Le Monde

11 Fèb. 1972

LE MONDE VU
DE WASHINGTON

Le seul fait que, depuis le retour des républicains à la Maison Blanche, le président des Etats-Unis s'étende chaque année en détail sur l'« état du monde » dans un volumineux document passant en revue, région par région, les questions de l'heure et les perspectives d'avenir atteste que la « doctrine Nixon » n'est pas une doctrine de « décrochage ».

Le message présenté le 9 février le confirme à propos du Vietnam. M. Nixon déplore qu'aucune de ses ouvertures à Hanoï n'ait jusqu'ici convaincu l'adversaire de traiter, mais il se félicite en même temps de constater que ce problème « ne détourne plus notre attention des problèmes internationaux et nationaux fondamentaux ». Le rideau s'est relevé sur le théâtre de l'univers, dont les personnages comparaissent un à un devant le chef de l'exécutif américain, qui distribue avec équanimité conseils, éloges ou avertissements peinés.

On pourrait voir dans cette attitude une simple métamorphose de l'« arrogance du pouvoir » reprochée à l'interventionnisme de M. Johnson. Il y a quelques jours, M. Nixon lui-même n'encourageait-il pas les industriels américains à redoubler d'efforts pour conserver à la puisance américaine la « première place » sur le marché de l'innovation et des échanges ? Est-ce la meilleure manière d'arriver, ainsi que le rapport en exprime l'aspiration, « à une claire définition » des objectifs des Etats-Unis, au lieu de se complaire, comme dans le passé, « à l'idée d'avoir une mission spéciale à remplir » ? Cela dit, si l'on peut s'interroger sur l'ampleur de la conversion américaine annoncée par M. Nixon, on ne saurait méconnaitre la sincérité de l'entre-

prise de réajustement diplomatique et militaire menée sous sa conduite. Sans doute les Etats-Unis doivent-ils tenir compte de la dilapidation de ressources et de confiance que leur ont value leurs emportements des années 60.

Devenus plus économes, ne continuent-ils pas cependant à se croire, avec une fois plus technocratique que pragmatique, enfin en possession de la « bonne » méthode pour aborder leurs difficultés extérieures et intérieures ?

Ces réserves une fois énoncées, on retiendra que, pour M. Nixon, il n'y a que trois zones où les Etats-Unis soient sonlagés de pouvoir se décharger de la « tutelle », selon l'expression présidentielle, qu'ils exerçaient avec plus ou moins de bonheur : l'Europe, l'Amérique latine et l'Afrique. Dans les trois cas d'allieurs, il s'agit moins d'un dégagement que d'un recul permettant d'amorcer une coopération sur des bases nouvelles, en particulier avec l'Europe, que le président souhaité voir jouer, une fois trouvée son « identité », un rôle mondial de partenaire de la puissance américaine.

C'est évidemment à ses prochains voyages en Chine et en Union soviétique que M. Nixon pense en premier lieu quand il essale de trouver ce que pourrait être une ligne médiane entre « parité » et « passivité », face au renforcement du potentiel militaire soviétique, entre un rapprochement avec les adversaires « implacables » de jadis et la fidélité aux alliances conclues pour leur faire pièce. Sa vue d'ensemble repose sur l'idéal d'une stabilisation progressive des forces habituées à se défier, d'un apaisement des conflits rebelles à une cure immédiate ; bref, d'une modération générallisée plus que d'un réalignement miraculeux des plons de l'échiquier international. Le recours à la force en moins, c'est une vision très proche en somme de celle de Metternich, qui reste pour le docteur Kissinger le modèle de l'homme d'Etat.

Free-fire zone: Haldeman (left) commenced hostilities in a television interview with Barbara Walters, Agnew (above) fired his own volley and Muskie (right) shot back

an uncomfortable news briefing insisting that Haldeman had spoken only for himself and trying to leave the impression, without actually saying so, that the White House repudiated his remarks.

But if the Administration drew back from the charge that the Democrats were "aiding and abetting the enemy," it continued to hammer away at the war critics for undermining the U.S. negotiating position. GOP Congressional leaders orated against them, Attorney General John Mitchell and communications director Herbert Klein picked up the attack, and—inevitably, perhaps—Vice President Spiro Agnew also entered the fray. In another "Today" show interview, taped the day the Haldeman flap broke but not scheduled for showing until this week, the Veep was asked whether he agreed

Thieu: A rap for Rogers

February 21, 1972

with Haldeman's attack. "I wouldn't say 'consciously,'" he replied. "I wouldn't go that far. But . . . I would have to say that there has been a definite undermining, even if unintentional, of our position."

Mr. Nixon himself alternated between treacle and bile for the war critics. "I do not question the patriotism or the sincerity of those who disagree with my policies to bring peace," he told a radio audience in a section specially penned into a foreign-policy talk after Haldeman's gaffe. But, he added, "I would hope that anyone seeking the Presidency would examine his statements carefully to make sure that nothing he says might give the enemy an incentive to prolong the war until after the election." Next day, at his press conference, the line was tougher and sounded more like a campaign maneuver: "The responsibility for the enemy's failing to negotiate may have to be borne by those who encourage the enemy to wait . . ."

**Opening:** But the Administration's offensive hardly silenced the Democrats. Haldeman's outburst, in fact, provided them with a fresh opening on the war issue. While some on Capitol Hill took the high road, dismissing the charge as unworthy of rebuttal, George McGovern struck back with a gibe at Haldeman "whose experience in foreign policy is limited to a few years in the advertising business." Muskie riposted with a series of quotes in which Mr. Nixon attacked President Johnson's war policies back in the '60s. "If I was guilty of undermining the national interest by offering my own ideas about how to conduct our peace negotiations," he observed, "then surely he was undermining the national interest in offering his suggestions as to how to conduct the war . . . If we are to be free to speak

only when it's meaningless and if our freedom to speak is to be stamped out only when there is something to talk about, then free speech is meaningless."

For the time being, clearly enough, both sides saw political advantage in stressing the war issue. The Administration had picked the fight—and immediately gone on the offensive. But if the war drags on, it is hard to see how Mr. Nixon can avoid finding himself on the defensive as Election Day nears.

## 'The Watershed Year'

Every year at this time, the Nixon foreign-policy machine delivers a report to Congress on "the state of the world" as the Administration sees it. Mr. Nixon's first two messages—as shaped by Henry Kissinger, his top foreign-policy adviser—were attempts to explain his diplomatic goals. But this is an election year, and therefore a time to trumpet achievements. Thus the 236-page report issued last week and entitled "The Emerging Structure of Peace" proclaimed 1971 "the watershed year" between the initiation of the Administration's international program and the beginning of its successful implementation. To be sure, the document admitted some "sharp disappointments," such as the failure to resolve the Vietnam war and the Middle East conflict. But, Mr. Nixon proudly declared, "The United States is once again acting with assurance and purpose on the world stage . . . We know where we are going. We are moving with history, and moving history ourselves."

The President first turned his attention to the United States' two principal "adversaries":

**The Soviet Union.** Despite the dramatic U.S. overture to China last year, the

AP

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President still considers the relationship with Russia the prime factor in the shaping of U.S. foreign policy. He revealed that it was his direct personal intervention with Soviet leaders that made possible the success of the Berlin negotiations and led to the decision to hold a summit in Moscow this May. He looks forward to that as an opportunity for talks on arms limitation and the Middle East. "The U.S.S.R.," said Mr. Nixon, "has the choice: whether the current period of relaxation is to be merely another offensive tactic or truly an opportunity to develop an international system

tional concerns. With the Republic of China, we shall maintain our friendship, our diplomatic ties and our defense commitment. The ultimate relationship between, Taiwan and the mainland is not a matter for the United States to decide. A peaceful resolution of this problem by the parties would do much to reduce tensions in the Far East."

Other key passages in Mr. Nixon's report dealt with:

**Japan.** "We recognize that some of our actions during the past year placed the Japanese Government in a difficult position. We recognize that our actions have

now for a serious dialogue with India on the future of our relations ... If India has an interest in maintaining balanced relationships with all major powers, we are prepared to respond constructively. Of interest to us also will be the posture that South Asia's most powerful country now adopts toward its neighbors on the subcontinent."

**The Arms Race.** "A consensus is developing on certain essential elements" in the strategic-arms limitation talks with the Soviets, Mr. Nixon reported, and it seemed clear that he hopes to have a preliminary agreement signed before or during his Moscow talks. For, he warned, "We are approaching a crucial turning point in our strategic-arms programs. If the Soviet Union continues to expand strategic forces, compensating U.S. programs will be mandatory. The preferable alternative would be a combination of mutual restraint and an agreement in SALT. But under no circumstances will I permit the further erosion of the strategic balance with the U.S.S.R."

AP

Nixon after 'state of the world' radio broadcast: Trumpeting the achievements

resting on the stability of relations between the superpowers." But, he cautioned that the differences between the two nations remain profound. He wrote:

"Americans consider tensions in international relations abnormal and yearn to see them resolved as quickly as possible. We tend to believe that goodwill is a principal ingredient for their resolution and that our own goodwill is beyond question. We assume that if tensions persist, it is proof that our adversary is impossibly hostile to us....

"The U.S.S.R. tends to view external tensions as the inevitable corollary of conflicting social systems. Soviet diplomacy therefore is prepared to accept international tension as normal and, too often, to view negotiations with the United States as a form of harsh competition from which only one side can possibly gain advantage."

**China.** The President noted that while the U.S. and Russia have already moved from dialogue to negotiations, the task in China's case is "how to replace estrangement with a dialogue ... Both Chinese and American policies could be much less rigid if we had no need to consider each other permanent enemies. Over the longer term there need be no clashes between our fundamental na-

accelerated the Japanese trend toward more autonomous policies. We regret the former, but we could not do otherwise. We welcome the latter ... It would be shortsighted indeed to exchange strong ties with a crucial ally for some mitigation of the hostility of a dedicated opponent ... We intend that Japan shall remain our most important Asian ally."

**Vietnam.** "Vietnam no longer distracts our attention from the fundamental issues of global diplomacy or diverts our energies from priorities at home." As for the search for a negotiated peace, "since the last private meeting in September, we have essentially met all of Hanoi's proposals on military issues except the requirement that we withdraw equipment and cease our aid to South Vietnam ... In our view there is only one fundamental issue left-will we collude with our enemies to overturn our friends? Will we impose a future on the Vietnamese people that the other side has been unable to gain militarily or politically? This we shall never do."

**South Asia.** "Pakistan remains a close friend ... The United States, of course, has a tradition of friendship with India as well as with Pakistan. Our strong interest in Indian democracy and progress is not diminished ... We are prepared

## THE SENATE:

### Where Is Everybody?

Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield has been complaining to reporters for months about the absenteeism and "lallygagging" of his fellow senators, and last week the mild-mannered Montanan finally took his ire to the Senate floor-twice. "The record of this body over the past month is, to put it mildly, abominable," he told the sparsely populated chamber. "Sometimes I wonder just how much of a conscience this body has. Sometimes I wonder how ... individual senators can think of themselves foremost and the Senate secondarily."

The figures bear Mansfield out. Senate attendance since reconvening last month has averaged 78 per cent, down 1 per cent from 1970's record-which was the lowest in memory. As might be guessed in an election year, the five Democratic senators running for the Presidential nomination-Hartke, Humphrey, Jackson, McGovern, Muskie-have all missed more than half the roll-call votes this session. But so too have Senators Mike Gravel, John Tunney, John Sparkman and Adlai Stevenson III-and Warren Magnuson, whose wife is ill, has yet to put in a single appearance. Karl Mundt, disabled by a stroke, has been unable to appear for 26 months (NEWSWEEK, Feb. 14). By way of independent laboratory verification, a NEWSWEEK correspondent plucked the names of eight senators from a hat one working day last week. The eight: John Tunney and Edward Kennedy (both skiing in Switzerland), Lee Metcalf (at home in Montana), Howard Cameron (touring Germany), William Spong (off lecturing), Abraham Ribicoff (ditto), Frank Church (at home with an honest case of flu) and John Tower (reviewing the Sixth Fleet in the balmy Mediterranean).

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Newsweek, February 21, 1972

Nixon criticisms of U.S. conduct of the war in 1965 and 1966. "If I am guilty of consciously aiding and abetting the enemy," he said in New Hampshire, "then President Nixon must have been too." Nixon, however, was careful to cite his own record on the war before he took office. He forbore to attack Lyndon Johnson on Viet Nam in 1968, he said, because he feared that he might jeopardize the fledgling negotiations in Paris. In that campaign, Nixon regularly said only that he had a plan to end the war; he never explained what that plan was.

**Front Burner.** Who gains politically from the battle? The White House is certain that Muskie has hurt himself. Democrats and independents see it differently. The Republican attacks, said Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield, "put this issue back on the front burner. What they do also is to build up Muskie." By focusing on Muskie, the Republicans give the Democratic front runner greater prominence; the Administration seems to be treating him as if he were already the nominee. Further, by making Muskie out to be the leading dove, the Republicans have strengthened his position with antiwar voters who might otherwise prefer George McGovern or John Lindsay.

Whatever the domestic political consequences of the confrontation between Nixon and Muskie, there was no cheer last week for anyone who holds out hope for the Paris negotiations. Xuan Thuy, North Viet Nam's delegate to the talks, appeared on a split *Face the Nation* show with Secretary of State William Rogers to denounce Nixon for revealing the secret meetings with Kissinger. Nixon's act, said Thuy, is a "serious obstacle" to an agreement. Thuy's U.S. counterpart, William Porter, canceled this week's Paris session in protest against a three-day anti-American international convocation, called principally by a group of French leftist organizations, at nearby Versailles. Some observers at recent meetings had got the impression that some slight accommodation might be possible, but last week's negotiating session was unusually bitter.

The U.S. had problems with the South as well as the North. The Nixon plan included President Thieu's resignation one month before new elections would be held. Last week Rogers suggested that the U.S. was "quite flexible" on the question of just how far in advance that resignation should take place. This upset Thieu, who had earlier given his full support to Nixon's eight points. An angry Thieu called Rogers' statement "a violation of Vietnamese sovereignty" and asked Washington for clarification. Washington insisted that U.S.-South Viet Nam relations were "excellent." The explanation for Thieu's pique doubtless is that he is just as concerned about his domestic political situation as Nixon is about his.

FOREIGN RELATIONS

The Nixinger Report

One of man's nobler qualities is his irrepressible drive to apply reason and a sense of order to a world that is stubbornly irrational and untidy. Few official documents illustrate that passion more forcefully than President Nixon's annual State of the World reports. His third, prepared under the rigorous supervision of National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger and released last week, optimistically organizes U.S. foreign policy into manageable problems and fits each specific American move into a grand strategy for achieving "a generation of peace." In 236 pages of clear prose, remarkably free of diplomatic delicacy, the Nixon-Kissinger paper offers a unique guide to how the White House approaches problems as lofty as halting the strategic arms race or as lowly as stopping quarrels over fishing rights.

Much of the report retraces the familiar terrain of the spectacular Nixon initiatives in "the watershed year" of 1971: his historic overture to China, his abrupt shake-up of world monetary and trade policies, his personal summitry with U.S. allies, and the invitation for him to visit Moscow. The personal

settlement in Viet Nam was the Administration's most serious failure, but blames this on Hanoi.

Unfortunately, the report immodestly begins each major section with a Nixon quotation, and arrogantly dismisses the foreign policy of previous Administrations. Before Nixon came along, the U.S. was either "drawn into situations, responding tactically, without a clear perception of where we would end up," or failed to take bold steps of its own because "we had no positive conception of where we wanted to go." But under Nixon, "the United States is once again acting with assurance and purpose on the world stage."

The report also suffers from a lecturer's tone, revealing some obvious truths as intellectual insights. For example, after "meticulous preparations" in seeking an agreement with the Soviet Union on limiting strategic weapons, the Administration concluded that "the strategic balance would be endangered if we limited defensive forces alone and left the offensive threat unconstrained."

The global report deals most notably and forcefully with these specific topics:

**SOVIET UNION.** For a President who will soon visit Moscow, Nixon is sur-

CONKLIN

NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER HENRY KISSINGER IN WHITE HOUSE OFFICE

*A President and a professor ordering an untidy world.*

pride with which Nixon views these moves shows through, as does the bellicerence with which he defends his also familiar—and still embattled—policy on Viet Nam.

While bristling with self-confidence, the report is not offensively self-righteous. It forthrightly ticks off some U.S. failures: to prevent the India-Pakistan war, stimulate fruitful negotiations between Egypt and Israel, keep Taiwan in the United Nations, find a better way to help nations of Latin America develop economically. It concedes that not achieving a negotiated

prisingly blunt in criticizing Russia. The report accuses the U.S.S.R. of using the Arab-Israeli conflict "to perpetuate and expand its own military position in Egypt," of allowing hostilities between India and Pakistan "to boil up toward crisis in the hope of political gain," and of rapidly building up its military forces "beyond a level which by any reasonable standard already seems sufficient." Yet the report cites enough contradictory instances of Soviet accommodation (including progress at SALT, agreement on access to Berlin, treaties banning biological

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TIME, FEBRUARY 21, 1972

(weapons) to convince Nixon that "a summit would not be an empty and self-deluding exercise in atmospherics." It is up to Moscow to determine whether a period of détente is to be used as "another offensive tactic" or a chance to stabilize relations between the two powers.

**SALT.** The report worries about the Soviet arms buildup, claims that an apparent pause in Soviet ICBM silo construction only served to permit "a totally new missile system" to be deployed. Now nearly 100 new ICBM silos are under construction in the U.S.S.R., multiple warheads have been tested, submarine-launched missiles are being improved, and there are more ballistic missile submarines being built than the U.S. now has. Erection of anti-missile defenses around Moscow has been resumed. Moreover, says the report, the Soviet Union has "the technical capability" to develop a missile system that on a first strike could knock out the U.S. ability to retali ate effectively. While wondering whether Moscow might not be stalling in the SALT talks until it develops a superior strategic force, the report nevertheless holds out substantial hope for agreement. Nixon sees this developing in steps: first a long-term treaty limiting defensive systems, next "an interim agreement" that would freeze levels on "certain offensive weapons" and, finally, a second phase of negotiations to work out a more permanent limitation of most offensive weapons.

**INDIA.** The Administration offers no apology at all for its controversial "tilt" toward Pakistan, contending that it has undisclosed but "convincing evidence" that India wanted to do more than carve out Bangladesh in the East: New Delhi intended to destroy Pakistan military forces in the West as well. Since India was the aggressor, the report claims, the U.S. could either "take a stand against the war and try to stop it, or we could maintain a 'neutral' position and acquiesce in it." Typically, Nixon posed extreme alternatives (akin to the choice between "settlement and surrender" in Viet Nam) when more complex options were open. A firm denunciation of Pakistan's slaughter of Bengalis, for example, might have put the U.S. in a stronger position to denounce India's resort to force—and could hardly have been less effective. The report nonetheless offers to open "a serious dialogue" with India, and hints that the future of U.S.-Indian relations depends heavily on how much independence from the Soviet Union India retains.

**JAPAN.** Neither does Nixon's report apologize for the shocks the Administration gave Japan by approaching Peking and moving unilaterally on trade. These shocks, says the paper, "only accelerated an evolution in U.S.-Japanese relations that was overdue, unavoidable, and in the long run, desirable." Nixon tells Japan that both

Tokyo and Washington can deal with Peking without hurting each other. There is soothing flattery for the Japanese: the report praises their "remarkable display of disciplined energy" and their emergence "firmly in the front rank of international powers."

More broadly, the Nixon-Kissinger view of an orderly world calls for the major powers to deal realistically with one another's national interests and to downgrade ideological differences so long as they do not endanger world peace. Nixon says, for example, that the U.S. will deal with Communist countries "on the basis of their foreign and not their domestic policy." Similarly, on the disputes between China and Russia, the report dismisses their arguments over Communist philosophy as "a subject in which we have no competence and little interest."

If that all sounds refreshingly realistic, there is also a certain amount of wishfulness in the notion that nations can neatly separate their foreign interests from their internal political concerns. The difficulty is demonstrated by Nixon's pledge to help friendly Asian nations combat "subversion and guerrilla warfare" with U.S. funds, even though such movements may be highly ideological and may not always threaten U.S. security. The Nixon report also criticizes racial injustice in South Africa somewhat more vigorously than the Administration has attacked racial inequality in the U.S., raising subtle questions of which problems transcend boundaries and which are really internal.

Certainly, Nixon and Kissinger make sense in trying to deal with the emerging multipolar world in a way that more closely equates the nation's commitments with its limited ability to influence events everywhere. They are constructive, too, when they argue that "the heart of our new conception is a more balanced alliance with our friends —and a more creative connection with our adversaries." If the President and the professor seem uncommonly impressed by their own fallible formulations, perhaps even that is understandable in a presidential election year.

## POLITICAL BRIEFS

### Mills Comes Out

Of the proliferating group of Democrats who would like to win their party's presidential nomination, conservative Congressman Wilbur Mills of Arkansas has probably been the most coy. While keen for a crack at the nomination, he has consistently feigned indifference. Last week for the first time Mills came right out and admitted that he is indeed a candidate. In letters to Wisconsin and Nebraska election officials, Mills said that he could not "in good conscience" ask that his name be

left off primary ballots in those states. He added, however, that he does not plan to campaign.

Mills, the chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, has also refused to go on the stump in the New Hampshire campaign, although he does not deny that his supporters there are trying to get him at least 5% of the total vote in the state's March 7 pri-

CONKLIN

CANDIDATE WILBUR MILLS

Feigned indifference.

mary, and will spend $200,000 doing it. Mills calmly calls the whole thing "a draft movement." His obvious strategy is to stay in the nomination race without getting into open electioneering. Then, if all goes well enough, he could make more trouble in later primaries while reminding Democrats that he is indeed available, even for the vice presidency,

### Taft v. Rhodes in Ohio

None of the principals involved will talk about it and the White House has taken a quietly apprehensive hands-off stand, but a deepening intra-party Republican squabble in Ohio could jeopardize Nixon's re-election chances in November. The trouble is the result of the bitter 1970 primary fight between Ohio Senator Robert Taft Jr. and Former Governor James Rhodes, and a series of G.O.P. financial scandals, all of which has left the party in a shambles. Now Taft is maneuvering to wrest power from the Rhodes-influenced Republican state central committee. He plans to run for the 46-member committee in hopes that growing dissatisfaction with Rhodes' leadership and Taft's own improved power position will enable him to break Rhodes' grip on the party. Since Ohio and its 25 electoral votes are a major election prize, Nixon's men are hoping that the fratricidal fight will be over and the wounds healed by November.

NEWS SUMMARY

February 10, 1972

(Wednesday nets and wires)

The Major Stories of the Day:

- 2 nets lead with RN's State of the World including clip of the segment on VN and the responsibility of WH aspirants to seriously and carefully consider what they say re: the war lest enemy be given cause to prolong the conflict. No question of critics' patriotism or sincerity tho said RN. Clip also used by CBS in its No. 2 story. 2 nets with Muskie saying his criticisms will continue. (Lead on CBS was 7 minutes from VN -- on US carrier buildup and GI patrols near Saigon.) H. K. Smith saw one defect in SOTW -- no explanation of our "blunder" in the India-Pak conflict.

- N. Ireland's D-for Disruption-Day was more B-for Bust. Relative nonviolent and non-disruptive day considering trouble expected.

- Arthur Burns calls on Pay Bd to tighten up on wages while urging more flexibility upon the Price Commission.... USDA predicts 4% price rise in food products but farm income will also go up -- perhaps $1.5B.... Dow-Joneses up sharply -- 11.59.

- BNDD's ex-No. 2 man Finlator calls for legalization of marijuana. He tells Schorr he was muzzled while in office.

- CBS feature on the decline of activist protest and the resulting calm on campuses.... ABC feature of Philly's search for a Bicentennial site.... ABC/NBC looks at LA -- one year after the quake. Not much has been done to protect against another one.

- The House passed 214-139 the Senate version of RN's bill forcing an end to dock strike if they don't settle for sure in 10 days.

* * * * .

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STATE OF THE WORLD (SOTW)

The world according to RN, led Chancellor, emphasizes above all that there's been striking progress toward building structure of peace. Major achievements: PRC and USSR trip plans; bettering relations with allies; healthier international economic picture. RN said he wouldn't, as some have suggested (RN didn't say who, noted Chancellor), seek to exploit Sino-Soviet differences. Then the disappointments: Ind-Pak; Mideast; Latin America; Taiwan out of US and the biggest of all -- failure to end war in VN. The only part allowed on TV film, noted Chancellor, was RN on VN. Lengthy clip over a minute as RN pointed to achievements in winding down a war he didn't start and discussed the higher responsibilities of WH aspirants when they talk about VN. Following clip, Chancellor observed: "So, there were some politics in the SOTW.

10 years ago, led HKS, JFK said it was an untidy world but we had to live in it. RN said the same thing in greater detail but pointed out we are learning to live in it. The 94,000 word document (length noted by all nets) talks about achievements and hopes. The greatly improved world picture; the break-thru with PRC; USSR arms treaty possible; renewed discussions with India; future recognition of B-D. On VN, said Gill, RN soft-pedaled earlier WH attempts to lump critics into one group. Kissinger put unusual emphasis on McGovern's patriotism, integrity and sincerity while saying his policy would turn GVN over to Communists. Then clip of RN's own view on critics. Gill concludes by saying WH is concerned over domestic reaction to enemy offensive -- it expects critics to escalate along with battlefield action.

RN, led Cronkite in No. 2 story, believes a stable peace is closer but he said his chief disappointment was failure to negotiate an end to VN. Rather began by saying the document was size of a mail-order house catalogue; it weighs over a pound. Then a summary from Rather: 1) RN feels Soviets may be seeking 1st strike capability and worries

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about this despite progress on limiting defensive weapons. 2) Much less critical tone towards PRC and no indication of change in policy re: Taiwan;

3) We'll not sacrifice good Japan relations -- tone toward Tokyo is conciliatory and complimentary;

4) No mistakes admitted on Subcontinent policy but emphasis on need to repair relations with India;

5) Claims lessening of tensions in Europe, especially Berlin, is a major accomplishment and there's more burden sharing by allies; 6) VN war costs are down to $8B.

Then, on CBS, came clip of defense of VN policy and call on other candidates to be careful in criticism. Immediately after this came Muskie saying RN might like to inhibit the criticism but dissent over war goes back 5-6 years and he won't be put down because the WH doesn't like criticism.

Lengthier Muskie report on ABC introduced by Smith who said that despite the WH views, Muskie continues to speak out against war, perhaps even more strongly. Frank Reynolds says it's typical of Muskie that he takes time to sharpen his views and criticism. He found the right words Wed. On film holding mike with hand in pocket trying to be both at ease and passionate, Muskie said it's not in national interest to worry about discomforting the WH. Most Americans want out now and I'll articulate their view -- which is now mine, too, Reynolds noted Muskie's contention that RN criticized gov't policy when out of office and that Muskie has no intention of stopping his.

ABC followed this with verbal note of Goldwater's remark that it's increasingly clear that "no peace proposal" will receive bipartisan support from Dems so long as it bears RN's imprint. Apparently the Dems want to give up chance for peace til next year, hoping to replace RN in meantime, suggested BG.... And NBC followed SOTW report by noting Dole's call for a Hill-sponsored inquiry into the origins of the VN war. (He didn't say if joint resolution had WH support.)

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O'Brien said RN's reliance primarily on "old proposals already rejected" is the major obstacle to a negotiated settlement.... Lindsay, in what AP calls "the sharpest reaction to RN's call for restraint in criticism," charges the speech was a scurrilous attack on the honor of VN critics and revives the tactics of Joe McCarthy.

McGovern doesn't intend to "allow either the WH or Hanoi to determine what I say about VN and when I say it." He disputed HAK's interpretation of his position and said he has always said the US shouldn't be involved in a political resolve in SVN. George also said HRH should be fired or RN should publicly disassociate himself from HRH's remarks. If RN refuses, it must be assumed HRH speaks for him "and that after 20 years, we are back to the old RN."

McCloskey says RN is "dead wrong in asking other US political leaders to acquiesce" in his peace plan. The request is "particularly unseemly in light of the fact that peace could apparently have been negotiated last summer had RN followed" the Mansfield Amendment. McCloskey further said McGovern and Muskie are "performing a public service" in their efforts.... But Ed Brooke was "especially pleased" with RN's statement that he didn't question sincerity or patriotism of critics. He further commended RN for his caution re: PRC/USSR trip expectations and said he was encouraged by RN's "cautiously optimistic tone."

HHH charged RN has kept Dem aspirants and the public "woefully ill-informed" on SVN and that candidates are required by the "nature of American politics" to speak out on the issue. He knew of no candidate "knowingly or unwillingly aiding or abetting the enemy" and that that kind of statement "serves no useful purpose whatever."... Natl. Peace Action Coalition spokesman Jerry Gordon said the danger is that RN's "recourse to stigmatizing his critics" is to keep the home front quiet while he sharply escalates the war. Gordon said HRH's statement was "the most outrageous accusation" since the days of J. McCarthy and that he's convinced HRH spoke "with RN's explicit knowledge and direction."

5

Yorty accused Dem. candidates of unfair criticism of VN, saying they were exploiting Americans' war weariness "with emotional appeals" and helping to prolong the war. Communist negotiators might be hoping for a Muskie or McGovern victory and that it's time for the Democrats to engage in "serious introspection" and put personal ambition and partisanship aside during this "critical period in the negotiations" said the Mayor. He further said that Muskie and McGovern "could doom the Democrats to defeat because moderates will not accept them as an alternative" to RN. Yorty said he wanted to alert N.H. voters to the "follies" of the Fulbright faction and charged that criticism of our VN policy has "already cost thousands of lives and prolonged" the war.

MORE SOTW REACTION

HKS, in his commentary, again acknowledged he is one who feels RN has performed in foreign affairs with "a deft hand," tho sometimes unsure in domestic matters. And most of RN's SOTW claims of progress were justified -- except for one aberration: the tilt to Pakistan. They were morally wrong in waging genocide and they were bound to lose a war they persisted in making inevitable. And now the man we backed is under house arrest as an enemy to his nation and Bhutto isn't loyal to us, but to Peking. So RN's cited alliance with Pak is as dead as a doornail. We _did_ have excellent relations with all concerned before the war, said Smith, but now we've alienated all of them. Concluded with Talleyrand's quote: The policy wasn't a crime; it was worse -- a blunder.

UPI reports an Indian official was highly critical of RN's statements, said RN was trying to justify his "past wrong policies" in seeking talks between New Delhi and Washington. RN, he said, is attempting to regain lost prestige in South Asia without admitting he was wrong.

6

Following the radio broadcast, Rather noted the message is an innovation of this Admin. It tells where U. S. foreign policy has been, where it's going and where RN wants to take it. RN is setting mood and tone for the overall message via this speech. Dan noted the "most generous offer in history of warfare" remark as he asked Kalb to list the most important quotes. It was, agreed Marvin, "a very interesting" statement. Kalb found of interest the partial rollback of RN criticism of critics of his policy. He noted Kissinger said McGovern had consistently held views which would result in turning GVN over to Communists but he had no doubts of the Senator's patriotism. And, noted Rather, RN said he didn't question sincerity or patriotism of his critics. So some effort has been made not to impugn loyalty of critics. At no time, concluded Rather, did RN or HAK disavow HRH's statement but they did put it in context emphasizing they questioned wisdom, not patriotism of critics.

Brief re-cap only by Hackes on NBC radio who reported that: 1) RN called peace proposal most generous in military history; 2) Does not criticize those who disagree, but that Presidential candidates have a higher responsibility to examine their statements so as not to give incentive to enemy to prolong the war; 3) RN called this a 'Breakthrough Year' in which there is new opportunity and basis for forming new grounds for relationships with Russia, China and our allies.

ABC's WMAL had no commentary, but SOTW was lead on 11:30 a.m. radio news. RN said his foreign affairs policy has brought us closer to peace...we've stopped reacting to yesterday's habits and dealing with tomorrow's opportunities. RN cited his PRC and Moscow trips as necessary to a stable peace, ABC reports, and also had a word for his critics. Clip of RN saying he favors free debate and criticism but that Pres. candidates have higher responsibility, etc.

7

Jackson said RN's SOTW is the "third annual
admission" that US policy has failed to counter"
Soviet buildups in Mideast. Jackson did say
the message reflects US concern over the Soviet
arms buildup.

State Dept. officials were reported unhappy over
the WH method of distributing the SOTW message
as newsmen received in advance of some at State.

Tass carried a lengthy and only mildly critical
report of SOTW. It was far more conciliatory on
RN's PRC trip than recent Soviet press items,
but said RN's statement that American might is
indispensable in pursuing foreign policy contra-
dicts his statement that the U. S. strives to pass
from confrontation to an era of talks....Egypt
won't be frightened into giving up its land or
rights by RN's warnings of Soviet expansion in
the Mideast, said PM Sidky.

Here are some leads on wire dispatches on SOTW:

RN told the nation he scored "breakthroughs toward peace in a
changing world" by arranging his Peking and Moscow summits and by
rebuilding allied alliances. He also injected himself into the swirling
debate over alternatives to his VN policy by cautioning WH candidates
to avoid statements which "might give the enemy an incentive to prolong
the war until after the election." (AP)

RN told Congress and the nation his foreign policy has brought the
world closer to a stable peace because the US has stopped reacting "on
the basis of yesterday's habits," and is dealing with "the opportunities
of tomorrow." (AP)

8

RN said his historic journey to Peking might help avert a "disastrous catastrophe" in any later U.S.-Chinese military confrontation. He said the trip represents a necessary "giant step toward the creation of a stable structure of world peace." He described 1971 as a "watershed year" because of breakthroughs in relations with both China and the Soviet Union. RN said his big disappointment in the foreign field last year was failure to end the VN war through a negotiated settlement. (UPI)

RN does not expect his China visit to produce "instant solutions to deep-seated differences" but described the historic journey as "a beginning." (UPI)

RN said the US would be shortsighted to exchange strong ties with Japan, a crucial U. S. Ally, for some lessening of hostility from mainland China.... However, he declared it would be equally shortsighted not to seek communication and better understanding with the Chinese. (AP)

RN disclosed that China's release of two US POWs last Dec. was a result of U. S. efforts to open communications with the mainland. (AP)

9

RN said Dem candidates should be careful to say nothing about the war that might encourage the communists to delay a peace settlement until after the election. He did not question the sincerity of those who are critical of his VN policies. (UPI)

* *

RN said he was willing to take criticism from his Dem opponents over the war but warned them to be careful lest they give the communists an incentive to keep fighting. (AP)

* *

Henry Kissinger said McGovern appears to be willing to accept a communist government in Saigon in order to end the war but he said the Dem candidate holds those views "with integrity and patriotism."...The tone of Kissinger's remarks was in sharp contrast with HRH.... (UPI)

* *

RN said the USSR was prepared to move militarily to prevent China from coming actively to the aid of Pak during the Indo-Pak war. (UPI)

* *

In a hint of impending diplomatic action, RN said the US will continue relief efforts in Bangladesh and has no intention of ignoring the new nation's 70 million people. (AP)

* *

RN said the continuing cease-fire between Israel and its neighbors was the only praiseworthy event in the Mid East in 1971. The other side of the coin, he said, is that efforts to achieve an over-all settlement lost momentum and the Soviets continued the arms race in the area, "despite our restraint." (AP)

* *

10

RN raised the possibility again that the USSR might be seeking enough missile power to attempt a first strike against the US. He cited new evidence to back up his contention. (UPI)

* *

RN said a US-Soviet accord is developing on the outlines of a historic agreement that would curb the nuclear-arms race for the first time.... Kissinger said the report should not be construed as abandonment of the US aim to get as comprehensive an agreement as possible. (AP)

* *

RN reaffirmed his policy of "realism and restraint" toward Latin America, but recognized that the days of unchallenged US political and economic dominance over the region are over. (UPI)

* *

RN called for a new round of world-wide talks aimed at removing the protectionist barriers nations have erected against free trade. (UPI)

* * * *

INDOCHINA

CBS led with report on the sharp increase in enemy attacks -- only small units and light casualties but speculation is that offensive could be underway and US moves are increasing that speculation. The Constellation is on its way back to Tonkin Gulf and Kitty Hawk is reportedly on its way. Schieffer of CBS said US will resume bombing thruout Indochina if offensive comes. With 3 carriers in Gulf and 4th in reserve, strength is equal to '68 when bombing was heaviest of war. There's also a B-52 and Phantom buildup. Note by CBS -- and ABC -- that US says it won't hesitate to use available assets to protest remaining GIs. Those assets, noted ABC which

Thursday, February 10, 1972

The Monitor's view

# Mr. Nixon warns Russia

Only a week before he leaves for Pe-king, President Nixon has delivered a re-markable foreign policy review which confirms that Russia is still a far greater preoccupation for the United States than is China.

The 95,000-word State of the World message reflects the thinking of the Pres-ident's chief foreign policy adviser, Henry Kissinger, on the triangular balance of power between the three giants in the world today. In this balance, Russia sees threat No. 1 as coming from China, and for China it is the reverse. For the United States the main threat is still Russia.

President Nixon welcomed signs of im-provement in Soviet-American relations. But uncertainty and concern as to the fundamental meaning of Soviet policies ran through much of his message. He named specifically Soviet weapons devel-opment and deployment, Soviet arms de-liveries to Egypt, Soviet support to India in the recent conflict with Pakistan, and expansionist Soviet naval activities. But his deepest expression of concern came over the Russians' nuclear buildup.

The President reaffirmed his hope that the SALT (strategic arms limitation talks) with the Soviet Union would culminate in agreement to curtail the arms race. Then he delivered this warning: "If

the Soviet Union continues to expand strategic forces, compensating U.S. programs will be mandatory. . . . Under no circumstances will I permit the further erosion of the strategic balance. . . ."

Mr. Nixon has been seeking to hold the line on strategic weapons spending until the outcome of the SALT talks is known. He would like to keep a ceiling on defense spending if he is returned to the White House for another four-year term. But he has now spelled it out clearly that, if there is no SALT agreement, it will be "mandatory" on him to push ahead with some of the extremely costly projects currently being kept in low gear.

Compared with the warning to Russia, the passages in the President's message referring to China seem relatively low-key. He stressed that he had no illusions about the difficulties ahead in the process of seeking working relations with Peking but reaffirmed his deep commitment to the new course he has charted for American foreign policy.

The other nations of the world, small and large, stand to benefit from a continuance of that course. In this matter the President deserves bipartisan support at home. As for Vietnam, we must welcome the tribute paid in his radio talk to the patriotism and sincerity of his critics, however tardy that tribute may be.

# SALT talks loom as 'litmus test'

By Courtney R. Sheldon
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Washington

As President Nixon steers his foreign policy through stop-and-go traffic, he spots a revived-up Soviet Union in his rearview mirror.

His reactions range from hope to puzzle-
ment and sometimes alarm.

The spectacular visit to the Forbidden
City in China is only days away. There could
be no further startling break-through in U.S.-
China affairs for years.

For Mr. Nixon and Henry A. Kissinger,
his national-security adviser, fence mending
with the Soviet Union becomes more criti-
cally important with each passing hour.

Mr. Nixon's 236-page 1972 foreign-policy
message to Congress testifies to this in every
chapter.

What Mr. Nixon does relative to the So-
viet Union could have far more impact on
the world atmosphere, and the domestic
election scene as well, than what is expected
to transpire in Peking beginning Feb. 21.

## Nugget of thinking

In a radio talk which prefaced his report
to Congress, Mr. Nixon declared: "I will go
to that meeting in May [the Moscow sum-
mit] with no naive illusions but with some
reasonable expectations."

The nugget of the Nixon-Kissinger think-
ing is in these statements:

* "The Soviet Union in the 1970's is pro-
jecting a political and military presence
without precedent into many new regions of
the globe."

* "If the ultimate prospect for a stable
world peace requires accommodation be-
tween China and the United States, both the
immediate and the long-term hopes for
world stability rest on a more decent and
mutually beneficial relationship between our-
selves and the Soviet Union."

The litmus test in Soviet-U.S. relations is
the pending accord on the limitation of stra-
tegic nuclear arms.

In explaining the presidential message,
Mr. Kissinger talks as if the accord is only
an arm's length away:

"Either that agreement will be completed
at the summit, or if it is completed prior to
the summit we will, at the summit, discuss
the follow-on agreement."

## Caution sounded

But the foreign-policy message, compila-
tion of which Dr. Kissinger superintended,
cautions that it is "unclear whether we are
now witnessing a permanent change in So-
viet policy or only a passing phase con-
cerned more with tactics than with a funda-
mental commitment to a stable international
system.

"Soviet weapons development and deploy-
ment activity, Soviet arms policy in the
Middle East, Soviet behavior during the
India-Pakistan crisis and the expansionist
implications of Soviet naval activities, all
raise serious questions."

At one point, Mr. Nixon seems to be
talking like a schoolmaster to Soviet lead-
ers, warning them they must help set stan-
dards of international conduct that will have
healthy influence on Communist China:

★ Please turn to Page 12

## Nugget of thinking

* "If the ultimate prospect for a stable world peace requires accommodation between China and the United States, both the immediate and the long-term hopes for world stability rest on a more decent and mutually beneficial relationship between ourselves and the Soviet Union."

## Caution sounded

an arm's length away;

## Caution sounded

But the foreign-policy message, compilation of which Dr. Kissinger superintended, cautions that it is "unclear whether we are now witnessing a permanent change in Soviet policy or only a passing phase concerned more with tactics than with a fundamental commitment to a stable international system."

"Soviet weapons development and deployment activity, Soviet arms policy in the Middle East, Soviet behavior during the India-Pakistan crisis and the expansionist implications of Soviet naval activities, all raise serious questions."

At one point, Mr. Nixon seems to be talking like a schoolmaster to Soviet leaders, warning them they must help set standards of international conduct that will have healthy influence on Communist China:

★ Please turn to Page 12

12

Thursday, February 10, 1972

THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

★SALT talks loom as 'litmus test'

Continued from Page 1

"It was our view that the war in South Asia was bound to have serious implications for the evolution of the policy of the People's Republic of China.

"That country's attitude toward the global system was certain to be profoundly influenced by its assessment of the principles by which this system was governed — whether force and threat ruled or whether restraint was the international standard."

Fires to dampen down

What this says, in effect, is that if the two mighty superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, do not join in dampening down fires on the Indian subcontinent ad in the Middle East, China—when it comes of age militarily—will find precedents for troublemaking all over the landscape.

It is in the section on "The Imperative of Security" that Mr. Nixon's tone becomes the most anxious and his warnings most explicit:

"Last year there were uncertainties in our appraisal of Soviet strategic forces. Some of these uncertainties have now been removed, unfortunately not in a reassuring way....

"The Soviet Union is continuing to create strategic capabilities beyond a level which by any reasonable standard already seems sufficient....

"If the Soviet Union continues to expand

"But under no circumstances will I permit further erosion of the strategic balance with the U.S.S.R. I am confident that the Congress shares these sentiments."

Arsenals compared

According to a chart in the message, the United States by the end of 1969 had 1,054 land-based intercontinental missiles. At the end of 1971, it was the same. By contrast the Soviets had 1,190 ICBMs in 1969 and 1,520 in 1971.

On sea-based missiles, the U.S. total has remained the same, 656 since 1969, whereas the Soviets have shot upward from 240 in 1969 to 500 in 1971.

The main emphasis of the Nixon report was on the progress made in foreign policy —arranging of the upcoming summit meetings, the Berlin accord, steps toward nuclear-arms limitation, improved economic relations with allies, adjusting U.S. commitments abroad under the "Nixon doctrine" to world needs and U.S. abilities.

One section noted "several sharp disappointments":

* "The greatest was the failure of our intense public and private efforts to end the Vietnam war through a negotiated settlement."

* "In South Asia, we made a determined year-long effort to prevent a war. We did not succeed."

* "In the Middle East, we were unable to make a breakthrough toward peace."

* "In Latin America, we have yet to work out with our friends a solution of the conflict between their desire for our help and their determination to be free of dependence upon us."

Brief mourning ...

Last on the list was an unusually brief mourning that "in the United Nations we were unable to preserve a place for the Republic of China."

Carrying out the general theme of emphasis on Soviet relations, matters concerning the Soviets were No. 1 on the list of "unfinished business."

"We need to prove, through additional concrete accomplishments, the benefit to both the Soviet Union and ourselves of mutual self-restraint and willingness to accommodate rather than merely assert our respective national interests."

Second on this list was the "delicate process of creating a better relationship" with China, followed by the "need to bring the arms race under control." (largely a U.S.-Soviet affair now), and ways to help poorer nations, and reforming of trade and monetary practices.

RADIO-TV
DEFENSE DIALOG

SUMMARIES ARE
NOT TO BE QUOTED

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1972 (BROADCASTS OF FEB 9)

RADIO TV REPORTS, INC.

WASHINGTON, D. C.

SUMMARY OF NETWORK NEWS IN THIS ISSUE

WALTER CRONKITE, CBS: Reported in SVN there was a sharp increase in enemy attacks, notably in the Central Highlands and along the East Coast. The attacks were by small units, casualties were light, but the action gave rise to the inevitable speculation of a much predicted enemy offensive, if there is to be one, may be in its early stages. The carrier Constellation cut short its port call in Hong Kong, and it's rushing back to join two other carriers in the Gulf of Tonkin. San Diego leaves for the men of the carrier Kitty Hawk were canceled until next Tuesday, and there was said to be a good chance she would soon return to the war.

BOB SCHIEFFER, CBS: Reported the US will step up the bombing throughout IC if the NVNese launch a new offensive in SVN. Plans are already under-way to place more bombers at the disposal of US commanders. This will bring naval air strength to the same level as 1968, the year of the war's heaviest bombing.

JOHN CHANCELLOR, NBC: Reported the fighting in VN sharpened. At least 29 enemy attacks were reported, including the heaviest rocket assault on Da Nang in more than two years, 14 Americans were wounded. HOWARD K. SMITH, ABC: Reported there's been a major increase in communist activity in SVN; 41 communist guerrilla attacks were reported in the past 24 hours in Saigon. ROGER PETERSON, ABC: Reported from the Pentagon that sources there confirmed some Air Force units and some ships are being sent to the Western Pacific on a precautionary basis. The air units include Strategic Air Command contingency reinforcements, mainly B-52 bombers, sent to augment planes now on duty in Thailand.

HOWARD K. SMITH, ABC: Reported no one is certain where the major enemy thrust will come, if there is one, but fears of an all out attack have increased the flow of refugees from the northern part of SVN to the area near Saigon. JIM GIGGANS, ABC: Reports from SVN that VN is a land of refugees with people staying just one step ahead of the war.

BILL GILL, ABC: Reported concern over criticism of VN policy, according to Dr. Kissinger, centers on US intelligence reports, all warning that within a few days Hanoi will launch another mighty offensive. The White House expects political criticism at home to escalate along with the fighting. SMITH, ABC: Reported on Muskie's continued criticism of war.

CRONKITE, CBS: Reported in today's action there were 29 enemy attacks, three against American installations in the Da Nang area. Ten Americans were wounded by mortar fire. BOB SIMON, CBS: Reports from SVN. He went along on a recent American patrol.

CHANCELLOR, NBC: Reported Senator Robert Dole asked for a congressional investigation of the origins and the course of the war in VN.

CRONKITE, CBS: Reported on President Nixon's state of the world address.

DAN RATHER, CBS: Reported on the address. NBC and ABC reported it also.

PUBLISHED BY THE AIR FORCE(SAF-AA)AS EXECUTIVE AGENT FOR THE DOD TO BRING TO THE ATTENTION OF KEY DEFENSE DEPARTMENT PERSONNEL MATTERS WITHIN THEIR OFFICIAL RESPONSIBILITIES. NO OTHER USE OF THIS PUBLICATION IS AUTHORIZED

FOR INFORMATION REGARDING THIS PUBLICATION CALL MR. HARRY ZUBKOFF, OX 52884

CBS EVENING NEWS CBS-TV 7:00

Sharp Increase In Enemy Attack.

WALTER CRONKITE: In SVN today there was a sharp increase in enemy attacks, notably in the Central Highlands and along the East Coast.

The attacks were by small units. Casualties were light. But the action gave rise to the inevitable speculation of a much predicted enemy offensive, if there's to be one, may be in its early stages.

Indeed, this feeling was bolstered by some significant American military maneuvering.

San Diego leaves for the men of the carrier Kitty Hawk were canceled until next Tuesday, and there was said to be a good chance he would soon return to the war.

BOB SCHIEFFER: The US will step up the bombing throughout IC if the NVNese launch a new offensive in SVN. Plans are already underway to place more bombers at the disposal of US commanders.

First, an extra aircraft carrier will be assigned to duty in the Gulf of Tonkin. This means three carriers instead of two will be on duty there during the next several months. A fourth carrier will be kept in reserve.

Second, at least one squadron of B-52 heavy bombers, that's 15 planes, and their supporting tankers, are being moved from bases in the US to Guam where they will also be available for duty in SE Asia during the next two months.

Finally, several squadrons of Air Force F-4 Phantom jets based in the Philippines will be moved to bases in Thailand if the need arises.

Defense officials refuse all comment on these moves except to say we will take prudent steps to protect our withdrawing troops and will not hesitate to use our available assets.

The air power buildup comes as US planners see increasing evidence that NVN will launch some kind of an attack in SVN. Four fresh NVNese

divisions, that's about 50,000 men, are moving into SVN. They're the same troops that routed the SVNese early last year in Laos. They've been kept out of combat since then, and with their supporting tanks and sophisticated artillery, are considered a first class fighting unit.

CRONKITE: In today's action there were 29 enemy attacks, three against American installations in the Da Nang area.

Hardest hit was coastal Binh Dinh Province, long an enemy stronghold. There a South Korean Army barracks, three district towns, and the government base of Truket (?) were all shelled.

Eight South Koreans and four SVNese were killed there.

In the Highlands a SVNese artillery base was hit by mortars in an attack. Six SVNese and ten of the twelve attackers were killed.

Our Bob Simon went along on a recent American patrol, whose purpose was to prevent precisely this type attack.

BOB SIMON: It's been over a year since Americans have patrolled this area, about 50 miles north of Saigon. Signs of enemy infiltration are everywhere. Bunker complexes, fresh trails and mines. Mines designed to knock out one of the last two armored cavalry squads left in VN.

The armor has been crashing through the jungle here since the 22nd of December. Its mission: to protect Saigon's northern flank during the dry season and especially during Tet.

There are three more VNese battalions in the region who were last reported moving southward toward the American bases surrounding Saigon.

One is an elite sapper battalion trained to infiltrate military installations.

Another is equipped with heavy artillery and rockets. But for the men who ride the armor day after day the real enemy is not so much the communists whom they rarely see, but the legions of enormous red ants which fall from the trees and take man-sized chunks out of the GI's flesh.

There are many roads in the area.

2 Thursday, February 10, 1972

using them would be faster and certainly more comfortable, but the men actually prefer making their own trail. This way there's less chance of running over a mine.

Any of your buddies get hurt recently?

GI: Well, we lost a tank driver. I didn't know him personally, but they hit a large mine on a Sheridan Tank. It did him a pretty good job. He's in Japan right now in a hospital and he got burned, 40 percent of his body got burned pretty bad. And they don't know if he's going to lose his leg or not, but he'll be going back to the world. So, it's one of those things.

We've been in quite a few mines lately, but I haven't hit any.

SIMON: Whenever a trail is found the men just knelt and looked for booby traps and mines. Visibility is so poor that reconnaissance has to be done by fire.

Enemy bunkers are discovered. They're deep, well built. They've been lived in during the past few weeks.

But the enemy is nowhere to be seen.

Chasing guerrillas with tanks, says one officer, is like shooting at mosquitos with an elephant gun.

Explosives are placed, the men take cover, then the cry, "Fire in the hole."

OFFICER: Fire in the hole. Grenade.

S: By early afternoon the destination is reached. It's a clearing where the men are particularly vulnerable to sniper fire.

A month ago electronic sensors were placed here to monitor enemy activity. For a while they transmitted, giving headquarters good indications of communist troop movements. Then, they went dead.

The men will try to locate one of the sensors and find out why. The men find a sensor. It was well camouflaged, in good working order. When it first transmitted last month American artillery bombarded the area.

The communists probably figured the Americans would come back, so they mined the clearing. If the tanks had come through they might not have returned.

GI: It's been over a year now since American troops have operated in this area. We're the first ones

in now since the rest of our regiment stood there about a year ago.

First priority is to keep the rockets out of Ben Hoa, Long Binh. And in so doing if we can keep the casualties down, fine. But if we can keep fewer casualties in there that'll make me happy.

SIMON: The men head back to camp firing off automatic weapons on the way. The patrols are expected to continue every day until the monsoons begin in September.

It's unlikely that the communists will ever stand and fight against armor, but they might be kept on the move, off balance, unable to consolidate forces for a major attack.

And the armor will probably stay here until there are no more Americans in the Saigon region requiring protection. That might be a while.

Bob Simon, CBS News, with the Second of the Eleventh APR, 50 miles from Saigon.

## Nixon's Chief Disappointment Is Failure To End VN War

CRONKITE: President Nixon believes his foreign policy brought a stable peace closer, but, in a state of the world message to Congress today he also said his chief disappointment has been failure to negotiate an end to the VN War.

DAN RATHER: The President's state of the world report is the size of a mail-order house catalogue, 236 pages, it weighs over one pound.

Among the more important points it makes are these:

The Soviet Union may be seeking enough missile power to try a first strike against the US. Moscow's apparent emphasis on offensive weaponry worries the President, despite what he believes is progress toward limiting defensive missiles.

About Mainland China, Mr. Nixon's tone is much less critical. He says his trip to Peking is designed to prevent some future possibly catastrophic confrontation with China. No obvious indication is given of changes in the wind for American policy toward the Nationalist Chinese Government on Taiwan.

About Japan Mr. Nixon said it would be a mistake to better relations with Red China at Japan's expense. His tone toward Tokyo is

3 Thursday, February 10, 1972

complimentary and conciliatory.

As for India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, the President admits to no mistakes, but emphasizes the need for repairing relations with India.

That the Middle East, still considered dangerous, outright war a continuing possibility, but encouraging signs, the President says, that more combat can be avoided.

As for Europe, he considers, what he claims, has been a lessening of tension, especially around Berlin, a major accomplishment, and says our allies have been convinced to accept larger burdens.

As for VN, the President says, war costs now are down to $8 billion a year.

Mr. Nixon discussed his state of the world report in a radio only nationwide address. Then he read excerpts for television, including a defense of his VN policies, and he called to other candidates to be careful in their criticism.

PRESIDENT NIXON: We have reduced air sorties, budget costs and draft calls. We have made the most generous peace offer in the history of warfare.

I have no complaint over the fact that during this period when I have been ending a war I did not begin, I've been subjected to vigorous criticism, and I do not question the patriotism or the sincerity of those who disagree with my policies to bring peace.

A candidate should make any criticism he believes would contribute to bringing an honorable peace. But I would hope that anyone seeking the presidency would examine his statement carefully to be sure that nothing he says might give the enemy an incentive to prolong the war until after the election.

SEN. MUSKIE: Well, I think he'd like to inhibit criticism if he could. That's not the first time that kind of thing's been said, and I don't blame them for trying if he can, but he ought to understand that dissent on this war is now five to six years old, and it's not about to be put down by his dislike of criticism.

### NBC NIGHTLY NEWS NBC TV 6:30

Sen. Dole Asks For Congressional Investigation of War In VN

JOHN CHANCELLOR: Senator Robert Dole, the Republican National Chairman, today asked for a congressional investigation of the origins and the course of the war in VN.

Dole wants a committee of fourteen, seven each from the House and the Senate to report two months before the November presidential election.

### Fighting In VN Sharpens

CHANCELLOR: The fighting in VN sharpened today. At least 29 enemy attacks were reported, including the heaviest rocket assault on Da Nang in more than two years.

Fourteen Americans were wounded.

### Constellation Sails Back

#### To South China Sea

CHANCELLOR: The aircraft carrier Constellation sailed back into the South China Sea from Hong Kong two days earlier than scheduled, and there were rumors that the carrier Kitty Hawk might be sent to VN from San Diego.

### ABC EVENING NEWS ABC TV 7:00

US Intelligence Reports Warn Hanoi Will Launch Mighty Offensive

BILL GILL: Concern over criticism of VN policy, according to Dr. Kissinger, centers on US intelligence reports all warning that within a few days Hanoi will launch another mighty offensive.

### Muskie Continues Attacks On

#### President's VN Policy

HOWARD K. SMITH: Despite criticism from the White House and elsewhere, Sen. Edmund Muskie continues his attacks on the President's VN policy. In fact, they seem to be getting stronger.

Today Muskie campaigned in New Hampshire.

FRANK REYNOLDS: It is standard Muskie practice to take his time in sharpening a position or making a response to criticism.

Today, before a high school

4 Thursday, February 10, 1972

audience in Clairmont, he finally found the words he has been looking for, and defended dissent not only as a right, but as a necessity.

SEN. MUSKIE: To suggest now that all dissent ought to be quiet because it gives not aid and comfort to the enemy, but because it gives discomfort to the White House, is not, I think, in the national interest.

The national interest as most people perceive it, unless I read them wrong, the national interest requires that we end our involvement in this war as soon as possible. That's what most Americans are saying to me. And I intend to articulate their view which also happens to be mine, now, to the extent that I need to, to influence a change in our policy.

(Applause)

REYNOLDS: Later, when told of the President's speech today, Muskie said that Mr. Nixon himself when out of office criticized the Johnson Administration's VN policy. And he said he has no intention of stopping his criticism of Mr. Nixon's policy.

SMITH: On the Republicans' side, Sen. Barry Goldwater said today that no peace proposal will receive bipartisan support from Democrats as long as it bears the imprint of Richard Nixon.

It's becoming more and more apparent, Goldwater said, that the opposition is not so much to the plan but to the man who offered it.

## Major Increase In Communist Activity

SMITH: There's been a major increase in communist activity in SVN. Forty-one communist guerrilla attacks were reported in the past 24 hours in Saigon.

An Allied Command spokesman says that the expected enemy offensive may have begun.

Most of the fighting has been on a small scale, but at Da Nang 25 rockets hit the big US air base and wounded ten Americans and damaged four buildings.

The US is increasing its air and sea forces in the area as a result of the stepped up action.

ROGER PETERSON: Movements of ships and planes are never discussed officially until the moves are completed. But sources here at the

Pentagon confirmed some Air Force units and some ships are being sent to the Western Pacific on a precautionary basis.

The ships probably include the aircraft carriers Constellation and Kitty Hawk.

The Constellation left Hong Kong ahead of schedule and is believed moving back on station off the coast of NVN.

The Navy says all leaves for sailors off the Kitty Hawk, currently in San Diego, are canceled as of next Tuesday.

The moves follow today's emphatic restatement of Pentagon policy. Spokesmen here say they do not rule out anything and will not hesitate to use assets available to them to protect the lives of Americans remaining in SVN.

With only 11 American maneuver battalions remaining, those assets consist mainly of Air Force, Navy and Marine air power.

## Fear of Attack Increases Flow of Refugees From Northern SVN

SMITH: No one is certain where the major enemy thrust will come, if there is one, but fears of an all out attack have increased the flow of refugees from the northern part of SVN to the area near Saigon.

ABC's Jim Giggans reports on one group of refugees, some 500 miles from their home.

JIM GIGGANS: All these people are refugees from what has happened and from what might happen along the DMZ.

Everyone here is from Quang Tri, SVN's northernmost province.

Several years ago war overran their homeland in the area of the DMZ.

With no end to the war in sight and talk of yet another enemy offensive near the DMZ, these refugees decided to take the government up on its offer of a new safer life for the South.

The letters they received from

5 Thursday, February 10, 1972

friends and relatives still in Quang Tri would indicate that more will follow in the coming months.

Life here is not easy. For the first six months the government donates a pound of rice and the equivalent of five cents a day for each refugee. After that they're on their own.

But despite the poverty and the uncertain future, there is hope here. The air is full of the sweet fragrance of freshly cut lumber, and the streets noisy with activity.

All the building going on is in many ways reminiscent of the boom towns in the old American West. The countryside is fertile and relatively free of VC.

Nonetheless, the existence of this camp is somewhat embarrassing for the SVNese Government, for it's an admission that perhaps the only way the government can protect the people living in the area of the DMZ is to move them.

Jim Giggans, ABC News, near Puklei (?), SVN.

6 Thursday, February 10, 1972

FBIS 47

TASS REPORTS EGYPTIAN REACTION TO NIXON REPORT

L092008 MOSCOW TASS INTERNATIONAL SERVICE IN ENGLISH 2005 GMT
9 FEB 72 L

(TEXT) CAIRO, FEBRUARY 9, TASS 7-SPEAKING AT THE PEOPLE'S ASSEMBLY OF THE COUNTRY TODAY, THE PRIME MINISTER OF EGYPT 'AZIZ SIDQI HAS SAID THAT THE MESSAGE SUBMITTED BY THE U.S. PRESIDENT NIXON TO THE CONGRESS SHOWS THAT THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT INTENDS TO CONTINUE FOLLOWING THE LINES OF ESCALATION OF THE TENSION IN THE MIDDLE EAST.

asserting that the soviet union's assistance to egypt is allegedly the cause of tension in the middle east, the United states thereby is trying to intimidate us and to shake the egyptian people's determination to restore their rights, the prime minister emphasized.

WE AGAIN DECLARE, 'AZIZ SIDQI SAID, THAT WE SHAL neither waive our rights, nor yield to israel even an inch of our soil, nor agree to any bargaining concerning legitimate rights of the arab people of Palestine.

9 FEB 2 1993 Z JUT/BG