Foreword to: Malcolm Fraser on Australia

Henry A. Kissinger

Most statesmen are difficult to imagine separated from the aura of power that surrounds them. To be blunt about it, very few of them are interesting because of their own ideas. Their special skill is the gaining and exercise of power, which inevitably involves the making of decisions, but not necessarily the grasping of their implications. Before the modern political leader achieves office, all his incentives are to attract the media attention without which he is doomed to irrelevance. Afterwards he must manage a bureaucracy wonderously complicated and difficult to control. The modern statesman is usually the apostle of the urgent; he rarely has time to deal with the important. In time, he even loses the sense for it.

Malcolm Fraser was always an extraordinary exception to these generalities. True, he has had a highly developed sense for the realities of power (no political leader can survive without it). But to Malcolm, power was important because of the ends it was designed to serve; the betterment of his people. I have found Malcolm Fraser, both in and out of office, an uncommonly interesting man and thinker.

This volume of excerpts from Malcolm's public statements over the past decade shows why this is so. It is not appropriate for an outsider to comment on Australian domestic politics. But it is no secret that my own convictions are based on a conservatism in the Disraeli tradition--a conservatism that is far more than a sterile defense of the status quo. Rather that it is the duty of the conservative statesman to shape change in a manner that is just and humane and in accord with the spirit of the age. But it is also his duty to encourage private initiative, restrict unnecessary governmental power, and seek to prevent the convulsive upheavals which rend social cohesion and prevent the national consensus without which politics turns into a species of civil war. It is not, therefore, strange that I should find Malcolm Fraser's reflections on the nature of a just society congenial.

It was in the field of foreign policy that I knew Malcolm Fraser best. Australia is geographically far removed from the sources of tension that form the headlines of the day. It must, as a consequence, be tempting for Australian statesmen to adopt a posture analogous to that of some of the non-aligned, deprecating the role of power, pretending that foreign policy is like a college debate in which an award is given for eloquence rather than the balancing and reconcilia-

Page Two

tion of interests. But such an attitude coming from our
Australian allies would contribute to the demoralization of
international politics. It would put a disproportionate
physical and intellectual burden on the United States,
which would sooner or later encourage a revival of American
isolationism. And it would not, in my view, serve Australia's
long term interests, since Australia is located in that part
of the world experiencing the most dynamic growth. New power
centers are emerging throughout the area; they are power
centers that inevitably begin to insist on influence commen-
surate with their perceptions of power. Moreover, the Soviet
military presence in the area is steadily expanding. Thus,
in something more than a generation, the axis of world
politics will shift to the Pacific. At that point Australia
will be at the vortex of world affairs. And it cannot then
improvise either a theory or relationships to navigate that
passage.

Successive Australian leaders of both parties have understood
this--none more clearly than Malcolm Fraser. His speeches on
the role of the balance of power in the Pacific; his percep-
tion of the importance of China; his realism toward the Soviet
Union; his understanding of the political and psychological
components of Japanese policy; his farsighted approach to
SouthEast Asia; and his unwavering friendship for the United
States are the elements on which peace in the Pacific must be
built in the decades ahead.

Malcolm Fraser is not a practitioner of classical power
politics, though he understands the importance of power. In
his attitude toward equal justice in Southern Africa, he has
consistently made clear that in a democracy foreign policy
must reflect the moral convictions of its people.

For all these reasons I recommend this book, and consider it
a privilege to have been given this opportunity to pay my
respects to a distinguished statesman and friend.

FRASER FOREWORD

Most statesmen are difficult to imagine separated from
the aura of power that surrounds them. To be quite blunt
about it, the fewest of them are interesting because of their
own ideas. Their special skill is the gaining and exercise
of power. This inevitably consists of making decisions, but
not necessarily to grasp their implications. Before the
modern political leader achieves office, all his incentives
are to attract the media attention without which he is
doomed to irrelevance. Afterwards he must manage a bureau-
cracy wonderously complicated compared to even the period
prior to the second World War. The modern statesman is
usually the apostle of the urgent; he rarely has time to
deal with the important. In time, he even loses the sense
for it.

Malcolm Fraser was always an extraordinary exception
to these generalities. True, he has had a highly developed
sense for the realities of power. No political leader can
survive without it. But this has always been in the service

-2-

of the purpose political power was obliged to serve. I have
found Malcolm Fraser an uncommonly interesting man and thinker;
and this interest has not diminished in the years that Fraser
has left office.

This volume of excerpts from Malcolm Fraser's public
statements over the past decade shows why this is so. It is
not appropriate for an outsider to comment on Australian
domestic politics. But it is no secret that my own convictions
are based on a conservatism in the Disraeli tradition. This
requires that conservatism not become a sterile defense of the
status quo. Rather that it is the duty of the conservative
statesman to shape change in a manner that is just and
humane and in accord with the spirit of the age. But it also
encourages private initiative, restricts unnecessary govern-
mental power, and seeks to prevent the convulsive upheavals
which rend social cohesion and prevent the national consensus
without which politics turns into a species of civil war.
It is not strange that I should find Malcolm Fraser's reflec-

-3-

It was, of course, in the field of foreign policy that I knew Malcolm Fraser best, when we were both in, as well as out, of office. Australia is geographically far removed from the sources of tension that form the headlines of the day. It must be tempting to adopt a posture analogous to that of some of the non-aligned deprecating the role of power, pretending that foreign policy is like a college debate in which an award is given for eloquence rather than the balancing and reconciliation of interests. Such an attitude would contribute to the demoralization of international politics. It would put a disproportionate physical and intellectual burden on the United States which would sooner or later encourage a revival of American isolationism. And it would not in my view serve Australia's long term interests.

For Australia is located in the geographic area experiencing the most dynamic growth. New power centers are emerging all over the vast area. They will not be the first not to insist

-4-

on influence commensurate with their perception of power.

Moreover the Soviet military presence is steadily expanding.

It will not be much more than a generation that the axis of
world politics will shift to the Pacific. At that point
Australia will be at the vortex of world affairs. And it
cannot then improvise either a theory or relationships to
navigate that passage.

Successive Australian leaders of both parties have
understood this. None more clearly than Malcolm Fraser.
His speeches on the role of the balance of power in the
Pacific; his perception of the importance of China; his
realism toward the Soviet Union; his understanding of the
political and psychological components of Japanese policy;
his farsighted approach toward SouthEast Asia, and his
unwavering friendship for the United States are the elements
on which peace in the Pacific must be built in the decades
ahead.

-5-

politics, though he understands the importance of power. In
his attitude toward equal justice in Southern Africa he has
consistently made clear that in a democracy foreign policy
must reflect the moral convictions of its people.

For all these reasons I recommend this book to the
readers and consider it a privilege to have been given this
opportunity to pay my respects to a distinguished statesman
and friend.

Monash University

CLAYTON, VICTORIA 3168. AUSTRALIA

TELEPHONE: 03 541 0811 TELEGRAMS: Monashuni Melbourne
TELEX: Monash AA 32691 (790)

FACULTY OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICS

DEAN: Professor W. A. Sinclair

Your Ref:

In Reply please Quote:

JUN 13 1985

June 4, 1985

Dr. Henry Kissinger,
Suite 1021,
1800 K Street,
WASHINGTON. D.C.
U.S.A.

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

Speeches of the Rt. Hon. Malcolm Fraser, C.H.

Professor David Kemp and I, who both served Mr. Fraser as Director of his Private Office during his Prime Ministership, are now editing a book of selections from his speeches over the last decade. The selections will draw together the perspectives and ideas which he consistently brought to bear on politics and policy, both national and international. It is our view that his insights should not be lost, and that many of the lines of thinking which he espoused still warrant serious attention, especially in Australia today.

The book has Mr. Fraser's full support. We are writing to you in the hope that you may be willing to contribute a foreword, particularly as we know that it would give Mr. Fraser real and profound satisfaction if you were able to do so. It would also add substantially to the standing and reception accorded to the book in Australia if you would lend your weight to it in this way.

The book is to go to the publishers shortly under the title 'Malcolm Fraser on Australia'. We would like to send you the completed manuscript towards the end of June for your perusal. It will run to about 100,000 words, with an introduction. The selections vary from a paragraph to about 2 pages, and are arranged thematically.

We would be very pleased to hear from you, or alternatively simply to send a copy of the manuscript for your consideration when it is finalised.

FRASER FOREWORD

-2-

-3-

-4-

-5-