. As it turned out, the only party ready was Cy.

During the years that followed, though we differed on a number of
issues, he and I consulted regularly.

Thus, when Cy was appointed Secretary of State to succeed me, it
was the most seamless of transitions. From the day he was nominated
until the end of the transition, we worked as a team. And after he took
over, years of preparation enabled him to take charge in his understated
way. Cy guided the nation's foreign policy to the conclusion of the
Panama treaties, the second strategic arms limitation agreement, and
completing the process of normalizing relations with China. Each of these
measures was controversial; each has proved an integral part of the

6

7

Cy was a gentleman of what is now called "the old school;" we
would all be better off had manners such as his remained commonplace.
By the 1980s, we had become friends who, having lived through the
complexity and anguish of policymaking, tried to work together to ease
the task of our successors. In 1988, on the eve of a presidential election,
Cy and I wrote a joint article for *Foreign Affairs*, calling for a restoration
of bipartisanship in foreign policy: "We have decided to write this article
together because of our deep belief that the security of free peoples and
the growth of freedom both demand a restoration of bipartisan consensus
in foreign policy." And we then outlined our views on a number of
subjects before the nation.

8

Were Cy with us today, he would take great satisfaction in seeing how the nation has united to overcome its current challenges. He will be laid to rest, by his choice, in Arlington National Cemetery among the comrades who, like he, each in his or her own way devoted their lives to the service of peace and the nation.

The late great Ambassador Chip Bohlen used to say: "If you don't know where you are going, any road will get you there." Cyrus Vance always knew where he was going and, in the process, brought honor to his country and decency to the world.

9

JAN-18-02 01:27 AM

MSG_DET_NEW_DELHI_INDIA

011 91 11 419 8087

P.01

1/17/02-#3

Cyrus Vance

Political life is popularly presented as manipulation or as a series of practical judgments. The ultimate challenge is how to guide the country from where it is to where it has never been. And the diplomat is in relation, must do this in relating the purposes of his society to those of other peoples, themselves in a state of transition. The reconciliation of differing, sometimes conflicting, purposes requires a sense of direction

(the great Ambassador, Chip Bohlen, used to say, "If you don't know where you are going, any road will get you there"), knowledge of the subject matter, and above all the ability to inspire confidence. In the end, foreign policy is about purpose and respect. Without purpose, one is

JAN-18-02 01:28 AM

MSG_DET_NEW_DELHI_INDIA

011 91 11 419 8087

2

lost in tactics; without respect, foreign policy becomes imposition and a
permanent resort to power and ultimate exhaustion. Peace lasts when
the elected member of congress
the other party considers it also in its interest to maintain an outcome
under this

Cy Vance had the qualities on which world order can be built. This
is why he made such a seminal contribution to the peace of the world, the
security of the country, and the honor of our society. Purposeful,
tenacious, unflappable, as determined in the cause of freedom as he was
understated in his demeanor, he epitomized devotion to service. Cy's
ambition was not to be but to do.

It was his destiny to serve his country in difficult periods. When the
elements are raging, calm hands are needed to steady the ship, and faith
is necessary to inspire confidence to stay the course.

JAN-18-02 01:30 AM

MSG_DET_NEW_DELHI_INDIA

011 91 11 419 8087

P.04

negotiator
1968, he served as the deputy in the negotiations with the North
It was a task especially close to his heart
in his Vietnamese, And he was dedicated to helping his country out of a
divisional struggle. He performed all the missions I have described.

wracked by pain from a back injury that made it very difficult for him to
get in and out of a car or even to sit down. He occasionally slept on the
floor of his office, and his beloved Gay was pressed into service from time
to time to tie his shoelaces. I learned all of this not from Cy, of course,
who sat stoically and uncomplaining through our encounters, but from his
staff. They told me how meticulously he worked, how he would edit any
memorandum to remove any superlatives or the word "very" and to
modify any sentence that began with an "I." Cy served his nation and his
principles, never himself. That is also why he rarely talked about his

JAN-18-02 01:32 AM

MSG_DET_NEW_DELHI_INDIA

011 91 11 419 8087

5

By the time I became national security adviser in 1969, Cy had
become a national treasure whose devotion to service was independent of
his political affiliation. I recommended him for the position of
Undersecretary of State (now Deputy Secretary), and Bill Rogers and I
did our utmost to persuade him. Cy felt that he owed his family some
respite from public life. But two months later, President Nixon showed
his confidence in him by asking me to invite Cy to go to Moscow to
initiate two simultaneous negotiations: beginning talks with the Soviets
on the principles of strategic arms limitation and with a North Vietnamese
negotiator to achieve a rapid breakthrough in the stalled peace talks. The
project failed because Hanoi refused to negotiate in Moscow and the

JAN-18-02 01:33 AM

MSG_DET_NEW DELHI INDIA

011 91 11 419 8087

P.06

Thus, when Cy was appointed Secretary of State, it was one of the most seamless transitions. From the day he was nominated until the end of the transition, we worked as a team. And after he took over, years of preparation enabled him to take charge in his understated way. Cy guided the nation's foreign policy to the conclusion of the Panama treaties, the second strategic arms limitation agreement, and completing the process of normalizing relations with China. Each of these measures was controversial; each has proved an integral part of the nation's

JAN-18-02 01:35 AM

MSG_DET_NEW_DELHI_INDIA

011 91 11 419 8087

7

International architecture. (Though SALT II was never ratified, largely because of the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, its limits were maintained by each succeeding administration for over twenty years.) And when the administration in which he served took a decision which he felt he could not defend, Cy resigned over principle - only the second Secretary of State in history to do so. But he never publicly argued the issue; he had too much respect for the nation to expose it to a debate between the President and his Secretary of State.

Out of office, Cy returned to the law firm Simpson, Thacher and Bartlett that meant so much to him. But the practice of law did not keep him from service (to his country). Cy took on missions for the UN Secretary General in the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute between Azerbaijan and Armenia, in South Africa, and then in the Balkans. And had-his

JAN-18-02 01:37 AM

MSG_DET_NEW_DELHI_INDIA

011 91 11 419 8087

8

Anoy get proved in my mind
advice been needed in Yugoslavia, much suffering might have been
previously fanatical
avoided.

Cy was a gentleman of what is now called "the old school;" we
would all be better off had manners such as his remained commonplace.
By the 1980s, we had become friends who, having lived through the
complexity and anguish of policymaking, tried to work together to ease
the task of our successors. In 1988, on the eve of a presidential election,
Cy and I wrote an article together for Foreign Affairs, calling for a
restoration of bipartisanship in foreign policy: "We have decided to write
this article together because of our deep belief that the security of free
people and the growth of freedom both demand a restoration of
bipartisan consensus in foreign policy." And we then outlined our views
on a number of subjects before the nation.

1/17/02-#3

Cyrus Vance

Political life is popularly presented as manipulation or as a series of
practical judgments. But its ultimate challenge is how to guide the
country from where it is to where it has never been. And the diplomat
must do this in relating the purposes of his society to those of other
peoples, themselves in a state of transition. The reconciliation of
differing, sometimes conflicting, purposes requires a sense of direction
(the great Ambassador, Chip Bohlen, used to say, "If you don't know
where you are going, any road will get you there"), knowledge of the
subject matter, and above all the ability to inspire confidence. In the
end, foreign policy is about purpose and respect. Without purpose, one is

2

lost in tactics; without respect, foreign policy becomes imposition and a
permanent resort to power and ultimate exhaustion. Peace lasts when
the other party considers it also in its interest to maintain an outcome.

W

I met Cy during the stormy 1960s, when America launched itself with exuberance and noble motives into shaping a world in conformity with its values and ended [the decade] in division and turmoil. Cy was a steadying element throughout. He served as Secretary of the Army and Deputy Secretary of Defense and, in the process, became the inventor of the famous "2-1/2 Rule" about military procurement, to the effect that everything takes twice as long, costs twice as much, and works half as well as the original projections.

By the end of the Johnson administration, Cy had become the nation's indispensable troubleshooter. When reliable estimates and calm judgment were needed, he was called [in]: in Cyprus in 1967, in the Detroit conflagration in 1968 after the assassination of Martin Luther King, and in the Dominican Republic crisis in 1969. When I met Cy in

4

1968, he served as the deputy in the negotiations with the North Vietnamese. And he was dedicated to helping his country out of a divisive struggle. He performed all the missions I have described wracked by pain from a back injury that made it very difficult for him to get in and out of a car or even to sit down. He occasionally slept on the floor of his office, and his beloved Gay was pressed into service from time to time to tie his shoelaces. I learned all of this not from Cy, of course, who sat stoically and uncomplaining through our encounters, but from his staff. They told me how meticulously he worked, how he would edit any memorandum to remove any superlatives or the word "very" and to modify any sentence that began with an "I." Cy served his nation and his principles, never himself. That is also why he rarely talked about his

5

6

7

Out of office, Cy returned to the law firm Simpson, Thacher and
Bartlett that meant so much to him. But the practice of law did not keep
him from service [to his country]. Cy took on missions for the UN
Secretary General in the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute between Azerbaijan
and Armenia, in South Africa, and then in the Balkans. And had his

8

advice been heeded in Yugoslavia, much suffering might have been
avoided.

Cy was a gentleman of what is now called "the old school;" we
would all be better off had manners such as his remained commonplace.
By the 1980s, we had become friends who, having lived through the
complexity and anguish of policymaking, tried to work together to ease
the task of our successors. In 1988, on the eve of a presidential election,
Cy and I wrote an article together for *Foreign Affairs*, calling for a
restoration of bipartisanship in foreign policy: "We have decided to write
this article together because of our deep belief that the security of free
peoples and the growth of freedom both demand a restoration of
bipartisan consensus in foreign policy." And we then outlined our views
on a number of subjects before the nation.

9

In 1994, we wrote another joint article to contribute to a bipartisan approach to China policy. In 1987, we visited Russia together [and,] in 1998, China.

Were Cy with us today, he would take great satisfaction in seeing how the nation has united to overcome its current challenges and how the scars of the decades have ended in reconciliation. He will be laid to rest, by his choice, in Arlington National Cemetery among the comrades who, like he, each in his own way devoted his life to the service of peace and the affirmation of our principles.

But I cannot part from our friend without returning to his human qualities: his love for his family, his loyalty to his friends, his reliability, his warmth, and even his attachment to Natasha, his basset hound, and her successors.

17. JAN. 2002 8:18

009111 4190017

NO. 969 P. 2

Political life is popularly prevented
as manipulation or as a means of practical
judgments. But this

Cyrus Vance

The greatest challenge of a public servant is to help guide his country!

society from where it is to where it has never been. And the diplomat

in relating the purposes of fly
must do this not only in relation to his own society but [also] in relation

to other peoples, themselves in a state of transition. This reconciliation

a sum of parts
of differing, sometimes conflicting, purposes requires vision (the great

In the end foreign
and above all the ability to inspire confidence, which is not possible unless
policy is about purpose and respect. Without
there is a genuine respect for the views of others. Ultimate success in
pursue one is lost in larceny without respect
foreign policy is not to impose your views - that is the road to permanent

becomes impossible and a permanent

consequence and a permanent

17. JAN. 2002 8:18

009111 4190017

NO. 969 P. 3

2

react to power + ultimate expansion. Peace leads
conflict - but to strive for an outcome the other party considers it also in
win
its interest to maintain an autonomic
the qualities on which world order can be
built

Cy Vance [had such] qualities, and this is why he made such a
seminal contribution to the peace of the world, the security and above all
the honor of his country. [Pruerful,]

one sweet, properful,
renacious, unflappable, as determined in the
cause of freedom as he was understated in his demeanor, he epitomized
devotion to service. Cy's ambition was not to be but to do.

And his service to his country was especially crucial in times of
in difficult periods
adversity. When the storm is raging, calm hands are needed to steady
elementary

and ended them in devising and turning
with its values only to find itself in a war that rent our country. He was

17. JAN. 2002 8:18

009111 4190017

NO. 969 P. 4

3

the deputy in the negotiations with the North Vietnamese in the spring of 1967-1968. By then he had been Secretary of the Army, and in the process became Deputy Secretary of Defense, and the inventor of the famous "2-1/2 Rule" about military procurement, to the effect that everything takes twice as long, costs twice as much, and works half as well as the original projections.

By the end of the Johnson administration, Cy had become the indispensable official when reliable estimates and calm judgment were needed in the Dominican Republic crisis, in Cyprus, and in the Detroit conflagration after the assassination of Martin Luther King. Cy performed all these missions wracked by pain from a back injury that made it very difficult for him to get in and out of a car or even to sit down. He occasionally slept on the floor of his office, and his beloved Gay was

17. JAN. 2002 8:19

009111 4190017

NO. 969

4

called into service from time to time to tie his shoelaces. I learned all of this not from him, of course, who sat stoically and uncomplaining through our encounters, but from his staff. They told me how meticulously he worked, how he would edit any memorandum to remove any superlatives or the phrase "and to modify any sentence that began with an "I." Cy served his nation

It is also only Cy served as Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in World War II. During his duty in the Navy one of his duties was to review

By the time I became national security adviser, I considered Cy a national treasure whose devotion to service was independent of his political affiliation. I recommended him for the position of Undersecretary of State (now Deputy Secretary), and Bill Rogers and I did our utmost to persuade him. Cy felt that he owed his family some respite from public life. But two months later, President Nixon showed his confidence in him by asking me to invite Cy to go to Moscow to initiate two simultaneous

17. JAN. 2002 8:19

009111 4190017

NO. 969 P. 6

5

negotiations: beginning talks with the Soviets on the principles of
a negotiator strategic arms limitation and with the North Vietnamese to achieve a
rapid breakthrough in the stalled peace talks. The project failed because
Hanoi refused to negotiate in Moscow and the Soviets were not yet ready

– nor was Nixon under those conditions – to initiate strategic arms limitation talks. But Ky [nevertheless] was willing to make the effort – also ready was Ly.

During the years that followed, though we differed on a number of issues, Ky and I consulted regularly.

Thus, when Ky was appointed Secretary of State, it was one of the
until the end of the most seamless transitions. From the day he was nominated, we worked

as a team. And after he took over, years of thinking about these issues
enabled him to take charge in his understated way, the
and his courage enabled him to guide the nation's foreign policy to the
conclusion of the Panama treaties, the second strategic arms limitation

17. JAN. 2002 8:19

009111 4190017

NO. 969 P. 7

6

agreements, and completing the process of normalizing relations with China. Each of these measures was controversial; each has proved an Integral part of the nation's international architecture. (Though SALT II was never ratified, largely because of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, its limits were maintained by each succeeding administration for over twenty years.) And when the administration in which he served took a decision which he felt he could not defend, Cy resigned over principle - only the second Secretary of State in history to do so. But he never publicly argued the Issue; he had too much respect for the nation to expose it to a debate between the President and his Secretary of State.

He returned to the new firm's headquarters, Tel Aviv, but Out of office did not mean out of service. Cy took on missions for the Jewish UN Secretary General in the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute between

17. JAN. 2002 8:19

009111 4190017

NO. 969 P. 8

7

had his advice been heeded in Yugoslavia, much suffering might have
been avoided.

Cy was a gentleman of what is now called "the old school;" we
would all be better off had [manners such as his] remained
commonplace. By [the 1980s] we had become friends who, having lived
through the complexity and anguish of policymaking, tried to work
together to ease the task of our successors. In 1988, on the eve of a
presidential election, Cy and I wrote an article together for *Foreign
Affairs*, calling for a restoration of bipartisanship in foreign policy: "We
have decided to write this article together because of our deep belief that
the security of free peoples and the growth of freedom both demand a
restoration of bipartisan consensus in foreign policy." And we then
outlined our views on a number of subjects before the nation

17. JAN. 2002 8:20

009111 4190017

NO. 969

8

(N)

In 1994, we wrote another joint article on the subject of China

to contribute to a
situation approved to China policy, in 1987
we visited Russia together; in 1998 close.

how the nation has come together on its current challenges and how the
scars of earlier divisions are healing. I cannot conclude without saying
how much Cy meant to me; how much I appreciated his gentleness, his
loyalty, his reliability, his warmth, his love for his family, and even his
attachment to Natasha, his basset hound, and her successors.

It was an honor to be Cyrus Vance's contemporary.

He will be laid to rest by his closure in
Arlington national cemetery among the
consecrated while like a tear in their way-
devoted this life to the service of peace and
the affirmation of one principle.

But cannot part from our
friend without sentiment & last known qualities.

TOTAL P. 09

2002-01-16 21:14

PAGE = 09

JAN-16-2002 11:29

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.02

5

negotiations: beginning talks with the Soviets on the principles of
strategic arms limitation and with the North Vietnamese to achieve a
rapid breakthrough in the stalled peace talks. The project failed because
Hanoi refused to negotiate in Moscow and the Soviets were not yet ready
- nor was Nixon under those conditions - to initiate strategic arms
limitation talks. But Cy [nevertheless] was willing to make the effort.

Thus, when Cy was appointed Secretary of State, it was one of the
[and Through the transition]*
most seamless transitions. From the day he was nominated, we worked
as a team. And after he took over, years of thinking about these issues
and his courage enabled him to guide the nation's foreign policy to the
conclusion of the Panama treaties, the second strategic arms limitation

* don't want to leave impression
This continued while Vance was Secretary.

JAN-16-2002 11:30

KAI DC

212 753 7248

agreements, and completing the process of normalizing relations with China. Each of these measures was controversial; each has proved an integral part of the nation's international architecture. (Though SALT II was never ratified, largely because of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, its limits were maintained by each succeeding administration for over twenty years.) And when the administration in which he served took a position which he felt he could not defend, Cy resigned over principle - a second Secretary of State in history to do so. But he never publicly argued the issue; he had too much respect for the nation to expose it to a debate between the President and his Secretary of State.

Out of office did not mean out of service. Cy took on missions for the UN Secretary General in the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute between Azerbaijan and Armenia, in South Africa, and then in the Balkans. And

JAN-16-2002 11:30

KAI DC

212 753 7248

P.04

8

In 1994, we wrote another joint article on the subject of China policy.

Were Cy with us today, he would take great satisfaction in seeing
how the nation has come together on its current challenges and how the
this is
being
said
enough
scars of earlier divisions are healing.
I cannot conclude without saying
how much Cy meant to me; how much I appreciated his gentleness, his
loyalty, his reliability, his warmth, his love for his family, and even his
attachment to Natasha, his basset hound, and her successors.

TOTAL P.04

5

Thus, when Cy was appointed Secretary of State, it was one of the
[and through the transition] most seamless transitions. From the day he was nominated, we worked
as a team. And after he took over, years of thinking about these issues
and his courage enabled him to guide the nation's foreign policy to the
conclusion of the Panama treaties, the second strategic arms limitation

6

agreements, and completing the process of normalizing relations with China. Each of these measures was controversial; each has proved an integral part of the nation's international architecture. (Though SALT II was never ratified, largely because of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, its limits were maintained by each succeeding administration for over twenty years.) And when the administration in which he served took a position which he felt he could not defend, Cy resigned over principle - the second Secretary of State in history to do so. But he never publicly argued the issue; he had too much respect for the nation to expose it to a debate between the President and his Secretary of State.

8

1/16/02-#2

Cyrus Vance

The greatest challenge of a public servant is to help guide his society from where it is to where it has never been. And the diplomat must do this not only in relation to his own society but [also] in relation to other peoples, themselves in a state of transition. This reconciliation of differing, sometimes conflicting, purposes requires vision (the great Ambassador, Chip Bohlen, used to say, "If you don't know where you are going, any road will get you there"), knowledge of the subject matter, and above all the ability to inspire confidence, which is not possible unless there is a genuine respect for the views of others. Ultimate success in foreign policy is not to impose your views - that is the road to permanent

2

conflict - but to strive for an outcome the other party considers it also in
its interest to maintain.

Cy Vance [had such] qualities, and this is why he made such a
seminal contribution to the peace of the world, the security and above all
the honor of his country. Tenacious, unflappable, as determined in the
cause of freedom as he was understated in his demeanor, he epitomized
devotion to service. Cy's ambition was not to be but to do.

And his service to his country was especially crucial in times of
devastity. When the storm is raging, calm hands are needed to steady
the ship, and faith is necessary to inspire confidence to stay the course.

I met Cy during the stormy 1960s, when America launched itself
with exuberance and noble motives into shaping a world in conformity
with its values only to find itself in a war that rent our country. He was

3

the deputy in the negotiations with the North Vietnamese in the spring
and summer of 1968. By then he had been Secretary of the Army,
Deputy Secretary of Defense, and the inventor of the famous "2-1/2
Rule" about military procurement, to the effect that everything takes
twice as long, costs twice as much, and works half as well as the original
projections.

By the end of the Johnson administration, Cy had become the
indispensable official when reliable estimates and calm judgment were
needed: in the Dominican Republic crisis, in Cyprus, and in the Detroit
conflagration after the assassination of Martin Luther King. Cy performed
all these missions wracked by pain from a back injury that made it very
difficult for him to get in and out of a car or even to sit down. He
occasionally slept on the floor of his office, and his beloved Gay was

4

called into service from time to time to tie his shoelaces. I learned all of this not from him, of course, who sat stoically and uncomplaining through our encounters, but from his staff. They told me how meticulously he worked, how he would edit any memorandum to remove any superlatives and to modify any sentence that began with an "I." Cy served his nation and his principles, never himself.

5

Thus, when Cy was appointed Secretary of State, it was one of the
most seamless transitions. From the day he was nominated, we worked
as a team. And after he took over, years of thinking about these issues
and his courage enabled him to guide the nation's foreign policy to the
conclusion of the Panama treaties, the second strategic arms limitation

6

agreements, and completing the process of normalizing relations with
China. Each of these measures was controversial; each has proved an
integral part of the nation's international architecture. (Though SALT II
was never ratified, largely because of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan,
its limits were maintained by each succeeding administration for over
twenty years.) And when the administration in which he served took a
decision which he felt he could not defend, Cy resigned over principle -
only the second Secretary of State in history to do so. But he never
publicly argued the issue; he had too much respect for the nation to
expose it to a debate between the President and his Secretary of State.

7

Cy was a gentleman of what is now called "the old school;" we
would all be better off had [manners such as his] remained
commonplace. By [the 1980s?] we had become friends who, having lived
through the complexity and anguish of policymaking, tried to work
together to ease the task of our successors. In 1988, on the eve of a
presidential election, Cy and I wrote an article together for *Foreign
Affairs*, calling for a restoration of bipartisanship in foreign policy: "We
have decided to write this article together because of our deep belief that
the security of free peoples and the growth of freedom both demand a
restoration of bipartisan consensus in foreign policy." And we then
outlined our views on a number of subjects.

8

Were Cy with us today, he would take great satisfaction in seeing
how the nation has come together on its current challenges and how the
scars of earlier divisions are healing. I cannot conclude without saying
how much Cy meant to me; how much I appreciated his gentleness, his
loyalty, his reliability, his warmth, his love for his family, and even his
attachment to Natasha, his basset hound, and her successors.

16. JAN. 2002 18:22:29

009111 4190017 ASSOCIATES

NO. 926 004. P. 6-04/13 (N)

performed these missions [despite having] suffered a back injury that
made it nearly impossible very difficult
caused him [so] much pain, he had trouble getting in or out of a car,
for him to get in or out of a car or
lie down. He often slept on the floor of his office, and his
beloved Gay was called into service from time to time to tie his shoelaces.

I learned all of this not from him, [of course,] who sat stoically [and
uncomplaining] through [my] diener [with whom] but from his staff.

They told me how meticulously he worked, how he would edit any
memorandum to remove any superlatives and to modify any sentence
that began with an "I." Cy served his nation and his principles, never
himself.

By the time I became national security adviser, I considered Cy a
national treasure whose devotion to service was independent of his
political affiliation. I recommended him to be Undersecretary of State

16. JAN. 2002 18:23:30

009111 4190017 ASSOCIATES

5

21NO. 926

0042P. 8' 06/13

(N)

conclusion of the Panama treaties and the second strategic arms

limitation agreements and by completing the process of normalizing

relations with China. Each of these treaties

was controversial; each was passed on an individual
part of the nation's foreign intiatives. (Though SALT II was
they were important for the sake of the nation.)

largely because of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan,
never ratified, its limits were maintained by each succeeding

which he served took a decision which he felt he could not defend, Cy
resigned over principle - only the second Secretary of State to do so. But
he never publicly argued the issue; he had too much respect for the
nation to expose it to a debate between the President and his Secretary
of State.

But out of office did not mean out of service. In the 1990s, Cy took
on missions for the UN Secretary General in the Nagorno-Karabakh

Jody Williams - NMK's comments to eulogy (faxed to HAK)

Page 1

From: "Rebecca Jordan" <rjordan@kmaglobal.com>
To: "Jody Williams" <JWilliam@csis.org>, "Theresa Cimino" <tcimino@kmaglobal.com>
Date: 1/15/02 6:37PM
Subject: NMK's comments to eulogy (faxed to HAK)

Mrs. Kissinger gave following remarks. She is leaving RH for country
between 6:30pm and 7:00 pm (NY time) or (4 am and 5:30 am India time).
She will be back in NY on Thursday (NY day). Sam + 5:30

Mrs. Kissinger does not like first paragraph and asks you to change it.

Page 2 - first paragraph is good but it is not clear.

Page 6 - second paragraph. The sentence which begins "Always a
gentleman." is not clear

Page 7 - third paragraph which begins "Were Cy.". drop "how the wounds
of a generation are healing in the performance of common tasks"

1/15/02

Cyrus Vance

In the summer of 1976, on the eve of the presidential election, I
had an off-the-record lunch with the editors of *Time* magazine. They
asked me whom I would suggest as [my] successor [at the State
Department]. Without hesitation, I mentioned Cyrus Vance.

I had met Cy during the Kennedy administration, when the world
was young and America launched itself with exuberance into shaping the
world into conformity with its ideals. I watched [both] the hopes and the
progressive frustration, even despair, at a war that would not end and
that had been entered [into] with such noble motives.

2

I mention the period because it is important to understand that [public] service is not all exaltation and fulfillment, [a course] not necessarily [chosen] to achieve one's deepest wishes. [It] is often most meaningful when the wind is blowing in the face, when strong hands and souls are needed to steady the ship and faith is expressed by calm under pressure.

Cy Vance performed this function from the first day I encountered him. Tenacious in pursuit of his objectives, unflappable in the face of adversity, understated in his demeanor, he reflected his devotion to the cause of freedom. During the terrible summer of 1968 of the assassination of Martin Luther King and Vietnam protests, he was sent by President Johnson first to Detroit to report on our domestic crisis and then to Paris to begin the negotiations for peace in Vietnam. Cy

3

performed these missions [despite having] suffered a back injury that
caused him [so] much pain, he had trouble getting in or out of a car,
[even] sitting down. He often slept on the floor of his office, and his
beloved Gay was called into service from time to time to tie his shoelaces.

I learned all of this not from him, [of course,] who sat stoically [and
uncomplaining] through [many a] dinner [with me?], but from his staff.

4

(now Deputy Secretary), and Bill Rogers and I did our utmost to persuade him. Cy felt that he owed his family some respite from public life. But two months later, President Nixon showed his confidence in him by asking Cy to go to Moscow to initiate two simultaneous negotiations: beginning talks [with the Soviets] on the principles of strategic arms limitation and with the North Vietnamese to achieve a rapid breakthrough in the stalled [peace] talks. The project failed because [the Soviets were] not yet ready - nor was Nixon under those conditions - to initiate strategic arms limitation talks and because Hanoi refused to negotiate in Moscow.

During the years [that followed], though we differed on a number of issues, Cy and I consulted regularly.

Thus, when Cy was appointed Secretary of State, it was one of the most seamless transitions. He showed his courage by guiding the

5

conclusion of the Panama treaties and the second strategic arms
limitation agreements and by completing the process of normalizing
relations with China. Each of these measures proved as controversial as
they were important for the sake of the nation. (Though SALT II was
never ratified, its limits were maintained by each succeeding
administration for over twenty years.) And when the administration in
which he served took a decision which he felt he could not defend, Cy
resigned over principle - only the second Secretary of State to do so. But
he never publicly [argued] the issue; he had too much respect for the
nation to expose it to a debate between the President and his Secretary
of State.

But out of office did not mean out of service. In the 1990s, Cy took
on missions for the UN Secretary General in [the Nagorno-Karabakh

6

dispute between Azerbaijan and Armenia? in South Africa?] and then in
the Balkans. And had his advice been heeded in Yugoslavia, much
suffering might have been avoided.

Always a gentleman, Cy made one regret that his manners were
[considered] "of the old school;" we would all have been better off had
they been commonplace. Meticulous in execution, passionate in
conviction, firm but gentle, he defended the cause of freedom by his
conduct and his dedication. In 1988, on the eve of a presidential
election, Cy and I wrote an article together for *Foreign Affairs*, calling for
a restoration of bipartisanship in foreign policy: "We have decided to
write this article together because of our deep belief that the security of
free peoples and the growth of freedom both demand a restoration of

7

bipartisan consensus in foreign policy.” And we then outlined our views
on a number of subjects.

Were Cy with us today, he would take some pride in seeing how the
shock of September 11 has brought our people together, how the wounds
of a generation are healing in the performance of common tasks. And
though I am honored to have been asked to speak about him as a
diplomat, I cannot conclude without saying how much he meant to me as
a friend; how much I appreciated his gentleness, his loyalty, his
reliability, his warmth, his love for his family, and even his attachment to
Natasha, his basset hound.

It was an honor to be [Cyrus Vance's] contemporary.