["CAIRO PRESS REVIEW", "- 6 -", "December 15, 1973", "Kissinger met the Soviet Ambassador yesterday at 1 a.m. and conveyed to him the results of the first stage of talks. The Soviet Ambassador immediately contacted Moscow. The Soviet Ambassador met Kissinger again at 8 a.m. to convey to him an urgent message he received from Moscow.", "Dr. Kissinger met with British Ambassador Sir Phillip Adams, and French Ambassador Bruno de Lousse in the morning when he invited them to have breakfast with him.", "\"Al Abram\"'s reporter learns that the French Ambassador was firm concerning the question of oil. The French Ambassador stressed the necessity that America should do her best to settle the oil crisis by forcing Israel to speed up withdrawal from the Arab territories.", "He also referred to the necessity of saving the deteriorating situation in Europe.", "## Sadat's Second Meeting With Kissinger", "The second meeting between President Sadat and Secretary of State Dr. Henry Kissinger started at 11 a.m. at the Barrage Root House. Before going to the Barrage, Dr. Kissinger made a quick visit to the Egyptian museum.", "When President Sadat entered the conference room, he asked Kissinger if he had a good rest. In answer, Kissinger said that he was visited by the Soviet Ambassador at 1 a.m. who returned again to meet him in the morning. Kissinger audited that he also had a meeting with the British and French Ambassadors.", "When the President asked Kissinger if he had time to visit the Museum, Kissinger said that he spent half an hour there. To this, President Sadat said that the museum needs a month at least. Addressing the President, Kissinger said that the journalists accompanying him complain because he does not give them a chance to sleep.", "-/-'}, "GG/P."]

CAIRO PRESS REVIEW - 7 -

December 15, 1973

President Sadat then started his closed meeting with Kissinger which lasted for four hours. Talks continued throughout this period even during late Talks ended at 3 p.m. "Akhbar El Yom" said that Secretary of State Dr. Kissinger left Cairo late one hour because of the lengthy talks he held with President Sadat.

During this closed meeting between President Sadat and the Secretary of State, bilateral meetings were held between members of the Egyptian side and the American delegation.

Members of the Egyptian side included Advis to the President for National Security Affairs Hafiz Ismail, Minister of State for Cabinet Affairs Abdel Fattah Abdaallah, Foreign Minister Ismail Fahmy, and Under-Secretaries at the Foreign Ministry Mohamed Ried and Mustafa Loutfy.

The American delegation comprised Assistant Secretary of State Joseph Bisco, U.S. Ambassador-designee to Cyprus Robert McCloskey, and assistants to the American Secretary of State Mr. Alfred Aherton, and Mr. Harold Saunders.

## Statements To Journalists

After the four-hour meeting ended, President Sadat and Dr. Kissinger went to the garden of the Rest House where scores of journalists were waiting.

President Sadat told the journalists that the main points which were raised during the talks included the stage of disengagement of belligerent forces, and the arrangements for the Geneva Conference.

President Sadat said: And as you have not we met for two hours on Thursday night and met for four hours today (Friday). During the first meeting, we discussed the Middle East problem with all its details. The talks were fruitful and useful. There were points of agreement and points of disagreement, but they were conducted in a constructive spirit, and they must have results.

GG/F.

--/--

["CAIRO PRESS REVIEW", "- 8 -", "December 15, 1975", "Continuing, President Sadat said that the meeting was necessary for many things crystallized concerning measures of holding the Geneva Conference and the necessity of effecting disengagement as a first stage. The execution of the U.N. resolutions on the Middle East will take place afterwards.", "Sadat went on to say that it was natural to discuss the problem of the embargo imposed on Arab oil exports. Dr. Kissinger said that the Geneva Conference is connected with the question of oil.", "President Sadat then said that the U.N. role was clear-cut because the U.N. Secretary-General will invite to the Geneva Conference and will preside over the inaugural sitting.", "He added that the meetings will be held at the U.N. building in Geneva, and that Foreign Minister Ismail Fahmy will define Egypt's stand in full and what she wants the conference to achieve.", "## Statements By Sadat And Kissinger\nTo Journalists", "In answer to a question put to Dr. Kissinger, the Secretary of State said: \"We also discussed the procedure and organisation of the (Geneva) peace conference and we agreed that the disengagement of forces should be the principal subject of the first phase of the peace process. Asked about the Geneva conference arrangements, President Sadat said there would be no direct talks with Israel. The delegates would only be in the same conference hall.", "The U.S. Secretary of State said he was on his way to the other countries for talks and an exchange of opinion and to discuss their points of view on his progress could be achieved in this respect.", "He said he wanted to express on his behalf and on behalf of his colleagues, their appreciation for the great hospitality they received.", "-/-'}, "GG/1."]

CAIRO PRESS REVIEW

- 9 -

December 15, 1975

Dr. Kissinger also wanted to express thanks to President Sadat for the frankness and openness which prevailed during their "constructive talks."

In reply to a question on his expectations as regards the disengagement of forces, Dr. Kissinger said he did not want to make predictions on the results of the conference as the parties concerned had not met yet.

In reply to a question on the participation of Palestinians in the peace conference, Dr. Kissinger said: "We must now get the conference started on the basis on which it has been agreed."

Dr. Kissinger said he did not wish to give a press conference. He only wanted to make some remarks to the pressmen.

One of the correspondents asked President Sadat about the results of his talks with Dr. Kissinger.

The President replied: "I agree with what Dr. Kissinger told you."

"I am really satisfied after the long and fruitful discussions we have had," the President said.

In reply to a question on the resumption of full diplomatic relations between Egypt and the United States, President Sadat said that during Dr. Kissinger's previous visit to Cairo (on November 7) the two countries announced agreement in principle to resume relations at the earliest time.

"Anyway, we now have a full-fledged American Ambassador."

Dr. Kissinger was asked whether he was satisfied with the implementation of the six-point ceasefire stabilisation agreement which he had himself drafted during his previous visit to Cairo.

The U.S. Secretary of State said attention was now being paid to achieving quick progress at the peace conference.

One journalist asked President Sadat when he expected the disengagement of forces to take place, for instance next January or before Christmas?

President Sadat replied: "We hope that this will take place at the peace conference and we hope that it will be before Christmas."

GG/P.

["CAIRO PRESS REVIEW", "- 10 -", "DECEMBER 15, 1973", "President Sadat was asked whether he expected the peace conference to achieve positive results before Israeli elections at the end of this month.", "The President replied: \"Israeli elections are not our problem. It is their problem. We are going to the peace conference and we hope that matters will proceed on the road of peace\".", "One correspondent asked President Sadat about the exchange of prisoners between Syria and Israel.", "The President replied: \"On my part. I have no comment. My colleague, President Hafoz El Assed, will consider this question\".", "President Sadat was asked about the possibility of the meeting of the Egyptian and Israeli delegations together during the peace conference.", "The President replied that at the peace conference all parties will meet in the conference hall.", "President Sadat told his questioner: \"But if you mean by your question direct consultations between us my reply is: No\".", "## KISSINGER LEAVES FOR SAUDI ARABIA", "Before leaving for Saudi Arabia, Dr. Kissinger made the following statement at Cairo airport: \"I want to express my colleagues for the great hospitality that has been shown to us. President Sadat and I had very constructive and very useful talks. We hope that it will make a significant contribution to bringing peace to the Middle East.", "President Sadat suggested that as the talks develop, contacts should be continued between Egypt and the United States and he invited me to come back to exchange ideas with him as the occasion requires. I accepted with great pleasure\".", "-/-'}, "GG/MF"]

["CAIRO PRESS REVIEW", "-II-", "DECEMBER 15, 1973", "Dr. Kissinger was seen off at the airport by the Egyptian Foreign Minister, Ismail Fahmy, and the U.S. Ambassador in charge of American interests in Egypt Mr. Hermann Eilts.", "The U.S. Secretary of State started his seven-nation tour on Thursday. He stopped over in Algiers before coming to Cairo.", "He next stop was Saudi Arabia, where he arrived last night. He is due in Damascus today. He will then visit Jordan, Lebanon and Israel. His tour will end on Monday.", "Dr. Kissinger was received on his arrival in Riad last night by Omar el Sakkaf, Saudi Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, and the American Ambassador in Saudi Arabia.", "El Sakkaf said he hoped that Dr. Kissinger's efforts would lead to a just peace so that the area and the whole of humanity might live in peace.", "Dr. Kissinger met King Reisal in Riad last night.", "American officials accompanying Kissinger said that there were no reasons to make them believe that Saudi Arabia will reduce its oil exports in response against the US as a result of the inauguration of the Geneva Conference.", "-/-'}, "G/N."]

THE EGYPTIAN GAZETTE

December 14, 1973

Page 2

Coming days crucial

DR. HENRY KISSINGER, US Secretary of State, seems to be mixed up on oil. He wants the European summit meeting this week to discuss an «energy action group.» In other words he wants the West Europeans to join the US in forming some kind of anti-Arab oil cartel to counter the Arab boycott. At the same time, Dr. Kissinger is of the opinion that there should be medium-term and long-term solutions to the energy problem. The short-term solution, Dr. Kissinger said on Monday, when he spoke to NATO Foreign Ministers in Brussels, would be an Arab-Israeli settlement.

In this Dr. Kissinger is correct. But perhaps it would be better to say that the initial solution of the world energy crisis would be an Arab-Israeli settlement. As to whether such a solution is short-term or not depends largely on Dr. Kissinger himself who is handling Middle East affairs on behalf of the US and its policy makers. It certainly could be short-term, for all that is needed is a firm guarantee and a firm proof that Israel will carry out its commitments under UN resolutions, namely to withdraw from occupied Arab territory and allow the Palestinians their rights. Only the US can bring about the conditions for this. But there is little sign of Dr. Kissinger making the required moves on behalf of the U.S. He has not evennad his own cease-fire arrangements implemented.

If, however, Dr. Kissinger did do the necessary and make Israel understand clearly that no further US military, financial or political aid would be forthcoming until it agrees to UN terms for a just peace there would be no need for the «energy action group», for the Arabs would call off their boycott as soon as it was apparent that there was no further obstacle to the implementation of UN resolutions.

As against this, there is President Nixon's pledge to give Israel 2,200 million dollars in aid, including military equipment to confront the Arabs. With the ascendency Dr. Kissinger has gained in US policy-making there is no doubt that he was privy to this pledge. This runs entirely counter to any move for a Middle East peace settlement for it is a US assurance that Israel will receive full US military and other aid whether it carries out its commitments or not and it makes nonsense of Dr. Kissinger's suggestion of a short-term solution to the energy crisis linked to a Middle East settlement.

This means that Dr. Kissinger must still be committed to his «energy action group» with its threat of moves against the Arabs. It should not be necessary to point out that such moves would have the exact opposite effect to what was intended. They would be a direct challenge to the Arabs and to the rights for which they are fighting. It would be tantamount to saying that Israel is entitled to occupy Arab land and the Palestinians are not entitled to their rights. It would bring about sharp Arab reaction — almost certainly an intensification of the oil boycott involving countries which have up to now been exempt from Arab action. It could easily bring about other moves such as a removal of Arab assets from the West.

It should be seen that the coming days are crucial. Failure to attain a Middle East settlement in accordance with UN resolutions within a reasonable period of time may well spell disaster for the world — economic chaos and a possible military confrontation between the pro-Arab Soviet Union and the anti-Arab US. Such a confrontation cannot be ruled out despite the Soviet-US détente. There would then be little point in discussing the energy crisis, for it would remain insoluble.

On the other hand justice in the Middle East could open the way for a new period of unprecedented cooperation. The Arabs would be the first to cooperate with the West in every way, particularly in the question of energy, for no one more than they need a long-term solution since a Middle East dependent on oil exports will cease to be viable the moment the oil dries up, which it will do in a few decades.

The issues involved are so important that it seems somewhat odd if the world is going to depend on a Zionist-influenced US administration and its policy makers — with Dr. Kissinger as the Secretary of State — to decide these issues.

It would be helpful if Dr. Kissinger could dispel these apprehensions.

AL GOMHOURIYA

December 14, 1973

Frontpage

PRESIDENT SADAT RECEIVES DR. KISSINGER IMMEDIATELY AFTER HIS ARRIVAL
IN CAIRO

DR. KISSINGER SPEAKS ABOUT ISRAL'S WITHDRAWAL FROM WESTERN BANK

الرئيس بجتمع بكيسنجر
ف Nur وصوله إلى القاهرة

استقبل الرئيس انور السادات في التاسعة و٤٠ دقيقة من مساء امن الدكتور هنرى كيسنجر ووزير الخارجية الأمريكية باستراحة الفناطور الغيرية وقد عقد الرئيس اجتماعا منفردا مع كيسنجر فود استقباله له ٠٠ وانتهى الاجتماع في الثانية عشرة والربع بعد متنصف الليل على ان يستانف في العاشرة من صباح اليوم .

ومن المقرر ان يفادد كيسنجر القاهرة، في الثالثة من بعد ظهر اليوم، وكانها في التاسعة الا عشر دقائق من مساء امس قادما من الجزائر وكان في استقبال الدكتور كيسنجر عند وصوله الى مطار القاهرة اسماعيل فهمي وزير الخارجية والسفير هيرمان ايلتس المشرف على رعاية الصالح الامريكية بالقاهرة ٠٠ وادل كيسنجر للصحفيين بالصرح التال للرئيس انور السادات واسماعيل فهمي وزير الخارجية لتثمين بروح من التعاون من اجل تحقيق سلام عادل ودائم على أساس قرار مجلس الأمن رقم ٤٢

ويرافق الدكتور كيسنجر وقد يضم جوزيف سيسكو مساعد وزير الخارجية وروبرت ماكلوسكي السفير الامريكي الجديدة في قبرص والفرية اثرتون وسويدر من مساعدى وزير الخارجية وكان صولاء المعاونون قه رافقتوا وزير الخارجية الامريكي اثناة زيارته السابقة للقاهرة .

وقد وصل مع كيسنجر على نفس الطائرة عدد آخر من المهاونين والصحفيين الذين يرافقونه لتفتيت جولته في أوروبا والشرق الأوسط

« البقية صفحة ٧ »

كيسنجر يتحدث

عن انسحاب اسرائيلي

من الضفة الغربية

علمت المجررة الدبلوماسية ( للجورية ) ان هنرى كيسنجر وزير الخارجية الأمريكية يأمل في ان تسفر المرحلة الاولى لеспورالسلام عن اتفاق على انسحاب القسوات الاسرائيلية من كل المواقع غرب قناة السويس وذلك ضمن اطار شمسal للنفسل بين التماثل المتحابية

الرئيس انور السادات يستقبل هنرى كيسنجر ووزير الخارجية الأمريكية عقب وصوله الى القاهرة

["CAIRO PRESS REVIEW", "- 24 -", "DECEMBER 14, 1973", "KISSINGER'S TOUR AND THE U.S.\nPOSITION", "As U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger makes his second Middle East tour, he should take into consideration the developments that followed the cease-fire and to act accordingly, if the United States is really keen on establishing a lasting peace in the area.", "In these post-ceasefire developments, Egypt adheres to all its commitments according to Security Council resolutions 338 and 339 and the six-point cease-fire stabilization agreement. Israel, on the other hand, broke its commitment to return to the October 22 lines, thereby deepening the front-line tension and inflaming the prospects of renewed fighting.", "The basic point in this respect, however, is not just Israel's refusal to adhere to its commitments. It is the significance that this attitude points up the policy which Israel intends to pursue in the Geneva peace talks. It is the policy of stalemming and procrastination, persistence in expansionist ambitions, and rejection of the inevitable conditions for Middle East peace, namely Israeli withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories and recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people.", "The question arises: What will the United States do now that its Secretary of State has assumed the task of solving the Middle East crisis?", "Kissinger said in London on Wednesday that during the October war the United States exercised a great deal of restraint until the Soviet effort reached the point of large-scale intervention.", "-/-'}, "ZS/MF"]

CAIRO PRESS REVIEW

- 25 -

DECEMBER 14, 1973

This claim is not substantiated by the developments
during the war. The United States' first reaction to the
success of the Egyptian forces in crossing the Suez Canal
was to call for the return of the warring parties to
their positions before the outbreak of hostilities -- that
is, the Egyptian forces were to return from the Egyptian
territory they had liberated. Then the American air lift
began, delivering huge amounts of arms and equipment
straight to the Israelis on the battlefront. American spy
planes took off on reconnaissance missions for Israel's
benefit. The United States' aim was to help the Israeli
war machine back to its feet, with the natural result that
Israel should go back to its intransigence and aggression.

The only American effort that could serve Middle East
peace should be to stop this massive consolidation of the
Israeli military machine. This consolidation, ever since
1947, has encouraged Israel to blow up all peace initiatives. In addition, the United States should bring
pressure to bear on Israel -- and it can -- to withdraw
from the Arab territories and recognize the rights
of the Palestinian people.

Only this way could the United States serve Middle
East peace. Otherwise it would only prolong the crisis,
precipitate a new war, and bring more harm on many
countries, including its own allies and its own people.

Al Akhbar
F. T.

---0o0---

ZS/MF

["C.P.R. SUPPLEMENT", "-8-", "DECEMBER 13, 1973", "To Henry Kissinger, From Ahmed Husseini", "35 years ago, in December 1938, I wrote an open letter to Adolph Hitler warning him about the consequences of his policy. It may interest you to know that I criticized in that letter, a copy of which is available at the New York National Library, Hitler's persecution of Jews. I asked him to stop this persecution, driven in that request by the spirit of Islam and its humanist principles. History itself is the best witness to the fact that the Jews had never felt safe in livelihood and religion except during the Islamic era.", "Many accused me of lunacy for writing this letter to Hitler at a time when the world was trembling at the mere mention of his name, and many criticized me for defending the Jews.", "I lived until I saw the end of Hitler, and I also lived to see America replacing Nazi Germany in Megallomania and the urge to dominate the world through steel and fire-- not on behalf of the American people but on behalf of world Zionism. Russia must be fought for the sake of Israel, and the Arabs, Africa, Asia and Europe too if necessary -- not because they are hostile to America since all of them extend the hand of friendship to the United States. Don't you think what America is doing for the sake of Zionism, in opposition to the whole world, is sheer foolishness? It is similarly sheer foolishness to imagine that the American people will remain naive and not wake up one day to take a vengeance from the Zionists dwarfing what Nazi Germany did to them.", "The word is now yours to save the Jews of America, of the whole world, from a black day that lies in store for them, and to save America from collapse as a world power. America is living under the big delusion of her military strength, but nations can collapse from within just as they can collapse from without. Every American should only ask himself whether he could have imagined a bare three months ago that the day will come when he has to abandon Sunday driving and save heating; when auto manufacturers have to lay off thousands of workers, and when Christmas would come without the usual bright lights.", "Let us now go into the crux of the problem facing you, which could make out of you the first man in America or destroy all successes you have achieved so far.", "Until now we have seen nothing from the Israelis except debauchery, insolence and more insolence. Nazi Germany devised the theory of \"vital spheres\", revived now in different form by Israel, and you must remember the fate of the originators.", "-/-
", "NM/NA"]

C.P.R. SUPPLEMENT

-9-

DECEMBER 14, 1973

There is much more I can say, but I shall confine
myself to warning against any plans or tactics relying on time
or hopes for fresh Arab divisiveness. Any proprestation
only serves to increase hate and danger against Israel and
against America, while at the same time we shall only get
more determined no matter what territory and installations
might be lost.

These are facts I place before you as Secretary of
State of the United States. You have to ask yourself: Why
is all this happening when Jews are living everywhere in
prosperity and dignity, as attested to by the fact that you
are yourself the Secretary of State of the greatest country.
Jews in the Netherlands and all of Europe live the best
possible life. So why should all this be jeopardized and why
should the whole world be covered with misery and hardship?
Is it all for the sake of Golda Meir and the rest of the gang?
This is the question.

N.B. My word today goes to the Japanese: I can not
imagine that there can be cooperation more beneficial and
totally natural than Arab cooperation with Japan.

Ahmed Hussein
Al Akhbar P. 5.

E N D

NM/NA

CAIRO PRESS REVIEW

- 8 -

December 14, 1973

## Main Story II

### PRESIDENT SADAT HOLDS TWO MEETINGS WITH KISSINGER

#### Sadat Holds Contacts with A Number Of Arab Kings And Heads Of State Following His Talks With Kissinger

President Anwar El Sadat yesterday started his talks with Secretary of State Dr. Henry Kissinger following his arrival in Cairo in the evening. Talks dealt with the developments which took place in the Middle East since Kissinger visited Egypt on November 6. Talks also dealt with what has so far been carried out of the six points which the Secretary of State drafted and later became a U.N. document which was called the Cease-fire Arrangement.

President Sadat's talks with Kissinger continued till midnight. The President's talks which cover the developments of the situation will be completed at another meeting to be held at 10 a.m. and will continue until the time of Kissinger's departure.

GG/F.

-/

CAIRO PRESS REVIEW

- 9 -

December 1, 1973

"Al-Ahram"'s reporter learns that President Sadat will hold contacts with a number of Arab Kings and Heads of State upon the conclusion of his talks with Secretary of State Dr. Kissinger.

## Kissinger's Arrival

Secretary of State Dr. Henry Kissinger yesterday arrived in Cairo at 8 p.m. coming from Algeria where he spent four hours during which he held long talks with Algerian President Houari Boumedienne.

Dr. Kissinger was received at the airport by Foreign Minister Ismail Fahmy, Under-Secretaries Mustafa Loutfy, and Mohamed Riad, and U.S. Ambassador Hermann Biltz, Head of the U.S. Interests Section in Cairo.

In a short statement made to the journalists at the airport, Dr. Kissinger said that he was delighted to be back in Egypt. He added: "I look forward to my talks with President Sadat and Foreign Minister Fahmy to bring about a just and lasting peace to the Middle East based on Security Council resolution No. 242."

Dr. Kissinger and Ismail Fahmy then drove to Al Oroba Palace where they held a meeting which continued for about one hour. Dr. Kissinger and Foreign Minister Fahmy left afterwards for the Barrage Rest House to meet President Sadat. They arrived there at 9.45 p.m. where more than 100 journalists and photographers were waiting.

Upon entering the hall, President Sadat shook hands with Kissinger and said: "I again welcome you in Cairo. Did you have a nice trip? In answer, Dr. Kissinger thanked the President for the good welcome accorded to him and the arrangements of the visit. He then introduced members of his delegation to President Sadat."

GG/P.

-/-.

["CAIRO PRESS REVIEW", "- 10 -", "December 14, 1973", "The delegation accompanying Secretary of State Dr. Henry Kissinger comprises Assistant Secretary of State Joseph Sisco, the U.S. Ambassador-designate to Cyprus Mr. Robert McCloskey, and the Assistants to the American Secretary of State Mr. Alfred Atherton, and Mr. Harold Saunders.", "A number of other staff and journalists covering Dr. Kissinger's tour of Europe and the Middle East arrived on the same plane.", "## Sadat's Meeting With Kissinger", "After Kissinger introduced members of his delegation, he sat next to the President and started their talks. President Sadat referred to the latest developments in the area since the cease-fire was announced and Israel's failure to carry out the points of the accord drafted by Kissinger himself.", "The conference room was then vacated by journalists and the only persons who remained were Kissinger, Foreign Minister Ismail Fahmy, Adviser to the President for National Security Affairs Hafez Ismail, and Kissinger's Assistants.", "Later, a bilateral meeting was held between President Sadat and Kissinger while members of the Egyptian side and the American delegation met in another room.", "\"Al-Ahram\" learnt that Kissinger told the journalists who are accompanying him that he has the following in his mind:", "1. The subjects which can constitute the agenda of the Peace Conference.", "2. He imagines that agreement can be reached on the withdrawal of all Israeli forces from the West Bank in the shortest time possible during the first stage of talks.", "-/-'}, "GG/P."]

CAIRO PRESS REVIEW - 11 -

December 14, 1973

3- He wants to accomplish some sort of progress at the conference which would allow the discussion of the lifting of the embargo on Arab oil exports to America.

Dr. Kissinger will leave Cairo in the evening for Riyadh and from there will proceed to Damascus, and Beirut. He will visit Israel before his departure for Geneva. Kissinger will visit Spain and Portugal afterwards on December 20 and 21.

Statement By Washington And Moscow
On Peace Conference

"Al Gomhouria"'s diplomatic editor learnt that both Washington and Moscow will today issue an official statement on the Geneva Peace Conference which will open on Tuesday. They will inform Waldheim of their agreement to hold the conference under the U.N. supervision and to extend invitations to the states which will attend the first stage. They include Egypt, Syria, Jordan and Israel.

"Al Gomhouria" learns that Kissinger will leave Paris on December 20 to meet the North Vietnamese delegation and will name a person to deputise for him at the conference.

---000---

(All Papers -
Almost Full Text)

GG/F.

CAIRO PRESS, DECEMBER 13, 1973

ADDITIONS TO ENGLISH TEXT

Al-Gomhouriya - Page 4

- Henry Kissinger - The War and Peace Visits

While the war was raging, and the Egyptian and Syrian armies were at the summit and highest degree of their victories, President Sadat declared that war had not been waged for its sake but rather in the defense of peace, and that Egypt was prepared for the cessation of hostilities in return for Israel's declaration of withdrawal from all the occupied Arab lands and recognition of the legitimate rights of Palestinians.

With the same reasoning Egypt welcomed Dr. Henry Kissinger despite all its unpleasant experiences with U.S. policy and the enormous grievances it has inflicted on the Arabs throughout the last quarter of a century. Egypt has welcomed any visitor so long as there is hope and his contacts devolve round the attainment of peace.

Therefore, Egypt welcomes for the second time within a short spell of time and without any reservations U.S. Secretary of State and President Nixon's National Security Adviser Dr. Henry Kissinger. If his efforts achieve progress towards peace all the countries of the world, and not only Egypt, will welcome such efforts. If such efforts prove fruitful a new leaf will be turned on the past with its old memories.

However, there is a remark which should be said and read by Dr. Kissinger which originally emanated, to be exact, from Washington

- 2 -

and Tel Aviv, namely that the U.S. Middle East policy has been
based throughout recent years, including five years during which
Dr. Kissinger has appreciably contributed to its formulation, on
what is termed the maintenance of the military balance in the Middle
East area.

Washington's practical interpretation of this theory is that
Israel possesses sophisticated weapons far exceeding what the Arab
States possess combined, thus the USA guarantees that no new war
would be waged in the area and that Israel would not be defeated.

However, the October 6 war has proven the fallacy of this theory,
as follows:

1. The Israeli security theory could not be safeguarded
   through expansion and occupation of land.

2. Israel's possession of enormous US sophisticated weapons could not spare her a crushing defeat she suffered after 4 days of fighting, had it not been for swift supplies of US arms airlifted by Washington to the battlefield direct, as spelled out in Pentagon reports.

Despite those two aforementioned facts and the fallacy of the
philosophy of the maintenance of the military balance of power in
the Middle East, US policy has continued after the October 6 war un-
changed, and it even further indulged in supplying Israel with arms.

In addition to the arms the USA had already supplied Israel with
during the war and its aftermath, which Washington considers as a
gift despite the fact that their value amounts to $2200 million,

- 3 -

the USA has announced that it has conceded to the new list of arms demanded by Moshe Dayan totalling $3000 million. Pentagon sources have disclosed that Israel will be supplied with arms still in the experimenting stage of which Israel knows nothing, and she has not even demanded them.

The people of Egypt fully remember and comprehend the experience of what was termed the "Rogers Initiative". Perhaps the USA had its justifications for not moving in the direction of peace because the Arabs had not been fully prepared for war, and Israel had not been defeated.

Kissinger's move is presently undertaken in the light of new changes which have occurred in the area and imposed their reality. When Egypt agreed to the peace conference, it was conscious that it will go to Geneva through the battlefront and for the sake of peace thrust by its combatants' blood.

It is supposed that Kissinger's move is different from Roger's initiative, both in form and significance, since each has a beginning quite variant from the other.

If the USA wants, as vowed by its leaders, to have a role in settlement of the Middle East crisis, it should be at the level and standard of a country considered to be one of the two super-powers. Certainly, this role should not include the sale of talk about peace to one party to the dispute, whereas it sells to the other party the most sophisticated weapons in the US arsenal.

***

CAIRO PRESS REVIEW

- 20 -

DECEMBER 13, 1973

EDITORIALS :

EDITORIALS WRAP-UP

"Kissinger may concentrate in his second Middle East tour on lifting the oil pressure, as he had focused in his first tour on lifting the war pressure", "Al Ahram" editorial said today.

In such a case, added the paper, Kissinger would be heading for a failure, unless there was a parallel Israeli withdrawal with the slowing down of the oil embargo.

"It is difficult to imagine", said the paper, "That the Arabs would deprive themselves of their means of pressure while Israel alone wields its pressure by occupying Arab territories. The solution does not lie in clever diplomatic formulas couched in double meanings which each party can interpret in its own way to suit its purposes. The solution lies in intensifying or restricting the use of the means of pressure, provided that the restriction should be reciprocal, so that restricting the use of the Arab oil or any other weapon should be paralleled equally by Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories on the way to a general settlement".

The new 2200-million-dollar American arms appropriation for Israel was taken by "Al Akhbar" as proof of the continued fallacy of the United States' Middle East policy.

"The October war has proved the fallacy of this policy", said the paper. "It has proved that any consolidation cannot enable Israel to impose an American-Israeli peace in the Middle East. All the arms that Israel has obtained since 1967 have not daunted the Arabs against dealing heavy blows to the Israeli military machine. It has demonstrated that the Arabs are determined to recover their lands and their rights and to be the masters in their region, and that they can do it".

Columnist Aly Hamdy El Gammal suggested that the addresses given by Egyptian commanders in the past two days about the October war be published in book form with pictures and translated into the major languages and distributed around the world. Israel had published a book on the 1967 war a few weeks after the cease-fire, crammed with lies, and it is Egypt's turn to publish a book on the October war, full of truth.

The full texts of the editorials follow.

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ZS/ MF

CAIRO PRESS REVIEW

- 22 -

DECEMBER 13, 1973

Naturally, Henry Kissinger is not seeking merely to preserve his reputation as a trouble-shooter. He must be having in mind the international complications of the Middle East crisis and its effect on the United States's own supreme interests. The Arab oil pressure is certainly a fundamental element in this respect.

It is possible, therefore, that Kissinger may concentrate in his second Middle East tour on lifting the oil pressure, as he had focused in his first tour on lifting the war pressure.

Kissinger had given many official statements in which he made a distinction between what he called "legitimate diplomatic pressure" and "extortionist economic warfare." He said on many occasions that the Arabs have proved what they can do with the oil weapon, but that the United States would not let the industrial countries be strangled by cutting the oil artery. For the Geneva conference to succeed, he added, it should be held in an atmosphere of confidence and goodwill which cannot be created under the exercise of various forms of pressure.

It is difficult to imagine, however, that the Arabs would deprive themselves of their means of pressure while Israel alone wields its pressure by occupying Arab territories. The solution does not lie in clever diplomatic formulas couched in double meanings which each party can interpret in its own way to suit its purposes. The solution lies in intensifying or restricting the use of the means of pressure, provided that the restriction should be reciprocal, so that restricting the use of the Arab oil or any other weapon should be parallelled equally by Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories on the way to a general settlement.

Kissinger has admitted that the American policy-maker is, whether he liked it or not, under the pressure of pro-Israeli groups inside the United States' political institutions and mass media, and that this effective pressure will increase. In this case, why should he call on the Arabs alone to give up those weapons which could pave the way for a less biased American policy?

-/-.

ZS/MF

CAIRO PRESS REVIEW

- 23 -

DECEMBER 13, 1973

Kissinger knows the language of pressure full well. He had built his understanding of the way to solve acute problems on the basis of this language. We are all keen that the rule of "international legitimacy", as embodied in the U.N. Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, should be the decisive word for a solution. But the law, in the last analysis, does not get its strength except from force.

(Al Ahram)

F. T.

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AMERICAN CONSOLIDATION OF ISRAEL

Once again the United States proves that it has not changed its Middle East policy. It is still following the same shortsighted line which has already done so much harm to the international atmosphere in general and to the interests of so many countries, including the United States itself.

American officials have openly said that the United States will give Israel more arms than it has asked for. At the same time the House of Representatives approved a 2200 million dollar appropriation which President Nixon had requested. This was the biggest arms appropriation for any foreign country since the end of the Korean war.

To justify this vast military aid, American officials give the same silly argument, that to strengthen Israel is to make it more flexible at the peace talks. Throughout the past six years since the 1967 aggression, the strengthening of Israel with an unending flow of planes and other arms had no effect except to intensify Israeli aggression, defiance of world opinion, and rejection of a just peace.

-/-.

ZS/MF

CAIRO PRESS REVIEW

- 24 -

DECEMBER 13, 1973

The truth is that the new American consolidation of
Israel falls in with the United States' traditional policy.
This is aimed at enabling Israel to fulfil its expansionist
designs so that it may become stronger and more capable of
intimidating the Arabs, and thereby safeguarding U.S.
interests in the area.

The October war has proved the fallacy of this policy.
It has proved that any consolidation cannot enable Israel
to impose an American-Israeli peace in the Middle East.
All the arms that Israel has obtained since 1967 have not
daunted the Arabs against dealing heavy blows to the Israeli
military machine. It has demonstrated that the Arabs are
determined to recover their lands and their rights and to be
the masters in their region, and that they can do it.

Any new consolidation of Israel would get neither
Israel nor America anywhere. It could only prolong the
crisis, spark off new wars in the Middle East, and do untold
harm to the interests of many nations, including the
American people themselves whose real interests lie in
Arab friendship, not in Arab hostility.

Al Akhbar
F. T.

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ZS/MF

["C.P.R. SUPPLEMENT", "- 6 -", "DECEMBER 13, 1973", "KISSINGER ONCE MORE!", "By: Mostafa Bahgat Badawy", "U.S. Secretary of State Dr. Henry Kissinger arrives in Cairo today on a second visit in less than five weeks.", "On his first visit of 8th November last, I addressed a full-page open message to him embodying seven questions. The questions could have been easily answered had the intentions been good, but they reamin without reply up to this moment.", "Kissinger should have adopted an even-handed policy since he has taken upon himself the search for a solution to the Middle East problem.", "But there is no even-handedness in disregarding the freedom of the Arabs and consequently, the interests of universal peace. Neither is there any equal treatment in allowing Israel's stalling practices and procrastinations in the Kilo 101 talks.", "However, we wish to be optimist over the peace conference and an eventual peaceful solution. If our optimism over the Rogers initiative of August 1970 was wrong and a sign of weakness, our today's optimism, thanks be to God, is not through weakness. The situation has since been totally reversed, and three forces emerged. The first and foremost are the heroic achievements of the Arab forces in the October battles and their ability to achieve more if necessary. The strong impact of Arab petroleum; and the support of world-wide opinion the like of which never happened in the past.", "Those facts do not, of course, escape the intelligence of Dr. Kissinger.", "Now that we are receiving Dr. Kissinger as a guest once more, and though he failed to answer the seven questions I had formerly addressed to him, I as a son of Egypt, of Arabism and of peace, would now address to him two \"interpellations\":", "-/-'}, "AH/MF"]

C.P.R. SUPPLEMENT

- 7 -

DECEMBER 13, 1973

1) Last Sunday evening, a spokesman of the U.S. Department of State was reported to have said that you - Dr. Kissinger - had urged Holland not to give in to Arab petroleum pressure and offered U.S. help to provide its oil requirements. This is despite the fact that Holland alone arrogantly and stanningly supported the Israeli occupation of Arab territory and helped Israel by all possible and impossible means, and the further fact that the Arab states upheld the spirit of the United Nations and its Charter which forbids the acquisition of land through conquest.

Why then, this strange instigation of Holland? This country should, all to the contrary, have been encouraged to join the march of justice, and pressure, should have been brought to bear on aggressor Israel and not on the peaceful Arabs.

2) The following day, Monday, a News Week report quoted you - Kissinger - as having advised the Israelis not to allow the disengagement of the two combatant forces on the Egyptian front by withdrawing to the pre-October 22 positions. Alternatively, you suggested that this issue be placed on top of the Geneva conference.

Once again we would ask "WHY?" should this action be advised despite the existence of the six-point agreement of November 9?

These two "interpellations should not be taken to mean that we have withdrawn our confidence in the U.S. Secretary of State but only that we watch with caution his peace efforts at this stage.

Dr. Kissinger's visit is expected, however, to provide a true and sincere approach to peace based on justice.

Al. Gombouria P1 & 2
A. F. T.

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AH/MF