THE NEW YORK TIMES, MONDAY, MAY 6, 1974

Ledger Plan on Saigon Aid

By JOHN W. FINNEY
Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, May 5—The General Accounting Office has raised questions about the legality of a proposed accounting procedure that would allow the Defense Department to give South Vietnam $266-million more in military aid.

The questions being raised by investigators are still preliminary but could cause new complications for the Administration as it tries to find some way to replenish a depleted military aid fund for South Vietnam.

Earlier this year, as part of a supplementary appropriations request for the Defense Department, the Administration asked Congress to raise the ceiling on military aid to South Vietnam in the current fiscal year from $1.126-billion to $1.6-billion. The house refused to raise the ceiling, as did the Senate Armed Services committee, which is bringing the bill to the Senate floor tomorrow.

Alternative Suggested

As an alternative, however, the committee suggested that the Defense Department could deduct $266-million in expenditures that the committee contended had been mistakenly applied against the ceiling. The net effect of this accounting

Accounting Office Says
Shift to Avoid Ceiling
Might Be Illegal

not until the first part of this fiscal year that the Defense Department's military aid office paid back the money for the ammunition. Following its past accounting procedures, the Defense Department charged the cost of the ammunition against the spending ceiling for this fiscal year.

The Defense Department is prepared to go along with the accounting change proposed by the Senate committee, although Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger, in a letter last month to Representative F. Edward Hébert, Democrat of Louisiana, the chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, suggested that raising the ceiling would be a "more straightforward" approach.

A question no one being raised by investigators for the (General Accounting Office), the watchdog of Congress, is whether the accounting change would not put the Defense Department in the position of violating a spending ceiling in an earlier fiscal year.

In discussions with Congressional staff members, the accounting office representatives have noted that $173-million of

Tense discussions with Congress were held last week to discuss the possible impact of the proposed changes on the Department of Defense and its agencies.

The Department is considering the recommendations of the committees and is working to develop a comprehensive budget and spending plan that will provide for the needs of the Department in the coming year.

In addition, the Department is considering the possibility of reducing the size of the Defense Department's budget and spending plan by 10 percent to help fund other priorities.

Associated Press

 pieces stolen from home of
iles from Cork, in Ireland.

ish Art Theft

The police tonight pressed the search for four men who were members of the armed

Detente and Trade

NYTimes
5-6-74

Former Soviet Premier Khrushchev's appeal, not long
before his death, for a more enlightened Communist
society in which police measures against intellectuals
would be barred raises the question again of what, if
anything, the United States can do to advance this
evolution.

"It is essential that people enjoy their inalienable
rights here in the Soviet Union," Mr. Khrushchev said
in his tape-recorded memoirs. "It was for those rights
that ten million or more of our citizens paid with their
lives in Stalin's jails and camps."

One view in the United States is that Soviet liberaliza-
tion and freer emigration can be advanced by withhold-
ing American trade and credits. That view is embodied
in the Jackson amendment to the trade bill, which has
been endorsed by such Soviet dissidents as nuclear
physicist Andrei Sakharov.

The contrary view has just been reiterated by Mr. Sakharov's old friend and fellow dissident, the historian Roy Medvedev, who believes that trade expansion and continued détente are more likely to nurture freedom in Soviet society, including freer emigration. Denial of trade and other Western pressures beyond "a certain limit" might boomerang, he argues, and lead to a tightening of Soviet police controls.

The Medvedev view appears to us to be the more
realistic one. This does not mean that quiet diplomacy
should not be employed to press for freer emigration
and changes in Soviet foreign, defense and domestic
policies which endanger détente. Of course it should;
but there are severe limits to what can be achieved.

The Soviet need for American trade and credits is
declining, reducing the leverage the United States can
exert on Soviet policies. As a major exporter of raw
materials, including petroleum, the Soviet Union has
gained from the four-fold rise in oil prices last year.
Increased earnings from oil exports alone promise to
cover generously this year the Soviet Union's hard cur-
rency balance-of-payments deficit, which amounted to
$1.3 billion in 1972. That is the conclusion of a study by
Prof. Marshall Goldman, of Wellesley College, once
a firm supporter of Senator Jackson's demands, who
now argues that Congress can no longer be unreason-
able in the concessions asked of the Russians in ex-
change for trade and credits.

"The Russians might well agree to maintain emigra-
tion rates for Soviet Jews at the levels that prevailed in
1973 and might also concede to stop harassment, but
it is unrealistic to expect concessions that might have
been made a year ago," he told the Senate Banking
Committee.

The Goldman study suggests that the Jackson amend-
ment, if it ever had any value, has become a dwindling
asset. Free world trade liberalization is being held up
without gaining Soviet concessions. The Congress would
be better advised to permit reasonable trade and modest
credits to go forward in the interests of détente.

Charles W. Yost

# The Divided 'Third World'

WPOST
5-6-74

NEW YORK—It is often said that the United Nations General Assembly is a reflection of the world, and indeed in many ways it is. The recent special session, however, gave a rather blurred and ambivalent reflection, for- eshadowed in the announced subject of the session—"raw materials and de- velopment."

The meeting was proposed by Alge- ria, both a developing country and a major oil producer, presumably with a view to deflecting the flak which since last fall has been directed at the oil producers, and to maintaining the soli- darity of the less-developed versus the more-developed countries by hammer- ing again on the old themes of "neo- colonialism" and economic injustice.

Most of the speeches of the tradi- tional spokesmen of the developing countries, and the working papers they have circulated as a basis for Assem- bly action, concentrate largely on these themes and pay little attention to the energy crisis and its conse- quences.

Their main emphasis continues to be on past and present "exploitation" of poor countries by the rich and by mul- tinational corporations, on the right of all countries to exercise control over their natural resources, and if they see fit to nationalize those held by foreign- ers.

It has not been possible, however, to exclude current realities from the U.N. debate. There are approximately 95 U.N. members which very loosely con- stitute the group of developing na- tions. It is far from being a monolithic bloc and is now going through an iden- tity crisis even more acute than usual.

The Chinese vice premier in his As- sembly speech produced a new no- menclature by dividing the interna- tional community into "three worlds," first the two superpowers, second other developed countries, among whom he included China. For the lat- ter group he recommended self-rei- ance but not "self-seclusion" and urged, particularly in light of the oil crisis, that they help each other.

This latter issue is what has pro- duced serious rifts, for the most part behind the scenes but occasionally on the rostrum, among the developing countries. For the fact cannot be dis- guised that some of them are profiting

The writer is a former chief U.S. representative to the United Nations.

enormously from the oil crisis and, while certainly still underdeveloped, now have the means to catch up swift- ly. Still others have sufficient valuable raw materials of one kind or another at least to break even in the face of worldwide inflation.

There are, however, a number of poor countries, including some of the most populous, for whom the cost of necessary imported fuels and fertiliz- ers has shot up astronomically, who cannot generate remotely comparable exports, and who consequently face im- minent famine, bankruptcy and other disasters. This group is beginning to be described as the "fourth world."

Most of the newly affluent or about- to-be affluent oil producers have of-

> "Most of the newly affluent oil producers have offered help to their poorer neigh- bors, but their help is small compared to their incomes."

fered some help to their poorer neigh- bors, but their help is very small in comparison to their anticipated in- comes, is woefully inadequate to meet the needs, and is tied up in debates over the appropriate machinery to use.

Of course the oil producers rightly point out that the plight of the poar- est countries has been only aggra- vated, not generated, by the energy crisis. Help to the poor by the rich countries, particularly the United States, has in recent years been pitti- fully small, both in relation to the need and in relation to the soaring GNP and per capita incomes of these countries.

Prices of food and manufactured goods, largely offered for sale by the rich, have been going up as much, if not quite so suddenly, as those of oil. Responsibility for meeting the current accumulation of crises has to be shared between old-rich and new-rich.

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger made a statesmanlike speech to the

General Assembly in which he empha- sized that in our inter-dependent world nations will tend over the long run to prosper or. suffer together, even though not to the same degree. Reces- sion among the rich or disaster among the poor will each massively injure the other.

The Secretary pledged to the Assem- bly that the United States would shoul- der its substantial share of responsibil- ity and outlined a number of construc- tive steps which the United States gov- ernment is prepared to take.

The troubling question is whether Secretary Kissinger speaks or can speak for more than the Executive Branch of his government. The irre- sponsible action of the House of Rep- resentatives in refusing to honor a United States pledge to the Interna- tional Development Agency, made be- fore the energy crisis struck, gives lit- tle ground for optimism.

Will it be possible to persuade Con- gress and American public opinion, in their post-Vietnam mood of disillusion- ment with all foreign aid and their present resentment with the high price of oil, that our prosperity is inexorably linked to economic health and growth throughout the world?

As Secretary General Kurt Wald- heim said in opening the special session: "Much of the framework for a solution of the problems we face, and many of the directions which must be followed, are already indicated in pre- vious decisions of the United Nations system." What has so far been lacking is the political will. How bad do things have to get before that will be generated?

© 1974, Charles W. Yost

## The Washington post

EUGENE MEYER, 1875-1959

PHILIP L. GRAHAM, 1911-1963

KATHARINE GRAHAM

Publisher

JOHN S. PRESCOTT JR. BENJAMIN C. BRADLEE

President

Executive Editor

Philip L. Geyelin, Editorial Page Editor; Howard Simons, Managing Editor; Mark Measler, Vice President-Business Affairs; Kenneth Johnson, Vice President-Operations; Gerald W. Siegel, Vice President; Joseph P. Lynch, Vice President-Advertising; Jack F. Patterson, Vice President-Circulation.

Published by The Washington Post Company,

1150 13th St NW, Washington, D.C. 20005

KATHARINE GRAHAM

Chairman of the Board

LARRY H. ISRAEL

President

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

5-6-74

# The American Purpose in Vietnam

THE VOTES scheduled in the Senate today on aid for Vietnam override the issue of whether, as Senator Kennedy urges, the Pentagon should be denied authority to spend an additional $266 million this year in "found" money on military aid to Saigon. This is a technical issue, though it should appeal to the Senate's sticklers on fiscal regularity. Pentagon bookkeepers did not stumble upon the $266 million until the full House and the Senate Armed Services Committee had both rejected a Pentagon request to raise the ceiling on funds for South Vietnam. Just why the Congress should accept this kind of evasive spending procedure, on *anything*, is hard to understand.

The key issue, however, is whether this hefty dollop of aid promotes reconciliation in Vietnam or merely lets President Thieu avoid the political compromises foreseen in the Paris accords of January 1973. This is the difference between using aid—as Washington is attempting to use aid now in the Mideast—as an effective lever for a political settlement, and using aid to prop up one side and indefinitely prolong a local war. Given the complexity and confusion of the Vietnam scene, this is a difficult judgment to make. But it is an essential judgment, at least for any legislator with self-respect.

The administration, notably in Secretary of State Kissinger's recent letter to Senator Kennedy, has promoted the view that the United States has some independent obligation to the Saigon government—"a certain obligation [derived] from our long and deep involve-

ment," as the Secretary put it. This is a subtle but profound misreading of our actual obligation, which is not to Saigon but to the process of reconciliation. The whole point of the Paris accords was to effect this crucial shift in our national purpose in Vietnam. It was on that basis that Mr. Nixon sought and won re-election in 1972. It is disturbing now to find his Secretary of State trotting out such a retrogressive rationale.

In fact, legislators pondering their aid vote would do well to re-read the whole Kissinger letter to see whether they are being asked to vote, in effect, for peace or war. For there can be little doubt that in the absence of American pressure on Mr. Thieu to observe the dictates of the Paris accords, he has very little incentive to do so. We would single out here only one characteristic statement made by Dr. Kissinger: "The presence of large numbers of North Vietnamese troops in the South demonstrates that the military threat from Hanoi is still very much in evidence." His plain implication was that Hanoi is violating the peace agreement by keeping troops in the South. Yet the accords permit Hanoi to keep in the South as many troops as it had there in January 1973. By suggesting that Hanoi is doing something it has no right to do, he is implicitly granting Saigon an excuse to take countering steps in its own "self-defense," even though those steps may not be contemplated in the Paris accords. In the aid vote, the Senate has the opportunity to inform the administration whether—and to what extent—it agrees.

# Progress on Golan Seen by Kissinger

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

AMMAN, May 6—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger arrived in Jordan today convinced that the talks for a separation of forces along the Golan Heights have taken a 'considerable step forward.'

His hope for getting an agreement seemed buoyed by a reported decrease in the level of fighting along the Heights. A senior official on the Kissinger plane attributed this slowdown in action to the secretary's discussions in Damascus and Jerusalem.

[Syria said today it had inflicted heavy losses on Israel in continued "fierce" fighting on Mt. Hermon and other sectors of the Golan front. The

new clashes followed unconvinced reports that Syria had promised Kissinger to stop firing on the front except on Mt. Hermon, Agence France-Presse reported,

[Israeli Information Minister Shimon Peres, asked if there had been any drop in the level of fighting since Kissinger visited Damascus and Jerusalem, said, "Give it another day and we shall see." Military sources in Jerusalem said the Golan fighting today was at about the same level as on previous days, UPI reported.]

The secretary arrived here to hold talks with King Hussein on the disengagement negotiations as well as the prospects for a settlement on the Jordanian front.

Hussein welcomed Kissinger and his wife at the royal palace shortly after their arrival —which was delayed by extended talks in Jerusalem this morning.

A senior official said that Kissinger's talks in Jerusalem centered on a definition of the issues involved in a disengagement. The official said differences were narrowed.

Kissinger returns to Jerusalem Monday for a briefing on today's Cabinet meeting. He expects to go on to Damascus.

See KISSINGER, A8, Col. 1

have remained undecided until the last stages of the campaign. The state elections board has predicted a low turnout of 38 per cent of less of North Carolina's 1.6 million registered Democrats.

Political observers attribute the lack of interest to voters' being "fed up" with politics, a feeling at least in part Watergate-inspired. Supporters of one candidate reported they shut down a telephone solicitation operation because many people were simply slamming down their phones when politics was the subject of the call.

Moreover, the candidates' campaign rhetoric has not caught widespread attention, except perhaps Galifianakis' charge that Morgan does not have the experience for national office and that he cannot be a full-time attorney general and run for the Senate at the same time.

Morgan has said he will not resign — thus allowing Republican Gov. James E. Holshouser Jr. to appoint a replacement — but will hang on to his position at least until the nominee is chosen.

Morgan, a 48-year-old for-

campaign for governor against Terry Sanford. While he was a state legislator, Morgan supported the so-called Speaker Ban Bill, which attempted to bar reputed Communists from speaking on state college campuses.

Now, however, Morgan has sought to run a moderate campaign. He and the two other major candidates have actively sought the support of blacks.

Galifianakis, 45, who spent three terms in Congress and was defeated in the 1972 Senate election by Republican Jesse Helms, entered the contest only hours before the filing deadline and has been on the stump much less than his two opponents.

Of all the candidates, Galifianakis has sought to take the most forceful stand on Watergate and impeachment, vigorously criticizing President Nixon for not cooperating with the House Judiciary Committee.

He called Mr. Nixon's speech last Monday night before he left for a trip to Europe.

## Council of Europe Marks 25th Year

STRASBOURG, France, May 5 — The Council of Europe, which prides itself on being Western Europe's first effort at political unity, tomorrow celebrates its 25th anniversary overshadowed by crisis in its sister organization, the European Economic Community (EEC).

Personality Parade
5-5-74

Q. Now that Henry Kissinger and Moshe Dayan have both gotten married for the second time, can you tell us if they were ever really greatPIPsters, or was all that publicity just image buildup propaganda?—Helen Claiborn, Greenwich, Conn.

A. Moshe Dayan, 58, has been married three times, Kissinger twice. For years, Dayan, the Israeli Defense Minister, was rated one of the great Don Juans of Israel. Farmer, soldier, politician, archeologist, and romantically one-eyed, Dayan, the war hero, conquered not only on the fields of battle but the beds of love. His reputation as a swinger is justified. Kissinger's, on the other hand, is not.

It began when he dated Hollywood starlets whose press agents immediately informed the news media. Before signing aboard as Nixon's foreign policy adviser, Kissinger was basically a sexually inhibited academician. His track record as a great lover, prior to 1968, was virtually zero. Not even the Radcliffe coeds found him sexually appealing. Once he began coming out to San Clemente and environs, however, where Taft Schreiber of MCA and Bob Evans of Paramount fixed him up with actresses, Kissinger flowered. Blessed with a delightful sense of humor and a sharp intellect, he learned quickly that actress were attracted to men of power and liked most to talk about themselves. He thereupon listened and thus acquired instant popularity plus international publicity. Kissinger, however, is by nature and background a carefully conservative man, restrained and compulsively secretive. He is not the sort of dashing swinger who would share his innermost thoughts or needs with a variety of women. His recent marriage to the former Nancy Maginnes is exactly what he needed to provide some normality to his life.

MR. AND MRS. KISSINGER

THE WASHINGTON POST, SUNDAY, MAY 5, 1974

Joseph Kraft

The Kissinger Technique

JERUSALEM—The Kissinger technique emerges with special clarity in the way the Secretary of State is handling the present round of disengagement talks between Israel and Syria.

The negotiation was bound to be tough because the parties were far apart and had little incentive to compromise. But Dr. Kissinger arranged for pressures to mount on both sides, and now he comes on stage as the only man who can dismantle the pressures — the answer to everybody's prayers.

The basic elements of a disengagement agreement along the Golan Heights which separate Israel and Syria are obvious. Israel would abandon all Syrian territory seized during the 1973 war, plus a small slice of the Syrian land occupied during the 1967 war. The small slice would include Kuneitra, which is the capital of the Golan Heights area.

In return Syria would stop the fighting now under way and return Israeli prisoners. The strip of land between the two countries would be occupied by a United Nations contingent, and both sides would thin out their military forces in the adjacent territories. The disengagement would be considered the first step in a general peace agreement which would include further Israeli withdrawal from Syrian territory.

The trouble with this deal originally was that neither side had much inter-

est in making it. The Syrians have always represented themselves as the advance guard of Arab unity. Any accord which would leave Arab territory in Israeli hands is a loss for them—not a gain.

The Israelis are interested in trading land for peace. But the land around the Golan Heights is high ground with military significance. Some settlements might have to be abandoned — for the first time in Israel's history as a state. And the Israelis have no faith the Syrians will live up to the agreement anyhow.

In these conditions, Kissinger first took soundings from both sides. Then he bided his time allowing events to take their course.

Inevitably, given the Mideast, the furies began to work their way. First President Anwar Sadat of Egypt stepped onto the stage vacated by Dr. Kissinger.

He attacked the Russians over and over again. He praised Dr. Kissinger to the skies as a "magician." He sent his defense minister, Gen. Ahmed Ismail, to sound out the Syrians and then expressed high confidence that a disengagement would be worked out.

The result was to scare the Russians into believing they were on the point of being squeezed out of the Mideast. They came together with the Syrians and encouraged them to escalate the fighting on the Golan Heights.

The escalation, which reached a particularly grave point with a Syrian commando raid Wednesday night, filled the Israelis with deep misgivings —the more so as the pattern of American voting at the United Nations suggested Washington was turning a blind eye to Arab marauding against Israeli settlements. "Let's see what the magician can bring," Prime Minister Golda Meir told a group of visitors earlier this week, in a derisive reference to the Secretary of State.

What the magician in fact brought on his present trip was the power to turn off the spectres he had raised. He started in Geneva, assuring Andrei Gromyko of Russia's place in the peace negotiation, and extracting a pledge that the Soviet Union would not obstruct the disengagement talks.

He flew to Algiers and balanced President Sadat's prominence in a warm meeting with a far more radical Arab leader, President Houari Boumedienne. He then went to Alexandria, and in two days of hand-holding by the sea managed to tone down President Sadat's exuberance.

Here in Jerusalem, Dr. Kissinger has been easing Israeli apprehension. "The issue," he said in a soothing arrival statement, "is not pressure but a lasting peace." He spoke sympathetically to the families of Israeli prisoners held by the Syrians. He laid out before

Prime Minister Meir and her cabinet advisers what one Israeli highly suspicious of Dr. Kissinger called "a perfectly fair presentation of various possibilities."

By the weekend Dr. Kissinger had begun the shuttle process of trying to reconcile the Israeli and Syrian positions. The odds on a successful mission seemed high for suddenly everybody had been given a stake for success.

The Israelis would get an end to the murderous combat in the Golan Heights. The Syrians would be responding to appeals from prestigious Arab leaders including President Sadat on the Arab right and President Boumedienne on the Arab left.

The Russians would have a piece of the action in a Mideast settlement. The Egyptians and Algerians would acquire new clout. As to the Americans, it will seem that Dr. Kissinger has once more produced peace like a rabbit from the hat. He will have set the stage for President Nixon to make a triumphant visit to the Mideast before the Moscow summit which he calculates can tip the impeachment scales decisively in his favor.

In sum, the Secretary's essential method is to leash the dogs of war which he himself has previously unleashed. It is not nice, but it works what look like wonders.

© 1974, Field Enterprises, Inc.

74

The New York Times/May 5, 1974

The stolen paintings were recovered at a cottage outside Glandore.

## Admiral Is Named to Direct U.S. Naval Forces in Europe

WASHINGTON, May 4 (UPI)—Vice Adm. Harold E. Shear, a native of Shelter Island, L. I., has been nominated by President Nixon to receive a fourth star and to be commander of naval forces in Europe, the Pentagon said.

The nomination must be approved by the Senate, normally a formality, for him to become one of nine four-star admirals.

An Annapolis graduate, and specialist in submarines and antisubmarine warfare, he is director of antisubmarine warfare in the Pentagon and will

take over in Europe from Adm. Worth H. Bagley, who has been named Vice Chief of Naval Operations.

## New Agriculture Controls

WASHINGTON, May 4 (UPI)—The Agriculture Department has announced that it has taken over control of registration, record keeping and other compliance regulations for meat and poultry inspection in Pennsylvania. Officials said Thursday, the action means intrastate operators in related industries such as meat and poultry brokers, renderers, animal food manufacturers and warehousemen must register with the department.

## Other prerogative: fabergel

Give her Tigress "Week-ender" set: 1 oz. Cologne and 3 ozs. Bath Powder Ball, 4.25. Also

available in Woodhue or Aphrodesia. Not shown:

Cologne foursome set containing ½ oz. sizes. cologne in Tigress, Woodhue, Aphrodesia and Flambeau, the set, 5.50.

# Goal Now Is to Quiet Golan Fight

By Jeremiah O'Leary
Star-News Staff Writer

JERUSALEM—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger hopes for a de facto restriction of hostilities on the Golan Heights front without declaration of a formal cease-fire as a result of his first round of talks in Israel and Syria.

A senior source with Kissinger said the secretary discussed this possibility with Syrian President Hafez Assad yesterday and that some progress was made.

The implication was that Kissinger is striving to get both sides to tone down the fighting because mediation is difficult within the sound of the guns.

THERE ARE possibilities for this, the source told reporters as Kissinger flew from Damascus to Egypt early today, then on to Jerusalem.

Kissinger reported to Egypt's President Anwar Sadat on the state of Syrian and Israeli thinking on a first stage disengagement in hopes Sadat might have something to suggest.

Kissinger is known to believe he now has the antagonists within negotiating range on all issues except where new front lines will be drawn. In his seven hours with Assad, Kissinger reportedly discussed the lines only in general terms.

Since neither the Israeli proposal nor the Syrian proposal is acceptable to the other, Kissinger is discussing ideas rather than specifics.

ON OTHER aspects of disengagement, such as prisoners of war, the buffer role of the United Nations and thinning out of forces, the official said there was reasonable progress. But he reminded reporters there is a real possibility that Kissinger may leave the Middle east without an agreement and return again in a few weeks to try again.

The Syrians and Israelis were described as "inching toward" one another, but both sides have domestic political considerations to consider, and both feel the

need to give visible demonstrations of toughness.

Kissinger continues to believe that the Soviet Union is "not being unhelpful," although he is not certain they are promoting disengagement.

Officials informed about the Kissinger-Assad talks said they were impressed by the new moderate attitude of Foreign Minister Abdel Khaddam, who heads the most radical wing of Syria's ruling Baath party.

KISSINGER meets tonight with Prime Minister Golda Meir and other Israeli leaders and their cabinet meets tomorrow to discuss his report.

He will go to Jordan tomorrow to see King Hussein, then return to Jerusalem Monday. Then, either Monday or Tuesday, he will resume the shuttle between Israel and Syria.

-United Press International

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger is accompanied by Syrian Foreign Minister Abdel Halim Khaddam (right) upon his arrival in Damascus.

THE NEW YORK TIMES, SATURDAY, MAY 4, 1974

# Kissinger's Talks in Syria Reported Making Progress

Continued From Page 1, Col. 4

the issue of the line, and it is
that which will be principally
reserved for more detailed dis-
cussions."

Mr. McCloskey said that the
net effect of the talks in the
Syrian capital had produced the
American view that progress
was made, although not on any
specific issue.

He added that all the main
topics were gone over by the
two men—including the kind
of buffer zone that would sepa-
rate the two sides, the future
United Nations role in observ-
ing the disengagement accord
and the status of prisoners.

Before starting his talks
with Mr. Assad, Mr. Kissinger
was the guest of a luncheon
given by Foreign Minister Abdel
Halim Khaddam, a person not
previously known for his
friendliness toward the United
States

Mr. Khaddam praised Mr.

Kissinger for his "wisdom and
patience" as the mediator be-
tween the Arabs and Israelis.
He said: "You are working for
the best interests of all in the
area." This was possibly a ref-
erence to Israel as well, with
whose forces Syrian troops
again were engaged in sharp
exchanges today in the Golan
Heights and Mount Hermon
areas.

In his response, Mr. Kissinger
took note of Syria's national
aspirations and, according to
Mr. McCloskey, said, "We
would be prepared to assist, if
we see disengagement achieved,
in the same spirit as we have
assisted other Arab countries."

Some officials believe that in
the next few months American
influence in Syria may rise as
significantly as it has in Egypt
despite the strong Soviet pres-
ence here. Significantly, de-
spite rumors, Foreign Minister
Andrei A. Gromyko of the So-
viet Union was not in Damas-
cus. There had been some

speculation that he would be
here when Mr. Kissinger ar-
rived.

Mr. Kissinger left Tel Aviv
after talks in Jerusalem with
Israeli leaders yesterday and a
last-minute review of Israeli
policy with Premier Golda Meir
this morning.

A senior American official
aboard the Air Force 707 en
route to Damascus said that
the "nuances" of Israel's think-
ing were now clearer, and Mr.
Kissinger had the "shape of a
possible accord" in his mind.

But, as they have since leav-
ing Washington Sunday, the
Kissinger aides cautioned
newsmen that there was still
less certainty of success in
these shuttle negotiations be-
tween Israel and Syria than ex-
isted prior to January's disen-
gagement agreement between
Egypt and Israel along the
Suez Canal.

For an agreement to take
place, a senior American offi-
cial said, both Israel and Syria

will have to make significant
changes in the formal position
they took to Washington in
recent weeks. He said spe-
cifically that if Syria main-
tained the position that was
given to Mr. Kissinger last
month, an accord would be im-
possible, thereby increasing the
chances for a renewable of
full-scale fighting, and perhaps
endangering the new relation-
ship between Washington and
Cairo.

The reception for Mr. Kiss-
inger today was his warmest
welcome yet in this country.
Mr. Khaddam, at the luncheon
for Mr. Kissinger, said there
had been "a thawing of the ice."

"We believe the American
people are going good things
for humanity," he added. "And
we here in Syria always re-
member the American leaders
who have supported freedom
movements.

"We assure you our people
want to have good relations
with the American people."

# U.S. Inquiry Reported in Bonn Spy Case

By CRAIG R. WHITNEY
Special to The New York Times

BONN, May 3—President Nixon has ordered the United States Embassy here to provide a “full report” on what Atlantic alliance secrets may have been passed on to East Germany by the official on Chancellor Willy Brandt’s staff who confessed last week to being a spy, according to American and German officials.

Mr. Nixon ordered the report as soon as the spy's existence became known last Thursday, according to a diplomatic source.

The spy, Gunter Guillaume, was on the Chancellor's staff from early 1970 until April 24, when he was arrested and confessed. He had a top security clearance and his responsibilities were in the area of domestic political affairs.

A intelligence source, speaking privately, said the fall of Mr. Nixon's concern

revealed military or communications secrets shared by members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

And, he added, although speculation was rife, “nobody really knows what he knrw; spies is, I think, generally overrated.” He said that the discovery of Mr. Guillaume's spying had not prompted any large-scale rethinking of United States policy or changing of communications codes, since the admitted agent apparently was not competent in that field.

Today, a Government spokesman, Dr. Armin Grunewald, confirmed press reports that Mr. Guillaume had also had an intimate relationship with a woman who was private secretary to two of West Germany's foreign-policy officials.

The woman, Marie-Luise Mueller, has been working in the office of State Secretary Gunter Gaus, who is scheduled to assume office as Bonn's permanent representative in East Berlin at the end of this month.

Bahr, long involved with the Brandt policy of improving relations with the Communists of Eastern Europe.

Mr. Grüenwald said that the secretary was not under suspicion of espionage himself, but had been detained and questioned by policemen last week after the discovery of a love letter from her in Mr. Guillaume's desk.

Mr. Gaus had originally been scheduled to take up his mission in East Berlin on May 15. His departure was postponed for two weeks as a sign of Bonn's displeasure over the spy incident. Miss Mueller will not be going with him, Mr. Grüenwald said.

Any reports—American and German—on what Mr. Guillaume may have passed on to East Berlin would be, one intelligence source said, “really only guesses, as long as he keeps on refusing to talk.” The source also discounted speculation that the Soviet Union might have deliverately exposed the East German agent to

Sunday
The old
47

(Corner C
From 6th, 7th or 8th A

A14

SATURDAY

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

The General Assembly vs. the Poor

THE SPECIAL session of the United Nations General Assembly had a good chance to do something specific and helpful for the countries most seriously hurt by recent changes in the world economy—and lost it. The chance lay in the American proposal for an extra $4 billion effort to bring relief over the next 18 months to nations in special need. The proposal was a hastily assembled grab bag but it did accept the principle of international responsibility for the world poor and it did have some substance. However, the special session set it aside after only the most cursory kind of inspection and decided instead to make a grand but gratuitous declaration about how the whole world economy should be reorganized. This declaration no doubt will be well received back home in many countries, although it will feed no one.

It should come as no surprise to students of the United Nations that it is not the best forum in which to get action on urgent and complex issues, particularly economic ones. The world community tacitly recognized this long ago by spinning off most substantive economic and development matters either to other forums, such as GATT and the World Bank, or to the U.N.'s own specialized agencies, such as the Development Program. This gives the United Nations proper, at an occasion like the special session, a certain license to strike political poses. This carries its own risks. One is that the striking of political poses will be taken seriously, either by the countries that strike them or by the United States Congress, which is not as maturely resigned as is the Executive Branch to seeing the United States take abuse from

countries with their hand out. Another risk, felt most keenly by those countries in desperate straits because of the oil cartel's recent quadrupling of the price of oil, is that their political need to strike poses will undercut their far more serious need to gain relief.

In this regard, it becomes important to note the American government's assurances that it does not intend to cut back on any of its own planned relief projects simply because most members of the United Nations decided to go another route at the special session. The United States had expected little from the session, realizing that the chief purpose of its conveners—the members of the oil cartel—was to escape their own direct responsibility for bringing new hardship on their third-world brothers. At the same time, the United States did pledge, in Secretary of State Kissinger's address of April 15, to make a harder push on its own in the most crucial immediate area, food aid. The Treasury Department, in between Secretaries, was not in a position to assert its usual strong opposition to this kind of program, which, naturally, costs money. Dr. Kissinger followed with the $4 billion grab bag proposal of May 15. The delegates rejected it but there is no sign that they will reject the particular ingredients of it as the United States makes them available separately to their governments.

This is not to say that the United States will or can make the hardest-hit countries whole. But if one has to choose between a declaration at the United Nations and a decision within the United States government, the latter is greatly to be preferred.

U.S. Sees ‘Shape’ 5-4-74
Of Mideast Accord

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

DAMASCUS, May 3—A senior official traveling with Henry A. Kissinger told reporters today that the U.S. secretary of state could now see the “shape of an agreement” between Israel and Syria emerging.

But the official, who cannot be identified under the ground rules for the discussion, said that there were still many decisions remaining to be made by both parties before an accord is reached.

As of today, however, no decisions were forthcoming, and it became clear that neither side was prepared to make the first public move that might indicate a concession.

After more than seven hours of talks here between Kissinger and Syrian President Hafez Assad, Ambassador

Robert J. McCloskey, the acting U.S. spokesman, said tonight that progress had been made but added that, “No agreement has been reached.”

Underlining the fact that there was still no deal, McCloskey said that the issue of the dividing line between opposing forces for a disengagement accord had “been reserved for discussion at the next visit.”

Kissinger is to return here late Monday or early Tuesday.

Kissinger apparently also made little headway on getting Syrian assent to a ceasefire on the Golan Heights front, which Israel is demanding.

Since neither side appears willing to make the first move to break the impasse, it can be

See KISSINGER, All, Col. 1

Limited Progress Seen in Middle East

KISSINGER, From A1

expected that Kissinger, after
hearing both sides' views, will
try to come up with some
ideas he regards as acceptable
to the two parties. This way,
neither side has to accept the
proposal of the other.

Kissinger proceeded in this
manner during the Israeli-
Egyptian disengagement talks.

Kissinger arrived today in
the Syrian capital after nine
hours of talks with Israeli
leaders and received an un-
usually warm welcome in his
roving effort to get a disen-
gagement agreement on the
Golan Heights. He promised
to return "as often as neces-
sary to see a process of negoti-
ation begin and hopefully a
complete accord reached."

As he left Jerusalem this
morning, Israeli Foreign Min-
ister Abba Eban bid him fare-
well saying his government
was "seeking a disengagement
agreement compatible with se-
curity and vital interests."

Cautioning against expecta-
tions of an imminent break-
through, Eban said: "We do
not have an agreement in our
pockets at all. On the other
hand, we have by no means
reached a stage of despair. We
are going on with these talks
unconditionally."

Here in Damascus, an hour's
flight away, Syrian Foreign
Minister Abdel Halim Kaddam
told Kissinger in a luncheon
toast: "Our people want a du-
rable and just peace." In an
unusual tribute after years of
coolness and even hostility be-
tween the United States and

Syria, Khaddam told
Kissinger: "You have acted
with wisdom and patience and
that convinces us you are
working for the best interests
of all in the area."

While Kaddam never men-
tioned Israel, the reference to
"all in the area" struck politi-
cal observers here as signifi-
cant.

U.S. officials said that Kissinger left Jerusalem with a very clear idea of Israel's security concerns. While there, the secretary discussed specific details of a possible agreement, and while he apparently did not leave with a precise proposal, he obviously got a sense of which issues are negotiable and which are not.

As a result of his discus-
sions in Jerusalem, Kissinger
seemed prepared to present
various ideas to the Syrians.
The secretary is understood to
believe that once some issues
are solved, others will fall into
line. He is expected to try to
apply to the Golan front the
principles of his successful ne-
gotiations for a disengagement
of forces along the Suez Ca-
nal.

But the secretary recognizes
that the issue is a far more
emotional one for Israel be-
cause it involves areas close to
its population centers and a
divided Syrian government in
which Israel has less confi-
dence than it did in Egypt.
Further more, Israel's own do-
mestic situation is far more
complicated than it was at the
time of the Suez negotiations.

A decision to come to a dis-
engagement agreement with

Israel is a difficult one for
Syria as well, but the warm
welcome given to Kissinger to-
day could make it easier. Kiss-
inger arrives with one strong
card: the prospect that Syria
could get some $100 million in
U.S. aid following an agree-
ment with Israel. Egypt is in
line to get as much as $250
million.

Such aid would provide
Syria with an "American op-
tion" and help to lessen the
present strong Soviet influ-
ence here. A sign that such
U.S. aid might be welcome
was seen in the fact that pres-
ent at the luncheon given for
Kissinger by Foreign Minister
Khaddam were the Syrian
ministers of economy and edu-
cation as well as Gen. Hikmat
Shahabi, who presented Syri-
a's disengagement proposals
to the U.S. secretary several
weeks ago in Washington.

Khaddam reportedly told
Kissinger in his luncheon
toast that, "There has been a
thawing of the ice between the
United States and Syria. We
believe the American people
are doing good things for hu-
manity . . . Our people want to
have good relations with the
American people."

For Kissinger personally,
there was high praise for the
patience he has shown. It is
this that prompts us to hold
you with respect and esteem,"
Khaddam reportedly said.

In his reply, Kissinger noted
an "enormous change in our
bilateral relations," according
to McCloskey. "There was a
time when in the public image

in the United States, Syria ap-
peared hostile."

That, Kissinger said, had
changed. "We consider co-
operation to be a natural re-
lationship between the United
States and Syria.

Kissinger goes back to Alex-
andria Saturday to discuss the
first phase of his shuttle be-
tween Israel and Sria with
Egyptian President Anwar Sa-
dat.

Then, in a change of plans,
he will return immediately to
Jerusalem in order to have
talks with Israeli leaders be-
fore Sunday's Cabinet meet-
ing. The trip to Jordan, origi-
nally scheduled for Sunday,
has now been postponed to
Monday.

Israeli Planes Hit
Inside Lebanon

From News Dispatches

Israeli warplanes yesterday
attacked inside Lebanon for
the second day, hitting at
Arab guerrilla concentrations.
On the Golan Heights, Israeli
Commandos struck across the
cease-fire line into Syria and
Israeli and Syrian artillery
units battled on a wide front.

It was the 53d straight day
of fighting on the Golan front.

The Israeli military com-
mand said the air strikes into
Lebanon were aimed at knock-
ing out Arab guerrilla bases
used to shell Israeli positions.

Israel also sent a commando
group across Syrian lines in
the eastern sector of the Gola
Heights salient yesterday.

RADIO TV REPORTS, INC.

4435 WISCONSIN AVE. N.W., WASHINGTON, D. C. 20016, 244-3540

FOR THE WHITE HOUSE

PROGRAM Commentary

STATION WTOP Radio

DATE May 3, 1974 7:35 AM

CITY Washington, D.C.

## FULL TEXT

NEWSCASTER: Some Washington observers think Secretary of State Henry Kissinger gets the best press of any member of the administration.

Media critic Edwin Diamond looks at some of the reasons why.

EDWIN DIAMOND: Henry Kissinger has long had the reputation for being the best public relations man in Washington. Through personal style and diplomatic accomplishments he's kept an admiring press on his side during the general disasters that have hit the rest of the Nixon administration.

Just how artfully Kissinger manages the media is spelled out by a former Kissinger White House assistant in the new Columbia Journalism Review. The assistant, Roger Morris, documents the mixture of charm, controlled leaks and calculating press relations by which Kissinger operates. He reveals for the first time that Kissinger also played newscensor on at least one occasion. Right before the Cambodian invasion, Morris reports, the New York Times correspondent had the story. But Kissinger apparently was able to persuade the Times editors to kill the account. A spectacular re-play of the 1962 Bay of Pigs episode involving the Times and John F. Kennedy.

Most of the time Kissinger does not have to play censor. Morris describes the clubby atmosphere aboard the Kissinger jet. Before one Mideast trip, a correspondent and member of the Kissinger 707 club, demanded of his newspaper's investigative reporter, have you got anything coming up that will embarrass us?

There are other Kissinger news management techniques. His style of shuttle diplomacy generates so much hard news and keeps everyone so exhausted physically that there is in the words of Murray Marrer (?) of the Washington Post, "little time or energy for drawing critical balance sheets."

Former aide Morris draws up his own balance sheet. The press, he says has a tendency to ignore what Kissinger ignores. Kissinger's is weak in foreign economic policy, so the diplomatic press coverage of economics is weak. Kissinger slides over the food crisis. So does the diplomatic reporting.

It is literally tag-along journalism with the press caught in the fast shuffle.

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couldn't before.

5-3-74

NY Times

# Knowledge of 'Plumbers' Denied Again by Kissinger

WASHINGTON, May 2 (AP) —Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger denied again today that he had any knowledge of the White House "plumbers" group or the involvement of a former aide, David R. Young Jr., in the investigation of domestic security matters.

Mr. Kissinger, who is in the Middle East, made the denial through a State Department spokesman, Paul Hare, here in response to an affidavit by John D. Ehrlichman, the former Presidential assistant.

The affidavit charged that Mr. Kissinger sat in on a meeting in California during July, 1971, when Mr. Young was recruited for the plumbers group.

pledge until September, 1971. Clark MacGregor and Mr. Mardian had met with Mr. Reinecke the morning he testified. (Staff interview with Wallace H. Johnson). On April 3, 1974, Mr. Reinecke was indicted by a District of Columbia grand jury for perjury in connection with that testimony. (Indictment, April 3, 1974, U.S. v. Reinecke, Crim. No. 74-155.)

On April 27, 1972, the last day of the hearings, Mr. Kleindienst referred to his earlier testimony about communications with the White House and said:

"I tried to make it clear, Senator Fong, that in view of the posture I put myself in, in this case, I could have had several conversations but I would have had a vivid recollection if someone at the White House had called