["COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, INC.", "THE HAROLD PRATT HOUSE 58 EAST 68TH STREET\nNEW YORK 21, N. Y.", "Notice of an outstanding\npublishing event!", "September 20, 1957", "\"Undoubtedly the most important book of 1957, perhaps even of the past several years . . . \"", "—The Washington Post-Times Herald", "NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FOREIGN POLICY", "By HENRY KISSINGER", "The importance of this book is confirmed in a story on the front page of *The New York Times*, Sunday, August 11. With the headline \"U.S. Reconsidering 'Small-War' Theory,\" the article states: \"The lead in the debate has been taken, not by anyone connected with the Government, but by a scholar of foreign affairs, Henry A. Kissinger, in his recently published book, NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FOREIGN POLICY.\"", "And a feature article in *Time* says: \"In the Pentagon, the State Department, the White House, top U.S. policymakers are earnestly debating a new book, a brilliant independent analysis of the nation's post-war diplomatic and military struggle with Communism. Title: NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FOREIGN POLICY.\"", "Here is what some others have to say about it:", "\"With acute penetration, fertile imagination, and impressive analytical skill Kissinger examines the whole realm of relevant military, political and psychological questions . . . and develops the unorthodox thesis that a strategy of 'limited nuclear war', complementing our capability for massive retaliation, will utilize America's skills to best advantage with the least risk of total war.\"", "—Chicago Sunday Tribune", "\"The patience, objectivity, and thoroughness of the argument, and its constant contact with scientific and military fact, are altogether admirable.\"", "—CLARE BOOTHE LUCE", "\"It is a deeply thoughtful, hard-hittingly candid, examination of the challenges that the atomic breakthrough have posed for our statesmen and our military planners, and of the inadequacy of the response to them.\"", "—New York Herald Tribune", "\"By all odds, the best book yet written to analyze the impact of nuclear explosives upon military strategy and the conduct of world affairs.\"", "—RALPH E. LAPP", "To obtain copies of this vital new book which has inspired such widespread\npraise, just mail the form below. (See reverse side for table of contents.)", "Order Form", "COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS\n58 East 68th Street, New York 21", "Please send me ............ copies of NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FOREIGN POLICY, at $5.00 each, post free.", "Check for $ ............ is enclosed.", "Name ................................

[LC]

FOR SELF-APPRAISAL...

Have you reflected on
your reading lately?

WHICH OF THESE BOOKS HAVE YOU INTENDED TO READ
...AND NEVER "GOT AROUND TO"?

The image of yourself reflected here may reveal a sobering fact: how much you have allowed the busyness of your life to keep you from the books you promise yourself to read. There is a simple way to break this bad habit, and many hundreds of thousands of perspicacious readers over the country—like yourself—will vouch for its effectiveness: membership in the Book-of-the-Month Club. The books you want to read are—usually—Club selections or alternates. As a member you will pay 20% less for them, on the average, than you otherwise would. And, in addition, you will share in more than $13,000,000 worth of free books (retail value) distributed annually as Book-Dividends. This is actually a form of member profit-sharing. The offer below really represents "advanced" Book-Dividends earned by the purchase of books you buy later.

* The books you agree to buy later can be chosen from approximately 200 Club Selections and Alternates made available during the year.

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send back a form (always provided) specifying some other book. Or you may simply say, "Send me nothing."

* If you continue after this trial, you will receive a Book-Dividend, averaging around $7 in retail value, with every second book you buy.

INSIDE RUSSIA TODAY
by John Gunther

MASTERS OF DECEIT
by J. Edgar Hoover

ANATOMY OF A-MURDER
by Robert Traver

THE WINTHROP WOMAN
by Anya Seton

BY LOVE POSSESSED
by James Gould Cozzens

THE NEW CLASS
by Milovan Djilas

THE MOUNTAIN ROAD
by Theodore H. White

SEIDMAN AND SON
by Elick Moll

BELOW THE SALT
by Thomas B. Costain

THE FBI STORY
by Don Whitehead

LETTER FROM PEKING
by Pearl S. Buck

THE BIRTH OF BRITAIN
by Winston S. Churchill

THE NEW WORLD
by Winston S. Churchill

THE AGE OF REVOLUTION
by Winston S. Churchill

THE GREAT DEMOCRACIES
by Winston S. Churchill

THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS
by Millar Burrows

NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FOREIGN POLICY
by Henry A. Kissinger

A DEATH IN THE FAMILY
by James Agee

THE WAPSHOT CHRONICLE
by John Cheever

THE NUN'S STORY
by Kathryn Hulme

ALARMS AND DIVERSIONS
by James Thurber

PLEASE DON'T EAT THE DAISIES
by Jean Kerr

LONG DAY'S JOURNEY INTO
NIGHT
by Eugene O'Neill

SPRING ON AN ARCTIC ISLAND
by Katharine Scherman

"WHERE DID YOU GO?"
"OUT"

"WHAT DID YOU DO?"
"NOTHING."

by Robert Paul Smith

A STUDY OF HISTORY
The two-volume abridge-
ment of the Toynbee work

READING FOR PLEASURE
by Bennett Cerf

THIS HALLOWED GROUND
by Bruce Catton

THE RETURN OF LADY
BRACE
by Nancy Wilson Ross

PROFILES IN COURAGE
by John F. Kennedy

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*Trademark Reg. U.S. Pat. Off. and in Canada

24

THE NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW, JUNE 1, 1958

["COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, INC.", "THE HAROLD PRATT HOUSE", "58 EAST 68TH STREET", "NEW YORK 21, N. Y.", "Prepublication notice\nto members", "June 14, 1957", "\"This is a great book — by far the best — on the hardest problem facing our country.\" - GORDON DEAN", "NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FOREIGN POLICY", "By HENRY KISSINGER", "The Council is proud to announce the publication on June 26 of this most\nimportant book, the result of the author's work over a period of eighteen months\nwith a group of experts headed by Gordon Dean, former chairman of the Atomic Energy\nCommission.", "Here is what some others have to say about it:", "\"To me, after mature consideration, this is the most important document on foreign affairs that I have seen in the last ten years and certainly the most needed . . . . Its sweep and its penetration . . . seem to me the work of authentic genius.\" - CARYL P. HASKINS", "\"Dr. Kissinger's book is far and away the best treatise that I have seen on a subject in which I have been deeply interested ever since my days in the United States Congress. The patience, objectivity, and thoroughness of the argument, and its constant contact with scientific and military fact, are altogether admirable. But the chief merit of the book, in my opinion, lies in its demonstration of our need for a new doctrine on the uses of force in their relation to the attainment of American foreign policy objectives . . . . If our new nuclear weapons systems are not produced and controlled in accord with a clearly formulated doctrine that links military strategy with political action, they could lead to our ruin . . . .\nDr. Kissinger has faced all our military dilemmas with forthright intelligence. His careful analysis of the concept of limited war, its possibilities and its uses, is particularly valuable.\" - CLARE BOOTH LUCE", "\"Dr. Kissinger's history-making book is extraordinarily well informed, and in this respect quite without precedent in the field of nuclear armament. It is scrupulous in its regard for fact, and at once passionate and tough in argument. His thesis is that war, far from having become 'unthinkable,' is indeed thinkable, and needs the most clear-headed, sober, original thought if it is either to be prevented, limited, directed to serve the interests of our country, or planned to avert unimaginable catastrophe. I hope that all who feel themselves responsibly involved with the future of our country will read it.\" - J. ROBERT OPPENHEIMER", "Every Council member should profit from a study of this vital book which will\nbe sure to inspire serious, thought and discussion. (See reverse side for table of\ncontents). The regular price is $5.00 but the special price to Council members is\n$4.00, post free. To obtain copies now, in advance, just mail the order form below.", "Members' Pre-publication Order Form", "COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS\n58 East 68th Street, New York 21", "Please send me ............ advance copies of NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FOREIGN POLICY, at the Council members' price of $4.00 each, post free.", "Check for $ ............ is enclosed.", "Name ........................

Dr. Henry Kissinger

is at present associate director of the Center
for International Affairs, Harvard University,
and a consultant to the Operation Research
Office of the U.S. Government and to the
Weapons System Evaluation Group of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff. A little more than three
years ago he was made director of a group of
experts assembled by the Council on Foreign
Relations and led by Gordon Dean, former

Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission. This distinguished body was to
consider the problem of nuclear war and what to do about it. After eighteen
months of discussion, Dr. Kissinger was asked to write a book that would pre-
sent his personal opinions about the results of the study, rather than a consensus
of the members. The result is *Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy*.

[CONTINUED FROM INSIDE]

"A major contribution to a subject of high, indeed the highest, impor-
tance. . . . A somber, urgent, but not pessimistic book." —*Foreign Affairs*

"A brilliant, independent analysis of the nation's postwar diplomatic and military struggle with communism."

"The most important book of 1957. . . . A probing, intelligent and chal-
lenging discussion of every conceivable aspect of 'the dilemma of the
nuclear period' in world history."

"One of the most significant books on American policy since the
beginning of the Atomic Age."

"One of the most challenging books written in this Atomic Age."

—Oregon Statesman

"A profound and radical reappraisal of the whole American approach to war and defense policies. . . . Uncommonly rewarding."

BOOK-OF-THE-MONTH CLUB, INC., 345 HUDSON STREET, NEW YORK 14, N. Y.

Litho in U. S. A.

A SUGGESTED ALTERNATE
*for those who may wish a work of non-fiction next month*

"A great book—by far the best—on the hardest problem facing our country"

—GORDON DEAN, former Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission

Nuclear
Weapons
AND
Foreign
Policy

BY HENRY A. KISSINGER

FOREWORD BY GORDON DEAN OF THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS • 484 PAGES

[REGULAR RETAIL PRICE $5.00] PRICE TO MEMBERS $4.25

BOOK-DIVIDEND CREDIT GIVEN

358

[LC]

# "One of the genuinely creative and far-reaching works of our time"

A REPORT BY
AUGUST HECKSCHER
DIRECTOR, THE TWENTIETH CENTURY FUND

HECKSCHER

O NCE in a decade a book comes along which takes the outstanding current issue and deals with its fundamentals. It is a classic, in that it sees

the things that are really there, instead of seeing what everyone has been taking for granted. Dr. Kissinger's book, already hailed on both sides of the Atlantic, is of this kind. It focuses on the big elements of the world situation—on new weapons, new technologies, on wars and threats of war, diplomatic initiatives and foreign policy programs. But it does not restate the familiar arguments nor limit itself to rearranging the pieces in a different pattern. Calmly and lucidly it goes below all these, to grapple with the basic ideas which alone can give meaning to the changing facts.

Dr. Kissinger insists, first and last, that in the realm of defense the Americans need a new philosophy. For this reason his book has an air of novelty and even strangeness. Americans are generally inclined to think more about military hardware than they do about military doctrine. But if the reader accepts the fact that he is setting forth upon an intellectual journey, requiring some close

attention along the way, he will find the passage continually rewarding. He will experience the excitement that comes with the opening of fresh perspectives and fundamentally new hypotheses.

The need for hard, clear thinking in regard to defense is evident. Possessing in its monopoly of atomic weapons a power unprecedented of by earlier societies, the United States in the immediate postwar period was able neither to prevent from happening the things it disliked nor was it able in any striking degree to advance its own interests. Today, with atomic plenty on both sides providing a stalemate of terror, the West feels less able than ever to create the conditions of a true peace. At such a juncture, Dr. Kissinger argues, more power and new forms of weapons do not by themselves provide the answer. The problem is how power is to be applied, in what circumstances and combinations, and above all for what ends. It is how diplomacy and force can be so adjusted to each other as to meet the rational needs of society.

D R. KISSINGER points out how in the past radically new developments have been treated at the start as if they were mere replacements or substitutes for what

had existed before. The first automobiles were buggies with a gas engine substituted for the horse; electricity was used in the same way as the outmoded gas flame. Similarly, nuclear weapons were treated as if they were simply bigger bombs, and war continued to be thought of in terms of old doctrines and strategies. What Dr. Kissinger is trying to do in this book is to define the radically new situation that has arisen and to develop its potentialities for the security of the free nations.

T HE concepts Dr. Kissinger develops have for their twofold aim the avoidance of all-out war and escape from strategic paralysis. He wants to see us master a kind of power which is serviceable in achieving our actual aims and not merely in threatening what we know we will never undertake. To be secure against sudden suicide and also against slow strangulation—this is the grand objective. Some of Dr. Kissinger's ideas will be challenged by events; all invite informed, hard-headed discussion. But a beginning has been made toward a major reconstruction of our thinking about war and peace, and the book which accomplishes so much must stand as one of the genuinely creative and far-reaching works of our time.

“Everyone on this side of the Iron Curtain who will study *Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy* will learn of a better way to contribute to the safety of the free world.”

—Dr. Edward Teller, New York Times Book Review

“By all odds, the best book yet written to analyze the impact of nuclear explosives upon military strategy and the conduct of world affairs.”

—Dr. Ralph E. Lapp, New York Herald Tribune Book Review

“Dr. Kissinger's history-making book is extraordinarily well informed, and in this respect quite without precedent in the field of nuclear armament.”

—Dr. Robert Oppenheimer, Director, Institute for Advanced Study

“The most important document on foreign affairs that I have seen in the last ten years and certainly the most needed. Its sweep and its penetration seem to me the work of authentic genius.”

—Caryl P. Haskins, President, The Carnegie Institution

“The chief merit of the book, in my opinion, lies in its demonstration of our need for a new doctrine on the uses of force in their relation to the attainment of American foreign policy objectives. Dr. Kissinger has faced all our military dilemmas with forthright intelligence.”

—Clare Boothe Luce

[CONTINUED ON OTHER SIDE]

["BELMONT CITIZEN, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1958", "PAGE 9", "Miss Lynch Wed to Holyoke Man\nIn Nuptial Mass at St. Joseph's", "Mr. and Mrs. David Peter Connor, married Saturday, at the former Mrs. Patricia Arlene Lynch, of Watertown.", "Miss Patricia Arlene Lynch, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Daniel M. Connor, of Watertown, was married the bride to Mr. and Mrs. Thomas F. Connor of Newton, on Saturday, Feb. 1. of David Peter Connor and his son, Mr. Thomas F. Connor, of Newton, and Mr. and Mrs. Joseph M. Connor of Newton, followed in the church parlors.", "Miss Arlene Lynch, of Watertown, and Mr. and Mrs. Thomas F. Connor, of Newton, were guests of the bride and her husband.", "The Rev. Robert J. O'Brien officiated. A reception followed at the Oval Room, of Newton, at the Sheraton Pias.", "The Rev. Robert J. O'Brien officiated. A reception followed at the Oval Room, of Newton, at the Sheraton Pias.", "Mrs. Nancy J. Connor, of Holyoke, sister of the groom, as maid of honor and the bridegroom's sister.", "For children", "6 months to 5 years!", "Semi-annual\nsale\nfilene's famous\nfive-toe\nmoccasins", "$2.89\n$2.89", "2 prs. $5.75", "filene's\nWed at Pittsburgh", "St. Mary Magdalene Church of Homestead, Pennsylvania. was the scene of a pretty wedding on Saturday, January 4, when Miss Matilda E. O'Malley, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Daniel M. Connor, of Watertown, became the bride of Mr. Robert J. O'Brien, of Newton, and Mr. and Mrs. Thomas F. Connor, son of Mr. and Mrs. Joseph M. Connor, of Watertown, and Mr. and Mrs. Joseph M. Connor, of Newton, and Mr. and Mrs. Thomas F. Connor, of Newton,

["COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, INC.", "THE HAROLD PRATT HOUSE", "58 EAST 68TH STREET", "NEW YORK 21, N. Y.", "Prepublication notice\nto members", "June 14, 1957", "\"This is a great book — by far the best — on the hardest problem facing our country.\" - GORDON DEAN", "NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FOREIGN POLICY", "By HENRY KISSINGER", "The Council is proud to announce the publication on June 26 of this most important book, the result of the author's work over a period of eighteen months with a group of experts headed by Gordon Dean, former chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission.", "Here is what some others have to say about it:", "\"To me, after mature consideration, this is the most important document on foreign affairs that I have seen in the last ten years and certainly the most needed . . . . Its sweep and its penetration . . . seem to me the work of authentic genius.\" - CARYL P. HASKINS", "\"Dr. Kissinger's book is far and away the best treatise that I have seen on a subject in which I have been deeply interested ever since my days in the United States Congress. The patience, objectivity, and thoroughness of the argument, and its constant contact with scientific and military fact, are altogether admirable. But the chief merit of the book, in my opinion, lies in its demonstration of our need for a new doctrine on the uses of force in their relation to the attainment of American foreign policy objectives . . . . If our new nuclear weapons systems are not produced and controlled in accord with a clearly formulated doctrine that links military strategy with political action, they could lead to our ruin . . . . Dr. Kissinger has faced all our military dilemmas with forthright intelligence. His careful analysis of the concept of limited war, its possibilities and its uses, is particularly valuable.\" - CLARE BOOTH LUCE", "\"Dr. Kissinger's history-making book is extraordinarily well informed, and in this respect quite without precedent in the field of nuclear armament. It is scrupulous in its regard for fact, and at once passionate and tough in argument. His thesis is that war, far from having become 'unthinkable,' is indeed thinkable, and needs the most clear-headed, sober, original thought if it is either to be prevented, limited, directed to serve the interests of our country, or planned to avert unimaginable catastrophe. I hope that all who feel themselves responsibly involved with the future of our country will read it.\" - J. ROBERT OPPENHEIMER", "Every Council member should profit from a study of this vital book which will be sure to inspire serious, thought and discussion. (See reverse side for table of contents). The regular price is $5.00 but the special price to Council members is $4.00, post free. To obtain copies now, in advance, just mail the order form below.", "Members' Pre-publication Order Form", "COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS\n58 East 68th Street, New York 21", "Please send me ............ advance copies of NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FOREIGN POLICY, at the Council members' price of $4.00 each, post free.", "Check for $ ............ is enclosed.", "Name ................................

Draft: Kissinger release

6-11-57

NEW YORK, June 25 -- Unless the United States can find ways to exert its
enormous power "with subtlety and discrimination," its fate may be that of the
dinosaur. In "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy," published today by Harper
for the Council on Foreign Relations, Henry A. Kissinger emphasizes that an
ability to wage all-out thermonuclear war can at best avert disaster; it can-
not be employed to achieve positive ends.

What the United States urgently needs, he contends, is a strategic doc-
trine which will translate our power into policy for achieving political objec-
tives, which will relate force to the requirements of diplomacy. "The fate of
the mammoth and the dinosaur serves as a warning that brute strength does not
always supply the mechanism in the struggle for survival."

"Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy" is an outgrowth of Dr. Kissinger's
work over a period of 18 months with a group of experts brought together by the
Council on Foreign Relations and led by Gordon Dean, former chairman of the
Atomic Energy Commission. Although the study is the author's alone, he had the
benefit of the group deliberations and the counsel of members having a wide
variety of experience in science, government and international affairs. Dr.

Draft: Kissinger Release

6-11-57 - 2.

Kissinger is a member of the Harvard faculty and more recently has been Research

Director of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund.

The United States should not assume, according to Dr. Kissinger, either
that war is no longer a conceivable instrument of policy or that, if war does
come, our industrial and technological superiority will assure our victory. He
shows that strategy may be more important than technology and that we cannot
survive by a reliance on massive retaliation.

To avoid the twin perils of total war and total surrender, Dr. Kissinger
maintains that we need, first, a capability for waging limited nuclear war, and
then a clearly understood strategy for fighting such a war. We must be clear in
our own mind about the issues for which we are prepared to contend and willing
to assume the risks involved in pursuing them.

He writes, "A limited war. . . is fought for specific political objectives
which, by their very existence, tend to establish a relationship between the
force employed and the goal to be attained. It reflects an attempt to affect
the opponent's will, not to crush it, to make the conditions to be imposed seem
more attractive than continued resistance, to strive for specific goals and not
for complete annihilation. . . limited war is essentially a political act."

Draft Kissinger release

6-11-57 - 2.

Its distinguishing feature is that it has no 'purely' military solution. The political leadership must, for this reason, assume the responsibility for defining the framework within which the military are to develop their plans and capabilities."

Although the author is pessimistic about the likelihood of disarmament and skeptical of the value of inspection systems, he believes that much could be done to mitigate the horrors of war. In order that there may be no misunderstanding of our intentions on the part of the enemy, we should make known what we mean by limited war and how we intend to fight it if provoked. Whether or not the Soviet leaders formally agreed to our interpretation, they would have strong motives to accept it, for they cannot benefit from a thermonuclear war any more than we can.

"Limited war," Dr. Kissinger writes, "and the diplomacy appropriate to it provide a means to escape from the sterility of the quest for absolute peace which paralyzes by the vagueness of its hopes, and of the search for absolute victory which paralyzes by the vastness of its consequences."

The most important condition for keeping a limited war limited, according to Dr. Kissinger, is that the enemy be presented with alternatives that seem

Draft Kissinger release

6-11-57 - 4.

more desirable than the risk of continuing the war. This means, first, that national survival cannot be at stake and victory cannot be in terms of unconditional surrender. Less obviously, it means that military operations should be phased in such a way that there is a pause after the achievement of each limited objective so that the enemy can consider the alternatives of increasing his commitment and his risks or agreeing to a cease-fire. And finally, according to Dr. Kissinger, it requires that political contact be maintained between the belligerents so that the intentions of each side are always clear to the other and negotiation of a settlement is always possible.

"Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy" examines not only strategic and technological problems of the nuclear age but also our system of alliances and U.S. relations with the uncommitted nations. It also analyzes Soviet military doctrine and attitudes toward nuclear weapons, finding lines of frightening consistency running through the shifts in Soviet tactics.

In meeting the challenge of the nuclear age, Dr. Kissinger believes that Americans are handicapped by their own historical experience which has led them to seek absolute solutions. "Henceforth," he writes, "our problem will be one long familiar to less favored nations: how to relate the desirable to the

4

(Advertisement)

Editor-
at-
Large

Almost a quarter of a century has now elapsed since Roosevelt's first inauguration; the mad days of the late '20s and the heartbreaks of the early days of the Depression are even further away.

This period, for those who lived through it, was one of high excitement followed by terrible tragedies relieved by an upsurge of hope and confidence; and the time is now right to relive those days with something approaching a taut dispassion.

For those who would care to try a ride on the roller-coaster that was life in America in the decades following World War I, there is a fine new book by Edmund Wilson called "The American Earthquake."

In this book the distinguished literary critic writes about the period from 1923 to 1934 as he knew it. It is all here: the labor unrest and strikes, the famous trials, the Ziegfeld Follies, Charlie Chaplin and the Music Hall, Aimee Semple McPherson and the Oxford Movement, Hoover Dam and the Empire State Building, and the men who made the New Deal in Washington.

"The American Earthquake" is not just a history; it is the raw, human material that historians eventually dig up and clothe in the drab garments of historical prose.

It is history, alive and breathing, written in such a way that even I, who was too young to have been conscious of much with which Wilson deals, felt that I was reliving my own experiences.

L.L.Day
EDITOR-AT-LARGE

"The American Earthquake" ($6.00), by Edmund Wilson, is the first of the new series of Doubleday Anchor Books, hard cover books with the uncompromising quality that has become the hallmark of paperbound Anchor Books. Copies may be obtained from your own bookseller, or from any of the 30 Doubleday Book Shops, one of which is located at 19190 Livernois Ave., Detroit. The recent "Scent" contest was won by Miss Beatrice Barry of Ossining, N. Y.

The Saturday Review

FEBRUARY 8, 1958

Cover Photograph by Friedman-Abeles

SR/IDEAS

11 The Laughing Lincoln, by Richard Hanser

16 Big Boom in Good Books, by C. Lester Walker

24 Thanks to Books, by Stefan Zweig

SR/BOOKS

14 Beyond the Slavery Question, by Bruce Catton

*An Essay-review of "Created Equal? The Complete Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858," edited by Paul M. Angle*

15 Mr. Lincoln's Navy, by Richard S. West, Jr.

*Reviewed by Theodore Roscoe*

17 A Doctrine for New Weaponry, by August Heckscher

*An Essay-review of "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy," by Dr. Henry A. Kissinger*

18 Peril and Promise, by Gerald W. Johnson

*Reviewed by Frank Luther Mott*

19 Prelude to Independence: The Newspaper War on Britain, 1764-1776, by Arthur M. Schlesinger

*Reviewed by Max Savelle*

20 My Brother's Keeper: James Joyce's Early Years, by Stanislaus Joyce

*Reviewed by David Daiches*

21 The Notebooks of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, edited by Kathleen Coburn; The Sacred River: Coleridge's Theory of the Imagination, by James Volant Baker

*Reviewed by Leslie A. Marchand*

22 Gogol: A Life, by David Magar-shack

*Reviewed by Marvin L. Kalb*

23 SR Goes to the Kitchen, by Helen McCully

30 They Came to Cordura, by Glendenough Swarthout

*Reviewed by Benjamin Appel*

31 Breaking Point, by Jacob Presser
*Reviewed by Nathan Rothman*

SR/DEPARTMENTS

6 Trade Winds

25 Letters to the Editor

26 Broadway Postscript

28 Booked for Travel

29 TV and Radio

30 Literary I.Q.

32 Literary Crypt

39 Music to My Ears

47 Kingsley Double-Crostic No. 1246

The SATURDAY REVIEW, published weekly by Saturday Review, 25 W. 45th Street, New York 36, N. Y. Harrison Smith, President; J. R. Cominsky, Publisher, Executive Vice President and Treasurer; Norman Cousins, Vice President; Nathan Cohn, Assistant Treasurer and Business Manager; Robert A. Burghardt, Advertising Director, Bert Garmise, Circulation Director; Ray Goodman, Circulation Manager; Marion Urry, Assistant to the Publisher, Subscription $7 a year; $8 in Canada, Member Audit Bureau of Circulations, Vol. XII, No. 6, Feb. 8, 1958. Re-entered as second class matter January 11, 1952 at the Post Office in New York, N. Y., with additional entry at Philadelphia, Pa., under the act of March 3, 1879. Indexed in the "Readers Guide to Periodical Literature," 1958 by Saturday Review, Inc. All rights reserved under Berne and Fan-American Copyright Conventions. Reproduction in whole or in part of any article without permission is prohibited. Printed in the United States of America.

NEW
DIRECTIONS

modern classics

now in

PAPERBOOKS

Portrait of the Artist as a Young Dog

Dylan Thomas (51) $ .95

Three Tragedies

Federico Garcia Lorca (52) $1.25

In The American Grain

Wm. Carlos Williams (53) $1.25

The Crack-Up

F. Scott Fitzgerald (54) $1.45

Illuminations

Arthur Rimbaud (56) $1.25

Stories of Artists and Writers

Henry James (57) $1.55

Bernard Shaw

Eric Bentley (59) $1.25

Poems from the Greek Anthology

Dudley Fitts (60) $1.00

Thirty Stories

Kay Boyle (62) $1.45

New Directions 16

Prose and poetry (64) $1.35

Siddhartha

Hermann Hesse (65) $1.00

Selected Poems

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17

# A DOCTRINE FOR NEW WEAPONRY

Once again a great national debate has been galvanized by a book. With each passing week "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy" seems to increase in impact. It has triggered discussions inside our Congress and without. Because of its topicality, and because its author, Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, headed the team that produced the recent Rockefeller Brothers Fund Report, SR has asked August Heckscher, director of the Twentieth Century Fund, for a re-analysis of the Kissinger study.

By AUGUST HECKSCHER

THE really important debate on foreign policy is being carried forward today above the partisan level, outside the fetid atmosphere of the Congressional committee room, and apart from the editorial pages of the press. It has its origin in books; it is pursued in the form of contrasting concepts and doctrines. Philosophy is taking the place of slogans. Even where a major protagonist in the party struggle enters the debate, his appeal, like Senator Lyndon Johnson's, is based on the broadest considerations of strategy—"high strategy" it must be said, despite the suspicion (in this space age) that one may be punning.

It is significant that the liveliest of current controversies was launched by a quiet-speaking scholarly figure, emerging weekly from an academic retreat to set off his intellectual bombs. He was answered by another scholarly gentleman, who combines the practice of law with an urbane and sometimes mordantly disillusioned wit. Of course, Mr. Kennan and Mr. Acheson have been chief actors in the plot themselves; but it is as men of thought, rather than men of action, that they now put their case. It is not only the academic and legal professions from whence cometh our help; at least one outstanding foundation has abandoned the popular assumption that research must be by definition useless, and its report on defense measures has been called for by the hundreds of thousands.

All this is to the good; and all of it (or at least a great part of it) can be traced to the impetus of Dr. Henry A. Kissinger's book "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy,"* first published in the spring of 1957. The book has already become something of a

classic in its field. At least it is a classic in the sense that it is discussed by people who have not read it very carefully, and undoubtedly bought by people who have little hope of ever reading it. Dr. Kissinger is neither a military man nor an ex-State Department official. He is a thorough and highly perceptive student of history, habituated to moving in the realms of concepts and ideas. His book represents the kind of thinking which an intelligent layman would like to believe himself capable of, in an age when the most firmly settled of assumptions are challenged by the most plainly revolutionary technologies.

Dr. Kissinger not only had the time for reflection which is denied to most laymen; he also benefited from a variety of advice and of specialized knowledge. During the time he was at work on this study he met regularly with a study group of the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. Committees too often blight original or creative study, and can prove as painful to those who contribute as to those who are supposed to extract from their deliberations something even mildly useful and coherent. In this case, however, the procedure seems to have worked. A group of experienced and informed men provided their insights and acted as a sounding board for the author's developing themes. But the study itself is begotten solely by an individual.

The book begins and ends with an insistence upon the importance of sound doctrine—of well-conceived and durable theory—in a field where too often the "objective facts" of technology and weaponry have been assumed to be the shaping factors. Nuclear bombs seemed so overwhelming and decisive a force that their first effect was to convince many people they were relieved of the need to think about them. The bombs existed, and that was enough. Yet it is striking that during the postwar period, when the

United States possessed an atomic monopoly, we were neither able to prevent Russia from accomplishing objectives adverse to our national interests nor were we able conspicuously to advance our own aims. It may be said that things would have been different had we been prepared to take unilateral action or to open a preventive war. Perhaps; but the very fact that we were unwilling to take such steps is proof of Dr. Kissinger's argument that force is only relevant when it is related to sound doctrine and accepted policy. If force by itself were the determining factor, the United States, for a brief period at least, would have enjoyed such dominance on the world stage, together with such freedom of action, as no nation has attained before.

THE tendency in every technological breakthrough is to superimpose the new upon old forms; to assume that everything else remains the same while the radically altered factor is introduced. As Dr. Kissinger points out, the first internal combustion engine was treated as if it were a substitute for a horse, electricity as if it were a substitute for gas flame. Nuclear weapons were treated as if they were merely a better way to fulfill the bombing missions of World War II. In fact they do not extend existing forms of warfare; they transform them. They create a wholly new situation, which requires that the nature, the methods, and the objectives of war be re-examined from top to bottom.

Of course, it is now possible to pulverize cities more effectively than during the 1940s. The question is: do we want to? Or more significantly: is there a real advantage in doing so? We may as a nation let ourselves be maneuvered into a position where the only available course is the futile and desperate one of trying to erase the

*(Continued on page 33)*

*Published for the Council on Foreign Relations by Harper & Bros. 455 pp. $5.

18

THE PRESS

Encroachments Upon Freedom

"Peril and Promise," by Gerald W. Johnson (Harper. 110 pp. $2.75), is an inquiry by a veteran journalist into the status of free thought and expression in America today. His findings are weighed for us by Frank Luther Mott, author of "News in America" and other books dealing with the press.

By Frank Luther Mott

N
IAGARAS of news have poured through the presses since Gerald W. Johnson wrote his little book "What Is News?" some thirty years ago. In that long-ago he felt that the free press had been losing ground "inch by inch" for a decade past. In this new book, which is subtitled "An Inquiry Into Freedom of the Press," Mr. Johnson presents evidences of new encroachments not only upon freedom of the press but on freedom of thought in America.

The main thesis of this new and
more comprehensive book is that in
this era of cold-war fear the old doc-
trine that equates conformity of opin-
ion with right may easily become so
strong that it will overthrow liberty
of thought and expression. The First
Amendment is no Gibraltar, Mr.
Johnson reminds us; he shows how
Constitutional provisions can be waver-
ted down. Does not the Second
Amendment provide for the right of
the people to "bear arms"? Can you
carry a gun without a special permit?
No, "we cannot rely on the Consti-
tution any more than on the press
to protect our liberties," says Mr.
Johnson; and he adds, wisely and
irrefutably, "We cannot rely on any-
thing but ourselves. In the last analy-
sis it is the people who must protect
both the press and the Constitution,
not the other way about."

But he sometimes doubts whether
the people are going to exert this
power of protection, which they and
they alone possess, in view of the
primary weakness of a democracy—
namely, its propensity for being drawn
off by false leaders into movements
which periodically attack our basic
freedoms, such as the alien and sedi-
tion prosecutions, Know-Nothingism,
the Ku Klux Klan, and McCarthyism.
Nor is Mr. Johnson unconcerned
about the less spectacular and more

insidious assault on individual free-
dom offered by the forces of mass
communication and mass culture. He
makes much of John Stuart Mill's
observations about "the servility of
mankind toward the supposed pref-
erences of their temporal masters or
of their gods."

However, Mr. Johnson is, after all,
optimistic. He recalls that the older
threats to freedom were vanquished
without disaster (there is no mention
of the Civil War or modern racism);
and, in view of the fact that "we
have stood up to the cold war for
twelve long years" without conclusive
loss of freedom, "perhaps the old
American love of liberty merely
drowses" and may "at any moment
start out of its sleep."

This book is full of stimulating
ideas, not often remarkable for their
novelty but well worth rethinking
and restating. To use a country met-
aphor, Mr. Johnson does a lot of
pulling and hauling, gee and haw,
rather than plowing a clear, straight
furrow; in that respect, he is more
philosopher than journalist.

The reasons that he centers his book
on freedom of the press seem to be
two. First, once a newspaperman al-
ways a newspaperman, and Mr. John-
son had an honorable career of some
thirty years in newspaper work. Sec-
ond, he believes that "newspapers
are the source of the great bulk of
our information," and that "the ca-
pacity of the press to provide that
information unadulterated" is of su-
preme importance "in creating and
maintaining the climate of opinion in
which liberty can survive." Or to put
it more simply, as Thomas Jefferson
once did, liberty of the press "guards
our other liberties."

Hence Mr. Johnson devotes much
of his book to analysis of the status
of today's American newspaper. He
sees "peril" in the power of the news-
paper publisher in this era of con-
solidation and "monopoly." He sees
"promise" in the self-correcting na-
ture of journalism (when it "gets too
bad it cuts its own throat") and in
the character of the modern jour-
nalist, which he dissects with much
insight. But the final and decisive
"promise" lies in a public opinion that
has not degenerated and a popular
sentiment that still stands for freedom.

You and I will find a good many
things with which to disagree in this
suggestive essay. This is as it should
be. The author occasionally argues
with himself. But all will find him
thoughtful and sometimes challenging.

—Bust of Jefferson by Houdon.

"Were it left to me to decide whether we
should have a government without newspapers,
or newspapers without a government, I should
not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."

—THOMAS JEFFERSON.

33

A Doctrine

*Continued from page 17*

enemy while we are being erased in
turn. But it is possible to see the ef-
fect of atomic weapons as being the
very opposite—a departure from the
fixed positions, the emphasis on trans-
portation and production, which pro-
vided the military justification for
World War II's mass-bombing of pop-
ulation centers.

Thus a war conceived of as being
fought for limited objectives—chang-
ing the mind of the enemy rather than
annihilating him—may find forces
widely dispersed, so as to avoid the
effect of nuclear bombardment; at the
same time these dispersed forces gain
from the new weaponry a power
which makes the traditional concen-
tration unnecessary. With mobile,
self-contained forces, acting rather in
the pattern of naval than of land
warfare, cities cease to be prime tar-
gets. The sinews of war are in being,
rather than in process of being pro-
duced and transported; and the op-
posing nations, though maneuvering
gingerously and destructively, find it
their mutual interest to avoid the
legacy of extirpation.

The concept of a limited war fought
by atomic weapons is one of the
ly controversial themes in Dr.
Kissinger's book. To fight a limited
war may be necessary to accept as
result not only stalemate (which
is hard enough in Korea) but to
opt a limited defeat. Will a nation—
a democratic nation—resign itself
to such consequences while a greater
force still remains to be loosed? Dr.
Kissinger gives his reason for believ-
ing in an affirmative answer. Whether
one agrees or not, it will not be ten-
able hereafter for those who think
about war (and, let us hope, for those
in responsible positions who must
make plans for wars) to overlook the
various possibilities and alternatives
that open before them.

Reading over this book again after
some months, having in mind the dis-
cussions that have taken place since
and the newly developed emphasis on
missiles, I am impressed more than
ever by its importance. Here is the
great subject of war and peace set
forth in the round, with its interre-
lated factors kept steadily in perspec-
tive, with its feasible choices patiently
and imaginatively explored. Apart
from the great service it has undoubt-
edly rendered at the official level, the
book has served the vital purpose of
restoring to laymen the possibility of
thinking meaningfully about the
things upon which life and civiliza-
tion depend. The development of

Siberia

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