Red Cloud Controversy of 1875

Investigation of the conduct of Indian affairs at the Red
Cloud Agency, brought about by charges made by Professor
Marsh. Original documents and letters, printed
reports, newspaper clippings, etc. Transferred to
the Yale Library by the Peabody Museum in June 1940.

W. 114

now send, at Major Smith's suggestion, a contract for the timber signed by myself, and if you find it satisfactory I trust you will excuse it on behalf of the United States and forward same to the Commissioner of Ind an Affairs for approval. Truly yours, A. H. WILDER.

These efforts did not succeed, for Rust had the inside track, and the parties connected with him were all-powerful. John Delano had "seen" them, the Grant fund was increased, and the job was bound to go through. But in the presence of Wilder's bid, and the statement in Secretary Delano's letter, the price must be raised. So this King contracted a new scheme, by which the term of the contract was extended from ten to fifteen years, and $75,000 additional was to be paid, by installments of $5,000 each year. Even at this rate of $125,000 for the pine, the contract was still short $75,000 of Wilder's offer, and $500,000 of the rea value. The fact that Rust consented to add one hundred and fifty per cent. to an agreement, which the department had consummated and approved, exhibits itself the corrupt character of the whole affair, in which the Indians were defrauded of half a million of dollars.

### NEWLY DISCOVERED MERITS.

Meanwhile the Rev. E. P. Smith had been made Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Mr. Delano had discovered his merits as an Indian agent, and knew he was the right man for the place. He had heard him pray perhaps, and had certainly read some of his pious correspondence. In this position one of his first duties was to abandon his friend Wilder and to approve the second Rust contract, which was signed on the 6th of February, 1873. But he was equal to the occasion, and Wilder was willing to be sacrificed for the present. And he has been well rewarded for his submission, as the report of contracts made with him by Smith shows.

Of course the fact that Rust had first made a contract for $50,000 in October, and then raised to $125,000 in February following, looked ugly on the record. Clark, who had signed both, was in Washington when the department was oblized to confront this dilemma. The Rev. Commissioner Smith tenderly invoked his aid to extricate all concerned in this touching episode to the Indian agent:

DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR,
OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS,
WASHINGTON, D. C., March 6, 1873.

DEAR MAJOR: Gen. Cowen is writing answer to letter to you at Metropolitan before he closes the pina contract, he wants you to state the facts as to the Indians and their property and prospects, that will appear on record as a reason for the additional contract.

Yours, E. P. S.

It was a happy thought on the part of Mr. Delano's Assistant Secretary to have "a reason for the additional contract to appear on the record," and justifies the wisdom of the Secretary in bringing him from Ohio to serve during his absence half the year. No doubt the "reasons" were abundant, for everything was soon after made lovely in this way:

DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR,
OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, April 19, 1873.
The within contract is respectfully submitted to the Honorable Secretary of the interior, with the recommendation that the same be approved.

EDWARD P. SMITH,
Commissioner Department of Indian Affairs.
APRIL 19, 1873.—The within contract is hereby approved. B. R. COWEN, Acting Secretary.

### A FIT AGENT.

To finish this business, the consent of the Indians was still wanting, and a fit agent was selected in the person of one E. E. Henderson. The band was called together, and he made them presents, which, as appears, were charged to their account. When the contract was explained by an interpreter, the Indians denied its correctness, and produced a copy furnished to them, interlined with the condition that the money was to be paid to them in hand on the reservation, and not to their agent, as stipulated in the contract on file. Instead of denouncing and exposing this shameful fraud on the spot, Henderson proposed to send a petition to Delano and Smith, who, of course, would give them redress. In this way the Indians were induced to sign away their rights for a mess of potage, and Henderson returned from his mission triumphant. But while his laurels were yet green, he received a certificate of character of this kind:

AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION,
ADVANCE BUILDING, 107 FIFTH AVENUE,
CHICAGO, May 16, 1873.

Major S. N. Clark, U. S. Indian Agent, Bayfield, Wis.

DEAR MAJOR: A report has reached us that Ebenzeger E. Henderson was indicted for forgery in Muskingum county, Ohio, Nov. 30, 1861, and there is little room to doubt that this is the same Henderson who is now with you. Of course this must affect his appointment, and perhaps ought to occasion his immediate discharge. It seems he has forfeited his bail. I write to put you on your guard. Very truly yours, C. H. HOWARD.

Henderson united in his person two agencies, one for the Indian Bureau and the other for the American Missionary Association. He was qualified to deal with Indians, as this mission for the interior proves, and his exemplary piety commended him to the other institution with equal force. From Delano to Henderson there is only one step. Hypocrysis, knavery, and corruption have ruled the Interior Department from the first year of Grantism. There is not a sound spot about it, and the illustration of the single case now shown up in all its naked rascality is but a sample of the Indian service, of the land service, of the patent service, and of the pension service, which have been directed by the same mind, and for the same object.

### Prof. Marsh's Discoveries.

The zeal with which Prof. O. C. Marsh, of Yale College, has for several years prosecuted his investigations among the fossils of the Western Territories has produced results of more immediate interest than even the important additions to paleontological knowledge with which his name is associated. Although his search throughout that section has been directed to the discovery of preadamite bones and the resurrection of the aboriginal ancestors of our domestic animals, his eyes have not been closed to an appreciation of existing phenomena having a practical connection with current affairs. In addition to the tons of fossils with which the Professor returned from his last expedition, he brought with him equally instructive and interesting specimens in the form of samples of the supplies furnished the wards of the nation by Indian agents. It needed no scientific analysis to demonstrate that the flour distributed by the contractors in the region visited by Prof. Marsh was black and bad. The coffee with which the Government sets out the Sioux breakfast table was similarly execrable. The sugar deposited a truly alluvial sediment of grit, indicative of the manner in which weight had been secured by an admixture of sand; and the tobacco was spoiled for even the uncritical taste of Red Cloud. The presentation of these samples at Washington has probably added nothing to the official knowledge already in possession of the Departments, but it acquires importance from the fact that Prof. Marsh is an unprejudiced inspector, and, moreover, a gentleman whose energy in proclaiming and following up his investigations is well known and acknowledged.

It is stated that the President has signified his intention of looking into the matter; and possibly at the same time the manner of furnishing supplies of beef on the hoof may receive some attention. According to reports which accompany Prof. Marsh's revelations the practice of counting the cattle twice by the simple expedient of driving them from the gate around through the corral again has been improved upon, an expert in guessing being employed, instead of the more expensive arrangement of scales, to ascertain the weight and number. There may be a reasonable doubt of the value of the assurances given by the President that this matter shall receive attention. With a brother engaged in the business under circumstances of especial favor and enjoying a monopoly of the largest and most lucrative sort, it seems improbable that the policy of the Administration toward the Indian ring will be changed in the direction of more stringent supervision. Prof. Marsh's advice is, however, based upon practical observation of the workings of the system which enriches agents at the cost of the Treasury and the Indians alike. The objections urged by Red Cloud to the expedition of the Professor's party last year, which failed to reach the point of scalping only through the admirable diplomacy of the scientific leader, were based upon a comprehensive distrust of white men caused by experience with Indian Agents. Prof. Marsh's persuasive powers were sufficient to win the confidence and protection of the Sioux, and this gives some cause for hope that he may succeed with the President. In that case, his discovery of the hipparion, the orophippus and the whole genealogy of the horse will fall into insignificance by the side of this later feat:

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assistance. He thinks it fortunate that a gentleman of such scholarly attainments had promised to accept a retainer for that purpose. He says it is known that Mr. McClean has the confidence of a jurist now occupying the highest position.

THE ACCEPTED INDIAN BIDS.

LIST OF AWARDS OF THE INDIAN COMMISSIONERS—THE SUCCESSFUL FIRMS AND THE PRICES OF GOODS.

The following awards on bids to furnish goods for the Indians were made public by the Board of Indian Commissioners yesterday afternoon:

Aurbach, Finch & Scheffer, St. Paul—Men's socks, $3.35.

Barnes, Bancroft & Co.—Colored drilling at 8 cents.

Burnhams & Stoutenborough, New-York—Black camp kett es, at $1 61 nest.

H. B. Claflin & Co., Red flannel, at 38 cents; linsevs, at 22 cents; satinet, at 45 and 51½ cents; Ken-tucky jeans, at 20 cents; shawls, at $1 70; ticking, at 13½ cents; blue drilling, at 12¾ cents; hickory shirting, at 12½ cents; red flannel shirts, at $1 21; calico shirts, at 33½ cents; coarse combs, at 40 cents; fine combs, at 44 cents; needles, (Glover's,) at $2 50; needles, (assorted,) at $1 50.

John Dobson, Philadelphia—Saved list blue cloth, at $1 35; saved list scarlet cloth, at $1 35.

Dunham, Buckley & Co., New-York—Wool scarts, at $3.50; denims, at 17½ cents; men's socks, at $3 15; women's hose, at $3 40; children's hose, at $1 55 and $1 48; cotton maitre, at 36 cents; gilling twine, at $1 01½; $1 10, $1 22; mirrors, at 36½ cents; beads, at $1 9½ cents.

S. & M. Davidson & Co., New-York—Gray flannel shirts, at 84 cents; hickory shirts, at 40 cents.

Sanders, Tracy, Clark & Co., Connecticut—Knives and lorks, at 60 cents per dozen.

Louderback, Gilbert & Co., New-York—Pocket knives, at $3 75 per dozen; cast steel shears, at $3 50 and $3 75 per dozen.

Lalonde & Grosjean Manufacturing Company, New-York—Tin plates, at 41 cents per dozen; short-handled and long-handled pans, at $1 60, $1 85, and $2 10.

Newburgh & Hickstadler, Philadelphia—Suits for boys, at $5 40; vesces, at $1 25.

Pilkin & Thomas, Philadelphia—Duck, at 15¼ cents; men's shoes, at $1 25; boys' shoes, at $1 25; blouses, at $1 25; army caps, at 16 cents; army hats, at 40 cents.

A. T. Stewart & Co.—Spool cotton, at different prices.

Troy Stamping Works—Tin cups, quarts and pints, at 59 and 70 cents.

Wilson & Bradbury, Philadelphia—Handkerchiefs, at $1 47 and $1 71; linen thread, whitey brown, at 84½ cents, 93½ cents, and $1 08; dark blue, at 84½ cents, 36½ cents, and $1 13½.

Wannamaker & Brown, Philadelphia—Overcoats, at $6 25; sack coats, at $3 80; vests, (assorted,) at $1 35; pants, at $1 90 and $2.

Faulkner, Page & Co., Philadelphia—Blue flannel, at 32¼ cents.

R. M. Green & Co., New-York—Hoe handles, at $1 75.

G. M. Holbrook—Brown sheetings, at 9½ cents.

Hecht Brothers & Co., Boston—Women's shoes, at $1 30; misses' shoes, at $1 10; children's shoes, at 87 cents.

Hoyt & Bustic, New-York—Tinned iron dippers, at 72 cents; butcher knives, at $1 35; hunting knives, at $1 57; skinning knives, at $1 35; awls, at $1 per gross; awl handles, at 24 cents; axes, cast steel, at $9 20; axes, handled, at $5 90; beaver traps, at $3 15; mink traps, at $5 93; indigo, at 90 cents.

Hazel & Co., New-York—Taper files, at 99 cents; mill saw files, at $2 95; fish hooks and lines, assorted prices; open thimbles, at 30 cents.

Iron Clad Can Company, New-York—Camp kettles at $5, $6, and $7.

James Aikman & Co., New-York—Two, four, and six-quart iron pans, at 96 cents, $1 60, $2; iron table-spoons, tinned, at 33 cents; iron tea-spoons, tinned, at 25 cents.

Kane, Spring, Dale & Co., New-York—Bleached shirtings, at 7½ cents.

Lene, Gale & Co., Troy, N. Y.—Planters' shoes, at $5 20; hatchets, at $5.

B. G. Arnold & Co., New-York—Tea, at 30 cents.

T. H. Charles, Sioux City—Soap, at 6 cents.

Colgate & Co., New-York—Soap, at $6 60.

H. W. Bartol, Philadelphia—Sugar, at $8 94.

E. C. Knight & Co., Philadelphia—Sugar, at $8 89; Raymond & Son, Chicago—Beans, at $3 20.

D. J. Foley Brothers & Co., Baltimore—Coffee, at $21 37.

Fitts & Austin—Baking powder, at 30 cents.

P. H. Kelly, St. Paul—Tobacco, at 52½ cents; coffee, at $21.25.

P. H. Kelly, Sioux City—Salt, at 87½ cents.

A. E. Reynolds, St. Louis—Tobacco, at 55 cents.

Thurber & Co., New-York—Fles, at $6 74.

John Dobson, Philadelphia, Amidon, Lane & Co., New-York, and Gibson & Tyler, Minneapolis—Blankets, at from 79 to 92½ cents per pound.

Dunneil & Co., Wilson & Bradbury, and H. B. Claflin & Co.—Prints, at from 7 110 to 8 cents.

THE CHRISTIAN UNION.

MAY 5, 1875.

The Week.

[From Tuesday, April 27, to Monday, May 3.]

Red Cloud, Spotted Tail, and the other Indians whose claims in regard to the Black Hills region are now so interesting to so many adventurously disposed miners, have found a new friend in Professor Marsh, of Yale College. The fame of this gentleman's discoveries of fossils has spread throughout the scientific world, and the exploring parties which he has so successfully led have for several years past been watched with general interest. Last year the Professor penetrated the outskirts of the Black Hills, but was unable to obtain the consent of the owners to a further advance. He held a council, however, with some of the leading chiefs and heard their complaints, promising to intercede with the President. Red Cloud and his brothers declared that they were cheated by the agents in ways innumerable, and gave Professor Marsh samples of Government rations with which in his hands he has lately been to Washington. The Indian Commissioner expressed it as his belief that the sugar had been wet, that the black-beans had never really been served out as coffee, and that the flour was sampled from some served out years ago. Several of our worst Indian outbreaks have been nominally due to the issue of inferior or worthless supplies, and as Red Cloud has a good reputation on the plains as one of the best of his race, we are not inclined wholly to discredit his story. Professor Marsh evidently believes it, and, although perhaps he may be a better judge of the bones of extinct animals than of low-grade groceries, we are disposed to think that Red Cloud is not wholly in the wrong. That all is not as it should be in the management of Indian affairs is almost a matter of course in the present state of our civil service, but the Commissioner's plea that an honest man cannot be had as agent at $1,500 a year does not of necessity carry conviction.

Supplementary to these somewhat informal and unsatisfactory interviews was the testimony of Professor Marsh before the Board of Indian Commissioners in this city on Wednesday evening. His appearance as a witness on this important subject seems to be regarded as providential by all who have the interests of the Indians really at heart. As a scientific man, he naturally objects to the average Indian as an obstacle to fossil hunting, but since it lies in his power to render this peaceful search dangerous in the last degree, the Professor has felt justified in adopting a policy of conciliation. The foregoing paragraph indicates some of the Indian's trials as represented by himself. In some instances, doubtless, he exaggerates and lies. But in others, his version is not out of the way. At all events, Professor Marsh is a trustworthy witness so far as facts are concerned, and in matters of judgment his testimony as reported would seem equally worthy of confidence. One noteworthy contrast described by the Professor is the different way in which the issue of supplies is managed by agents and by army officers. In one case there is absolutely no check upon dishonesty, and in the other every possible safeguard is taken. Moreover, the agent is often a person unfitted by education or experience for such duties, while the officer has throughout his military career been held to the strictest accountability. That the work of one should be at loose ends, and that of the other nearly perfect is a foregone conclusion. Professor Marsh suggests the idea of making herdsman of the Indians, confining them to their reservations, and is evidently of one mind with General Sherman in regard to doing away with agencies and turning over Indian affairs to the management of army officers.

W. 131.

THE DAILY NEWS

Published at
CHEYENNE, - WYOMING,

WM. M. BENTON & T. JOE. FISHER
EDITORS and PROPRIETORS.

FRIDAY MAY 14, 1875.

Red Cloud vs. Saville.

Elsewhere in to-days NEWS appears the
letter of Prof. Marsh clipped from the
New York Tribune of May 8 which almost
everybody has heard of but which few have
read; and for that reason among others we
give it a place in our columns. In publish-
ing this letter, however, we do not wish to
be understood as making war on Col.
Steele, for that is not our purpose at all,
although we are of the opinion that he has
undertaken rather more of a job in picking
up the cudgel for Dr. Saville than he
ought in the face of the damaging evidence
which is beginning to accumulate from reli-
ble sources to the effect that there is now
and has been for some time chicanery
fraud and corruption in the management
of the affairs at Red Cloud agency. There
is certainly a grave discrepancy between
the statement of Col. Steele to the effect
that Prof. Marsh told him that Red Cloud
had lied to him for the space of seven
months; and the statement of Prof. Marsh
that he said no such thing and had not
even been acquainted with Red Cloud ex-
cept for the period of one month; but that
is something which we have nothing to do
with one way or the other. Neither is it our
provence to charge everybody connected
the affairs of Red Cloud agency with cor-
ruption and fraud, and we make no such
charge. All we have to say in reference
to the matter is that if what is charged
against Dr. Saville is true or even a por-
tion of it (and we very frankly admit and
assert that there seems to be a preponder-
ance of evidence against him) then there
is fraud, chicanery, corruption, swindling
and damnable rascality in the conduct of
affairs at Red Cloud agency, and the soon-
er the author, instigator and promoter of
this fraud corruption and rascality is kick-
ed out into outer darkness and his place
supplied by the right kind of a man the
better it will be for the government, the
Indians and the peace and safety of the
Wyoming frontier and we don't believe
Col. Steele or any other man ought to take
up the cudgel in defense of Saville with-
out first becoming thoroughly convinced
that he is on the right track and we do
no injustice to any man when we say that
from the way the thing looks "to a man
up a tree" Col. Steele made a mistake in
the course he has recently taken.

As soon as we can obtain it, we shall
publish Col. Steele's reply to Prof. Marsh,
as we understand that in a letter written
to this city the colonel requested that both
his own and the professor's communica-
tion be put in print—at all events it would

not be at all out of place to give all the
people here the opportunity to see just
what it is about. Col. Steele is cer-
tainly entitled to a great deal of credit in
this matter of securing the freight for this
city, for it seems to have been mainly
through his efforts that the contract was
finally awarded to McCann. Whether,
however, in doing this it was necessary
for him to assume the role of champion
for Dr Saville, which we very much fear
will not be at all to the credit of the
colonel or the Territory which he repre-
sents, is a question. Our candid opinion is
that the interests of this city in the matter
of securing the freight were not so inter-
woven with the interests of the doctor that
in protecting the one, it was necessary to
become the champion of the other.

National Republican

FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 14, 1875.

M. MARSH—SECRETARY DELANO—THE
“TRIBUNE.”

Not long ago Professor Marsh, of Yale
college, ventured into the wilds of the Far
West in search of fossils. He had no recog-
nition or authority from any official source
for this proceeding, but his eminence as a
scholar and his acknowledged prominence
as an investigator or discoverer entitled
him to much consideration. When this
“enthusiastic scholar,” as the New York
Tribune says, “and undaunted hero, in the
“winter of 1874, took his life in his hand
“and with a small party of men plunged
“into a country of savages and hostile In-
dians,” he found himself confronted by
the veritable Red Cloud. This chief of the
red children of the plains and forests did
not at first appreciate the importance of the
chief of the university and the library.
Spotted Tail, Sitting Bull, Hole-in-the-
Wall, and other aboriginal luminaries were
possibly consulted and responded: “Pro-
“fessor Chief Marsh! Mee knowey him
“not much at all.” But his life was in his
hand, the world of fossils before him, and
the worthy Professor heeded not the con-
sequences. In short, like most white men,
he wheedled the poor Indians by promising
them that he would speak to the “Great
Father” about their grievances. Now, who
ever heard of an Indian without a griev-
ance? As well expect to find one without
a scalping-knife, or with an unwillingness
to eat a free lunch at the expense of a pio-
neer emigrant, or pawn his blanket,
squaw and papooses for “fire-water.”
The wily Professor—diplomatist, it
would seem, as well as scholar—knew
this, and forthwith, as we have
intimated, brought the noble red men to
their knees, with the promise that he
would invoke the aid of the President—
the Great Father aforesaid—in their be-
half. This, as a bit of strategy, was well
enough, and the Professor succeeded in
rescuing to science “the wonderful col-
“lection of fossil deposits and organic re-
“mains which will long be the pride of
“the Peabody Museum of Yale college.”

Upon his return to civilization, however,
where he could take his life out of his
hand and place it where it ordinarily be-
longs, where it would do the most good,
in fact, Professor Marsh forgot not his
promises about the grievances. But in-
stead of going with them directly to
the Great Father, or to the chief officer of the
Executive Department having charge of
Indian affairs, he peddled those aforesaid
grievances about the streets of Washington.
The sub-detectives of the Detective press
are as naturally anxious to get hold of
grievances as the Indians are to possess
them. They seized upon him with avidity,
and the Professor, with his character in
his hand, made peace with these, to him,
new kind of savages, by giving them all
sorts of information about his wonderful
experience, about his collection of fossils,
and about his collection of aboriginal
grievances. By this shrewd diplomacy
he escaped the destruction of his charac-
ter by the pirates of the press, as he had
previously escaped with his life from the
savages of the plains. Finally, taking his
character out of his hand and restoring it
to its proper place, he proceeded to the
Executive Mansion, and obtaining an in-
terview with the President, made a formal
report of his informal observations. This
is what he should have done
at the beginning, and possibly would have
done if he had escaped capture and deten-
tion on the “Algerine Coast” known as
Newspaper Row. Of course, Secretary
Delano was held to blame by the Algerines
for the grievances, and the columns of the
Detective press teemed with abuse of him,
as though he was in the habit of distrib-
uting rations of corned beef, rump steaks
and hard-tack with his own hands to each
individual aggrieved Indian on the plains.
In an unguarded moment Mr. Delano
plunged into print as the Professor did
into the country of the savages. He had
no diplomacy to spare for this particular
occasion, however, and alluded to the Pro-
fessor as “a Mr. Marsh.” Thereupon the
New York Tribune assumes that the Pro-
fessor has a grievance, and abuses the Sec-
retary for calling him “Mr.” Unpardon-
able sin to call a man Mr.—to characterize
a citizen who happens to be a Professor of
Yale, as the Tribune frequently character-
ized the President of the United States.
The Professor of Journalism stands up in
defense of the entire guild of professors, be
they of fossils, of the tricks of Wall street,
of obstetrics, or of anything else than reli-
gion and justice. But the P. of J. blun-
ders. In the same issue of his journal
wherein Secretary Delano is berated for
this terminological lapse, we find Commis-
sioner Delano alluded to as follows:

In his report for the fiscal year 1870, Mr.
Delano observed that he had no reason to be-
lieve that there would be any material falling
off in the production of spirits in the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1871, of which four months
had already passed. In November, 1870, Mr.
Delano resigned the office of Commissioner of
Internal Revenue, and Mr. J. W. Douglass be-
came acting Commissioner, and on January 3,
1871, was appointed Commissioner. His re-
port, bearing date November 21, 1871, is re-
markably silent on the great falling off in the
production of whisky during the fiscal year
1871.

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24

Here we have the Commissioner characterized as Mr., to be sure; but then a commissioner is not a professor, and the editor of the *Tribune* has never been or assumed to be a commissioner. This, however, is immaterial. A professor of mathematics would have cautioned the *Tribune* bungler to read the following table twice before printing it, if his intention was to injure "Mr." Delano. It shows the annual production of liquors distilled from other material than fruits from 1870 to 1874, and is taken from the columns of the *Tribune*:

- It was, in 1870, 71,337,099 gallons.

- It was, in 1871, 54,576,146 gallons.

- It was, in 1872, 68,275,745 gallons.

- It was, in 1873, 68,236,567 gallons.

- It was, in 1874, 68,805,374 gallons.

Now Secretary Delano, Commissioner Delano and Mr. Delano are one and the same person. When this is known the moral of all this explanation requires no further elucidation. It simply shows that the *Tribune*, under the management of Professor Reid, is so inconsistent as to extoll the same man in one column as an efficient officer and to deride him in the next as one not to be trusted with public office.

badly treated are among the most difficult to manage in the West, and there is no doubt that the troubles of the past year, since a portion of them have been on the warpath, are largely due to the criminal failure of the Interior Department, and especially of the Indian Bureau, to see that the savages have been fairly dealt with. The additional fact that the Indian Bureau always defends the dishonest contractors, instead of taking measures to prevent fraud, is a very suspicious one.

The selection of Gen. Sibley of St. Paul to be chairman of the commission to examine the supplies furnished to the Indians at the Red Cloud and Whetstone Agencies, and to investigate generally the management of Agent's Saville and Howard, will give very general satisfaction to the friends of honest dealings with the Indians. The hope is freely expressed that he will accept the trust and be able to visit the Agencies, and make the investigation thorough, not ex parte, as have been most of those which have heretofore been made at the same points.

But so soon as Baldwin & Dodge, of Council Bluffs, Pratt & Ferris, of Fort Randall, Bosler, of Sioux City, and Wilder, of Denver—the reputed back-bone of the Indian ring—were ready to spring their plans and pool the supplies and transportation for Red Cloud and Spotted Tail Agencies, he leaves his scholars and books and fossils at old Yale, and he is away to New York. April 27th was the day for opening the bids for transportation and supplies in that city. The reputed back-bone of the Indian ring was not certain that the bids would be awarded to its members. One D. J. McCann from Cheyenne had put in bids, and for some reason or other it was feared that he might be the lowest responsible bidder. That evening it was arranged in some manner, that Prof. Marsh should un bosom himself before the commission. He did so. He related his cock-and- bull story about supplies and their distribution at Red Cloud in such a pathetic and elegant manner that the enormities he saw and described made the flesh crawl upon the bones of the members of the reputed back- bone of the Indian ring. They had never heard anything so thrilling or so chilling. The Professor demanded that the flour should be inspected at Cheyenne by an army officer—an army officer. He was respectfully informed by one of the commission that the flour sent to the agencies last season was inspected at Cheyenne by an army officer, Captain Long, of the Commissary Department. This was an unexpected blow, but he soon rallied and gratuitously asserted that the flour must have been changed at Cheyenne or before it reached the agencies. We are a bad lot here in Cheyenne—very bad!—so thought the commission, and all because that Yale College Professor said so. By a vote of five to four the commission ruled out transportation via Cheyenne, ruled out McCann's bids, which were the lowest, and the reputed back-bone of the Indian ring was happy; and Prof. Marsh was voted to be an extraordinary and huge fos sil, and the most remarkable bone hunter of the age, and a wonderfully observant fellow at Indian agencies. The back-bone of the Indian ring and the bone hunter carried the day. Sidney was the point that Indian transportation was to be shipped from. There would be no changing of XXX superfine flour then, for shorts, bran and saw-dust! No! Nothing of the kind. Baldwin & Dodge would furnish the nicest brand of flour—they always did that—as

MAY 14, 1875.—TRIPLE SHEET.

WASHINGTON.

FRAUDS IN THE INDIAN BUREAU.

THE DESTITUTION OF THE INDIANS ON THE RESER- VATIONS GREATER THAN AT FIRST REPORTED— THE EXCUSES OF THE AGENIS WITHOUT FOUN- DATION—RESPONSIBILITY OF THE DEPARTMENT FOR INDIAN OUTRAGES.

[BY TELEGRAPH TO THE TRIBUNE.]

WASHINGTON, May 13.—The Cheyenne, Arapahoe, Comanche, Wichita, and Kiowa Indians, collected on the Reservation in the southern part of the Indian Territory, have been starving during the past Winter, except several thousand who went on the war path nearly a year ago, and who have ever since been roaming about or held as prisoners by the military. These Indians should be fed at the Fort Sill and Wichita Agencies, and Congress appropriated, for their subsistence during the current year, $300,000—50 per cent more than was spent by the Quaker agents in subsisting a greater number of Indians at the same points a year, when they last had charge of them. To the complaints that were constantly coming that there was actually no food at these Agencies, or that it was deficient in quantity and inferior in quality, the officials here have replied that the Indians are constitutionally grumblers, and that they would complain, no matter how well they were fed. At length Col. Hatch, commanding the military forces at Fort Sill, made an investigation, and found the destitution to be greater even than had been reported, although he made his examination after Congress had voted an extra appropriation for the same Indians of $300,000, and after the new beef contractor's time had expired within which he had agreed to deliver cattle. Finally Gen. Pope, in transmitting the report, added that unless the Indians were better treated he would not be responsible for an outbreak. As soon as this report was printed, the Indian Bureau hastened to break the force of it by asserting that a re- port had been received from Gen. Shanks, saying that the reason why the supplies had not been delivered was that the roads between Caddo and Fort Sill had been so bad that transportation over them was impossible. This turns out to be a square falsehood, for Gen. Shanks denies, to-day, that he has sent any such dispatch, and characterizes the failure to furnish supplies as a crime. The only conclusion that can be drawn from these facts is, that the story was invented in the Indian Bureau to save the contractors. The Indians who have been so

THE DAILY LEADER,

SATURDAY, MAY 15, 1875.

Transportation of Indian
Supplies via Cheyenne !

Prof. Marsh on the Side of
the Indian Ring.

Erudition and Foolishness
Exemplified.

Deputy Steele places the
Bone Hunter "Hors du
Combat."

The pent up concera that Professor Marsh silently maintained for the Indians at Red Cloud from October of last year until the letting of the Indian contracts on the 27th of April last, was remarkable, to say the least. But then he is a remarkable man, a professor of Yale College, a bone hunter, and an alleged philosopher. We are curious to know why the Professor did not unburthen his soul of the racialities and wrongs he witness ed being practiced on the Indians, directly upon his return to the States from his trip of shrewd observations at Red Cloud. Why did he sleep on it so long? A session of Congress has met and passed since, but we do not recollect of hearing that he went before the appropriation committee at Washington, or the Indian commit tee, or the Indian Department of the government, to lay bare the outrages practiced upon the poor red man.

Ter. III.

persons here can testify, Pratt & Ferris would do the freighting, and if the Indian supplies were not quite ready, they could ship several thousand pounds of that rotten, stinking bacon down from Fort Randall, and make a starter on that for the poor, hungry Indians, and when the supplies arrived pay themselves back for their kindness. Wilder was to figure in the "divy" in some way. It was a nice thing,

But there was a sequel. Wyoming's Delegate heard of Prof. Marsh's sayings and doings before the commission, and of the result of the commission's deliberation. He respectfully demanded a hearing, which was accorded, and he showed up the inconsistencies and improbabilities of Prof. Marsh's statements about changing the flour after its inspection in Cheyenne, or before it reached the agencies, for flour of an inferior quality. He also showed that the Professor's statements that Red Cloud said so and so to him was exceedingly improbable, as the Professor was unable to talk Sioux and Red Cloud was unable to talk English, and that at best they could hold communication with each other only through some one pretending to act as interpreter.

It so happened that Col. Steele was at the Red Cloud Agency at the same time that Professor was there. They both saw the same issue of cattle, the same issue of flour, of bacon, of sugar, of tobacco, etc., and Delegate Steele was as competent a witness, and quite as reliable an one, as Prof. Marsh. He stated to the commission what he knew of the character of the goods that were delivered to the Indians, and he substantiated his statements by his earnestness of purpose. He informed the commission he was there in the interest of Cheyenne and Wyoming Territory, and that bidders from that section were not to be elbowed out of doors by Yale College platitudes. He demanded to know who was the lowest, and was answered that D. J. McCann was the lowest bidder for transportation to the two agencies, also that he was the lowest bidder for flour at both agencies. It was then that he talked "business" at the commission. He claimed that the transportation, via Cheyenne, should be awarded to McCann; that unless it was, he should appeal to the Secretary of the Interior from their award, and from him, if necessary, to the President; and also threatened to call the attention of Congress to the matter early next session. The commission thought the matter over calmly and carefully, and did justice by Cheyenne. The back bone of the repudiated Indian

ring was broken by this determination, and Prof. Marsh came to grief. The transportation was awarded to McCann, and also the contract to supply both agencies with flour.

In common with all of our citizens—worthy of the name—we congratulate Col. Steele on his gallant fight before the Indian Commission, and feel sure our people here properly appreciate his efforts in their behalf.

It is fitting to state here, that Nick Janis was at Red Cloud Agency at the time Prof. Marsh was there last fall. He is well acquainted with the Sioux Chiefs. He saw the issue of beef, flour, coffee, sugar, pork, tobacco, etc., that Prof. Marsh turned up his nose at so very contemptuously and so very foolishly, and he says that he is a judge of such things, and that the articles issued at that time, by Dr. Saville, were much better than those issued in former years under Agent Wham or Dr. Daniels, and that they were very good, with the exception of the pork.

He further says that he talked with Red Cloud and Red Dog at that time about the flour Mr. Janis speaks the Sioux language fluently), and both of them told him the flour was very good and that they were satisfied with it. He makes oath to his statement, and cannot be suspected of any bias against the Indians, as it is well known here that he has the confidence of the Sioux Chiefs, who desired to have him accompany them to Washington on their present trip.

The following is Mr. Janis' statement made, in relation to this matter, under oath:

## TERRITORY OF WYOMING,

## COUNTY OF LARAMIE,

Nicholas Janis, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he has resided among the Sioux for about twenty-nine years; that he was present at Red Cloud Agency last November, when Prof. Marsh was there; that he saw the goods issued to the Indians at that time; that the blankets, cloths, muslins, calicoes, etc., were of a good quality, and rather better than those issued in former years, although the quantity was less. He also saw and examined the flour, sugar, coffee, tobacco and pork that was issued to the Indians at the time Prof. Marsh was there, and knows that the quality of the goods issued was good, as good as are usually sold in the stores. That Red Cloud expressed himself to Mr. Janis as satisfied with the quality of the goods, except the pork, which he claimed should have been bacon, but was dissatisfied with the quantity of the goods. Red Cloud wanted more goods. Affiant says he talks the Sioux

language, and was employed by Prof. Marsh at that time to conduct negotiations with the Indians for permission to go and obtain some bones northeast of the agency, on White River. Am well acquainted with Red Cloud and the Indian chiefs generally, and heard no complaint against Dr. Saville on account of the quality of the goods issued. All the complaint was that the quantity was too small— not enough of it. Red Cloud said the flour was better than that formerly issued, and I know it was good flour.

## NICHOLAS JANIS

Subscribed and sworn before me this 14th day of May. A. D. 1875.

E. SPARKS,

Notary Public.

MAY 15, 1875.—TRIPLE SHEET

WASHINGTON.

SECRETARY DELANO'S DEFENSE.

SEMI-OFFICIAL DENIAL THAT HIS RESIGNATION HAS BEEN TENDERED OR WILL BE REQUESTED—CHARGES FILED WITH THE PRESIDENT AGAINST JOHN DELANO, BUT NOT IMPLICATING THE SECRETARY—THE YOUNG MAN WARNED BY DIRECTION OF THE PRESIDENT—WHITE HOUSE VERSION OF THE FACTS.

WASHINGTON, May 14.—The friends of Secretary Delano, who claim to speak with authority, say that it can be most positively stated upon the highest authority that he will not at present resign and that the President will not request his resignation. They say that they have this from the persons who should be the best authority in this case—the President and Secretary Delano himself. Ever since the announcement was made that the President had requested the resignation of Secretary Delano, because of charges affecting his integrity, there have been efforts made to obtain the contents, or a statement of the contents, of the papers said to have been placed in the hands of the President. The friends of Mr. Delano say that the following are the facts, and cover the whole ground. In the first place, they claim that the papers in the hands of the President do not contain any charges against the Secretary, but refer wholly to his son, John S. Delano, who for some time was Chief Clerk of the Department of the Interior, but who resigned in the Summer of 1873 on account of ill health. John Delano at that time traveled as far south as Texas, and as far north as Minnesota, in search of health. During his absence, over a year ago, he visited Wyoming Territory, where he met Dr. Reed, the Surveyor-General and a personal friend. Some time afterward young Delano, of his own accord and on his own responsibility, wrote to Dr. Reed, saying that as he was then out of public service, poor, and in bad health, he saw no impropriety in his having an interest in a contract for the survey of public lands, but for prudential reasons he thought it best to have that interest in the name of another person. This request was accorded; a contract was made and the work under it performed. John Delano subsequently received the proceeds of this contract on two checks aggregating about $1,300. The prices for all these public surveys are fixed by law, and it is claimed that there is evidence or allegation of fraud in the contract. Soon after this had happened there arose a violent partisan difficulty among the office-holders of Wyoming. Mr. Reed, Surveyor-General, and Mr. Glaecke, Secretary of the Treasury, were removed. It was soon ascertained, however, that the removal was an act of injustice, incited by local jealousy and intrigue. Mr. Reed was restored, and his successor absconded to Japan. Mr. Glaecke was not restored, but was made Postmaster at Cheyenne. This displeased Wolcott, the United States Marshal, who has been intriguing against his associate ever since. Sub-

25

86.

train, consisting of forty-seven four-mule teams and 170 well armed men, were captured on the 13th last, by a detachment of thirty-seven soldiers from Fort Randall, Dakota Territory, and are now en route to that post in charge of the troops. No resistance was offered to the troops. The point where the party was captured is in Nebraska, some 350 miles west of this, and forty miles south of the Indian reservation. The party had given up the idea of going to the Black Hills, and concluded to move on to the Big Horn country until the hills were thrown open.

### FRONTIER TROUBLES OVER FOR THE SUMMER.

ST. LOUIS, Mo., May 21, 1875.

A special despatch to the Republican from Kansas City says that General C. H. Smith arrived there to-night from Fort Riley, Kan. He reports that there are occasional straggling bands of Indians in that vicinity, but believes the frontier troubles over for the summer. Six companies of the sixth cavalry started to-day from Fort Lyon to relieve the Fifth infantry, a portion of which will meet them at Santa Fe.

—YORK DAILY TRIBUNE, SAT
MAY 22, 1875.—TRIPLE SHEET

WASHINGTON.

THE INDIAN DELEGATES.

### DISSATISFACTION WITH THEIR QUARTERS—THE COURSE OF THE DEPARTMENT NOT CONDUCIVE TO CONCILIATION—RED CLOUD PREVENTED FROM CALLING ON PROF. MARSH BY THE GOVERNMENT DELEGATE.

(BY TELEGRAPH TO THE TRIBUNE.)

WASHINGTON, May 21.—The difficulties in the way of a mutual understanding between the representatives of the Government and the Sioux Indians now in Washington increase every day. The dissatisfaction of Red Cloud and Spotted Tail with their quarters, which has been mentioned before, continues, and to-day these two chiefs appeared at the Indian Bureau and peremptorily demanded that they be provided with quarters at the Washington House. The Commissioner as peremptorily refused to comply with their wishes, and the Indians are very much dissatisfied. The refusal of the Commissioner to yield to what seems to be a very reasonable request is very severely criticised. The Indians have been brought here to negotiate for the surrender of an extensive, and in many respects very valuable, country. They were greatly dissatisfied before their arrival, and have been for months complaining bitterly of the treatment they have received from the Government agents. If it is hoped to accomplish anything, and is not the intention of the Department to send the Indians back more dissatisfied and angry than they were upon their arrival, it would seem that in small things it would be good policy to respect their wishes. But this is just what the Indian Department has not done.

Prof. Marsh, of Yale College, who is now in Washington, met yesterday one of the interpreters whom Red Cloud had brought with him—Mr. Pallady—with whom the Professor became acquainted at Fort McPherson in 1870, and whom he had several times employed as an interpreter. Mr. Pallady told Prof. Marsh that Red Cloud had spoken of the mission to the Great Father with which he had intrusted him last Fall, and that the chief, when he learned of his presence in Washington, would want to call and see him. The Professor replied that if Red Cloud desired to call, he would be glad to see both him and Spotted Tail. Mr. Pallady appointed 10 o'clock this morning, but the agent, Saville, who has charge of Red Cloud and his party, heard of the intended visit, and, after consultation with the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, wrote to Prof. Marsh that he might see the Indians at the Department. The Professor has accepted an invitation to attend the first important council, which will take place to-morrow.

INTERVIEWS WITH COMMISSIONER SMITH—THE INDIANS OFFERED TENTS, BUT REFUSED ANOTHER HOTEL—COMPLAINTS OF INSUFFICIENT RATIONS ON THEIR RESERVATIONS—THE BAD INDIANS TREATED BETTER THAN THOSE WHO ARE GOOD.

WASHINGTON, May 21.—Red Cloud and Spotted Tail, the Sioux Chiefs, accompanied by their interpreters, visited the Commissioner of Indian Affairs this morning, and somewhat imperiously demanded that their headquarters be at once changed for the reason that their rooms at the Tremont are too small. The Commissioner promptly and decisively informed them that a change could not be made. He would, however, if they desired it, give them a camp and supply them with tents and good food, but they would not be allowed to change their quarters, and they must say no more about it. Both of the Indians seemed to take umbrage at the decision of the Commissioner, and Red Cloud said that he would not go into camp, that he wanted his old headquarters or none at all. They then left, apparently in anger. The Commissioner has secured another parlor at their hotel large enough for a council should they desire to hold one. Lono Horn, and the other Chiefs of the Cheyenne River Sioux had a talk with Commissioner Smith and Gen. Cowen, Acting Secretary of the Interior, this morning. The principal speech was made by Long Mandan, an old man wearing green goggles. He complained of short rations and annuities, and said his people do not have all the oxen and wagons they need. They want horses and guns. If they had guns they would not eat so much beef, and it seemed hard, when they do not have all they want to eat, that the Great Father would not give them guns to kill antelopes and ducks. They have 300 houses, and each family has a piece of cultivated ground. They also have some schools.

The Commissioner said that all the trouble about relations arose from the fact that their numbers had increased by nearly 4,000 (Black Hill Indians) since the estimates were made, and that if they fed their cousins they must expect to be short themselves. The difficulty in the way of supplying them with guns was that some bad Indians use their guns to shoot white men, and he was afraid to let even good Indians have them, for fear they would lend or sell them to the bad Indians. He asked if muzzle loaders would do to shoot antelopes and ducks, and Long Mandan replied in the negative, saying they preferred Winchester rifles.

Charger said a few words, after which White Swan said it could not be possible that all the agents are under one Great Father because some of them give more than others. He complained that Red Cloud and Spotted Tail got more than their share. The Commissioner said that formerly Red Cloud and Spotted Tail's people were not counted. They are now counted and receive no more than what they are justly entitled to. White Swan said he had always noticed that the worse an Indian behaves the more he gets, to which the Commissioner made no reply. During the interview the Commissioner called up Spotted Elk, a Black Hills Chief, and asked him about his country. He replied: "I don't brag about the Black Hills country when I am talking to white men, but I love it and don't want to leave it."

The Department gentlemen who have the visiting Indian chiefs in charge seem to have rather singular notions of their relations to the visitors, and their powers in regard to them. There can be no good reason for giving them gratuitous offense by the refusal to allow them to choose their own quarters, and there is certainly no warrant for the Commissioner's refusing them permission to meet Prof. Marsh, whom they had expressed a desire to see. The Sioux chieftains are not prisoners, but the Commissioner of Indian Affairs treats them precisely as if they were, and what is more, treats Prof. Marsh as an accomplice, by refusing to allow him to communicate with them. It may be that Secretary Delano and his subordinates have nothing to conceal in their administration of Indian affairs, but their conduct in this business increases the popular suspicion that they have. There's a very strong smell of humbug in this matter so far.

The Indian Problem.

When we come to the second centennial anniversary of our national independence it will probably be written that the Indian race, with the exception, perhaps, of a few remnants in some outlying frontier section, has passed away. When we compare the condition and number of the Indian tribes to-day with what they were a hundred years ago, and see their terrible diminution in character and capacity and honesty, we can well conceive how the process of destruction can not last more than one or two generations. When this chapter of our national history is written it will always be said that in no respect has America failed so signally to vindicate her claim to have a humane and civilized people as in her dealings with the Indians. The whole story of the relation of the white man to the Indian on this Continent is a consistent record of baseness, perfidy, and inhumanity. We can readily see now that what we call manifest destiny will in time drive the Indian from the possession of the vast empire now under our dominion. It was not in the nature of things that there should even be a contest as to which of the races should live in America—the white man or the red man; nor do we think for a moment that civilization has not been largely benefited in every aspect by the triumph of the white man over the red in the struggle for the possession of our soil.

We came to the Indian armed with a superior civilization, with cunning, with a wider range of knowledge, and it was within our power to lift him out of his condition of barbarism and instruct him in an approximate form of civilization. This, certainly, was our duty, and if we had performed it patiently, instead of destroying one of the most interesting races of the world, we should have rescued it, elevated, strengthened it, and, conquering America to the uses of civilization, have given to the world an enlightened people.

It is impossible for us to give there the whole story, and nothing could be more unpleasant and ungracious. When President Grant entered the Presidency one of his first declarations was that he would administer the Indian affairs with justice and humanity. He was peculiarly fitted for this work. In his early days he had lived with the Indians. He knew their peculiarities, and he especially knew all the trials they had suffered. We do the President justice, and feel that he has striven all the time to reform our Indian system. The influences that have fattened upon the misfortune of the Indians have been too strong for him, and from what we can gather now it would seem that we are threatened with another war on our frontiers, arising from the bad conduct of federal officers in dealing with the Indian tribes. One of the means of obtaining wealth upon the part of the Indian Ring is to foster these "wars." The Government is compelled to find supplies and troops and arms and money. It is hard to feel that in enlightened America we make wars as a matter of gain and speculation, but this is the truth, and this underlies the difficulty of dealing with the whole Indian question.

If the President will only be firm in the conviction with which he entered his office and will insist upon justice to the Indian he

Vol. III.

37

has it in his power to do a great good. We
fear it is too late for us as a nation to reform
our Indian policy. The shame and scandal
of it have passed. It is almost impossible
for us as a people ever to expect the Indian
to regard our word, and when faith no longer
remains any negotiation is impossible. The
President may, nevertheless, arrest evils that
if not checked may involve our frontier lines
in a more devastating war than we have had
since the time of Tecumseh.—N. Y. Herald.

Wash. Chieftain, May 28, 1875.

THE Sioux Indians are not very flattering in their estimates of the white man's promises, and in their interview so far with the "Great Father" they manifest a remarkable instinctive suspicion of the sincerity of the Government in its proposed treaty for the surrender of the Black Hills country. What a commentary this is upon our boasted civilization, beside a mockery upon the very treaty we are contemplating! We never refer to this subject without a feeling of shame for the Government for its past and present treatment of these poor people, who have been made the victims of some of the darkest crimes that ever disgraced any civilization. They have not only been educated to doubt our word, but to turn from us with suspicion, from which we could well gather lessons of profit, and an example fit for any people to study. When we con**quer our violated pledges, the treaties made only to be broken, and the instrument they furnish for plunder for the white man, we are appalled at the terrible responsibility entailed upon the Government, which, sooner or later, must bring its retribution. If the wrong perpetrated upon the black man brought its punishment, by what rule of reasoning have we a right to claim escape from those committed upon the poor Indian? The New York Times, treating the subject from the same standpoint, yery significantly says :

There was a very large class of persons
who believed, and who still believe, that the
sufferings which fell upon the South between
1861 and 1865 were a sort of special punish-
ment for the cruelties which they had inflict-
ed on the negro. They saw the hand of an
avenging Providence at work. It would be
interesting to know whether the persons who
held this view imagine that Providence only
"avenges" cruelty and injustice when they
are committed by the Southern people, and
that Providence will never presume to inter-
fer against ourselves. There can be no
doubt that the Indians have been the objects
of quite as much ill-treatment as ever the ne-
groes were, and if such sins are inevitably
followed by retribution—as many events in
the history of the world seem to prove—why
should we escape more than others? The ad-
vocates of the special interposition doctrine
would do well to think over the point.

Nash. Herald, May 23, 1875.

IT IS a fact to be remarked that the delegations
of Indian braves have generally come to Wash-
ington in strawberry time. Next to the well-
thatched scalp of a pale-face, the bland and child-
like hair-lifter of the forest years with most
touching tenderness toward a platter of ice cream
and strawberries, followed by a small pall-full of
fire-water by way of taking the edge off.

ment. By midnight the ship was sufficiently light-
ened to enable her to proceed, but the nearest port.

N. Y. Herald, May 23, 1875.

PROF. MARSH AND THE INDIANS.

To the Editor of the New-York Times :

A Washington dispatch on Indian matters,
dated May 21, and published in THE TIMES of to-day,
does injustice to the Sioux chieftains now here, and
also to myself, especially in the following state-
ment :

"Prof. Marsh to-day invited Red Cloud and
Spotted Tail to visit him at his hotel, but they
declined on a point of etiquette, the President hav-
ing advised me to hold no conferences with out-
side parties before settling their business with the
Government. There is no prohibition to visiting
the Indians at their hotel, and Prof. Marsh or any
one else may converse with them there with perfect
freedom."

Now, quite the contrary of all this is true. I did
not invite Red Cloud and Spotted Tail to visit me
at my hotel, nor did they decline on a point of
etiquette. Moreover, visitors are not allowed free
access to these chieftains at their hotel. The facts
are as follows: Mr. Leon Pallardy, Red Cloud's
interpreter, whom I have known for years, called
on me, and informed me that Red Cloud wished to
see me, and that he thought Spotted Tail also
would like to come. I replied that I should be
glad to see them at any time. When they were
about to come, Agent Saville, Red Cloud's keeper,
prevented it.

I subsequently obtained permission from the
Interior Department to visit Red Cloud at his
hotel, under certain conditions, but on going there
was informed by the hotel clerk that he had strict
orders to allow no one to visit any of the Indians. It
was not until I had strongly insisted on my right
to see Red Cloud, stated my authority for so doing,
and likewise answered satisfactorily certain in-
quiries of the agents as to whether my visit was a
personal one, that I was allowed to see Red Cloud
in the presence of an agent and the official inter-
preter, and inform the Sioux chieftain that I had
kept a promise made to him last November.

I do not believe that your correspondent was
responsible for the inaccuracy of the dispatch sent
you, as his version of it was the one generally cir-
culated here.

I might add that, while in my judgment the
present system of managing the Indians is radically
wrong, I have studiously avoided any interference
with the negotiations now pending.

O. C. MARSH.

WASHINGTON, Saturday, May 22, 1875.

NEW YORK HERALD,
MAY 25, 1875.—TRIPLE
The Indians and the Administra**tion.

We do not for a moment doubt that President Grant and those around him look upon the Indian question with solicitude. It would be a reflection upon human nature to suppose that there could be any motive but one of humanity and kindness in dealing with these interesting and unfortunate people. No one supposes that the general government is in any way responsible for the misfortunes that have befallen the Indian tribes, but at the same time those who have governed the country should be held to a moral responsibility for neglecting a manifest duty and promoting the growth of those criminal influences which have made the treatment of the Indian question a reproach upon the American name. At the same time it is unfortunate that the administration, in dealing with the Indians in Washington, should have allowed the impression to go abroad that there was an attempt to stifle, on the part of the government, the Sioux chiefs and prevent an expression of the truth as to the real state of affairs in the Indian country. While we have abundant confidence in the generosity of General Grant on this question we have none whatever in the direct manage-

ment of the Indian Department. It is, therefore, a misfortune for the President when he received the delegation of Indians to treat them in a manner, whether properly reported or not, that appeared like indifference. Instead of turning them over to the Indian Department, which now stands arraigned before the people for incompetency and corruption, the President should have carefully listened to the stories of the Indians and given them the best advice in his power, and shown by his prompt investigation as to the truth of the charges that he would not allow any one, gentle or savage, Christian or pagan, to appeal to the White House and ask for justice in vain. We have no doubt that if this Indian question is thoroughly probed there will be found in it a mass of corruption as depressing and widespread as was found in the Tammany Ring. Men for generations have been growing rich by plundering the Indian tribes, the benefactions of the government have been squandered and its highest purposes have been disappointed. The country will not be contented unless it sees on the part of the President a desire to honestly investigate the complaints of Red Cloud and his companions. We have seen no such desire thus far, but, on the contrary, all the indications from Washington are that the Indians and the interpreters have fallen into the hands of the cunning ring who have so long paralyzed the efforts of the government to do justice to the Indian tribes.

The whole Indian question is one that concerns, not simply the administration of the government or the success of any party in power, but the honor of the American name. These simple, ignorant savage chiefs represent all the power that once held this Continent. Their sorrows go back to the coming of the white man to this Continent. Red Cloud does not speak for himself alone, or for the tribe which represents the departed glory of the Indian race, but their misfortunes and disasters. The Sioux may fairly be considered as the last remaining remnant of the race who once controlled the dominions of this Republican. There are hundreds of other tribes within the jurisdiction of Mexico and British America and the United States; but different influences have diminished their prestige. The Sioux only retain the power that represents history we honor in Philip and Logan and Black Hawk and Tecumseh. They have only been slightly affected by the debasing influences of civilization. It is one of the misfortunes of this Indian problem that the civilization of the white man has brought destruction to the Indians. The other tribes are dying fragments of Indian glory. They no longer possess the highest qualities of the red man's character. In California, in Texas, in the various Territories of the West, the remaining Indian tribes are little more than a satire upon the old Indian character. The Sioux are an exception. In dealing with a chief like Red Cloud, so far as our information goes, we deal with a man who is worthy to be remembered with the greatest of the Indian chiefs. When he came to Washington some years ago it was as an enemy, of the white man who did not believe in the real power of the American people.

88

That visit changed his opinions. It showed him the futility of cherishing any of those dreams of empire which drove Tecumseh and Black Hawk upon a swift and irrevocable fate. Since then Red Cloud, so far as we can understand his policy, has been in favor of peace, of accepting the inevitable, and of making such terms for himself and his people as would permit them to occupy reservations and work out the sad problem of their fate with as little injustice to themselves as possible.

What, then, is our duty in dealing with the Indians? We certainly cannot expect to make honorable terms with these chiefs if we begin by rousing their animosities and wounding their pride. These acts of petty quarrels between the subordinates of the Indian Department and eager tavern keepers on the question of board and lodging are unseemly. The Indians are suspicious of the general government. They have a weird, timid idea that the President, who is the Great Father of their homely dialect, who represents to them the dignity and wisdom of the dominant race, will hear their prayers and grant them justice. But how long can they cherish this belief if, instead of finding the Great Father anxious to investigate their troubles and enter into the spirit of their complaints, they are met with rudeness, indifference and contempt. We can perfectly understand how a President in the rush of the necessary business of his administration, with ten thousand cares crowding upon him and the summer time bringing suggestions of the seaside retreats and pleasant days in the country, would be impatient in dealing with a group of ignorant savages who know nothing of the amenities, the restraints, the limitations of government. President Grant must not regard Red Cloud and his colleagues as he would an embassy from Spain or Germany. He must consent to annoyances and suspicions and embarrassments; he must enter into the spirit of these simple minded men, whose only knowledge of the governing power at Washington has been learned from the thieving Indian agents, who have spent their lives in robbing them. The smallest incident—a question of precedence, or of comfort, or of the right's of one chief over another, some trifling, insignificant point—may be magnified into irreparable mischief. They believe in the Great Father alone. They have no confidence in the subordinates of the Indian Department. They have learned to regard the servants of that department as their enemies, as the men who have fostered the Indian agencies, who have sent out vicious and scheming entrepreneurs to prey upon them. If they do not receive justice from the Great Father they will leave Washington profoundly convinced that in all the wrongs which have emanated from the policy of the Indian agents the President was a direct participant.

In our eager, hungry desire to possess new territories we have looked upon the rifle as the swiftest means of deciding all Indian controversies. So that it has become almost a law of the settlements of the West that the first duty of the settler is to exterminate the Indians. There could be no severer reflection upon our civilization than this. When Presi-

dent Grant came into power we learned nothing more gratifying than his resolution to utterly reform the whole Indian question and add to his administration the laurels that would come from a peaceful settlement of our relations with these tribes.

The first thing the President should do is to listen patiently to the complaints of Red Cloud and his followers. The second is to exhaust all the means at his disposal to investigate these complaints and see whether they are true. And third, to put his foot severely upon the Indian rings. He has as much power to do this as to fight the whiskey rings; for certainly the people will sustain him in making a war upon the jobbery lurking in the Indian Department, as they will sustain him in stamping out the infamies that have grown up under our revenue and tariff systems. Thus far we have not seen any evidence on his part of a desire to consider this question calmly and decide it in a manner worthy of the American name, and we therefore implore him, as representing in the fullest and highest degree the honor of the country and the humanity which should always characterize the ruler of a high government, to take into consideration the duty that devolves upon him and to send these Indians back to their wild home in the West convinced that the President of the American people is animated by no other purpose than to see that justice is done to every inhabitant of this Republic, whether white or red, whether of Saxon or Indian race.

NEW-YORK DAILY TRIBUNE
TUESDAY, MAY 25, 1875.—TR

THE ACTUAL INDIAN QUESTION.

The readiness with which some of the Administration organs seem to have taken the cue, from the misunderstanding between the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the visiting Indians at Washington, suggests the possibility of a premeditated design in the unusual course adopted towards the visitors by the officers of the Government. In two or three quarters, where heretofore the mild and humane policy of the Administration towards "the nation's wards" has been the theme of lavish praise, we remark, since the arrival of Red Cloud, Spotted Tail, and the rest at Washington, and the published intimations that they were not in entire harmony with the sincere and thoughtful statesmen in the Department of the Interior, that there is an increasing disposition to criticise the Noble Red Men as idle and vicious, untruthful and ungrateful, paupers and worse, upon the nation's bounty. The journals which in the last Presidential campaign and since then, even up to within a week, have pointed with pride to the kind and humane, civilizing and Christianizing, treatment of the Indians by the Administration; which have dwelt with pathos and tears upon the fact that the Red Man of the Forest was the original proprietor of the soil, and that the White Man had relentlessly pushed him back and possessed his lands and hunting grounds, and that it was only just that we should provide for his wants, and make a Christian and an agriculturist, or, perhaps, a corner grocer—

and a Justice of the Peace, of him—these journals are just beginning to discover that the Noble Red is a liar and a thief, besides being ungrateful, drunken, vicious, and mean, with no capacity for anything but drawing Government rations, and not sense enough to be satisfied with them after he gets them.

The discovery of the unfitness of the Indian for civilization, and of his general cussedness in all the relations of life, has been made since the Indian himself discovered, or thought he discovered, that the bounties which the Government voted him, instead of reaching him, were distributed among agents, and traders, and broken-down ministers, and all sorts of contractors, on the way; so that while middlemen were getting rich he had to grumble and starve. The admirers of the humane policy now say: "Well, who are these Indians any way? "They make a great deal of fuss about their "meat and their rations, their annuities, their "agents, and all that—what business have "they to make any fuss about anything? "They do nothing towards earning a living; "the Government supports them in idleness and "ignorance, and the poor wretches, instead of "showing a decent sense of gratitude, do nothing "but grumble and make trouble; and when they "come on to Washington, at Government expense, as they do, they put on the airs of "distinguished guests, and demand of the "Government that they be permitted to choose "their own quarters among the Washington "Hotels." Meantime the Indians themselves, instead of being coddled and petted, as they have been heretofore when visiting the Great Father, have been contradicted and thwarted in their wishes, their request to be quartered where they have been on previous occasions has been refused (for which there may be some good reason which has not been given), they have been denied permission to communicate with whom they please, and, all together, the treatment given them has been such as was calculated to excite their resentment rather than win their favor. That they should talk unreasonably about their claims to consideration, and make extravagant statements and demands, is perhaps no more than was to be expected. Perhaps no more than the Department officers expected. Possibly a part of the plan to distract public attention from the real grounds of complaint in these cases, and direct it to the unreasonableness of the charges and the extravagance of the demands of the complaining chiefs. If this is the plan, the Administration organs have caught it up with commendable alacrity. The most servile of them have already taken the scent, and are busy denouncing the Sioux chiefs as a set of idle and vicious National paupers.

This, we insist, is entirely outside the question at issue. Whether these people are idle or vicious, or capable of being Christianized; whether they are reasonable or unreasonable, grateful or ungrateful, or whether they ought to be maintained in idleness or compelled like other people to earn their subsistence, does not concern us now. The questions of Indian policy proper are questions of legislation, and are the business of Con-

for the former

While Dr. Cox was engaged in glorifying the merits of an aboriginal shortcake which he ate among the Sioux of Wyoming, and in evolving from his brief experience of the frontier the conclusion that no good Indian could object to his rations, three men of a very different sort were drawing up the plain statement of the truth which we print to-day. Gen. Bradley, commanding the District of the Black Hills, and two of the most intelligent of his subordinates, certify that the report made by Prof. Marsh to the President was literally true, and that the rations issued at the Red Cloud Agency were disgracefully bad in quality and inadequate in quantity. These officers, all veteran frontiersmen and gentlemen accustomed to weigh their words as accurately as their commissary stores, voluntarily come to the support of Prof. Marsh, by stating that the average weight of the beef cattle which they saw at Red Cloud Agency was not more than 358 pounds. The corpulent beeves seen in the vision of Dr. Cox and Mr. Steele thus vanish into air and become as mythical as the bull that solved for Europa the problem of rapid transit on the Bosphorus. This is evidence which there is no resisting. These officers have no axes to grind, no grudges to satisfy. They are too well acquainted with Indians and bordermen to make mistakes about either of them. And on the whole we think that even Mr. Delano will hardly think it graceful to dispose of this damaging statement as "a rumor set on foot by a Mr. Bradley "and others."

N.Y. World March 27, 1951

The President's talk with the Sioux yester-
day could not have been very reassuring to
those warriors and statesmen. Nevertheless
it would have been very stupid as well as dis-
honest for him to say anything else than what
he did say. As soon as the lands
now occupied and unimproved by these
tribes are really needed, they will be
taken by white men in earnest to occupy and
improve them without the smallest regard to
aboriginal sensibilities, and with a very slight
and temporary regard even to treaty stipula-
tions. This is a fact known to all white men,
and it would be a piece of cruelty as well as
of folly to pretend to the Indians that it is not
a fact. Indeed Mr. GRANT is censurable for not
putting it before them even more distinctly
than he did. The fashion some people have
who ought to know better, of talking as if the
Indians were lords of the soil which they
have never done anything but cumber,
and as if the whites were in a man-
ner their tenants, if not trespassers
upon them, is very mischievous. It is
quite as mischievous as it is expensive to bring
them on to Washington and coddle them. They
cannot be supposed to understand that their
entertainment proceeds either from jobbery
or from a general disposition to "orate"
and "fraternize." They suppose it to be
an evidence of fear, and a good many
hard knocks may be required for the final re-
moval of this misconception. Much plainer
talk than Mr. GRANT talked yesterday, deliv-
ered on their own lands, would have served the
purpose much better than free quarters and free
rations for a month or so, and the Indians will
learn much more of the purpose of the whites
towards them from the new Black Hills expe-
dition this summer than from their sojourn in
Washington and Mr. GRANT's speech to them.

44

villages. This thing dispirited his people, and they wanted the stakes taken up again. If any trouble resulted it would be the result of the white intruders and not of the Indians. He said the country spoken of, to which it was desired they should remove, did not concern him. That was south of the Republican River. He was not born there and knew nothing about it. If that was such a nice country, the white man who invaded the Indian country ought to be put there. As to hunting buffalo, that was a privilege guaranteed by treaty, and the Indians had not yet relinquished it. If the Government would add $10,000 to the $25,000, they would give it up with all the buffalo to be found there. The delegation came here in great hurry, and therefore had no time to counsel with their people, and were not prepared to give an answer here. They desired the appointment of a commission of four men to go out into their country and hold a council, when an answer would be given. This was very warm weather. Congress was not in session, but when it should be in session he would like to come here with fifty or sixty men to consider the question with Congress. They would like to hold one more council, and then go home and have the Commissioners go with them.

The Secretary of the Interior said, with reference to the $25,000 to be paid for the relinquishment of the right to hunt on the Republican River, that neither he nor the Commissioner had any more money. Congress alone had the money. There was no way of getting any more, except from Congress. If they declined to take the $25,000 and the Indians would have to run the risk of getting anything. If they did not take that money within the next thirty days it could not be given at all.

Spotted Tail resumed, making remarks as to his understanding of the Nebraska line. The only idea the Indians had in making the treaty was to save their people. They had no mental reservation. The Secretary of the Interior replied that there was no mental reservation on the part of the Government. Further remarks were made by both parties respecting the boundary line, showing a difference of understanding. Spotted Tail wanted a different line drawn. The Secretary explained, that this could not be done without the consent of Congress, and impressed upon Spotted Tail the danger of delay. Bloodshed might follow if some arrangement was not speedily made.

Spotted Tail said: "What you say about bloodshed displeases me very much. The country there belongs to us, and not to the white people. Instead of encouraging the white people to go there, you ought to punish them. You say you are my friends, and both of you say you have got no money, but Congress gives money for us and for you."

The Secretary asked Mr. Hinman to endeavor to make him understand that the Government might be unable to prevent white men from going into their country. He also asked him to explain the $25,000 appropriation to Spotted Tail.

After conferring with Spotted Tail, Mr. Hinman said he fully comprehended it, but his people were stubborn and he was afraid to speak to them just as the Secretary was afraid of the newspapers here. He said further: "I want a new line, and would like it if instead of surveying surveyors you would save the money and add it to the $25,000 for the buffaloes. [Laughter] You told me you had no money, so I do not ask for your money, but the money of Congress. [Laughter.] One word more. These Indians [pointing to several white men] standing in the corner, have Indian wives. They belong to my tribe and would do us good. They paid their way on here, and we would like it if the Great Father would reimburse them for coming here." [How, how, how]

The Secretary made no answer to this. The delegation here left, and, as they did so, Red Cloud said he came to Washington expecting to get something, but he found everybody poor, at which there was much laughter. Another council will be held at the Department to-morrow. Red Cloud and Spotted Tail both said to-morrow that they will not hold any council with the Secretary to-morrow, but they intend to hold a council among themselves and talk over the proposition made to them by the Secretary of the Interior to-day. They are somewhat confused, and say they do not understand what the Secretary means when he tells them that the Government does not intend

frequent councils in this room, and when so doing lock the doors and allow no one to enter, not even their own interpreters. Judging from the sounds proceeding from this council-room, their discussions are very rare, and frequently quite heated. The chiefs say they do not understand what the Secretary of the Interior means when he tells them that the government does not intend to force them to go, and then tells them that if they do not go the white people will come into their country, and probably Congress will withhold appropriations from them. They think that this looks like forcing them. They say they did not know they were to be allowed to speak yesterday, and were, therefore, not prepared. They have agreed that they will never go down into the Indian territory, and if the government attempts to force them, it will require all the army to move them. They think, however, they can get along without the Black Hills, and that there is room enough in their own reservation without these hills. The fact is the government does not want to force them to go into the Indian territory, but merely suggests that they go there. It will be content with the relinquishment of the Indian title to the Black Hills and the privilege of the Sioux to hunt on the north fork of the Republican. Their present reservation, which is in Dakota, is about 300 miles square, and consequently embraces 90,000 square miles. The Black Hills country, which lies in their reservation, embraces about 1,800 square miles, and should they give this up they would still have a territory containing over 88,000 square miles for about 35,000. This territory would be equal in extent to the whole of New England with its millions of inhabitants. As to tomorrow's holiday in the departments there the grand council will not be held until Monday next.

FRIDAY, MAY 28, 1875.—WITH

WASHINGTON.

THE NEGOTIATIONS FOR THE OPENING OF THE BLACK HILLS.

INTERVIEW OF THE INDIANS WITH THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR—SPOTTED TAIL'S IDEA OF THE INFLUENCE OF THE NEWSPAPERS—THE INTERNAL REVENUE RECEIPTS AND THE ESTIMATES.

*Special Dispatch to the New-York Times.*

WASHINGTON, May 26.—The first formal interview between the Secretary of the Interior and the Sioux was held here to-day. The conference continued for two hours and was unusually interesting. Secretary Delano addressed the Indians, explaining to them the terms of the treaty of 1868, the advantages derived by the whites and Indians from its observance, and the necessity for making a new treaty, some of the provisions of the old treaty having expired by limitation. North of the Platte and south of the mountains and the country on the Smoky Hill side of the Republican, they were guaranteed the right to hunt, so long as game could be found. Buffalo are not now found in the Smoky Hill country and game has been driven from the north side of the Platte. White people are pressing to settle in that country, and the Government cannot stop them from going there. It was their country, and the Government would protect them as far as possible. The belief of the whites that gold and silver exist in the Black Hills will increase the anxiety to go there, and troubles would be likely to follow which would result in stopping Indian anities. He described the Indian Territory, and said they and their children would be happy and comfortable there, and Congress would continue to furnish them such help as they would need until able to take care of themselves. Spotted Tail replied at length to the Secretary and expressed decided opposition to moving. He was unwilling to break the treaty. They desire to remain where they are. It is a good country, and they wanted saw-

mills, plows, and all kinds of implements. If these are furnished, they would be better where they are. If trouble arises, it will be caused by white men and not by Indians. They were called to Washington in a hurry, and desired to return with four Commissioners, appointed by the President, who could come back with an answer from his people. They had the same respect for the opinions of their people at home that the Secretary had for newspapers here. This remark produced much merriment. Throughout the interview Spotted Tail manifested decided opposition to ceding the Black Hills country, and his sentiments met with decided tokens or approval from the delegation. Commissioner Smith explained that Congress had appropriated $25,000 for them, provided they would surrender their right to hunt in the Smoky Hill country, and that question must be decided before the last day of June or the appropriation would lapse. Spotted Tail said for $15,000 additional they would surrender the buffalo. In reply to the Secretary he said they were not asking for his money but the money of Congress, who could get plenty. Throughout the interview Spotted Tail manifested remarkable shrewdness and sagacity, and some of his replies were forcible and pungent. Another interview will be held to-morrow. It is very plain that no treaty will be agreed upon by the delegation, and Commissioners may have to be sent to the Sioux country to negotiate with a general council.

THE INTERNAL REVENUE RECEIPTS.

OUR INDIAN VISITORS.

Nat. Republican, May 28.

AN OFFICIAL INTERVIEW YESTERDAY.

THE POSITION OF THE GOVERNMENT,

EXPLICIT STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DELANO

WHITE MEN NEED THE BLACK HILLS

The Indians Must Remove to the Indian Country—How the Proposition Was Received—Spotted Tail as a Diplomat—His Valuation of Buffaloes—They Must be Let Alone, &c., &c.

The long-delayed interview between the Indian chiefs and the Secretary of the Interior took place yesterday. After the party had arrived at the Interior Department, and had been introduced to the Secretary, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs said to them: "You called upon the Great Father yesterday, and he directed you to go to the Secretary of the Interior. He is here now, and is ready to talk with you. You have already shaken hands with him, and he is now ready to speak to you respecting the object of your visit to Washington."

The Secretary then addressed them as follows: "Before I say anything to the delegation of Indians I wish to say to the interpreters that if any inaccuracies occur at any time I will show them to report such inaccuracies at once. My object is to obtain a correct account of what is said.

"Chiefs and head men of the Sioux, I am glad to see you here to-day. You have been invited here on the part of the Government and your Great Father, and the object of this conference is for your welfare and that of the white people of the United States. I want you to remember and understand all I shall say to you. Before 1868 the Great Father and yourselves had no friendly relations, except with the Sante and Yanktons,

["## PUT THE WHITE MEN THERE", "who invade our country. You spoke also about hunting buffalo as long as they remain. That is a privilege which is guaranteed by treaty and we have not yet been paid for relinquishing it. We have added $10,000 to your $25,000 we will give it up before the month is out, and give you all the buffalo in it.", "The President has asked me to consider various things here. When we came to Washington we came in a great hurry. We had no time to council with our people, and therefore", "WE ARE NOT PREPARED TO GIVE ANSWERS HERE.", "We wish you to appoint a commission of four men to go out to our country, and we will council there and give them an answer. I have another reason for saying it. This is very warm weather, and Congress is not in session; and when it is in session I would like to come with fifty or sixty men and consider it with Congress. They are the ones to consider it. We would like to take it more council and then go home, and have commissioners go home with us.", "Secretary Delano. The treaty of 1863 makes the north line of the State of Nebraska one of the lines we have ceded to the country ceded to the Sioux for their permanent reservation. That line had to be run in pursuance of the treaty. Those stakes must not be moved, and as you are a well-disposed man you will not complain of that.", "In reference to the $25,000 to be paid for the relinquishment of your right to hunt on the Republican, I have said I have no money, the Commissioner has no money; Congress alone has the money, and it has appropriated only $25,000, and there is no way of getting any more. If you decline to take that you will have to run the risk of ever getting anything. If you do not take that money in the next thirty days we cannot give it at all, for the time will be up, and it is not likely that Congress will ever authorize money to be given again.", "Mr. Hinman. They do not understand that the Nebraska line is given in the treaty. They have always denied it.", "Secretary Delano. In explaining the treaty at the time of signing, the boundary was described by rivers, and now it really comes further north than any one supposed it would. They cannot understand an imaginary line.", "Spotted Tail. At the time the treaty was made we never heard anything about that line being run. I would have consented to it if the line had been different. On the divide of the Niobrara and the North Platte there is a good country for agriculture and hay, and if that was the line we would consent to that.", "Secretary Delano. We can only be governed by the treaty which has been ratified, language of the treaty. We are not to blame for the language of the treaty. We find it here; and have to be governed by it. If we could agree with you now to make the Niobrara, the line instead of the north boundary of Nebraska the agreement would be good for nothing until it had been ratified by Congress. If you want to make a sure thing of it, accept it as written. If you alter the treaty, and make the Niobrara the line then we must wait for Congress to ratify it.", "Secretary Delano. We can only be governed by the treaty which has been ratified, language of the treaty. We are not to blame for the language of the treaty. We find it here; and have to be governed by it. If we could agree with you now to make the Niobrara, the line instead of the north boundary of Nebraska the agreement would be good for nothing until it had been ratified by Congress. If you want to make a sure thing of it, accept it as written. If you alter the treaty, and make the Niobrara the line then we must wait for Congress to ratify it.", "## NECESSITY FOR NEGOTIATIONS.", "I want to impress upon you the danger of leaving the Black Hills country in its present condition. As long as the white people think there is gold and silver there, their anxiety to go there will be so great that we cannot suppress it. If we do not, we will lead people to go there, and lead to disturbances and bloodshed. We cannot prevent it; we cannot stop this thing, and so there is great necessity for making some arrangement about it, in order to preserve the peace of the country. This is the view of the subject that I want you to take. I want you to consider our troubles in preventing white people from going there, and their danger, and the danger of war if they insist on going there, if men are killed and war ensues, you know that the white people are the strongest, and there will be suffering on all sides.", "Now, what the Government wants to do is to give you something better than the Black Hills country, and thus relieve the Government of this danger.", "Spotted Tail. My friends, what the Dakotas consider together they try to finish in a way that will be possible to carry out, but what you have said to us to-day, especially about", "## BLOODSHED, DISPLEASES ME VERY MUCH.", "You talk about a matter that is not under consideration. The country but there belongs to", "us, and if that white people go there, whether we consent or not, they ought to pay us forth. All that are here together are friends, and I wish our friends to be continued, although both of you (Commissioner and Secretary) say you have not any money, still Congress collects money both for the Indians and for you.", "## SECRETARY DELANO.", "You do not understand what I wish to say. I am so less your friend, neither is the Commissioner, than you are our friend. We are your friends trying to work for your good. I want you to understand that we can't stop the white people from desiring to go to that country for gold. Have you not seen the time when you could not stop your young men from doing what you did not want them to do? That is the way with the Great Father now, and it is to get rid of this difficulty that we want to give you something else in place of the Black Hills country. They will be better for you than it is. I would like to take some white people did not want to go there, but we can not stop their desire to go, and I want you to understand this, and to see if you are not willing to take something in place of the Black Hills country that will be worth more than it is, and thus", "## GET RID OF THIS TROUBLE.", "Now, I want to call your attention again to the $25,000. We would be glad to pay it to you for the relinquishment of the right to go south of your treaty line. We cannot talk of giving any more, because we have not any more to give that has been authorized by Congress.", "Spotted Tail. There would be no way that there should be some agreement arrived at between us in this conference. I want to have the order revoked for surveying the boundary line north of the Niobrara, and want the stakes taken up. I would like the money you are going to pay the men to make this survey to be added to what you are going to give us for this country.", "Secretary Delano. Spotted Tail must not ask what is impossible. The money is already paid.", "Spotted Tail. One word more. Those white men (pointing to several standing in the corner) have Indian wives. They belong to my tribe, and would do us good. They paid their way on here, and would like it if the Great Father would reimburse them for coming here.", "The conference then terminated, and another will be held to-day.", "## HINGTON TRIBUNE\nDAY, MAY 29, 1875.", "## RED CLOUD'S BAND.", "### Conference About Agency Matters—Professor Marsh's Charges Investigated—Agent Saville Distasteful to the Indians.", "Early yesterday morning the Indians sent word to Secretary Delano that they were not ready to resume the talk which had been begun yesterday in relation to a surrender of their lands, but that a portion of them desired to talk with the Great Father himself upon other matters.", "The President consented to see them, and named Secretary Delano's office at 3 P. M., as the time and place of meeting. Accordingly at that hour Red Cloud, Conquering Bear, American Horse, He Dog, Spotted Thunder and Crazy in the Lodge of the Red Cloud Agency, and Spotted Tail, made their appearance and were ushered into the room of Assistant Secretary Cowan.", "After some delay, during which Secretary Delano was called away from the department, the talk was commenced by Assistant Secretary Cowan, who asked who they wanted for an interpreter, and they replied Mr. Randall.", "[Mr. Randall is one of the white men who have been adopted by the tribe and recognized by the Government as an Indian, who came here at their own expense as heretofore stated.]", "### Secretary Cowan said:", "The President was not able to come to-day. He intended to, but it was impossible, and he sent word for you to talk in the presence of myself, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and Professor Marsh. We will have your words written down and will report them to the President, who will see you again and have an additional talk with you on this subject.", "We understand that you, of Red Cloud at least, wants to make some complaints about the condition of affairs at the agency, and we want to hear all he has to say. Mr. Hinman is here and can make any corrections and suggestions if he thinks there is any mistake in the interpretation.", "Red Cloud. There is something that is going on that does not please me altogether, and that is the reason we have come to have you explain it. What I first want to speak about is the Nebraska line. I also come to speak about matters about the agency. I come to see and tell my Great Father that they were some of our people last year that did not get blankets and clothing sufficient. We suffered with cold. Look at me, my Father, I am a man. My friend, I know my Great Father does not know these things.", "Red Cloud then went into a general complaint as to the quality and quantity of food furnished, and the insufficiency of clothing. The tobacco, too, was bad, and the cattle were small. In reply to a question, he said about three or four per cent. of the flour and sugar was bad; it was brought in wagons not sufficiently covered, and got wet.", "Considerable cross-questioning by the Commissioner, General Cowan, and Mr. Marsh followed, and Red Cloud appeared to be evading a direct reply, but this was subsequently explained, as owing to Mr. Randall's defective Sioux.", "Referring to the cattle spoken of by Mr. Marsh and General Bradley the Commissioner asked:", "Commissioner. Did you go with General Bradley to see some cattle?", "Red Cloud. Yes.", "Commissioner. When was that?", "Red Cloud. Then after this time.", "Commissioner. Where did you go?", "Red Cloud. I went above the agency, above the military camp.", "Commissioner. What herd of cattle did you go to?", "Red Cloud. I went to a herd that was kept on this branch by the agent.", "Commissioner. He didn't say that.", "Commissioner. Were they kept by the contractor or by the agent?", "Red Cloud. I don't know. The cattle came together. They were cattle that were left over, and were kept herded on this creek.", "Commissioner. Who was herding them?", "Red Cloud. A Mexican and a nephew of the agent.", "Commissioner. How many cattle were there?", "Red Cloud. Eight.", "Commissioner. Were these the kind; were they just such cattle as you have been receiving all winter?", "Red Cloud. The cattle that were there were the poor cattle that were left out of the herd. Those were the poor ones that were rejected.", "Commissioner. Did you tell General Bradley that those eight cattle were the kind that the agent generally gave to the Indians?", "Red Cloud. It was Red Dog that told General Bradley that the agent gave the Indians poor cattle sometimes.", "Hinman. I don't think that is right. Red Cloud says General Bradley asked if those were the cattle they had issued to them, and Red Dog said those were the kind of cattle.", "Commissioner. If General Bradley had asked you that question would you have answered that way?", "Red Cloud. Red Dog said that, and I said nothing. I am not responsible for it at all. I went out to the military camp, and Bradley asked where the cattle were kept, and he said, \"We will go there.\" Which they were driving in the herd. I was in the house, and I heard Bradley ask Red Dog if those were the cattle issued to them, and Red Dog said yes; but he meant the kind of cattle—that they were Texas cattle—but he did not refer to the quality.", "Commissioner. Do you know what became of those cattle?", "Red Cloud. The Indians took these cattle and killed them.", "Commissioner. Well, let us have that settled. Do I understand you to say that these cattle, when the contractor drove them up, were rejected by the agent?", "Red Cloud. Yes.", "Commissioner. And then these were the cattle that afterward Red Dog showed to Bradley.", "Red Cloud. Yes.", "Professor Marsh. Didn't you say that the contractor turned over these cattle to the agent, and that he issued part of them to the Indians, and that those were left in the hands of the agent, the Mexican and his nephew taking care of them?", "Red Cloud. When the cattle are brought a good many of them are left over after

The Sun, San Francisco

61

Mr. Beveridge says he knows nothing about any "medicine bill;" that the Commissioner of Indian Affairs appointed a physician to visit the Indians daily, and that the druggist who furnished the medicines ordered was paid for the same; that no medicines were included in the extras as charged.

He says his approved bills are now on file in the Interior Department, and that he knows when the whole matter shall be investigated by the Commit tee on Indian Affairs of the next House he will be paid. He also says that he furnished the Indians only upon the order of their agent, and that he holds the agent responsible for everything furnished. In regard

TO THE THEATER TICKETS.

Mr. Beveridge said the Indians are very peculiar; that they want first-class front seats or nothing, and that he had to pay $1 25 per seat for each of them when they saw Lydia Thompson and her blondes at Ford's, in this city, and that the agent desired him to do so, and approved the bill. All of the Indians now in the city received

EIGHTEEN DOLLARS EACH FOR SPENDING MONEY when they arrived here, and he says they spent it the same as they always did; that the morals of the Indians have not improved since they were last here. He also says that it is necessary to give Indians money; that if not, they will sell their moccasins or blankets, and thus raise it. Mr. Beveridge related many interesting incidents showing

THE HONESTY OF THE INDIANS, and what they think of the thieves who robbed them of nearly all of their clothing at the Tremont House a few nights since. He also gave a great deal of other information in relation to the habits of Indians, which we may in some future issue publish.

Sunday Herald

HINGTON, SUNDAY

May 30, 1875

ARIZONA INDIANS.

An Inside View of Affairs Among the Apaches.

CAMP APACHE, ARIZONA TERRITORY,

May 10, 1875.

To the Editor of the Sunday Herald;

SIR: In the issue May 1, 1875, of the Arizona Citizen, appears what is represented to be a letter, dated April 24, which we are assured by the editor comes from a reliable source. It reads as follows:

All is quiet here now under the new agent, Mr. J. P. Clum, who at present has charge of both San Carlos and this agency. Mr. Clum arrived here about the 5th of this month, to relieve ex-Agent Roberts who had lately been displaced by the military authorities and Mr. J. W. Miehley put in his place. On the 19th, Agent Clum called the Indians together and succeeded in making the first count ever made at this agency by an agent. He did this without any assistance from the military, and says he never made a more peaceable or orderly count at San Carlos. There were 1,781 Indians drawn up in line, and Mr. Clum informed them that there would be a count made every five days, and that, as he was their agent, he proposed being agent, and they need not go to the post hereafter to be counted. The Indians seemed very well pleased at this, and said they were glad to have an agent who will have some charge of their interests, and look after them himself, as they never had an agent to do so. On the following day the military authorities attempted to count the Indians as of old, but the latter refused to go to the post and no count could be made, and the attempt was given up. In a common sense view this is the natural and correct position. If these Indians are to be under civil rules while at peace, the agent should have full control over them; the business of the military with the Indians consists when the latter break away from the control of the agency. This is the theoretical order of their government, and until it is practically carried out, as we have every reason to believe it will now be, there can be no successful management of an agency. To gain respect of and command over Indians there are certain qualifications which experience has shown an agent must possess. He must have force of character and firmness; there must be the personal appearance, or power of voice or countenance to impress the Indians with a sense of his superiority or ability to command. Mr. Clum undoubtedly possesses these qualities with others, and is exactly the right man in the right place. The peo-

ple and Government may rest assured that nothing will be left undone to advance and civilize these Indians, and unless some unforeseen obstacle should arise we predict that the success with which Agent Clum has met at San Carlos, will be repeated here. The many changes and, as I believe, late bad management of this agency, have discouraged the Indians to an extent in planting, but Mr. Clum will and is urging them to put in their crops.

We have nothing to do with the above letter, so far as concerns the every-day buncombe contained in it, and the highly flattering allusions to the simply ideal of Indian agent perfectionists, but we cannot help noticing how seriously in trouble is this same reliable contributor, whenever he wishes to state facts, and we respectfully tender him our assistance. We will try, for the benefit of the public at large, to preserve these facts in their unvarnished truthfulness.

The simple announcement is made that the military authorities at Camp Apache displaced Indian Agent Roberts. The reasons growing out of a fearfully sad necessity, for taking temporary military possession of the agency, and displacing Roberts, are strangely omitted. In case of an investigation all the reasons will fully appear, and no doubt also very satisfactory, to the mind of both the editor of the *Citizen* and his "reliable" contributor.

It will further appear why, under the circumstances, the Rev. J. M. Mickly, who is the representative of the board of missions of the Reformed Church, was requested and kindly consented to act temporarily as agent.

The statement in substance that the count claimed to have been held April 19, when, as represented, all the Indians were successfully called together, needs considerable correction. At the general counts previously held by the military on the last day of each month, all the Indians, men, women, and children, are present, but in the case of the counts held every five days, the men only are present. On the day above referred to we do not think that any such general count was held at the agency when all were successfully called together; and further, the number, 1,784 Indians, represented in line there and then on that date, is the number presented in such beautiful and exact likeness which was obtained already in the general count held at the post March 31, and which was thereafter handed over by Rev. J. M. Mickly, with other papers, to the agent's clerk, Mr. Jenkins.

It is further stated, that on the following day, (April 20,) the Indians refused to go to the post, and in consequence of this the military failed in securing their usual five days' count. Quite the contrary is the case. Most all of the Indians on the post-side of the river, and also many from the other side—to the number of nearly one half—came there as usual to be counted. The remainder absented themselves only from the fact that they were not counted by the agent, some being turned back by his employees when far advanced on the way. In reply to an interrogatory from those who were at the post, after being counted, whether or not they should go to the post, the commanding officer to go over and be counted. They acted upon this accordingly. Many of those who were prevented from coming to the post after the count at the agency, came and very earnestly inquired why it was not counted. The agent said, "I know, sir, I know, sir," and then the commandant to come as usual to be counted. They said the agent told them they must not come; but they could not understand this, as they had been in the habit of coming for this purpose willingly and for several years back.

The closing paragraph in this letter from the "reliable source" needs considerable correction, wherein it is said the Indians have been, to an extent, discouraged in their planting. But Mr. Clum will and is urging them to put in their crops. Immediately after Rev. J. M. Mickly took temporary charge, as requested, of the agency, he employed a large force at work, including regular details of the Indians. Lands were allotted to them, and a large number of the lands were being cultivated. They were loaned them, old equivales were repaired, new ones taken out, and already a larger extent of land plowed, harrowed, and finely prepared than, according to their own calculation, only communications were done before. On account of this tangible interest in their behalf the Indians themselves also began to exhibit such interest and desire to plant largely and raise crops as they had never done before. But the fact is, April 20, 1875, was the "reliable" contributor—when Mr. Clum arrived, little or nothing had been done for the Indians in this particular. On the contrary, they are allowed to roam at large, and many are at least from fifty to sixty miles from the agency. All this being the case, the urgency in having them put in their crops is not so apparent, while their interest in the same being decidedly on the wane, is much more certain. The suc-

cess of Mr. Clum at the San Carlos reservation, so far as obtained, was well provided for, in the fact that those Indians were thoroughly whipped and completely disarmed upon leaving the reservation and going upon the war path, and in the case of an accession there lately of the Verde Indians, Mr. Clum's reason for having those disarmed was to place them on the same footing with the others. Under the present state of things, and with the attempt to remove these "White Mountain" Apaches, an outbreak is very likely to occur. It will then be known how far they have been pleased, and who is accountable for such outbreak.

It is very well understood that there should be the greatest harmony between the military and Indian agencies, to the end that peace and good order may be preserved among the Indians, and for the safety and protection of the settlers. Generally speaking, this harmony exists where military posts and Indian agencies are near each other, and under it there is a perfect good will and understanding. The two branches of Government act in concert and so carry out the wishes of higher authorities. But it must be frankly admitted that there can be no real equality in one to unduly extol another and thereby distort the truth.

Will they do it?

Nash, Chronicle
May 30, 1875

From all appearances it looks as though the negotiations for the surrender of the Black Hills country by the Indians will be successful, and that an amicable understanding will be agreed upon to secure to them peaceful possession of their homes in Dakota. This appears to suit both sides, and the probability is that such will be the result of the grand interview to take place tomorrow between the delegation and the Secretary of the Interior and Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Whatever is the result of this negotiation, it is hoped that the Government will carry out its part of it in good faith, and cease to allow these people to be made the victims of plunder and bloodshed. We are well aware that the Indian must give way to the superior and more advanced civilization of the white man, and that the development of this continent must in no way be restricted by false theories of Indian policy, but at the same time common humanity demands that in dealing with this question we do not lose sight of the fact that the same principles of justice and equity which govern all things else should also be wisely kept in view. The responsibility of the Indian is no greater than that of our own. We have used him long enough for speculation and crime, and why not now show some similarity of trying to aid him in the improvement of his condition? Let us at least endeavor to win back his confidence by acts of fair-dealing, and so assure him of our sincerity that he will cease to doubt our word. We can easily afford to do this, and in the end accomplish all that is necessary to satisfy the growing wants of our people. But in order to do this the Government must be sincere, and when it makes a treaty see that all its conditions are truthfully carried out; and, our word for it, just so soon as the Indian is made to understand this, our troubles with him will cease. But the first step toward this is to win back his confidence, and this once accomplished the balance will be easily managed. All

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the subject, has made the proposition of removal, which, should it prove successful, will render a greater good to both the Indians and General Government than any other course could possibly have accomplished.

The second proposition, which was made for the purpose of obviating the troubles between the whites and Sioux which are constantly occurring in the country bordering on the North Platte, has been for a time rejected. They have refused to sign the agreement to relinquish their hunting privileges in Nebraska until they have talked with their warriors at home. The $25,000 which is to be given them as an equivalent for the relinquishment of this right cannot be drawn from the Treasury after the 1st of July, and as it will require nearly twelve days for them to reach home the probabilities are that, through their superstitious fears and innate obstinacy, the appropriation will be lost to them, and the present negotiations prove unsuccessful.

The Sioux delegation will leave Washington, in all probability, to day, without having concluded any arrangement either regarding their title to the Black Hills region or the acceptance of the Congressional bonus in return for the proposed abandonment by them of their Nebraska hunting grounds. All the way through they have given evidence of a malignant and contrary spirit, and have refused to accept the generous terms offered by the Government. In short, they have been controlled during the entire negotiation by a desperate ring of unprincipled traders, whose selfish interests can alone be served by the Indians remaining on the Black Hills reservation. No doubt these plunderers prompted Red Cloud to insist that the money appropriated for the purchase of presents should be paid directly into his hands. In the face of these facts, however, the sub-detectives of the Detective press will charge that the Administration has been governed by a desire to advance the interests of an imaginary "ring."

## SECRET NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE INDIANS.

Several of our contemporaries criticise the administration for the exclusion of the representatives of the press from the council chamber in certain official interviews with the Sioux Indians, now in this city. They appear to consider it a discourtesy which some of them attribute to the President, and others charge on the Secretary of the Interior. These writers manifest deficient information as to the usages of the Government in such matters.

In all mere ceremonial interviews between the officials of the Government and the representatives of the Indian tribes who occasionally visit Washington, the public, including of course the representatives of the press, have always been admitted, but all strictly business consultations

of a diplomatic character have generally heretofore been conducted in private; the results only being given to the public. Nothing further in this respect has occurred in the recent negotiations. It would be little more unreasonable to complain that Secretary Fish does not invite the representatives of the press to be present at all interviews with the representatives of other Governments. Even private gentlemen, in negotiating purchases and sales in the line of their business pursuits, sometimes find the presence of outside parties undesirable. The diplomatic intercourse of organized communities with each other is often still more delicate. This is especially so when one of the contracting parties is vastly superior to the other in numbers, wealth, and power. The feeble party is almost certain to be excessively sensitive to outside interference.

In this case danger to the public interests from secrecy would be impossible, as any arrangements entered into between the Government and the Indian tribes, under existing laws, must necessarily be summitted to Congress for ratification, where the discussion would be public.

## ABORIGINAL POLITICS.

Nobody need suppose that the Indian Chiefs now negotiating at Washington are such untutored children of Nature that they have no knowledge of politics. Indian politics, it is true, differ somewhat from the variety known among white men. But in all essential particulars, the points of similarity are striking and numerous. At home, the rival chiefs may be more outspoken in their jealousy of each other than when in Washington, where a common exigency unites them. But, even in their talks with the President, Secretary, and other officials, their petty rivalries are apparent. Of the leaders, RED CLOUD represents the Ogallala Sioux, and SPOTTED TAIL the Brulé Sioux, while SITTING BULL appears for the Northern Sioux, who have only a contingent interest in pending negotiations. The nominal chieftain of the Ogallala Sioux is the OLD MAN AFRAID OF HIS HORSES. This chief is very old and infirm, and as he can no longer lead his braves upon the warpath or in the chase, nor bring into camp large spoil to divide, is practically displaced by RED CLOUD, a vigorous Indian now in his prime. RED CLOUD is a redoubtable warrior, of fine presence, great natural abilities, and endowed with a certain eloquence which makes him influential in aboriginal politics. He leads the braves on the war-path, and has performed many daring exploits in the face of the enemy, (both white and red,) which have fired the administration and ambition of the young men. He easily disputes, by right of suffrage, the sway of the partly-superannuated OLD MAN AFRAID OF HIS HORSES. The hereditary chief of this branch of the tribe is, or

should be, the YOUNG MAN AFRAID OF HIS HORSES, who is now in Washington, and who is the son of the OLD MAN, &c., above mentioned. This young brave, who is in some sort an Indian Edward the Black Prince, is likely to give RED CLOUD a hard fight for the chieftainship of the Ogallallas, if his life is spared, which is by no means certain, as Indian politicians have a way of getting rid of rivals which repeats the history of medieval times in Europe. SPOTTED TAIL is Chief of the Brulé Sioux, and is now chiefly anxious to distinguish himself as a diplomatist for the admiration of his people at home. So far, he has succeeded admirably, and has proved himself able and shrewd. SWORD is one of RED CLOUD's first warriors, and is son-in-law of that chieftain.

It is easy to see how, with their free system of politics, the chiefs of Indian tribes are continually surrounded by intrigues and cabals. Whenever there arises an occasion which calls the head men to Washington, there is bitter strife to see who shall go. The opportunity is one which may make or unmake a chief, or an aspirant for chieftainship. Once there, these wily politicians resort to precisely the same arts that are thought to be the disgrace of American legislation and politics. Each aboriginal statesman desires to cut a good figure—not in the newspapers, for his constituents do not read the newspapers—but in the eyes of the watchful followers who will report to the home lodges all that is said and done with an accuracy that will make impossible any "cards" of denial or explanation, or "statements," from the men who have assumed the honors and responsibilities of leadership. SPOTTED TAIL seems to have excelled in this sort of diplomacy, to the discomfiture of RED CLOUD, whose eloquence is more in the ore rotundo manner, say like that of Gen. N. P. BANKS. His rival in the palaver now going on, SPOTTED TAIL, shows great wit and shrewdness. Some of his hits remind one of the genial Congressman, S. S. Cox. For example, when the "Big White Chief" pictured to the sardonic band the beauties and attractions of the Indian Territory, and kindly advised them to move into that terrestrial paradise, SPOTTED TAIL replied that he and his people were born in their present home; that they desired to be buried there; and, if the Indian Territory was so desirable a country, why should not the Great Father send there his white children who were anxious to get into the Black Hills? RED CLOUD, on the other hand, has made at least one ignominous failing. And when he failed, it made a good point where he had an opportunity, his friends explained that it was owing to "too much whiskv." Of course, this lanse was a welcome chance to the YOUNG MAN AFRAID OF HIS HORSES, who heads the opposition to RED CLOUD. Possibly some of our readers will recollect politicians at Washington and Albany who have needed similar friendly excuses to be made for them when their constituents have asked troublesome questions.

Quartermaster's Departments. He fully explained the extravagance and irresponsibility of the present mode of managing this branch of the Indian Office. He said that the purchase of these supplies in New York, and their shipment several thousand miles by rail; water or wagon to their destination in the Indian country, was very expensive; that the army had facilities for transacting the business in an economical and responsible way, which would save hundreds of thousands of dollars to the Government annually. It was asserted by him that this would not interfere with the operations of the departments in other matters, nor would it embarrass the adoption of any civilizing and missionary influences.

Secretary Delano, however, did not take kindly to the idea. The reason is obvious. During Mr. Lincoln's administration the Indian service cost $16,034,798.92, from 1861 to 1865, inclusive. During the last five years of Grant, from 1870 to 1874, inclusive, it cost $32,540,531.38, with a far less number of Indians to feed and clothe. The difference of expenditure between the two, $16,506,032, represents the amount stolen by the Ring and its confederates, or about $3,500,000 in round numbers every year. No wonder that Delano, Cowan, and the whole crowd, who went to Washington in 1869, too poor to buy a dog, can now splurge as shoddy princes and boast of being millionaires. Of course, the Secretary of Inteiror believes that the good old plan, which has brought so much grist to his mill is the best, and thinks that all the reforms Prof. Marsh claims could be better secured through the War Department, can be accomplished through the Indian office, with the aid of some additional legislation.

It is reported that the President is content to give the army an opportunity of making the experiment, by taking control of the supply of the Indians, provided the necessary legislation was passed by Congress. We cannot see how this would mend matters. After years of experience in both departments, we would not give a toss of a nickel for the difference. In both departments contracts are given out to the highest bidder, instead of the lowest, and millions of dollars thus stolen from the Treasury are divided among somebody. The occurrence of such frauds has been so frequent, and the sums so large and the gross injustice to contractors so conspicuous, not to be known and fully understood by the several departments. It may be that when the Black Hills robbery is consummated that the gold and precious metals found there will in some measure satisfy the cupidity of the Washington Ring, and that they will let up on transportation contracts as affording dividends so meagre as to be beneath the bonanza earnings of the rich territory of the dispossessed Sioux.

Seriously, this whole system of feeding and caring for the Indians is a blot on civilization and a disgrace to the Republic. It is a constant source of corruption, and out of the large sums of money annually appropriated for this service not ten per cent. ever reaches the Indian.

It is natural for the inquiry to be started how long Columbus Delano will be retained in a position where he and his confederates have brought so much dishonor on the administration, and have become millionaires at the expense of blood and horrid cruelty? How long will it be necessary for his continuance as Secretary to vindicate himself?

# LETTER FROM BISHOP HARE.

## THE BLACK HILLS AND THE SIOUX.

PHILADELPHIA, June 8, 1875.

THE presence of a large delegation of Sioux Chiefs and Head men at the East will, perhaps, gain for a few words of appeal a hearing which under other circumstances I might not hope to get. I should not presume to seek it but that residence among the Sioux, and frequent trips through the Indian country as a Missionary Bishop of the Episcopal Church, and two journeys into the vicinity of that part of the country known as the "Black Hills," have made me familiar with some facts that may not be generally known.

These Sioux Chiefs represent a people numbering about 35,000, who in the past have been among the fiercest of the meat-eating Tribes of the North-west. The Chiefs are all of them famous themselves for prowess in past years upon the war-path. They accepted some years ago, however, treaty relations with our Government, and may be said, all things considered, to have observed in a commendable degree the obligations then assumed. They stand, therefore, midway between the Northern Sioux, some 10,000 in number, who yet maintain an attitude of utter independence, and those Sioux on the Missouri River who have begun to erect houses, till the ground, and wear the white man's dress, and who have been gathered into schools and churches and have learned to read and write.

No one who has mingled among the Sioux Indians can doubt that, however far short of his wishes their present condition may be, it is strikingly in advance of what it was a few years ago. Civilization has been effecting slow but real victories; Missions have been advancing; children are being gathered into schools; and Christian women, engaged in the Mission work, are to-day living undisturbed in districts where, but five years ago, few white men, except squaw-men, would have dared to show their faces.

But, unfortunately for the trust and quiet which such efforts engender and in which they flourish, the Sioux, like Naboth in Sacred History and

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the poor man in Nathan's Parable, own something very dear to them which a more powerful neighbor covets. It is the country known as the *Black Hills* of Dakota. The Indians' attachment to it is a passion. And well it may be; for this district is the kernel of their nut, the yolk of their egg. While the rest of their Reservation is "a dry and thirsty land where no water is," this hill country is reported as abounding in "fountains and wells that spring out of valleys and hills." While many of the streams outside of these Hills I know to be in summer nauseously tepid, turbid and alkaline, the streams in the Hills are said to be, even in the hottest weather, deliciously cool and always sweet and crystal clear. While most of the rest of their land is sun-baked and blasted by scorching siroccos, these Hills are reported as attracting frequent showers. While much of the rest of their land is utterly denuded of all soil, and the famous "Mauvaises terres," or Bad Lands, of Dakota occupy large stretches of it, the soil of the valleys in these Hills is reported to be rich and deep, and carpeted with grass and flowers. And while much of the rest of their Reserve is utterly treeless and the traveler seeks in vain, as I know by experience, for wood enough to heat water to make a cup of coffee with, these Hills are well covered with elm and oak and pine. In the opinion of four gentlemen, all of them familiar with the country, with whom I conversed a few days ago, the timber (the only fuel for the Indian in a climate where the winters are long and the mercury ranges from 10 to 40 degrees below zero for weeks together) will, at the present rate of consumption, have all disappeared in less than ten or fifteen years. Manifestly no one needs these well-timbered Hills so much as their present possessor, their rightful owner.

But what rights has an Indian? Three years ago an expedition was projected and partially organized in Dakota for the purpose of seizing upon this Territory. Happily, the Executive, in this instance, acted with great decision; a proclamation was issued warning evil-disposed persons of the determination of the Government to prevent the outrage, and troops were set in motion to deal effectively with the marauders. Thus checked, rapacity slumbered, until a year ago, when a military ex-pedition having penetrated the Black Hills and inflamed our cupidity with stories of its wealth, bands of reckless adventurers began to invade the Sioux country (thus far, thank God, only to be captured by the mili-tary); many others hover on its borders; our cities from the Missouri to the Atlantic are placarded with "Gold! Gold! Gold! Ho! for the

15

3

Black Hills.” And the excitement and, the pressure are so great that even the President of the United States, to whom I would pay a grateful tribute as the tried friend of the Indian, thinks it wise to succumb and to try to direct the storm which he cannot resist, and is obliged, with other friends of the Indians, in the effort to see that the evil is done as gently as possible, to play what may seem to some the *role* of *particeps criminis*.

The only plea which the proposed effort to obtain this country from the unwilling Indians can make with any force is this: that civilization having driven the game from the plains, the Indians have become dependent for their food on the bounty of the white man's government, and that, being "beggars," they must not be "choosers." Whether this apology will avail, in view of all that the white man has already taken away from the Indians, let the kind and just determine.

The other plea under which the proposed effort seeks cover, viz., that barbarism has no right to hold back vast areas of land from the tillage of the needy settler, is, in this case, entirely without point. The chief sinners in this line are not Indians, but white speculators who have bought up land, and hold it by the 10,000 acres, to the exclusion of the needy. And, in the next place, it is an entire mistake to suppose that the area occupied by these Sioux Indians is vast. Their Reservation, adding in the neutral lands which bound it on the south and west, is only about 400 miles square. Their Reservation proper is not 250 miles square; of this, as I have shown, a large portion is an utterly inhospitable waste. In God's name, I ask, may not the Sioux, who number some 35,000 souls, enjoy the occupation of the pitiful remainder? That they will willingly surrender it, driven to the wall as they already are, is, I fear, a *fond* hope. But if they will, manifestly we should be prepared to pay them so liberally and judiciously that the loss of this part of their land shall redound to their good. As, however, these Indians are a brave and warlike people; as they love their home passionately; and as all the past has revealed to them that the white man has no pity—we should not be surprised, if, insisting now on buying with money what the Indian does not wish to sell, we drive him to frenzy, our covetous enterprise end in massacre, and we pay for the Indians' land less in money than in blood.

WILLIAM H. HARE,

*Missionary Bishop of Niobrara.*

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meager quantities, and of the very poorest quality. It is the general testimony of the officers that the beef which forms the staple of the supplies for rations is of the most wretched quality, costing the contractors, according to the report of Lieutenant-Colonel Neill, only $1.60 per 100 pounds, and being in many cases unfit to eat. The sugar and coffee are the cheapest and meanest to be found, and the flour received at Fort Sill was utterly incapable of being made into bread that any white man could eat. Even the Indians, who are not fastidious in the matter of food and were in a starving condition, threw most of it away. It is understood that the prices paid by the Government are sufficient to ensure a good quality of provisions if the contractors were men with consciences. Not only are the supplies of this miserable character, but they are forwarded so irregularly that not enough can be doled out to keep the Indians from starving, even though they could make use of all that is given them. Excuses have been thrown out to the effect that bad roads had hindered transportation, but these reports show that there has been little difference at times when transportation was easiest, and General Pope says there has been no time when it has not been easy to forward supplies intended for the troops promptly and in good condition.

The difficulty does not seem to lie with the Indian agents, for, according to the testimony of the officers, these men do the best they can with what is furnished them; but the rascally contractors evidently regard the wants of the Indians as furnishing them an opportunity for plunder. They receive the Government money, intended to secure sufficient supplies for the Indian agencies, and then disburse the smallest possible portion of it in obtaining the cheapest provisions that they can find, and forward them when and how they please. Meantime the Indians are starving and cursing the Government. If they are driven in their desperation to thieving and making depredations, it is not a matter to be wondered at. If an Indian war should grow out of their dissatisfaction and its consequences, the responsibility will not rest altogether on them. The wisdom of supporting Indians at the agencies as paupers may be questioned, but if the Government gathers them there and promises to feed them it should see that the promise is fulfilled.

The facts have been reported to the Indian Bureau and the Department of the Interior before, but instead of rectifying the wrong and taking measures to bring contractors to an accountability, a policy of extenuation and explanation has been adopted. It is high time that some of the vigor and honesty which has been brought into the Treasury and Post Office Departments should be introduced into the Department of the Interior, and especially in the administration of Indian affairs. If a man can be found with comprehension enough to effect a vigorous organization of this business of taking care of the Government interest in the Indians, and with energy and integrity to compel an honest administration of its concerns, the services of that man should be secured. There has been a continuous mud-dile in the administration of Indian affairs for years, and it is quite time that order and efficiency were brought out of the chaos of corruption and incompetency.

M.Y. AND M.Y. NEW YORK

## ASTARVATION OF INDIANS

### WHAT THE SOLDIERS SAW LAST WINTER.
REPORTS OF ARMY OFFICERS ABOUT THE LACK OF FOOD AT INDIAN AGENCIES—INDIFFERENCE OF THE INDIAN DEPARTMENT—POOR QUALITY OF THE FLOUR FURNISHED.

FROM AN OCCASIONAL CORRESPONDENT OF THE TRIBUNE.

WASHINGTON, June 20.—The Interior Department has received, through the Secretary of War, the following reports from Gen. Pope, and officers serving in his Military Department, concerning the question of Indian supplies for the tribes in the region of Fort Sill and Wichita. These reports are forwarded by Lieut.-Gen. Sheridan with his approval. Aside from the regular appropriation of $300,000 for feeding these Indians, Congress, just before its last adjournment, made an extra appropriation of $300,000 for the same purpose, and provided that it should be immediately available. The reports are as follows:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI.

Col. R. C. DUNN, Assistant Adjutant-General, Military

Division of the Missouri, Chicago, 1875.

COLONEL: In addition to the report of Lieut.-Col. J. B. Hatell, 4th Cavalry, forwarded on the 17th ult., I have the honour to report to the President the command of officers at the Wichita, and at the Cheyenne and Arapahoe agencies. These reports are to the same effect as to the supply of food and water. The report, while not denying the facts, has been misled into attributing them to failure of factors to get forward supplies for the Indians on account of bad roads and bad weather. The report is not to be construed into an order to the Indians to get forward supplies for the Indians on account of bad roads and bad weather and bad roads, so far as relates to supplies which must be hauled in wagons, such as flour, salt, etc., but, of course, not satisfactory as to their quality, and condition; least of all could such explanation cover the case of the beef cattle, which could have been readily driven anywhere at any time of the year and in almost any weather which is likely to prevail in a region so far south. This fact is, however, as reported by all these officers, that this scarcity of food has existed nearly ever since the beginning of the present fiscal year, viz., July 1, 1874. How much longer this condition of affairs obtained is not stated. During the whole Summer and Autumn of 1874 the roads were in excellent order, and at no time during the past Winter, except in the spring, have any difficulties in supplying the Indians at the Cheyenne and Arapahoe Agency, as well as the Indians who surrendered there at various times during the Winter, with all they wanted.

If the scarcity of food had been confined to the four or five months of bad weather and bad roads, this explanation might be moderately satisfactory so far as relates to supplies which must be hauled in wagons, such as flour, salt, etc., but, of course, not satisfactory as to their quality, and condition; least of all could such explanation cover the case of the beef cattle, which could have been readily driven anywhere at any time of the year and in almost any weather which is likely to prevail in a region so far south. This fact is, however, as reported by all these officers, that the scarcity of food has existed nearly ever since the beginning of the present fiscal year, viz., July 1, 1874. How much longer this condition of affairs obtained is not stated. During the whole Summer and Autumn of 1874 the roads were in excellent order, and at no time during the past Winter, except in the spring, have any difficulties in supplying the Indians at the Cheyenne and Arapahoe Agency, as well as the Indians who surrendered there at various times during the Winter, with all they wanted.

Indeed, we could as readily have sent five times as many as we have been, but it does not appear at all likely that the officers who make the enclosed reports can have any purpose in stating the facts other than to perform their duty. The facts they do state are true, or they are not true. If true, it is certainly the interest of the Interior Department to accept and act upon them at once and vigorously. The only steps should be taken to prove in order that the officers who report them may be held to accountability. In the face of the reports of these military officers on the ground, and whose great apprehension is that under the pressure of hunger and suffering the Indians may again go off, and demand that we cannot entertain a doubt that they have reported truly, and have rather understated than overstated the facts. I send forward these reports, having no doubt whatever of their truth, in order that the authorities in Washington may know the facts and take immediate measures to protect the honor and good faith of the Government, and save these unfortunate Indians from wrong and suffering revolting to humanity. Who can blame them, if, rather than starve to death, and see their women and children suffer, they should suffer, they should suffer, and in slow process of starvation, they break away and get food for them in any manner and as soon as they can. I had supposed, of course, that all such facts would be gratefully received by that Department of the Government which would be so kind to the officers who report them. Would it not be合理 to require the witnesses to such transactions, and use prompt and vigorous measures to redress the wrong and bring the wrongdoer to punishment. If I may be permitted to judge from what is set forth in the newspaper reports and dispatches, however, as to the Interior Department, it should seem that I am mistaken in this view, and that any one who reports such things, even although it be his duty to do so, is looked upon by that Department with a feeling which cannot be called grateful. It would not do to attack any department of the Government, nor any official personage connected therewith. A state of facts seriously involving the honor and good faith of the United States, endangering important public interests, and working shockingly to thousands of human beings, no man is justified in withholding from the knowledge of the Government. Least of all has any army officer, responsible for

the results of such transactions, both the Government and the frontier settlers whose lives are endangered thereby, and having any sense whatever of his obligation to an officer or as a human being, the right to direct him in direction permit the highest officer of the Government to remain in ignorance of transactions dishonoring to the nation and adherent to humanity. I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant.

JOHN POPE, Brevet Major-General U. S. A., Commanding.

REPORT OF LIEUT. KYLE.

To the Post Adjutant, Fort Sill, I. T., April 27, 1875.

SIR: I have the honour to report the following facts, which came under my observation while stationed at Wichita Agency, I. T. There are now at that agency 1,500 or 2,000 Pawnee Indians, who, I understand, are there temporarily. The agent is not there, and has not been since they first arrived. These Indians are now in a starving condition. They have nothing issued them but beef, and that is not enough to keep them two days. Their robes, procured by them while on their road to Nebraska, are all gone, and they have nothing to barter for provisions. I finally knew a poor squaw who was so weak that she fell by the roadside while on her way to camp. She even gather the corn left in the sand by the horses fed there.

It seems to me to be a disgrace to the Government that such a state of things should exist. The agent at Wichita is I do not believe to blame, but in impotence the fanit is above him. The Indians belonging to the reservation have had nothing issued to them since January, and they are absent as hungry and starved as the Pawnees. If any of these should take to the prairie it will be to save themselves from starvatio. They have worked this spring hard and faithfully with a coarsely dressed man a day. Under such circumstances and drawbacks a white man would give up in disgust. You cannot argue with them the "why" and "wherefore," but they say, "I want to eat." There is now a little road to the road for that Agency, but none of it is for the Pawnees; and it is issued, if they get none (and they will not) I am afraid there may be some trouble.

It is correctly informed (and I believe I am) the contract for flour is made for the delivery of the cars at Kansas City, Mo. On the receipted bill of lading of the car, gets his pay, and the transportation contract is made in such a way that the contractor may haul the stores when he gets ready—in the mean time the Indians are the suffers. I make this report, deciding it necessary that the military authorities should know what stands, so that in case any of the Indians at the Wichita Agency (who are peacefully inclined) should take to the prairie, it may not be claimed by the Agents that such was caused by the interference of the military authorities. Very respectfully, your obedient servant.

W. J. KYLE, First Lieut. 11th U. S. Inf.

Approved by R. S. Mackenzie, 4th Cavalry.

REPORT OF LIEUT.-COL. NEILL.

To: Lieut.-Col. R. WILLIAMS, Assistant Adjutant-General U. S. A., Headquarters Department of the Missouri,

of Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.

COLONEL: I have the honour to report, in accordance with instructions received this day from the General commanding the Department, that I was in command at Cheyenne Agency, I. T., of all troops operating against the Indians from Aug. 15, 1874, to April 29, 1875, from that point. During this time I had, and constant opportunities of observing the manner in which the friendly Arapahoes and Cheyennes have been fed and cared for by the Indian Agent John D. Miles. The Indians referred to are those who remained peacefully on their reservation.

Ever since my arrival at the Agency the Indians above referred to have been poorly and irregularly fed with insufficient rations of a very inferior character, and especially the beef, which was simply outrageous and cost the Indian Department only $1.64 per 100 pounds. About the 16th of January, 1875, the Indian Agent was obliged to send aid from the Agency 1,760 friendly Arapahoes and about 200 friendly Cheyennes on a buffalo hunt for 70 days to prevent starvation.

This failure to feed these Indians by the Indian Department is a proper and sufficient ground for dissent and suspicion of unfair dealing, and in my opinion, a fruitful cause of Indians leaving their reservations and going on the warpath. The ration allowed by the Indian Department is too small to prevent hunger, and was made, with the expectation that the Indian would derive a portion of the subsistence from hunting, which he does not do, on his reservation. The ration, small as it is, is supplied at irregular and uncertain times, from the failure of Chief Factor Graham to have supplies from Caddo. This course has, however, been frequently exposed to the Interior Department, and means have been suggested to remedy this evil. No such steps have been taken; the evil is as great as ever, and the friendly Indians above referred to frequently ask the Indian Agent how much longer he is going to afford their difficulties and rations. I deem it an act of justice to Agent John D. Miles to say that he is in no wise individually responsible for the want of food for these Indians, that they depreciates the shameful administration of transportation and the great expense of the Department, and that he has done all he could to represent the condition of affairs and have it changed. He does not attempt to conceal the failure. Nevertheless, this glaring failure and neglect to feed the Indians by the Interior Department exists now, and is getting worse every day, and it is a great shame and reproach upon every man of the Government which has been pledged to feed these Indians. One word more. These Indians have been properly cared for in every other respect, so far as the means were furnished to the Agent. Canvas was promised him—it never arrived; annuities of

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larly favorable. My experience has convinced me that these people have been more sinned against than sinning, and that instead of being universally condemned for their misdeeds they deserve infinite credit for their forbearance under long-continued abuse and injustice.

The result of my experience is that in every case of Indian outbreak, of raids, murders, or other outrages committed by them, if we investigate the matter thoroughly and penetrate to the root of the evil, we will invariably find a white man. I do not pretend to be an admirer of the Indian; far from it. But, unless one resolutely shuts his eyes to transactions of daily occurrence about us here, or is dead to the barest principles of justice, he can only admit that the Indians in this district are enduring oppression that the meanest spirited whites would rather die than tolerate. It is no exaggeration to say that some of these Indians are literally starving, and in this assertion. I do not hesitate to say that I will be supported by any white man, civil or military, now at this agency, and not in some way connected with the Indian Department.

Within two miles of the military post of Camp Robinson is a village of about 200 lodges. Arrapahoes. These Indians are quiet, peaceable, poorly armed, and have only a few ponies. As this country is desultory of game, they are entirely dependent for food on the agency here. They are supposed to receive every tenth day rations of pork, flour, coffee, sugar, and tobacco. They have not received any rations since May 30, the issue of which daily consisting of salt pork and tobacco, and of that day'sration, was of that day'sration, was clearly inferior quality, and, I am told by the Indians, they are the usual ration. The same day they received a few small steers, the first in twenty days. They are thronging the post and cavalry camp here begging for bread, meat, or any article of food. Men and women visit the back yards and slop barrels, and eat with the mostणuSCRAPES as they can gather. For three successive days, I have seen them around a pit into which my cook throws the refuse of his kitchen, fishing out bacon rinds, potato parrings, dry crusts of bread, old bones -anything that can be eaten. A fine looking man, with handsome gray hair hanging over his shoulders, can to me this morning with two $2 bills in his hand, which he offered me, saying in broken English, "swap, meat, coffee, flour." I told him I had none to "swap," and recommended him to the agent. He replied, "He got none-no meat, no flour; none, none." I told him to the trader. With a discouraged gesture he replied (what I knew), "No, he got none." I told him I could do nothing for him. With a correspondent, almost despairing air he said: "I got six papooses, six holding up as many fingers]-one, two, three sleep; he eat none, none. Agent, he got none; trader, he got none. He say, train come to-morrow. I go to-morrow, train no come. He say come to-morrow. I go to-morrow, train no come, I dunno. My six papooses he eat none-one, two, three sleep."

I rarely give to these people. While there can be no question to their fitness as subjects of charity, self-preservation is the first law of nature. It is said that a soldier cannot expect to possess all the cardinal virtues for $13 a month. Much less then can you expect to find out the virtues in starving Indians. The Indians are with them. He comes next day and brings half a dozen crones. If you give to them you have twenty next day, and so regular proportion until you would soon have an entire tribe on your hands, and having received from you once, they seem to feel injured if you refuse them on a second application. But the old man's distress was too much for my hard heart, and my cook gave him what he could find. He offered to pay for it, and when the money was refused, with an emphatic "How, how," he started off at a great pace for the village and his "six papooses."

His case is one of hundreds. They are starving and their papooses are starving. They have ponies that they want to "swap," and money that they want to play for provisions, but the provisions are not to be had. The agent has none, the trader has none. The post commissioner is not allowed to sell to them, and they are not allowed to go off the reservation to buy. If they were allowed, the nearest market is 75 miles away.

So they are come to starve. The children are perfect little skeletons, arms and legs like pipe-stems, and faces bony, gaunt, and old looking, with an ashy, unnatural had of one them, a little three-year-old half-breed child with lovely brown eyes, light hair, and fair complexion at the post to-day trying to trade him off for a sack of flour. Now, somebody is certainly to blame for this state of affairs. Something is responsible for the starving of these people. They have submitted to the authority of the Government, and this is their reward. Who can blame them if, starved into desperation, they leave their reser- vation, they kill cattle that do not belong to them, and shoot a man who resists the trader. Would not you be tempted to do the same thing under similar circumstances, Mr. Editor?

Red Cloud Agency, Neb., June 11, 1875. N.A.

INVESTIGATION OF INDIAN GOODS.

THE PRACTICE BEGUN BY THE OLD BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS.

To the Editor of The Tribune.

SIR: I would respectfully call your attention to a local article in THE TRIBUNE of yesterday, giving certain statements of the Commissioners of Indian Affairs in regard to the inspection of goods purchased for the use of the Indians. It is so unfair to the gentlemen of the old Board of Commissioners, and so untrue, that it ought to be contradicted. It says the goods never were inspected before being shipped, and that local inspection was no protection against fraud. It is a fact well known that the old Board introduced the system of inspection, that it secured the very best men for the purpose, and that everything was carefully inspected and compared with the "samples before being received, every bill being marked "inspected." The samples were carefully kept, extra caution being exercised to prevent any change in them. During the last year under the old Board, Hoyt, Spence & Co. had about 100,000 yards of prints re- turned as not according to sample, Claflin & Co. had one piece short reported in 100,000 yards, and 10 per cent was taken off of a bill for knives as not according to sample. It is no use to try and cover up frauds by getting up such statements.

Had the President listened to the report of the Board a year and a half ago, all this newspaper trouble, the report of "a Mr. Marsh, of Red Cloud," and of army officers, would have been avoided. Thomas K. Craig, K. C. T. Washington, June 25, 1875. Sec. Board of Ind. Com.

AY MORNING, JULY 2

Washington, July 25,

CURRENT CAPITAL TOPICS.

DEBT STATEMENT FOR THE FISCAL YEAR.

REDUCTION OF OVER FOURTEEN MILLIONS.

A MR. MARSH AND THE RED CLOUD AGENCY.

STAMPS ON DRAFTS ON FOREIGN COUNTRIES

Mexican Coasting Trade in Foreign Vessels Forbidden, Except in Certain Cases - Awards of Contracts for Life-Saving Stations-Financial Affairs -Payments for the Month - Changes in the Treasury, &c.

The Red Cloud Agency.

Some three months since Prof. Marsh, of New Haven, brought to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and afterwards to the President samples which Red Cloud had given him in November last of supplies which Red Cloud said were being issued to him. Neither Prof. Marsh nor any one else has claimed that they were in any way fair samples of the supplies furnished. On the contrary, Red Cloud while here and in the presence of Prof. Marsh declared that the articles which he gave Prof. M. were not samples of the supplies which he generally received, but only of a very small portion of them. But the affair, being given to the independent press, has been made the text for bitter attack upon the Indian Bureau, and abuse of the Secretary of the Interior. The Secretary immediately called for an investigation of the complaints, and asked the Board of Indian Commissioners to name persons suitable for this duty. Gen. Fisk, chairman of the board, nominated Senator Morrill and Mr. Babcock, president of the New York Board of Commerce, and these gentlemen being unable to serve, finally secured the consent of ex. Gov. Bullock, of Massachusetts, and ex. Gov. Fletcher, of Missouri, and George W. Lane, vice president of the Chamber

of Commerce, to go upon the commission. Their instructions have been forwarded to them, and Prof. Marsh has been notified of their appointment, and again asked to put his complaint in writing, which occur to the parties who have been so eager to charge fraud and corruption upon Indian management that this bold method of investigation is little likely to be pursued by the head of a Department who is desirous to conceal anything wrong in his subordinates. The appointment of such gentlemen as Messrs. Bullock, Fletcher and Lane to investigate the Red Cloud agency is a sure indication that Secretary Delano desires to arrive at the truth of the matter, and find fraud, if any exists.

The following letter has been written to Prof. Marsh on this subject:

THE COMMISSIONER TO PROF. MARSH.

DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR,
OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS,
WASHINGTON, D. C., July 1, 1875.

Professor G. C. Marsh, Yale Scientific School, New Haven, Conn.

SIR: At the request of the Honorable Secretary of the Interior, the Board of Indian Commissioners have nominated as a committee to investigate affairs at Red Cloud Agency, Hon. A. H. Bullock, of Worcester, Mass.; Hon. Thos. C. Fletcher, of St. Louis, Mo.; Hon. Hon. Geo. W. Lane, of New York City; and it is understood that these gentlemen have accepted the service to which they have been invited.

In preparing instructions for their guidance, I have not been able to furnish them with complaints against the Red Cloud Agency administration, except in a general way, as detailed to me by yourself at several interviews, but I have informed them of the request of the Secretary that you reduce these complaints to a written statement, to be accompanied with such proofs and suggestions as to reliable sources of evidence as will aid in securing a thorough investigation.

I have also informed them of the appointment and purpose of the commission, and my intention to renew the request heretofore made by the Honorable Secretary that you will now furnish the said written statement, making the charges as specific, and furnish evidence as much in detail as possible; or if you are not prepared to do this, that you will, in any event, be most obligable to yourself, make known in a definite form your impressions and views respecting Indian affairs as resulting from your personal observations while in the Indian country.

I make this request of you in the belief that you can have no other desire in this matter than that the interests and rights both of the Indians and the Government may be protected. And I desire to renew the assurance heretofore given you, that it is the sincere wish and purpose of the Department to prevent frauds as far as possible, and to omit no effort to discover them when perpetrated, and in all respects to bring the Indian service to the highest possible standard of honesty and strict integrity.

Very respectfully your obedient servant,
E. P. SMITH, Commissioner.

Fourth of July.

The Fourth of July falling on Sunday, the various Departments of the Government will be clo-ed on Monday, the 5th, in commemoration of Independence Day.

Inspectors of Indian Supplies.

Lieut. Gen. Sheridan has detailed the following officers of the army to act as inspectors of Indian supplies: Captains Gilman, at Kansas City; McClure, at Sioux City, and Eskridge, at Cheyenne.

SECRETARY DELANO and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs are earnestly working to secure a thorough investigation of the charges of fraud preferred against the Red Cloud agency by Prof. Marsh. Commissioner Smith has requested the Professor to furnish the Indian Bureau with a full and complete written statement of the charges, which are to be laid before the new commission recently appointed to investigate this matter for its consideration. Every evidence or suspicion of fraud or infidelity or mismanagement of the agents of the Indian Bureau that has been brought to the notice of the Department of the Interior have been met with like promptness and energy on the part of the Secretary and Commissioner, and the abuse of trust or improper transactions thoroughly eradi-cated; and yet, in the face of these indisputable facts, the restless young journalist sits in his steeple and drinks in with all

92

PROFESSOR MARSH'S CHARGES.

The letter of Professor O. C. Marsh, of Yale College, to the President, on the subject of Indian affairs, is of no value either to the President or the public unless its assertions are amply supported by the reported accompanying statement, purporting to contain certain specifications. Prof. Marsh states in the outset that his visit to the "Bad Lands" was "wholly in the interest of science." He frankly admits that he was bribed to "submit the complaints" of the chief Red Cloud to the President "in person." This, he admits, was the condition of the admission of his party to the "Bad Lands." Having admitted that he attained his scientific purpose by a promise to submit to the President the complaints of Red Cloud, he proceeds to submit them in this form. These complaints cover ten heads, and they consist solely of assertions of bad management, fraud, and rascality on the part of the Secretary of the Interior and his subordinates. The first head constitutes a bald confession of want of confidence in the sincerity of the Secretary of the Interior, coupled with the assertion that the Professor has reason to know that the Secretary and the Commissioner have long been aware of the alleged abuses, and have made no sincere effort to correct them. This is the mere opinion of a Professor; nothing more. Does he prove his assertions in his bill of specifications? This is the question, and the only question, in which the public takes an interest. Charge number two is of the same character. Professor Marsh says that in all his intercourse with the Secretary and the Commissioner their purpose has manifestly been not to find out what frauds exist, but to pump him with a view to prevent all attempts at the exposure of such frauds. These two examples show the character of Professor Marsh's letter to the President. We submit that is of no consequence to the public what Professor Marsh's suspicions are, what he thinks, what he believes, except in so far as his suspicions, his thoughts, and his conclusions are supported by evidence. The public would like to see what evidence he produces. We protest against the wholesale denunciation by a man who admits that he bribed the Red Cloud savages to let him travel over their "Bad Lands" by the promise to make complaints, whether well or ill founded, to the President. It is appropriate that such a letter should be printed in the New York Tribune. It is gossip put into the form of denunciation, and it is not even civilized gossip, which is bad enough, but savage gossip. Everything that tends to affect unfavorably the administration of President Grant is grist for the Tribune mill. That journal revels in abuse of the President, the Cabinet, and the Republican party. By it the statement of an Indian in his warpaint, with a string of white scalps dangling at his belt, is preferred to that of President Grant or any member of his Cabinet. Let us have the "statement" of Professor Marsh, that the public may judge for itself whether it contains evidence fit for the consideration of even a police justice, or whether it, like his letter, abounds in mere passion and suspicion.

—Since the above was put in type, we have received by telegraph the reply of Indian Commis-

sioner Smith to the letter of Professor Marsh. The Commissioner states that he, as well as the Secretary of the Interior, has repeatedly requested and urged the Professor to lay before them in writing any specific charges that he might have to make regarding the management of the Indian Department, but that he has persistently declined to make any charges in such a form that official cognizance could be taken of them. Although a commission has been appointed to investigate alleged irregularities, the Professor has declined to submit to them any statement. The conclusion seems irresistible, therefore, either that the Professor's charges are groundless, or that he dare not present them in such a form that they can be officially investigated.

WILL GRANT REMOVE HIM?

Professor Marsh, of Yale College, is not a man to make reckless or ill-considered accusations. When he publicly charges Secretary Delano and Commissioner Smith with complicity in the shameful wholesale frauds by which the Indians have been for years robbed of the government allowances voted to them by Congress, that fact is well fitted to arouse public attention. The occurrence is as unusual as the nature of the charge is grave and important. Men occupying such positions as Professor Marsh holds are not prone to trouble themselves with the gratuitous labor of stirring up the fetid waters of the corrupt pool at Washington; and when one of their number does unselfishly perform this unpleasant but useful work, he is entitled to the public gratitude. Professor Marsh and his party entered the Plains on a purely scientific mission, little thinking of or caring for politics or politicians. They encountered unexpected hostilities from the Indians, and their attention was soon drawn to the fact that the Indians have some real cause for feeling hostile. He personally looked into the actual operations of the government Indian agency known as the Red Cloud agency, and he saw not only palpable incompetency and mismanagement, but gross frauds upon the Indians. The agent was seen to be wholly unfitted for his responsible post; he was also found to be swindling and robbing the Indians in his charge, and also robbing the treasury, by systematically overstating the number of Indians at that agency; the distribution of the annuity goods is pronounced by Prof. Marsh to be a gross fraud; the Indians are swindled in all the articles issued to them, from blankets and beef down to tobacco—and the agent, the contractors, and the head of the Department of the Interior at Washington, Delano, as well as his chief subordinate the Reverend Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Smith, seem to be implicated in the general system of fraud and plunder. Professor Marsh on his return from Dakota, sought to induce Secretary Delano and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to correct these outrageous frauds by which the Indians were made to suffer, while government officials and contractors were growing rich out of the plunder; but he was baffled and repulsed, and finally left Washington in disgust.

It is not the first time that Delano and Smith have been charged with official misconduct. One

of our readers, in a letter to the TIMES, last winter, loudly objected to the publishing of any intimation of misconduct on the part of such a truly good man as the Rev. C. M. Smith, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. He defended Smith on the general ground that was subsequently taken by Beecher's defenders, that it was "a moral impossibility" that such a man, a spotless minister of the gospel, could be guilty of the offence charged. Our correspondent, and others who think with him, may possibly have occasion now that Professor Marsh has seen and published something of the truth, to modify his very confident opinion. These good people cannot shut their eyes to such statements as these, in which Professor Marsh publicly addresses the President:

> I must decline however, to give my statement to the Interior Department alone, for the following reasons:-
> 
> First, I have no confidence whatever in the sincerity of the Secretary of the Interior, or the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, when they publicly announce their wish and determination to correct the present abuses in Indian management, because I have reasons to know that they have long been aware of these abuses and have made no sincere effort to reform them; second, in all my intercourse with these two officials their object has manifestly been to find out not so much what the frauds really were as the extent of my information concerning them, so as to prevent, by every means in their power, all publicity or exposure of them; third, the evidence now in my possession reflects unfavorably on both Secretary Delano and Commissioner Smith.

> For these reasons I have thought it best to lay before you, to whom in accordance with my promise to Red Cloud I made my first communication, the accompanying statement in detail, all the confidence that the evidence presented will meet with the consideration its importance demands.

The Professor, to reform this corrupt and demoralized condition of the Indian department, calls for a radical change in men and measures. He, like the whole country, would have Secretary Delano promptly removed, with Smith and the rest of the bad lot. He thus talks directly to the President:

> I do not believe that anything but a radical change in this respect will prevent the continued demoralization of the Indian service. You alone have the will and the power to destroy that combination of bad men, known as the Indian ring, who are debasing this service and thwarting the efforts of all who endeavored to bring to a full consummation your noble policy of peace.

Now, WILL PRESIDENT GRANT DO IT? Why is it that there is such a general doubt on this point? The existence of this universal doubt is not creditable to President Grant.

MARSH TO THE PRESIDENT.

A cat may look at a king. Professor Marsh, of the Yale Scientific School, having been inadvertently alluded to by Secretary Delano as "a Mr. Marsh," when it is well known he is the Mr. Marsh, declines to deliver his charges against Indian management to the dealer in indefinite articles, but sends them plump to the President—eight columns of them. Considering that a commission of just and honorable gentlemen has been appointed to investigate the allegations, the method is unique, but in these days of charges, countercharges, and discharges, nobody (unless it be Professor Marsh) will be inclined to stand on mere punctilio.

In some respects Mr. Marsh makes a strong example case. The charges against Agent Saville, of the Red Cloud Sioux, is of fraud upon the Indians, the specifications being that their number has been overstated in paying and feeding; that twice as many blankets are paid for as are issued; that beef cattle paid for by Government as weighing one thousand pounds each do not weigh eight hundred pounds; that the flour issued is poor and the pork not fit for food, and that fraudulent transportation bills are allowed. These are very serious charges and they will require very strong corrobora-

Poughkeepsie Daily News.

GOVERNMENT CRIMINALITY.

Away off upon our frontiers, out of sight and hearing and almost beyond the sympathies of the white race, is the fading remnant of a people which two hundred and fifty years since possessed the entire continent. With the law which everywhere prevails, and has prevailed in all time, that the inferior race shall disappear before the superior, we have now nothing to do. Neither is it of practical importance to consider whether the Indian is a noble or ignoble specimen of his kind. It remains in either case that he is a man, and that from the sovereignty of the American Continent, he has been reduced to a state of the most pitiful dependence and vassalage.

It has been the custom of this government to this day to regard the Indian as a sovereign people, and to make treaties with him as an equal. Even that may be overlooked. He remains a man, attached to the soil upon which he stands, and has the right of human justice. He has been treated unjustly and inhumanely from the first, but we obtain no right of continued cruelty by prescription. And yet year after year he remains the victim of systematic and accelerated governmental robbery, violence, fraud and treachery.

The Indian question might with great justice take the prominent position once occupied by the question of negro slavery. It contains elements which ought even more strongly to move the sense of fair play, and the sentiments of justice, pity and humanity.

They have been and are to-day the victims of a rapacity and cruelty, organized in high place and conducted with a shamelessness which ought to confound even a healthy barbarism. The facts are patent to the President of the United States, to his brothers-in-law, one or two of whom have become Indian vultures, and to a Minister and Commissioner of the Government who share in the unholy spoils.

The subject is just now revived by an able and apparently conclusive recital of the recent facts by Prof. O. C. Marsh of the Yale Scientific School which he has addressed to the President of the United States at whose feet it will probably fall in silence. It is also addressed to the equitable and humane sense of the American people, and there it may be hoped it will awaken not merely a pious sympathy, but an aroused and angry attention.

Last Fall Prof. Marsh passed the Red Cloud Agency in the pursuit of Scientific investigations among what are called the "Bad Lands." Red Cloud gave him free pass, and actually saved him and his command from sacrifice by hostile Indians. The Indian Chief asked no requalit except that the Prof. should himself personally make a statement to the President personally of the persistent frauds and outrages

perpetrated by Government officers upon these impoverished people. This promise the Prof. made and kept. The President lent a willing ear and nothing more. Upon making the same statement to the Commissioner, it became evident that he was giving facts to an unwilling man, and it finally became apparent that the Secretary of the Interior (Delano) had the evidences of infamy upon the part of Indian Agents in his possession, which he was careful to suppress. It could not be doubted, it is not doubted, that the Government sustains and participates in the frauds and cruelties upon these poor people, and that men of great external sanctity share in the robbery and spoils.

The paper and proof of Prof. Marsh cover far too much space to be reproduced entire, but they fortify beyond doubt the synopsis of the facts which is given below. The reader will bear in mind that this recapitulation is not based upon assertion, but is fortified by certificates and affidavits from sources which are unimpeachable, and they make a chapter in current history which should start in holy rage every pulse in Christendom. The facts fairly blaze with infamy.

Aud in the face of them, how shall this man Delano be characterized. This Cabinet Minister whose Department is illustrated on every page by the crimes alleged. Offences of which he is cognizant, and in which the evidences of corrupt complicity are startling in their magnitude.

And yet we have the evidence of Prof. Marsh that this canting minister, blackened all over with this shameless history, had the audacious cunning to open to the Prof. his profound desire that the Indians should be brought under the influences of civilization and Christianity, and desired to that end the co-operation of the Prof. himself. In the name of humanity, not to say of religion, was it not enough to defraud, to starve, and to poison, these wards of his. without covering the sacrifice with the apellation of a Christianity which is not only honest but full of charity. In the days of Ananias the perpetrator of that shameless cant, would have been called to the eternal judgment on the spot.

Frauds upon the Treasury, upon and by the Custom Houses, peculations and delinquencies in every official station, may by their familiarity become venal, because they touch the pockets of the people only, but when high officers of the Government gorge themselves upon the miseries, starvation and death of the poor and defenceless and talk of Christ, it is time for a just wrath to sweep the vampires to a merited perdition.

PROF. MARSH ON INDIAN AFFAIRS.

The Tribune, publishes a letter from Prof. Marsh, of Yale College, to President Grant, in reference to his investigations at the Red Cloud Agency, in which he says: Since my interview with you upon this subject I have been informed by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs of the appointment of a committee to investigate affairs at the Red Cloud Agency, and am invited to lay a statement of the facts before them. This I am quite ready to do whenever the committee requests it. I must decline. how-

ever, to give my statement to the Interior Department alone for the following reasons:

First.—I have no confidence whatever in the sincerity of the Secretary of the Interior or the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, when they publicly announce their wish, and determination to correct the present abuses in Indian management, because I have reason to know that they have long been aware of these abuses and have made no sincere efforts to reform them.

Second.—In all my intercourse with these two officials, their object has manifestly been to find out not so much what the frauds actually were, as the extent of my information concerning them so as to prevent by every means in their power all publicity or exposure of them.

Third.—The evidence now in my possession reflects unfavorably on both Secretary Delano and Commissioner Smith.

For these reasons I have thought it best to lay before you to whom, in accordance with my promise to Red Cloud, I made first communication, the accompanying statement in detail in full confidence that the evidence presented will meet with the consideration its importance demands. In the statement which accompanies this letter I have given the results of my investigation into the affairs of Red Cloud agency, the largest and most important in the West. These results clearly indicate both mismanagement and fraud, especially in the following particulars:

First.—The agent, J. J. Saville, is wholly unfitted for his position, and guilty of gross frauds upon the Indians in his charge.

Second.—The number of Indians at this agency has been systematically overstated for purposes which can only result in fraud.

Third.—The last issue of annuity goods which I witnessed was a suspicious transaction, and in part at least fraudulent.

Fourth.—The beef cattle given to the Indians have been very inferior, owning to systematic frauds practiced by the agent and beef contractors.

Fifth.—The pork issued to the Indians during my visit was not suitable for human food.

Sixth.—The flour was very inferior, and evidence in this article is conclusive.

Seventh.—The sugar and coffee issued were not good, although better than other supplies.

Eighth.—The tobacco served was rotten and of little or no use to the Indians.

Ninth.—In consequence of fraud and mismanagement the Indians suffered greatly during the past winter for want of food and clothing.

Tenth.—The contract for freight from Cheyenne to Red Cloud's agency was fraudulent, as the true distance is 145 miles, while the contractor was paid for 212 miles.

Prof. Marsh concludes as follows: "You alone have the will and power to destroy that combination of bad men known as the Indian ring, who are debasing this service and thwarting the efforts of all who endeavor to bring to a full consummation your noble policy of peace." The letter is accompanied by a long atatement corroborating points made in the communication to the President.

The Springfield Republican thinks that what the better disciplined organs are trying to do, just now, is to hit him if his name is Delano and miss him if his name is Grant.

Gen. Crook has been ordered to keep all mining parties out of the Black Hills. This promises to be a bigger job than the "crooked whiskey" one. Look out for the Black Hills ring.

95

["9 100", "U. S. ARMY AND NAVY JOURNAL.", "NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JULY 17, 1875.", "THE INDIAN RING.", "THE promise made last year by a Yale professor to RED CLOUD, the Sioux Chief, has led to results that few would have expected. Army officers with Indian experience will not regret either the promise or its fulfilment.", "Professor MARSH, it will be remembered, was the chief of the Yale College Scientific Expedition to the Northwest, in November last, and is a well-known man in scientific circles. It appears that while engaged in scientific research, \"with no intention or wish to investigate Indian affairs,\" he had occasion to visit the \"Bad Lands,\" lying within the dominions of the celebrated chief, RED CLOUD. The Sioux chief refused to allow Professor MARSH's party to proceed, until the Professor had promised to submit RED CLOUD's complaints of fraud and injustice suffered from the Indian agency in his district, personally, to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. This induced the Professor to make a careful investigation into the subject, and the results are embodied by him in the following grave charges against the management of Red Cloud Agency, which we give in the language used by the Professor in a letter to the PRESIDENT, already published in the leading dailies, Professor MARSH's charges are as follows:", "First: The Agent, J. J. Saville, is wholly unfitted for his position, and guilty of gross frauds upon the Indians in his charge.", "Second: The number of Indians at this Agency has been in tematically overstated, for purposes which can only result in fraud.", "Third: The last issue of annuity goods, which I witnessed, was a suspicious transaction, and, in part at least, fraudulent.", "Fourth: The beef cattle given to the Indians have been very inferior, owing to systematic frauds practiced by the agent and beef contractors.", "Fifth: The pork issued to the Indians during my visit was not suitable for human food.", "Sixth: The flour was very inferior, and the evidence of fraud in this article is conclusive.", "Seventh: The sugar and coffee issued were not good, although better than in general supplies.", "Eighth: The tobacco observed was rotten, and of little or no use to the Indians.", "Ninth: In consequence of fraud and mismanagement, the Indians suffered greatly during the past Winter for want of food and clothing.", "The reasons given by Professor MARSH for bringing his accusations to the notice of the PRESIDENT, instead of the Interior Department, are stated in the following bold and emphatic language:", "First: I have no confidence whatever in the sincerity of the Secretary of the Interior or the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, when they publicly announce their wish and determination to correct the present abuses in Indian management, because I have reason to know that they have long been aware of these abuses, reason to know that they have not yet to reform them.", "Second: In all my intercourse with these two officials, their object has manifestly been to find out, not so much what the frauds actually were, as the extent of my information concerning them, so as to prevent, by all means in their power, all publicity of exposure of them.", "Third: The evidence now in my possession reflects unfavorably on both Secretary Delano and Commissioner Smith. For these reasons I have thought best to lay before you, to whom, in my first communication with my promise to Red Cloud, I made my full confidence with the Secretary, the accompanying statement in detail, in the full confidence that the evidence presented will meet with the consideration its importance demands.", "The evidence of his charges is contained in a statement covering several columns in the daily papers, and the Professor adds that \"the statement I have prepared is supported in all its essential parts by the testimony of officers of the Army, who were with me on my expedition, or at the Red Cloud Agency. Among these officers are several personally", "known to you (PRESIDENT GRANT), and all are gentlemen of high character. Should any part of my statement be seriously questioned, I trust you will allow these gentlemen to be heard. If the commanding officers of all posts near Indian agencies, or other equally trustworthy and disinterested observers there, could likewise testify, I think it would be found that I have but faintly indicated the corruption pervading Indian affairs.\"", "For many years past, the public, and especially the Army, has been aware that the treatment of the Indian question adopted by the United States, has been far from successful in the procuration of permanent peace. Hardly a year has passed without Indian wars, of more or less severity, and the letters and note-books of all Army officers—at least, such as appear in print—are unanimous on one point. They agree in denouncing the Indian Bureau as the cause of the trouble in most cases. Indian agents and Indian traders are alike stigmatized as corrupt and given to cheating the Indians. Hitherto the accusations made have been chiefly unofficial, and generally in that form of words known as the \"Army growl,\" no officer having brought direct official charges against the Indian Bureau, with a view to its abolition. From this course, indeed, Army officers are estopped from the very nature of their profession, which teaches them to make the best of everything, and rather to suffer injustice than to break discipline. Thus it has happened that for many years, a system of corruption and impolicy has been patiently suffered by the Army officers to exist close alongside of their own posts, because it was none of their official business. Brought up in habits of rigorous honesty, they have been compelled for years to witness dishonesty of the most flagrant kind practiced on the subjects of the Indian Bureau under the protection of Army bayonets. Knowing that the discovery by the Indians of the cheaters practiced on them was sure to bring on war, in which they of the Army would be the sufferers, they have yet been compelled to suffer the cheating and support the Indian agents, because they were compelled to obey orders, and orders were \"Support the Agents.\" That this state of things should be distasteful is only natural. It revolts common sense, and all the habits of integrity that are the breath of a soldier's honor.", "The one comforting thought for Army officers in all this painful disclosure is, that now, in all probability, a thorough investigation can no longer be delayed. Whether the charges of Professor MARSH are fully sustained or not, the result cannot fail to be of benefit to the United States, if it enables us to root out and destroy the corruption long known to exist in the Indian Bureau, and to restore the management of the Indians to the only men whom they really respect, the officers of the National Army.", "The charges of corruption in the management of Indian affairs have in this case been brought home to the head of the Interior Department and his Commissioner of Indian affairs in a manner which unmistakably calls for the personal interference of the PRESIDENT. His actual responsibility for many things in our complex system of civil administration, for which he may be held technically responsible, is not so apparent, but he cannot suffer the taint of corruption to rest upon his cabinet without personal dishonor to himself.", "The Washington Tribune.", "SATURDAY, JULY 17, 1875.", "PROFESSOR MARSH AND THE INDIAN OFFICE.", "One of our inspired city organs attempts to break the force of Professor Marsh's damaging expose of frauds in the Indian service by charging that gentleman with a hostile feeling toward the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. But if the facts alleged are true and can be substantiated, their very existence under the supervision of those high officers is prima facie evidence of their complicity. If such things can take place under their official noses without detection their innocence of direct participation in the rascality can be established only upon a showing very unfavorable to their efficiency as public officers. Public opinion will fully justify Professor Marsh in distrusting the fairness of the Secretary and Commissioner, and in appealing to the President for the investigation of the charges made.", "The inspired organ dares not contest the truth of the charges themselves. Here then is practically admitted one of the grossest and most shameless systems of fraud and oppression practiced upon the unfortunate wards of the nation, as well as of direct embezzlement by false vouchers of which the Indian office holds easy means of detection. We refer to the charges for hauling freight two hundred and twelve miles, whereas the true distance is well known to be only one hundred and forty-five miles. Has neither the Indian Commissioner nor his subordinates any exact information upon such points? If not, it is time that the Indian office were put through a course of civil-service examination in geography.", "Professor Marsh, in communicating his facts to the Secretary and Commissioner, was impressed with their special anxiety to leave the exact extent of his information and how far it could be avoided in a definite assault upon themselves. This naturally awakened suspicion that the object of these gentlemen was to get possession of the possible case against themselves and to justify their position. It may be said that Professor Marsh was rash and uncharitable in thus including these high officials in the Indian ring whose villains he had just seen outreopping on the frontier. Such objectors, if as unoutsphisticated as they would have us believe, have never attempted to unayl unwelcome and damaging facts to public officers implied in them, or they would make no such refreshing display of verdancy. The suspicion of Professor Marsh was sufficiently well founded to justify him in placing the case, as far as possible, beyond the reach of the Secretary, by invoking his superior. As yet it is only an indictment, it remains for a fair and intelligent commission to finally sift and interpret the facts, and to declare the guilt or innocence of the parties concerned. Messrs. Delano and Smith, if really innocent, have now an opportunity of establishing their innocence in a more effective way than by the unheeded editorials of inspired organs.", "Better to be a foreigner than to be a foreigner in the United States.", "In the United States, however, the foreigner is not so rema Delano is and will continue to be so, and he will be a foreigner in the United States, and will continue to be so, and so on.", "PETER S. SUPPERS, HON. SECRETARY OF THE STATE TREASURER.", "\"Mr. Suppers,\" said the Secretary, \"by reason of his great experience, he is well qualified to advise me as to the best mode of conducting the office, and with your kind assistance I will do so.\"", "PROFESSOR MARSH, in his official report, says, \"I have, the Indian Inde\nI believe, the Indian Inde\nThe Inde\nThe Inde\nThe

111

103.

BOSTON DAILY ADVERTISER.

MONDAY MORNING, JULY 19, 1875.

We do not read anonymous letters and communications. The name and address of the writer are in all cases indispensable as a guaranty of good faith.

We cannot undertake to return or preserve communications that are not used.

TOO HASTY.

The Chicago Inter-Ocean is ingenious enough to throw discredit on Professor Marsh by saying that "he frankly admits "that he was bribed to submit the complaints "of the chief Red Cloud to the President in "person." The inference the writer would have drawn is that a man who was "bribed" is unworthy to be believed. It may be doubted whether anybody who has sense enough to know the meaning of words will be deceived by this sensational phrase. Professor Marsh consented, in order to secure a privilege of no pecuniary benefit to himself, to interfere in a very disagreeable business. If that constituted bribery, Professor Marsh has been already sufficiently punished in suffering undeserved and almost brutal abuse from persons who seem to be aiming rather at throwing suspicion upon the accuser by asering bad motives to him than at proving his charges untrue. Even the Inter-Ocean has so little confidence in its own argument that in the very paragraph in which occurs the sentence we have quoted, it shifts the charge of bribery to Professor Marsh himself. "We protest against "the wholesale denunciation by a man who "admits he bribed the Red Cloud savages to "let him travel over their 'Bad Lands' by "the promise to make complaints, whether "well or ill founded, to the President."

There has been a persistent effort on both sides to cause this matter to be prejudged. Some of the more violent organs of the opposition have evidently determined that it shall be understood by the people that not only has there been most foul treatment of the Indians, but that the officers whom they choose to point out shall be convicted of the offence by a popular verdict. On the other hand, certain other persons, who have an erroneous idea that they best serve the administration by defending every act of every official of whatever rank, adopt a different course altogether. They scout the whole subject as scarcely worthy of attention, and pretend that they have disproved the frauds when they have invented and ascribed to the accuser interested motives. Neither class of extremists will help the cause they advocate. Professor Marsh is a man entitled to respect. He is convinced of the truth of the charges he makes. It is possible that he may have been deceived, by Indians or others. He may have drawn wrong inferences from facts that have appeared to his own senses. All this is matter for careful inquiry and diligent taking of evidence. The extreme eagerness of the partisans on both sides to create prejudice does not speak well for their confidence in their ability to convince the public in the only fair way. And the bold denial that there have been any irregularities is not more justified than is the hasty attempt to fasten

the responsibility for wrong-doing upon this and that officer before the evidence on both sides has been presented.

Meanwhile the people may dismiss any fears that may be entertained of a failure to hear the whole story. However carefully the commission already appointed may do its duty, any finding short of a wholesale condemnation of everybody who has been connected with the management of the Indians will be unsatisfactory to such self-constituted judges as have already made up their minds that there is no honesty in the Indian bureau. But a democratic house of representatives will assemble in less than five months and among the numerous investigations that will doubtless be undertaken there must be one that will cover this question. Whatever prejudice the committee having the subject in charge may have will be against the administration, and there will thus be an abundant opportunity to present the frauds in a light unfavorable enough to satisfy the most exacting opponent of the Indian bureau. In the meantime it is neither wise nor just to assume that the commission already appointed has any purpose of making a "white-washing" report.

As an excuse for addressing his charges to the President, Professor Marsh declares: "I have no confidence whatever in the sincerity of the Secretary of the Interior or the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, when they publicly announce their wish and determination to correct the present abuses in Indian management;" and he adds: "The evidence now in my possession, reflects unfavorably on both Secretary Delano and Commissioner Smith." This comes from one professing to be a gentleman; one who had no acquaintance with the officials assisted; who neglected to call upon either of them to make his complaints, as both duty and courtesy required; and who, when solicited by Secretary Delano, and Commissioner Smith, to furnish them the information upon which he relied to support his charges, absolutely declined. Add to this, the facts that he retained his information in his own keeping for several months, knowing all the time, if he is to be believed, that the Indians were being fed on bad flour and beef, to say nothing of the other wrongs against them which he alleges, and that when he came to Washington he held sculking interviews with the Indians themselves, evidently for the purpose of stirring up their discontent, and it will be seen at once, that Professor Marsh is not the immaculate philanthropist, he would have the world believe him to be.

From this conduct of Professor Marsh, it must be clear to every dispassionate mind, that he had been prejudiced against those officials, by some one; and as his charges were prepared in the *Tribune* office, and he is evidently being used as the catnip of that concern, there can be no doubt that his mind was poisoned against both

of these officers by the politicians who are endeavoring to make capital out of the affair. It has thus become a party matter, and the Professor stands in the attitude, not of a philanthropist, seeking to redress the wrongs of the Indian, but of a politician, whose statements may well be received with distrust.

With his mind thus imbued with prejudice, it was entirely natural that the Professor should imagine that in his "intercourse with these two officials, their object has manifestly been to find out, not so much what the frauds actually were, as the extent of my information concerning them, so as to prevent, by every means in their power, all publicity or exposure of them." This is the sage conclusion of this man of science, who clearly overlooked the fact that neither Secretary Delano nor Commissioner Smith could correct abuses of which they had no knowledge. Here is the gravest kind of a charge, and yet, in his seven columns of matter prepared in the *Tribune* office, and, we doubt not, by the *Tribune* staff, there is not a particle of testimony to support the charge. It is an outrageous and flagitious attack upon gentlemen acting under the solemn sanction of an oath, whose characters stand as high as that of this Mr. Marsh, though he is a professor of Yale, and demonstrates that even those occupying his high position, may be destitute of that high principle which forbids one to "bear false witness against his neighbor."

That, in making this charge against Secretary Delano, Professor Marsh does bear false witness against that officer, is clear from all concurrent testimony. The Board of Indian Commissioners, gentlemen selected for their high characters, and whose integrity is above suspicion, all testify to his willingness to act with the Board in the suppression of frauds, and the effort to establish a better administration of Indian Affairs. This statement is supported by the names of such men as General Clinton B. Fisk, E. M. Kingsley and E. A. Hoyt, and we doubt not, the other members of the Board will give similar testimony. Some of these officers, after a long official intercourse with Commissioner Smith and Agent Saville, also testify to their confidence in the integrity of these officers. Certain it is, that the denomination to which Agent Saville belongs, and which is responsible for his appointment, stands by him, and he himself, as soon as the charges came to his knowledge, promptly demanded an investigation, thus showing that all the officials implicated, at once, acted the part of innocent men. In view of these statements, coming from gentlemen of the unimpeached character of those composing the Board of Indian Commissioners, and these facts, the public may, at least, be asked to await the action of

14

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116

NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JULY 22, 1875.

The Nation

The Week.

plundered, and has seen a great deal of the inside workings of the Department. The present letter is in part a synopsis of certain official reports which Commissioner Smith apparently forgot to mention, and in part is a correction of the Commissioner's misstatements—an exercise for which it seems to us Mr. Smith is giving altogether too much occasion. It is so terse and clear that we shall make no further comment on it, for it carries its own. But we should like to ask the President if it does not seem to him that—we will not say a Ring, but a circle—of gentlemen who entertain such a stout confidence in one another's goodness while all these things are going on, should not be implicitly trusted to investigate one another's conduct?

It rectified.

Well, certainly it didn't take long for the Indian Commission to get through with its labors at this end of the line. But wait till they get out to Red Cloud.

A Western editor thinks that the question of issuing the Indian an annuity is one requiring great care. Yes, we think it does—and it requires considerable Ingen'uity too.

Mr Harris's Investigation.

Messrs Red Cloud and Saville had best be tidying up the spare-room; the investigating committee, unless they change their minds or something unexpected turns up to detain them, start for the far West to-day. During these preliminary sessions at New York, Prof. Marsh has explained, annotated and expanded his statement, answering some of the commission's questions in writing, and has furnished them a list of witnesses including the names of many army men and respectable civilians living near the agency. Mr Harris of the commission lets out the interesting fact that the professor has submitted charges in writing which have not been communicated as yet to the department, or the public. The commission will stop at Omaha and examine a few witnesses, then proceed by the way of Cheyenne and other way stations to the agency, and probably "fetch around" at Washington. It will be a tedious job. Mr Harris apprehends, but he is satisfied the results will be satisfactory to the public.

That would seem to depend. The Tribune records the fact that this same Mr Harris did a little investigating, last winter, as a member of the House committee on Indian affairs, and asserts that his conduct throughout "could not "have been more partial to the interior department if he had been its paid attorney." More specifically, that he insisted on closed doors, narrowed and technicalized the inquiry, browbeat witnesses, frequently consulted with Cowan and Rev. Smith, and seemed to want to "bring out as "little truth as possible." The Tribune goes so far as to say that his appointment "throws dis-credit upon the whole commission"—which is a pretty way to talk of a Massachusetts congressman. The Washington Chronicle, we notice, continues its able and instructive discussion of Prof Marsh's motives.

The New York Herald has started an Indian investigation of its own, by sending a special correspondent to the Northwest, solely to study up the matter, and he finds things quite as bad as Prof. Marsh has represented them. Grant's brother Orville making a particularly bad showing.

PROFESSOR MARSH has published the evidence on which his charges against Mr. Saville, the Indian agent at Red Cloud, rest. In the first place, he says that from what he saw of the agent on the spot, he knows him to be incompetent, weak, and vacillating, and unfit for the place; that he had defrauded the Indians by withholding from them provisions charged against the Government, as, for example, on November 8, 1874, when, according to his accounts, there were issued to 12,351 Indians 271,248 pounds of beef, but in reality there were none issued at all; that J. D. Bevier, Indian Inspector, on October 21, 1874, exposed and laid before the Interior Department a fraudulent contract of Saville with his father-in-law, A. R. Appleton; that the number of 12,351 Indians returned by Saville on November 8 was false, as he (Professor Marsh) found by personal examination: that according to an affidavit of one Louis Richard or Reshaw (whose character, he says, is vouched for by General Bradley), the issue of blankets on November 12, 1874, was fraudulent as to quantity and bad in quality; that the beef contract was in the hands of one Bosler, notorious for frauds in former contracts, and for this reason "excluded by the published regulations from any participation in future contracts." Besides this, he gives a certificate of General Bradley, Captain Mix, and Lieutenant Hay as to the "wretched" quality of the rations and the under size and puny condition of beef examined on the 11th of November, 1874, and a certificate of Captain Burt of the Ninth Infantry, dated June 12 of this year, to the following effect:

> "I certify that I was present last fall at Red Cloud Agency when Professor O. C. Marsh was there; that we together went to the corral to see an issue of cattle to the Indians; that the cattle we saw at that time were Texas cattle in miserable condition, some of them so weak the Indians could not goad them out of a walk. The cattle were as a rule small in size."

This is only a small part of the evidence, which relates also to pork, flour, sugar, coffee, and tobacco. Professor Marsh addresses his pamphlet to the President, and declines laying it before the Interior Department alone—1st, because he has no confidence whatever in the sincerity of either Mr. Delano or Mr. Smith, they having "long been aware of the abuses," and made no real attempt to reform them; 2d, because he has been convinced in his interviews with these officials that his main object is to prevent publicity, and suppress the facts; 3d, because the evidence in his possession reflects unfavorably on both Secretary Delano and Commissioner Smith. This their best friends will not deny. Under these circumstances, following the practice usual in such cases at Washington, Messrs. Delano and Smith have proceeded to appoint a court to investigate themselves, and the latter has issued a copy of instructions for the court's guidance, the gist of which is that Mr. Marsh is a rather hasty philanthropist, whose charges are vague and indefinite, but, nevertheless, ought to be looked into. This commission is now organized, and Professor Marsh is going on with his work. He has undertaken a very thankless task, having against him the whole force of the Indian "machine," with all the money involved in the Indian contract system, and on his side only a strong sense of duty. A venal press, however, is to be counted on his side, and we very much fear that it will take a great deal of evidence to break the force of the statements made by Professor Marsh and backed by four officers of the army. We must beg to call the attention of several of our correspondents, who wrote to us some time ago remonstrating against any attacks on Mr. Smith, to his present position. He may be a good and pious man, and Prof. Marsh may be mistaken in saying that he makes fraudulent contracts, keeps bad men in office, and tells lies; but his friends ought not to leave him alone now.

N.Y.

We do not think that simply about the Marsh tongue, rushing his own position. He to do do Commis- sioner V. man of frauds show me heart good mean time of the every w- der. Pr- sioner v. to be e- detected P- sation be never to-

Now G- published against A- partment to be in S. D. H- J. D. Be- dian Bos- exerati- on tells us t official re- lately as "contra- " his fat- "the Go- " loser. "while "Saville "and Mr. "to- silen- his own

If Mr. of the In- let this in more sati- in the lo- not their and con- place to c- step in the ment of the P- of Ind- whom are with res- amined, w- ness for s- be conduc- ence of t- that the adminis- by allowin- investigated appointed confidence but they a- lic knows will fully to reform leave the re- sentative

plies le- one. W-

Com- Profess- ing ex- throug- ence in- agai- se several ly the place, years h- show the civil- even su- The ex- dian R- certain y has all unim- the ab- busine- pursued ap- pport- he bri- credit, statem- little ceeding- On th- strong the re- we are- has pr- we co- Yet su- Marsh merely nor ev- thing of their. own k- the a- believe- clude accep-

Only

The CHA- R- CHAR- IZ- IZ- for five- be rec- the P- the P- of Ind-ularit- in reg- dealing with res- trou- ble to Mr. "In m- Is gl- All-

SMITH- Indian Treas- giv-

and Wormley's ch-

the last House, and having observed a stenographer

Some of their certificates to his goodness would be of more value to him now than at any previous time in his life. In his letter to the investigating commission, Mr. Smith states a truth which, in these days, it is always important to bear in mind. He tells the commission that they "will undoubtedly meet with persons of strong partisan feelings enlisted both for and against the administration of the present agent"; and, "as they proceed," they "will become fully aware of the misrepresentations which such partisanship naturally produces," and also of "the extreme difficulty of discovering the truth amid the conflicting statements and allegations." This is a strong position, and looks as if Mr. Smith had learned advisers.

Carlisle Herald,

CARLISLE, PENN' A.,

Thursday, July 22, 1875.

Prof. Marsh's Exposure of the Indian Ring.

J. W. BOSLER'S COUNTER-STATEMENT.

Last November Prof. Marsh undertook to explore the "Bad Lands," in order to procure geological specimens for his college. But he found an unexpected obstacle to his scientific researches from the Sioux Indians, whose reservation he proposed to enter. The always-hungry Indians suggested to the learned Professor that a feast would greatly propitiate them; and that unless he filled their stomachs he could not fill his cabinet. In this dilemma he applied to Agent Saville of the Red Cloud Agency, supposing, apparently that this representative of the United States would be happy to advance the cause of science, pay a just tribute to the Professor's and his college's enterprise and thereby have his (the Agent's) praises sounded throughout the land. But Dr. Saville is made of sterner stuff than the Professor thought. He is one of those positive, self-assertive men who always make enemies because they persist in performing a known duty. The Doctor could not discover that it was any part of his business to spend $5,000 to propitiate the Indians in the interest of Prof. Marsh and his college. Ergo, Marsh was obliged to give the feast himself, pay for it, and get the cheapest vengeance he could, in order to square accounts with the Agent.

Being thus affronted and his dignity offended, he became a willing tool of the wily Indians. Thelected for him the bleakest, most povderished berries from all their sacks of coffee; exhibited flour, tobacco, &c., which, after being trans-

ported so far, the only wonder is that it existed at all; and cried "Lo, the poor Indian!" What an opportunity for vengeance! More valuable and precious than the stones he went for, are these specimens of damaged stuffs he brought straightway to Washington.

And being in the capital one day, after he had properly labeled and packed in cotton the fossils and stones the Indians permitted him to bear to classic shades, he presented to Commissioner Smith the other results of his travels. And the Commissioner laughed, told this guileless Professor he had been "gulled." And the Professor got mad, because his humanitarian project was thus sneered at. Then he went forthwith to the Great Father. The congressman of his district secured for him an audience from the President. And he poured forth his tale again.

But in doing this he committed a great breach of etiquette. He passed by Delano, the Secretary of the Interior. It then became Delano's turn to get mad; and being very angry he writes his letter to the Indian Commissioners, in which he calls this learned Professor "a Mr. Marsh," requesting this body of Christian gentlemen to appoint a commission to investigate the charges.

And that was thought to be the end of it. The public certainly were satisfied this commission would do its duty, and we believe it did.

But there was still another goose a-cooking. The editor of the New York *Tribune* has an old grudge against Secretary Delano. When the long-haired youth of the *Tribune* was younger, and aspiring to reach his present lofty summit in journalism, he sought to interview Delano, then a prominent politician in his native State. The repulse Mr. Reed then received has never been forgotten or forgiven. If we couple this reminiscence with the fact that

it is the settled policy of the *Tribune* to attack the Administration on every possible occasion, we can readily understand why this paper is so facile an organ for Marsh. It was in this paper that Prof. Marsh's letter to the President and expose of the Indian ring appeared last week.

We give so much space to expose the animus of that part of the statement known as No. 4 in the formulated document, which we publish below, and in order that our readers may the better understand Mr. Bosler's letter.

It is entirely owing to this fight between Prof. Marsh and the Indian Department that Mr. Bosler's character for integrity is impugned. With this explanation we leave our readers to shape their own opinions, after reading the charges against Mr. Bosler and his letter.

Mr. Bosler has not written this letter, we believe, with any other object than to defend his fair name and reputation in this community. It is not intended to become part of the war of words now going on in the general newspaper press. Perhaps the letter is unnecessary to accomplish his object. We do not believe he needs any defense among his neighbors. His independent bearing, his public spirit, and well-earned character may have envenomed jealous tongues and excited envy; these will certainly be able to piek flaws in Mr. Bosler's straightforward statement. But the fair-minded will, we are certain, be glad that he can vindicate himself.

### FRAUDS IN BEEF CATTLE.

The frauds perpetrated in supplying the Red Cloud Agency with beef cattle have been so gigantic, and so long and systematically continued, that it is well worth while to "show how they were accomplished, and who is responsible for the outrage."

The contract for furnishing cattle to this and other Sioux Agencies for the last fiscal year was given to J. K. Foreman, of Omaha, and was signed by Indian Commissioner Smith, July 14, 1874. The cattle delivered were required to average 850 pounds for the first six months and 1,000 pounds for the last six months, and the price was $2.30 1-30 per 100 pounds, gross weight, on the hoof. It was expressly stipulated that "all the beef offered for acceptance under this contract shall be subject to a thorough inspection, and if, on such inspection, any of it fails to conform to the requirements of this contract the same shall be rejected by the parties making the inspection." The inspectors were authorized, in such a case, to require the contractor to replace the rejected cattle

117

N.Y. Herald, July 23, 1875

THE INDIAN FRAUDS.

The Way Beef Cattle Are Weighed
Out to the Sioux.

A HERALD CORRESPONDENT'S EVIDENCE.

The Indian Commissioners
Off to the West.

Philadelphia Philanthropists
Moving on the "Ring."

Fraudulent Contracts the Department Knows Of.

The Indian Commissioners went to work again yesterday morning with a view to closing up their business in this city. Ex-Governor Fletcher, Hon. Mr. Faulkner and the Hon. Mr. Harris were present. During the morning they occupied their time arranging the testimony they had received on the previous day. Professor Marsh was present, giving further explanations of his charges. In the afternoon Mr. Edward Fox, a HERALD correspondent, appeared in answer to an invitation from the committee, and was examined by Mr. Harris in an informal manner with reference to what he knew about the frauds in the Red Cloud Agency. Mr. Fox stated that the charges he had made against Mr. Saville, the agent at Red Cloud, were embodied in the letters contained in the HERALD of August 27, September 6 and 25 and October 7, that were now in the hands of the committee. They were the result of his personal observation, and were written with a close attention to facts. He said that when he was not certain he invariably gave the accused the benefit of the doubt. He was satisfied, however, that what he had stated in those letters would be verified by plenty of witnesses that they would find in the neighborhood of the agency. The following are the extracts referred to by the committee:—

EXTRACTS FROM HERALD CORRESPONDENCE.

In a letter dated Camp Robinson, Red Cloud Agency, August 17, 1874, in an interview with Red Cloud, that chief stated:—

I am satisfied with the way the Great Father keeps his word, but I want a good agent to issue the rations. For four months we have had no sugar or bacon, and it makes my men feel bad, as they think the agent steals from them. This is the fifth month we have had none. Meat is pretty scant, and sometimes not issued for sixteen or seventeen days instead of ten or eleven, as it should be. For a long time they used to deliver their cattle without weighing them and very small cattle, and when Commissioner Walker came they put up scales and began to weigh them. They generally issue from three to four head of cattle every ten days to about 160 people. That when, slaughtered by the heads of families only gives them enough for four or five days. They got more in the old agent's time. Last fall there was a big issue of clothing, but not enough for his people. The bucks got one blanket a piece and a few of the squaws, and many of the young women and boys and girls got nothing.

Letter dated Red Cloud Agency, August 24, 1874:—

At the last issue of beef there was a scarcity of the article, and the sub-agent did not give them their full rations. They are supposed to be allowed three pounds per head, gross, which is equivalent to a pound and a half dressed. One part of 160 asked how many cattle they would

get and the sub-agent told them four. Their actual allowance would be 4,300 pounds, as I asked the sub-agent what the cattle averaged, and, being answered from 1,000 to 1,200 pounds, though:

MR. INDIAN WAS DOING VERY WELL.

On the issue day I saw the cattle run off by the Indians and shot down and butchered on the prairie, and cannot help thinking that I would rather sell from the agency scales than buy, as, in my estimation, the cattle issued averaged at the outside 500 pounds. At that weight a party of 160 Indians would be entitled to six cattle instead of the four they received. * * * In answer to the demands made by Red Cloud and other chiefs for flour, sugar, bacon and coffee, the agent said the appropriation had run out, but that he expected more to arrive soon. There is, nevertheless, something very wrong in this whole matter, and the Indian Department should be forced to have the necessary supplies in the agencies in order that the government may keep faith with the Indians.

Letter dated Fort Laramie, Wyoming, September 15, 1874:—

Agent Saville had a talk with Little Wound and his band that brought to light some rather interesting facts. Little Wound said that he wanted more beef and flour than was issued to him. He gets eighteen beCONS and 4,000 pounds of flour every ten days for his 583 Indians. His correct ration at three pounds per day of beef and three-quarters of a pound per day of flour per head would amount to 17,490 pounds of beef and 4,372 pounds of flour. Allowing beef to average 500 pounds, which is a fair estimate, Little Wound is receiving rations, short 1,230 pounds of beef and 372 pounds of flour every ten days. This would amount in twelve months to 46,440 pounds of beef and 18,392 pounds of flour. The agent, in reply, said that he drew his rations, as of beef averaged 1,000 pounds, but he said nothing about the flour. * * * The agent asked me into the storehouse to see the rations distributed. Everything was done in a very loose manner. Although the goods were weighed, an officer who accompanied me said that the weighing was evidently out of commission to me, as he had seen goods distributed over twenty times and this was the first occasion on which they had ever made use of the scales, preferring to expedite matters by guessing at the quantities.

Extract from telegraphic despatch dated Cheyenne, Wyoming, October 6:—

Several well known gentlemen returned here yesterday from Red Cloud Agency. They were present at the issue of rations made to the Oglala, Arapahos and Cheyennes, and agreed with the substance of the HERALD correspondent's letter from that place. They say that the agent is drawing rations for about 2,500 more Indians than he has in the reservation, and that flour, sugar and coffee are not issued in full quantities. One gentleman said the clerk ordered eleven bags of flour to be issued, to a band of Oglalas and they were given eight. The whole amount of sugar issued would only average about half a pound to each Indian for ten days.

Mr. Harris—Can you affirm that these letters contain facts to the best of your belief?

Mr. Fox—Yes, sir, and these statements, made from personal observation, I am willing to swear to.

Mr. Harris—Were you ever present at an issue of beef?

Mr. Fox—Yes, sir; I refer to it in one of my letters.

Mr. Harris—What do you believe was the average weight of the cattle you saw issued?

Mr. Fox—I should say about 800 pounds. They might have turned a trifle more, but certainly not over 900 pounds. They were very small cattle; but, then, hoofs and horns of Texan cattle weigh pretty heavy.

Mr. Harris—Were they all weighed?

Mr. Fox—No; only a portion, and then they struck any average.

Mr. Harris—Can you give us any suggestions as to who would be likely persons to give us useful information when we arrive at Red Cloud Agency?

Mr. Fox—There are plenty of men around the agency that know enough to make your course very clear if you can induce them to talk.

THE MOST LIKELY MAN TO ASSIST you will probably be Jules Ecoffer, an old rancher, near Fort Laramie, who has the contract to supply beef for the troops. Mr. Ecoffer has been in that country for over twenty years, and understands thoroughly how things are managed. A Mr. Johnson can also give some valuable information in regard to the internal management of the Red Cloud Agency. He charges Mr. Saville with direct perjury in the statement he made before a committee that were sent to examine into the truth

of some charges that were preferred against him. He can also tell an interesting story about Mr. Appleton (Mr. Saville's father-in-law) and his connection with the agency. Colonel Bullock, one of the oldest residents of that part of the country, and a man very highly thought of by the Oglalas and Bruces, also knows a good deal.

Mr. Harris—What gentlemen were present at the issue which you refer to in the HERALD of October 7?

Mr. Fox—I believe Inspector. Brevier, of the Indian Bureau; Paymaster Stanton, of the United States army, and Mr. Steele, delegate from Wyoming Territory.

Mr. Harris then made a brief extract from the statement of Mr. Fox, and ordered the clerk to paste the letters from the HERALD in a book so that they can be easily referred to. The Commission left last night for the West, Governor Fletcher going by way of St. Louis and Messrs. Harris and Faulkner taking the Chicago route. They will meet in Cheyenne and, after a brief stay, they will proceed via Fort Laramie to the Red Cloud Agency, where their labors really commence. They will examine into the condition of affairs at Spotted Tail Agency before they return.

WHAT IS KNOWN OF THE INDIAN RING IN PHILADELPHIA—STARTLING DISCLOSURES.

PHILADELPHIA, July 21, 1875.

Messrs. Delano, Cowen and Smith, it is now understood, have for several years known that their cattle contractors were grossly defrauding the government and the Indians. This will be seen in the report made by a sub-committee of the Committee on Appropriations to the House of Representatives dated February 26, 1871. By this document it appears that Mr. William Welsh, of Philadelphia, in a report dated December 7, 1870, made to the Hon. Columbus Delano, Secretary of the Interior, gave detailed information as to frauds in beef, flour and freight perpetrated by J. H. Bosler, to the extent of $500,000. Every statement made by Mr. Welsh was fully corroborated by documentary and other testimony before the Congressional Committee. Bosler had contracted to deliver American cattle at six and a half cents per pound, and in lieu thereof had given Texas cattle worth less than half the sum he was paid, with the full knowledge of the Interior Department. A fraudulent voucher was procured during the absence of an agent raising the weight of cattle to 1,200 pounds, and this fraud was immediately reported by the agent on his return. Mr. Delano gave no directions to make any reclamation from Bosler, although the evidence of his wrong doing was furnished by Congress. It further appears that

THE FRAUDULENT CONTRACT

for freight was made by Bosler in the name of C. D. Woolworth, Secretary, residing at Sioux City, Iowa, and that Bosler wrote that gentleman's name on the back of the vouchers and drafts, which were paid by the Treasurer of the United States, who supposed that they had been regularly indorsed by Mr. Woolworth.

When the Board of Indian Commissioners gave notice to the Secretary of the Interior that they were satisfied that the vouchers for cattle were fraudulent or irregular Mr. Delano, with full knowledge of Bosler's mode of dealing, paid these vouchers in full. The Board of Indian Commissioners then sent their confidential clerk, Mr. Samuel Walker, to the Red Cloud and Spotted Tail agencies to ascertain if frauds were practised. That gentleman made a report of frauds and irregularities that drew down upon his devoted head the indignation of Messrs. Delano, Cowen and Smith, who have not ceased to malign him through the Washington government organ and in other ways to this day.

Messrs. Brunot, Campbell and Stuart, of the Indian Commission,

VISITED PRESIDENT GRANT

at Long Branch last year, and assured him of the high integrity of Mr. Walker, notwithstanding this faithful agent was, at the instance of Messrs. Delano and Cowen, driven from a confidential po-

123

all the charges made, directly or inferentially by Professor Marsh's statement, and this we intend to do without fear, favor or affection, so far as the evidence and facts we may gather shall warrant and require. We are, in this matter, the servants of no branch or department of the government, but represent the people of the republic in this investigation, and mean faithfully to perform our duty to them, and to do exact justice to their officers, servants and agents, who may be implicated.

"PREMATURE DEFENCE" is the disparaging remark applied by the New York Tribune to Commissioner Smith's summary answer to Professor Marsh. "Premature attack" would probably define the Tribune's own treatment of the Indian question since Professor Marsh's charges were first made. Indeed, the personal animus of the Tribune is so much more conspicuous in this matter than its interest in discovering the truth, as to impair greatly the value of its testimony. The commissioners selected to inquire into the whole subject are now at work, having held their first meeting in New York last evening to perfect their plans. We have no doubt they will explore as faithfully and as honestly as Professor Marsh himself, and will tell the truth when it is over. Until that is done, attack and defence on this line will be alike "premature." —Boston Ad-

scandals

### Interior Department.

Commissioner Smith, of the Indian Bureau, returned from New York yesterday morning.

### THE RED CLOUD TROUBLE.

The commission appointed to examine into the charges made by Professor Marsh, closed their session in New York city on Wednesday evening last, after examining several inspectors of supplies. Their testimony was generally to the effect that the goods furnished the Red Cloud Indians were fully equal to the samples, and that no cause for complaint existed on that score as far as they could judge. After the examination of these inspectors, Professor Marsh was closeted with the commission, and quite a long interview was held, with him. From sources supposed to be thoroughly reliable, it is learned that the Professor's allegations to the gentlemen of the commission are not near so strong as they appeared to be on paper. They have resolved themselves into mere hearsay, and that, too, of interested parties, and are therefore not to be regarded as very reliable. The commission left for the West last evening, to continue their investigations at the agency where the frauds were alleged to have been committed.

## THE MINNEAPOLIS TRIBUNE.

We would invite attention to the revelations made elsewhere in these columns regarding the manner in which Wilder & Co. and the St. Paul Indian Ring are in the habit of running their Indian matters. Here is a positive statement of a person who, at the instance of Wilder, assisted in the preparation of a number of false vouchers, whereby the government was overcharged considerably. It does not involve large sums of money, but is an intimation of how the thing was done, which should form a basis of an official investigation.

## FEEDING INDIANS

At Murrey's Old Restaurant,
in St. Paul, Third and

Jackson.

A. H. Wilder, His Book-Keeper and
Office Boy Securing Lying
Vouchers.

Murrey Turns State Evidence and
Convicts Himself and the
Big Contractor.

Tom Signs False Vouchers That
Ought to Make Him Lose
Sleep o' Nights.

The Books Overhauled by The Tribune
Correspondent and Legal
Proof Adduced.

Vouchers Manufactured, Vouchers
"Bulged" and Vouchers Nine
Times What a "Feed" Cost.

A Lunch Costing $4.00 Returneed to
Washington as Costing
$39.00.

All Vouchers for Transportation and
"Feed" Along the Route Same
as Murrey's.

Business for a Smelling Committee.

We have a little statement this morning that drives hard at the business integrity of A. H. Wilder, the heavy Indian contractor of St. Paul. Accepting it as truthful in itself, we have as clear a swindle on the government as was ever perpetrated. What we prove is not immense mathematically but heavy enough criminally. Inferiorally Mr. Wilder's own statement points to a fraud that may run into the hundred thousands. The Indian Bureau at Washington can take our article and ascertain the sums paid for mythical transportation at the rate of $40 per head, and also figure up the figurative board bill that was founded upon pork, bread and coffee.

### THE DIRECT EVIDENCE.

To hit the nail on the head we come directly to T. J. Murrey's statement that convicts himself of signing false vouchers, and A. H. Wilder & Co., (in the name of the St. Paul & Sioux City railroad) of securing the same.

Vouchers were made out and signed for feeding Indians four months before they arrived in St. Paul. In fact,

the vouchers to Dec. 24 for feeding myths are wholly and absolutely fictitious. We have seen and examined the books that contain the entries against Wilder for pork, &c., furnished to Indians on the dates mentioned in Murrey's statement. The footings in the little day book are in Wilder's own figures. The checks at the banks will show the correctness of Murrey's books and possibly the books prove the checks. Of the vouchers that Murrey has recorded in his ledger, and that were written there by his bookkeeper, the sum is $587.27. Of this amount, Murrey received $225.68. The overcharge (fraudulent) $361.59. That was the swindle played upon the Government at a single eating station on the route over which these Indians were carried. To illustrate how truly a swindle the feeding at St. Paul was, we have only to call attention to one item in Murrey's books. He charged and received $4.35 for banqueting, in his way, six Indians, and afterwards signed a voucher for Wilder's benefit for the sum of $39.-65. The bill in Wilder's office bulged $35.30. The following copy of entry made by Wilder's bookkeeper in Murrey's ledger does not include the little voucher just named nor the others that he never took arithmetical note of:

### ST. PAUL AND SIOUX CITY RAILROAD.

<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>1873.</th><th>1873.</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>July 25, 1873</td><td>to mde.</td><td>by cash, $77.00</td></tr><tr><td>Sept. 15,</td><td>"</td><td>"</td></tr><tr><td>Oct. 15,</td><td>"</td><td>"</td></tr><tr><td>Nov. 8,</td><td>"</td><td>"</td></tr><tr><td>Dec. 24,</td><td>"</td><td>"</td></tr><tr><td>Dec. 26,</td><td>"</td><td>"</td></tr><tr><td>Dec. 30,</td><td>"</td><td>"</td></tr><tr><td>1874.</td><td>"</td><td>"</td></tr><tr><td>Jan. 2,</td><td>"</td><td>"</td></tr><tr><td>Jan. 5,</td><td>"</td><td>"</td></tr><tr><td>Jan. 14,</td><td>"</td><td>"</td></tr><tr><td>Jan. 15,</td><td>"</td><td>"</td></tr></tbody></table>

Why above in name of Sioux City R. R. we are not informed. Murrey fed 789, including the guards. It cannot be said there were any more, as the number given more than includes the whole Winnebago posse that went west. The St. Paul newspaper notices of these arrivals that Murrey talks about correspond in date to his books. On one occasion Murrey fed 225 Indians, and got $50 for the "feed." For $108.25, amount of vouchers dated before any Indians arrived, he could have fed fully 400 of them. If Wilder returned vouchers to Washington for "feed" on July 25, Sept. 15, Oct. 15, and Nov. 8, 1873, he must have returned vouchers for transportation.

Here then, comes in

### THE STEAL.

It may be that 400 imaginary heads (Indians, dogs, papooses, or anything else that had a head, could as conveniently be included) were transported to Nebraska at $40 per head, Wilder's contract price. The amount thus taken would only be $16,000. Murrey states that Wilder said that all his vouchers corresponded exactly to Murrey's. If so, there was a handsome profit in boarding those red men, and Wilder & Co. received the margin. We show no "enormous" steals, as is the custom of Donnelly, but we do appear to have something tangible.

tract; that of the goods and pro-
visions issued to the Indians, the
blankets were small and poor, the pork un-
fit to eat, the tobacco unfit to smoke, and
the flour as bad as the rest. It is then an-
nounced that Prof. Marsh offers to sub-
stantiate all his charges, while the Com-
missioner and Secretary are said to hold
that no investigation is needed.

It is evident that there has been some
first-class lying in this matter. Prof. Marsh
has recently published a pretty "loud"
story in the New York *Tribune*—a paper
implacably hostile to the administration
and especially to Secretary Delano—but he
was probably hired to do it, or had other per-
sonal reasons for gratifying the *Tribune*'s ma-
lignity. Two months before it appeared he
had an opportunity to tell all he knew, at
Washington. He wrote a letter to the Pres-
ident, and was called before the Board of
Indian Commissioners—a body nominated
by the six or seven different Christian de-
nominations who have missionaries among
the Indians. Then he failed to make the
specific charges now imputed to him; but
he admitted that he secured safe conduct
on his scientific tour through Red
Cloud's dominions by agreeing to
report that frauds had been practiced on
the Sioux at the Red Cloud Agency. So it
was not the voluntary observation and re-
port of a scientific explorer, after all.
Again, he permitted five months to pass,
after his return home, before writing the
President at all, which does not show that
he was so deeply penetrated with the
wrongs of the Indians, as he would now
have the public believe, while he certainly
failed in duty as a good citizen in not
promptly helping to bring wrong-doers to
justice. In this respect it is clear that
Prof. Marsh's reputation needs vindicating
as much as that of anybody else.

But if "Agent Saville" was guilty of
cheating the Indians, as badly as is alleged,
it does not follow that Secretary Delano or
Commissioner Smith are in any way re-
sponsible. The Indian Agents are not
political appointees. They are appointed
by the Secretary, on the nomination of relig-
ious denominations, pursuant to the plan
inaugurated early in Grant's administra-
tion. The appointment of Saville was
made on this nomination:

No. 2 BIBLE HOUSE.

NEW YORK CITY, July 7, 1873.

The Hon. Columbus Delano, Secretary of the In-
terior.

DEAR SIR:—In behalf of the Executive Commit-
tee of the Indian Commission of the Protestant
Episcopal Church, I nominate Dr. John J. Saville,
of Sioux City, Iowa, as agent to succeed Dr. Dan-
tels at the Red Cloud agency. Dr. Saville's testi-
monials are very satisfactory.

I am, very truly yours,

H. DYER,

Chairman of Ex. Committee.

We submit that the Secretary cannot
fairly be held responsible for the character
of this agent, whether good or bad. He
had no alternative but to appoint the man
named by the Episcopal church. Nor
could he, or the Commissioner, have per-
sonal supervision of his work, for he was
located thousands of miles away. All that
either or both can properly be held ac-
countable for is the correction of wrongs

brought to their notice. It is asserted that
they have opposed investigation, and have
declared it unnecessary; and hence they are
accused of connection with the "Indian
Ring." But the best answer to this aspersion
is, that Secretary Delano has ordered an
investigation, by a Commission represent-
ing all parties, as follows: Ex Gov.
Fletcher, of Missouri, Republican; Hon.
B. W. Harris, of Mass., Liberal; Hon. C.
J. Faulkner, of West Virginia, Democrat.
Is it too much to ask a suspension of judg-
ment concerning offences committed, and
who should be held responsible, until this
Commission makes its report?

Nash
Tribune
July 7, 1873

WASHINGTON,

SECRETARY DELANO.

WHY HE DON'T STEP DOWN AND
OUT.

Interesting Exposures Threatened if
He is Forced to Go.

LET US HAVE THE EXPOSURES.

We allude elsewhere to Mr. Delano's posi-
tion in the Interior Department, and in ad-
dition we give our readers the following which
was telegraphed from this city last night:

A statement, originating at the Interior De-
partment, is in circulation to the effect that
at the Cabinet meeting last week the case of
Secretary Delano was discussed, and that only
two members, namely, Bristow and Jewell,
were in favor of his retiring from the Cabinet,
and that all the others favored his remaining.

So far from this being true the case of Mr.
Delano was not even mentioned at that Cabi-
net meeting. Further, every member of the
Cabinet has, within a few weeks past, privately
expressed the opinion that the time had come
when the interest of the Administration and of
the Republican party required that he should
go out. Further than this, the President, about
the 50th of June ultimo, addressed Mr. Delano
in writing, asking for his resignation.

When Mr. Delano received this letter, on
his return to the department a few days later,
he left at once for Long Branch, and had a
most remarkable interview with the Presi-
dent, in which he insisted that he should not
be removed under fire; that he should be al-
lowed to remain till the pending investiga-
tions into Indian affairs were finished, and
finally ended with what were virtually threats
that if he was forced out of the Cabinet the
Administration would regret it.

And this is exactly where the Delano matter
now stands. He says boldly to those about

the President that if he is put out there will
be exposures made that will not affect his per-
sonal or his official family alone, and rather
than have a present row of that character the
President has chosen to let a formal response
to his letter from Delano go unanswered for
the present.

In regard to these last insinuations the
President is said to be greatly provoked, but
as he recognized the force of Delano's appeal
to be allowed to remain, at least till the In-
dian investigations are over, he has concluded
to take no step, notwithstanding the last sore
provocation, till these commissioners report.

The statement that the President, about the
time indicated in June, wrote Mr. Delano for-
mally requesting his resignation, and that
Mr. Delano declined to offer it when thus re-
quested, can be implicitly relied upon as cor-
rect, in spite of all denials from any quarter.

BOSTON DAILY ADVERTISER.

MONDAY MORNING, JULY 26, 1875.

MR. DELANO'S POSITION.

When Mr. Delano intimated to the Presi-
dent that, in the event of his removal, he
(Delano) would make disclosures which
would bring down other members of the offi-
cial family, the proper answer would have
been that the public service had more to fear
from concealment than from disclosure in
such cases, and he could therefore retire and
do his worst at once.

The statement made in our despatches this
morning is more damaging to the Secretary
of the Interior than any of the direct charges
against his department. While these charges
have been accumulating, it has been assumed
in many quarters that the Secretary was cor-
ruptly implicated, and much random criti-
cism and denunciation of him has been based
upon that assumption. We have seen no evi-
dence to warrant it; and, until the investiga-
tion now going on in the Indian bureau
brings the facts to light, there can be no ade-
quate ground for attacking his personal in-
tegrity.

But the department has suffered, and with
it the credit of the government, from abuses
committed within his jurisdiction, and pre-
sumably subject to his control. The facts
have been known to the President and to
the other members of the Cabinet for a long
time, and upon these facts alone a change
would no doubt have been effected early in
the year, but for the appearance of other ex-
travagant charges against Mr. Delano, affect-
ing his personal integrity, and altogether
likely to be disproved by the investigation now
going on.

The real grounds for desiring his removal
did not affect his private character, and the
attempt to raise that issue has proved to be
an embarrassment which the President has
not yet been able to overcome. But if the
representation made in our despatches is cor-
rect, Mr. Delano's threat should have made a
vacancy in the department of the Interior as
soon as it was spoken.