'Think, Henry, what happened before
you took the champagne flight home?'

Macpherson, Toronto Star

The Sunday Bulletin

Accent Is Catching,
Kissinger Observes

Washington — (UPI)— One
of the many things presiden-
tial adviser Henry Kissinger is
known for is his German ac-
cent.

White House press secretary
Ronald Ziegler introduced him
yesterday for another press
briefing. "I noticed Ron has
begun to speak with a German
accent," Kissinger said.

Henry Kissinger, in fact, has said
that after 25 years of war and revolu-
tion, the aging revolutionaries of the
Hanoi Politburo are unlikely to surren-
der their long-time goal of taking over
all Vietnam.

(The Associated Press)

The Florida White House
announced that Kissinger held
a final five-hour meeting in
Peking yesterday with Chinese
Premier Chou En-lai. The an-
nouncement said the talk, like
the others the American en-
voy held with the Chinese lear-
ers, was "frank and wide-
ranging," but it gave no de-
tails.

J. ANDERSON—GAIMA

KISSINGER IN PARIS AFTER CONFERRING WITH NORTH VIETNAMESE NEGOTIATORS

WALL STREET

The Kissinger Market

The stock market so often seems to be ruled by arcane forces that its more imaginative speculators have tried to correlate its gyrations with all sorts of noneconomic indicators: sunspot activity, hemline lengths, the 13th century "Fibonacci sequence" of numbers, or even the messages flashed on a Jehovah's Witnesses sign in Brooklyn that is visible from Wall Street's towers.* The newest indicator, and an unusually reliable one, is the itinerary of Henry Kissinger. When President Nixon's personal agent jets to Peking or Paris for talks about Viet Nam, stock prices often shoot up for a day or two—although they usually drop back again as soon as he returns without a peace treaty.

On at least eight occasions this year, excitement over the jet-propelled professor's whereabouts has given prices a sharp if brief boost. Some samples: on Jan. 27, the Dow Jones industrial average jumped ten points after a Kissinger news conference disclosed some details of his previously secret trips to Paris to confer with North Vietnamese negotiators. On May 3, the Dow index climbed more than eight points in the first two hours of trading on the mere rumor that Kissinger was in Paris again (then the Dow tumbled more than ten points the same day when the White House denied that he was wrapping up a deal with Hanoi). The average rose ten points when Kissinger was in Peking, on June 20 and 21, though it dropped back by the time he left on the 23rd; on Aug. 14, the Dow industrials rose nine points when Kissinger surfaced in Paris once more. Two weeks ago, the market barely reacted to news that Kissinger had gone to Paris yet

again—but when the White House announced that he would stay an extra day to confer with the North Vietnamese at greater length, stocks took off on a rally that added nearly 20 points to the Dow in two days.

Kissinger himself disclaims any market expertise, and adds: "If I can affect an institution that I do not understand, I shudder to think of what I'd do to things that I do understand." In fact, Kissinger knows quite well that the reaction to his trips is not at all mysterious. Investors realize that peace in Viet Nam would end a drain of money and would free the economy from a powerful inflationary force; it would also set off a stock market boom. And one clue to how close or far peace may be lies in the peregrinations of Henry Kissinger.

*The Fibonacci sequence goes 0, 1, 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 13, 21, etc. with each number from the third on derived by adding the two previous numbers. Some market watchers insist that stock-price cycles follow Fibonacci numbers, and are composed, say, of five bull and three bear movements, with each movement subdivided into eight, 13 or 21 minor swings. The Jehovah's Witnesses sign within the past year has flashed "Paradise Soon" just before a nice market rally, and "Dead Will Rise" immediately before prices of some long-depressed stocks began going back up.

TIME, OCTOBER 16, 1972

LE DUC THO AND HENRY KISSINGER

Q. Is there any possibility that Henry Kissinger will teach a class at the University of Hanoi and that Le Duc Tho will teach one at Harvard?—Lane Mulligan, Brockton, Mass.

A. No chance. Kissinger speaks no Vietnamese. Le Duc Tho speaks little English.

KISSINGER & HOSTS IN PEKING

"I am not worried about the days; it is only the nights," Henry Kissinger told Hollywood Columnist Joyce Haber. According to her, that is why Henry the K. likes to spend evenings in the company of Jill St. John, Marlo Thomas, Raquel Welch, Samantha Eggar, Sally Kelerman, et al. What bothers Kissinger is the ladies' motivations. "Is there no end to my naiveté?" he asked after discovering that one starlet was boasting about her dates with him. "I forget that they are actresses. They are only attracted to my power—but what happens when that power ends? They're not going to sit around and play chess with me."

Quite the contrary. Late in the week, the delegation invited some 50 Western newsmen to the North Vietnamese villa in suburban Choisy-le-Roi for tea. Their chief spokesman, Nguyen Than Le, rejected a suggestion that Nixon's May 8 proposals—for an immediate cease-fire, release of American prisoners of war and withdrawal within four months—had brought the two sides any closer together. “Our positions,” said Le, “are as different as night and day.” As for the Kissinger and Podgorny trips, Le merely repeated the standard cliché that any diplomatic effort to solve the problem “without speaking directly with the representatives of the people of Viet Nam” was “bound to fail.”

TIME, JULY 3, 1972

DIPLOMACY

Bringing Pressure on Hanoi

PRESIDENTIAL Adviser Henry Kissinger flew back to Washington at week's end from a four-day visit to Peking, his fourth in less than a year. His return brought to an end, for the moment at least, a flurry of activity by top-level American, Chinese and Soviet officials that appeared to be focused on Viet Nam.

The exact nature of Kissinger's talks with Chinese Premier Chou En-lai was not yet known. But clearly from the kind of treatment Kissinger received, the Chinese considered the visit highly important. Kissinger was installed in the state guest house at Jade Abyss Pool Park in Peking, and between meetings with Premier Chou En-lai, treated to a lavish banquet in the Great Hall of the People. The *People's Daily* prominently displayed a group photograph of Kissinger, Chou and their top aides.

Kissinger reported frequently to President Nixon, using special communications gear aboard the presidential 707 that had brought him to Peking. Kissinger discussed the Moscow summit with the Chinese, along with his own recent trip to Japan, and is said to have assured them that at neither meeting was any agreement made that interfered with China's national interests. Presumably he also discussed recent agreements between Moscow and Washington, including the SALT accord. But the principal subject of the talks—and the reason that had brought Kissinger to Peking—was Viet Nam and a U.S. request that the Chinese help Washington get the long-stalled peace talks going on a realistic new footing.

After sampling the sights of Moscow and Peking, Presidential Adviser **Henry Kissinger** turned up in Hollywood, accompanied by his children and two other tourists, Soviet Ambassador **Ana-toly F. Dobrynin** and Mrs. Dobrynin. They trooped through the Universal Studio, and the children got autographs from **Rock Hudson**, **Dean Martin** and **Dennis Weaver**. Then Dobrynin tried a little acting of his own. He hoisted a huge foam-rubber rock high over his head and pretended to threaten Kissinger. "Throw it at me," Kissinger taunted. "You've always wanted to," Dobrynin smiled and put the prop down.

TIME, JULY 24, 1972

FRENCH VIEW OF PARIS NEGOTIATIONS

Representative J. Jake Pickell of Texas (above) is one of a number of Congressmen who cook up a storm during the recesses. Here he poses for his spécialité de la maison (the maison being in this case, the Capitol), Venison Chili. The Sans Souci (right) is one of the few Washington restaurants where the quality of the people-watching rivals that of the food. Regular patrons (with apologies to their respective unidentified confreres) include Henry Kissinger (far left in picture) and White House Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler (far right).

MEN OF THE YEAR / COVER STORY

Nixon and Kissinger: Triumph and Trial

IT was a year of visitations and bold ventures with Russia and China, of a uniquely personal triumph at the polls for the President, of hopes raised and lately dashed for peace in Viet Nam. Foreign policy reigned pre-eminent, and was in good part the base for the landslide election victory at home. And U.S. foreign policy, for good or ill, was undeniably the handiwork of two people: Richard Milhous Nixon and Henry Alfred Kissinger, the President's Assistant for National Security Affairs. For what they accomplished in the world, what was well begun—and inescapably, too, their prolonged and so far indecisive struggle with the Viet Nam tragedy—the two are Men of the Year.

They constitute in many ways an odd couple, an improbable partnership. There is Nixon, 60, champion of Middle American virtues, a secretive, aloof yet old-fashioned politician given to oversimplified rhetoric, who founded his career on gut-fighting anti-Communism but has become in his maturity a surprisingly flexible, even unpredictable statesman. At his side is Kissinger, 49, a Bavarian-born Harvard professor of urbane and subtle intelligence, a creature of Cambridge and Georgetown who cherishes a never entirely convincing reputation as an international bon vivant and superstar. Yet together in their unique symbiosis—Nixon supplying power and will, Kissinger an intellectual framework and negotiating skills—they have been changing the shape of the world, accomplishing the most profound rearrangement of the earth's political powers since the beginning of the cold war.

The year contained vast promise, tidal changes, a movement from a quarter-century of great power confrontation toward an era of negotiations. But if Nixon and Kissinger succeeded in opening the gates to China, in urging a new détente

with Russia, in pressing forward the SALT talks and a dozen other avenues of communication between East and West, it was also, in its final days, a year of devastating disappointment. In October, Kissinger euphorically reported to the world that "peace is at hand" in Viet Nam. Then, as it has so many times before in America's longest and strangest war, the peace proved once again elusive. As the Paris negotiations dissolved in a fog of linguistic ambiguities and reocriminations, Richard Nixon suddenly sent the bombers north again. All through the year, Nixon and Kissinger labored at a new global design, a multipolar world in which an equilibrium of power would ensure what Nixon called "a full generation of peace." But at year's end, the design remained dangerously flawed by the ugly war from which, once again, there seemed no early exit.

Other themes and other figures, of course, also preoccupied the world in 1972. While Nixon and Kissinger projected their visions of order, political terrorists kept up a counterpoint. In May, three Japanese gunmen hired by Palestinian guerrillas opened fire at Tel Aviv's crowded Lod airport, killing 26 travelers and wounding 72 others. Then in September eight Palestinians invaded the Israeli Olympic team's dormitory in Munich. Twenty hours later, 17 men, including eleven Israeli athletes and coaches, were dead.

The shadow of the gunman still hung over Northern Ireland. This year alone more than 450 people died in the terror. A bomb blast in downtown Dublin killed two people and accelerated a government crackdown on the Irish Republican Army in the South. The dangerous freelance adventurism of skyjacking persisted. As of last week there had been 393 such episodes round the world in 1972, including one marathon in November that lasted 29 hours before the

TIME, JANUARY 1, 1973

CREDITS: DIRCK HALSTEAD; STEVE NORTHUP

Clayton Fritchey: Mr. Nixon vs. Dr. Kissinger?

President took personal

Washington — Where does President Nixon begin and Henry Kissinger leave off, or vice versa? For a long time this question has intrigued Washington.

So far as Vietnam is concerned, it
can now be answered. Since on or
about Oct. 22, it has been exclusively
Mr. Nixon at the controls.

Despite widespread reports to the
contrary, the impasse over the Viet-
nam armistice negotiations is not the
result of Dr. Kissinger exceeding his
instructions but of dutifully following
them. The agreement of October be-
tween Washington and Hanoi would
probably have been signed and sealed
weeks ago had it been left to Kissin-
ger.

President at controls

It is clear now that the President
stepped in and took complete charge
after second thoughts (inspired by the
opposition of South Vietnam President
Nguyen Van Thieu) prompted Mr. Nix-
on to pull back from the nine-point ac-
cord that Hanoi thought Washington
was ready to sign on or before Oct. 31.

The last press conference Dr. Kissinger held to explain the breakdown in negotiations was markedly different from his famous pre-election briefing on Oct. 26 when he told the world "peace is at hand." This last time,

instead of discussing the kind of armis-
tice terms that are feasible, Dr. Kiss-
singer put the emphasis on what is
acceptable to his boss.

"If we can get an agreement that the President considers just," Dr. Kissinger said, "we will proceed with it." But Mr. Nixon, he added, "will not make a settlement which is a disguised form of continued warfare." Also, we are told, the President broke off the Paris negotiations because he "decided we could not engage in a charade with the American people."

Dr. Kissinger's words

If an agreement is reached "that
meets the stated conditions of the
President," said Dr. Kissinger, "if an
agreement is reached that we consid-
er just — then no other party will
have a veto over our action." How-
ever, "this action is moot because we
have not yet reached an agreement
that the President considers just and
fair."

Journalists who regularly cover Kissinger's White House briefings noted

that the famed adviser was visibly
subdued and uncomfortable. Like a
good soldier carrying out the orders of
his commander-in-chief, he put all the
blame for the impasse on Hanoi, al-
though he knows it was Mr. Nixon who
backed away from the October accord.

In any case, public self-righteousness is not the Kissinger style. As one of the world's most skilled negotiators, he makes a point of eschewing it. Moreover, since the record won't support the claim of Hanoi being solely to blame for the present stalemate, Henry Kissinger's much-prized credibility is in jeopardy.

'Goat' in the making?

John F. Kennedy took full blame for
the Cuban Bay of Pigs invasion disas-
ter, but if the Vietnam peace effort
collapses altogether, it is a good bet
that Mr. Nixon won't hold himself re-
sponsible. If there is to be an Admin-
istration goat, it appears that Kissin-
ger is in line for the honor.

Yet, there is no foundation for his
rumored freewheeling in negotiations
with Hanoi. Everything he said at the
Oct. 26 White House briefing was at the
direction of the President. The gist of
it was that Hanoi's broadcast version
of the proposed accord was substan-
tially correct, that only a few minor
details remained to be resolved and
that peace truly was at hand.

In fact, the President was so pleased
with the terms Kissinger brought back
from Paris in mid-October that he re-
peatedly sent several cordial letters to
Premier Pham Van Dong of North Viet-
nam. It has been reported without con-
tradiction that on Oct. 20 Mr. Nixon
wrote, "The text of the agreement can
now be considered complete."

Mr. Nixon pulled back

This is one reason Hanoi thought
Mr. Nixon was ready to sign the pact
on or before Oct. 21, just a week before
the U. S. presidential election. Appar-
ently Dr. Kissinger thought so, too, but
as the election approached and Presi-

AP Wirephoto

Dr. Henry Kissinger

... holding the bag?

## Inside People's Daily

The four-story headquarters of the *People's Daily* on Peking's busy Wang Fu Ching Street bears scant resemblance to a Western newspaper office. A People's Liberation Army soldier with fixed bayonet patrols the main entrance and bars passage to anyone lacking an appointment. Inside, there is no bustle of copy boys, no chorus of jangling telephones. The *People's Daily* is plainly not a normal newspaper; it is the voice of the Chinese Communist

Party. That fact—plus a circulation of 3.4 million —makes it China's most influential publication.

The six-page paper seems largely a collection of features. A typical assignment for the staff might call for something as timely as coverage of changes in Chinese education. "In such a case," explains Chen Chün, one of the paper's seven chief editors, "we would send out dozens of our cadres all over the country to universities and middle schools to investigate the situation there. Then there would be an article written collectively"—a process that can take up to a month. Once completed, *People's Daily* articles carry headlines noted for their painful solemnity: HOW TO TRANSFORM ONESELF INTO BELIEVING IN THE MASSES INSTEAD OF ONESELF or LET'S ALL LEARN REVOLUTIONARY THEORY AND GET RID OF EXPERIMENTALISM.

Such hortatory headlines do not convey the most significant message of *People's Daily*.

That comes in the pages devoted to news. So subtle does the process get that foreign readers are better served by a ruler than a glossary. A recent visit by a Chinese medical team to the U.S., for instance, was given more space than a trip by the same team to France, a sure sign—experts claim—of China's priorities in foreign affairs. Several weeks ago, two large, front-page pictures of Henry Kissinger with Chairman Mao Tse-tung confirmed to China watchers that another thaw in Sino-American relations was indeed occurring.

Lest skeptics complain that such analyses are the product of overactive imaginations, Sinologists relate a revealing vignette from President Nixon's visit to Peking. After the banquet in the Great Hall of the People, Premier Chou En-lai went off to a corner. There he was shown the *People's Daily* front-page layout of pictures of the Nixon trip. That historic issue went to press only af-

ter Chou—the world's most famous part-time editor—approved it.

As the voice of China, *People's Daily* has its own peculiar idea of what constitutes news. The Apollo moon landings did not meet the paper's standards: "In our view," says one editor, "there are a lot of more important things happening on earth." Despite its unusually large staff (about 1,000, including printers), the *People's Daily* has only two foreign correspondents—one in Tokyo and one soon to be based in London. Most of the rest of its news is pro-

## 毛泽东主席会见基辛格博士

双方在无拘束的气氛中进行了坦率和广泛的谈话，周恩来总理等参加会见

周恩来姬鹏飞乔冠华
同基辛格博士继续会谈

基辛格博士一行由姬鹏飞和乔冠华陪同出席宴会

应邀前来我国进行正式访问

布托总统夫人到京受到热烈欢迎

本化氏和夫人、布托总统和王妃等同机到达，可就座于两国领导

FRONT PAGE OF "PEOPLE'S DAILY" AFTER KISSINGER VISIT
Seeing the world through Mao's eyes.

vided by China's Hsinhua news agency.

When they are not in the field, *People's Daily* staffers spend most of their time working out articulations of policies already determined by the party. The daily 3 a.m. deadline is ignored if late-breaking news dictates. But Sinologists find *People's Daily* worth waiting for; its comments and its attitude toward stories provide a means of looking at the world through Chairman Mao's eyes.

June - 3/12/93
Subpoenas (Contd.)

While Sam Ervin's Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights met for a second week to hear testimony on possible legislation to protect newsmen's sources and notes, eleven more reporters and news executives were served with subpoenas demanding just such material. Attorneys for the Committee for the Re-Election of the

2

J

The Evening Bulletin

Monday, February 19, 1973

AP Wirephoto

PRESIDENTIAL ADVISER Henry A. Kissinger (left) confers with Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka in Tokyo.

## Kissinger Holds Meetings in Japan
After Talks With Mao and Chou

Tokyo—(AP) — Henry A. Kissinger, President Nixon's national security adviser, met today with Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka and Foreign Minister Masayoshi Ohira.

Afterward, Ohira told news-
men the talks revolved

around a wide spectrum of
subjects, including Vietnam re-
construction, the international
monetary situation and China's
relations with the United
States and Japan.

Tonight Kissinger was
Ohira's guest for dinner at a
geisha house where he sat

Japanese-style on the floor for
dinner.

Kissinger made no statement on his arrival from Peking, China, and the U. S. Embassy said he would have nothing to say for publication during his overnight visit. He planned to return home tomorrow.

brinkmanship... success

AP Wirephoto

Dr. Henry Kissinger

... a Dr. Strangelove?

it as a government consultant, but the
power was will-o'-the-wisp, and you
wanted substance, not shadow.

You are Henry Kissinger. You are
caught between the world of thought

and the world of action. You cannot
dare not cut your ties wholly with
the academic community, which is
overwhelmingly liberal. Yet your only
hope for translating your ideas into
policies is linked with President Nixon,
who is still the bogy of most academ-
ics. You walk a tightrope between
them — one that was stretched taotest
on the Cambodian decision, the mining
decision, the Hanoi bombing decision.

Sense of humor, too

You are Henry Kissinger. The left re-
gards you as Dr. Strangelove, the right
as a debauched Elagabalus. You feel
wryly amused at both, happy to be im-
mune enough to live an independent
life, which a politician can scarcely do.
You are aware that you have an ego
that needs briddling if it is not to run
away with you, and you even make dis-
arming jokes about it, just as you joke
about the "swinging" life you are sup-
posed to be leading.

You are Henry Kissinger. You know
that the building of a new power struc-
ture with China and Russia may decide
what the world will be like for decades.
There will be problems with Congress,
as shown by the current response to
the idea of American aid to Hanoi.
There will be problems with the bu-
reaucracy, whose massive weight can
crush even the most promising begin-
ings. You distrust triumphs. You have
learned how frail and unfinished the
opening gambits may be in a game of
power.

Anything can happen

You are Henry Kissinger. You know
how fickle fortune can prove with a
Grand Vizier, a king's favorite. Despite
the jester's mask, you have ex-
perienced tragedy, and you guess that
the tragic is built into life. Behind the
press headlines and the plaudits of the
crowd, you suspect that anything can
happen, and if it does you will have a
quip ready for it.

Same Job

Sen. Hubert H. Humphrey
(D-Minn) says that if he had
been elected President in 1968
he would have named Henry
A. Kissinger his foreign policy
adviser.

Talking with reporters, he
called President Nixon's na-
tional security adviser "a pro-
fessional . . . an extraordinary
man."

Humphrey also said he now
supports Mr. Nixon's plan to
give postwar aid to North
Vietnam. He said he changed
his view because of Mr.
Nixon's assurances that such
id would not be deducted
from domestic spending.

## Kissinger Meets Mao

N. Y. Times News Service

Hong Kong — Mao Tse-tung's meeting with Henry A. Kissinger was viewed here as a signal that China is ready to take new steps to improve her relations with the United States.

Hsinhua, the Chinese press agency, said Mao asked Kissinger to convey his regards to President Nixon.

Specialists in Chinese affairs said this was almost as significant as the meeting between Kissinger and Mao. By conveying the impression that the chairman and the President were on friendly terms it set the stage for the further development of Chinese-American relations.

## Major Breakthrough

Mao's meeting with Kissinger was interpreted principally as an indication that relations between the U. S. and China could achieve a major breakthrough soon.

The press coverage of Kissinger's visit appears to be aimed at preparing the Chinese people for some substantive developments in Chinese-American relations.

On Friday a picture of Kissinger and Premier Chou En-lai shaking hands and smiling cordially at each other was prominently displayed on the front-page of Peking's Jenmin Jihpao. On Saturday, the press reported that the American visitor had been the guest of honor at a banquet hosted by Chou.

## Kissinger Flies To Acapulco

Acapulco, Mexico — (AP) — Henry A. Kissinger, national security adviser to President Nixon, arrived at this Pacific summer resort port yesterday.

Kissinger flew from Washington aboard a U.S. Air Force plane. He got into a sedan with four bodyguards and left for La Serena, a private country estate where he reportedly will vacation for two weeks. 3/18/93

The situation is an embarrassment to the keg-shaped Kissinger. Despite a generous ego, he doesn't relish the appearance of upstaging Rogers who is, after all, the official point of contact for foreign diplomats in the United States.

Additionally, the stir he has created is a contradiction of Kissinger's own concept of his White House role. Yet he is sufficiently pragmatic to understand the political realities generated by his multifaceted position as Mr. Nixon's adviser, secret envoy, peace negotiator and pre-eminent policy briefer for leaders of Congress, Cabinet members and the White House press.

As one Nixon staffer put it, "It's only human to want to hear an explanation directly from the man who went to Peking, to Moscow, to Paris, to Hanoi — than to hear it second-hand from

## Kissinger

3/2/93

When he leaves the White House, Henry A. Kissinger

concedes that it will take a while to get used to reading about — rather than helping make — major news.

Kissinger, President Nixon's national security adviser, told Barbara Walters on NBC's To-

day show that after leaving the White House "you have to adjust yourself to the fact that like everybody else, you don't have access to all the information."

He also commented on his

reputation as a social swinger. "I don't think I'm a playboy. I'm extremely serious about my work." But he did say Mr. Nixon sometimes teases him about reports of his social activity.

J. F. ter Horst

Kissinger puts
it all together

Washington — Shortly after arriving in Washington, a respected new ambassador of a major European country scored a coup — a lengthy conference with Secretary of State William P. Rogers.

"It was a remarkable session," he recalled later. "We covered every aspect of our policy interests with the United States. I hurried back to the embassy, prepared a full account and cabled it to my foreign ministry marked urgent attention. I really felt good about it."

Twelve hours later, the ambassador was handed a cable from his government's top leader. It read: "Sec/State interesting; Does HAK agree"

Ask the diplomats

Such episodes are not uncommon along Washington's "embassy row."

For HAK stands for Henry A. Kissinger, the White House national security adviser whose international status as America's chief foreign policymaker rivals that of his boss, President Nixon.

To underscore the phenomenon, one need only talk to the diplomats who try to keep their home governments abreast of the global moves of the world's most powerful country.

"Five minutes with Kissinger" is worth more to me than 25 minutes with Rogers," said one foreign emissary.

Another demurred only slightly. "It isn't that your secretary of state doesn't know what your government's policy is, or will be, in a given situation. He does know. It's just that my prime minister feels he's getting the word from the highest possible authority if that word comes from the President or Dr. Kissinger"

Besieged with requests

The result is that Kissinger's National Security Council (NSC) office in the White House is besieged with requests for appointments — even telephonic chats — from Washington's diplomatic corps.

Kissinger, whose working hours stretch from early morning to late evening, probably talks to more foreign officials on urgent matters than anybody outside of Rogers — and considerably more than his predecessors in past administrations.

somebody else. The President understands that. Besides, Henry Kissinger does it so much better than anybody else."

That may be the key to the Kissinger mystique.

Not because his voice, tinged with the Germanic accent of his boyhood, rings with such authority. Rather, it seems, because Mr. Nixon has found in Kissinger an alter ego for sorting out global policy options, helping devise the ultimate strategy — and then carrying it out under presidential direction.

"I couldn't have done better myself," Mr. Nixon reportedly told Kissinger on his return from one secret mission to China. Most Nixon-watchers believe it meant it.

Role has changed

When he joined the White House staff at the outset of Mr. Nixon's first term, Kissinger did not see himself playing the role that events and his President have assigned him.

"I believe very strongly that the position of a White House assistant is inconsistent with making public statements on substantive matters," he said emphatically in 1969.

As he conceived his role, he and the NSC staff would shun "crisis management" so as to develop, well in advance, "contingency plans for foreseeable emergencies."

Kissinger would concentrate on "long-term thinking, to prevent crises from happening — rather than spend all our energies on managing crises which might have been avoided."

He and his staff haven't discarded that concept — indeed, they keep turning out position papers designed to head off emergencies.

But Henry Kissinger, with wry amusement, confesses that he had no idea he would become so deeply ensmeshed in immediate, delicate and sensitive matters, of which the trips to China and the Vietnam negotiations in Paris are classic examples.

There's little doubt that the 45-year-old former Harvard professor enjoys the dazzling attention lavished on him by the press, politicians, party hostesses, glamorous women (he's divorced), and foreign diplomats.

If Kissinger Is Seen with Blonde, It's 'Castro in a Wig,' He Quips

Washington — (UPI) — Presidential adviser Henry Kissinger's forthcoming vacation in Mexico has prompted reports that he will visit Cuba then for a meeting with Prime Minister Fidel Castro.

The Washington Post reports that when he was asked about it at a diplomatic party here the other night he told a reporter:

"If you see me with a blonde, it will be Castro in a wig."

Kissinger was with Nancy McGinnis, a frequent companion who is reported to be the divorced Kissinger's true love. She is a member of the staff of New York Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller, for whom Kissinger also once worked.

Kissinger has been quoted as saying in the past that as long as he holds his present demanding job at the White House he will not remarry. But rumors of marriage to Miss McGinnis persist.

Kissinger wouldn't discuss it at the party except to tell a photographer who offered to take the wedding pictures:

"I'll take you up on that."

Miss McGinnis had a little more to say about marriage reports:

"Simply not true. I'm not getting married. I find these rumors outrageous."

Asked if she would accompany Kissin-

Nancy McGinnis

ger to Mexico, she relied tartly:

"I certainly would not go on a vacation with an unmarried man."

Q. When Henry Kissinger departs the Nixon Administration, will he head for All Souls College in Oxford?—Ben Walters, Cambridge, Mass.

A. Kissinger once investigated the possibility of a visiting fellowship at All Souls—but that was when he was still at Harvard. At this writing, Kissinger doesn't know specifically where he will go when he leaves the Administration. Most probably he will accept a publisher's hefty advance for his memoirs and write them in an environment of maximum conduciveness—where the girls are.

THE PRESIDENCY/HUGH SIDNEY

## Your Best Friends Won't Tell You

ONE of the oddities of these times is that the U.S. seems able to get along better with Communist dictators than with the governments of free nations. The meetings with the high men of Peking, Moscow and Hanoi are more frequent and appear to be more candid and intimate than some with the leaders of Canada, France or Germany. In some instances over the past months there has appeared to be more camaraderie and humor between Communists and the U.S. representatives than has existed lately between the diplomats of this nation and the democratic societies of Europe and Asia.

So it was last week that the undercover mutterings of Japan came out into the open. The Japanese feel left out and uninformed. While Henry Kissinger has paid three visits to Japan, Richard Nixon has yet to go. Kissinger's latest Asian swing included three days (19 hours of meetings) in Hanoi and four days (21½ hours of meetings) in Peking, but he stopped in Japan for only a day (2½ hours of meetings), and it seemed almost like an afterthought.

In most of the capitals of Europe as well there are continuing complaints about never being sure just what President Nixon is planning to do next with Russia or China, although certainly Russia and China know. And small countries like Israel and South Korea, whose very lives depend on this nation, have set up spy networks in Washington to try to learn what is on the minds of Nixon and Kissinger.

There are some good reasons, of course, for the U.S. Government's behavior. First, the diplomatic action right now is with the Communist nations. Hence the meetings and all those handshakes and smiles. Also, the character of Japan has for the moment stymied this country's top statesmen. Japan has not yet conceived a complete global policy. Thus those marvelous philosophical evenings mulling over the condition and future of civilization, which Kissinger found so warming in Peking, cannot be had in Tokyo. When Washington's international planners have turned to Europe, they have found up until fairly recently a collection of individual states mostly preoccupied with their internal problems and their relations with immediate neighbors—and not all that interested in global strategies.

For all of that, the White House seems in the grip of a secrecy syndrome that was thought to be found only in the Kremlin. In this respect, we seem to have become more like the Communists than they have become like us, which is not the way that some people thought it should work.

A few days ago Kissinger guardedly reported on his Asian conferences, and his concern about letting the news out was apparent. When asked what he had told the Japanese, he chuckled, "Three days after leaving Tokyo there can be almost nothing left to reveal that is not already in the Japanese press." Well, maybe that is bad, but maybe not. There are some people left who believe that this is the way a free society should work.

At that same briefing, Kissinger was asked if he could say something about what he and Mao Tse-tung had talked over. He paused. "I am debating whether to spend ten minutes saying 'No,' or just say 'No.'" Then he spent 45 seconds saying "No." While most people can understand the need for confidentiality in such discussions, is there not room in this age for a little public glimpse at conversations by either Nixon or Kissinger with a man whom just a few years ago we were calling an international murderer?

The Soviets did not cancel the Moscow summit when we bombed Hanoi and mined the Haiphong harbor in May. Are we to believe that the generation of peace would collapse if we learned a little of what Nixon and Brezhnev talked about when they took a hydrofoil ride on the Moscow River last spring?

John Kennedy had a good thought back in 1961 when things were a little tougher with the Communists. He came back from his meeting in Vienna with Nikita Khrushchev, and he talked at length with his diplomatic officers, even with the press. At one of these meetings, after telling about the bitter confrontation between himself and Khrushchev, he paused and asked his audience, "If we put this out, will it jeopardize future relations with the Soviet Union? Does Khrushchev understand how democracies work?" Kennedy then answered his own question. "If he doesn't, maybe it is time he learned."

Kissinger's humor
keeps bubbling up

Washington — German-born Henry Kissinger says he has told the President — jokingly—that naturalized citizens should be made eligible to run for the presidency and native-born Americans should be barred because they have had that right for 180 years.

The President's chief foreign policy adviser still is showing up in the right places with the beauties. He took Marcia Metrinka, a blonde former beauty queen to the Sans Souci restaurant near the White House recently, explaining that they attended the same school — George Washington High in Brooklyn. (The only thing is she was there 15 years after Kissinger was a student.)

"They still want us to lose a little face, namely his . . . "

HINES—COMMERCIAL APPEAL, MEMPHIS

When others despaired, he persisted
in an unfaltering belief that conditions for a
Vietnam settlement could be achieved

Henry Kissinger,
Peacemaker

Condensed from NEW YORK TIMES
ROBERT B. SEMPLE, JR.

WHATEVER triumph and
tragedy there will be in
the final Vietnam settle-
ment, they belong, ultimately and
properly, to President Nixon and to
the leaders in Hanoi and Saigon.
Nonetheless, the very existence of
the peace agreement is in no small
measure a tribute to Henry A. Kiss-
singer, who has believed from the
beginning that the war could end
in a negotiated solution. He has
worked without pause to devise the
subtleties of that solution, and his
towering self-assurance enabled him
to push forward when others
thought he must surely stumble.

The Vietnam agreement and the
49-year-old Mr. Kissinger's role in
it illuminate the transformation of
a relatively obscure theoretician of
diplomacy, whose reputation ex-
tended little beyond the corridors of
the Capitol and the bookstalls of

academe, into the most influential
of the President's advisers, the most
acrobatic of his emissaries, the most
polished and persuasive of his public
spokesmen and the most sought-
after dinner companion in Washing-
ton. He has made more news in
more settings—Washington, Paris,
Peking, Moscow, Hollywood—than
all the other Presidential assistants
and Cabinet members combined.

But while the outward manifestations of his personality—wit, intelligence, industry, courtliness and vanity—have easily been grasped, he remains curiously elusive at the core. There is no mystery, however, about the two principles that have governed his professional conduct while serving Mr. Nixon. The first is his firm conviction that foreign policy, given the exigencies of the nuclear age, must be centralized in the Oval Office of the White House.

NEW YORK TIMES (JANUARY 24, '73). © 1973 BY THE NEW YORK TIMES CO.,
229 W. 43 ST., NEW YORK, N.Y. 10036

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