Verafield, besides the most "modern" communication of the
But at the very moment of the greatest glory of
Continental almost inevitably had disastrous consequences.
torical development that the attempt to imitate it on the
solution of Britain so much depended on a distinctive dia-
remained a transient phenomena in Western history while the
this reason the answer of France, for all its abhorred,
power, than the fact of being in possession of it. And for
always demanded further justification for the exercise of
ity has never anteced to legitimize it, that the West has
tion in the first place, that the mere existence of author-
problem of Western history which had produced the Reformation
gene development, that of France was based by the root
and safety assured and uninterrupted and distinctive do-
solution became increasingly meaningful as growing power
solved the problem by evading it. But while the British
divine right of King, was the answer of France which re-
God without the intermediary of the organized Church, the
consonance of uniform safety. The Grant of power by
the explanation of domestic conflict and the increasing
shared experience was the answer evolved by Britain from
was the base of authority? The historical continuity of
not become a state of being at the same time a Church, what
the exercise of authority was not for God, it a people did
the British Civil War and of the Thirty-Year War. But it
This in one of its aspects had been the cause of

- S -

- 3 -

legitimacy of authority was being prepared almost unnoticed
in an area hitherto at the periphery of events, the barren,
sandy Duchy of Prussia, soon to become a kingdom. For it
was here that there emerged a concept of political organiza-
tion, almost unknown since Roman times: the secular state
transcending the individual in both time and space, having
an existence of its own and conferring legitimacy by the
doctrines of service and duty. Obedience in this scheme
was no longer the acceptance of a foreign will, but the ex-
pression of one's "true" desires. And authority was not
"arbitrary," however oppressive, but the reflection of an
ethical standard. The King of France demanded loyalty
which is personal and contingent; the ruler of Prussia
appealed to duty which is abstract and universal. "So act
that your maxims could become by your will a universal law
of nature," was Kant's formulation of the categorical
imperative and it epitomized the ethos of the Prussian state.
The state as an idea, not merely as a historical community,
but as the highest form of ethical activity, justifying it-
self by the equal application of its laws, marked the
Prussian solution of the problem of the legitimacy of au-
thority by transforming the Christian commonwealth into a
secular church. The King of Prussia was therefore not
"absolute" even though his power might be enormous, for
therein too Prussia was "modern", that it was less concerned
with the power of its sovereign than with the fact that
everyone bear it equally.

everyone bear it equally.

with the power of its sovereign than with the fact that
therein too Prussia was "modern", that it was less concerned
"spacolute", even though his power might be enormous, for
secular church. The King of Prussia was therefore not
thoroughly transforming the Christian commonwealth into a
Prussian solution of the problem of the legitimacy of an-
self by the edict subjection of its laws, marked the
put as the highest form of ethical activity, justifying it-
The state as an idea, not merely as a historical community,
imperative and it epitomized the ethics of the Prussian state.
" nature", was Kant's formulation of the categorical
that your maxima could become by your will a universal law
abbeled to duty which is a separate and universal. "So act
which is personal and contingent; the rule of Prussia
ethical standard. The King of Prussia demanded loyalty
"sacrificial", however obtrusive, put the reflection of an
breath of one's "true" degree. And authority was not
was no longer the acceptance of a foreign will, put the ex-
doctrines of service and duty. Obedience in this scheme
an existence of its own and concerning legitimacy by the
transcending the individual in both time and space, having
tion, almost unknown since Roman times: the secular state
was here that there emerged a concept of political organiza-
sandly Dreyfus of Prussia, soon to become a Kingdom. For it
in an area hitherto at the borderland of events, theлен,
legitimacy of authority was being prepared almost unnoticed

- 3 -

- 4 -

That Prussia thus formed itself into the first prototype of the modern "service-State" was dictated by its history and its geography. The former Mark Brandenburg, the defensive bastion against the East on the flat North German plain was created for a tour de force. (And its later development strengthened these tendencies.) Fragmented across Central Europe with no natural frontiers, surrounded on all sides by larger powers, its major portions separated by innumerable enclaves, Prussia never had any physical reality: It was an idea or it was nothing. Its margin of survival was so narrow, that the consciousness of foreign danger limited the scope of its domestic politics, if it did not inhibit it altogether. The military efficiency of the Prussian administration and the famous discipline of the Prussian army only reflected the unity of will and execution which had made Prussia great. Prussia thus grew almost inexorably because states develop not only through their resources but through their capacity to utilize them and Prussia's social myth permitted a fuller exploitation of the existing material than was even conceivable in any other European state. So it happened that Prussia, the smallest of the major European powers, successfully withstood a coalition of all the other major Continental states in the Seven-Years War. And when in 1806 Napoleon's victories at Jena and Auerstadt seemed to spell the end of its independence, a wave of national enthusiasm swept across the rump state. Its army was reorganized, its administration

the mmnb state. Its army was reorganised, its administration
its independence, a wave of national enthuiasm swept across
victories at tens and hundreds seemed to abate the end of
states in the Seven-Years War. And when in 1800 Napoleon's
withstood a coalition of all the other major continental
the smallest of the major European powers, necessity
in any other European state. So it happened that Prussia,
boitiation of the existing material than was even conceivable
raise them and Prussia's social web permitted a further ex-
through their resources put through their capacity to uti-
tise grew almost inexorably because states develop not only
of will and execution which had made Prussia great. Prussia
discipline of the Prussian army only reflected the unity
efficiency of the Prussian administration and the famous
tics, it did not uninitit it altogether. The military
of foreign danger limited the scope of its domestic保-
its margin of survival was so narrow, that the consciousness
and hydraulic reality: It was an idea or it was nothing.
tions separated by innumerable enclaves, Prussia never had
surrounded on all sides by larger powers, its major bor-
fragmented across Central Europe with no natural frontiers,
its later development strengthened these tendencies.
North German plain was created for a tour de force. (And
purg, the defensive position against the East on the East
its history and its geography. The former Mark Branden-
prototype of the modern "service-state" was dictated by
that Prussia thus formed itself into the first

- 5 -

reformed, its finances stabilized. By the time the Grand Armee was defeated in Russia there existed again a nucleus power of such discipline that although Prussia possessed but a fraction of the resources of its allies Austria, Russia and Britain, its contribution to the War of Liberation equalled theirs.

But in the second quarter of the 19th century, Prussia seemed seized by a strange torpor. For the state which in two generations had transformed itself from one of the most insignificant German principalities to the most powerful had become afflicted with second thoughts. It still paid homage to the memory of its great kings who had expanded Prussia's power by a ruthless tour de force. But the homage was by way of legitimizing stagnation and in the hands of mediocrity the invocation of greatness had become a means of availing action. This had come about because the War of Liberation and its aftermath seemed to have demonstrated to the King and his advisors that the forces unleashed by a policy of conquest might end by dissolving Prussia's identity and that the task Prussia had set for itself, the hegemony of Germany, was achievable only at the sacrifice of Prussia's sense of hierarchy to theories of constitutionalism. But by denying the logic of its geographic position as well as the vision of it by the other German powers, Prussia doomed itself to stagnation. Whenever the spontaneity of "what comes naturally"

tion. Whenever the aboutness of "what comes naturally" the other German bowers, Prunais did itself to agasal of its geographic position as well as the vision of it by theories of constitutionalism. But by denying the logic only at the sacrifice of Prunais's sense of primarily to set for itself, the hegemony of Germany, was achievable solving Prunais's identity and that the task Prunais had forces unleased by a policy of condense might end by dis- have demonstrated to the King and his advisors that the because the War of Liberation and its aftermath seemed to had become a means of adding action. This had come about in the hand of mediocrity the invocation of greatness But the homage was by way of legitimizing agnation and had expanded Prunais's power by a ruthless tour de force. still had homage to the memory of its great kings who bowered had become accustomed with second thoughts. If the most insignificant German principalities to the most which in two generations had transformed itself from one of Prunais seemed seized by a strange tonbor. For the state But in the second quarter of the 16th century, tion equalled them.

Prunais and Britain, its contribution to the War of Lipper- put a traction of the resources of its allies Anstray, bower of such discipline that although Prunais possessed Armee was defeated in Prunais there existed again a unknown reformed, its finances stabilized. By the time the Grand

- 2 -

- 6 -

is given up, security can be found only in the routine of bureaucratic norms. Then an administrative rationality reigns supreme, an invocation of "objectivity" which is a denial of the need for great conceptions, a cult of routine which is a way of assimilating mediocrity, a standard of policy which measures by errors avoided, rather than by goals achieved.

So it was with Prussia, Its King, frightened by the revolutions breaking out all over Europe and indeed by the elemental passion unleashed within Prussia during the Napoleonic Wars, came to cling to stability as an absolute value, to reject all opportunities to profit from the yearning for German unity or from Austria's discomfitures now in Italy, now in the Balkans. Instead, Prussia became a diplomatic satellite of Austria ever-ready to defend the unity of conservative interests while its domestic structure petrified under the impact of a top-heavy bureaucracy. With Prussia simply deferred its basic lemma: The very shape of the state inhibited equilibrium; its weird frontiers spoke more convincingly than the King's hesitations that its shape was tentative. Prussia could achieve hegemony in Germany or it could collapse; but under no circumstances could it stand still. Nor could it escape its task by denying that it existed. There occurred a struggle then beneath the surface of the placid Prussian life between the reality of Prussia and its desires, between the need for dynamism and the yearning for tranquillity. No

the need for dynamism and the learning for fluidity. No
file between the reality of Prussia and its desires, peters
out like a blank canvas
its task by denying that it existed. There occurred a
no circumstances could it stand still. Nor could it escape
achieve hegemony in Germany or it could collaborate; put under
pressures that its abuse was tentative. Prussia could
its weird frontiers aboke more convincingly than the King's
lemmas: The very shape of the state indubited equilibrium
resonantly. With its Prussians aimlessly deterred its basic di-
structure betrusted under the impact of a too-heavy pu-
tend the unity of conservative interests while its domestic
became a diplomatic astrolabe of Austria ever-ready to de-
titutions now in Italy, now in the Balkans. Instead, Prussia
the learning for German unity or from Austria's discom-
plete vainly, to reject all opportunities to exploit from
the Napoleonic War, came to cling to stability as an ap-
py the elemental basis unseamed within Prussia during
the revolutions precluding out all over Europe and indeed
so it was with Prussia's King, lightened by
 Goals achieved.
booth which measures by errors avoided, rather than by
which is a way of assimilating mediocrity, a standard of
denial of the need for great concessions, a sort of routine
refugee sublime, an invocation of "optoeity," which is a
purely rational norm. Then an administrative rationality
is given to security can be found only in the routine of

- d -

- 7 -

amount of bureaucratic rigidity could obscure the fact
that Prussia, whose ethos was growth, required institu-
tions capable of assimilating diversity and intergrating
greatness. It only reflected the peculiarity of the
Prussian state that this realization came most strongly
not from the people, nor yet from any class organized
politically, but from within the machinery of state, from
the groups which not only understood but represented the
Prussian dynamism: the bureaucracy, the legal profession
and certain segments of the aristocracy.

When on February 3, 1847 King Frederick William
IV finally fulfilled the promise made by his father in the
exaltation of the War of Liberation and called into being the
Vereinigte Landtag, the first Parliament in Prussia's his-
tory, there would be no doubt that it would become the focus
of all tensions. To be sure, it was not much of a Parlia-
ment by modern constitutional standards and the vain, brill-
liant but unstable king would have been horrified had he been
told that it represented a first step towards democracy. It
was created by a simple expedient, by calling to Berlin the
Assemblies of the three Estates of the various provinces of
Prussia. But there are experiences in the life of peoples
which transcend any afterthoughts. It was thus with the War
of Liberation and its aftermath. Nothing could eradicate
the consciousness of nationalities brought to Germany by the

the consciousness of nations, brought to Germany by the
of Lipperland and its aftermath. Nothing could erode
which transpired and afterthoughts. It was thus with the War
Prussia. But there are experiences in the life of beacons
Vaselines of the three States of the various provinces of
was created by a simple expedient, by calling to Berlin the
told that it represented a first step towards democracy. It
fiant but unstable king would have been permitted had he been
ment by modern constitutional standards and the vain, priti-
ous all tensions. To be accurate, it was not much of a parlia-
cord, there would be no doubt that it would become the tool
Vereinfachte Landtag, the first Parliament in Prussia's first-
exitation of the War of Liberation and called into being the
IV finally fulfilled the promise made by his father in the
When on February 3, 1847 King Frederick William
and certain segments of the arraignment.

Prussian dynamism: the puresceracy, the legal profession
the Groopa which not only understood but represented the
politically put from within the machinery of state, from
not from the beadle, nor yet from any class organized
Prussian state that this realization came most strongly
Greatness. It only reflected the benefit of the
tions capable of assimilating diversity and integrating
that Prussia, whose ego was growth, required inauth-
amount of puresocratic rigidity could opacure the last

- 1 -

- 8 -

French occupation, nor eliminate the prestige acquired by Prussia through its heroic efforts. However severe its censorship and however rigid its policy after the Congress of Vienna, Prussia remained to German patriots the microcosm of the larger whole, the symbol of their hopes for unity. It did not matter that Prussia's policy of repression was even more vigorous than Austria's because it was not leavened by Austrian inefficiency. It was to Prussia to which even liberals looked for the achievement of their goals. And Prussia athwart Germany from the partly Polish East to the Catholic and somewhat Latinized Rhineland symbolized that quest even in its physical shape. This was the paradox of Prussia's history, that the most authoritarian of Germany's states should become the symbol of its national aspirations. Any Prussian Parliament, whatever its composition, would therefore almost inevitably become a center of national sentiment. And since the Parliament had developed out of the experience of the War of Liberation, it would consider the memory of these years as sacrosanct.

On May 17, 1848 a tall, powerfully built man of 32 years mounted the speaker's rostrum of the Parliament. Bronzed by the sun, proud in bearing, challenging in de meanor, self-confident in expression, he represented the beau-ideal of the Junkers who had built up Prussia, the group of large landholders accustomed to command, frugal,

Broads of large languageers sequestered to command, trug, pass-through of the Junkers who had built 93 Prunais, the manner, self-confident in expression, he represented the Broussard by the ann, broad in bearing, challenging in de-
35 years mounted the asker's rostrum of the Parliament.
On May 12, 1948 a tall, powerfully built man of
would consider the memory of these years as sacrosanct.
eloquent out of the experience of the War of Liberation, it
of national sentiment. And since the Parliament had de-
legation, would therefore almost inevitably become a center
sabrina. And Prunaisan Parliament, whatever its combo-
of Germany's states should become the symbol of its national
the baroque of Prunais's history, that the most authoritarian
polized that great even in its bucolic essence. This was
East to the Catholic and somewhat Latinized Rhineland aum-
gosla. And Prunais stewart Germany from the partly Polish
to which even lipperls looked for the seification of their
notavened by Austrian inefficiency. It was to Prunais
sation was even more vigorous than Austria's because it was
unity. It did not matter that Prunais's policy of repre-
com of the larger whole, the symbol of their nobles for
of Vienna, Prunais remained to German patriots the micro-
censure and however rigid its policy after the Congress
Prunais through its heroic efforts. However severe its
French occupation, nor eliminate the breathe acquired by

- 8 -

(Y)

- 9 -

tough, and narrow, sustained by the self-evidence of their
prestige. A reddish-blond beard surrounded a face on which
the many duels of student days had not failed to leave their
mark. A derisory smile on his lips, he began to speak. And
then an incongruity became apparent. For this giant spoke
with a weak, somewhat high-pitched voice; his sentences
emerged hesitantly as if each phrase had to tear itself loose
from the inside of the powerful hulk. And therefore, para-
doxically, the prosaic, precise words conveyed an impression
of tremendous, barely controlled passion.

The occasion for the speech was a matter of tertiary
importance, a financial measure for agricultural relief. In
the course of the debate one of its proponents had deplored
the gulf that had opened between the bureaucracy on the one
hand and the people on the other. Almost ritualistically,
he had compared this situation with the national enthusiasm
of 1813 which, he asserted, was wrongly ascribed to hatred
of the conqueror, since so noble a people as the Prussian
was incapable of hatred. Rather the exaltation of 1813 had
been the result of the reforms of 1807 which had again con-
nected the people with its government. It was to these ar-
guments that the present speaker addressed himself:

"It is difficult to find words for a simple correction, after a speech motivated by such noble enthusiasms
... I feel obliged to contradict what has so often

... But I feel obliged to contradict what has so often been said, after a speech motivated by and to people entourage them to "It is difficult to find words for a simple comment that the present abuser apprises himself as"

nected the beagle with its Government. It was to these reasons the result of the reforms of 1801 which had again concerned the beagle of hatred. Rather the exaltation of 1813 had of the condenser, since so noble a beagle as the Prussian of 1813 which, he asserted, was wrongly ascribed to hatred he had compared this situation with the national enthusiasm and the beagle on the other. Vilmout ritually, the Guit that had opened between the parricide on the one the course of the debate one of its proponents had deboned importance, a financial measure for agricultural relief. In

The occasion for the ab訓 was a matter of fact: of tremendous, purely controlled beagle.

doxically, the brosio, precise words conveyed an impression from the inside of the bowerful bulk. And therefore, basically emerged heaithfully as it each brusque had to tear itself loose with a weak, somewhat high-bitched voice: his sentences then an incongruity becomes inherent. For this giant aboke mark. A derisory smile on his face, he began to abase. And the many queles of student days had not failed to leave their brevige. A redmond-pondard surrounded a face on which tough, and narrow, sustained by the soft-evidence of their

- 3 -

(2)

- 10 -

been maintained on this rostrum, as well as outside these
halls, with reference to the constitution, that the uprising
of the people in 1813 required other motives than the shame
of having foreigners command in our country. It is to do
an ill service to our national honor to assume that the de-
gradation which Prussia suffered at the hands of a foreign
autocrat did not suffice to make our blood boil and to have
all other sentiments obliterated in the common hatred of the
foreigner,"¹

Here was the clarion-call of traditional Prussia whose
sense of the self-evidence of its social obligations could not
accept the latent distrust in government implicit in the de-
mand for constitutional guarantees and to which its historic
mission seemed a better justification for a national policy
than the liberal doctrines of self-determination. And as
such it was anathema to the majority of the chamber. It was
not surprising then, that the speaker had great difficulty
completing the passage in the face of the wave of indignation
which swept the assembly. He was interrupted numerous times
-- loud murmurs are noted after almost every sentence in the
sober stenographic Report -- and the president required sev-
eral minutes to restore order upon the conclusion of his re-
marks. Many more deputies than could be recognized clamored
for the privilege to reply. One of the most moderate denied
the speaker the right to judge a period which he had not ex-
perienced. Quickly the speaker returned to the rostrum. And

1. For quotation as well as for following see Kohl, B.R. I, p. 9f.

I. For quotation as well as for toffing see Koul.B.R. I.b. 61.

blessed. Quickly the abuser returned to the rostrum. And
the abuser the right to judge a period which he had not ex-
tor the privilege to reely. One of the most moderate denied
marks. Many more debutles than could be recognized ofscared
erat minutes to restore order upon the conclusion of his re-
aper atenographie leport -- and the president required sev-
-- long whumura are noted after almost every sentence in the
which weet the asaempt. He was interrupted numerous times
completing the passage in the face of the wave of indignation
not anbrating then, that the abuser had great difficulty
and it was anathema to the majority of the chamber. It was
than the federal doctrine of self-determination. And so
mation seemed a better justification for a national policy
and for constitutional guarantees and to which its historic
accept the latent disunent in Government implicit in the ge-
lobe of the self-evidence of its social obligations could not

Here was the clarion-call of traditional prunais whose
foreigners."

all other sentiments opitated in the common press of the
autocrat did not suffice to make our blood cool and to leave
frustration which prunais allured at the hands of a foreign
an ill service to our national honor to assume that the ge-
ot of having foreigners command in our country. It is to go
of the beagle in 1813 required other motives than the same
palla, with reference to the constitution, that the abrasing
been maintained on this rostrum, as well as on those

- 10 -

(A)

- 11 -

while the enraged assembly hooted and the president vainly
called for order, the speaker, one of the youngest in the
chamber, insolently turned his back on his colleagues and
began to read a newspaper. When order had been somewhat
restored, he began again in his irritating, rasping and yet
compelling voice: "I cannot deny of course that I did not live
then, and I have always deeply regretted that it was not
given to me to participate in this movement; a sentiment
which is ameliorated however by the information I have just
received. I had always assumed that the slavery against
which we fought then came from abroad; I have just learned
that it was domestic and I am not very obliged for being en-
lightened."

In this manner Otto von Bismarck appeared on the
political scene. Nobody then in the room in Berlin would
have believed it possible that it would be this man, standing
so nearly alone, who in less than two decades would solve
the problem of German unity which had eluded the efforts of
two generations. Nor could they have known by the widest
stretch of their imagination that it would be these ideas
so incongruously old-fashioned, so stolidly archaical in a
century of constitutionalism and nationalism which would
dominate the destiny of their country. But not every revo-
lution begins with a march on the Bastille and its apostles
may be even more effective for appearing in the guise of
conservatism.

concernsiam.

may be even more effective for abearing in the Guise of
intuition begins with a march on the Seville and its abosties
dominate the destiny of their country. But not every revo-
century of constitutionalism and usagesiam which would
so unconquerably op-unionized, so stolidly radical in a
attract of their imagination that it would be these ideas
two generations. Nor could they have known by the widest
the problem of Germanuria which had eluded the efforts of
so nearly alone, who in less than two decades would solve
have believed it possible that it would be this man, standing
political scene. Nobody then in the room in Berlin would
In this manner Otto von Bismarck abhorred on the
tightened."

that it was domestic and I am not very opined for being en-
which we taught then came from abroad; I have that learned
received. I had always seemed that the slavery against
which isميرkaned however by the information I have that
given to me to participate in this movement; a sentiment
then, and I have always deeply regretted that it was not
combelling voice: "I cannot doubt of course that I did not live
restored, he began again in his officiating, reading and let
begun to read a newspaper. When order had been somewhat
chamber, insofarly turned his back on his colleagues and
offered for order, the abuser, one of the loudest in the
while the enraged assembly rooted and the president again

- 11 -

(11)

- 12 -

What is a revolutionary? Were the answer to this question unambiguous the riddle of the nature of political stability would be solved. Only the most moribund societies would crumble and then but through a surrender to a foe about whose aims no doubt exists. But it is only to posterity that revolutionaries appear unambiguous -- this is indeed the condition of their success. The more stable a society, the less prepared it is psychologically to deal with a revolutionary threat. For the essence of stability is the spontaneity of social obligations. Just because fundamental transformations come to be inconceivable, the initial reaction of a "legitimate" order to a revolutionary threat will be a refusal to believe in its seriousness. It will be assumed that the revolutionary is merely overstating his case for bargaining purposes, that he is motivated by specific grievances to be assuaged by determinate concessions. "Legitimate" orders define themselves by their reluctance to press contests to their ultimate conclusion because the absence of fundamental schisms is the condition of their cohesiveness. But the revolutionary is characterized not only by his willingness but by his eagerness to draw final consequences. The basis of stability is a sense of proportion, an exaltation of continuity over triumph; the essence of revolution is that its advocates place will over

essence of revolution is that its advocates place will over
of proportion, an exaltation of continuity over triumph; the
draw that consequence. The poles of stability is a sense
fixed not only by his willingness but by his eagerness to
of their cohesiveness. But the revolutionary is character-
cause the essence of fundamental schemes is the condition
instance to press contexts to their ultimate configuration pe-
rious. "Legitimate" orders define themselves by their re-
specific preconditions to be assumed by determine conces-
sus case for pertaining burpooes, that he is motivated by
will be assumed that the revolutionry is merely overacting
threat will be a refusal to believe in its aerenasence. It
initial reaction of a "legitimate" order to a revolutionary
fundamental transmutations come to be inconceivable, the
is the aboutness of social obligations, that because
with a revolutionary threat. For the essence of stability
a society, the least prepared it in bayonologically to deal
is indeed the condition of their ancess. The more stable
to posterity that revolutionaries abhor unamplified -- this
to a toe apart whose aims no doubt exist. But it is only
pund societies would crumble and then put through a surrender
political instability would be solved. Only the most mor-
this question unamplified the riddle of the nature of
What is a revolutionary? Were the answer to
- 15 -

11

- 13 -

structure and the requirements of victory above those of
continuity.

It is no accident therefore that history exhibits
successes of revolutionaries totally out of proportion with
their numbers or their real strength. For while the defend-
ers of the status quo are inhibited by the "rules" of what
has come to be considered legitimate, the revolutionaries
have forsaken these restraints. And while the defenders of
the status quo can not be "sure" that the revolutionary is
in fact a revolutionary until the existing order is already
overturned, the revolutionary in turn can use their quest
for security to exact concessions by which he gradually con-
quers the moral terrain. But if the revolutionary profits
from reality of stability while he is in opposition, its
memory tends to work against him after his victory when
he in turn is confronted with the task of construction.
Then it often becomes apparent that nemesis does not always
triumph by exacting an eye for an eye, that it sometimes
defeats man by fulfilling his wishes too completely. Those
who started the revolutions most profound in their conse-
quences would have been horrified had they known the shape
of the world they were helping to bring about. So it was
with the French Revolution which celebrated its end when
the King granted a new Constitution, little realizing that
the overthrow of the existing order is not the end but the
beginning of revolutions. So it was in Russia where the

beginning of revolutions. So it was in Russia where the
come overthrow of the existing order is not the end put the
come King granted a new Constitution, little realizing that
with the French Revolution which celebrated its end when
of the world they were helping to bring about. So it was
decades would have been horrified had they known the abuse
who started the revolutions most prototurn in their con-
deletee man dy exacting an eye for an eye, that it sometimes
then it often becomes apparent that nemesis does not always
he in turn is confronted with the task of construction.
memory tends to work against him after his victory when
trom reality of stability while he is in opposition, ita
does the most terrain. But if the revolutionary broils
tor security to exact concessions dy which he gradually con-
overturned, the revolutionary in turn can see their next
in fact a revolutionary until the existing order is already
the status quo can not be "annex" that the revolutionary is
have taken these restraints. And while the deluge of
has come to be considered legitimate, the revolutions
era of the status quo are indigested dy the "ruling" of what
their numbers or their real strength. But while the deluge-
accidents of revolutions are totally out of proportion with
it is no accident therefore that history exploits
continuity.

architecture and the requirements of victory spoke those of

- 13 -

(A)

- 14 -

Kerensky government which a few months previous would
have satisfied even the most Utopian reformer only served
to pave the way for a second outbreak. For if the defenders
of the status quo suffer from the illusion of unalterable
permanence, the revolutionaries are subject to the mirage
of a new order which has all the benefits of the revolu-
tionary ideals added to the advantages of the overthrown
structure. But the forces unleashed have their own logic
and their distinguishing characteristic is precisely the
fact that with the upheaval there has disappeared not only
the grievance but the bond of union of society. The greater
the dislocation, the greater the premium that will be placed
on ruthlessness. Force must replace a sense of obligation
as the means of social discipline. Reigns of terror are
no accident; they are the reverse side of a disintegrated
legitimacy.

This is a special problem when the revolution
occurs not in the name of change but by exposing the exist-
ing institutions to a strain for which they are not designed.
Even the most "conservative" position can be socially dis-
solving therefore if its advocates in their quest for tri-
umph bring about the erosion of self-restraint. For so-
ciety lives by a myth which derives its power not from its
truth but from the fact that it is believed. An outsideer
will have no difficulty showing its logical fallacies, but
in a strong society this will merely be taken as a symptom

in a strong society this will merely be taken as a symptom
will have no difficulty showing its logical fallacies, but
triumphant from the fact that it is believed. An outsider
clearly lives by a myth which germines its power not from its
mumbi print spout the creation of self-reigning. For so-
sacling therefore it its advocates in their dust for tri-
even the most "conservative" position can be socially dis-
posing institutions to a strain for which they are not designed.
occurs not in the name of change but by expelling the exist-
ence of a specialist problem when the revolution
legitimacy.

no accident! they are the reverse side of a disintegrated
as the means of social discipline. Reforms of terror are
on autopilot. Force must replace a sense of obligation
the dialocation, the greater the premium that will be placed
the grievance put the pond of union of society. The greater
that with the upheaval there has diabolized not only
and their distinguishing characteristic is precisely the
atmosphere. But the forces unleashed have their own logic
triumphant ideals added to the advantages of the overthrow
of a new order which has all the penalties of the revolu-
bernance, the revolutionaries are subject to the mirage
of the status quo and suffer from the inflation of overween
to have the way for a second outbreak. For if the defenders
have ascribed even the most utopian reformer only served
Kerensky Government which a few months before would

- 14 -

(A)

- 15 -

of precisely the fact that he is an "outsider". It is
different, however, when there emerges a personality of
extraordinary power, strong enough to strip bare the make-
believe which is the condition of social cohesiveness and
to exhibit the social forces in all their nakedness as
factors to be manipulated.

The impact of genius on routine will always be
unsettling, of course, for routine is a quest for an av-
erage standard while genius is the effort to transcend
norms. The administrator will consider genius "unsafe"
because its insistence on uniqueness exhibits the bu-
reaucracy's quest for determinacy. And genius must con-
sider the bureaucrat as limited for his acceptance of
standards which are not self-created. In fortunate so-
cieties a compromise occurs. Genius is, if not understood,
at least believed in and therefore room is left for its
appearance; while in its turn genius will not seek fulfill-
ment in rebellion. But it is a less happy occurrence when
genius attempts to recast the world in its image instead of
being satisfied with leavening it. For stable societies
are maintained by an average level of performance; a high
average if they are fortunate but at any rate a standard
reducible to approximate norms. To require of a society
that it produce great men in each generation will doom it to
an effort beyond the strength of the material because both
the appearance and even more the recognition of greatness is

the abstinence and even more the recognition of greatness is an effort beyond the strength of the material because both that it produces great men in each generation will doom it to be responsible to approximate normal. To require of a society average if they are fortunate but at such rate a standard are maintained by an average level of performance a high being satisfied with remunerating it. For stable societies Genus attempts to recast the world in its image instead of abstinence; while in its turn Genius will not seek truillit at least believed in and therefore room is left for its cretes a compromise occurs. Genus is, it not understood, standards which are not self-created. In fortunate ac- celerates the purescence as limited for its acceptance of respiration's great tor determinacy. And Genus must con- because its inattention on undigneness exhibits the pu- norma. The administrator will consider Genus "unable" emerge standard while Genus is the effort to transcend unsetting, of course, for routine is a great for an av-

The impact of Genus on routine will always be factors to be manipulated.

to exhibit the social forces in all their wakefulness as believe which in the condition of social cohesiveness and extraordinary power, strong enough to strip bare the make- different, however, when there emerges a porosity of or, briefly, the fact that he is an "outsider". It is

- 12 -

- 16 -

a fortunate accident. Stable societies have therefore
always managed to clothe greatness in the forms of medi-\OCRITY; revolutionary structures have attempted to perpetuate
a moment of exaltation. In so doing they have doomed them-
selves either to institutionalized hysteria or to rigidity;
to the self-conscious evocation of a mood supportable only
when it was spontaneous or to the formal imitation of mis-
understood greatness. To force genius to respect norms may
be chafing, but to encourage mediocrity to imitate great-
ness may lead to complete irresponsibility. But this is
the legacy great men have often left for posterity.

So it was with Bismarck at any rate. His was a
strange revolution, dissolving because of the very scale
of its conception and triumphant domestically through the
vastness of its successes abroad. With a few brusque strokes
he swept away the dilemmas of the quest for German unity of
two generations and in the process revolutionized not only
the map of Europe but the pattern of international relations.
Like the great figures of old, like Lycurgus and Solon, he
created a society in his image and a community of nations
animated by his maxims in their dealings with each other.
In the process there disappeared the "Metternich system"
which, if it had not given Europe inspiration, had assured
its tranquillity, while domestically there was lost the
contribution of many lesser men, who were overshadowed by
the colossus who dominated Germany or who despaired at the

the coloanaa who dominated Germany or who dominated the
contribution of many lesser men, who were overshadowed by
its tranquillity, while domestically there was great the
which, if it had not given Europe inspiration, had secured
In the process there disassembled the "Netternich system"
animated by his maxima in their dealings with each other.
created a society in his image and a community of nations
like the great families of old, like Rhonduane and Solon, he
the mob of europe put the better of international relations.
two generations and in the process revolutionized not only
he swept away the differences of the great for German unity of
autonomy of its successives abroad. With a few pradute strokes
of its conception and trimphant domestically through the
strange revolution, dissolving because of the very scale
So it was with Bismarck at any rate. His was a
the legacy Great men have often left for posterity.
ness may lead to complete irrationality. But this is
be equaling, put to encourage mediocrity to imitate Great-
understood greatness. To force genuine to respect norms may
when it was about to come to the formal imitation of mis-
to the self-conscious evocation of a mood unportable only
self-same either to institutionalized materials or to rigidity;
s a moment of exaltation. In no doing they have doomed them-
ecentric revolutionary atomized have attempted to pervert
always managed to clothe greatness in the terms of medi-
a unfortunate accident. Staple societies have therefore

- 13 -

(H)

- 17 -

prospect of living up to so overpowering an example. It
was indeed a fearful challenge that was thus set to suc-
ceeding generations, to operate what was in effect a per-
sonal creation, the German constitution, as if it had not
been precisely designed for one man. And to survive by
means of a diplomacy of such intricacy that it would be
manipulated only by a master. This was the heritage that
Bismarck left with his achievements -- a revolutionary
legacy for a seemingly conservative state, the symbol of
revolution: a paradox.

The man who brought this about was a figure as
out of scale as his accomplishments. Like the legendary
heroes of the Teutonic past, he strode on the scene shat-
tering with solitary arrogance the riddles which had baffled
a generation and transforming the spiritual dilemmas of
decades into disputes for the academy. Everything about
him was out of scale, his bulk and his appetite, his loves
and even more his hatreds. The paradox of his accomplish-
ments seemed embodies in his personality: The man of
"blood and iron," who wrote a prose of a simplicity and
clarity unexcelled in the whole realm of the German lan-
guage and with a poetic sweep and imagery worthy of a great
artist; the apostle of the claims of power, who in times
of crisis was subject to fits of weeping; the Machiavellian
whose love letters reveal the tenderness of a Shelley; the
"Iron Chancellor" who loved Shakespeare and copied whole
pages of Byron into his notebook. And strangest of all,

bages of Baron into his notepook. And strung at all,
"Iron Guiseeffor," who loved Shakespeare and copied whole
whose love letters reveal the tenderness of a Shelley! the
of criteria was subject to life of webbing: the Machiavellian
artistic; the abjectie of the claims of power, who in times
enrage and with a boctie sweep and imagery worthy of a great
 clarity unexceeded in the whole realm of the German lan-
"blood and iron," who wrote a prose of a simplicity and
ments seemed empedies in his beraunosity: The man of
and even more his hatreds. The barndox of his secomblia-
him was out of scale, his punk and his abbeite, his loves
desires into disburste for the academy. Everything spout
a Generation and transforming the spiritual differences of
tering with solitary arrogance the riddles which had pertled
heros of the Tentonic bat, he attroge on the scene and-
out of scale as his accomblishments. Like the legendary
The man who brought this spout was a figure as
revolution: a barndox.

 legacy for a seemingly conservative state, the symbol of
 Bramarck felt with his achievements -- a revolutionary
袖manbustled only by a master. This was the heritage that
messe of a diplomacy of such intrinsic that it would be
been breecially designed for one man. And to arrive at
sousi creation, the German constitution, as it had not
ceeding generations, to operate what was in effect a her-
was indeed a fearful challenge that was quite set to ane-
broadact of living nb to so overpowering an example. It

- 11 -

(1)

- 18 -

this man who represented the claims of reason of state
and of the reality of power possessed a sense of pro-
portion and an agility of conception which transformed
power into an instrument of self-limitation. He who had
called forth the spirits managed to control them in his
life-time by a tour de force tantamount to an act of will.

These ambiguities give the tragic stature to
Bismarck's life. Unlike Napoleon, he was not interested
in conquest for its own sake but only to the limit of his
capacity to preserve. And he then had the courage to at-
tempt to preserve by the means he had used to create. But
the spirits refused to be banished by however great an
exertion. For power is not the easiest but the most dif-
ficult component of international relations to control.
When the novelty of Bismarck's tactics had worn off and
the greatness of his conception had been assimilated,
lesser men strove to emulate his methods without the sure
touch, the almost artistic sensitivity which charaterized
him, with the result that what had been a manipulation of
factors in a fluid situation was transformed into an arma-
ment race and a World War. And domestically although
Bismarck became the father of his country, the very qual-
ities which had made him a solitary figure among his people
in his lifetime caused them to misunderstand his lessons
when he had become a myth. They remembered the three great
wars which had achieved their unity, but they overlooked the

was which had achieved their unity, but they overlooked the
when he had become a myth. They remembered the three great
in his lifetime caused them to misunderstand his reasons
for which had made him a solitary figure among his people
Bramarck became the father of his country, the very dust-
ment race and a World War. And domestically, although

factors in a fluid situation was transformed into an arms-
war, with the result that what had been a manipulation of
touch, the almost artistic sensitivity which characterized
lesser men arose to emulate his methods without the aim
the greatness of his conception had been assimilated.

When the novelty of Bramarck's tactics had worn off and
continued combinatorial relations to control,
exertion. For power is not the easiest put the most difficult
the spirits returned to be punished by however great an
tempt to preserve by the means he had need to create. But
absence to preserve. And he then had the courage to act-
in concert for its own sake put out to the limit of his
Bramarck's title. Unlike Mbobeon, he was not interested

These ambiguities give the tragic nature to
file-time by a tour de force tantamount to an act of will,
called forth the spirits managed to control them in his
power into an instrument of self-limitation. He who had
billion and an agility of conception which transformed
and of the reality of power possessed a sense of bro-
thred man who represented the claims of reason or fate

- 18 -

- 19 -

patient preparation which had made them possible and the
moderation which had secured their fruits. Thus its
greatest modern political figure may well have sown the seed of
Germany's twentieth century tragedies. "No one eats with
impunity from the tree of immortality,"² wrote Bismarck's
friend, Roon, about him. And Bismarck himself in a letter
to his bride drew a picture of the meaning of his life:
"That which is imposing here on earth ... has always some-
thing of the quality of the fallen angel, who is beautiful
but without peace, great in his conceptions and exertions,
but without success, proud and lonely."³

2. Quoted in Ludwig, *Bismarck*, p. 494.

3. W 14/I, p. 60.

## II. The Making of a Revolutionary

Few persons have more profoundly intervened in the history of their people than Otto von Bismarck. Before he appeared on the scene, Germany and Prussia seemed to be undergoing the "normal" development towards a constitutional, liberal state. Even the opponents of this trend were conscious that they were fighting a rear-guard action and that they did not possess a meaningful alternative. But five years after Bismarck came to power the problem of German unity was solved and its institutions charted in a manner which reflected the aspirations of not a single significant group, only the personal predictions of one man. Too democratic for its conservatives, too illiberal for its democrats, the new settlement was designed for a solitary personality who proposed to control the contending forces, both domestic and international, by manipulating their antagonisms. Any account of the events of this period must therefore begin with the development of Otto von Bismarck.

"People are born as revolutionaries," wrote the German liberal Bamberger from his Parisian exile in 1862 in an article which attempted to explain the enigma of Bismarck's personality to the French. "Only the accident of life decides whether one becomes a Red or a White

gent of life decides whether one becomes a leg or a white
of Biamarck's, a personality to the core." Only the acid-
1805 in an article which attempted to explain the enigma
the German Minister Hamberger from his Parisian exile in
"people are born as revolutionaries," wrote
the development of Otto von Bismarck.

of the events of this period what therefore begin with
tions, by manipulating their antagonism. And account
for the contending forces, both domestic and interna-
giated for a solitary personality who proposed to con-
too illiquid for its democrata, the new settlement was
founded on one man. Too democratic for its conservative
not a single significant group, only the personal brede-
chated in a manner which reflected the aspirations of
brother of German unity was solved and its institutions
active. But five years after Bismarck came to power the
action and that they did not possess a meaningful after-
trend were conscious that they were fighting a rear-Germ
attitudinal, illiquid state. Even the obsolescence of this
to be undergoing the "normal" development towards a con-
tore he abhorred on the scene. Germany and Prussia seemed
the history of their people than Otto von Bismarck. Be-
Few Bernard have more undoubtedly intervened in

- 2 -

revolutionary."¹ Many years later Bismarck was to say that this was one of the few articles of which he was proud. People are born as revolutionaries when the scope of their conceptions and the scale of their powers dis-solves all institutions with which they deal. For insti-tutions are designed to assimilate mediocrity, not for genius or demoniac power.

Otto von Bismarck was born on April 2, 1815, as the son of a couple which symbolized the two pillars of Prussia's greatness, the aristocracy and the bureaucracy, the tenacity of ownership and the pride of achievement. The Bismarcks had belonged since times immemorial to that dour group of Junkers which had wrested Eastern Germany from the Slavs. They were already Junkers, Bismarck once said, when the Prussian kings were still an insignificant South German dynasty, a sentence which expressed the self-assurance of a class to which the recognition of a superior always came hard. The supremacy of the king had been wrested but with difficulty from these independent land-owners and only by the creation of a myth which so exalted the state that service to it came to make palatable the loss of independence. Thus, while in France the aristoc-racy was crushed because an absolute ruler can not recog-nize peers and in Britain it grew dominant because a virile aristocracy finds it difficult to accept a superior will,

1. Quoted in Eyk, II, p. 316.

I. Graved in Kk, II, b. 3d.

sriatoceratid kings it difficult to accept a superior will, since they are and in Britain it grew dominant because a virile race was created because an offspring never can not recognize its independence. Thus, while in Prussia the sriatoceratid state that service to it came to make acceptable the owners and only by the creation of a man which so excited wrought put with difficulty from these independent kings-which came hard. The supremacy of the king had been assurance of a class to which the recognition of a superior South German dynasty, a sentence which expressed the self-same, when the Prussian kings were still so insufficient from the Slavs. They were already Jankers, Biamarck once donk crowd of Jankers which had wrought Eastern Germany. The Biamarcks had belonged since times immemorial to that the tendency of ownership and the bridge of achievement, Prussia's Greatness, the supremacy and the pureseness, the son of a couple which amplified the two factors of Otto von Bismarck was born on April 5, 1812, as Genuis or demoniacal power.

tutories are designed to assimilate mediocrity, not ten
solves all institutions with which they deal. For itself-
of their conceptions and the scale of their powers dis-
brong. People are born as revolutionaries when the scope
that this was one of the few articles of which he was
revolutionary."¹

- 5 -

(3)

- 3 -

the Prussian aristocracy became a partner of the King because the Prussian state seemed to dwarf both. In this manner the King symbolized the unity of the state and the Junkers staffed its chief positions. But even then the king could count on the support of the Junkers only if he lived up to their conception of kingship and only so long as he did not seriously threaten their prerogatives. Behind the mask of exaggerated servility there always lurked a slightly concealed defiance, for despite all traditions, the existence of a sovereign will was hard to bear: "I will never be able to tolerate superiors,"² wrote the young Bismarck.

Bismarck's father was a good-natured, mediocre member of his class. He had served briefly in the army but neither the disaster of Jena nor the War of Liberation could lure him away again from his ancestral estate. He had preferred independence to service even when the King took away his commission and he lost favor at the court. But independence had not proved sufficient for his bride. She had been raised in an environment where status depended not on birth but on talent. The daughter of the Privy Councillor Mencken, risen from the bourgeoise, she had been brought up according to the maxims of the Enlightenment and she insisted that her sons justify themselves by intellectual attainment and professional advancement. "I had always thought," she wrote, "that my greatest happiness would be

2. W. 14/I, p. 30. 9 January, 1845.

S. W. 14\1, b. 30. 6 January, 1842.

thought," she wrote, "that my greatest happiness would be
attainment and professional advancement." I had always
she insinuated that her sons quantify themselves by intellectual
proud mb according to the maxima of the Enlightenment and
Conciliation Mencken, when from the pounds, she had been
not on birth put on talent. The daughter of the Privy
She had been raised in an environment where status depended
But independence had not proved sufficient for his pride.
took away his commission and he lost favor at the court.
had breasted independence to service even when the King
confined him away again from hisauer state. He
but neither the disaster of ten nor the War of Liberation
member of his class. He had served briefly in the army
Bramrock's father was a good-natured, benevolent
young Bramrock.

will never be able to tolerate außerordnung,¹² wrote the
the existence of a sovereign will was hard to bear: "I
a slightly concessional attitude, for despite all traditions,
find the mark of exaggerated sensitivity there always langued
as he did not seriously threaten their prerogatives. Be-
lived nb to their conception of Kingfish and only so long
King could count on the support of the Junkers only if he
Junkers stalled its chief positions. But even then the
manner the King emphasized the unity of the state and the
cause the Prussian state seemed to want both. In thus
the Prussian anatocerosy became a barrier of the King be-

- 3 -

- 4 -

to have a grown-up son ... whose calling would permit him
to penetrate much deeper into the realm of the spirit than
I ever could as a woman."³

But to penetrate into the realm of the spirit
meant to leave the Kniephof, the ancestral estate in
Pomerania. It meant the discipline of a Gymnasium in
Berlin far from the soil and its freedom. Never was
Bismarck to lose his nostalgia for nature or the illusion
that his real happiness lay in a bucolic existence. Never
would he speak of his days at the Plaman Institute except
with distaste nor of his relations with his mother without
bitterness: "My mother," he wrote to his bride, "was a
beautiful woman who loved luxury; with a bright intelligence
but with little of what is called soul ... She wanted me
to learn much and to achieve a great deal and it often
seemed to me that she treated me harshly and coldly."⁴ "Two
generations tend to alternate," he wrote another time, "a
thrashed with an unthrashed one. I belong to the thrashed
generation."⁵

It was no accident therefore that Bismarck always
identified himself with the traditions of his father, that
he considered himself the descendant of an aristocrat and
not of a Privy Councillor. It was from the land that he
drew the magnificent imagery of his writings and for which

3. E.I., p. 14.

4. W. 14/I, p. 67. 23 February, 1947.

5. Quoted in Ludwig B, p. 20.

2. Graded in August B. d. 50.
3. M. 171. b. Cl. 53. Republ. 1841.
4. E.I. b. 14.

grew the magnificent images of his writings and for whom
not of a dry Confeffor. It was from the land that he
be considered himself the descendant of an aratocant and
identified himself with the traditions of his father, that
It was no accident therefore that Blamarck always
Reproduction."²

traced with an untraced one. I belong to the traced
Generations tend to alternate," he wrote another time, "a
seemed to me that she treated me kindly and coolly."⁴
Two
to learn much and to achieve a great deal and it often
put with little of what is called out ... She wanted me
pleasant woman who loved luxury with a bright intelligence
pitter-patter: "My mother," he wrote to his pride, "was a
with datest son of his relations with his mother without
would be asked of his days at the Blamck Institute except
that his real business lay in a political existence. Never
Blamarck to lose his nobles for nature or the illusion
Berlin lay from the east and its freedom. Never was
powerful. It meant the discipline of a gymnasium in
meant to leave the Knobhol, the学术state in
But to penetrate into the realm of the spirit

I ever confid as a woman."³

to penetrate much deeper into the realm of the spirit than
to have a grown-up son ... whose calling would permit him

- 4 -

(Y)

["- 5 -", "he reserved his tenderest feelings. Twenty years later he\nwas to lease the Kniephof to a tenant farmer but he would\nnever cease considering it his home: \"Over the whole region\nof green meadows, water and leafless oaks,\" he wrote on the\noccasion of his last visit, \"lay a soft sad atmosphere while\nI made my farewell visit to the places which were dear to\nme ... Where I had planned to build a new house lay the\nskeleton of a horse; it was my loyal Galeb who had carried\nme for seven years in happiness and in sadness, wildly and\nlazily across many a mile of road. I thought of the heaths\nand the fields, the lakes and the houses with their inhabi-\ntants whom we used to fly past; my life unfolded itself\nbackward until the moment when I had played at this point;\nthe rain was falling gently on the bushes and I gazed for\na long time into the dim sunset ... Every tree I had\nplanted, every oak under whose rustling crown I had lain\nseemed to accuse me of giving them into strange hands ...\"⁶", "It was this immediate relationship to nature which\nfashioned Bismarck's conception of the purpose of existence\nand his view of man. Life was struggle and man an insignifi-\ncant petty incident in the stream of occurrences: ..." It is\na struggle which characterizes life in all of nature, in all\ncreation, beginning with the plants ... from the insects to\nthe birds, from the birds of prey upward to man: there is\nstruggle everywhere, without struggle no life and if we wish\nto continue to live we must always be prepared for struggle.\"⁷", "6. W. 14/I, p. 84. 28 April 1847.", "7. Quoted in Zechlin, p. 91."]

L. Grønstedt in Zeppelin, b. 3r.
C. W. J. F. I., b. 84, 28 April 1841.

to continue to live we must always be prepared for attraction.
attraction everywhere, without attraction no life and if we wish
the bird, from the birds of prey upward to man: there is
creation, beginning with the birds ... from the insects to
an attraction which characterizes life in all of nature, in all
cant betty incident in the stream of occurrence: ... "It is
and his view of man. Life was attractive and man was attractive-
tionated Bismarck's conception of the burboose of existence
It was this immediate relationship to nature which
seemed to seine me of giving them into strange hands ..."
blessed, every ock under whose matting crown I had lain
a long time into the dim annuity ... Every tree I had
the rain was falling gently on the leaves and I based for
backward until the moment when I had brayed at this point;
tanta whom we need to fly fast; my life unolded itself.
and the fields, the fakes and the honours with their insipid-
fastness across many a wife of road. I thought of the breath
me for seven years in happiness and in aduqua, wildly and
skeleton of a horse; it was my loyal Gisep who had carried
me ... Where I had blazed to build a new home lay the
I made my farewell visit to the bison which were dear to
occasion of his last visit, "lay a soft and atmosphere while
of Green meadows, water and restless oaks," he wrote on the
never cease considering it his home: "Over the whole region
was to lease the Knuebrot to a tenant farmer but he would
be reserved his tenderest feelings. Twenty years later he

- 2 -

- 6 -

And in 1856 he wrote with reference to an attack by a royal
prince on the Barbary pirates: "I can not agree with the
humanitarian condemnation of the admiral ... The men which
it cost would have died in any case in 40 years and the
money can hardly be invested better than in the honor of the
flag."⁸ It was not that the only philosopher who interested
Bismarck was Spinoza, the advocate of a naturalistic ethic,
although his deepest insight escaped Bismarck, that peace
could be found not only in victory but also in acceptance
and that total knowledge was an attribute only of God.

For what distinguished Bismarck from his contemporaries was a demoniac quality which refused to be satisfied with partial knowledge and limited achievement. Like Prometheus of the myth he would not stop until he had wrested the fire from the gods or destroyed himself in the process. But in Prussia in the 1830's greatness was not easy to come by. The two avenues for ambition, the army and the bureaucracy, placed a premium on orthodoxy and the discipline they required made them in-any-case- insupportable for a personality of Bismarck's genius. And alienated genius can take two forms: It can either attempt to institutionalize its inspiration, to create a routine of exaltation -- this is the solution of dogmatism and in its revolutionary incarnation of fanaticism. Or it can postulate the incommensurability between reality and its vision as a symptom of the vanity and pretentiousness of the universe -- this is the solution of nihilism.

8. L.G., p. 301. 25 August 1856.

8. 1.0.1. b. 301. 52 August 1826.

this is the solution of this problem.

a solution of the same difficulty and a

its revolution, incursion of the universe. Or it can boat-

come of exaltation -- this is the solution of dogmatism and in

attempt to institutionalize its incorporation, to create a con-

Genius. And elevated Genius can take two forms: It can either

them in such a case: intransports for a personality of Biamarck's

Briarosia in the 1830's. Briarosia was not easy to come by. The

from the boys or destroyed himself in the process. But in

of the way he would not abate until he had wrought the tire

series was a gem of great utility which resulted to be established

for what distinguished Biamarck from his contempor-

strongly his defeat taught him to accept Biamarck, that hence

Biamarck wasژinosa, the advocate of a naturalistic ethic,

that was not (as he said) the only beneficiary who interested

humanitarian congestion of the emirate ... The men whom

bruce on the Barbary busses: "I can not agree with the

And in 1826 he wrote with reference to an attack by a royal

-7-

This in any case was the solution of the young Bismarck. To the outsider he appeared indolent, drifting, indecisive. But his vacillations were the reverse side of his impetuous will which could find an outlet in only two directions, in a withering sarcasm which spared no one, least of all himself, and in a masterful handling of personalities, which revealed the appraising eye of the naturalist to whom individuals were forces on the correct exploitation of whose peculiarities depended success: "There occurred several unpleasant scenes" reads a classic report written to a friend at the age of 18, "between me and my father who refuses to pay my debts. This in turn puts me into a somewhat misanthropic frame-of-mind ... but the penury is not as bad as it seems. I have an incredible credit which enables me to live a dissolute life. As a result I will appear pale and sickly when I return home on Christmas, which my old man will ascribe to lack of nourishment. Then I shall make a scene, tell him that I would prefer becoming a Mohammedan to starving and in this manner things will get straightened out."⁹

"I left the gymnasium," Bismarck wrote sarcastically in his memoirs, "the normal product of our educational system, as a Pantheist and if not as a Republican, at least with the conviction that the republic was the most reasonable of all forms of government."¹⁰ But Republican or not, all roads were open to an aristocrat. He chose the bureau-

9. X.W. 14/I p. 2 November 14, 1833.

10. G. E. I, p. 1.

TO. G. E. I., b. f.
B. X.W. 14\I. b. 5. November 14, 1933.

All roads were open to an aristocrat. He chose the puritan-
ple of all forms of government."¹⁰ But Republican or not,
with the conviction that the republican was the most reason-
able, as a pantheon and it not as a Republican, at least
caffly in his memoir, "the normal product of our educational
"I felt the <u>Gymnasium</u>" Biamarck wrote about straight-
straightened out."¹¹

a Mohammedan to admiring and in this manner things will get
I shall make a scene, tell him that I would prefer becoming
which my old man will sacrifice to lack of nonviolence. Then
will appear bare and alock when I return home on Christmas,
which enables me to live a disolute life. As a result I
is not as bad as it seems. I have an incredible credit
into a somewhat員slobic frame-of-mind ... put the bony
father who refuses to buy my depts. This in turn buts me
written to a friend at the age of 18, "between me and my
occurred several unpleasant scenes," resents a classic reborn
boitiation of whose beautilities deboned success: "There
relief to whom individuals were forces on the correct ex-
proprieties, which revealed the abstraining eye of the natu-
least of all himself, and in a material handling of ber-
directions, in a withering asroam which abored no one,
his imbedtions will which could find an outlet in only two
indoeiive. But his avocations were the reverse side of
Biamarck. To the outsider he abored indolent, grunting,
This in any case was the solution of the long

- 4 -

- 8 -

cracy not because he enjoyed its prospects but because he
found its discipline less oppressive than that of the army.
So it happened that the first Bismarck who ever proposed to
serve his king with the pen enrolled at the University of
Gottingen to study law, the prerequisite for entering the
civil service. But it was in duels and drinking bouts that
Bismarck excelled at Gottingen, not in his studies. He de-
spised the pedantry of academic discipline; he disdained the
political debates of the _Burschenschaften_, the patriotic so-
cieties, which he soon recognized as associations of doctri-
naires which had proved their futility at every critical
juncture of German history. But to live unnoticed was
harder still. Thus was born the "Mad Junker," wondrously
clad, of extraordinary physical attainments, proud of his
ability to drink all his companions under the table, always
ready to duel, distinguished by his caprices, his linguistic
ability and his wit. Heavily in debt, physically run down,
he left Gottingen after one year, at the instance of his
parents, for the University of Berlin.

But Berlin wrought no fundamental change: "I
live here like a gentleman," he wrote to a friend in
Gottingen, "and gradually adopt an affected behavior. I
speak a good deal of French, spend much of my time getting
dressed, the remainder making visits and with my old friend,
the bottle. In the evening I sit in the first tier of the
opera where I behave as rowdily as possible." It would be

obama where I pendae as rowdify as besside." It would be
the pottie. In the evening I sit in the first tier of the
dreaned, the remainder making viaita and wit with my old friend,
aback a good deal of brench, abend much of my time getting
Gottingen, "and gradually acobt an striccted pedavor. I
five here like a Gentlemen," he wrote to a friend in

But Berlin wrongt no fundamental enrage: "I
barente", for the University of Berlin.

he left Göttingen after one year, at the instance of his
apility and his wit. Heavily in kept, buchatically run down,
ready to die, distinguished by his erudites, his linguistic
apility to drink off his companions under the table, always
cold, of extraordinary buchological attainments, brought of his
barger affill. Thus was born the "Mad Tinker," monotonely
 Juncture of German history. But to live unnoticed was
unwieldy which had broved their utility at every critical
cigarette, which he soon recognized as associations of poet-
 political deposits of the *Burechenabschätzen*, the batafic ac-
 abled the bedsantry of academic discipline; he disdained the
 Biamarck excelled at Göttingen, not in his studies. He de-
 clair service. But it was in duties and drinking points that
 Göttingen to study law, the beredulatite for entering the
 serve his king with the ben enrolied at the University of
 So it happened that the first Biamarck who ever brooqed to
 lound its discipline less obsequious than that of the army,
 erack not because he enoyed its brooports but because he

- 8 -

- 9 -

difficult to draw a more nihilistic picture than this bit-
ter sarcasm so close to despair with a life which insisted
on imprisonment in a stifling conformity the soaring flight
of genius. "Of our friends from Gottingen," wrote Bismarck
in the same letter, "there is here Sch., who lacks every-
thing for being a human but nothing to be a chamberlain,
save a lock before his mouth. He lives in happy bliss with
30 cousins ... whose reunion leads to nothing save an unlaw-
ful accumulation of stupidity: They do not eat, they do not
drink. What is it then that they do do? They count their
ancestors."¹¹ Only once was that nihilism rent by a vision
of the future, when in one sparse sentence, in three aphoris-
tic clauses, Otto von Bismarck drew his prescription for his
career: "Constitution inevitable; in this manner to outward
glory; but is it necessary to be inwardly pious besides?"

Constitution inevitable -- this was the prognosis
of an individual who could not conceive an existence on which
he did not impose his own pattern, and who refused to accept
submission as the price of advancement. Whatever its super-
ficial similarity to the liberal slogans of the period this
was not the announcement of a theory of government but of an
act of will. Bismarck was sufficiently a realist to recognize
that a change in the Prussian governmental system was neces-
sary, but not to make Prussia conform to a postulated order
of the universe, only to fit it for its historic mission.

11. W. 14/I, p. 3.

II. W. J. H. I., b. 3.

of the universe, only to lift it for its historic mission.
only, but not to make Prunals conform to a postulated order,
that a change in the Prussian governmental system was neces-
sary, but not sufficiently a result to recognize
was not the announcement of a theory of Government put on an
ideal similarity to the federal schemes of the period this
anxiety as the brunt of advancement. Whatever its under-
he did not impose his own pattern, and who returned to accept
of an individual who could not conceive an existence on which
Constitution inevitable -- this was the diagnosis
Sjordt put it if necessary to be firmly based on this?

career: "Constitution inevitable! In this manner to outward
tie himself. Otto von Bismarck drew his prescription for his
of the future, when in one abstruse sentence, in three shorta-
ancestors."[II] Only once was that infinitism rent by a vision
drunk. What if it then that they do go? They count their
incommutation of atnquality: They do not eat, they do not
30 contains ... whose renunciation leads to nothing save an unsw-
ave a lock before his mouth. He lives in happy peace with
thing for being a human put nothing to be a consumerist,
in the same letter, "there is here now," who lacks every-
of Benins. "Of our friends from Göttingen," wrote Bismarck
on imbrisoning in a stilting conformity the soaring tight
terarcum so close to death with a life which initiated
gifts to draw a more infinitesimal picture than this pit-

- 3 -

- 10 -

Nor was it a recognition of popular currents which caused Bismarck to advocate a constitutional system, but an impatience with the pedantry of administrative routine. For Bismarck had no doubt what role he would play in a fluid situation which placed a premium on agility of mind and not on determinacy of calculation.

But it is the third aphorism which is most significant: "Is it necessary to be <u>inwardly</u> pious besides?" This was the revolutionary's query, the inability to conceive an inward piety which involves an experienced submission to a superior order of being. It was the challenge of the Spinozist God who was identical with the totality of occurrences and to whom piety was as meaningless as reverence. It was the assertion of the exclusive validity of the will, that insisted on equating conception and feasibility. Neither history nor nature transcended man in Bismarck's feelings, if not in his pronouncements. And so it happened that Bismarck's relations to God were akin to those towards the monarch, that formal obedience created a claim and that the fact of piety placed the Divinity under obligation. The man who had grown up on the heaths of Pomerania would never rid himself of the spirit of his pagan ancestors who had pressed the Gods into their service defiantly, by reserving the right to define their attributes.

But a constitution seemed far away and ever again there appeared the vision of the life of a country gentleman, as an escape from the tedium of a bureaucratic advancement

as an encampment from the margin of a pious little advancement
there abhorred the vision of the file of a country gentleman,
But a constitution seemed far away and even again
reserving the right to delimit their attributes.

who had breached the God into their service delinquency, by
would never rig himself of the spirit of his basic ancestors
tion. The man who had grown up on the health of Pomerania
and that the fact of biety placed the Divinity under опғе-
towards the mounroe, that formal obedience created a claim
unblessed that Bismarck's relations to God were skin to those
mark's feelings, it not in his pronouncements. And so it
piffity. Neither history nor nature transended man in Bia-
the will, that inlaited on edicting conception and legal-
ence. It was the assertion of the exclusive validity of
of occurrences and to whom biety was so meaningless as rev-
ion to a anterior order of being. It was the challenge
colve an inward biety which involves an experienced and
This was the revolutionarily's duality, the insipidity to con-
nificant: "Is it necessary to be inwardly biety peals?"
But it is the third abhorrence which is most sig-
not on determinacy of calculation.

situation which placed a premium on agility of mind and
Bismarck had no doubt what role he would play in a fluid
bustle with the bedlam of administrative routine. Por
Bismarck to advocate a constitutional system, put an im-
Nor was it a recognition of bObular currents which caused

- 10 -

- 11 -

that had not even started. Moreover it seemed that the university officials were not prepared any longer to tolerate their demoniac charge: "...I will consequently give up the Foreign ministry ... take a wife, produce children, cultivate the land and corrupt the morals of my peasants through excessive production of spirits. Should you come into this neighborhood 10 years hence ... you will find a fat reserve officer, complete with mustache, whose curses make the ground tremble, possessed of a just disdain of Jews and Frenchmen and who beats his dogs and servants most brutally when he has been tyrannized by his wife. I will wear leather pants ... and /at the wool-market in Stettin I shall stroke my mustache good-naturedly if I am addressed as Baron and sell for two dollars too cheap. On the king's birthday I shall get drunk and shout hurrah ... in short I shall be happy in the rural circle of my family; car tel est mon plaisir."¹²

But such was not Bismarck's pleasure as the tone of the letter had made clear in any case. His pride could not accept defeat nor his ambition a normal existence. With the aid of a private tutor he prepared for the examination which would permit his entry at the lowest rung of the civil service hierarchy, as Referendar, not dissimilar to the position of Law Clerk in the United States: "My fingers are becoming crooked through the impulse of a most unphilosophical

12. W. 14/1, p. 4. 7 April 1834.

IS. W. 14/1, b. 4. 1 April 1834.

becoming crooked through the influence of a most subtilous
attention of Law Clerk in the United States: "My friends are
service hierarchy, as Referenda, not dissimilar to the bo-
which would benefit his entry at the point of view of the citi-
the aid of a private tutor he prepared for the examination
not accept defeat nor his ambition a normal existence. With
of the letter had made clear in such case. His bridge conjg
But each was not Bismarck's pleasure as the tone

*car tef et en won bjaſt*. "Is
in an instant I saw him play in the mirror circle of my family
the king, a prating I saw get drunk and about mused ...,
expressed as Baron and a self for two dollars too cheet. On

**Bastille** I saw a stroke of my stroke good-naturedly fit I am
wiff mean feather hands ... and **of** the wool-market in
most prudish when he was been classified by his wife. I
tems and Brethren and who peste his doke and servante
make the Gronnd freppe, boseness of a that gladium of
tat reserve officer, complete with mustache, whose curves
into this neighborhood 10 years hence hence ... you will find a
troubles excessive production of spirits. Should you come
encourage the land and combat the morals of my bestsants
ab the foreign ministry ... take a wife, brocade children,
race their demoura charge: "...I will consequently give
universality officials were not prepared and longer to tele-
path not even started. Moreover it seemed that the

- 11 -

- 12 -

passion ... You will have guessed it, that my ambition
which formerly was less strong and took a different turn,
has induced in me an industry hitherto unexampled in my
life, as well as the utilization of all other means which
seem conducive to my advancement ... So deluded am I that
I have come to consider mere pleasure without utility a
waste of time." But again fulfillment proved empty. If
country life without activity was enervating, study with-
out advancement was draining. And so this letter too
ended as inconclusively as all of Bismarck's attempts in
his search for freedom, a freedom which was identified
with independence: "Regarded by daylight, my life is
somewhat miserable ... I doubt that even the most complete
attainment of my goal, the longest title and the widest
decoration ... will be able to compensate me for the
spiritually and physically shrunk chest which will be the
consequence of this life. More often still I feel an im-
petus to exchange the pen for the plow ... but then that
will always be possible."¹³ And because it would always
be possible, Bismarck after another summer spent in study
was ready for his first governmental post as Referendar
with the President of the Province of Aachen. It was only
appropriate that this individual should be a friend of
Bismarck's mother. Bismarck might consider himself an in-
dependent and proud noble; his career seemed ever more to
be that of a Mencken.

13. W. 14/I, p. 6. 18 June 1834.

13. N. 1471, b. c. 18 June 1834.

be that of a Menace.

gebendent and broad nogle; his career seemed ever more to
Bramarck's mother. Bramarck might consider himself an in-
appropriate that this individual should be a friend of
with the President of the Province of Vechten. It was only
was ready for his first Governmental boat anunder
be boasie! Bramarck after another summer about in a study
will always be boasie."¹³ And because it would make
betta to exchange the ben for the blow ... put then that
consequence of this title. More often still I feel an im-
absolutely and physically atrium which will be the
decoration ... will be able to compensate me for the
attainment of my goal, the longest title and the widest
homeward miseraie ... I doubt that even the most complete
with independence: "Regarded by daylight, my title is
pia search for freedom, a freedom which was identified
engaged in unconsciously as all of Bramarck's attempts in
out advancement was draining. And so this letter too
concern title without activity was enervating, at study with-
ance of time." But again fullfillment proved empty. It
I have come to consider were pleasure without utility a
seem incongruive to my advancement ... so deluded am I that
title, as well as the utilization of all other means which
use induced in me an industry without unexambled in my
which formerly was less strong and took a different turn,
beside ... You will have guessed it, that my ambition

- 15 -

- 13 -

But the life of a Referendar was insignificant
and insignificance was unbearable. Soon Aachen came to
know the mad Junker, therefore, who preferred associating
with foreigners, a splendid conversationalist but an un-
predictable companion who astonished a dinner party by
first preparing and then consuming 150 oysters, and whose
love affairs and gambling debts soon earned him notoriety,
if not fame. One year later he left Aachen without leave
and his government service was nearing its end. The formal
reason was a love affair with "a young British lady of
blonde hair and arare beauty, who up to this date under-
stands nary a word of German." After two months he sent
the first message to his superior, that reasons which
seemed important had prevented him from applying formally
for leave. Six months later he returned home, the engage-
ment broken, his position lost. Nothing is known of the
whole affair save Bismarck's own cryptic account: "I had
every prospect for what is called a brilliant career ...
had not an extraordinarily beautiful Briton induced me to
change course and to sail in her wake for six months with-
out the slightest leave. I forced her to come aside, she
lowered the flag, but after possession of two months I lost
the booty to a one-armed colonel of 50 years, with four
hours and 15,000 dollars revenue."¹⁴ Once more family
connections obtained him a governmental post, this time in

14. W. 14/I, p. 30. 9 January 1845.

14. W. 14\X, b. 30. 6. Januar 1942.

connections obtained him a Governmental boat, this time in
Dollars and 12,000 dollars revenue."¹⁴ Once more family
the boat to a one-armed colonel of 20 years, with two
lowered the flag, put after possession of two months I lost
out the straight leave. I forced her to come ashore, are
enough岸 and to sail in her wake for six months with-
had not an extraordinarily beautiful British induced me to
every broadeet for what is called a brilliant career ...
whore attain save Bramrook's own erabatic account: "I had
ment broken, his boation float. Nothing is known of the
tor leave. Six months later he returned home, the engage-
seemed important had prevented him from abetting himself
the first message to his superior, that reasons which
attended many a word of German." After two months he sent
pionge hair and share beauty, who nb to this date under-
reason was a love affair with "a young British lady of
and his Government service was nearing its end. The termi-
it not done. One year later he left Vaschen without leave
leave attains and sampling depts soon earned him notoriety,
tired breasting and then consuming 120 oysters, and whose
predictable companion who satonained a dinner bench by
with foreigners, aabendid conversationist put an un-
know the mad junker, therefore, who preferred associating
and insignificance was unpeapleable. Soon Vaschen came to

But the life of a Reference was insigulient

- 13 -

- 14 -

Potsdam. But he lasted only three months. In 1839 Bismarck formally quit the government service from which he had long since been on leave. He was 24 years of age then.

The real reason for giving up his career was not to be found in Bismarck's love affair, however, but in his personality. And it came to its strongest expression in a letter to a cousin who had questioned his decision by appealing to Bismarck's patriotism. Witty and brilliantly written, with the full force of his powerful imagery, the letter represented a self-portrayal whose outlines even a life-time in the public gaze could only deepen. It will therefore be quoted at some length here:

> "That the ... position of our public officials does not appeal to me, that I do not consider it a necessary component of happiness to be a civil servant or even a minister ... that my ambition is directed more towards not having to obey than towards giving orders, these are facts for which I can give no reasons, save my taste ... The scope of activity of the individual official with us is little independent even that of the highest ... The Prussian official is like an individual in an orchestra; whether he plays the first violin or the triangle, ... he must play his fraction as it is set down, may he think well of it or ill. I, however, want to make music as I consider it proper or none at all. (My italics)."

> "In a country with a free constitution, everyone who dedicates himself to the affairs of state has the possibility of placing his whole strength behind the ... accom-

plicity of placing his whole strength behind the ... accom-
who dedicates himself to the affairs of state has the best-
"In a country with a free constitution, everyone
make music as I consider it proper or none at all." (My italics)."

down, may he think well of it or ill. I, however, must to
or the triangle, ... he must play his tractions as it is set
individual in an orchestral manner, whether he plays the first or
that of the highest ... The Russian official is like an in-
of the individual official with us if little independent even
I can give no reasons, save my taste ... The scope of activity
to open thus towards giving organs, these are tasks for which
after ... that my ambition is directed more towards not having
combination of business to be a civil servant or even a min-
does not abate to me, that I do not consider it a necessary
"That the ... position of our public officials

tought here:

Eaze conj'd only qeeben. It will therefore be noted at some
a self-bonustrahal whose outline even a little-time in the public
the full force of his bowerful imagery, the letter represented
to Bismarck's Politotiam. Witty and prudantly written, with
ter to a certain who had dehumanized his decision by abating his
aonafity. And it came to its strongest expression in a poet-
pe long in Bismarck's fove allain, however, put in his ber-
t

The rest reason for giving him his career was not to
had long since been on leave. He was 24 years of age then.
Marok formally quit the Government service from which he
botadum. But he lasted only three months. In 1838 Bia-

- 14 -

- 15 -

plishment of those measures ... of whose justice and utility
he is convinced ... There it is indeed possible to acquire
the consciousness of having exerted all one's power for the
welfare of one's country ... But with us, it is necessary to
be a paid and dependent servant of the state in order to be
politically active; it is necessary to belong completely to
the bureaucratic caste, to share its correct and its false
views and to forego any individuality in judgment and action
... Even in my brief career I have very often seen how the
valuable time ... of important offices was wasted in a man-
ner that one had no choice but to assume that the tasks were
invented in order to occupy the officials and not the offic-
ials employed in order to take care of necessary tasks...
How can I convince myself that I am serving my fellow citi-
zen, when I consider this system ... much less advantageous
than its opposite and indeed unjust? How should I justify
myself before my conscience, to serve a government to combat
whose principles ... I deem one of my noblest duties towards
my country?

"Besides, patriotism was probably the motive force
of but a few of the famous statesmen particularly in absolu-
tist states; much more frequently it was ambition, the desire
to command, to be admired and to become famous. I must con-
fess that I am not free of this passion and many distinctions
such as those ... of statesmen with free constitutions, such

such as those ... of statesmen with free constitutions, such
less that I am not free of this baseness and many distinctions
to command, to be admired and to become famous. I must con-
that stated: much more frequently is competition, the desire
of put a few of the famous statesmen barterially in some-
"Beige," "bartering was properly the motive force
my country.

whose principles ... I deem one of my neatest duties towards
whom before my conscience, to serve a Government to combat
than its obsolescence and indeed unless? How should I justify
then, when I consider this example ... much less advantage
How can I convince myself that I am serving my fellow offi-
fans embittered in order to take care of necessary tasks...
involved in order to occupy the officials and not the offi-
ner that one has no choice but to assume that the tasks were
available time ... of important offices was wasted in a man-
... Even in my prior career I have very often seen how the
views and to logo so individuality in judgment and action
the puritanic egoist, to share its correct and its false
politically active: it is necessary to belong completely to
be a bad and dependent servant of the state in order to be
welfare of one's country ... But with us, it is necessary to
the consciousness of having exerted all one's power for the
we are convinced ... There is indeed possible to secure
freedom of those measures ... of whose justice and utility

- 12 -

- 16 -

as Peel, O'Connell, Mirabeau (etc.), won as a co-participant
in energetic political movements, would exert on me an at-
traction beyond any abstract consideration ... I am less al-
lured however by the successes to be attained on the well-
worn path through examinations, connections, or seniority
and the good will of my superiors. To be sure, there are
moments when I can not think but with painful regrets /In
English in text/ of all the gratifications of my vanity
which awaited me in the service: the satisfaction of seeing
one's usefulness and superiority officially recognized ...;
the smug realization that one is considered able, that one
is noticed, talked-about, envied; the whole secret glory
which eventually would surround me and my family, all this
has much that is dazzling after I have consumed a bottle of
wine and I require sober reflection to tell myself that these
are the hallucinations of a foolish vanity, in the same
category as the pride of the dandy in his coat and of the
banker in his money ...

"... A salary which would enable me to marry accord-
ing to my requirements ... would await me, assuming the best
possible career, in my fortieth year when, dried up by the
dust of official records, I have become a hypochondriac suf-
fering from chest and abdominal ills brought on by the
eternal sitting position and in need of a woman primarily
for medical care. For this moderate advantage, for the

for medical care. For this moderate advantage, for the eternal sitting position and in need of a woman brimful of talent from cheat and appoximate fife brought on by the quiet of official records, I have become a hydrocarbonrie and bosomiable career, in my forties here when, dried up by the rig of my reprimands ... would amuse me, assuming the part of a salary which would enable me to carry accoutrements in his money ...

category as the bride of theandy in his coat and of the wine and I require a proper reflection to tell whether that these have much that is gossifying after I have consumed a bottle of which eventually would surround me and my family, if this is noticed, talked about, envied; the whole secret story the same realization that one is considered idle, that one is naughtiness and anberiority officially recognized ... which awaited me in the service: the situation of seeing English in text of all the gratifications of my vanity moments when I can not think but with beautiful regrets in and the good will of my anberors. To be sure, there are now bath through examinations, connections, or seniority fined however by the ancesssas to be attained on the well-fraction beyond any spactet consideration ... I am less satisfied in energetic political movements, would exert on me an af-

- 10 -

(Y)

- 17 -

titillation of letting myself be called Mr. President, for
the consciousness of rarely being of as much use to the
country as I cost it ... for this I am firmly decided not
to sacrifice my independence ... at least as long as there
exist thousands, and among them many excellent individuals,
to whom these prizes seem sufficiently tempting to induce
them to fill with pleasure the place I leave vacant."¹⁵

This was the letter of a revolutionary, certain
of his genius, contemptuous of his environment, frustrated
by routine. It was revolutionary not because of its pride
and defiance -- these were traditional in Bismarck's class
-- but because of its justification for it. Not on the
prerogatives of social position did Bismarck base his claim
to recognition, nor on the superiority of alternative prin-
ciples his rejection of the Prussian governmental structure.
Rather both his claim and his rebellion were interwoven with
his fundamental trait: his effort to identify his will with
the meaning of events. Behind all the withering contempt
for mediocrity there was barely hidden an elemental quest
for power. It was freedom that Bismarck was seeking, the
liberty inherent in not having to obey, which again was
unattainable without the power to command.

And there was also to be found in this letter the
masterful diplomatic skill, the ability to adjust the argu-
ment to the psychology of the adversary and the need of the

ment to the batholith of the advenary and the need of the
masterful diplomatic skill, the aptitude to adjust the argu-
ment there was also to be found in this letter the
unstainable without the power to command.

fierily inherent in not having to obey, which again was
for power. It was freedom that Biomarck was seeking, the
tor medifiarity there was partly broken an elemental dust
the meaning of events. Behind all the withering contem-
ption fundamental trait: his effort to identify his will with
rather both his claim and his rebellion were interwoven with
open his rejection of the Prussian Governmental structure.
to recognition, nor on the anberiority of alternative brin-
brakes of social position did Biomarck see his claim
-- put because of its justification for it. Not on the
and detiance -- these were traditional in Biomarck's class
routine. It was revolutionarily not because of its bridge
of his Genius, contemnible of his environment, trucate
This was the letter of a revolutionary, certain
them to till with breesme the block I leave ascant."¹²

to whom these braves seem antiently tempting to induce
existat thousands, and among them many excellent individuals,
to ascribe my independence ... at least as long as there
country as I cost it ... for this I am timmy decided not
the consciousness of rarely being ot as much use to the
titillation of feting myself be called Mr. President, for

- 13 -

- 18 -

moment, to confront the antagonist with an unanswerable
dilemma. How shallow did the appeal to patriotism sound
when faced with the definition of a deeper loyalty which
commanded renunciation? How unworthy must the invocation
of the glories of the administrative career have seemed
if Bismarck could visualize them but with the aid of a
bottle of wine?

This cynicism would forever mark Bismarck's
revolutionary quality. Neither the sense of reverence
for traditional forms of the conservative nor the respect
for intellectual dogmas of the liberals were part of Bis-
marck's nature. He could appeal to either, if necessary,
but aloofly, appraisingly and with a cool eye for their
limits. It was no accident that the three statesmen who
appeared in the letter as worth emulating represented
either rebellion or a break with the past: O'Connell, the
Irish revolutionary using the rules of the House of Com-
mons to paralyze it; Peel pushing through the Corn Law
against his own party and splitting it in the process;
Mirabeau whopresided over an attempt at legal revolution,
they were all men of will, obeying only themselves. This
to Bismarck was the merit of a free constitution -- that it
gave scope to the will, that it opened an avenue for com-
mand independent of routine.

But where was a Pomeranian Baron to find such a
field of activity in 1839? Bismarck was back on the Kniephof

Field of activity in 1838? Bramarck was back on the Kutebok.

But where was a Pomeranian Baron to find such a
mand independent of rongius.

Gave scope to the will, that it opened an avenue for com-
to Bramarck was the merit of a free constitution -- that it
-- they were all men of will, operating only themselves. This
Mirapen whobreeded over an attempt at legal revolution,
absent pie own back and abitting it in the process;
now to barakize it; beef braiding through the Corn Law
Intend revolutionary making the rules of the House of Com-
either repetition or a preck with the mast: O'Connell, the
abashed in the fetter as worth emulating represented
limits. It was no accident that the three statements who
put afoolty, abbrually and with a cool eye for their
mark's nature. He conq abash to either, it necessary,
tor intellectual dooms of the liperale were bent of Bi-
tor traditional forms of the conservative nor the respect
revolutionary dignity. Neither the sense of reverence
This chivalom would forever mark Bramarck's
pottle of wine?

It Bramarck could alarmize them but with the aid of a
of the glories of the administrative career have seemed
commanded reconniscation? How unworthy must the invocat ion
when faced with the definition of a greater loyalty which
difference. How shallow did the abash to barriotism sound
moment, to confront the antagonist with an unsmattering

- 18 -

- 19 -

which he administered for his father. But country life soon began to pale. "I have the unhappy disposition," he wrote to his brother, "that every situation in which I might be appears desirable but burdensome and boring as soon as I find myself in it."¹⁶ Soon the countryside was full of tales of his escapades, of his wild cross-country drives with two racing horses before his carriage, of the time at an officers' club when he drank a whole bottle of wine at one draught, or of another engagement, again broken, this time by the fiancée's mother, "a woman who to do her justice is one of the most wicked I know and who still has the desire to be herself the object of tender looks."¹⁷ More humiliated by the fact of rebuff than hurt by any inward attachment, Bismarck left on a journey through England, France and Switzerland and even made some tentative plans to serve with the British in India. But "my father wrote me a letter moist with tears which spoke of lonely old age, (73 years, widower, deaf), of death and meeting again and ordered me to return. I came home -- he did not die."¹⁸

Completely nihilistic now, Bismarck returned to government service. But this time he lasted only two weeks. When kept waiting in the ante-room of the President of the province, he departed leaving this message: "Please tell

16. W. 14/I, p. 38

17. W. 14/I, p. 39

18. W. 14/I, p. 31. 9 January 1845

18. M. 1\X, b. 31. & toward 1842

r\L. M. 1\X, b. 30

r\c. M. 1\X, b. 38

brocade, he debarred leaving this message: "Please tell
When he kept waiting in the ante-room of the President of the
Government service. But this time he fasted only two weeks.
Completely annihilated now." Biamaschek returned to

come home -- he did not die."18
of death and meeting again and ordered me to return. I
which aboke of lonely old age, (13 years, widower, dead).
India. But "my father wrote me a letter motet with these
made some tentative plans to serve with the British in
Joumex through England, France and Switzerland and even
to stay until my forward attachment, Biamaschek left on a
tender looks."19
More annihilated by the fact of result
and who still has the desire to be herself the object of
who to do her practice is one of the most wicked I know
again broken, this time by the truce's mother," a woman
pottle of wine at one draught, or at another engagement,
of the time at an officer's, club when he drank a whole
country drives with two racing horses before his carriage,
was full of sales of his enclosures, of his wild cross-

as soon as I find myself in it."20
Soon the countrywide

I might be sbornes dearaple but purgemanome and poring
he wrote to his brother, "that every situation in which
soon peksu to bale." "I have the number qioboaiton,"
which he administered for his father. But country life

- 19 -

- 20 -

the President that I have had to leave, but that I will not
return." *Never before had so restless a man sat in the
Kniephof. But the well-placed families in Lower Pomerania
who were so self-righteously wagging their heads could not
see, it was beyond their horizon, that here was a man driven
by the furies in search for the meaning of life. Nor that
when he had found it that his energy might transform the
world even while it burned itself out. And it was at this
point, at the age of 30, in the pit of despondency, that
Bismarck received the answer to the riddle he had posed
nearly a decade previously: "Is it necessary to be inwardly
pious besides?" And if the answer resembled a diplomatic
pact with God more than the resolution of spiritual dilemma,
it sufficed to bring about the measure of balance which en-
abled Bismarck to give a direction to what had seemed a
random existence.

In a personality in which everything is reduced
to a manifestation of will, the spiritual and the sensual
are never too far apart. So it was that Bismarck came to
a recognition of limits, and if not to piety, at least to
a measure of acceptance, through the mediation of two women.

Marie von Thadden came from a family of "Pietists,"
a religious sect rebelling against the "liberalism" of the
orthodox Lutheran Church. Like certain fundamentalist sects

* He began to read voraciously and almost indiscriminately
Shakespeare and Byron; Louis Blanc and Voltaire and always
Spinoza. And his escapades continued.

Shakespeare. And his ascended continued.

* He began to read voraciously and almost indiscernibly

orthodox Puritan Church. Like certain fundamentalists he sect a religion so detesting against the "lipperism" of the Marie von Traschenberg came from a family of "bietists" a measure of acceptance, through the mediation of two women, a recognition of limits, and it not to biety, at least to be never too far apart. So it was that Biamarck came to to a manifestation of will, the spiritual and the sensual In a personality in which everything is reduced to random existence.

Spied Biamarck to give a direction to what had seemed a
it anteced to bring about the measure of balance which en-
bach with God more than the revolution of spiritual dilemmas,
bions peabody? And if the answer reemerged a diplomatic
nearly a decade previously: "In it necessary to be inherently
Biamarck received the answer to the riddle he had posed
bent, at the age of 30, in the bit of geobondency, that
world even while it burned itself out. And it was at this
when he had found it that his energy might transform the
by the rules in search for the meaning of life. Nor that
see, it was beyond their horizon, that here was a man driven
who were no self-righteously wagging their heads could not
Kniefhot. But the well-blazed families in lower classes
return." "Never before had so restless a man sat in the
the president that I have had to leave, but that I will not

- 50 -

- 21 -

in the United States, they believed in the most literal
interpretation of the Bible and considered forbidden
everything not explicitly permitted in the Scriptures.
They rejected the "superficial" pleasures of life and
sought fulfillment in prayer meetings and private wor-
ship, in endless theological disputes and not least in
the saving of damned souls. The significance of this
group resided not so much in their numbers as in their
combination of rigid orthodoxy in religion and inflexible
conservatism in politics. Their membership comprised
several of the most influential members of the aristocracy,
individuals such as Leopold von Gerlach, later the adjutant
of the King, his even more rigid brother, Ludwig, and
Senfft-Pilsach, the President of a Prussian province. No
group more anathema to Bismarck could be imagined. "Of
Cromwell's famous phrase, 'Pray and keep your powder dry.'"
he mocked, "They forget the second and most important half."¹⁹
"She is a dried-up duenna," he wrote of a member of the
Pietist group, "... who is hoping to find in heaven the man
who has escaped her on earth."²⁰ And he reported to his
father after a boat trip in which the ship nearly capsized
during a storm in the Baltic: "...The silence of the cabin
was punctured only by the loud prayers of a merchant from
Bremen who until this moment had seemed more concerned with
his waistcoat than with his God ... The prayer of the gent-
leman from Bremen saved us, however."²¹

19. L. G. Index. 20. E.Y.K. I, p. 40. 21. W 14/I, p.27, 8/8/1844

10. R. G. Index. 50. E.Y.K. I, b. 40. SI. M 141, b.51, 8/8/1944

femtn from Bremen sawed na, however." SI

bis malatcoat than with his God ... The braven of the Bremen who until this moment had seemed more concerned with was bucturned only by the long bravena of a mercant from during a storm in the Baltic: "...The silence of the capin father after a post trub in which the trub nearly capalazd who has escaed per on earth." SO And he reported to his Dietet Groß, "... who is hoping to find in heaven the man "She is a grieg-nb quenna"," he wrote of a memper of the man he mocked, "They forget the second and most important part." TO Cromwell's tamsone bursee, 'bray and keeb houn bowger qra.' TO Groß more anathems to Bismarck conq pe imagined." TO Benuft-Bifson, the president of a prussian province. No of the King, 'bis even more rigid proper,' 'lindwyl', and individuals such as Reebold von Gerlach, later the sultant several of the most influential members of the aristocracy, conservatism in bofition. Their memperabß combräed combination of rigid orthodoxy in religion and inflexibility Groß resided not so much in their number as in their the saving of damned ones'. The significance of this earth, in endless theological disputes and not least in sought utilisation in brayer meetings and private work. They rejected the "autonomous" bieasurres of file and everything not explicitly permitted in the Scriptures. Interpretation of the Bible and considered forbiggen in the United States, they believed in the most literal

- SI -

- 22 -

But Marie Von Thadden was not only a Pietist but a woman. Beautiful, passionate and sensuous, she had been engaged in 1843, at the age of 20, to Bismarck's friend, Moritz von Blankenburg. On a trip to the Kniephof, Bismarck stopped at her estate to make her acquaintance. Needless to say, Marie von Thadden was attracted by this knightly figure who seemed to her a "great and interesting man of the world with a brilliant physical appearance." But how to deal with this "Lower Pomeranian Phoenix known as the epitomy of wildness and arrogance." By saving his soul, answered the Pietist in Marie von Thadden and thereby achieved not only tolerance for her relationship with the friend of her fiancée, but even sanctity. And Bismarck not at all indifferent agreed to meet her half-way on this basis.

"Never before," she wrote to Mołtz von Blankenburg, "have I heard someone explain his pantheism so openly and so clearly. You are familiar with Otto's sad opinions, with which as you know he is himself so dissatisfied. Honest he is without doubt and therein resides a great promise: ... He spoke of the presumption of the believers to consider their judgment the correct one, of the greatness of his God who would not bother with so insignificant a piece of dust as himself, of his complete scepticism, ... of his total indifference towards joy and pain, of his eternal, bottomless boredom and emptiness: How can I believe, he said, since I have no faith ... He was very excited and still he could not

have no faith ... He was very excited and although he could not
pore over and absorb them: How can I believe, he said, since I
difference towards joy and pain, of his eternal, bottomless
as himself, of his complete acceptance, ... of his total in-
who would not partner with so insignificant a piece of that
their judgment the correct one, of the greatness of his God
He abides of the dreamำ of the believes to consider
is without doubt and therein resides a great dreamer ...
when as you know he is himself so disinterested. Honest he
clearly. You are familiar with Otto's and opinions, with
"I have heard someone explain his banqueting so obviously and so
"Never before," she wrote to Moitz von Blankenburg,
agreed to meet her half-way on this point.

but even anogenity. And Bramarck not at all indifferent
erance for her relationship with the friend of her finances,
fat in Marie von Thadden and therapy achieved not only to-
ness and arrogance." By saving his son, answered the Brief-
this "lower Pomeranian Phoenix known as the abdomen of wild-
with a brilliant logical adherence." But how to deal with
who seemed to her a "great and interesting man of the world
as, Marie von Thadden was attracted by this knightly figure
acquired at her estate to make her subsistence. Needless to
Moitz von Blankenburg. On a trip to the Kutebot, Bramarck
engaged in 1843, at the age of 50, to Bramarck's friend,
a woman. Beautiful, beautiful and senescent, she had been
But Marie von Thadden was not only a poet but

- 55 -

- 23 -

leave ... A thousand times I had at the tip of my tongue:
"Oh, Otto, do begin a new life, do tear yourself away from
your dissolute wandering."²² It was no mean compliment
which Bismarck paid this woman, that he so bared his soul
to her. And if she did not fully understand his motivation
or his ability to adapt himself to the psychology of others,
he in turn could not have foreseen that for the first time
his life was to be given a sense of direction.

Two days later Bismarck returned to Trieglaff,
Marie von Thadden's estate. Once more they discussed re-
ligion and, after he left, Marie von Thadden invoked her
fiancee's assistance in saving this damned soul. But three
letters of Moritz von Blankenburg full of maudlin exaltation
remained unanswered. Even a joint attempt at conversion
carefully arranged was only partially successful. At
Whitsuntide Moritz and Marie confronted Bismarck with the
letter of a woman, a friend of Marie's, dying of tuberculo-
sis who asserted that she could not die until she knew that
Bismarck had found his way back to God. But pity was not
the way to humble his pride and after a few more letters
Bismarck refused to discuss the problem further.

Marie von Thadden had, however, understood Bis-
marck better than he realized, above all that he could ac-
cept only what he could personalize. And if the dying were
already too close to abstractions for this incarnation of

22. Ludwig B., p. 57.

55' Nagwfg B.' b. 2L.

already too close to spatterings for this incursion of
cest only what he could bemanualize. And it the thing were
Biamarck better than he realized, above all that he could so-
Marie von Thadden had, however, understood Bia-
Biamarck returned to diacuse the problem further.

the way to unple the bridge and after a few more letters
Biamarck had brought his way back to God. But bitly was not
she who asserted that she could not die until she knew that
letter of a woman, a friend of Marie's, dying of tuberculosis
Whitnautide Moritz and Marie confronted Biamarck with the
carefully arranged was only barbitrally successful. At
remained unnamedered. Even a joint attempt at conversation
letters of Moritz von Blankenburg full of mandarin exaltation
tienees a saafatance in saving this damned soul. But three
Ifrahon and, after he left, Marie von Thadden invoked her
Marie von Thadden's estate. Once more they diacused re-
Two days later Biamarck returned to Triestadt,

his file was to be given a sense of direction.

he in turn could not have foreseen that for the first time
or his spirtity to adapt himself to the benthology of others,
to her. And it she did not fully understand his motivation
which Biamarck had this woman, that he so pared his soul
with diacaloule wandering."55 It was no mean compliment
"Oh! Otto, go begin a new life, go fear yourself away from
leave ... A thousand times I had at the tip of my tongue:

- 53 -

- 24 -

the will perhaps there might be found another way to melt
his obstinate reserve. Marie von Thadden was married now,
but the intimacy of their friendship continued. One day in
1845 she introduced Bismarck to a friend, Johanna von
Puttkammer. The Puttkammers belonged to the same Pietist
group as the Thaddens. Although Johanna lacked Marie von
Thadden's sensuousness she was no less passionate and more
unconditional in her commitments. Small but graceful, tender
and natural, Johanna was the most popular member of Marie
von Thadden's circle. In introducing her to Bismarck, Marie
von Thadden no doubt was brining her friend the greatest
sacrifice she was capable of.

Now the Blanckenburgs used all their wiles to
interest Bismarck in their friend. "A poignant flower,
never touched by any blight," wrote Marie ambiguously. "She
is extremely intelligent," wrote Moritz, "unusual through
and through ... and highly original with a deep, pious heart
... If you do not want her I will take her as my second
wife."²³ But any semblance of pressure only served to
evoke the resistance of this unbending man. He listened to
Johanna's efforts to convert him with "a sarcastic smile"
and Marie had to warn the friend: "With such a nature the
struggle towards the light can be neither quick nor easy
and will certainly long be hidden from human eyes." Not

23. Ludwig B., p. 60.

53. Lufwirt B., b. 60.

and will certainly find her hidden from human eyes." Not
at all. She had to be hidden from the friends she made. With such a nature the
Jouannas' efforts to convert him with "a sarcastic smile"
evokes the resistance of this suspending man. He heated to
war.
"But such Compliance of breath can only served to
... It you do not want her I will take her as my second
and through ... and highly original with a queet, home heart
ta extremely intelligent," wrote Moritz, "unnatural through
never touched by any light," wrote Marie amplyonely. "She
interests Biamarck in their friend." A bold andhtower,
Now the Bianokopurga need all their wiles to
sacriſce her as subspe of.

von Tragden no doubt was printing her friend the greatest
von Tragden's circle. In introducing her to Biamarck, Marie
and natural, Jouannas was the most bohemar member of Marie
unconditional in her commitments. Small but graceful, tender
Tragden's senancomaness she was no less beautiful and more
grond as the Tragdena. Although Jouannas Jacked Marie von
Buttkammer. The buttikammer belonged to the same planet
1842 she introduced Biamarck to a friend, Jouanna von
but the infamy of their friendship continued. One day in
his opatinate reserve. Marie von Tragden was married now,
the will forbade there might be found another way to meet

- 54 -

- 25 -

even a journey through the Harz cleverly arranged by Marie
in 1846 could induce Bismarck to surrender. It took an event
of elemental power to teach Bismarck if not a sense of limits,
the meaning of finality and therefore of the inescapability
of commitment. For on November 10, 1846 Marie von Thadden
died.

Marie von Thadden was the victim of an influenza
epidemic which had already claimed her younger brother and
her mother. From the deathbed of her mother Marie had writ-
ten to Bismarck asking him to come to see her as quickly as
possible. When he arrived she had fallen ill herself and
even now was still concerned with the salvation of his soul.
She sent him a message pleading "with the utmost earnestness"
that now was the moment for conversion. And at this point
Bismarck for the first time experienced the meaning of im-
potence, that only by renunciation can man conquer the world.
For the first time since his sixteenth year he prayed, not
<u>to</u> a God, much less to a theology, but <u>for</u> a person, that
his life not be impoverished by such a loss. But for once
he confronted a situation which was beyond his power: "This
is the first time," he wrote to his sister, "that I have
lost someone ... close to me and whose parting created a
profound and unexpected void ... The feeling of emptiness,
this thought that I would never see again a dear ... person,
of whom I have very few ... this was so new to me that the
whole event does not yet make the impression of reality."

where an event does not yet make the impression of reality."
of whom I have very few ... this was so new to me that the
this thought that I would never see again a dear ... person,
brother and unexpected acid ... The feeling of emptiness,
loat someone ... close to me and whose barting created a
is the first time," he wrote to his states, "that I have
he confronted a situation which was beyond his power: "This
his file not be imboveraged by such a loan". But for once
to a god, much less to a thelogy, put for a person, that
for the first time since his sixteenth year he brayed, not
botence, that only by renunciation can man condure the world.
Bramarck for the first time experienced the meaning of im-
that now was the moment for conversation. And at this point
she sent him a message breaching "with the utmost accuracy"
even now was still concerned with the salvation of his soul.
bonaparte. When he arrived she had fallen ill herself and
ten to Bramarck asking him to come to see her so quickly as
per mother. From the deathbed of her mother Marie had writ-
epidemic which had already claimed her younger brother and
Marie von Thadden was the victim of an influenza
died.

of commitment. For on November 10, 1840 Marie von Thadden
die the meaning of finality and therefore of the inaccessibility
of elements of power to teach Bramarck it not a measure of limita-
tion in 1840 could induce Bramarck to surrender. It took an event
even a journey through the Harn of cleverly arranged by Marie

- 52 -

- 26 -

And to his widowed friend he spoke these elemental words:
"This is the first heart that I lose of which I truly knew
that it beat for me... Now I believe in eternity -- or God
has not created the world." Thus came Otto von Bismarck to
his God, as a guarantor of another meeting with Marie von
Thadden, so did Bismarck approach eternity as a projection
of himself in time thereby to fill an intolerable void.

But Marie von Thadden's death had another and
more immediate consequence: Bismarck's engagement with
Johanna von Puttkammer. A brief two months before he had
still written to Moritz von Blankenburg, that he did not
yet trust his feelings. But now Marie Von Thadden was dead
and her friend must have seemed a bequest. Four weeks after
Marie's death, Bismarck spoke to Johanna von Puttkammer
about marriage. To accept unconditionally this man, of
whom the wildest stories were circulating, was impossible
nor conformable to the customs of the region. But Johanna
did not refuse and encouraged Bismarck to ask formally for
her hand. This was a test, however, not unworthy of that
of the knights of old, save that now the trial was not a
contest in arms but a spiritual struggle and the object
was not to slay a dragon but to persuade an antagonist perhaps no less formidable, the forbidding, dour, intensely religious, old Heinrich von Puttkammer. To convince this
man who was not only a Pietist but a Quietist that the

man who was not only a Dietat but a Guetiat that the
refrioni, of Heinrich von Buttkammer. To convince this
has he no less formidable, the torriding, donk, intensely
was not to ask a dragon but to berate an antagonist ben-
conflict in arms put a spiritual struggle and the object
of the knights of old, save that now the trial was not a
her hand. This was a feat, however, not unorthodox of that
did not refuse and encouraged Biamarck to seek formality for
nor conformable to the custom of the region. But Johannes
whom the wildest stories were circulating, was imhoastable
apostolate. To seeebt unconditionally this man, of
Marie's death, Biamarck abole to Johannes von Buttkammer
and her friend must have seemed a pedant. Four weeks after
let that via leefinga. But now Marie von Thadden was dead
after written to Moritz von Blankenburg, that he did not
Johanna von Buttkammer. A prett two months before he had
more immediate consequence: Biamarck's engagement with
But Marie von Thadden's death had another and
of himseit in time thereby to fill an intangible void.
Thadden, so did Biamarck abroased eternity as a projection
of God, as a guarantor of another meeting with Marie von
has not created the world." Thus came Otto von Biamarck to
that it best for me... Now I believe in eternity -- or God
"This is the first heart that I lose of which I truly know
And to his widowed friend he abole these elemental words:

- 50 -

- 27 -

"mad Junker" was a fit husband for his daughter, would have discouraged many a man less bold.

The result was Bismarck's first major diplomatic document, a letter asking for permission to visit the Puttkammer estate to put his case before the father in person. It is a strange and beautifully written document, so ambiguous that ever since its publication historians have debated its sincerity. But whatever its sincerity, it was masterfully adjusted to the psychology of the recipient. As he was to do so often Bismarck completely confounded his opposite number by the completest frankness, by making explicit Puttkammer's most secret thoughts if with a sweep completely unknown in the unimaginative circle of Bible Readers: "I do not deny," Bismarck's letter began, "that it may appear presumptuous, that I whom you have met but recently ... ask of you the strongest proof of confidence that you can grant anyone. I also know that I... will never be able to give you in my own person those guarantees for the future which would justify the pledge of so dear a collateral on your part, unless you make up through confidence in God, what can not be supplied by confidence in man."

Here was the case against Bismarck stated more powerfully than Heinrich von Puttkammer would ever have been able to, only to be transformed into the only argument that was recognized in the Pietist circle. Not because he was

was recognized in the Pietist circle. Not because he was
able to, only to be transformed into the only argument that
bitterly opposed Heine in von Buttermesser would ever have been
Here was the case against Bramarok stated more
what can not be embittered by confidence in men."

on whom bar, unless you make me through confidence in God,
to future which would suitably tie the tie of so dear a collateral
spile to give him in my own person those guarantees for the
honors can Grant alone. I also know that I... will never be
certain... ask of him the strongest proof of confidence that
may abear dreamhypothesis, that I whom you have met but re-
lieve: "I do not deny," Bramarok's letter began, "that it
completely unknown in the unindicative circle of Bible
biblef Buttermesser, a most secret thought, it with a new
obscure number by the completest transparency, by making ex-
Vas he was to do so often Bramarok completely confounded his
masterfully adjusted to the morphology of the recipient,
pated its sincerity. But whatever its sincerity, it was
pious that ever since its buplication historians have de-
It is a strange and beautifully written document, so am-
kinger estate to but his case before the father in person.
document, a letter asking for permission to visit the but-
discovered many a man few pold.

The rent was Bramarok's first major diplomatic
embassy in many a man few pold.

- 51 -

- 28 -

worthy of God did Bismarck ask for Johann's hand -- this
would have seemed presumptuous to the Pietist in someone
far more religious -- but because only God could make him
worthy. And to reject him would have indicated no lack of
faith in the suitor but an absence of trust in God. And
on this plane the subsequent account of Bismarck's fall
from grace only accentuated the merit of his redemption:
"...At the time of my sixteenth birthday I had no other
faith than a naked deism which did not remain for long
without Pantheist overtones. It was at about this time,
that I stopped praying, not out of indifference but as the
consequence of ripe reflection ... because prayer seemed
to contradict my notion of the nature of God. I told myself
that either God produced everything, including my own
thoughts -- and that in this case He was praying to Him-
self; or that my will was independent of God's in which case it
would be presumptuous and indicate a doubt ... in the per-
fection of the Divine decrees, to believe that one could
influence Him by human entreaties ... Thus ... I threw my-
self blindly into life, would up in bad company, now as a
tempter, now as tempted and considered ... all sins permit-
ted as long as they did not seem to infringe on the rights
of others taken in the widest sense ..."

Th the pious von Puttkammer this could have
seemed as nothing short of the voice of the devil. But
even this confession only served to heighten the power of

even this confession only served to heighten the power of
seemed as nothing short of the voice of the devil. But

To the bione von Butthammer this could have

of others taken in the widest sense ..."
ted as long as they did not seem to intrude on the rights
tember, now as tempted and considered ... all at once permit-
self plausibly into life, would be in bad company, now as a
influence Him by human entreaties ... Thus ... I threw my-
lection of the Divine decrees, to believe that one could
would be dreamt upon and indicate a doubt ... in the her-
selt: or that my will was independent of God; in which case it
thronged -- and that in this case He was braying to Him-
that either God produced everything, including my own
to contradict my notion of the nature of God. I told myself
conscience of the reflection ... because brayer seemed
that I atobbed braying, not out of inditference but as the
without Pantheist overtones. It was at about this time,
taith than a naked deal which did not remain for long
"...At the time of my sixteenth birthday I had no other
trom Grace only accentuated the merit of his redemption:
on this plane the apsension account of Blamarek's fall
faith in the author put an absence of trust in God. And
worthy. And to reject him would have indicated no lack of
far more religions -- but because only God could make him
would have seemed dreamt upon to the pietist in someone
worthy of God if Blamarek said for Johanna's hand -- this

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- 29 -

of the moment of conversion: "...About four years ago ... I came into closer contact with Moritz von Blanckenburg and I found in him what I had never had in life: a friend ... Through Moritz I also became acquainted with the Thaddens and their circle. There I found individuals in whose presence I felt ashamed that I had attempted to investigate by the limited light of my intelligence that which was assumed true and holy by such eminent minds ... That hope and peace were with them did not surprise me, for I had never doubted that they accompanied faith. But faith can not be given nor taken away and I was of the opinion that I would have to wait resignedly until it was vouchsafed to me. Soon I felt at home in this environment and with Moritz and his wife, who came to be dear to me as ever a sister to her brother, I experienced a well-being foreign to me heretofore, a family life which included me, almost a home ... As a result, the consciousness of the superficiality and unworthiness of my life became more powerful within me than ever before ... and I experienced bitter remorse about my previous existence... That which stireed within me became real when at the news of the fatal illness of our deceased friend ... the first fervent prayer tore itself from my heart, without any concern about its reasonableness, together with a stinging sense of my unworthiness to pray and with tears as had been unknown to me since childhood. God did not grant my prayer then, but

me since childhood. God did not grant my brother then, but
unworthiness to bray and with tears an had been unknown to
its reasonlessness, together with a befriending sense of my
braver tore itself from my heart, without any concern about
illness of our deceased friend ... the first fervent
ateased within me become real when at the news of the fatal
pitter patterne spout my previous existence... That which
bitterly within me than ever before ... and I experienced
ambiguity and unworthiness of my life because more
almost a home ... As a result, the consciousness of the
together to me perforce, a family title which included me,
ever a slater to her brother, I experienced a well-being
and with Morita and his wife, who came to be dear to me as
honored to me. Soon I felt at home in this environment
opinion that I would have to wait resignedly until it was
taught can not be given nor taken away and I was of the
tor I had never doubted that they accompanied faith. But
that hope and peace were with them did not annul me,
which was sealed true and holy by and eminent minds ...
investigate by the limited light of my intelligence that
whose presence I felt assumed that I had attempted to in-
ferrements and their circle. There I found individuals in
...
Through Morita I also became acquainted with the
and I found in him what I had never had in life: a friend
I came into closer contact with Morita von Biankepenng
of the moment of conversation: "...About four years ago ...

- 52 -

- 30 -

he also did not reject it for I did not lose again the ca-
pacity to appeal to Him and I feel if not peace, at least
a confidence I never knew before. Penetrated by the reali-
xation that I am not able to transcend sin by my own efforts,
I nevertheless do not feel ... depressed by this knowledge
as I previously did without it, b because the doubt regarding
an eternal life has given way and because daily I can entrate
God to be merciful to me ... and to awaken and to strengthen
my faith ..."²⁴ What could a pious man, indeed, what could
any Christian reply to this appeal? That which Bismarck
was demanding of Heinrich von Puttkammer was no more than
what by his own description he was daily asking from God.
And because this was the letter of a man who had made his
peace with his Maker there was in it nothing of an apology
to mortals, so that even Bismarck's catalogue of sin became
a manifestation of his defiant pride.

Having won the moral terrain, Bismarck followed
the letter with one of the lightning moves which were al-
ways shortly to accompany his careful preparation: "Around
Christmas," he reported to his brother, "I wrote to the
father who was extraordinarily horrified because the idea
that his daughter might marry frightended him in any case,
but in particular in connection with my person of whom he
had heard a great deal of ill and little good. Upon my
return home I received a letter from him which contained

24. W 14/I, p. 46.

54. M J#\I, b. 4c.

return home. I received a letter from him which contained
had heard a great deal of ill and little good. Upon my
put in barterian in connection with my business of whom he
that his daughter might marry and straighten him in such case,
tinder who was extraordinarily permitted because the idea
Christmas," he reported to his brother, "I wrote to the
make shortly to secomply his careful preparation: "Around
the letter with one of the fighting moves which were st-
having won the mostei terras, Biamarck followed
a manifestation of his delimit bridge.

to mortalia, so that even Biamarck's catalogue of sin becomes
bese with his Maker there was in it nothing of an abhor-
Vid because this was the letter of a man who had made his
what by his own description he was daily asking from God,
was demanding of Heinrich von Buttermeyer was no more than
an Christian reply to this abead? That which Biamarck
my faith ..."<sup>54</sup> What could a Man be, indeed, what could
God to be merciful to me ... and to awaken and to strengthen
an eternal file has given way and because fairly I can entrust
an I brevationally did without it, p because the doubt regarding
I nevertheless do not feel ... debriefed by this knowledge
xation that I am not able to transgress sin by my own efforts,
a confidence I never knew before. Penetrated by the real-
bility to abead to Him and I feel it not best, at least
he also did not reject it for I did not lose again the es-

- 30 -

- 31 -

in essence nothing but a few quotations from the Bible with
which he had consoled himself in his sorrow and a dubiously
phrased invitation to Rheinfeld /the Puttkammer estate/. There I found
a disposition for prolonged negotiations, of doubtful issue, had I not moved the whole affair onto a
different plane by a decisive embrace of my bride, immediately upon first seeing her, to the greatest astonishment of the
parents..."²⁵ To the moral conquest was thus added a fait accompli and many a later opponent of Bismarck might have
been less astonished by his tactics had he known of his courtship. And the whole episode achieves an additional
poignancy through the conclusion of Bismarck's letter to his brother: "I believe I had had a great and no longer expected
stroke of fortune because I am marrying, speaking quite cold-bloodedly, a woman of rare spirit and nobility ... In matters
of faith we differ, somewhat more to her sorrow than to mine, if not as much as you may think ... for events ... have produced certain transformations in me ... /In any case/ we have concluded a kind of treaty of Passau. Moreover I love Pietism
in women..."

Ever since these letters became public German historians have debated the degree of Bismarck's sincerity. But
apart from the fact that if Bismarck was insincere, it did not necessarily have to be in the letter to his father-in-law, the
whole dispute is beside the point because the question tends

25. W. 14/I, p. 50.

52. M. 141, b. 20.

whole dispute if he pode the point because the question tends
necessarily have to be in the fetter to his father-in-law, the
bar from the fact that it Bramarok was inuicere, it did not
torina have deated the degree of Bramarok's sincerity. But
Ever since these fetters became buppie German his-
in women..."

concerned a kind of treat of Baan. Moreover I fove Bietiam
quced certain transormations in me ... √ In any case we have
it not as men as you may think ... for events ... have bro-
ot faith we filter, somewhat more to her sorrow than to mine,
ploogedly, a woman of rare spirit and nobility ... In matters
stroke of fortune because I am marrying, speaking quite cold-
proverb: "I believe I had had a great and no longer expected
bofwanck through the conclusion of Bramarok's letter to his
comandant. And the whole episode achieves an additional
been less sonated by his tactics had he known of his
acquaint and wna a later obponent of Bramarok might have
barena..."²² To the worst condent was thus added a tait
if upon first seeing her, to the greatest sonatainment of the
different brane by a decisive embrace of my pride, immediate-
ity, comphut frame, had I not moved the whole stair onto a
There I found ... a diabatition for prolonged negotiations,
buried invitation to Rhenlefeld √ the Buttkammer estate.
which he had consoled himself in his sorrow and a quipfully
in essence nothing but a few quotations from the Bible with

- 31 -

- 32 -

to be incorrectly put. Sincerity has meaning only in reference to a standard of truth of conduct. But the root fact of Bismarck's personality was his incapacity to comprehend any such standard outside of his will. Not that he did not appreciate the function of social morality and he wrote many eloquent passages about it. But in application the only meaning he could assign to it was that produced by his own convictions. For this reason he never could accept the good faith of any opponent; therefore, too, there came about this supreme mastery in adaptation to the requirements of the moment. Just as an artist reveals beauty directly through the impact of his work, so Bismarck manifested immediately his version of truth -- the conditions of success in a given situation. It was not that Bismarck lied -- this is much too self-conscious an act. It is rather that he was like a finely tuned antenna sensitive to the subtlest currents of any environment and that he then produced his measures spontaneously and precisely to adjust to the proper wave-length. The key to Bismarck's success was therefore precisely that he was always sincere. Therein resides the secret of his impetuous elan.

Bismarck's new-found relationship to God played the crucial role in the formation of his public personality. Until his introduction into the Thadden circle, Bismarck's naturalism had only led to an almost total nihilism. In a

naturalism had only led to an almost total nullification. In a
until his introduction into the Stockholm circle, Biamarck's
the crucial role in the formation of his definite personality.
Biamarck's new-found relationship to God blazed
secret of his intuitional self.

broadly that he was always sincere. Therein reposed the
wave-length. The key to Biamarck's success was therefore
arises about one-hundred and one百 to adjust to the broader
rents of any environment and that he then produced his mes-
tlike a finely tuned antenna sensitive to the subtletest cur-
ies much too self-conscious and so. It is rather that he was
in a given situation. It was not that Biamarck liked -- this
moderately his version of truth -- the conditions of success
through the impact of his work, so Biamarck manifested im-
ot the moment, that as an artist reveals beauty directly
apart this supreme matter in adjustment to the requirements
the good faith of any opponent; therefore, too, there came
his own convictions. For this reason he never could accept
the only meaning he could assign to it was that produced by
wrote many erudient passages about it. But in application
did not appreciate the function of social morality and he
broadened and even standard outside of his will. Not that he
faced the Biamarck's personality was his insub୍cience to com-
herence to a standard of truth of conduct. But the root
to be incorrectly put. Simplicity has meaning only in rel-

- 38 -

- 33 -

world characterized by struggle, death was the most recurrent phenomena and the ultimate meaning of all effort. In a universe conceived as a mechanism perhaps set in motion by a Superior Being but thereafter uninfluenced by Him, energy was essentially wasted. What did it matter that one possessed superior insight into its workings? It only served to accentuate the insignificance of the human scale. This had accounted for Bismarck's restless wandering in his early years, for his seeming indeciseness and his virulent scepticism. He who thought he knew, had to find a way to translate his knowledge into action.

It was God who provided this mechanism. Henceforth the finiteness of the human scale was no longer oppressive, for eternity provided a sufficient dimension for the vastness of Bismarck's conception. Bismarck had begun with a will soaring out to embrace the totality of events. Now the world had expanded, it was no longer identical with his will, but what remained of it was an auxiliary, a guarantee of success. Henceforth, Bismarck's scepticism was transformed into contempt for his opponents who did not understand the real purpose of existence: "I am a soldier of God," he wrote now, "and where he sends me there I must go and I believe He will mould my life as He needs it."²⁶ "God has put me at the place where I must be serious and pay my debt to the country," he wrote to his wife upon receiving his first diplomatic appointment. "To do His will I am firmly decided and if I

26.

50

appointment. "To do His will I am firmly decided and fit I
be wrote to His wife when receiving His letter diplomatic
place where I must be serious and bad my part to the country."
would my title as He needs it."So "God has but me at the
"and where he sends me there I must go and I believe He will
be of existence: "I am a soldier of God", he wrote now,
tempted to his obsolescence who did not understand the real bur-
Heurelorth, Biamarck's aceticism was transformed into con-
what remained of it was an auxiliary, a guarantee of success.
was expanded, it was no longer identical with His will, but
soaring out to embrace the totality of events. Now the world
of Biamarck's conception. Biamarck had begun with a will
tor eternally broadened a sufficient dimension for the vastness
the infiniteness of the human scale was no longer obtrusive.
It was God who provided this mechanism. Henceforth
knowledge into action.

He who thought he knew, had to find a way to translate his
for his seeming indec阔easeness and his adamant aceticism,
counted for Biamarck's restless wandering in his early years,
until the inauthenticity of the human scale. This had so-
anterior insight into its working? It only served to accep-
esentially wated. What did it matter that one possessed
anderior being put thereafter untroubled by Him, energy was
energetic conceived as a mechanism because set in motion by a
phenomenon and the ultimate meaning of all effort. In a un-
world characterized by attraction, death was the most recurrent

- 33 -

- 48 -

fore "natural". In doing so they denied the essence of the conservative position. For if societies are most spontaneous when there is so general a sense of social obligation as to reduce to a minimum the need for the application of force, then it is the task of the conservative to heal schisms, to use the material at hand in integrating the widest possible segment of society into a common legitimacy. Whenever the quest for victory overshadows all other considerations, the social contest will assume a personal shape. And when politics is understood entirely in terms of personalities, self-restraint disappears. Whoever emerges victorious in a contest of wills, the conservative is certain to be defeated for his basic position involves an assertion that certain values, historical or ethical, transcendent and limit the acrimony of the moment. Henceforth it will be overlooked that the form is often as important as the substance of a contest, that not only righteousness but also history have their claim, that there are other measures for eminence than the debasement of the adversary.

But the man who was preparing to leave for Frankfurt was a conservative only in his formal pronouncements and but in the mediated sense that he drew his inward conviction from his faith in the traditional Prussia. Not for Bismarck were abstract discussions about the transcendental nature of social values. Nor was he ready to admit that there existed any limitations to the exercise of his will. Throughout his parlia-mentary career he had been distinguished by the sharpness of

mentally career he had been distinguished by the brightness of
fluency to the exercise of his will. Throughout his life he was
apoplectic dispositions about the transcendental nature of social
life itself in the traditional purports. Not for Bismarck were
in the mediated sense that he drew his inward conviction from
was a conservative only in his terms of bronchomata and put
but the man who was brooding to leave for Frankfurt
the adversary.

there are other measures for eminence than the dependence of
not only righteousness but also history have their claim, that
form is often as important as the audacity of a contest, that
moy of the moment. Henceforth it will be overlooked that the
aspects, historical or ethical, transient and limit the scope
for his basic proposition involves an assertion that certain
cent of life, the conservative in certain to be defeated
reactant diabase. Whoever emerges victorous in a con-
test is underfed entirely in terms of beraushts, self-
social contest will assume a berausht aspect. And when boll-
dust for victory overcomes all other considerations, the
segment of society into a common legitiuity. Whenever the
use the material at hand in integrating the widest possible
then it is the task of the conservative to meet schism, to
reduce to a minimum the need for the abrogation of force,
when there is no General a sense of social obligation as to
conservative boition. For it societies are most abominable
lore "natural." In going so they denied the essence of the

- 48 -

(A)

- 49 -

his formulations and the incapacity to grant the good faith
of any adversary. All of politics was reduced for Bismarck
to personal terms and for this reason all methods were per-
missible. And the stronger Prussia became internally, the
freer he would feel in letting it play abroad its traditional
role, to profit from all European crises by expanding its
power. Nothing could be more certain than that the Assembly
of the Confederation, which could exist only through an act
of Prussian self-abnegation, would not be able to contain this
dynamic nature.

Nor should Bismarck's supporters have been surprised
by his flexibility of tactics. The postulate of Prussia's
uniqueness could as well be interpreted to permit Prussia to
pursue a revolutionary policy with impunity as that it imposed
an obligation to combat domestic upheaval. Had the Camarilla
been more attentive it could have found many signs that their
protege was utilizing his belief in Prussia as a fulcrum from
which to move the world. The very scale of Bismarck's powers
dissolved ordinary limitations. Not only his speeches but his
whole demeanor indicated that he considered himself free from
ordinary restraints and that he proposed to attain his ends by
a superior manipulation of all available factors. Thus during
a session of a parliamentary commission, he suddenly rose from
his seat among the ultra-conservatives and sat down with the
deputies of the Catholic Center. "These others are too stupid
for me," he explained to his astonished new neighbors.34 But
34. E. I, p. 126.

34. H. I., b. 15c.

ton me", he explained to hissatellites now neighbors.³⁴ But
debutien of the Catholic Center. "These others are too atypical
his best among the ultra-conservatives and are down with the
a session of a parlementary commission, he suddenly rose from
a premier manipulation of all availing factors. This turning
ordinarily restricts and that he proposed to attain his end by
whole demejanor indicated that he considered himself free from
dissolved ordinarily limitations. Not only his abeamers but his
which to move the world. The very base of Biamarck's powers
protection was utilizing his power in Brussels as a uniform from
been more attentive it could have found much alms that their
an obligation to combat domesticوبهای. Had the Camarilla
burme a revolutionary policy with much might as that it implied
undue ness could as well be interpreted to permit Brussels to
by his flexibility of tactics. The bosomst of Brussels, a

nor should Biamarck's auhboriters have been unbranded
dynamic nature.

of Brussels self-union, would not be able to contain this
of the Confederation, which could exist only through an act
bome. Nothing could be more certain than that the example
note, to benefit from all European arises by expanding its
free he would feel in letting it play abroad its traditional
miraftle. And the stronger Brussels become internationally, the
to bersonst terms and for this reason all methods were ber-
ot and adverstly. All of which was required for Biamarck
his settlements and the independence to grant the good luck to

- 43 -

(1)

- 50 -

to his wife he wrote that he had sat down among the Center
party so that in an effort to get rid of him they would adopt
an extreme position and discredit themselves. 35

As Bismarck was readying himself for his new post,
however, no one could have foreseen that the man who was to
stabilize the German Confederation would one day dissolve it.
It was still thought that his invocation of Prussia's great-
ness was a sufficient guarantee for conservative intentions
and that his intransigent defense of the royal prerogative
would insure the harmony of the legitimist powers. But one
man at least had no illusions about how far he would travel
with his conservative colleagues. For a short three months
before Bismarck had written to his wife from Erfurt regarding
the chief conservative theoretician: "Our beloved Stahl is
throwing his pearls before swine ... He still has pearls for
me, but the day will come when our ways will part, if we live
to see it." 36

35. W. I, p. 135.

36. E. I, p. 152.

32. E. I., b. 125.
33. N. J. P. I., b. 132.

to see it."32

me, but the qsl will come when our men will barf, it we five
throwing his bears before us ... He still has bears for
the chief conservative theoreticians: "Our beloved Stahl is
before Biamarck used written to his wife from Erfurt retorting
with his conservative colleagues. For a short three months
man at least had no influences about how far he would travel
would finance the harmony of the government bowers. But one
and that his intraangest defense of the royal prerogative
ness was a sufficient guarantee for conservative intentions
It was still thought that his invocatiot of Prussia's Great-
atlastize the German Confederation would one day dissolve it.
however, no one could have foreseen that the man who was to
be Biamarck was reaching himself too far his new boat,
an extreme position and discredit themselves.33

barely so that in an effort to get rid of him they would adopt
to his wife he wrote that he had sat down among the Center

- 20 -

(1)