Saturday, Oct. 3, 1970 THE WASHINGTON POST

Angered Moynihan
Stranded at Palace

MADRID, Oct. 2 (UPI) — In the hoopla of President Nixon's welcome to Spain, Daniel P. Moynihan, White House adviser for domestic affairs, was left stranded for 45 minutes in front of Moncloa Palace.

"I am a very mad cabinet minister," Moynihan said after vainly trying to flag down an American car to take to the U.S. Embassy where he said he wanted to make an urgent telephone call to Washington.

A Spanish secret service car finally gave Moynihan a lift.

THE WASHINGTON POST Wednesday, Sept. 30, 1970
...R

Appeal on Truce

By Carroll Kilpatrick

Washington Post Staff Writer

NAPLES, Sept. 29—President Nixon said here tonight after reviewing 6th Fleet operations in the Mediterranean that he hoped the new Egyptian government will “see its interest served” by continuing the cease-fire and moving to political talks with Israel.

Speaking in a conciliatory tone, Mr. Nixon said the United States hoped for good relations" with all countries in the area, including Egypt."

It would "not be very constructive" to speculate about who the members of the new government would be or their attitude, he said.

Mr. Nixon announced that he would continue his trip as scheduled and would send a high-level delegation to the funeral of President Nasser.

It will be headed by HEW Secretary Elliot L. Richardson and will include John J. McCloy, former ambassador to Germany; Robert D. Mur-

phy, former Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs; Donald C. Bergus, the American official who acts for the United States in Cairo in the absence of an embassy; and Michael Sterner, Director of the Egypt Affairs section of the State Department.

Mr. Nixon spent a busy day aboard the carrier Saratoga and the cruiser Springfield, viewing fleet maneuvers and meeting with 6th Fleet commanders.

On learning last night of President Nasser's death, Mr. Nixon ordered a cancellation of a scheduled display of firepower and all maneuvers were conducted without firing a shot.

The sudden death of the Egyptian leader at first seemed to rob the President's journey of much of its meaning. Some even speculated that the trip would be terminated or altered.

See PRESIDENT, A12, Col. 1

mands for fuel by converting to the production of what is most needed and its delivery where it is most needed," McCracken and Lincoln said in a statement.

They added that "the increased national requirements, and the changes in the price structure that arise from them, provide a powerful incentive to this adjustment of supply, which is in fact already taking place."

Sen. Thomas J. McIntyre (D-N.H.) criticized the administration's policy, saying the "basic decision of the White House regarding fuel is that prices must rise before the East Coast can be supplied with sufficient fuel." He called the move "irresponsible inflationism" and a "disgraceful sellout" to the oil industry.

Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.) said "the administration refuses to acknowledge that the price structure of the oil industry is set by the President himself through his management of the oil import program."

McCracken and Lincoln said the administration would try to moderate the price increases by extending into the first three months of next year a program begun in July to increase imports of home

Paul W. McCracken, chairman of the Economic Advisers, said crude oil held by Gen. Geo

## Burch W. Of ‘New M

By John P. MacKenzie
Washington Post Staff Writer

Dean Burch, chairman of the Federal Communications Commission, said yesterday that there is a "new mood" of skepticism at the FCC about

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Buck Foundation To Sell 93 Acres

The Pearl S. Buck Founda-
tion announced yesterday that
it will sell a portion of its
holdings in Bucks County.

The foundation, organized in
1964, provides services for dis-
placed children born in Asia,
whose mothers are Asian and
the fathers, in most cases, are
American servicemen.

Proceeds from the sale will
go toward expanding the foun-
dation's educational program
for the children.

The properties, including 93

acres of prime farmland and
two stone homes, will be sold
in five parcels at auction at 1
P.M. Saturday, Oct. 31.

The sale will be held on the
premises in Hilltown Town-
ship, one mile west of Dublin.

Dutch Jobless

The Hague — (UPI) — One
percent of Holland's male
work force — 28,100 men —
were out of work at the end
of July, says the Ministry of
Social Affairs.

SECTION 1

XJ

27

The Sunday Bulletin

PHILADELPHIA

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# The Passions of Henry Kissinger

By Barbara Raskin

THE NICE THING about interviewing Henry Kissinger is that you have to go over to the White House to do it; it's a good opportunity to soak up a little of the Republican flavor there. The West wing gives you the feeling you get at the Los Angeles Airport—all those handsome jocks moving around, tall executive types with QT tans and blue eyes crinkled up from squinting into the sun.

Once you get inside Henry Kissinger's office, it's very different because he really is a *hamische* kind of guy, a familiar type amidst an administration of *goyische* Westerners who play golf, piano, and politics, all with the same style and talent. Henry, a Harvard intellectual, is very relaxed, congenial, and feeling on top of the world.

He settled himself in a comfortable chair in the sunny, attractive White House office that a predecessor from Harvard, McGeorge Bundy, had built for himself when he was National Security Advisor to President Kennedy and couldn't bear running back and forth from the Executive Office Building next door. It is ironic that Kissinger inherited Bundy's office, because it was Bundy who broke up the mild attraction between Kennedy and Kissinger, causing Henry to resign his part-time consultantship.

But now Henry is firmly ensconced in this office. The decor is half professorial and half managerial. It fits his role and his image. Henry has the outward affability and inner uptightness that marks many Jewish intellectuals. Reassuringly chubby, he is perhaps the last man in America sporting those neat finger-pressed waves on his head. If Henry let his hair grow too long, he'd have a Dylan-do, so he must be careful. But he can let it all hang out with a classy house on Waterside Drive, a white Mercedes,

and six-foot-tall blond women.

Though Henry's style is pleasant, his attitudes were fixed two or three decades back. His most famous jokes have a 1950's kick to them, like how the speeches and reports he writes for President Nixon always sound better in the original German. He makes cracks about not being able to arrange a nuclear holocaust this week because he's too busy. He says he wants to show the New Left that he can make both love and war. His head is back at a time when foreign policy seemed easier and clearer and Americans didn't complain about U.S. involvement in Asian wars. Of course, Henry's not the only one of that type still around.

Lyndon Johnson keeps getting Henry mixed up with his own representative from the white-buck, crew-cut, cold-war days, Arthur Schlesinger. One weekend at San Clemente when LBJ was visiting Nixon, Lyndon kept calling Kissinger Dr. Schlesinger. Apparently all Cambridge eggheads look alike to Texans.

Kissinger said the interview had to be off-the-record except to quote him as saying: "I feel like I'm on a tight-rope and that one day I may fall. But I'm not going to be nervous about it ahead of time." Then he spoke candidly about his affairs, both foreign and romantic, and only lost his cool when I mentioned an article in the *Atlantic* which had been titled "Professor Bismarck Goes to Washington." Then he went behind his desk, pulled out a rumpled copy of the magazine, and began reading the comments he had scribbled in the margins. Finally he sat down again and we talked for an hour.

Two days later, American troops invaded Cambodia, and I got a chance to

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watch Kissinger in action. During the first days after the President announced the invasion, and before the nation was convulsed by the campus killings, Kissinger coolly went about his public and private life. The *Post* reported:

"The day after Henry Kissinger participated in President Nixon's decision to have American troops invade Cambodia, he relaxed for two hours over a lunch at Sans Souci with an unidentified beauty."

I began to interview the people around Kissinger. Henry himself had suggested I talk with his two best friends in Washington, then Under Secretary of State Elliot Richardson and Deputy Secretary of Defense David Packard. Both were surprised and embarrassed when I explained I had come to see them because they were Henry's best friends. Richardson apologetically said that his wife had invited Henry over for dinner only one time—an oversight which seemed to upset him after hearing how intimate Henry believed they were. Packard, too, seemed taken aback by the honor Henry had bestowed upon him: He politely disclaimed it by saying they were not quite "social friends," but that they certainly saw a lot of each other on business matters. I talked to ex and present members of his staff, of whom there are about equal numbers since the turnover on Henry's crew is continuous, plus students and recent women friends. Finally I had pages and pages of notes and interviews. I had gone through most of his books and articles, talked about his theories with political scientists, and read the newspaper clips. But I still couldn't pin down a portrait of Henry Kissinger.

I finally decided my writing block was caused by the fact that Kissinger is a man with many faces wearing several different hats. I was trying to sketch a personality built on options looking for options. I was trying to focus upon a subject that had no center. For Henry Kissinger is the perfect optional man; he lays out options, picks up options, and plays all the options. And that's why he's overshadowing Secretary of State what's-his-name and spending more time with Dick than Pat does.

Even though he's a short, Jewish professor from Harvard who should be a liberal follower of the Schlesinger-Galbraith line, an anti-Vietnamnik, a domestic reformer, an exile from the establishment, Henry loves power more than anything else. His academic specialty is strategy and his strongest personality trait is ambition, and there is a perfect meshing of his vocational and avocational interests. And he finally has made it.

Kissinger's first newsphotos after his appointment by President Nixon caught him looking a bit surprised, if not a little sheepish. After all, he had supported Rockefeller. But he got himself together and made blitzlike raids through the government and campuses

to find some bright young men so that his organization would be in working order before the other appointees found their way to the Watergate rental offices.

Not everyone was certain how to take Henry's appointment. One Cambridge colleague said he'd sleep better with Henry in Washington (What did that mean?). The appointment did bring joy to midwestern Jewish communities where they can't stop counting. Whew! There was one, at least. In the beginning, his ethnic constituency was delighted at having a small foot in the White House door. And they were pleased with their landsman, whose mother's chicken soup was so good she had gone professional as a cateress in New York City. It took almost a year before all those jokes about Dr. Strangelove began to filter through the country.

Unless you were an Eastern insider or an academician, you didn't know right away that Henry Kissinger is a militarist—a real, excuse the expression, Prussian type. He believes in force, might, power (war) as a necessary political instrument. Except, as soon as there was more Israeli-Arab trouble, and the Jews started sending in those standard telegrams (no letters please) to Their Man in the White House, it turned out that Henry didn't stand up to be counted with the Zionists because he's interested in Big Powers—Big, Big Powers suited to his theory of the Balance of Forces. So who can you count on? Henry should have a thing about a Little Power?

Anyway, he had made good. He was a perfect 1950's card-carrying Cold Warrior who built better war theories. He had written some books and President Nixon gave him a good job. Then he came to Washington and discovered, much to his delight, that divorced men high up in the Administration are very popular. Now it wasn't bright, bespectacled graduate students stalling after class, but long-legged waspy blonds who knew how to wear their make-up, keep their names in the papers, and order Beef Wellington. Henry never suspected that he might be one of the most interesting men in town. He didn't know about Maxine Cheshire.

It really was sort of Walter Mittyish how Henry went from dime-a-dozen Harvard professor to "the most sought after dinner guest in the nation's capital." There was, of course, Barbara Howar, a short-time LB/J favorite, urging Henry to pick her up in his limousine if they were going to the same party separately, and dropping, dripping, drooping his name all over town, buying him a hard hat inscribed "Second to the Commander-in-Chief" and all that. And there was more than local talent on the scene. There was beautiful blond socialite Nancy Maginess who worked at the Rockefeller Foundation and who is getting a Ph.D. in history from the University of California and whose mother told her that if she married Henry she wouldn't be able to at-

44

tend the Tiara Ball anymore. And then
there was Jill St. John. Jill St. John? Yes.
Jill and Henry were seen dining at the
Sans Souci and the Jockey Club and
lunching at Le Provençal. Oh, Henry!

When questioned about his playboy
image, he giggles, for no one is more
surprised than Henry. Things certainly
have changed since that summer session
at Harvard when a beautiful young Brit-
ish woman, attending the Harvard Inter-
national Seminar, caught Henry's eye.
He pursued her vigorously and then,
stricken by her cool indifference, asked
why she didn't like him.

The young woman, a resolute pacifist,
looked him straight in the eye and said,
"I don't like you, Dr. Kissinger, because
you're a Fascist."

"But, Anne, don't you know I was
with the first troops that entered Bel-
gium?"

"Which year?" she asked, turning to
walk away.

After the Cambodian "incursion,"
friends, as well as enemies, were
muttering about his militaristic
hangup which had apparently en-
couraged Nixon to plunge into Cam-
bodia to look for a pentagonal-shaped
thatched hut. Americans were angry and
Henry Kissinger's bread had dropped on
the floor jelly-side down.

At that moment, when Henry must
have realized the error of his judgment,
that his last round of advice had back-
fired internationally, nationally, and per-
sonally, he was faced with two alterna-
tives. He could recant, and perhaps be
reaccepted by the liberal academic world.
Or he could stand firm and confess no
error. Henry chose to keep hanging in
with the big guys. Yet, ambivalent as he
is, he felt it necessary to mend fences.

One of the people to whom he chose
to explain himself was Gloria Steinem,
toast of the over-thirty New Left, in-
cessant writer of articles about now-
things and now-people. Henry must have
thought Gloria would tell all "the other
people" of his innocence in the Cam-
bodian affair, and so he phoned her at
home in New York City.

"I don't really date Henry," Gloria
says, "but he's my only connection with
the Administration so I like to talk with
him. Actually the only time we're alone
together is when the *Washington Post*
society page editor clips off the other
people in a group photograph when
we're standing next to each other. You
wouldn't call that a romance."

To the hawks around Washington,
Henry had made it clear that he was
with the President most of the time,
counseling him through the entire pre-
decision making period. But to Gloria,
Henry told the sad story of an absentee
landlord who was in no way instrumental
in the Cambodian decision and who
had been excluded from most of the
meetings which preceded the President's

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speech of May 6.

"Henry likes to think he's the one guy who is holding back the military and that the big hawks wanted to have a complete takeover in Cambodia and Laos. He kept saying he wasn't part of that scene at all ... that he believes in negotiations and that he outlined all kinds of possibilities to the President, but certainly not the invasion of Cambodia! I asked him why he didn't resign, but he said that if he left in order to get back his friends and his stature, it would be only in his own self-interest. It would be too self-serving an act. It would be personally dishonorable."

Gloria then both defended and damned her friend by saying: "His biggest problem is that he doesn't know what's happening in our own country. I don't know if this is because of his being a refugee, a foreigner to our culture, or because of his academic life, which was always a very isolated one, a real locked-up kind of atmosphere. Henry didn't go to movies or read hip magazines. He was always a student and a scholar and he was never plugged into the real scene. Still, he does have a refugee complex and he really does care about the Vietnamese. He was very moved by the plight of the people when he was over there, and he is a different kind of man than his image would have him seem—he's a whimsical, soft-hearted Jew, really. He doesn't have any illusions about Nixon. In fact, he's impressed with Nixon's stupidity, but he's swallowed all that Nixon stuff about the right wing in America and how most Americans are in agreement with the Vietnam war.

"He thinks constantly about leaving. He's very hurt by his friends' disdain, but when I talked to him about resigning and privately talking to Senators about the Amendment to End the War, he just didn't answer. He really believes that this country is the way it's supposed to be—a happy land of opportunity for all—and he is genuine about feeling that he could have some good influence on a dumb man. He says Nixon feels so inferior that he always wants Henry to tell him stories about what it was like being at Harvard. Isn't that pathetic? That's why Nixon likes Kissinger, because he seems to know so much."

It seemed to many people who spoke to Henry Kissinger after Cambodia that he was genuinely surprised by the reaction to the invasion. Even the silent majority began to mumble, while liberals, radicals, and revolutionaries took to the streets. Blood was spilled at Kent State and Jackson State. The economy rocked.

During our interview, Kissinger had told me that domestic sentiment was irrelevant to his job and his decisions. But he must have felt some pangs of interest when a dozen professors turned up at his doorstep on May 8 to protest

46

Cambodia. Mary McGrory wrote the story:

"A dozen Harvard professors with blood in their eyes descended on the White House basement to tell their colleague Henry Kissinger that the Cambodian decision is 'indefensible' and is wrecking the country. All are old friends, and ex-government, insiders, with service ranging back to President Truman. All had urged Kissinger to take his job as national security advisor to President Nixon, and many of them feel if he doesn't quit soon—or reverse policy —Harvard will never have him back. ... At Washington dinner parties, he always gets a laugh by saying ruefully, "Ah, I don't know how it will be at Arizona State.' This week, as the heat from Harvard mounted, Kissinger mourned to a woman friend, 'I'm dead. Every war has its casualties. I am a casualty of this one.'"

But like one of the Fabulous Waldendas, Henry got up off the safety net, brushed off the seat of his pants, and began making preparations to put his tightrope act back in the American circus. Although his friends had not only jumped off his ship, but tried to torpedo it as they swam away, though public support was nowhere to be found and perhaps even the President edged away a little when Henry bounced into his office, Henry decided to wait it out ... give it a little time ... people forget.

And that's what happened. Only slowly did he surface again. To friends and government associates he began to explain what had happened. He said the nearsighted left couldn't comprehend how Cambodia was simply a tactical step toward deescalating the Vietnamese war. He expressed his annoyance, patience, and disgust for the students and how they had behaved. He said the Harvard delegation was loaded with people who won't believe we have a foreign policy problem until the Russians land north of San Francisco.

Other high echelon policymakers said foreign policy specialists were not to concern themselves with domestic politics. According to Elliot Richardson, "It isn't Henry's job to reflect these issues. It is not a limitation in his perspective on domestic or political affairs, but it would distort the National Security Council system if Henry tried to second-guess domestic responses. The function of the NSC system, or the State Department, would be spoiled if we, at our level, tried to factor in domestic policy consideration in foreign policy decisions."

Back on his highwire, he picked up the nickname "Superbriefer" by hustling around to newspaper editors assuring them that everything was great and getting better all the time. And for Henry, things really were getting better. Americans get over their anger quickly.

(continued)

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We have the grace or guilt to forget easily. By the end of the summer the gang was out in San Clemente again, scooting around in their little golf carts, and Henry partied it up in La Jolla.

How did Henry Kissinger get such a shtick on power that he seeks it personally, studies it academically, and wields it professionally? Well, to start off with, Henry comes from Germany—a nation which has always been interested in military force and the use of power—and the Kissinger family were refugees from Hitler. But instead of rejecting force as a political weapon, Henry made a distinction between force used Hitler-style and the rational kind he associated with historical leaders like Prince Metternich and Otto von Bismarck, who wielded power to maintain the status quo. For Henry, the status quo was a happy, but constantly threatened, equanimity among nations; it was the best of all possible worlds. Of Metternich, on whom he wrote his Ph.D. thesis, he said, "It is not surprising that Metternich was a statesman of the equilibrium, seeking security in a balance of forces. His goal was stability, not perfection, and the balance of power is the classic lesson of history—that no order is safe without physical safeguard against aggression."

It fit. Without rejecting militarism per se, Kissinger erected a "good" kind of power ethos where leaders forcibly project their will for "ethical" ends in defense of their state and national objectives. Of Otto von Bismarck, another Kissinger hero, he wrote, Bismarck was "unencumbered by moral scruples" and "knew how to restrain the contending forces, both domestic and foreign, by manipulating their antagonism."

Becoming an American only fortified Kissinger's predilections. Gaining his citizenship in 1943, he adopted the values of the new culture and bought the American dream as produced and directed by President Eisenhower in the 1950's. From Harvard, where he was the protégé of William Yandell Elliot, Kissinger received a BA summa cum laude in 1950, an MA in 1952, and a Ph.D. in 1954. He was a star student of the sexiest subject of the 1950's—nuclear strategic theories. He quickly climbed the ladder of success.

First he became director of the Harvard International Seminar in 1951, to which he invited important European political scientists who helped him acquire a reputation abroad. Later he won a Rockefeller Foundation fellowship and became director of the Council on Foreign Relations study of nuclear problems. Through his involvement with the Rockefellers, he got to know men from the financial and military worlds and learned how to rationalize tactical nuclear warfare. He was cast among national security stateniks and learned to

love the whole arms race game as other men learn to love golf.

Out of his studies came his first book, *Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy*, published in 1957 when Henry was just thirty-four years old. It became clear to all kinds of policymakers—politicians, statesmen, and militarists—that Henry was a heavy. He was just the type needed as a consultant to the Pentagon, which is what he became. Having specialized in European defense, he served as a consultant to President Kennedy. Later he engaged in talks with the North Vietnamese for President Johnson in 1967. He was Governor Rockefeller's foreign policy advisor during the campaign for the 1968 Republican nomination. He used Harvard as a base for refueling. Henry became the authority on nuclear strategy.

Each book and article became an event, like an opening night. It was a pleasing social engagement for almost everyone, because the man-with-many-faces could describe his nuclear strategy theory in the most palatable ways. He presented his limited nuclear war plans as antiseptic and hygienic programs for peace. His proposals always sounded like ideas for keeping "something worse from happening." He got away with it because he was clever and knew how to take care of business. As a clerk to great men, he built a glamorous career.

No longer did he have to walk around Harvard Yard being put down by the liberals. Like an Elsa Maxwell of nuclear strategy, and unlike other strategists such as Herman Kahn who remained outsiders, Henry capitalized on his theory, behaved deferentially to people in power, and handled his career like the manager of a pennant winner.

He was always ready to modify his theoretical position if the attitudes of the people in power changed. After the national commitment to massive retaliation became unfashionable, it was Henry who came up with the plan for wars that would wipe out smaller sections of the earth. When limited tactical nuclear weapons theories were finally determined to be a little bit immoral, which is like being a little bit pregnant, Henry recanted. When the Vietnam war, which Henry had supported enthusiastically, started to go sour at home and abroad, Henry dovetailed into position with everybody who was anybody against the war. Then he started thinking up ideas on how to get us out of there. As Emerson said, a great man can afford to contradict himself.

Once Henry was in the White House, he found himself perfectly suited for his work. He found out that nations, just like 1950's people, could be programmed into slots and handled, managed, manipulated, and maneuvered around. And if things didn't work out the first time, there were always other options, for Henry, the original ambling, rambling, gambling

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49

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optioneer, delights in the game of foreign
policy alternatives, possibilities, and prob-
abilities.

Like, for instance, the SALT talks.
Henry had told me how great an effort
he and his staff had made to prepare
the United States for the strategic arms
limitations talks. While his interest in the
development of the SALT talks seemed
real, the fact that development of our
ABM was being stepped up seemed to
make his enthusiasm somewhat suspect.
For Dr. Kissinger had written in *The
Necessity for Choice*, produced in 1960
as a calling card to President Kennedy,
"There is a critical point in the develop-
ment of any weapon after which arms
control becomes impossible or at least
extremely intricate. After this point is
reached, it will seem to both sides—and
probably correctly—that they will be
more secure through unilateral efforts
than through any control system that
they are able to devise, agree on, and
inspect. This suggests the crucial im-
portance of controlling new weapons
in the very early stages of development."
His excitement over the SALT talks and
his support of ABM were confusing, and
it almost seemed as if Henry was still
playing both ends against the middle. He
preserves the options and shrugs off the
moral issues involved.

For it is Henry's view that politics
is the potential that proceeds from power
and that trust, faith, diplomacy, co-
existence, and supranational organizations
are dangerous ideas. He believes that
international stress, conflict, and tension
are inevitable and, given this pessimistic
condition, America must negotiate from

a position of overwhelming military
strength. He believes that it is only
through the possession, use, or threat of
war that a nation can survive and prevail.
This theory simplifies most policy de-
cisions and has clearly become the Amer-
ican style. President Nixon picked the
right man to advise him on foreign
policy.

While Henry is getting along pretty
well, he still has problems.
There's his image to worry
about, and friends like Ken and
Arthur who are beginning to put him
down privately, and women to explain
things to, and Harvard. What's he going
to tell Harvard? The leave of absence is
up in February. Will the professor from
Germany find happiness back at Harvard
or will he risk remaining in Washington
not knowing what will become of him
when his days of power are over? Will
he have to follow Walt Rostow to the
University of Texas?

If he does go back to Harvard, won't
they hate him anyhow? But if he stays
here how long will he last? Will some
of those tall Westerners try to get him
out? What was Mitchell trying to do
when he called Henry an "egocentric
maniac"?

It's hard to know what to do—even
for a prize strategist. If he resigns, it will
have to be soon, in order to be back
at Harvard in time for second semester.
Second semester? What kind of an ob-
jective is that for Henry Kissinger,
whose office is in the White House now?

50

KISSINGER CALLED ARCHITECT OF U.S. POLICY

Moscow Domestic Service in Russian 1130 GMT 26 Oct 70 L

[Lev Konetskiy commentary]

[Text] Even in his outward appearance he resembles a hawk? The beaked nose, the sharp chin, the quick, penetrating glances from behind large glasses [words indistinct]. In the present U.S. administration he is considered to be the toughest and most militant politician of them all. His spacious office in the U.S. State Department is situated on the ground floor, but its windows face the wing where meals for diplomats are cooked. The master of the basement office is a cook of a different kind. Under his leadership other sorts of meals are cooked in the U.S. political kitchen. Here the foreign policy course of the greatest imperialist power is worked out. The name of the architect of U.S. foreign policy, as the U.S. press likes to call him, is Henry Kissinger. He is a former Harvard University professor and now President Nixon's special assistant for national security affairs.

Kissinger is no novice in politics. Not being overscrupulous--he is a Republican by conviction--he willingly served the Democrats too, elaborating for them the strategy of nuclear blackmail which placed the world on the brink of catastrophe during the Korean Crisis in October 1962. In his books and numerous articles, Kissinger invariably links the security of the United States with the fight against the mythical communist threat which, he insists, ought to be either eliminated or contained. Such a strategy, so to speak, is the foundation of the imperialist adventure in various parts of the world, and Kissinger's (?ideas) were officially brought to the attention of top U.S. civil servants and diplomats. Kissinger believes that the most effective means of containing the communist threat is nuclear arms. His favorite hobby is to theorize about this. In his first book, "Nuclear Arms and Foreign Policy" he wrote that inasmuch as local nuclear wars can be controlled, they could be used as a practical means of achieving political results. These speculations assume a specially evil tone if we take into account their author's influence on the moulding of U.S. foreign policy. No wonder many observers call him "Dr Strangelove" after a character from Stanley Kubrick's film for whom the destructive power of the atom became a sort of fetish. Kubrick's film caused quite a stir in the West.

Newspapers close to the White House call Kissinger the most influential of the President's advisers. Indeed, his hawkish view regarding the solution of international problems is felt in many foreign policy actions of the U.S. Government. He persistently advised occupying Cambodia and settling accounts with the patriotic forces. He insists on the need to bomb South Vietnam and Laos. He is one of the authors of the so-called Nixon doctrine, whose aim is to continue U.S. aggression in Southeast Asia under the slogan of Vietnamization. Henry Kissinger likes to present himself as a kind of liberal and peaceful man. Nevertheless, in his articles and speeches he is trying to convince millions of American taxpayers that the development of the expensive but not very effective antinuclear defense system benefits them, and that they can sleep in peace only if they sacrifice a considerable portion of their family budget to the needs of the military-industrial complex.

For relaxation, Henry Kissinger is fond of reading Metternich, Bismarck, and Kesselring--politicians not known for their "dovish" views. His ideal is Metternich, the Austrian iron chancellor. He likes to cite one of Metternich's utterances when addressing his critics: "I was born for history and not for writing novels." Rather the reverse! Work as a man of letters might bring Kissinger some laurels, but this cannot be said of his work as a politician serving a doomed cause.

For the Record...

A Profile of Kissinger

From the Moscow Radio

Even in his outward appearance he resembles a hawk. The beaked nose, the sharp chin, the quick, penetrating glances from behind large glasses. In the present U.S. administration he is considered to be the toughest and most militant politician of them all. His spacious office in the U.S. State Department (sic) is situated on the ground floor, but its windows face the wing where meals for diplomats are cooked. The master of the basement office is a cook of a different kind. Under his leadership other sorts of meals are cooked in the U.S. political kitchen. Here the foreign policy course of the greatest imperialist power is worked out. The name of the architect of U.S. foreign policy as the U.S. press likes to call him, is Henry Kissinger. He is a former Harvard University professor and now President Nixon's special assistant for national security affairs.

Kissinger is no novice in politics. Not being overly scrupulous—he is a Republican by conviction—he willingly served the Democrats too, elaborating for them the strategy of nuclear blackmail which placed the world on the brink of catastrophe during the Cuban crisis in October, 1962. In his books and numerous articles, Kissinger invariably links the security of the United States with the fight against the mythical Communist threat which, he insists, ought to be either eliminated or contained. Such a strategy, so to speak, is the foundation of the imperialist adventure in various parts of the world. Kissinger believes that the most effective means of containing the Communist threat is nuclear arms. His favorite hobby is to theorize about this. In his first book, "Nuclear Arms and Foreign Policy," he wrote that inasmuch as local nuclear wars can be controlled, they could not be used as a practical means of achieving political results. These speculations assume a specially evil tone if we take into account their author's influence on the molding of U.S. foreign policy. No wonder many observers call him "Dr. Strange-love"...

—From Moscow Radio, Oct. 26.

NEW YORK TIMES - 24 AUGUST 1970

# Nixon's Strategy for Reaching the Public
Largely Bypasses Washington Press Corps

By RICHARD HALLORAN

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Aug. 23.—The Nixon administration has come up with a new strategy for getting its policies across to the American public: reaching out to metropolitan newspaper editors and regional television executives throughout the land.

In football parlance, the Nixon Administration has made an end run around the Washington press corps and the "Eastern Establishment" press that Vice President Agnew has acidly criticized.

The strategy, devised by Herbert G. Klein, the President's Director of Communications, includes the following:

* Top-level briefings for news executives. The briefings are led by the President himself, and the participants include senior members of the Administration such as Henry A. Kissinger, the President's assistant for national security affairs.

* Briefings on legislative proposals for reporters around the country by Administration teams.

* Special mailings to editorial writers, radio and television news managers, and news managers, and writers who focus on particular fields such as pollution.

* Direct appeals to the public through Presidential television addresses or televised news conferences that the President can control.

* A minimum of Presidential contacts with the White House press corps, with those contacts almost always in formal meetings.

Mr. Klein said that his plan intended "no reflection on the Washington press corps, which has to follow things minute by minute."

We're looking at the long range and trying to provide a full range of facts to those who are editing or writing editorials," he added.

"The more resources they have to decide on an issue, the better," Mr. Klein said. "It's difficult for people out there to get all of the background on all of the issues. We've made a major effort to give them a factual presentation."

A former aide to the President said Mr. Nixon believed he had a better chance of getting through by direct means than by having his views filtered by Washington reporters. "The President feels that the White House press corps has not been giving a faithful representation of his Administration," he said.

George Christian, one of President Johnson's press secretaries, admires the "finesse" of Mr. Klein's tactics. Having had his own battles with the Washington press corps, Mr. Christian said, "I can understand why they would want to go directly to opinion makers."

"I sit back in some admirability... for having some sort of plan to get the word out," Mr. Christian said. "It is a lot more of a concerted effort than anything we tried to do. They

work overtime to get their ideas across."

The Administration evolved the plan over the two years since the 1968 election campaign. The latest moves have been private briefings at the summer White House in San Clemente, Calif., and in New Orleans for regional news executives.

About 40 news executives from all over the country were invited to the San Clemente briefing last June. The President spoke briefly, then Mr. Kissinger delivered a long exposition of the Administration's foreign policy.

Lieut. Gen. John W. Vogt Jr., director of operations for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and William H. Sullivan, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, also spoke, to defend the Administration's policy on Cambodia.

In New Orleans last week Mr. Kissinger again spoke on foreign policy, to Southern editors. Assistant Secretary of State Joseph Sisco, who is the key American negotiator on the Middle East question, outlined the Administration's efforts to stimulate Arab-Israeli peace talks.

Similar briefings are being planned in San Clemente this month for Western editors and in Chicago next month for Midwestern editors. A third may be held later in the East.

Robert Healy, executive editor of The Boston Globe, said he found Mr. Kissinger "very effective" in San Clemente. "He has a faculty for taking you inside," Mr. Healy said. "That was particularly useful for The Globe, which has been critical of the Administration and the war in Vietnam."

The briefing resulted in several editorials in The Globe setting out the Administration's position in general, and on Indochina and the Middle East in particular. Mr. Healy said that the briefing had not changed his paper's opinion on Indonesia "but the Administration came out well in editorials on the Middle East question."

Emmett Dedmon, editorial director of The Chicago Sun-Times, also praised Mr. Kissinger's explanation of the Administration's basic philosophy on foreign policy, but Mr. Dedmon said his paper still believed that "the push into Cambodia was not worth the price the Administration paid domestically."

"The briefing didn't change our position," he said, "but better-informed editorials were written."

A Southern editor, who asked not to be named, said the briefing in New Orleans was "useful to people out here in the boondocks." He said, "It was good to hear the Administration's view first hand and not have to rely on the wire services, or a correspondent, or television."

An Eastern editor, who also asked not to be named, took

the opposite view. He said, "It wasn't worth the money to go out there just to hear the Administration say the same old thing." He also said, "We're trying to make evident to Mr. Klein that we're not in his pocket."

Besides the briefings, Mr. Nixon has made personal visits to two newspapers recently. He had lunch with editors of The Washington Star last month and of The New York Daily News last week. Both have generally supported the Administration.

A year ago last spring, the Administration began sending teams out to brief editors and reporters of influential regional papers on legislative proposals. Three representatives, one an Assistant Secretary, explained postal reform. Another team—from the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare; the Department of Labor, and the White House discussed welfare reforms. A third took up draft reform.

White House sources said the briefing teams also took soundings on the mood of the country. "We can tell quite a bit from the lines of questioning," said one official. "We had a resident hippie in one city give us some insights into the youth movement."

Even before such briefings were started, Mr. Klein's office started sending transcripts of Presidential speeches and remarks to about 1,200 editorial writers and radio and television news directors.

"Editorial writers don't ordinarily see the source material," said an official, "because the reporter in Washington may be sending out only a 700 to 1,000-word story." Seeing the original gives the writer the context in which the President intended his statement to be taken.

In addition, the White House sends printed copies of major Presidential messages to publishers and editors. Messages on specific subjects go to writers who specialize in that field.

The environmental message, for instance, went to outdoor writers.

Today, the Nixon Administration's approach to the Washington press corps is in marked contrast to the Johnson Administration's.

Mr. Nixon has held only two informal meetings with the White House press this year. Mr. Johnson averaged about 18 meetings a week with reporters, either alone or in small and large groups. Cabinet officers hold backgrounders rarely. Secretary of State William P. Rogers has discontinued the practice of his predecessor, Dean Rusk, who met with State Department correspondents almost every Friday evening.

Although Administration officials contend that Vice President Agnew's criticism of the press is not part of the overall strategy, his attacks have diverted the attention of many Washington correspondents while other spokesmen are spreading the word.

Mr. Nixon will continue to use television as a major means of reaching the public, White House sources said. Perhaps the best measure of his effectiveness has been the outcry from Democrats in Congress for equal time.

White House sources said the President would stick with televised news conferences rather than alternate them with those for the pad-and-pencil press. The President is much more the master on television.

He selects the reporters who will ask the questions. As every President has, Mr. Nixon has questions he wants to answer planted in the press. Moreover, few reporters, knowing the camera is on them, have shown themselves adept at asking sharp questions.

But the biggest thing going for the President is the clock. The usual 30-minute time limit imposed by television precludes follow-up questions from a reporter who does not want to look as if he is hogging the show. And the President can filibuster a bit to run out the clock if he thinks he is in trouble.

WASHINGTON POST (PARADE) 23AUGUST70(24)

Q. How did Kissinger and Secretary of State Rogers advise Nixon on the Cambodia invasion? Also, was the U.S. invasion of Cambodia a failure or a success? What is the informed opinion?—N. McIntyre, Baltimore, Md.

A. Rogers was against the Cambodian incursion. Kissinger was in favor of it.

Overall, the invasion was a military success and a political failure. Our military closed the port of Sihanouville (now Kompong Som) to the enemy, captured enemy materiel. But politically, one-third of Cambodia, the northern shelf, is now completely under Communist control. Cambodia is at war, and the U.S. indirectly through South Vietnam and perhaps Thailand, if we pay the Thais enough, will have to support the war.

10-F