NEW YORK POST, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 26, 1974

Max Lerner

KISSINGER: A NECESSARY MYTH

We danced—as the phrase goes—madly into the night. Or if not madly, then at least energetically, and if not until dawn, then at least to a respectably late hour.

The dinner dance that Nelson and Happy Rockefeller gave as a wedding party for Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and his unfortunately absent bride was more than a social event to which even a batch of columnists and their wives were invited.

It was in one sense a political phenomenon that couldn't be easily matched these days. Can you think of any two American political personalities, other than Rockefeller and Kissinger, who could bring more than 300 people together today straight across the entire political spectrum? And end by having them enjoy it and each other?

In that sense it was an exercise in political civility as well as in high fashion and largely middle-age dancing. I mean by civility exactly the capacity of people with diverse positions to sink their differences within a common climate of ideas—in this case an absorption with American global policy.

Curiously, the conversation at the tables was not dominated by Watergate. The talk was about Israel and the Middle East, about the Egyptian nuclear reactor, about SALT I and SALT II, about Rockefeller's chances for the White House, about painters and sculptors, about the Russian dissenters and the Soviet detente, about Communist Party Chairman Leonid Brezhnev and President Anwar Sadat

and Sen. Henry Jackson—but above all else about Henry Kissinger.

There was, of course, an old ghost hovering over the Banquet—that of the mooted Kissinger wiretaps. There was a new ghost, too, the story of a secret Kissinger nuclear agreement with the Russians, undisclosed to Congress—which Kissinger sharply denied at his press conference two days later.

Kissinger must by now have discovered something about holding high office in a power-obsessed, faction-ridden, media-drenched society. To wield great power you must cope daily with crises, with their inner twistings and their outer impact. But even more you must constantly struggle to keep your credibility from being fatally damaged, even if it is not wholly spared.

The past weeks have been an agonized struggle of this kind for him. Some writers have been raising the question of whether Kissinger is indispensable.

Put that way, it answers itself: In a democracy no man is indispensable. Only the progress is—that of finding a man trusting or mistrusting him, being free to criticize and even bring him down if he deserves it.

But the question could be put differently. Is a sense of authority indispensable? I think it is. For it is a man's personal authority which legitimizes the power he wields. In America amid the ruins of authority in the Presidency and Congress, there are judges who still exert it—and there is Kissinger.

He has exerted it until now as witness the congregating of people around him, the magnet by which he draws them.

People, one might add, who are largely ungullible by profession and habit. But as the inevitable shadows gather around him, will he continue to exert this authority? Or will he, too, like almost everyone and everything else, prove expendable?

Is Henry Kissinger a myth? Of course. Every commanding figure in politics, business, writing, the arts—comes something of a myth, bigger than life-size. They shoot up, they die down, and very few survive the cruel process of sudden expansion and sudden deflation we visit on them. Kissinger survived the buildup and even helped it a bit. Talking with him, watching him, one can't help wondering whether he is calm and sturdy enough to survive the pressures of deflation already setting in.

I think he is, but it is only a guess. As my readers know, along with my broad agreement with Kissinger there are things I don't go along with. I am concerned about the Egyptian nuclear reactor, and about whether detente with Russia is genuinely a two-way street, and about the testimony Paul Nitze has been giving the Senate, and about how strong or weak our nuclear negotiating stance toward Russia is.

We have a hunger for outsize figures. To say that a man is a myth doesn't mean he is a fake, but only that we have an investment of belief in him. Despite the Watergate shambles, perhaps because of those shambles, there is a hunger in all of us for believing in someone, a need for credibility. In that sense Kissinger is a myth, but a necessary myth.

With some stamina and candor on his part, along with the capacity he has shown to deliver, and some luck on our part, this may turn-out to be one myth that won't crumble too easily or too fast.

CURRENT NEWS

PART II - MAIN EDITION - 1130

THIS SUPPLEMENTS PART I-EARLY BIRD EDITION

TUESDAY, JUNE 25, 1974

WASHINGTON POST - 25 JUNE 1974 Pg. 14

# Shah Denies Planning A-Bombs

By Jonathan C. Randal

Washington Post Foreign Service

PARIS, June 24—Shah Mahaed Reza Pahlevi arrived today for an official visit amid controversy over reported remarks suggesting that Iran is determined to develop its own nuclear weapons.

Only hours before the shah arrived for talks aimed at increasing French exports to pay for Iranian oil imports, the Iranian embassy issued a formal denial.

"Made out of whole cloth and without any foundation," the embassy here said of the shah's remarks reported in the economic weekly Les Informations.

Asked if Iran hoped to have nuclear weapons one day, the weekly quoted the shah as having replied, "Without any doubt and sooner than one would think."

The shah has the reputation of saying many things to many people, and he is quoted in a long interview published in today's Le Monde as saying that it would be "ridiculous" for any country in the Middle East to possess nuclear arms.

He repeated his previous assertions that "our zone should be non-nuclear," while insisting on the need to draw up the exact frontiers of any non-nuclear region.

He maintained: "We could never have parity with the great nuclear powers," and warned that if "every little country tried to arm itself with even elementary nuclear weapons, then perhaps the national interests of any given country could demand it followed suit. But I would find that completely ridiculous."

President Valery Giscard d'Estaing showed every sign of taking the shah's visit with the utmost seriousness in view of France's paramount need to even out its growing oil-induced trade deficit with Iran.

Although a declared foe of protocol for domestic occasions, the new French president laid on the standard airport greeting ceremony complete with 101-gun salute and put the Grand Trianon at the Versailles Palace at the Iran

See A-BOMB, Pg. 2

# Wilson Tells of Nuclear Test, Sharply Hit by Own Party

By Thomas O'Toole

Washington Post Staff Writer

Britain conducted its first nuclear test in nine years underground in Nevada several weeks ago, meaning that all six nuclear powers have blown up bombs this year.

The British test was condemned by United Nations Secretary General Kurt Waldheim and by members of Prime Minister Harold Wilson's own Labor Party.

Laborie William Roberts told Wilson that the test "will be a matter of sadness for millions of ordinary people throughout the world who were looking to a British Labor government to give a lead in world disarmament." Leftwing Laborie Frank Allain asked Wilson, "Are you more influenced by a handful of brassards than by the Labor Party Conference?"

Britain did not disclose the purpose of the test, believed to be equal in force to about 200 kilotons. That would make it just about the size of the improved warhead for the Polaris missile, whose so-called A-3 version carries three warheads of about 180 kilotons each.

Sources said the test could be either a "proof test" of a stockpiled warhead or an "effects test" to see how the bomb would behave in specific wartime conditions. A proof test would mean that Britain wanted to see how its warheads were working, since the country had not tested any since 1965.

The British test was the fifth it has held in Nevada under a bilateral treaty with the United States. It held two in Nevada in 1962, one in 1964 and one in 1965. The latest test, which was held two weeks ago, went unannounced by the AEC.

Wilson told the House of Commons that the test had been carried out to "maintain the effectiveness of Great Britain's nuclear deterrent," rightly meaning the 16 mis

See TEST, Pg. 2

BALTIMORE SUN - 25 JUNE 1974 Pg. 1

# Kissinger denies deal with Soviet on missiles

By DEAN MILLS

Washington Bureau of The Sun

Washington-Henry A. Kissinger denounced yesterday as "totally false" charges that a secret Soviet-American understanding allowed the Soviet Union more, and the United States fewer, submarine missiles than spelled out in the 1972 Moscow SALT I agreement.

The Secretary of State devoted more than a half hour of his news conference yesterday to a detailed rebuttal of the charge, made last week by Senator Henry M. Jackson (D., Wash.).

"Those arguments," Dr. Kissinger said in response to a reporter's question — the first asked at the news conference—"are totally false in every detail. They have no merit whatsoever."

Dr. Kissinger then gave a detailed history of an "interpretation" of the 1972 strategic arms limitation agreement on offensive weapons. The interpretation, the secretary insisted was not secret and it represented a reluctantly made negotiating concession by the Soviet Union to the United States, not the other way around.

But Senator Jackson stuck to his assertion that under a "secret clarification" signed July 24, 1972, the Russians were allowed to "install an additional 70 current technology missiles" on some of their submarines. The document, Senator Jackson said in a formal statement, was not transmitted to senior government officials until 11 months after its ratification, and was never submit-

See MISSILES, Pg. 2

BALTIMORE SUN

25 JUNE 1974 Pg. 4

# Kremlin minister in Peking

Moscow Bureau of The Sun

Moscow—On the eve of the Soviet-American summit meeting, the Kremlin sent a deputy foreign minister to Peking last night to renew efforts to improve its relations with China, according to informed sources here.

Leonid F. Ilichev, the deputy minister, was sent on a similar mission last year just before Leonid I. Brezhnev, the Soviet Communist party chief, visited the United States.

Moscow proposed a non-aggression pact then, but Peking rejected it.

The Kremlin was thought to be engaged in another such effort, even though it might prove no more than a futile gesture, but no details were available here last night on Mr. Ilichev's mission.

Mr. Ilichev, who heads the Soviet negotiating team in the long-staleminated Sino-Soviet border talks, is also expected to press Peking hard to release three Soviet helicopter crewmen who landed their aircraft on the Chinese side of the border in central Asia after losing their way, according to Moscow, and running out of fuel March 14.

After warning Peking that See PEKING, Pg. 3

PREPARED BY THE AIR FORCE (SAFA) AS EXECUTIVE AGENT FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE TO BRING TO THE ATTENTION OF KEY

DOD PERSONNEL MATTERS WITHIN THEIR OFFICIAL RESPONSIBILITIES.

JAMES KILLINGBECK, CHIEF.CURRENT NEWS BRANCH, OX 78765

HELEN YOUNG, ASSISTANT CHIEF

FOR SPECIAL RESEARCH SERVICES OR DISTRIBUTION CALL HARRY ZUBKOFF, CHIEF, EXECUTIVE AGENCY SERVICE, OX 52884

A18

JUNE 26, 1978

TUESDAY, JULY

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

Secretary Kissinger's Response

SECRETARY KISSINGER took on a vital job at his news conference yesterday. He moved forthrightly to dispose of the deadly suggestion that at the first Nixon-Brezhnev summit in 1972, the administration had secretly agreed to allow Moscow more missiles and Washington fewer missiles than was publicly announced. The alleged missile disparity might not have been of much military consequence. But a proven disparity between administration pronouncement and actual fact would have aggravated greatly the substantial problem Mr. Nixon already faces in persuading the public that he is still fit to conduct foreign policy. On the eve of his third summit meeting with Mr. Brezhnev, the one thing Mr. Nixon does not need is another challenge to his negotiating authority. Secretary Kissinger, whose credibility is also under challenge in the matter of wiretaps, could scarcely have gone on if his word on missiles had been shown to be untrue.

This truly profound crisis arose last Friday from a statement issued by Sen. Henry M. Jackson (D-Wash.), who is at once the administration's leading critic—from the right—on defense issues and a 1976 Presidential hopeful. Newly disclosed Soviet-American "understandings," said Mr. Jackson, would allow the Russians up to 70 more than the 950 modern sub-launched missiles permitted under the five-year interim agreement on offensive weapons signed in 1972. Similarly, he added, the administration had privately assured Moscow it would build up the American sub force only to 656 missiles rather than to the 710 permitted by the agreement over its five-year span. Sen. Jackson, readers will recall, recently warned that the President's political need for a foreign policy triumph could induce him to make an unwise "quick fix" nuclear deal at the Moscow summit, which begins later this week. His statements of last Friday added to the impression that Mr. Nixon is unreliable and should not be heading for the Kremlin at all.

Dr. Kissinger, however, gave what struck us as a persuasive answer. He produced hitherto secret documents demonstrating that, even if the Russians do put new modern missiles on their old G-class subs—something, by the way, which not even Mr. Jackson expects them to do—then these missiles must fall under the public 950 ceiling. This American interpretation was put in writing after the 1973 summit and, Secretary Kissinger emphasized, reading from the document itself, the Russians signed it—and have respected it.

Secretary Kissinger acknowledged that President Nixon had indeed "told" Mr. Brezhnev that the United States would not use the option, written into the same agreement, to convert certain land-based missiles to sea-

based missiles in order to increase its sea force from 656 to the permitted 710. The reason for not so converting was that the United States was on the verge of announcing its program to build the new Trident subs, due for launching not earlier than 1978, the year after the five-year interim agreement of 1972 was to expire; so why build more old subs in the interim? The United States had claimed the right to convert, the Secretary added, to match the same right claimed by the Russians. And why did Mr. Nixon tell Mr. Brezhnev? Because the Trident program would quickly become apparent to Moscow in any event, and as "a gesture ... that leaders sometimes engage in for the general atmosphere of relationships." Is this "startling," in Mr. Jackson's word? Hardly.

Secretary Kissinger seems to have removed a dark and dangerous cloud from the administration's diplomacy. But Senator Jackson, who did not find reason to raise these challenges to the 1972 agreement until the week before the upcoming summit, seems reluctant to concede that he has not provided substantial evidence to sustain his challenges. So the affair may not yet be at a close.

The episode reveals, however an important flaw—fortunately a remediable flaw—in the administration's approach to arms control negotiations. There was indeed some secret back-and-forth with the Russians over the G-class subs. The result of it did not alter the public record but the trace of it, once it became evident, was bound to arouse questions—that are all the harder to handle in the Watergate atmosphere. Similarly, if Mr. Nixon—knowing that the Trident program was about to begin—could confide to Mr. Brezhnev that therefore the United States would not use its option to put 710 missiles to sea by 1977, why could he not tell the same to Congress and the public? In both instances, sensible decisions that would not have suffered from the light of day came to look somewhat dubious, and provided fodder to critics, when they first emerged in hearings before Congress. If Senator Jackson has played harder than he might in fulfilling his responsibility for congressional review, then the administration might have precluded any play at all by earlier putting more of the Soviet-American exchanges on the public record.

No doubt the Russians were somewhat agog to find Secretary Kissinger going public with material the Russians would not dream of presenting to their own public. But they must learn—and perhaps they are learning—that the reason for going public is not the trivial one of easing some politician's embarrassment but the basic and beneficial one of reinforcing American public support for arms control agreements in the mutual interest.

NY Times

Op/Ed Page

Press vs. Kissinger

To the Editor:

The latest California poll shows a sharp increase in the number of people who think the press unfair and biased against the President—31 per cent vs. 17 per cent last October.

And this poll was taken before your tendentious [June 11] editorial accusing Henry Kissinger of "dissembling," which patently is another brazen attempt to get President Nixon.

Henry Kissinger, in my opinion, is a truly great American of impeccable honor and integrity. To attempt a character assassination on your tenuous wiretap charges is deplorable.

Out here in California, many of us are fed up to our weary eyeballs reading about such Presidential "high crimes" as wiretaps, blue language, racial slurs, Saudi Arabian jewels capers that outdid Humphrey and Fulbright, excessive trips by the President on his yacht, getting more milk money than Wilbur Mills and at least sixteen members of the House Judiciary Committee and supporting the dairy (and the tomato) industry by luncheoning immoderately on cottage cheese and catsup.

If I were an astute investigative reporter, I'd say the big crime story of the moment that needs exposing in Washington is the one about those porous, politically motivated pipsqueaks in the Congress who traffic in passing along secret Government documents to certain cronies in the media.

JOHN A. POPE

San Francisco, June 14, 1974

To the Editor:

Henry Kissinger has threatened to resign unless criticism for his role in the wiretapping of Government officials and reporters ends, asserting that the wiretaps were legal and appropriate.

These wiretaps were not legal, and Mr. Kissinger's insensitivity to the legal and ethical questions involved indicate that his resignation would be appropriate. Nothing is more sacred under our Bill of Rights than the proposition that a person's private affairs shall be free from governmental interference except under the most unusual circumstances and under a warrant signed by a judicial official. The taps requested by Mr. Kissinger appear to serve no motive higher than that of a narrow political purpose, and no attempt whatsoever was made to obtain judicial authorization.

Mr. Kissinger should have known that this snooping has always been illegal in the United States. His refusal to admit error and apologize now indicate that he is unfit to continue to conduct the foreign affairs of this democracy.

JON VAN DYKE

San Francisco, June 14, 1974

## Publisher's Column

# Shower of stars for Kissingers

By Thomas Vail

A great deal has been said about the party the Nelson Rockefellers gave at his grandfather's estate at Tarrytown, N.Y., for Dr. Henry Kissinger and his new bride Nancy last Saturday.

I thought this affair was off the record like other parties the Rockefellers have given there. However, as the party has since been reported by various sources, I will add a few details because there seems to be so much interest in the who, what, how and

what for concerning this enchanted evening.

VAIl

The Rockefeller estate we are talking about is the one developed by former Gov. Rockefeller's grandfather between 1909 and 1913. The main house, of native New York stone, is of American Victorian architecture surrounded by formal gardens with numerous "Italian-type fountains, modern sculpture," and an 18-hole golf course encircling the gardens.

The house site is on a hill with a superb view of the Hudson River on one side and Tarrytown on the other. It is not a monstrously large residence, but is beautifully arranged, including family portraits upstairs and a great collection of modern art in the basement. Outside there is an authentic Japanese garden, and a tennis court area where a tent was constructed for the 350 guests for the black-tie dinner dance for the famous newlyweds. Both the Kissingers worked for Nelson Rockefeller and Mrs. Kissinger still does.

There are few, if any, people in the United States who could assemble such an interesting group of people on a national basis other than Mr. and Mrs. Nelson Rockefeller.

There seemed to be no significance to the guest list, except that everyone there had some personal relationship with Mr. and Mrs. Rockefeller and or the Kissingers. Bankers, businessmen, publishers, editors-in-chief, television stars, cabinet officers past and present, all enjoyed themselves walking in the gardens and dancing in the gala tent hung with baskets of flowers.

Dinner consisted of borscht soup, a fish course with a Rhine wine, beef Wellington, vanilla pot de creme for dessert and French champagne.

Mrs. Kissinger was not present, as she is in a hospital recovering from an ulcer attack.

Former Gov. Rockefeller took the microphone between dances to make some appropriate personal remarks, to thank everyone for coming, and to assure the guests that Mrs. George Meany, who had fainted, was all right.

Dr. Kissinger's remarks, in addition to thanking the Rockefellers for the splendid affair, were directed at the state of this country. His thoughts were to the effect that no other country in the world would be willing to take itself apart to preserve its ideals and to reach higher ground.

Our secretary of state seemed to be enjoying himself and looks very well considering the incredible schedule he maintains.

A party like this one underlines the unique and special position the Rockefellers, and Nelson Rockefeller in particular, occupy in our national life. While there are big and fancy parties given in this country and elsewhere, few if any of them include a national guest list of such variety. There were people like George Meany, Clare Booth, Luce, former Treasury Secretary George Shultz, World Bank president Bob McNamara; Mrs. Norman Chandler of the Los Angeles Times publishing empire, former New York Mayor Robert Wagner, black businessman Kenneth Sherwood of New York City, World War II hero Lauris Norstad, painter William Walton, Israeli Ambassador to the United States Simcha Dinitz, Mrs. Lyndon Johnson's former press secretary, Liz Carpenter; former IBM chairman Tom Watson, "Today" show host Barbara Walters, magazine publisher Gardner Cowles, Chicago businessman Brooks McCormick, Jack Howard of Scripps-Howard, former Gov. W. Averell Harriman, Treasury Secretary William E. Simon; Roger Blough, former chairman of U.S. Steel, Nancy Hanks, chairman of the National Endowment for the Arts, J. K. Jamieson, chairman of Exxon, and Danny Kaye.

The Rockefellers obviously not only believe in the American system but are not afraid to participate in it and to collect their many friends in a private residence to enjoy themselves and exchange ideas.

There were few, if any, political figures present, which may signify some feeling about the state of our national political life on the part of the host.

There was no political overtone to this party, no mention of President Nixon or Watergate and no feeling that Rockefeller is running for president. As Rockefeller confided to friends here in Cleveland a week ago, he will wait until next year to decide what, if any, political route he will follow.

The Rockefeller party for the Kissingers was a unique evening and one to remember, not so much because of the fancy surroundings but because, like the Rockefellers, most of the guests have a high regard for this country and are trying in their own way to contribute to it.

THE WASHINGTON POST, TUESDAY, JUNE 25, 1974

Joseph Kraft

# SALT: A Time for Open Dealing

Complexity and contention obscure mightily the current fuss about whether Dr. Kissinger made secret agreements to close loopholes in the 1972 arms control agreement with Russia. But two lessons stand out as beacons for the Strategic Arms Limitations talks which continue this week at the Moscow summit.

In dealing with the Russians on the intrinsically difficult business of arms control so far, the President and Dr. Kissinger have relied far too much on personal, even private, diplomacy. If they want to save SALT at the Moscow summit, they will have to stop regarding the American people, the Congress and what they like to call the bureaucracy as the enemy.

At the heart of the present dispute is a protocol (formally known as Appendix I-C) to the 1972 treaty. A key clause in the protocol asserts that, "The Soviet Union may have no more than 950 ballistic missile launchers on submarines and no more than 62 modern ballistic missile submarines."

That clause, which has been the subject of great contention inside the government, surfaced as an issue last Thursday in testimony, delivered under oath in executive session to the Arms Control Subcommittee of the Senate Armed Services committee. The witness was Paul Nitze, a former deputy secretary of Defense who served as a member of the SALT ne-

gotiating team from 1972 through this year. Mr. Nitze resigned from that post a week ago Friday, mainly in order to be free to criticize publicly the SALT negotiations which, he felt, were being handled too privately by Dr. Kissinger.

In his testimony, Mr. Nitze was asked how he felt about the 1972 SALT agreement which he had defended to the Congress. He cited certain reservations which had to do with ambiguities of language. One of the ambiguities involved Appendix 1-C.

Mr. Nitze pointed out that the language could be construed to apply only to missile launchers on modern submarines. Under that reading, the Russians would have the right to put launchers on 22 older diesel boats known as G-class submarines. If so, the Russians would have been entitled to another 70 sea-based launchers on top of the 950 stipulated in the treaty.

Mr. Nitze went on to say that American negotiators had raised the ambig-

> "In dealing with the Russians on arms control so far, the President and Dr. Kissinger have relied far too much on personal, even private, diplomacy."

uous point with the Russians, and won Soviet acceptance of the American interpretation. Thus, in fact, the Russians were not allowed the extra 70 launchers.

The point of Mr. Nitze's observations was that the 1972 agreement had been negotiated too rapidly with resultant loopholes. In his testimony, and in his comments to reporters, Mr. Nitze was careful to underline that there was no strategic issue at stake.

But the senators, as is often the case, were confused. They put it about that Dr. Kissinger had in fact conceded Moscow an extra 70 launchers in a secret agreement. That story was given further amplification in the press.

Dr. Kissinger—at a press conference yesterday morning and in testimony under oath to the Jackson subcommittee yesterday afternoon—has twice denied the charge that he negotiated a secret agreement more favorable to the Russians than the published treaty. Those disposed to up-

hold Dr. Kissinger in all matters will now blame the press and the Congress for acting irresponsibly.

But the more basic point is that there was confusion and ambiguity about a key clause in the agreement. Mr. Nitze and other experts of undoubtedly acumen and honor were disturbed by the loophole.

Just how the loophole came to be is not clear. But the universal suspicion is that it crept in because Dr. Kissinger was negotiating highly complex matters on his own. Certainly, everybody including Congress, the experts and the American people, was left in the dark for a long time as to the way the loophole was closed.

So the true lesson is that the President and Dr. Kissinger have to remind themselves of a few basics in the course known as civics. For better or worse, the United States is a democracy. The people, and the Congress, cannot be kept in the dark forever. The bureaucracy is full of loyal Americans—not enemies; and not even the smartest person, not even Dr. Kissinger, can keep what the whole bureaucracy knows in his head.

Now, if ever, is the time for plain dealing, with maximum information to the public. If the President and Dr. Kissinger persist in their penchant for "miracles" in secret at the summit, then the enemies of arms control will shoot down whatever agreements they conclude in Moscow this week.

© 1974, Field Enterprises, Inc.

Washington Star-News

NIGHT FINAL
LATE STOCKS/SPORTS

CHILLY — Partly cloudy and quite cool tonight with a chance of showers, low in the upper 50s. Tomorrow, partly sunny and cool, high in the low to mid 70s. Details: B-4.

122nd Year. No. 175

Copyright © 1974
The Evening Star Newspaper Co.

WASHINGTON, D.C., MONDAY, JUNE 24, 1974—52 PAGES

Phone (202) 484-5000 CIRCULATION 484-3000
CLASSIFIED 484-6000

15 Cents
Un newstand

## ARMS LIMITS STILL STAND
# Kissinger Denies Secret Deals

By Jeremiah O'Leary
Star-News Staff Writer

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger today denied as "totally false in every detail" published charges that he made secret agreements giving the Soviet Union an edge in the number of strategic missiles allowed under a 1972 agreement.

In a 70-minute press conference on the eve of his departure for a summit meeting in Moscow, Kissinger gave a detailed elaboration of the interim "SALT" agreement on arms limitation and its impact on the strategic balance between the two superpowers.

KISSINGER disclosed for the first

time that the Soviet Union, at the request of the United States, signed an understanding just before the 1972 election which, he said, clarified the details of how certain submarines could be armed under the interim SALT agreement.

Kissinger also revealed that President Nixon, on the last day of the 1972 summit, informed the Soviet Union that the United States had no intention of building as many submarine missile-launchers as the agreement allowed because he felt the Russians would soon have discovered this fact anyway.

The secretary did not say and was

not asked whether Congress ever was told that such an assurance had been given by Nixon.

He said Nixon's disclosure to the Soviet leaders at the 1972 summit that the United States would not be converting older submarines "was not a concession to the Soviet Union. It was a relatively minor gesture.

"THE TOTALS for the United States (in number of nuclear weapons allowed both sides) submitted to Congress have not been altered by any agreement public or private."

See KISSINGER, A-10

—Star-News Photographer Ken Heinen

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at his news conference today.

Dancers Happy Rockefeller and the New York Times' Clifton Daniel; Clare Boothe Luce.

Henry Kissinger Posting Dorothy Schiff.

## Kids' dresses drawing early fall reorders

By AGNES CLARK

NEW YORK — It is not just talk any more that the children's dress business will be good for fall. Now manufacturers say they have the orders, and even the reorders, to prove it.

The key to active fall dress business apparently is having the right look at the right price. The look deemed "right" by manufacturers and retailers is a casual one. And to hit the magic price that

See KIDS, page 23

Leknit.
Lefit.
LE-ROH

TOPS/SLEEPWEAR/KNEE HIGHS/
TIGHTS/BODY SUITS/
SLIPPERS/KOV-R-ALLS

Le Roi Hosiery Company
200 Madison Ave., N.Y.

Under the Big Tent at Kykuit, Rockefeller's Pocantico Hills home. Photos by Bob Wands

## Kissinger Rock Party

POCANTICO HILLS, N.Y. — SUPERPEACEMAN Henry Kissinger, beaming the K smile, stood Saturday night on the grand terrace of Kykuit, the 3,000-acre Rockefeller estate. As the sun was setting over the Palisades, and the lights of Nyack flickered across the Hudson, 350 of Nelson and Happy Rockefeller's guests and friends of Henry passed through a receiving line running through three enormous Chippendale, Hepplewhite, Sheraton and Adams rooms.

Why the party for Henry? Everyone was asking as they approached the receiving line — Nelson Rockefeller, Happy, Malinda Murphy, Happy's daughter, and finally, Henry himself.

See KISSINGER, page 4

## Quarter net weak for chains

By ARTHUR WERFEL

NEW YORK — (FNS) — A flood of red ink from five chains held first-quarter profits of the big retailers to a small two percent gain over 1973.

This came in the face of continued generally strong sales, with volume up 10.2 percent over the year-earlier period.

Losses of the five chains reached a combined total of $24,178,000. The deficits were:

McCrory Corp., $8,195,000 including a $3,500,000 provision for loss on closing two units of S. Klein Department Stores; W. T. Grant Co., $6,973,000; Gimbel Bros., $6,570,000; City Stores Co., $1,657,000, and Alexander's, $783,000.

McCrory's loss contrasted with a profit last year and the other losses were all greater than in the 1973 first quarter.

See FIRST, page 20

## TODAY

Korvettes eying some Klein units

— page 2

Brooks sells House of Nine

— page 27

Chelsea sees peak year

— page 24

Madhur Jaffrey, a star of India

— Arts & Pleasures, page 32

## RETAILING U.S.A.

Twin Cities' stores 'worked' for '73 sales

By DICK BROWN

MINNEAPOLIS-ST. PAUL (FNS) — Retailers here had to work harder in 1973 but the year turned out well despite uncertainties.

It was primarily a year of basics with much more emphasis on promotional merchandise to lure tightfisted customers, reacting to conflicting and occasionally

See TWIN, page 12

## Suntogs Girl Stuff: A "Numero Uno" Combination

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SUNTOGS features finest quality fabrics, colors and styling for wearability, saleability and guarantee-ability.

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Rock Party

5 WOMEN'S WEAR DAILY, MONDAY, JUNE 24, 1974

William F. Buckley Jr. and Clare Boothe Luce.

Henry Kissinger, who loves parties, holds court.

Life of the Party, Bette Lord.

The McNamara Dance.

Eugine and Walter Kissinger; Nancy Watson.

baskets of blue hydrangeas suspended from the center poles.

The borscht was set 10 to a table, but the guests danced right away. The catered Robert Day Dean dinner — cold medallion of striped bass and filet of beef Wellington — got little attention. The eyes were on tables one and two.

At one, Happy Rockefeller, Henry K, the William Simons, he's Secretary of the Treasury, Marian Heiskell, wife of the Time chairman. And at table two, Rockefeller, the Alexander Haigs, he's assistant to President Nixon, and the Averell Harrimans. It didn't take long. Before the custard dessert, Henry K was over at table two where Pam Harriman and Gen. Haig were sipping togetherness, Moet & Chandon and not the Bernkastler Reisling 1970.

Henry K held intimate conferences with Dorothy Schiff of the New York Post and Lehman Bros., Peter G. Peterson. For this chat, Henry K got up from the table again and put his foot on the chair rung.

When asked if President Nixon might make a dramatic helicopter drop, Happy grinned, saying "Oh, he called Henry at the house earlier." The President was not invited.

Nimble Danny Kaye clowned with the Rockefeller children, who danced with any one who would. They looked the best in their red alligator tennis shirts. They didn't want to go to bed, and moved to the bandstand where their father took the microphone to toast Henry:

"To you and Nancy, for the deep dedication you both have for this country."

Henry K responded:

"Nelson asked us to look ahead many years ago to the next 10 years. Nelson said, 'Tell me what is right. I know the tactics.' No nation could stand the turmoil of the present decade. Only this country, with its enormous faith, could tear itself apart and still move ahead."

Henry K then left the bandstand, followed by the young Rockefellers. They shook hands with him, and with their father.

As the guests left from the front entrance of Kykuit, the Oceanus Fountain, with its 20-foot bowl, played away in the distance. On the steps, thrown casually aside, a baseball mitt, looking strangely real.

(For more on the Rockefeller party, see Eye, page 14.)

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Mrs. Nelson A. Rockefeller greeting Secretary of State Kissinger at Pocantico Hills. With him are aides and Brig. Gen. Brent Scowcroft, second from right, Presidential aide.

# Kissinger Feted by Rockefellers

By ENID NEMY

Special to The New York Times

NORTH TARRYTOWN, N. Y., June 23—Henry A. Kissinger played another starring role last night, this time cast as a new bridegroom, rather than as Secretary of State.

He was half the reason behind a dinner-dance wedding party given by Mr. and Mrs. Nelson A. Rockefeller for 350 gests at Pocantico Hills, the family's 3,000-acre estate here.

The other half was at Bethesda (Md.) Naval Hospital and, apparently, somewhat rebellious about it. Mrs. Kissinger, the former Nancy Maginnes and a bride of less

than three months, is recurring from a gastric ulcer.

Mr. Kissinger, who was once on Mr. Rockefeller's staff, was surrounded by notables in government, industry, labor, the arts and journalism from the moment he joined his hosts, their sons, Nelson and Mark, and Malinda Murphy, Mrs. Rockefeller's daughter, in the receiving line at Kykuit, the Rockefeller residence.

Mr. Kissinger was obviously enjoying himself, despite, or perhaps because of, the press of people orbiting around him.

"I love your party, Henry," said Claire Booth Luce, as she floated up in a pristine

white dress.

"I do too," Mr. Kissinger replied, with obvious sincerity. "It's beautiful."

The Secretary, who had earlier reported that his wife was getting restless in the hospital, said he planned to relay all the details of the party to her. Mrs. Kissinger directs international studies for the Commission on Critical Choices for Americans, which is headed by Mr. Rockefeller.

"He gets through to her more easily than I do," said Mrs. Kissinger's mother, Mrs. Albert B. Maginnes of White Plains. "I have to write Nancy

Continued on Page 32, Column 3

Nixon Feared Disclosures
By Military, Colson Says

President Nixon decided not to seek federal prosecution of the military men involved in the alleged effort to spy on the National Security Council because he feared retaliation by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, according to Charles W. Colson.

"If he had tried to do anything about it, they (the Joint Chiefs) would have disclosed a lot of the documents he was worried about protecting, that they had been stealing, rifling from (Henry) Kissinger's briefcase," said Colson, a former special counsel to Nixon.

"They didn't come right out and say if you do this, we'll do the following, but they made very clear. . . . It was a question of not wanting to endanger the secrets that they had gotten their hands on," Colson told Richard Bast, a private investigator, last month. Bast took extensive notes of his conversations with Colson.

There were reports this year that military "spies" had copied and leaked to the Joint Chiefs information about classified negotiations with China, the Soviet Union and other nations. The ne-

gotiations were being conducted by Kissinger, then head of the NSC and now secretary of state.

Adm. Thomas H. Moorer, chairman of the Joint Chiefs, has denied any knowledge of the alleged spying operation.

Two Navy aides at the White House, a yeoman and an admiral, were transferred to other posts but not disciplined after the leaks were discovered in 1971.

"The President was systematically excluding the Central Intelligence Agency and the Joint Chiefs of Staff from a lot of foreign policy deliberations," Colson said in describing the apparent motive for the effort "to infiltrate and spy on him."

Nixon is the first president in two decades "who is really independent of the establishment," Colson said. "He says to the State Department bureaucracy, 'You guys handle the ceremonies and let me do the heavy foreign policy planning.' He says to the Defense Department, 'You stay out of my hair.' And he doesn't even invite the CIA to any of the normal briefings."

— Robert Walters

STAR-NEWS 6-24-74

Mrs. Nicholson, who was Doug
wife, is devoting all her time
ties these days to keeping the
and the water pure.

is nothing but praise for her
d and his current wife,

errific,” says Mrs. Nicholson.

Justice and Cathy Douglas
ing to protect the environ-
ich is what the Bolton Insti-
ing full time.”

ton Institute is named for
usader for protection of the
nt — former Rep. Frances
ton (R-Ohio).

Cholson takes pleasure in
it copies of "Go East Young
latest book by Justice Doug-
is full of his delight in the
oors and public service.

Is, frankly, that his joy in
ontagious and she is "thank-
man who gave me this in-
sease," referring to Douglas'
to the outdoors.

olson, who was Douglas'
third wife, is devoting
her time to keeping air
clean and water pure.”

he was 64. While grounds for getting
the divorce were "cruel treatment and
personal indignities," she has nothing
but good to say of him today.

## Around the World

Ann and Ralph Becker wound up an
eight week trip around the world to get
back to the Filene Center at Wolf
Trap Farm in time for the opening of
the fourth musical season there last
Monday night.

The Beckers had a series of adven-

Becker has done here over the years
for the Cherry Blossom Festival. He
has twice been chairman of the festival
which ties in with the Japanese Cherry
trees sent here by Japan.

## Lost Ticket

James McCracken, the Metropolitan
Opera tenor who sang the role of Don
Jose on the opening night of "Carmen"
at Wolf Trap, was found wandering
up and down outside the post-opera
reception.

"I have lost my ticket for this recep-
tion," said the powerfully built opera
star, too timid to enter without a
ticket.

"Will you help me to get in?" he
asked another guest who had a ticket.

The reception was in McCracken's
honor and that of Marilyn Horne, who
sang the role of "Carmen" as well as
for other members of the cast.

Once inside, McCracken became the
lion of the occasion with members of

# William F. Buckley Jr.: Kissinger's Great Coup

Even a mere ten days after the event, the explosion of Henry Kissinger at Salzburg appears to have had magical effects. It has served as something of a perspective-restor-er. Suddenly the daily carpet-bombings of the White House by the various committees and prosecutors seem to have lost the old B.T.U. that for weeks and months froze the figure of Richard Nixon in black.

One cannot know whether Henry Kissinger knew exactly what he was doing, but one can speculate on what he may very well have done.

On the face of it, everything he did was maladroit. He did-not warn the President what exactly he intended to say. He threatened to resign at a press conference conducted abroad. He risked, by focusing on his insecurity, the security of the delicate arrangements he had labored over for months. He challenged his critics to accept his veracity when documents were already outstanding that presented a flat contradiction between his version and the FBI's version. And the next day, and a day or two after, he was clearly sulking, playing less of a public role than circumstances dictated.

## WHAT HAPPENED
was that the public instantly lost interest in the punctilious merits of the argument. The public suddenly saw that in some situations there is such a thing as the poetic truth. That it really did not matter who "initiated" the wiretaps, if indeed wiretaps were reasonably in order.

It saw that the Senate committee which had investigated the provenance of the wiretaps

to its satisfaction was satisfied that the rough truth had been spoken. It saw a Senate committee suddenly taking account of the triviality on which American foreign policy might suddenly impale itself, and draw back sharply from the implications of it. Suddenly senators were clamoring to add their names to a testimonial to Henry Kissinger utterly unrelated to the formal questions at stake, but which had the effect of quite simply overwhelming the formal questions.

My point is that this seems to have carried over into the Watergate business. The perspective provided by Henry Kissinger appears to have rescued Nixon from the plague of the undotted i's and uncrossed t's; the epochal differences between March 17 and March 21; the question of what he intended by the use of this phrase in communicating to John Mitchell, or Bob Haldeman, or John Ehrlichman. Suddenly the Judiciary Committee appears to have found itself hard at work on the needlepoint of a vast tapestry for which the public appetite appears suddenly to have dissipated.

## INERTIA, OF COURSE
will keep the project going. The lawyers and the staff and to a considerable extent the congressmen, are bound to follow out their mandate.

But their mandate — to consolidate the case against Nixon and present it to the public — requires for its plausibility a hyped-up conscience, and a jurist's devotion to verbal exactitude. I think Henry Kissinger has done more to cause that to go

away than anything that has happened in the history of Watergate, and if this turns out to be the case, Richard Nixon will owe to Henry Kissinger all that he now owes him, plus his life.

Yes, the case could warm up again. There may yet be surprises that have not been leaked to the Washington Post,

though such treachery by the Judiciary Committee is all but unthinkable. Perhaps in some tape or some document as yet untranscribed or undisclosed, Nixon will be detected saying something that will make his impeachment and conviction mandatory.

But at this moment his stock is rising, very fast.

Leaking

gate. The problem existed before Watergate and will continue to exist unless the office itself is changed. The real problem of the presidency is a consequence of the communications explosion, and cannot be handled without a definite effort at creative adaptation to the situation created by this explosion.

Leaders of nations are necessarily exposed to many times as many demands and messages now as they were in 1900. This is in large part due to the increasing awareness by many interests that they can manipulate or influence government (or that it can be manipulated against them), and to the increasing democratization of communications — the notion that everybody has a right to have a say and to be heard. So there are far more messages for leaders to absorb. But the human nervous system is not much different from what it was in 1800; people are not able to absorb very many more messages than they were then, even if elected president and subjected to speed-reading courses. Messages have increased a thousandfold; at best, newer techniques of reading and absorbing can increase capacity to receive messages by one-half.

SO LEADERS, like everybody else in modern society, do two things. Sometimes they can agglomerate and condense messages and demands, so that they deal with matters at a much more abstract level. But more frequently they rely, as we all do, more and

Now, this means that in the presidential system, with its one-man focus, the president has a large number of persons responsible to him, eager to do what he wants, dependent upon him for promotion, pay, and prestige. If we are lucky, and the democratic political system often helps us be lucky in this regard, we get presidents who never trust anyone very much, crosscheck on different subordinates, or, like FDR, love to see them wrangling among themselves on the principle that internal struggles produce some truth.

But in the course of time and human events, some presidents are going to be elected who prefer not to be bothered, who want agreed solutions, who like organizational unity and coherence.

In 1880 or even 1910, there were plenty of people able to reach a president and disrupt such contentment, they did not have large staffs to protect them. Now, inevitably, they have to have such staffs — and the staffs can overprotect them, as we know.

SO WE MAY COME BACK to the evils of monarchy, where a prince was brought up in a court, believing in his kind of rule, unfamiliar with controversy and conflict. The greatest monarchs, Louis XI, Elizabeth I, Alfred the Great, lived through years of danger and peril before reaching the throne, so they learned not to trust, not to believe, to crosscheck and question; but Charles I and George III prefigured what we

some system of collective system, even if it be Mackenzie King in Canada, peramentally inclined to error, the odd career lines and caper realists, he will have moments, in callingible spots. Trumans, Kings or John W.杜 one-man rule, we may have a president. In Canada, such a man creating institution is perfect, collective system of members may get into storm warnings. So, American president, if he be a president, as much reason to instill in him the collective system's selves at any time as bad news and acting of a spurs to realism.

THE MOST OBVIOUS the British and Canadian human ingenuity and political invention are

Since public-opinion pollsters use modern techniques and have a good record in predicting election results, their surveys on political attitudes can be relied on for similar accuracy.

By James L. Payne

Since it is now generally conceded that, for better or worse, the media constitute a fourth branch of government, let us ponder the credentials of a fifth branch: The public opinion polls.

This obvious point is curiously neglected in the handling of survey results. Although the questions are normally given when the survey is first reported, they are almost always deleted when columnists or senators relay the results. We rarely hear "79 percent of the public

less interested in politics, and less knowledgeable about it. This finding should hardly surprise us; and what is true of students of political science is probably true, in even greater measure, of the public at large. How are we to cope with the

THIRD, THE QUALITY of the material phrase: "... the best associates involved in Watergate affair ..." the assertion of unprec

for such illicit mtaerials is
bound to develop," said AEC
Commissioner Clarence E.
Larson. "As the market
grows, the number and size
of the thefts can be ex-
pected to grow with it, and I

even get away with swallow-
ing some of it, but if he got
any in his bloodstream
(through a wound) or in-
haled any of it death might
follow in a matter of hours,
days at the most.

"There have been experi-
ments with dogs, tests done
over the past 25 years with
beagles at the University of
Utah. One series of tests in-
volved plutonium injections

The Gallup Poll

Elections Held Today Would Give
Democrats a 'Veto-Proof' House

By George Gallup

PRINCETON, N.J.—The Democratic Party would have statistical veto control of the House—that is, two-thirds or more of the seats—if the congressional elections were being held now.

The latest, nationwide sur-
vey shows Republican con-
gressional strength remain-
ing at about the lowest level
in 38 years of Gallup Poll
measurements, with the
GOP unable to narrow the
gap on the Democrats since
last October.

The Democrats hold a
commanding lead: 57 to 30
per cent, with 13 per cent
undecided among registered
voters. This almost exactly
matches results recorded in
surveys at the beginning of
the year and surveys con-
ducted last autumn.

The present standing of
the two major parties is re-

vealed in the figures below,
which show the division of
the vote for members of the
House if the election were
being held at the time of the
surveys:

<table>
  <tr>
    <td>Democrats</td>
    <td>57%</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Republicans</td>
    <td>30%</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Other/undecided</td>
    <td>13%</td>
  </tr>
</table>

The following table shows
the trend in the congres-
sional vote since last May:

<table>
  <thead>
    <tr>
      <th></th>
      <th>Dem.</th>
      <th>Rep.</th>
      <th>Other/<br>Undecided</th>
    </tr>
  </thead>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>Latest</td>
      <td>57%</td>
      <td>30%</td>
      <td>13%</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>January</td>
      <td>53%</td>
      <td>29%</td>
      <td>13%</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>Oct. 1973</td>
      <td>58%</td>
      <td>30%</td>
      <td>12%</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>May 1973</td>
      <td>53%</td>
      <td>35%</td>
      <td>10%</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

Despite President Nixon's
somewhat greater popularity
in the South than elsewhere,
this continues to be the
most Democratic region of
the nation in terms of con-
gressional strength.

Following are the findings
by the four major regions of
the nation:

<table>
  <thead>
    <tr>
      <th></th>
      <th>Dem.</th>
      <th>Rep.</th>
      <th>Other/<br>Undecided</th>
    </tr>
  </thead>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>East</td>
      <td>57%</td>
      <td>30%</td>
      <td>13%</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>Midwest</td>
      <td>52%</td>
      <td>23%</td>
      <td>15%</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>South</td>
      <td>61%</td>
      <td>36%</td>
      <td>13%</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>West</td>
      <td>59%</td>
      <td>30%</td>
      <td>11%</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

One of the most dramatic
shifts to the Democratic side
in recent months has come
among voters who classify
themselves as independents.
In the 1972 presidential elec-
tion, the vote of independ-
ents was closely divided be-
tween the two parties. In
the current surveys, how-
ever, their vote goes 2-to-1
for Democratic congres-
sional candidates. The fol-
lowing table shows the lat-
est congressional choices by
party affiliation:

Those Classifying Them-
selves As: Dem. Rep. Undecided
Republicans 10% 82% 7%
Democrats 91 23 3
Independents 44 23 2

The latest findings are
based on registered voters
out of a total 3,052 adults, 18
and older, interviewed in
person in surveys conducted
during May and June. More
than 300 scientifically se-
lected localities were cov-
ered in these surveys.

© 1974, Publishers-Hall Syndicate

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The Palestinian Question

President Nixon's triumphant tour of the Mideast has already produced a backlash, which could upset the peace Secretary of State Henry Kissinger has labored so hard to fashion.

Secret intelligence reports warn that the Palestinians are deeply disgruntled over the President's failure to come to grips with the Palestinian problem. This is almost certain to encourage the extremists to step up their terrorist activities.

Israel can be expected to respond by retaliating against guerrilla bases in Lebanon and Syria. Indeed, President Nixon had scarcely left Israel before Israeli warplanes hit back at Palestinian raiders by pounding the Lebanese border villages were they hole up.

Commando strikes against Israel and Israeli retaliation raids would only polarize Arab opinion and prevent a peaceful settlement. This plea was made to the President, according to diplomatic reports, by both Egypt's President Sadat and Saudi Arabia's King Faisal.

Emotionally, Sadat pleaded with the President to bring the Palestinians to the peace table in Geneva. The Egyptian leader promised to use his influence to persuade them to negotiate their future borders and relationships with Israel.

If the Palestine problem isn't settled by negotiation, he warned urgently, the extremists would seek their own solutions through violence and terrorism. The President received similar warnings at every stop in the Arab world.

Yet in Israel, he joined Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in a joint statement condemning "armed bands" and "mercenaries" who invade "the territory of another state." The emotional Palestinians took this to mean that President Nixon was siding with the Israelis against the Palestinians. Even moderate Palestinian leaders joined in the angry denunciation of the President.

The extremists are expected to express their displeasure more emphatically by launching new guerrilla attacks upon Israel. But Israel security is getting so tough to crack, intelligence analysts predict, that the terrorists will have to seek other targets.

High on their list, intelligence reports warn, will be U.S. targets, including airliners, embassies and consulates around the world. "It just doesn't look

good for the United States," one analyst told us bluntly.

Ominously, Palestinian extremists are armed with sophisticated, Soviet-made Katyusha and Strella rockets. These have been furnished to the terrorists, according to intelligence reports, by Libya's strongman, Col. Muammar Qaddaifi.

At least one commercial plane already has been destroyed by Arab terrorists using Strella rockets. And Israeli police discovered three Katyusha rockets, one of them aimed at the sacred Wailing Wall in Jerusalem. The rockets were found moments before they were to be exploded by automatic timing devices.

Rep. John Murphy (D-N.Y.), during a trip to the Mideast, learned from intelligence sources that Arab terrorists have also adapted a new arsenal of makeshift, terrorist weapons from everyday American products. These weapons, Murphy told us, include the following:

* "Pig Bomb"—This is a cardboard tube, usually a toilet-paper tube or kitchen-towel tube, packed with black

powder and .22 caliber bullets. It contains a fuse which is actuated when the hand releases its grip on the tube. This nasty device can be gift-wrapped and delivered to an assassination victim. The time fuse gives the messenger time to get away before it explodes.

* Aerosol Flame Thrower—This is a simple, lacquer-base aerosol can with a Zippo or butane lighter taped to its side. The lighter is ignited, the spray button pushed and a spurt of flame shoots out 12 to 13 feet.

* Refrigerator Bomb—Narcotics or other valuables are stashed in a refrigerator, which is wired with a gigantic explosive charge. A detonator blasting cap is inserted in the refrigerator's light socket. The terrorists simply unplug the refrigerator when they want access to the stash. Police or soldiers, raiding their hideout would be blown to bits.

* Pen Gun—This is an Italian-made weapon, which looks exactly like a chrome ballpoint pen or pencil. But it fires a .22 caliber shell and is exceedingly difficult to detect at airports.

Murphy points out that these weapons

are already known to the terrorists, who are expected to use them for hijackings, assassinations and sabotage. A victim marked for assassination, for example, could have his refrigerator turned into a bomb, or the aerosol flame thrower could be used to set off a sabotage charge from a safe distance, suggests the congressman.

Intelligence reports warn that the terrorists might provoke incidents against Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, because of their pro-American policies.

The Egyptians stressed to President Nixon that a Palestinian solution would end most of the terrorism and put the Palestinians to work building their own nation. President Sadat, however, didn't define the borders of the proposed Palestine state. He preferred to leave the specifics to be negotiated at Geneva.

Our sources say that Kissinger, in his secret talks, promised U.S. support to the moderate Palestinians. Presumably, this would include CIA backing. But the moderates, angry over the President's statement in Israel, are now in no mood to deal with the U.S.

© 1974. United Feature Syndicate

C6

SUNDAY, JU

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

The Third Summit

TWO NIXON-BREZHNEV summit conferences have shown that Soviet-American "detente" represents more an attitude or a certain subdued way of approaching problems than a magical formula for solving the problems themselves. To be sure, some parts of the President's rhetoric and that of Secretary Kissinger promise early and lasting relief from worldly cares. But their more substantial pronouncements recognize the real and continuing stickiness of the rivalries of the great powers and their perceptions of one another. That is wise.

It is at once the success and failure of detente so far that its main achievement has been to confirm the mutual belief that differences must be resolved short of nuclear confrontation. Yet even that achievement is shaded. In the Mideast war last fall—despite earlier summit agreements to consult and show restraint in crises and to refrain from the threat or use of force—the smell of nuclear confrontation was again in the air. Both sides were subsequently reduced to saying defensively that but for detente it might have been worse.

One can agree and still wonder how detente can be strengthened. Anyone asking the question must concede right off how much events of the past few years have reinforced those elements in both the United States and the Soviet Union that have long been skeptical of the prospects for improved relations. The Kremlin's adventuresome policy in the Mideast in October and its strenuous missile-testing program have stirred and strengthened American anxieties. Washington's own nuclear projects and—only 18 months ago—its bombardment of North Vietnam cannot have failed to have a similar effect in Moscow. The special tension over the link between trade and emigration has sobered both sides.

To label the skeptics "cold warriors," however, is to neglect the substance of their views and their political force. "Each leader has his own constituency at home," Henry Kissinger said as the first summit closed. "Both of us have our Pentagons," Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev told a recent visitor. This is the principal fact of Soviet-American life and it reinforces the partial inclination already existing in the two summit participants—the two men who have staked their careers on detente—to move slowly, to stick to the old ways of going it alone and relying on power, to avoid political risks.

In fact, there is no alternative to political risk if detente is going to be made more real and firm—"irreversible," as the Russians put it. That it is not yet irreversible, on either side, is evident to both sides. Agreements have been signed on general principles, on controls on strategic arms, on political negotiations, on various aspects of bilateral cooperation. But even as these agreements and their promise—much of it not yet

fulfilled—are celebrated, there has not yet been established a basic trust or what a Soviet commentator calls "a confidence that the understanding reached is indeed firm, will be unconditionally observed, and is an expression of long-term national policy."

Part of the reason lies in the incompatibility of the two nations' traditions and values, and this fact is unlikely to diminish. Another lies in strategic and political asymmetries which in turn arise from the differences in the composition of the two sides' missile forces and from the differences in the nature of their respective alliances. A third part arises from shortfalls of political leadership. If Mr. Brezhnev speaks for detente in the Kremlin, then he does not always do so with full clarity and vigor, Mr. Nixon has committed himself many times to building a "structure of peace" but some of his policies go the other way. Moreover, it is painfully apparent that his Watergate-weakened political authority has cost detente dearly. His failure to deliver on his trade pledge to Moscow and his felt need to accommodate conservative legislators, who are even warier of detente than he, are conspicuous cases in point.

For all of these considerations it becomes necessary in contemplating the third Nixon-Brezhnev summit to take a modest view of the near prospects, but not to yield to defeatism or despair. So far as we know, the various agreements which are being readied for signing in Moscow do not amount to any great shakes in themselves. But together they can make a useful contribution to keeping together the hard-pressed domestic constituencies for detente in both countries.

Not having seen the prospective agreements, we wish to withhold pronouncing on their individual worth. In the current atmosphere, however, there is evident a certain tendency to disparage them—even in some quarters to block them—in anticipation of the event. We do not approve of "inequal" or "bad" agreements. It is possible, though, in considering any one agreement to fasten so thoroughly on a "worst-case" analysis of its possible defects as to overlook the political value of making it. By political value, we refer to the need to make progress even in small steps, in order to prevent detente from being undone politically by stalemates on particular issues, such as trade, or by the large leaps in arms building which could come all too soon if the hope or momentum of detente flags.

It could not have been Mr. Nixon's leading goal as he undertook his opening to Moscow two years ago merely to prevent backsliding. But that has become his necessary purpose now. Not entirely by his own doing, he has lost a substantial part of the great chance he had to round a historic corner in international relations. Detente now is less an immediate possibility than a continuing trust. It is Mr. Nixon's responsibility to hold that trust for the next President.

THE WASHINGTON POST

Sunday, June 23, 1974

C5

Patricia wanted to hear from Steve Weed and the family. Through the media they sent expressions of love and support, although only Weed had any public quarrel with the way Hearst was handling things. Patricia's fear of the FBI and discovery led Hearst to withhold offers of a reward and to keep tight reins on the FBI investigation. The Bay Area press, equally fearful of endangering her life, held back stories on everything from Hearst's visits with psychics to the names and history of the SLA members. (Hearst did direct the editors of his San Francisco Examiner to carry sympathetic features on such radical causes as the Wounded Knee defendants then on trial.)

The PIN food program continued to sputter without major revision, Randolph Hearst did a lot behind the scenes. He signed personal notes of credit, fixed small problems for a monthly collection of radical hustlers, paid off personal debts of a number of people who said they could help PIN satisfy "the community," rousted food distributors out of bed in the middle of the night to get food, interceded with local government officials leery of having food distribution centers in their towns. Patricia's sisters and Weed worked long nights bagging food for distribution.

All this was kept secret, probably a mistake in terms of reassuring Patricia. But at the time, Hearst thought the SLA would be happier if he appeared to be leaving the food entirely in the hands of the coalition of radical groups they had designated as observers.

The SLA demand for more money was finally met—although the money came in the form of a $4 million

olutionary identity seem seductive. High school teachers and associates have recalled that Patricia was "trying to find herself." The early tapes are most believable when she protests her ability to take care of herself.

Like many rich young college students, she undoubtedly harbored some guilt about her wealth and status and therefore was susceptible to revolutionary arguments.

## Then Came Willie

FROM THE MOST recent tape we have learned one other important event. Patricia Hearst fell in love with Willie Wolfe. In retrospect, the match seems ordained. Wolfe was the youngest member of the band, just a few years older than Patricia. He was the only SLA member with no known lover. The son of an upper middle class doctor, Wolfe was also the richest member. And described by previous friends as a gentle, enthusiastic man, he probably was the one SLA member least prone to mouth hard-line rhetoric. So far as we know, he never made an appearance on any tape.

Wolfe was instrumental in bringing many SLA members together. It began in a black history course at Berkeley, when he was invited to visit prisoners in Vacaville. When he returned, according to a housemate, "his mind was blown. He told us we all had to come up next time." Among the people who accompanied Wolfe to the next meeting of the Black Cultural Association at Vacaville was another housemate, Russell Little.

Wolfe and Little became closely associated with Donald DeFreeze after DeFreeze failed to win control of the Black Cultural Association. The two

But by April 3 Patricia had set her new course. At that time, her explanations had little to do with romance. Rather, the themes of the earlier tapes reached fruition.

First came the rage at her parents for their heritage and for what she had concluded was their abandonment of her:

> You attempted to deceive the people, the SLA and me with statements about your concern for myself and the people. You were playing games—stalling for time—time which the FBI was using in their attempts to assassinate me . . . Dad, you said that you were concerned with my life . . . you are a liar.

To Steven Weed, her now rejected suitor, she was kinder, but the break was complete:

> I've changed—grown. I've become conscious and can never go back to the life we led before. What I'm saying may seem cold to you and to my old friends, but love doesn't mean the same thing to me anymore.

It is possible that the failure to mention Wolfe on this or a subsequent tape may mean the relationship had not yet flowered. Another explanation is that Patricia, an intensely private person, was merely reticent. Less ambiguous is the fact that Patricia Hearst, the bright but uninspired young rich girl who was "looking for herself" at school, had clearly found a new identity as a woman, and a new name, supplied by Wolfe:

> I have been given the name Tania after a comrade who fought alongside Che in Bolivia . . . I embrace the name with the determination to continue fighting with her spirit.

The importance of her new identity was underlined a few weeks later when she heaped scorn and ridicule on Weed. Weed's offenses during the period were to question that his Patty could ever spout the rhetoric heard on the tapes, to point out her previous political ignorance, and to solicit a letter from a friend of the original Tania

ination of Patty

THE WASHINGTON POST

Sunday, June 23, 1974

A-3

# Kissinger Sets Trip
To Spain on Base Talks

Reuter

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger will go to Madrid next month to sign a joint U.S.-Spanish declaration of principles parallel to the agreement reached by NATO last week in Ottawa, the State Department said yesterday.

A joint communique said that two days of talks between Kissinger and Spanish Foreign Minister Pedro Cortina Mauri will serve as a quide for cooperation between Spain and the United States for mutual security, within the scope of Western defense, and for closer political and economic relations.

A State Department spokesman said the joint declaration will be a preliminary to more formal negotiations for renewing the agreement on U.S. bases in Spain. The agreement expires in September, 1975.

Spokesman John King said talks on renegotiating the base agreement would begin after the joint declaration is signed July 9.

Kissinger will leave for Brussels Tuesday with President Nixon en route to summit talks in Moscow. During their stopover in the Belgian capital, Mr. Nixon will sign the NATO declaration.

Spain is not a member of the Atlantic alliance.

Kissinger will stop over in Spain on his way back from the Soviet Union. He will also visit Paris, Munich and London during his trip.

PEDRO CORTINA MAURI

...sees Kissinger

The communique issued after his talks with Cortina said the joint Spanish-American declaration would confirm that for 20 years cooperation between the two countries had strengthened their own security and that of the North Atlantic area, "thus helping to preserve the values, ideals and aspirations based on the dignity and freedom of the individual."

It said the declaration would also confirm continued defense cooperation between the United States and Spain for defense.

(For years, Spain has wanted to join NATO but has been opposed by various Euro-

pean members. The United States has sought to accommodate Madrid through bilateral accords.)

State Department spokesman King said it was not possible to speculate whether the declaration would contain the affirmation of human rights and dedication to principles of democracy which is contained in the NATO document.

Cortina met with Kissinger for about 45 minutes yesterday. He had talks and a formal lunch with the Secretary of State Friday and also talks with other U.S. officials, including Robert McCloskey, who will go to Madrid for the declaration signing ceremony next month.

McCloskey has been named to head the U.S. team negotiating a new base agreement with Spain.

## Comecon Agreement On Power Reported

SOFIA, June 22 (AP)—Eastern Europe's Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, known as Comecon, has agreed to develop a mutual power network and atomic power stations, the Bulgarian News Agency BTA reported.

BTA quoted Bulgarian Premier Stanko Todorov as saying that the long-term joint power program was the "greatest contribution" of a five-day Comecon meeting that ended yesterday.

A 4

Sunday, June 23, 1974

THE WASHINGTON POST

Industrial Wine Scheme

INVESTORS, From A1

So the potential investors never saw any ships, never saw any wine, never saw any contracts. What they did see was money, for the investors who put their money in early in Johnson's business made the promised profits.

Now the Securities and Exchange Commission says there never was any cornering of the wine crop in Portugal, nor any ships, nor any Lloyd's of London insurance, nor any wine contracts. Wine experts say they do not know what industrial wine is.

There is no Johnson wine importing business, says an SEC complaint filed nine days ago; what there is is a fraudulent pyramid scheme, in which money from new investors is used to pay off old investors.

The money and the profits were the basic attractions, interviews with investors reveal, and they lured a state legislator, a judge, a big city mayor, bank presidents, lawyers, doctors, corporate executive and hundreds of others to invest at least $26 million—and more likely hundreds of millions—in the wine investment operation that the SEC says is nonexistent. Of that $26 million, the SEC can only account now for between $4 and $6 million.

Behind the scheme lay a cast of characters that included: John D. Schrott Jr., a 27-year-old millionaire stock market whiz whose phalanx of companies ended up as conduits for investors' cash to the wine investment scheme, and whose $300,000 yacht rests padlocked to a

who became a partner with Johnson in a pair of Washington topless bars before he began—as some civil suits allege—carrying millions of dollars in cash for Johnson overseas.

Johnson himself. Easy smile, friendly, "he could be at home talking about anything," one unhappy investor said. A 39-year-old native of West Virginia, married and the father of two, owner of a $100,000-plus home in an exclusive McLean section, and trustee of Salem College in West Virginia on the recommendation of U.S. Sen. Jennings Randolph.

Now, many investors in Johnson's wine business are wondering how they could have been so naive, how they could have ploughed tens and hundreds of thousands of dollars—their homes and children's education in some instances—into an operation they knew virtually nothing about.

"I think its the old law of getting something for nothing," said Bennet W. King, retired president of Poto mac Bank and Trust in Fairfax County and a loser in the scheme. "My father used to tell me you don't get something for nothing, and I should have listened."

"I guess we never bothered to check anything out because there didn't seem to be anything wrong. It was plausible; it was working," said a C & P telephone company executive who asked not to be named because he said he is embarrassed. "We weren't very shrewd and now a lot of us are suffering because of it."

"I'm an unsophisticated

ness. "The only wine I'm going to buy from now on is in a bottle," he said.

The investors say they heard a sophisticated, low-key pitch that promised excellent profits on their money within six to nine months. Some, like Virginia state legislator Ira M. Lechner, cashed in the notes they bought when they matured and received the promised profits. But most allowed their investment to stay in the wine operation and accumulate, they thought.

The operation began in 1968, according to the SEC, which says the Johnson used the investments for his per-

YOU A

THE

No Arms for Foes, Israel Told

By Bernard Gwertzman

New York Times News Service

The United States has told Israel that it has no plans to sell any military arms to Egypt or Syria, state department officials and diplomats said yesterday.

Officials said Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger conveyed the assurances in the course of a one-hour meeting at the State Department Friday night with Simcha Dinitz, Israel's Ambassador to the United States.

Dinitz had told Kissinger

of growing apprehension in the Israeli press recently about two developments in Egyptian-American relations:

The decision by the United States to negotiate the sale of a nuclear power reactor to Egypt for use in the 1980's and the disclosure earlier in the week that a team of American military officers was going to Egypt at the invitation of the Egyptian Defense Ministry.

THE UNITED States —

which signed a similar nuclear arrangement with Israel during President Nixon's recent trip — has assured the Israelis that the safeguards in the nuclear power reactor will be so severe as to make it impossible to convert the plant to the production of atomic weapons.

The Pentagon and the State Department also said earlier that the military mission was not empowered to negotiate sales of military equipment. But Israeli

press speculated that it was a forerunner of such a sales team, given Egypt's announced decision to seek alternate sources of military equipment other than the Soviet Union.

Kissinger, in a statement made known by his aides, sought to ease the Israeli concern by asserting that no sale of arms was contemplated to either Egypt or Syria.

Kissinger also said that no military mission that has anything to do with arms is going to Egypt.

at the summit in Moscow. National Chairman Robert Strauss has taken pains to see that the subject will scarcely be mentioned, except by implication. And most of the celebrity appearances are being taped in advance to avoid gaffes that could react against the Democrats.

STILL ANOTHER analysis of the black vote in the Alabama gubernatorial primary May 7 suggests there may be considerable sand in Gov. George C. Wallace's claims of a major breakthrough.

In a paper written for the Joint Center for Political Studies at Howard University, Emory O. Jackson, editor of the Birmingham World, cites four precincts in Birmingham that are 97 to 99 percent black — and gave Wallace only 5.3 to 8.5 percent of their vote.

Wallace's best showing among the

state fair when asked if he was going to see the sheep-shearing contest. "We don't shear sheep, we shear taxpayers," Gilligan replied, and Rhodes is repeating the remark with relish at every stop.

CALIFORNIA'S newly approved "Proposition 9," touted as the toughest law in the nation regulating campaign financing, may not live up to its advance billing, according politicians who have been examining the statute's 22,000 words now that they will have to live with the legislation.

Those politicians claim the measure has a number of flaws, including a ceiling on primary campaigns for statewide offices other than the governorships which would limit expenditures in a GOP primary to less than $100,000 per candidate — a ceiling far too low for the nation's

tion official who had known both Nixon and Rebozo for years and who had been hired by Hughes in part because of his political contacts, according to testimony before the committee.

It was Danner, according to Senate and court testimony, who delivered the $100,000 contribution to Rebozo in two installments. The dates of the deliveries remain in dispute, although both Danner and Rebozo have testified both installments were turned over in mid-1970.

THE STAFF report notes that Mitchell has testified he first learned of the $100,000. contribution "from newspaper reports, not

deck, towing the catamaran, Lulu. At Ponta Delgada, en route to the diving area, the Alvin was shifted to its berth between the pontoons of the Lulu. The hope is to make the first plunge Tuesday.

of metallic ores or
by plate action. M
extracted by hot
inside the earth.

Toronto is New
favorite city:

Toronto's stunning new Prin
soars above its own 15 acre parkla
The downtown of one of the rising
great cities of the world is 15 minu
away; the international airport, 20
Room service runs 24 hours a day.
Children under 14 stay free (if
they're in the same room with
you). Parking is plentiful and
free. You can dine in a garden
that overlooks another garden;
in an elegant Continental
restaurant; unwind over
drinks in our cocktail lounges.
The rooms are $27 and up.

Booking or information: see your travel
call Loews' Reservations in your city
Peter Danakas, General Manager, The
Don Mills, Ontario, Canada M3C 3B7

# Kissinger and Politics

## To the Editor:

In his June 12 column, Mr. Reston writes that the Secretary of State has no serious reasons to resign. In the course of that same column, Mr. Reston also insinuates (1) that Henry Kissinger should have resigned earlier rather than "go along with tapping the telephones of his own colleagues" and (2) that he went along in order to save his own skin.

This may well be the sort of thing Mr. Kissinger is referring to when he complains about the poisonous atmosphere in the political dialogue. Yet Mr. Reston makes it all sound like a plea to the Secretary not to resign. Who is not being straightforward here?

Had Willy Brandt been "deranged and corrupted" enough to suspect one of his close associates, the East German spy Guillaume, he might still be in power, and the Western world would be better for it.

RENE GIRARD

East Aurora, N. Y.,

June 12, 1974

## To the Editor:

C. L. Sulzberger should have taken his own advice in "Least Said Soonest Mended," yet it takes him more than 800 words to tell us that the public should plainly "shut up" about Secretary Kissinger and his role in wiretaps [column June 16].

Since many millions of voter-taxpayers will have to pay for the nuclear toys Mr. Kissinger has paid for peace with, don't they have the right to wonder if the Emperor really has his clothes on or not?

Mr. Sulzberger tells us, "Not all nations dream our moralistic dreams," in a very patronizing manner. Is our nation really such a moral "dreamer"? I don't think a moral nation would have been in Vietnam at all. The gist of Mr. Sulzberger's argument is that the Constitution is old-hat and moralistic (my interpretation). Maybe privacy is not important any more, but both Mr. Sulzberger and myself enjoy the privilege (afforded us by a daydreaming bunch of revolutionists) of not having to shut up, even when it may be the wisest course.

There are many countries where "least said" is a very healthy axiom, but leaders in this country had better realize no one will shut up until they show us a good reason (like bayonets held in the wings).

RICHARD MOSS

New York,

June 16, 1974

NY Times 6/23/74

sped page

Secret Missile 'Deals'
Denied by Kissinger

Public Response Set

No secret deals have been made by the Nixon administration to permit the Soviet Union to increase its missile force beyond the terms of a 1972 agreement, the State Department maintained yesterday.

Spokesman Robert Anderson, responding to published reports of secret "clarifications" between Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger and the Soviet government in the strategic arms limitation agreement, issued this statement:

"These allegations are totally without merit or any foundation whatsoever. There are no secret agreements of any kind. The secretary is prepared to address this issue at his press conference Monday and at his appearance before the Arms Control Subcommittee of the Senate Armed Services Committee.

"I want to emphasize that no secret deal has been made which permitted any change in the totals outlined in the 1972 agreement, all of which was discussed in the press conference on May 27, 1972, in Moscow.

"It is regrettable that this false suspicion has been raised just before the President's trip to the Soviet Union."

The State Department denial was prompted by stories in The Star-News and other papers quoting informed government officials as saying that Kissinger, without consulting Congress, secretly agreed more than a year ago to permit the Russians to increase the number of strategic nuclear missiles beyond the 1972 limit.

See SALT, A-6

HENRY KISSINGER

Warned Nixon,
Colson Says

Former presidential adviser Charles W. Colson has told House impeachment investigators that he warned President Nixon twice — once in January 1973 and again the next month — that former Atty. Gen. John N. Mitchell and others were involved in the Watergate affair, according to two reports.

Virtually identical accounts of Col-
son's statements to the House Judiciary
Committee investigators were published
by the New York Daily News and Wash-
ington columnist Jack Anderson. Nixon
has continuously maintained that he did
not learn of his key aides' involvement
in covering up the Watergate break-in
until March 21, 1973.

Dunlop's Broadside

Departing Cost of Living Council
Director John T. Dunlop has fired a
broadside at Congress for pursuing in-
consistent economic policies. He was
specifically critical of its proposals to
aid the beef industry.

On the one hand Congress is demand-
ing that the administration restrain in-
flation, Dunlop said, while on the other
hand it is considering guaranteed loans
and import quotas for the beef industry
to keep meat prices from falling. He
urged Congress to stop the "month-to-
month economic policy." The council
goes out of business June 30.

Record Gas Use

Americans used more gasoline than
ever last year — 106 billion barrels —
despite crimped supplies as a result of
the Middle East war and the Arab oil
embargo, according to the American
Petroleum Institute.

Gasoline consumption was 4.3 percent higher than 1972. But the institute warned that Americans still must try to conserve fuel. "The truth is that this country had a serious energy situation before and it is even worse now," API warned.

And while the oil industry was looking
for clouds in an otherwise bright sky,
another one appeared. The House voted

of a federal judge's decision that the
school system is "unconstitutionally
segregated."

U.S. District Judge W. Arthur Garrity
Jr. ruled that the Boston School Com-
mittee had carried out a "systematic
program of segregation affecting all the
city's students, teachers and school fa-
cilities," that it had, in effect, set up a
dual school system, and that such a sys-
tem must be eliminated "root and
branch."

Boston's school system in 1973-74 was
38.5 percent nonwhite. It had 95,000 stu-
dents in 202 schools.

Nurse Strike Move

The nation's top labor mediator has asked representatives of some 4,000 nurses in San Francisco to meet with officials of 42 hospitals and clinics after the hospitals reported danger of a crisis in the two-week-old strike.

William Usery, director of the Feder-
al Mediation Service, said he was
"hopeful I will be able to resolve the
issues." Bargaining talks on the issues
— wages, pensions and working condi-
tions — broke off at midweek after both
sides reported no progress.

The Teamsters gave the strike formal
sanction Thursday and halted all deliv-
eries except those of vital items such as
oxygen, blood, prescriptions, drugs and
food.

Live Se

The Senate to permit rule if it holds an
ident Nixon eight American journalism sen-
ate.

Of 67 sena-
naire, 42 said
such covera-
against it a
undecided.

At a G

● An éviden
lead to a new
in the 1968 st
Martin Luther
this week by
Mcrae Jr. T
held in Octob

SALT

Continued from Page A-1

The sources said Kissinger had given private assurances to Soviet officials that the United States would not build the maximum number of missile launchers allowed under the interim arms agreement that expires in 1977.

THE SECRET agreement was reported to the Senate Armed Services Committee Thursday in a closed-door session by Paul H. Nitze, who recently resigned as the top Pentagon representative on the SALT team.

Nitze, who cited depressing and traumatic events as his reason for quitting, has declined comment on the new controversy which appears certain to cloud the new Nixon mission to Moscow.

NIXON AND Kissinger leave Tuesday for a summit meeting with Soviet leaders which the administration hopes will bring a number of new agreements including arms limitation.

Kissinger has scheduled a press conference for 11 a.m. tomorrow and will appear before the arms control subcommittee headed by Sen. Henry M. Jackson, D-Wash., at 3 p.m.

Adding to the controversy was the disclosure that the Russians have begun work on 100 large concrete command and control posts which closely resemble mis-

sile silos, this would be a clear violation of the 1972 SALT agreement.

Sen. Jackson said he definitely would raise the matter with Kissinger tomorrow. He added that the White House is keeping the Pentagon in the dark about its negotiating intentions.

According to the account Nitze gave the committee, Kissinger made a "clarifying" agreement with the Soviets to allow them to convert 22 G-class submarines to carry 60 or 70 missiles with a 4,000-mile range. At the same time, he said, the United States agreed to freeze its submarine missiles at 656 although the U.S. is permitted 710.

While officials do not consider that the balance of power is upset by the larger number of missiles on the Soviet side, some experts regard failure of the administration to submit any secret understandings to Con-

gress as a violation of the Arms Control and Disarmament Act of 1961.

THE 1972 press conference cited by the State Department yesterday was one at which Kissinger said that for the previous two years there was a Soviet numerical advantage that was growing because the United States had no ongoing ICBM program. There also was no program for new submarines that could become operational before late 1978. Kissinger said at that time that the numerical advantage would be growing in the ensuing five years.

Kissinger asserted that the interim agreement froze Soviet submarines at the existing level and permitted them to trade in old missiles or old submarines for new submarines up to a total level of either 62 submarines or 950 missiles.

He also said in 1972 that the agreement required the Russians, if they wanted to get to the ceiling of 950 modern submarine launched missiles, to retire 30 of the old sub-launching missiles plus 210 of their ICBMs. He asserted the total Soviet ICBM strength was to be 1,618 but with a ceiling of 1,409 for modern replacements.

The secret clarifications allegedly kept from Congress would have increased the Soviet numerical advantage in missile strength above the 2,359 they are allowed under the interim agreement compared with 1,409 for the United States.

THE AGREEMENT contemplated that the United States would have 450 intercontinental bombers at the end of the freeze period compared with 140 comparable Soviet bombers. Kissinger's figures on com-

pared strength during the freeze or interim agreement period were that the Soviet Union has about three times as much megatonnage while the United States has about three times as many warheads.

We Nitze resigned, it was generally believed he was mainly disillusioned over the effect of Watergate on the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. Now it appears his resignation likely was more in reaction to the alleged secret agreements which he said he learned of through the Russians.

When Kissinger emerged from another Senate committee hearing Friday and was asked about the "clarifications", he said the (Nitze) viewpoint must be based on misapprehensions. He said the information was classified but that he would return Monday to testify again before the Jackson subcommittee.

ments — a Bond program for prison reform in Missouri, for example.

The idea, of course, is to sell the
Republican party as one of
problem-solvers without connection
either to the White House or Water-
gate. The Republican National
Committee plans to test market the
half-hour shows in California, then
put them on the networks this fall if
the response is favorable.

MEANWHILE, the Democrats
are making final preparations for
their third annual fund-raising tele-
thon — a 19-hour appeal over CBS
that begins at 10 p.m. EST Saturday
and runs through the night and most
of next Sunday.

There have been reports the-
Democrats were concerned about
the size of "the nut" for the show —
the $2.4 million for production costs
and time. But the fact is that they
are optimistic the yield will exceed
the gross of just under $4 million
from the 1972 telethon and $4.2 mil-
lion last year. Preliminary planning
has been more extensive, and the
program has been scheduled for the
optimum audience — just after
CBS's high-rated Saturday night
prime-time shows.

There has been concern, however,
about taste — specifically, the han-
dling of Watergate by performers at
a time when President Nixon will be

ROBERT STRAUSS

Republicans believe Gilligan is
vulnerable on his state income tax
program, and Rhodes is running
hard against those he calls "Gilli-
gan's gougers," telling Ohio voters
the incumbent wants to tax "every-
thing that walks, crawls or flies."

He is also making much of a wise-
crack Gilligan made at the Ohio

tigation, while failing to
prove a direct link, "strongly
suggests . . . a connec-
tion between the contribu-
tion and federal action af-
fecting Hughes."

The Senate investigators,
headed by assistant chief
counsel Terry F. Lenzner,
have spent almost a year
probing the $100,000 Hughes
contribution delivered in
1970 to Nixon's close friend,
Charles G. (Bebe) Rebozo.

THE REPORT delivered
to committee members
Friday is the first section of
the staff findings regarding
the Hughes-Rebozo contri-
bution. It focuses solely on
Hughes' efforts in early
1970 to obtain Justice De-
partment approval for a
proposed acquisition of the
Dunes Hotel in Las Vegas.

According to the staff re-
port, Mitchell gave verbal
approval for the hotel
acquisition on March 19,
1970, without the knowledge
of Justice Department anti-
trust lawyers, who objected
to the Hughes proposal.

Mitchell's approval fol-
lowed a series of private
meetings with Richard G.
Danner, a Hughes organiza-

ington, D.C. that certain po-
litical obligations had to be
met as a result of the trip
which Mr. Danner had
made," Maheu testified.

"I BELIEVE I requested
that Mr. Bell make those
funds available to Mr. Dan-
ner," Maheu said.

The staff report said the
"essential point here is that
Maheu remembered a clear
connection between the
Danner-Mitchell meetings
and the contribution to
Rebozo."

The report said, "quid
pro quos are hard to prove.
Rarely do the facts and
explanations point clearly
to a conclusion showing im-
proper conduct.

"The facts of this case,
however, pointedly suggest
impropriety of a significant
degree and raise serious
questions about campaign
contributions and agency
practices.

"The problems inherent
in difficult-to-trace cash
contributions ... are
emphasized in the Dunes
case, where the man who
delivered the cash to the
President's close friend was
the same man who present-
ed Hughes' case directly to
the Attorney General."

—Martha Angle

Lugar Picked
By Indiana GOP

INDIANAPOLIS (UPI) —
Indiana Republicans have
passed a resolution praising
President Nixon and also
dominated Indianapolis
 mayor Richard G. Lugar to
n for the Senate Birch
ay, the Democrat incum-
ment.

Lugar received 1,710
 votes to 330 for his only

THE WASHINGTON POST

Sunday, June 23, 1974

A3

Reuter,

PEDRO CORTINA MAURI
... sees Kissinger

A 4

Sunday, June 23, 1974

THE WASHINGTON POST

Industrial Wine Scheme

## INVESTORS, From A1

had bought the best grades.

A representative of the Wine Institute in San Francisco, the trade association of wine producers, said industrial wine as outlined in the Johnson operation, "is a mystery to me." The wine product used in salad dressing is basically vinegar, according to the representative.

The term "industrial wine" is not in the standard dictionary for wine producers, Alexis Lichine's Encyclopedia of Wine.

None of the investors could explain why the American companies could not simply purchase the "industrial wine" for themselves.

Lechner, who is a lawyer, said he understood that could not be done because of antitrust and legal difficulties. Others said they understood that the Agency for International Development was endorsing Johnson. The Food for Peace program is another named dropped to potential investors, but no one questioned this week seemed to know what it meant.

Said the C&P executive: "I never checked any of it out because it seemed so easy to do. Why would they offer so many possibilities to be checked if the business was not legitimate?"

Lechner said at the time of his investments that he thought "It sounds strange, but if it works, why not?" Lechner said he invested $5,000 and received $6,300 eight months later. He repeated the process and was successful again, and then borrowed $40,000 from a

recluse," said one woman investor who was told of the business through her professional acquaintances. "I heard he had made all the money he needed and now wanted to let a few friends in. There was some homily from the Bible that Johnson was supposed to believe in, something about greed being bad."

Then in March things started to unravel. A stock brokerage firm in Norfolk, Va., became curious about reports about a sure-fire investment that returned rates "too good to be true." The Virginia State Corporation Commission began inquiries, and within a few

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YOU A
T

Pot Pourri

Before checking into Bethesda Naval Hospital for treatment of an ulcer, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's wife stopped at Brentano's and bought $45 worth of light reading. Her purchases included the spy-thriller, "Dogs of War," by Frederick Forsyth, and "Half-Sister," by Natalie S. Carlson.

Presidential assistant Patrick J. Buchanan has kept his sense of humor. On his way to The Hague last week for a conference of Atlantic Community youth leaders, Buchanan told a reporter dryly: "I'm going over to check out their extradition laws" . . . Saudi Arabian King Faisal's daughter, Princess Abdul Aziz, is in Sibley Hospital here for undisclosed treatments. She brought eight attendants with her, including two black-veiled women.

©. The Washington Post/Chicago Tribune-
New York News Syndicate, Inc.

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

Kissinger and the Taps

SIR: For many months I have believed that President Nixon should resign, or, if he did not, that he should be impeached and convicted. The current assault on Secretary Kissinger forces me to think again.

The leaks from the House Judiciary Committee are obviously a calculated, cynical and dangerous act by the more irresponsible of the congressional Democrats to embarrass and disable the President and the secretary in the middle of significant diplomatic activity.

The liberal press has picked up this bone and run with it like a pack of wild dogs. It compels the conclusion that these interests are intent on destroying the power of the U.S. government to act in international affairs, just as Watergate has destroyed its power to govern in domestic affairs.

Under the most adverse inferences about Dr. Kissinger's role in the national-security wiretaps he was doing only what the nation should expect and demand of him, in his White House position, to prevent the destruction of our innermost diplomacy by premature exposure.

If he is driven from office for doing his public duty, with destruction of the U.S. image and effectiveness in world affairs in this process, this would be a political and journalistic crime beside which Watergate pales by comparison.

E. Earl H. DeLong, Dean Emeritus, School of Government and Public Administration, The American University.

SIR: The attempt by some members of Congress to undermine Dr. Kissinger and this country is the last straw.

Joseph A. Gagliardi.

Bowie, Md.

SIR: First it was: "If the President is impeached, I will resign," and now: "If it is not cleared up, I will resign." These statements remind me of the spoiled little boy who says: "If you don't play my way, I'll take my ball and go home."

Kenneth Roberts.

SIR: I was appalled at your June 12 editorial, "Kissinger's Resignation Threat," in which you criticized Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's action in defending his integrity against charges that he lied to the Foreign Relations Committee.

Despite your paper's opinion, I must agree with Dr. Kissinger that his domestic integrity is of great importance in his duties as secretary of State and that for these allegations to remain would prevent him from conducting his affairs effectively.

Curtis R. Watson, Jr.

support of everything ecological.

Datsun's concern is widespread among Japan's industrialists: Impact from the boycott is being felt by Sony, Toyota, Panasonic, S&W Fine Foods and many other exporters. Thousands of American consumers are sending letters and signing statements — obtained at sidewalk demonstrations in at least a dozen cities — pledging not to buy Japanese or Soviet goods until the "barbaric practice" of whaling ceases.

The effort is being pushed by people from the United States, which gave up whaling in 1971 when the various species of the great whales were put on the Department of Interior's endangered-species list. But pressure on the Japanese isn't coming only from the United States. Not long ago school girls from Canada and Sweden as well as the United States gave Prime Minister Tanaka 75,000 letters from children around the world, urging a whaling moratorium.

The burden of the whale-lovers' campaign falls overwhelmingly on the Japanese because theirs is one of only two nations which continue deep-sea whaling. The other — the Soviet Union — is less vulnerable to American complaints because it sells fewer consumer goods in this country.

THE COALITION fighting for a halt to

That marked the end of the first part of a two-part whale saga. The part that may be ending now started with over-exploitation of the Antarctic, where most of the remaining unprotected whales are found, with many of the resulting whale products going for generally less essential uses. The hunt now is carried out by modern fleets, outfitted with the latest technological aids, such as sonar. And it happens to be the Soviets and the Japanese who have the greatest investment in such fleets, and thus show the greatest reluctance to moth-

worn-out ships.

The United States justifiably considers it a mitoyin, or alternative, to the Soviet Union.

# Composing the Alliance

By C. L. Sulzberger

Times 6-23-74

FOREIGN AFFAIRS

> 'The Western
> alliance has
> again shown
> a deft ability
> to scramble out
> of pits
> it dug for itself.'

RICHMOND, Va.—Henry Kissinger is an authority on Metternich, the Austrian diplomatic genius whom many consider a prototype of the brilliant Secretary of State. Asked once why he had failed to achieve his ultimate policy ambitions, Metternich replied: "Because I sometimes governed Europe, never Austria." Some critics have speculated that Mr. Kissinger's weak point was that he sometimes "governed" the world, never Europe.

Last week's NATO meeting in Ottawa, terminated by a sensible communiqué, should do much to contradict such an assessment. Mr. Kissinger, who had provoked negative reaction by forecasting that 1973 would be the "Year of Europe" and also by calling for a new "Atlantic Charter," has now backed away from slogans and resumed the patient method of negotiating—this time with allies rather than paired-off adversaries.

And since the Secretary has shown remarkable talent for striking compromise bargains, it is no surprise that he was able to achieve positive results in Ottawa. The North Atlantic allies agreed they would be consulted by Washington in all but "emergency" situations, that it was hard to formalize consultation, and that both the United States and its allies would keep sufficient forces in Europe to deter war—or if necessary, fight one.

All this makes it easy for President Nixon to sign a declaration of allied intent when he stops off in Brussels Wednesday. The alliance seems back on an even keel after weathering a wholly needless argument over consultation.

Now a new and more relaxed French Government agrees with a less bombastic American Government that it is "very difficult" to state general principles on cooperation, above all until political unity has been "more fully articulated" in the nine-nation European Community.

It was hard to compose this issue while Mr. Kissinger was announcing maxims in between dazzling trips to distant capitals. Some Europeans resented being relegated to second place in Washington's considerations, simply because they were friends. France was specially irked and Michel Jobert, until recently Foreign Minister, expressed his pique with a razor-edged tongue.

This background did not favor allied harmony during the period marked by a unilateral United States military alert last October, an event that brought with it risk of all-out war with Russia, a conflict that would have smashed Europe although stemming from an area outside the NATO sphere. Moreover, resentment at what was considered an American failure to deal swiftly and fairly with its allies produced divisions over how to face the energy crisis that followed.

Thus, although Mr. Kissinger's remarkable diplomacy had been able to cool off crises in distant regions like

Southeast and Southwest Asia, which he sometimes seemed to "govern" in the Metternich sense, it had if anything exacerbated non-crises in West Europe whose importance to the United States is quintessential.

This situation, typified by the irritable colloquy between Washington, and Paris, seemed unusually strange since Mr. Kissinger had ceased working for the Kennedy Administration more than a decade earlier because he disagreed with its unsympathetic approach to France.

West Europe has now resumed its proper place in U.S. policy programming and has moreover been reassured that sufficient American troops will continue to participate in NATO defense, despite neo-isolationism pressures. And the inescapable problem—how to deal with emergencies outside the North Atlantic Treaty area—has been put back in the icebox.

There has been only one attempt to resolve that problem; and it failed. Sixteen years ago General de Gaulle proposed a three-power directorate—U.S.A., Britain, France—to deal with crises outside NATO. The suggestion was curtly spurned by Washington and London.

Yet the only major threats to the alliance have come from outside: the Korean war; the offshore island dispute with China; the 1956 Anglo-French-Israeli invasion of Egypt; the 1967 and 1973 Arab-Israeli wars! and the Cyprus crisis, involving three NATO members, Turkey, Greece and Britain.

Slowly the allies have come to recognize that beyond "consultation" (which cannot be institutionalized) no formal responses to extra-NATO problems can be arranged ahead of time. This flexible approach was in effect reiterated by the Ottawa communiqué, which should prepare NATO to face its second quarter-century at least as well as it did the first quarter.

Everyone involved has backed away from a brink eroded by abrasive arguments which, in turn, were prompted by needless slogans. For a peacetime coalition, once again, the Western alliance has shown a deft ability to scramble out of pits it dug for itself.

the deck, towing the catamaran, Lulu. At Ponta Delgada, en route to the diving area, the Alvin was shifted to its berth between the pontoons of the Lulu. The hope is to make the first plunge Tuesday.

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Kissinger Biography Cites Schlesinger

Book Says U.S. Israel Aid Was Stalled

Associated Press

Secretary of Defense James
R. Schlesinger resisted send-
ing planes and tanks badly

needed by Israel in the early
days of the 1973 Middle East
war, according to a new biog-
raphy of Henry A. Kissinger.

The authors says the Penta-
gon chief and his top deputy,
William P. Clements, Jr., de-
layed at a time when Israel

was reeling from the Arab at-
tack, hoping to avoid further
U.S. alienation of the Arab
states.

The account of American in-
volvement in the 1973 war is
contained in "Kissinger," writ-
ten by CBS correspondents
Marvin and Bernard Kalb. An
excerpt was printed in The
New York Times Sunday mag-
azine.

The book, which is to be
published by Little Brown
later in the summer, maintains
that it was only after repeated
and direct orders from Presi-
dent Nixon that the Pentagon
finally began the supply effort
to enable Israel to begin a
counter-attack.

The Kalbs say their book is
based on interviews with most
of the major participants, high
officials and other informed
sources, plus scrutiny of avail-
able records, public and pri-
vate.

The Pentagon had no imme-
diate comment on their re-
marks.

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CATCH-lines

By Lenora Williamson

THE ANNUAL SIEGE OF CABIN FEVER has come and gone at the *Jackson Hole* (Wyoming) *Guide*—but repercussions continue—one being a call from the FBI.

The history of "Cabin Fever" at the weekly newspaper, explains editor Paul Bruun in a letter to Catch-lines, "began with the late founder of the Guide, Mrs. Floy Tonkin, who added her wit and humor to that part of the year that seems to last forever as winter ends and spring doesn't seem to begin." This year, says Paul, the staff selected a number of subjects, for far-fetched, fanciful, fun stories for the fever section. An outdoor enthusiast, the editor decided to play on the friendly feud between Grand Teton National Park and the Wyoming Game Fish Department over stocking Jackson Lake. He wrote that the commission had decided to stock some lakes with "the fastest fish in the ocean (clocked at 76 mph)"—the Wahoo (which he reminds Catch-lines has never come closer to Wyoming than Miami)—and that introduction of the Wahoo, whose weight may exceed 90 pounds, would open new worlds of Wyoming angling. Subsequently tackle stores and shops were turned upside down with people clamoring for wire line and heavy tackle. Shop owners enjoyed the fun.

But evidently some Idaho readers worried about stories in the section, despite the Cabin Fever label. Paul got a call a couple of weeks ago from an FBI agent. He explained the spring editorial ploy to the man, who had not seen a copy. "He was satisfied as to its nature." But, adds the red-faced editor, "Believe me, next year, there won't be any doubt at all about the Cabin Fever section."

SEND BACK THAT PHI BETA KAPPA KEY—When the brainy Detroit Association of Phi Beta Kappa sent out a press release announcing a gourmet dinner featuring as hosts a certain university president and his wife, *Detroit News* society editor Eleanor Breitmeyer noted that the names were spelled wrong twice.

"AT 19, I COULDN'T DRAW MY WAY out of a paper bag," cartoonist Milton Caniff said in praise of 19-year-old Cooper Union student Steve Brodner, who has won the top $1,500 prize in a Population Institute cartoon competition. Added Caniff as a judge, "... he made his statement in the simplest of terms, with no label or caption. That is the mark of editorial excellence. The kid has got a hell of a lot of potential." Steve, a Brooklynite who once had "an artistic conflict" with a teacher who then failed him in drawing, said he was "shell-shocked" after winning the prize over leading professional cartoonists.

THE KISSINGER PRESS CONFERENCE in Salzburg and proliferation of profiles and commentary on the Secretary's press relations brings to mind a talk by James C. Thomson Jr., curator of the Nieman Foundation, before the New England Daily Newspaper Association in Boston in late winter. While analyzing press vs. government role playing and vice versa amid Washington rumors and executive luncheons with the press, Thomson repeated a line from an article he wrote for the *New York Times Magazine* to the effect that "... after lunch with Dr. Kissinger it usually takes three days for one's critical faculties to return from paralysis."

HIS HOBBY IS FOR THE BIRDS—The *Montreal Star Standard* employe newspaper, *Intercom*, reports in its June issue that wild birds around the home of Star electrician Jim Gendracs enjoy luxurious accommodations. Jim has been building birdhouses for 15 years and also provides his feathered friends with a heated birdbath for those Canadian winters. One day, when the temperature was below zero, a clean-living sparrow couldn't resist a dip. Once out of the water, the bird flopped to the ground, frozen. Jim's mother had witnessed the bath scene and rescued the sparrow, wrapped it in a towel, and petted it until its wings began to flutter. Once outside again, the cleaner and possibly wiser bird flew away.

EDITOR & PUBLISHER for June 22, 1974

4

TIEDE: WASHINGTON

For the past 15 years, Tom Tiede has been building up a reputation as a certain kind of reporter. A people reporter. A burr-under-the-saddle reporter. A damn good reporter.

Since 1965, Tiede has been reporting for NEA. From Vietnam. Appalachia. Moscow. Tucson. His dates have been as varied as his subjects, for he has traveled millions of miles through more than 60 countries and all of the United States.

Now he has moved his base of operation to the nation's capital. There he joins NEA's Ray Cromley whose Washington columns will continue to keep readers abreast of politics and policies.

Three times a week, Tom Tiede will provoke and possibly enlighten newspaper readers as he covers his expanded beat. The major figures in politics and government will play an important part in his work as Washington correspondent, but so will the people whose lives are affected by these figures.

Tiede will continue to travel, to report from places where the decisions made in Washington are felt. NEA Daily Service clients will receive more of the best of Tom Tiede than ever before. From Washington. And from the rest of the world.

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1974

of Debate

entrenched party officials
who stray into "revisionist"
paths.

What is really puzzling is
not so much the movement
itself or its ultimate purpose
but the specific course of
training that the young the-
orists are receiving. Broadcasts and articles list titles
of works by Marx, Lenin and
Chairman Mao, which the-
orists are supposed to study.
Every list stresses the im-
portance of a pamphlet by
Marx called "The Critique
of the Gotha Program."

Gotha was where German
Socialist factions met in 1875
to hammer out a unity pro-
gram that Marx denounced as
flaccid and weak-minded
after it had been forwarded
to him in London for ap-
proval.

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