[LC]

Hartman

In San Diego, California, last week, in my first public comment on this tragic development, I called for a new sense of national unity and purpose from our present adversity. I said I would not engage in recriminations or attempts to assess blame, nor should any of us in times like these, because the important thing is that we keep our nerve and our essential unity as a powerful but peace-loving nation.

In the same spirit I welcome the statement of the distinguished Majority Leader of the United States Senate earlier this week that this is not the time for either the Executive or the Legislative Branch to begin pointing the finger. I agree with Senator Mansfield when he says: "If there is any blame to be attached, and there is a great deal, we must all share in it. None of us is guiltless. It is time for the Congress and the President to work together in the area of, foreign as well as domestic policy."

I accept my good friend's wise conclusion: "Let us start afresh." He is eminently correct in his assessment that "the people cry for leadership and that leadership can come from the President assuming the initiative and the Congress working with him in tandem."

- 2 -

I am prepared to work with the Congress and I am
assuming the initiative. In the conduct of foreign
affairs, Presidential initiative and Presidential freedom
to act swiftly in emergencies is essential to our national
interest. Our forefathers learned this painful lesson in
our nation's infancy under the Articles of Confederation;
it was one of the primary reasons for the writing of the
Constitution and the creation of the Presidential office.

It is pointing no finger of blame at the Congress to
state the plain fact that in recent years, with the best of
intentions, actions of the Congress have tied the hands
of the President and dangerously circumscribed his ability to
respond to sudden developments in Southeast Asia as well as
negotiate peaceful settlement of the Greek-Turkish conflict
over Cyprus, to improve trade relations with the Soviet Union
and exert our influence for moderation of its emigration
policies, and to improve our long-standing ties with some of
our oil-producing neighbors in Latin America.

To prove what I mean what I say about accepting my share
of the blame I was, as you know, a principal party to the
compromise between President Nixon and the House of Representatives
in 1973 which forbid the use of American armed forces in that
area after October ____. No one regrets that action more
than I do, for together with subsequent reductions of military
and economic assistance appropriations by the Congress, it
stripped the United States of any realistic ability to influence

-3-

events in Vietnam, and gave the clear signal to Hanoi that
the Paris Accords could be violated with impunity. And North
Vietnam has done so.

But let us start afresh. What are the options left
to us today?

First, with respect to the Republic of South Vietnam,
for whose right to exist as a free and independent nation
more than ______ Americans have shed their blood and
given their lives under the leadership of three Presidents with
the concurrence of ______ Congresses.

When I was asked at a news conference in California whether
all this American sacrifice had been in vain, I was frankly
stumped by the question. Perhaps I answered it imperfectly,
but upon reflection, my answer is a unqualified "NO." Individual
sacrifice for others is never in vain as a moral virtue,
but for a nation, its heavy cost requires a commensurate end
result. Our commitment to freedom in Southeast Asia will not
have been in vain if, even now, we admit past mistakes and act
decisely to reaffirm our dedication to the principles of
mutual security and faithfulness to our allies wherever and
whenever their freedom and integrity are threatened by naked
aggression.

- 4 -

It has been said that the United States is over-extended; that we have too many commitments too far from home, that we must re-examine what our truly vital interests are and shape our strategy to conform to them. I find no fault with this as theory, but in the real world such a course can only be pursued carefully and in close coordination with solid progress toward overall reduction in worldwide tensions. We are following such a policy, with hopeful progress at Vladivostok and my anticipated Autumn meeting with Chairman Brezhnev as well as a planned visit to Mainland China this year.

But we cannot in the meantime abandon our allies while our adversaries support and encourage theirs. We cannot dismantle our defenses, our diplomacy or our intelligence capability while others increase and strengthen theirs. Dentente is a two-way street, and it takes both sides to make it safe. and smooth for all nations who want to travel toward lasting peace and independence.

- 5 -

(East Europe trip -- European Security Conference --
ANZUS here?)

The situation in South Vietnam and Cambodia, as I
warned in __________, has now reached crisis
proportions requiring immediate and positive decisions
by this government -- and I have made mine.

The options before us are few, and time is short.

At the extremes, the United States can simply do nothing;
let the government of South Vietnam save itself and what is
left of its territory if it can, let those South Vietnamese
civilians who have worked with us for a decase, and their
families, escape with their lives if they can, in short,
shut your eyes and wash our hands of the whoe matter --
if we can. Or, on the other hand, undertake a far broader
commitment, return with our troops and our tanks and our
aircraft and our artillery, attempt to establish a defen-
sible perimeter around Saigon and, if necessary, carry the
the war to the enemy, bomb Hanoi -- remine its harbor,
and when the

ADDRESS BY
PRESIDENT GERALD R. FORD
TO THE JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
APRIL 10, 1975
ON FOREIGN POLICY

Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished guests and
my very dear friends:

When I met with you in January to report on the State
of the Union, I concentrated on two subjects which I believed
were uppermost in the minds of the American people -- the
recovery of our domestic economy and a specific program to
make the United States independent of foreign sources of energy.

I thank the Congress for the constructive action it has taken in response to my economic recommendations and I look forward to your early approval of a comprehensive energy program to meet our nation's long-range needs as well as any emergency.

Tonight it is my purpose to review our relations with
the rest of the world, not in an atmosphere of crisis and
calamity but in the spirit of candor and consultation which
I have sought to maintain with my former colleagues and with

-3-

a nation and for the future of the international community.

We build from a strong foundation.

Our alliances with the great industrial democracies
in Europe, North America and Japan remain strong, with a greater
degree of consultation and equity than ever before.

With the Soviet Union we have moved across a broad front
toward a more stable, if still competitive and adversary re-
lationship.

We have begun to control the spiral of strategic nuclear
armaments.

After two decades of mutual estrangement we have forged
an opening with the People's Republic of China.

In the best American tradition we have committed our
influence and good offices to help contain conflicts and settle
disputes in many regions of the world -- often with success.

We have, for example, helped the parties of the Middle East
take the first halting steps toward peaceful coexistence.

(MORE)

-4-

We have opened a new dialogue with Latin America looking toward a more mature hemispheric partnership.

We have exercised international leadership on the great new issues of interdependence, such as energy, food, and environmental sustainability.

The American people can be proud of what their nation has achieved and helped others to achieve.

But we have, all along and recently as well, suffered setbacks and disappointments, especially in foreign policy. Sometimes events were uncontrollable; sometimes we imposed difficulties upon ourselves.

We live in a time of testing and a time of change. Our world -- a world of economic uncertainty, political unrest, and threats to the peace -- does not allow us the luxury of abdication or domestic discord.

Some 200 years ago a great American revolutionary, Samuel Adams, spoke words that can guide us now. He said "the necessity of the times, more than ever, calls for our

-7-

into South Vietnam. Eighteen Divisions, virtually their entire
army, are now in the south. The Government of Vietnam, un-
certain of further American assistance, hastily ordered a
strategic withdrawal [into more defensible positions]. This ex-
tremely difficult maneuver, decided upon without consultations,
was badly managed, and led to panic. The results are pain-
fully obvious and profoundly moving.

In my first public comment on this tragic development,
I called for a new sense of national unity and purpose, in our
present adversity. I said I would not engage in recriminations
or attempts to assess blame, nor should any of us in times like
these. The important thing is that we keep our nerve and our
essential unity as a powerful but peace-loving nation.

In the same spirit I welcome the statement of the dis-
tinguished Majority Leader of the United States Senate earlier
this week that this is not the time for either the Executive
or the Legislative Branch to begin pointing the finger. I

-10-

obligation to use their influence to halt the fighting and
enforce the 1973 Accords. Diplomatic notes to this effect
have been sent to all members of the Paris Conference, in-
cluding the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China.

Second, with respect to South Vietnam, for whose right
to exist as a free and independent nation more than 56 thousand
Americans shed their blood and gave their lives under the
leadership of three Presidents with the concurrence of 6(2)
Congresses.

When I was asked at a news conference in California
whether all this American sacrifice had been in vain, I was
frankly stumped by the question. Perhaps I answered it imperfectly,
but upon reflection, my answer is an qualified "NO." Individual
sacrifice for others is never in vain as a moral virtue; but
for a nation, its heavy cost requires a commensurate end result.
Our commitment to freedom in Southeast Asia surely will not
have been in vain if, even now, we admit past mistakes and act

-14-

These are very limited options. I cannot say with certainty that either will save the situation. It is still subject to unilateral decisions by the two Vietnamese governments as well as the brutal passions of panic and chaos we have already witnessed. Let me now But I will share with the Congress and the American people my considerations and conclusions in this difficult dilemma, Chair.

First, I have received a full report from General Weyand.

General Weyand believes that the current military situation is critical, but that South Vietnam is planning to continue to defend itself with the resources available. However, he feels that if there is to be any chance of success in this effort, South Vietnam needs urgently an additional $722 million in military assistance from the United States.

Second, I must consider the safety of some 6,000 Americans who remain in Vietnam, primarily in the Saigon area, civilians and their families, and of tens of thousands of South Vietnamese employees of the United States mission, American news agencies,

-11-

decisively to reaffirm our dedication to our finest principles.

It has been said that the United States is overextended; that we have too many commitments too far from home; that we must re-examine what our truly vital interests are and shape our strategy to conform to them. I find no fault with this as theory, but in the real world such a course can only be pursued carefully and in close coordination with solid progress toward overall reduction in worldwide tensions. We are following such a policy, with hopeful progress at Vladivostok and elsewhere.

But we cannot in the meantime abandon our allies while our adversaries support and encourage theirs. We cannot dismantle our defenses, our diplomacy or our intelligence capability while others increase and strengthen theirs. Detente is a two-way street, and it takes both sides to make it safe and smooth for all nations who want to travel toward lasting peace and independence.

(MORE)

-19-

I hope that this authority will never need to be used, but it is necessary that we should be rightly condemned if it suddenly proves necessary and is unavailable. Our fellow Americans and friendly South Vietnamese long faithful to us cannot be left stranded to the tactics of the enemy.

I will of course keep the Congress fully advised as this difficult situation develops.

In Cambodia the situation is equally tragic. The United States and the Cambodian Government have each made major efforts -- over a long period and through many channels -- to end that conflict. But because of their military successes, steady external support, and American legislative restrictions, the Communist side has shown no interest in negotiation, compromise, or a political solution.

And yet, for the past three months the beleagured people of Phnom Penh have fought on, hoping against hope that the United States would not desert them, but instead provide the arms and ammunition they so badly need.

(MORE)

-20-

Several days ago I received a letter from the Acting
President of Cambodia. It is a moving appeal, and one which
I would like to share with you in part.

"Dear Mr. President," he wrote. "As the American Congress reconvenes to reconsider your urgent request for supplemental assistance for the Khmer Republic, I appeal to you to convey to the American legislators our plea not to deny these vital resources to us, if a non-military solution is to emerge from this tragic 5 year old conflict."

"To find a peaceful end to the conflict we need time.
I do not know how much time, but we all fully realize that the
agony of the Khmer people cannot and must not go on much longer.
However, for the immediate future, we need the rice to feed
the hungry and the ammunition and weapons to defend ourselves
against those who want to impose their will by force of arms.
A denial by the American people of the means for us to carry
on will leave us no alternative but inevitably abandoning our

-23-

We will stand by our friends.

We will honor our commitments.

We will uphold our country's principles.

The American people know that our strength and authority have helped prevent a third World War for more than a generation. We will not shrink from this duty in the decades ahead.

Let me now review with you the basic elements of our foreign policy, speaking candidly about our strengths and our difficulties.

## The Elements of Our Foreign Policy

The cornerstone of our policy, as always, is our strong and tested bond to our allies in Europe and Japan.

Our relations with Western Europe have never been stronger. There are no peoples with whom America's destiny has been more closely linked in the past. There are no peoples whose friendship and cooperation are more needed for the future. For none of the members of the Atlantic community can be secure, none

-24-

can prosper, none can progress unless all do so together.

More than ever, these times demand our close collaboration
in order to:

- maintain the sure anchor of, our common security in
this time of international riptides;

- work together on the promising negotiations with
our potential adversaries;

- pool our vision and our energies on the great new
economic challenges that face us.

The Atlantic nations confront many decisions and com-
plex negotiations. It is time to take stock, to concert
our actions, to once again affirm our cohesion and our common
destiny. I therefore call upon my colleagues, the other leaders
of the Atlantic Alliance, to come together for a reaffirmation
of principle, policy and progress at a Western Summit before
July 1 of this year.

(MORE)

-28-

within the next few months, and the Emperor visits the United
States this fall.

A vital element of our foreign policy is our relationship
with the developing countries -- in Africa, South Asia and East
Asia, and Latin America. Our friends there must know that
America is a true and concerned friend, reliable in word and
deed. As evidence of this friendship, I urge the Congress
to reconsider one provision of the 1974 Trade Act which has
had an unfortunate and unintended impact on our relations
with Latin America, the area of the world with which we have
such ties of friendship and cooperation. All members of
OPEC were excluded from our generalized system of trade
preferences. This punished two old American friends,
Ecuador and Venezuela, as well as other OPEC nations such as
Nigeria and Indonesia, which had not participated in last year's
oil embargo. This exclusion has seriously complicated our new
dialogue with our friends in this hemisphere.

(more)

-29-

I therefore call upon the Congress to provide the
Executive with the authority to waive those restrictions of
the Trade Act that discriminate against our traditional friends.

The interests of America as well as our allies are
vitally affected by what happens in the <u>Middle East</u>. So long
as that conflict continues, it threatens military crisis, the
weakening of our alliances, the stability of the world economy,
and confrontation among the nuclear superpowers. These are
intolerable risks.

Because our relations with the parties place us in
a unique position, we have at their request been engaged for
the past year and a half in a peacemaking effort unparalleled
in the history of the region, and the history of the United
States. We have pursued it with dedication, and without
illusions. The issues dividing the parties are vital to them
and not amenable to easy or quick solutions.

Our policy has brought remarkable successes. Last
year two major disengagement agreements were negotiated and

-30-

implemented with our help. For the first time in 30 years a
process of negotiation on the basic political issues was
begun -- and is continuing.

Unfortunately, the latest efforts to reach a further
interim agreement between Israel and Egypt have been suspended.

The United States will not be discouraged, by this temporary
setback. The momentum toward peace that has been achieved
over the last 18 months must and will be maintained. The
active role of the United States must and will be continued.
The drift toward war must and will be prevented.

I pledge the United States to a major effort for
peace in the Middle East -- an effort which I know has the
solid support of the American people and their Congress. We
are now examining how best to proceed, ~~But I can assure you~~
~~We are prepared to expand our efforts.~~

here and now that the United States is prepared to move ahead
on whatever course looks most promising -- a return to the
interim agreement should the parties decide to
step-by-step approach if that is feasible, or moving toward

EYD

the item

-31-

a broad overall settlement if it is not. We will not, in any
event, tolerate stagnation or a stalemate with all its
attendant risks to peace and prosperity and our relations
in and outside of the region.
We will pursue the American
national interest.

The national interest -- and national security -- require
as well that we reduce the dangers of war. We shall strive
to do so by continuing to improve relations with potential
adversaries.

The United States and the Soviet Union share an
interest in lessening tensions and building a more stable
relationship. During this process we have never had any
illusions. We know that we are dealing with a nation that
reflects different principles and is our competitor in many
parts of the globe. Through a combination of firmness and
flexibility, this nation has in recent years laid the basis
of a more reliable relationship based on mutual interest and
mutual restraint. But we cannot expect the Soviet Union to

-35-

With the People's Republic of China we are firmly
fixed on the course set forth in the Shanghai Communique.
Stability in Asia and the world require our constructive
communication with one-fourth of the human race. After two
decades of mutual isolation and hostility, we have in recent
years built a promising foundation. Certainly we will
encounter some difficulties along the way. Deep differences
in our philosophies and social systems will endure. But so
should our mutual long-term interests and the goals to which
our countries have jointly subscribed in Shanghai.

I will visit China later this year for the second time,
and my first time as President, to reaffirm these interests
and these goals. To accelerate the improvement
in our relations,

in our relations,

## New Challenges

The issues I have discussed are the traditional agenda
of foreign policy. But a hallmark of our time is a vast new agenda
of issues in an interdependent world. The United States --
with its economic power, its technology, its zest for fresh new

-38-

on what we do at home. I am confident the Congress will
help me demonstrate we mean business about our energy.

Underlying any successful foreign policy of the
United States is the strength and credibility of our defense
posture.

We are strong and we are ready. We intend to remain so.

Improvement of relations with adversaries does not mean
any relaxation of our national vigilance. On the contrary, it
is the firm maintenance of both strength and vigilance that
makes possible steady progress toward a safer world.
+ more careful

Certainly this is not the time to cut back our defense
capability. The national security budget I have submitted is
the minimum amount the United States needs in this critical
hour. The Congress will naturally want to review it carefully.
Bullard

But I ask that in addition to considering my requests item by
item, Members bear in mind the signal their action on the
defense budget as a whole will send to friend and foe alike.
unmcrcd jncrjorncs

-40-

Further, if Congress is to be effective in its intelligence activities, it must organize itself to do so in a prudent way. It has been traditional for the Executive to consult with the Congress through specially-protected procedures that safeguard essential secrets. I will work with the leaders of the House and Senate to improve this confidential channel.

History is testing us today. We cannot afford indecision, disunity or disarray in the conduct of our foreign affairs.

It is my profound conviction that America must no longer hamstring itself on questions of national security. The Executive Branch has made its mistakes; the Congress has made its mistakes, and some have been beyond our control and always will be.

But remedies do lie within our control. You and I have the power to correct the mistakes of the past. You and I can resolve here and now that this nation shall move ahead with wisdom, assurance, and national unity.

-41-

Peace, prosperity, energy, food, the future of
democracy -- these are issues on which the foreign policy
of the United States can bring untold benefits to all mankind.
The world looks to us, once again, for the vigor and vision
that we have demonstrated so often before at great moments
in our history.

This is my believe, is based on this belief.
My personal philosophy in foreign affairs is unshaken, and
un Questionable.

-- I see a confident America, secure in its strength
and values -- and determined to maintain both.

-- I see a conciliatory America, extending its hand
to allies and adversaries alike, forming bonds of cooperation
to deal with the vast problems facing us all.

-- I see a compassionate America, its heart reaching
out to orphans, to refugees and to all our fellow human beings
afflicted by war and tyranny and hunger.

I ask the Congress and the American people to join me
in these endeavors. Let us remove the obstacles in the way of
further advance. Let us be proud of what we have done and of what
we can do.