Yale University Library
The James Weldon Johnson
Memorial Collection of
Negro Arts & Letters
Founded by Carl Van Vechten
1941

Gift of
Dixwell Avenue
Congregational Church

For the Colored American.

TRINIDAD.

Mr. Editor.—Since there is much excitement and enquiry about Trinidad, and since nothing has yet been said, of the disadvantages of that island; and since I have recently conversed with a gentleman, of unquestionable veracity, who has visited the island of Trinidad, allow me to say a word or two, through your columns, on this subject.

Lest any of your readers should suppose
me to be prejudiced against emigration, let
me remark, that I am glad that God, in his
providence, has prepared an asylum for us
who are oppressed by prejudice, and by power
flowing from prejudice, to retire to. It is
for this reason, that I do not see the least ob-
jection to the emigration. That kind of phi-
lanthropy which desires a man to remain for
a number of years, where he can scarcely
earn his daily bread, and where prejudice
against his complexion, places him midway
between desolate slavery, and unshackled
freedom; where the same unholy feeling
meets, and insults him, at the east, the west,
the north and the south; where even the
church, is no refuge from it; is a philanthro-
py which, I must confess, is to me, strange
indeed. To desire a man to remain, where
talent, education, piety, character, all are
unavailing to give him a place, in community
with men; when the President of an A. S. S.
will endeavor to discourage, or at least, to
withhold aid from, our own paper because it
admits an article from a man whom we know
to be an uncompromising, and longtried
friend, is in my opinion to desire him to array
himself, against himself. If a great many
who profess abolitionism would give colored
men more patronage and encouragement, the
case would be very different. Professional
men among the colored people, as a general
thing—I speak the language of experience—
must be the very poorest of the poor for two
reasons. One is, white people do not give
those among whom we labor, such work as is
profitable; and the other is, our people (with
some few though honorable exceptions) will
pay any body, else sooner than their
Preachers and Teachers, and now I may
add, their Editors. I ask, then, what hope or
encouragement is held out to the great major-
ity of our people, of improving their condi-
tion *soon* here? What encouragement is
there for a young man to qualify himself for
stations demanding education, talent and cha-
racter as things exist here, and will exist, un-
til such a revolution as neither a day, nor year,
will bring about in society and customs in this
'dark land?'

The idea of emigration—not to the preju-
diced and slave hunting west—but to some
but to some free country, is to me cheering
and welcome. Besides, the fact that our
people reject the offers of Colonizationists,
and, at the same time, cordially accept those
of the Colonial Government of Trinidad ought
to convey the most withering, and shame be-
getting rebuke to that unprincipled body of
pseudo philanthropists.

I did not intend to wander so far, but while
I am out of my orbit, let me say, that it is
vain to hope that our people who do not pay
their public servants here, will pay a man for
visiting and examining Trinidad. The ship
to sail on the 20th inst. will take out enough,
who by their letters can transmit to us infor-
mation, such as no agent could from mere ob-
servation.

But to the point. Mr. R. informed me that

a large proportion of the island, consists of
low, marshy, swampy ground the miasma
from which is unhealthy, you know, in any
country. This, however, Dr. A. L. Cox told
me in 35 was curable by cultivation on
Long Island, and of course on the island of
Trinidad. The climate of Trinidad, has al-
ready been alluded to by yourself. I should
think it extremely difficult for a northern man
to labor from sunrise till sunset, in so hot a
climate. If he did not labor that length of
time, he could not earn a dollar. This fear,
has been overlooked. Again, I do not sup-
pose that northern farmers can command the
best wages there, from the fact that they
would be unaccostomed to the kind of labor
required.

The last objection is to be understood in
Mr. Burnley's account; concerning private
schools he says, 'where children of all deno-
minations are admitted.' The fair inference
is, that there are schools where children of
some denominations are not admitted. This
conclusion is confirmed by the fact that the
majority of the islanders are Roman Catho-
lics.

I repeat that I do not make these state-
ments to convey an unfavourable impression,
but to present a part of the dark side of the
picture to your readers. That there are
many advantages to be gained by emigration,
I candidly believe; and if I had not just re-
ceived a call which I feel it to be my duty to
accept, I should; Providence permitting, go
to that, or some other free country, next
spring.

LUCIUS.

For the Colored American.

"LABORS OF REV. HIRAM WILSON"—A REPLY.

MR. EDITOR:—Since I saw your extraordinary, and, to my mind, highly unwarrantable article in the Colored American of the 6th ult., I have taken some pains to acquaint myself with the facts in the case, concerning the Canada mission. Before I returned from my last tour westward, I fell in company with our mutual friend, James C. Fuller, who has recently visited the Province of Canada, and whose personal observations on the subject, are, perhaps, of as much value as the mere opinions of even so well informed a man as the editor of the Colored American.

Those points of your article of the 6th, which I wish you to re-examine, and to compare with facts, are the following: "But that separate schools and separate churches should be established among them, is bad policy, and in a short or a long run, will be of ruinous tendency to all concerned.— Whenever we have adopted a principle or sanction- ed a measure, which, either directly or indirectly went to the support, or in defence of any separate organization among us, it has always been in view of the deepest necessity; when law, common con- sent, and usage, all combine, as in our country, to deprive us of some absolutely needful privilege, or to prevent our moral and religious improvement. But such is not the case in Canada." "The gov- ernment, in her schools, generally established throughout the colony, throws open her doors alike to all, and such is the education, and have been the habits of the people, as to welcome to all their churches, persons without regard to complexion. Now, such being the case, where is the necessity for establishing separate schools, or separate churches, under such a government, among such a people? Can they but have an unhappy ten- dency?" You close the paragraph which I have just quoted, by expressing a doubt, whether bro- ther Wilson ought to be sustained.

The closing paragraph of the article in hand, gives publicity to an attack of an "intelligent co- lored friend from Toronto," upon brother Wilson's labors, and upon an effort lately made to raise funds in England to establish a manual labor school; the reason for this attack, appears to be, that "the University of Toronto stands with open doors for the reception of students, without regard to color."

When I was at the house of James C. Fuller, I saw and copied a resolution, passed by the same convention of colored Canadians, which appointed a delegate to the World's Convention, declaring that they were borne down by a prejudice against their color, very similar to that suffered in the States, a prejudice which deprived them of school and church privileges. Owing to the confusion attendant upon my recent severe afflictions and bereavement, the copy of the resolution to which I refer, is mislaid, the original, however, is in Mr. Fuller's possession.

The sentiments contained in that resolution—sentiments coming, doubtless, from men as "in- telligent" as your "colored friend from Toron- to"—are fully corroborated by the personal ob- servations of friend Fuller. In the 7th number of the American Citizen, you will see a statement from Mr. F., setting forth the fact that at Brantford, there is a Baptist Church on the negro pew system. That colored children are denied access to the schools, is a fact so notorious that I can but won- der that the editor of the Colored American should state to the contrary. Much more am I surprised, that your "intelligent colored friend from Toron- to" did not know it. In answer to the queries put to Rev. H. Wilson on the subject, nearly two years ago, I learned that "there is much prejudice in Canada, owing to Yankee ingress." "Yet," says the editor of the Colored American, "such are, and have been the education and habits of the people (of Canada,) as to welcome to their schools

and churches, persons without regard to complex- ion." My friend Ray must have had in his mind's eye the English "people" only, forgetting that in many places, the majority of "the people" are Yankees, whose "education and habits" are such as are the "education and habits" of the mass of the people of the United States. I was struck with that when in Canada in December.

These remarks were true of Hamilton, Niagara, St. Catharines, St. Davids, London, Sandwich, and many other places. Were it needed, I could give statements corroborating what I have here said, (and making evident your mistake,) from in- telligent colored friends, who now live, and who have lived in Canada. I must repeat my surprise, that your "friend" should not know these facts. As I have reason to believe that you will receive these facts as facts, may I not, in consideration of them, and for the better information of such of your readers as may be influenced by your article, ask you to review your position in reference to the necessity of "separate organizations" in Canada? Or will you cling to the erroneous impression, "that under the circumstances," brother Wilson's labors have a "bad tendency?" The fact is, that our people are excluded from schools and churches in all those places where "separate schools" exist. Would it be preferable to allow them to remain destitute of such advantages? I am well aware that the heart of Charles B. Ray contains no af- firmative answer to this question. Then shall not this reflection upon brother Wilson's labors be withdrawn?

I refer to one fact more of which you are aware, but which I apprehend you had forgotten, when you referred to exemption from colorwise distinc- tions on the part of the government of Canada. I refer to the fact that colored persons cannot become legal citizens of Canada. How your "intelligent friend" could have overlooked this fact, I cannot conceive. I know not who the gentleman may be, but if it be Mr. Peter Gallego, or Mr. De St Remy, he is the very man who published a pros- pectus (in your paper,) of a paper which was to plead the political rights of the colored citizens of Canada. But be that "friend" who he may, it is passing strange that he should not know what is the civil and political condition of his fellow citi- zens.

But this gentleman deprecates the collection of funds in England, and condemns the sympathies of Americans, as expressed in contributions, for the establishment of a manual labor school. And why? The University of Toronto would receive them! Is it to be supposed that a fugitive, just from a southern prison-house, with all his attend- ant poverty, is able to send his children to the Uni- versity of Toronto? Surely your "intelligent friend" must have very unintelligent views of the matter if he could have supposed so for a moment. Verily, I cannot see why, nor how far the argu- ment of your "friend" is better against the pro- posed manual labor schools, on account of "the doors of the University being open," than it would be against the second volume of the Colored American, because the columns of the Emancipa- tor are "open to all without regard to color." I may be very much in error, in judgment on the subject, but I see not why the same argument could not be just as plausibly used by Wm. Whipper, to prove the "ruinous tendency" of our State Con- vention, because the general Anti Slavery Con- ventiones are "open to all without regard to color."

I only beg leave to add, by way of conclusion, that the schools condemned by yourself and your "friend" are not exclusive; they are "open to all, without regard to color," so is to be the man- ual labor school proposed to be established. Ex- use my proximity and want of system.

Yours, ever, S. R. WARD.

Peterboro, Feb. 25th, 1841.

For the Colored American.

"WILLIAM WHIPPER'S LETTERS."

It has been our purpose, in our last two preced-
ing articles, to answer, in a summary manner the
questions and objections proposed by Mr. Whip-
per in his letters, to show the duty and necessity of
special exertions on the part of the oppressed, as
a principle—that it is identical with the testimony
of history, and that, inasmuch as it comported
with the peculiar relations of the oppressed, it was
in accordance with common sense.

It is a remarkable fact, that obstreperous as have
been the friends of this new theory, in their adro-
cacy of it, yet they have never attempted to show
its feasibility in the light of history. Now, we al-
ways suspect any theory that cannot be supported
by facts. The world is old enough, the human
family have had sufficient experience to give some
few illustrations of any principle of importance,
that may be proposed for the benefit of man. And
although new combinations of known truth may
be made, and thus originality be produced, yet,
save in this way, there is nothing new under the
sun. How unreasonable, then, in such a matter
as this—a matter so practical in its nature, so be-
girt by the teachings and supports of common
sense, and in the light of history, so luminous—a
matter upon which the human family have been
schooled for centuries; how unreasonable it is, we
say, for gentlemen to come forward and require
us to leave a well known and long tried course,
for which we have the authority of the wisest and
best of all ages, to enter upon a vain and untried
expedient, merely on account of the marvellous,
hidden virtues of a new theory.

It has been our object in our former communi-
cations, to defend the measures of our fathers, in
past times, of our brethren of the present day in
their laudable self-exertion to elevate themselves,
and especially the "Albany Convention," in its
"call" and its after measures. It will be seen
that we have argued the matter thus far, without
any reference to *color*. The relative position and
the relative duties and responsibilities of the op-
pressed and the oppressors; being, in our opinion,
the only grounds upon which any argument was
was predicable. This endless clamoring about
"color," is alike devoid of reason, as it is disrepu-
table to us as a people. The people are perishing
by oppression, and our leaders, one opposing the
other, upon a *word*; they are metaphycising upon
*things*, when they should be using the resistless
energy of principle, to vindicate their wronged and
deeply injured brethren; and instead of giving liv-
ing, productive action—proposing idle theories!
We would discontinue the matter here, were it not
that there are some minor points in Mr. W's let-
ters, which demand some notice.

We come now to the term "colored."

We would premise here, that we are not fright-
ened at the portentous phrase—"Complexionally
istinctive organizations"—not in the least. But
we regard it as a "nise deguerre." Is it a want
of kindness, or a want of clear vision, that leads
our brethren to charge us with preferring our mode
of operation, to devotion to color? Our argument
is this:—Whenever a people are oppressed, pecu-
liarly (not complexionally,) distinctive organiza-
tion or action, is required on the part of the op-
pressed, to destroy that oppression. The colored
people of this country are oppressed; therefore
the colored people are required to act in accord-
ance with this fundamental principle.

Discontinue the use of the term—does prejudice die? Oh no, Leviathan is not so tamed. But Mr. W. may say, prejudice is the result of color, and *therefore* we should not use the term "colored." But look again at the matter. If it is the result of *color*, then it does *not* proceed from the word; and if *that* (*color*.) is the cause, and Mr. W. desires to act upon the cause, then let him commence his operations upon the color. For ourselves, we are quite well satisfied. And we intend, in all our public efforts, to go the power-holding body, and tell them, "Colored as we are, *black* though we may be, yet we demand our rights, the same rights other citizens have;" and to Christians, "We demand it of you in the name of Christ our common master, to give us as large a share in your affections and sympathies as you give to the rest of the Saviour's fold."

We say our people should not give way the least to the stout-heartedness of our oppressors in this matter. If they have prejudices, they must get over them. As for our color, as God has given it to us, thus we are pleased with it—and so must they get to be. Surely the term colored is not disgusting to Mr. W. and his friends? They cannot be ashamed of their identity with the negro race!

But in the different relations, the two people sustain to each other, some terms are to be used by which each may be known. A definition is correct and proper, when it distinguishes its object or class from all others. The term "colored," then, is a very good one. It has this very commendable qualification, and that there is nothing objectionable in it, is evident from the fact that from time immemorial, different races of men have been distinguished according to their color, and thus not from bad and bitter feelings, as white men, black men, red men, olive, &c., &c. When the English, French, Spanish, and others use these terms, do the *terms* create prejudice, or are they employed from prejudice? Neither one. There is, then, no such marvellous power in the *word* as to make it so repugnant to the tender sensibilities of Mr. W.

To Mr. Whipper's vision, there is but one thing visible—*Color*. For a long period this, apparently, has been his Alpha and Omega. It has been a ghost, haunting him in the day time, and in the night season—a ghost that would not down at his bidding; or rather, we are inclined to think, he is not so displeased with the ghostly presence, from the deep thought, and intense feelings with which he regards it.

So potent and peculiar has its influence been upon him, that it has deprived him of much of that clear thought and peculiar discrimination that generally characterises Mr. Whipper. Objects appear before him, confused and disarranged, which to others, and the general mind, are clear and distinct. See, for instance, his second letter, (Colored American, Feb. 20th,) wherein he warns you not to advocate our call and measures on the ground of necessity.—Why, they can be defended on that ground, and ably and triumphantly. If he will consult but the primer of philosophy, he will discover that much that is fair, and beautiful, and beneficial—some of the brightest features of law, and of the entire frame work of civil polity—are the product of necessity. Observe again how blurred is Mr. Whipper's vision. In the same letter, speaking of the similar "broad platform principle" of the Anti Slavery Society, and the American Moral Reform Society, he remarks: "I maintain whatever is morally right for a white man to do, is morally right for a colored man to do, and vice versa. If this position be correct, and I presume you will not gainsay it," &c., &c. Gain say it! Most certainly we do, if we understand Mr. W. to say that the moral duties of men are equally and universally alike and the same. On the contrary, we maintain that what is morally

right for one man to do, may be morally wrong for another; and thus of entire classes of a whole people. Duties arise from relations. Our responsibilities and obligations receive their hue and coloring from the situation we may maintain, and the connections we may have. Moral right is manifested in innumerable forms. The sun is fixed in the solar system, and the light he imparts is one in nature; yet how diverse in their hues and tints

are the rays that come streaming down upon us! And thus is it in the manifestations of duty.

No. We sustain relations to our own people, so peculiar that white men cannot assume them; and according to these relations are our attending duties.

Finally, Mr. Whipper says, "As a people we are deeply afflicted with 'colorphobia.'" True, true! we are deeply afflicted with colorphobia, at least some of us. It is a "phobia," and it (color,) has so perturbed some of our brethren, that they

have devoted a paper to do away with the nuisance; and have written long articles to banish the designating term into oblivion.

For ourselves, we plead "not guilty" to the charge. Whatever other phobia we may have, "Colorphobia" has not yet afflicted us with its sore and rabid influences. The color God has given us, we are satisfied with; and it is a matter of but little moment to us, who may be displeased with it.

We are afflicted with colorphobia, and it is a going to work wonders with us—wonders like those Moses wrought in Egypt—of fearful nature, and destructive tendency; unless the right means are used to effect a radical cure, so that henceforth, neither the fact, nor the term indicative of it, shall excite convulsions, nor create a MONOMANIA.

SIDNEY.

For the Colored American.

## THE RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE IN PENNSYLVANIA.

In my previous letter on the right of suffrage in Pennsylvania, I made some remarks on the meeting in Philadelphia of the 13th of January, in which I did not notice their resolution to petition the Legislature to

For the Colored American.

A SABBATH IN THE TOWN OF COXSACKIE,
NEW YORK.

MR. EDITOR,—On Sabbath morning I found
myself in the beautiful town of Coxsackie, which
helps to decorate the North West bank of the
Hudson, and at the usual hour the bells rang, and
then tolled very solemnly for Church, and what
made it still more solemn to me, the pious friends
with whom I put up, were sick, and I had to go
to Church alone, and before the bells ceased to
toll I found myself standing on the steps of the
Baptist Church, and there I felt both solemn and
strange, and I presume that I looked still more so,
because every eye was upon me as though I was
a phenomenon. But when the bell ceased to toll,
a man descended the gallery who invited me to a
seat, which I soon found was a proscribed one, or
in other words, a negro pew, and in looking to-
wards the altar where I should look and where I
thought all others ought to look, I saw that almost
every eye was upon me and I thought to myself I
looked something like a berry in a great pan of
milk, and I felt that the berry was as good as the
milk (because God created both for his glory) even
if one was of a darker hue than the other. The
minister preached from 4th verse of 2d chapter of
the Revelations. "Nevertheless I have somewhat
against thee, because thou hast left thy first love."
He preached a beautiful sermon, and I thought a
good one; with one exception he told us how we
should treat each other as brethren, as members
of the same family, Church, &c.; he told us, too,
how the Sabbath must be kept, and how the fa-
mily altar must be maintained, because God would
pour out his fury upon the families that call not
upon his name, Jeremiah x. 25. I felt much fear
that many were present that never had any first
love to forget, at least for God, simply because
they allow God's poor and despised, to be reli-
giously oppressed and they say amen to it. I was
credibly informed that every colored American
that attends that Church must be colonised in one
or other of the corners. These things with many
others filled my soul with horror, thinking of the
judgment, and when Christ's kingdom will have
fully come, and his will be done on earth as it is in
Heaven. I thought that I shall not be a religious
slave then. He said finally, there is another con-
sideration, which is a very delicate one, and which
many were afraid to touch, (now I thought that the
poor slave was going to hear one word of hope) but,
said he, I stand here as one who dare to open my
mouth against the crying sin of intemperance, &c.
I do assure you, Mr. Editor, that if all ministers of
the Gospel would rap slaveholders and their abet-
tors over the head as this man did the rum barrels
and the rum selling deacons, Church members
and the Church would soon be glad to wash her
hands of the bleeding slave, and would preach
against it as much as against a neglect of brother-
ly love, or of Sabbath breaking or intemperance.

In the afternoon I visited the Presbyterian
Church in time to attend the Sunday school, and
being a Sunday school teacher, and also a super-
intendent, I felt anxious to attend the school that
I might be edified and perhaps instructed and get
something to bring home to feed my own school
with, but I was neither edified nor instructed. I
entered the Church while the school was opening
with prayer, and although the prayer was in such
a low tone of voice that I did not understand a
single word, I united in attitude and I trust in
heart with them. I then took my seat expecting
that the superintendent would give me a teachers
book or say something to me but he passed and
repassed me several times and never said a word
and during the whole session some of the teach-
ers as well as children were looking at me laugh-
ing, and very impolitely indeed, and some of the

children were allowed to play all the time of school,
and one little boy I saw with his hat on and was
quite rude. I thought to myself, is this the way you
train up children for God. Finally, the school
was dismissed with singing, accompanied with the

organ—that part was well done. I felt very desirous
of saying a word for Christ—but I was a religious
slave, I did not dare to open my mouth. I then
took my hat and stood on the steps of the Church
with many others waiting the gathering of the peo-
ple, and while standing there I heard a voice be-
hind me, saying you go and sit there; I turned
me around to look and the superintendent who
had not spoken to me before was pointing to the
last slip I think in the Church up behind the door
partly under or against the library. Before I thought
I nodded my head much as to say thank you, but
I soon repented and asked God to forgive me for
thanking him for such a seat, or rather for pro-
scribing me in such a manner, the seat was a good
one, far better than I deserved, and one too that I
would delight to occupy if so be that I wished to
do so or if a holy circumstance should place me
there. When I went in however I made a mis-
take and did not get in the slip that he pointed at,
consequently I sat alone, and being as I suppose
out of my place I excited much attention. The
whole of the Church exercises and order were
good except the manifest prejudice against the
bias of our weakness or minority (color.)

In the evening I accompanied a good Methodist
brother to the Methodist Church, and there as a
matter of course we were prescribed, some nine or
ten of us, male and female together, females to the
right, and the males to the left; we all behaved
ourselves like Christians, although compelled thus
to abide in God's house, whilst there were some
we saw outside the door cursing, swearing and
talking publicly and carrying on worse than some
of our ignorant young men who we sometimes
see on the corners of Church and Leonard streets,
while that Church is in session, yet they were al-
lowed to come in and take seats where they
choose. Although, Mr. Editor, I was hewn from
the accursed rock of slavery as it now exists in
the South, and have contended with hot and cold,
wet and dry, frost and snow and many a winter's
blast, but this Sabbath I have suffered more than
ever I have before, to be sure since my body is
released from slavery's chains, but the American
Church has in the same forge forged far worse
ones, and the Church in Coxsackie riveted them
upon my soul! Notwithstanding all that, in pity
and tears of sorrow, I commend them to the blood
in which they must be cleansed if they ever reign
in glory; and like him I say from my soul, Father
forgive them for they know not what they do.
And finally, be it known unto you, Mr. Editor, and
all to whom this may come, the Sabbath above re-
ferred to is not one of those which rolled into
eternity before the news of the coming of the Sa-
vior had been announced and believed on by ma-
ny, neither is it one of those that passed during
the so called negro plot in the city of New York, I
think in 1701 and 2, but it was as late as Sept. 6,
1840, and so our people are made infidels and some
refuse to go to Church because no one cares for
their souls. I write, and mourn not as one without
hope, because I know that God will avenge the
wrongs of the weak and oppressed, but not in
blood I hope.

Our people are very much scattered in Cox-
sackie and generally their circumstances are con-
tracted, but some are doing pretty well temporally.
I here are a few legal voters, and some too are very
pious notwithstanding all that they have to con-
tend with; but as a whole they are much neglected
and its effects are very preceptible. I have al-
ready made this article too long, and I am now
going to close by telling you that New York will
yet be redeemed, and I believe our whole country,

so far as we are concerned, because there is one
colored American in Coxsackie, if no more, who is
going to vote right, not only now, but while there
is a single slave setting upon the ballot box look-
ing to see whether he cast his vote for freedom or
slavery. The political parties he tells me have
tried in vain to make him believe that it is of no
use to vote for the Anti-Slavery nominations, be-
cause their candidates cannot be elected. He replies
then let my vote be thrown away with the rest,
and after many days I shall find it, and I shall
have too, the consciousness to know, that I have
tasted, touched nor handled the unclean thing.
(Slavery.) I was not able to do any thing for our
paper there but numbers told me if our paper had
been taken there they would have known about
the Convention before it was over. It is not without
its effects there, although the town was not repre-
sented. The news of the Convention was carried
to Coxsackie by a woman from Albany residing
in Union street. She told them what great things
that the Convention had done. She carried the spi-
rit with her and in her proper spirit she declared
it to the people, and left it there burning. Our
cause is onward.

W. P. JOHNSON.

A New York — He that keeps a slave is a
slave.

For the Colored American.

## INTEREST IN MISSIONS.

MR. EDITOR—My previous letter, on " Missions to Africa," contains a brief notice of my visit to New York and Philadelphia, in June, 1836; and I deem it due to myself and some of my personal friends in both cities, as well as in the west, to extend that notice further in my present letter.

But before I proceed, I would beg leave to state, that in thus introducing myself into the missionary company, I have no intention of trying to put any one out, or of taking labor out of the hands of any one; or that any one should slacken his band on my account. On the contrary, I wish fairly to introduce myself as a true and active friend of the cause, that those who are working already may be encouraged to work the more.

As stated in my previous letter, my visit to both cities was extended to several days, all of which were incessantly occupied in exploring the moral, literary, and religious condition of the two places. I visited nearly all their public and private schools, as well as most of their Sabbath schools and principal places of public worship, and addressed the children and youth in all the schools which I visited.

In my addresses, I generally pursued something like the following arrangement: First, to introduce myself to the children, by telling them who I was, whence I had came, and what I had came for. Secondly, that I was a warm friend of learning, and was happy to see them in school, the place specially set apart for that purpose; that I hoped they would obey their teachers, and make every effort, on their own part, to become good scholars. Thirdly, and as inducements for them to learn, I held out the following high stations in society as being now within their reach; and that learning was the principal ladder by which they could climb up to them: 1. Physicians, one, two, or more of whom are now wanting to attend to the diseases of our people in every considerable community in the country. 2. Teachers of schools, for whom there is a demand every where, and in some places very urgent. And that this demand would continue to increase, in a direct ratio with the increase of the number, wealth, and intelligence of the free colored population of the United States. 3. Ministers of the Gospel; holy, learned men to preach to us, and instruct us in our moral duties; a matter of the greatest importance, and more generally needed by us at the present time than any thing else.

When speaking to the children and youth of the duty of qualifying to preach the gospel, I always endeavored to hold up before their minds that same field, as the scene of their labors, which the Saviour held up to his disciples, when he said to them, "Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature." I always reminded them that a large majority of the population of the world were dark colored like themselves; and that it always seemed to me as though God pointed out, as with his own finger, their conversion and

civilization as the special work of the colored population of the United States.

Time, nor distance, nor circumstances in life can ever efface from my memory, the delightful recollection of my interviews with the children and youth of New York and Philadelphia. My audience seems still before me. The silence of midnight pervades it. Every eye is fixed, every form is bent, every mouth is open, showing the most intense interest in the important subject under consideration. As the discussion advances, the interest deepens, until the audience seem to cease to breathe, and the pulse almost cease to beat. The proposition is closed; and the audience once more breathe freely, and the blood courses through the veins as it did before. Again we proceed, and again we have the same profound attention. Millions of precious, immortal, blood-bought souls are before us, and on the way to ruin. Who will go and call them back to the paths of life? Who will point them to the Lamb of God, that taketh away the sins of the world? That lad has half risen from his seat, and is bending forward under the powerful attraction of his interest in the subject; whose quivering lips refuse to speak the sentiment of his full and generous heart; speaks, nevertheless, by his attitude, in language far more eloquent than words, "I will go and preach to them Jesus, I will point them to Him who died to save sinners." A like sensation seems to pervade the whole audience. The brow expands, the eyes sparkle, and the bosom swells, showing that the head approves and the heart feels. But while we close, a half-suppressed hum of approbation seems to say, that all have resolved on the performance of high and solemn duties in regard to the salvation of millions of immortal souls.

An additional remark must close this notice of my visit to New York and Philadelphia. Some of my friends have since informed me, that I was blamed with rudeness and impertinence by some of the good citizens of both places, because of my calling on persons who had never invited me, and of my putting questions to persons to whom I had not been previously introduced. If I am justly chargeable with such conduct, and any one is offended at me on that account, I can fully assure them that such offence was any thing but intentional on my part. To give any one needless offence or trouble intentionally would be the last thing of which I would be guilty. The natural warmth of my disposition, and my zeal for the attainment of any object which I have in view, often carries me, I have no doubt, to the bounds of propriety, in the eyes of those less ardent than myself; but in extenuation of this apparent fault, I can always plead a heart most free from all intentional offence, and most ready to make every reasonable apology.

I must now close by merely resuming the more immediate subject of my letter.

So far as I have been able to learn, either from my own observation or from the representations of others, the interest in missions felt by our people at the present time, is very small. And I believe that this want of interest may be accounted for on other grounds than mere indifference to the salvation of the heathen, or the extension of the Redeemer's kingdom. I do not recollect of ever hearing a colored minister preach an entire sermon on the subject of missions, and but very few even allude to it in their sermons. Hence, when so little interest in this matter is felt by the priests, what can be expected of the people? Our clergy must take hold of this matter, and urge it upon their congregations, and then they will feel and act as other Christians.

LEWIS WOODSON.

Pittsburg, July 20, 1841.

For the Colored American.

AFRICAN MISSIONS.

NO. VIII.

MR. EDITOR—After the remarks which I have made in reference to the very popular, but in my opinion, erroneous objections—"Charity begins at home;" "there are heathen enough at home,"—I trust that there now remains no doubt upon their character; and that all are, equally with myself, persuaded that these sentiments have in them as much truth as charity.

It has appeared to me passing strange that such objections should ever have obtained; and there is but one way in which I have been able to account for it. Possibly—desirous to furnish some apology for the inertia of Christians—our good brethren who have been familiar with the use of this stereotyped nonsense—fortunately, as they supposed, but in reality most unhappily for their cause—stumbled, if I may so speak, upon those under consideration; in their zeal to echo which, they have furnished a striking comment on the trite and vulgar adage, "a bad excuse is better than none."

But we have already witnessed the death-gasp of these objections; and as I am by no means desirous to feast upon a dead carcass, I will dismiss this view of our subject, by adding the exhortation, that, if we have any imputation that it is our duty to consecrate ourselves to the propagation of the gospel in heathen Africa, we may not let any such vain considerations as the above induce us to neglect our duty, or deter us from cheerfully and prayerfully "giving ourselves up to the service."

I acknowledge it to be "meet and right, and our bounden duty" to be solicitous for the interests, temporal and spiritual, of our friends and relations. At the same time, I cannot forget that the same gospel which reprehends such neglect as worse than infidelity, "because thereby greater dishonor is brought upon Christianity than if we openly professed to reject it,"—being deficient in those duties which common humanity teaches many of the heathen to practice themselves, and to inculcate upon others;" I am continually reminded, I say, that the same gospel which teaches this, also requires that we should willingly forsake all,—father, and mother, and houses, and lands, and wife, and children, for its sake.

The fair proportions, the delicate symmetry, and the chaste elegance of the noble edifice of Christianity can only be seen to perfection by beholding the structure in its gigantic wholeness. To appreciate its unassuming splendor, we must, therefore, view it from a point of observation which commands a whole view of it. A misapprehension of the fact, I conceive, lies at the foundation of all the erroneous opinions and schismatic movements of the present age. Men obtain but partial views of this "temple not made with hands," and their imaginations represent these respective isolated portions to them as the whole, and hence, the repeated accusations of deception which they raise against those who represent it different from what they themselves have looked upon. Hence, too, the ten thousand and one societies of the age.

Now this is all radically wrong. However in accordance with the dictates of some consciences it may be, it is not, it cannot be consonant with "testimony of scripture. As Christ cannot be vided, neither may his commandments be, without transgression. The duties, the obligations, and the responsibilities, therefore, of all Christians in all ages, are, have been, and ever will be the same. No one has a right to hack out a particular slice of Christian doctrine to suit his own pampered and depraved appetite, and leave the mutilated remainder for he knows not what, and perchance, cares not, whom. He must take the whole system, or reject the whole. There is no alternative. He must obey all its precepts from the ground of the heart, or he will—unconsciously, perhaps, for a while, but by habitual disregard of any one known Christian duty, he will, at length—settle down into

confirmed indifference to every precept of the Bible. And thus is "he, whosoever shall keep the whole law, and yet offend in one point, guilty of all."

Let it then be the endeavor of every Christian to wend the narrow and somewhat intricate causeway of diligent research, that he may attain the exalted summit of the hill of Truth, from whence alone he can obtain a clear view of the Christian edifice. The height attained, he will stand

"Beneath the concave of a cloudless sky," and drink in, with wonder and admiration, the unequalled and inexhaustible magnificence and grandeur of the pile. For, it is now unobscured by the clouds of ignorance or the mists of prejudice; and the resplendent beams of the "Sun of Righteousness" rest continually upon its towering minarets and stately domes.

That which once seemed incomprehensible, is now as clear as the noon-day. The variegated colors of the polishedjasper, the deep azurietints of the rich sapphire—pure as the corulean arch above, the veined beauties of the modest chalcedony, the youthful and luxuriant glories of the rich emerald, the sardonya, the sardius, the chrysolite, the beryl, the chrysophrasus, are now seen to blend their diversified hues in one harmonious whole; the equal to which, "eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither hath it entered into the heart of man to conceive."

Such is the fabric of Christianity, and so will it ever stand unscathed by the angry elements; stable amid surrounding desolation; firm and immovable when the universe of matter shall crumble into nought.

Shall we or shall we *not* be habitants of this temple? This is a serious question, involving weighty consequences, both so far as ourselves and all mankind are concerned. We can only be so by faith in, and obedience to, its great high priest. And it is, therefore, well that we should remember, that among the commands he has given for our observance, is the one, so often repeated, but so little heeded, which bids us "Go into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature."

Let us obey, assured that he who feedeth the young ravens when they cry, and without whose cognizance not a sparrow perisheth, will be mindful of the relatives, friends, and worldly interests we leave at home.

ONESIMUS.

Hartford, July, 1841.

For the Colored American.

To Messrs. John J. Zuille, and P. H. Reason :—

GENTLEMEN:—Your communication of the 27th ult., has just come to hand, and I take early opportunity to send you an answer. As Chairman of the central committee, I appeared before the judiciary committee of the legislature, on the evening of the 18th Feb. In that address, I aimed to establish, 1st. Our citizenship, the right of which we claimed as our birth-right, and in consideration of services which we have rendered our country, both in war and in peace. 2dly. Our conduct, when we enjoyed the elective franchise, which was purely republican and loyal. 3dly. The fallacy of the reasons (falsely so called,) which were brought up in justification of the act that disfranchised us. 4thly. The deleterious effect that the arrangement has upon us, producing, as it does, discouragement, pauperism and crime. 5thly. The unsoundness of the policy that oppresses and degrades any of the citizens of the commonwealth. 6thly. The public mind is prepared to do justice to us, in this respect. 7thly. The certainty of the speedy triumph of our cause, and our determination not to cease blowing the ram's horn until the massive walls of injustice shall fall and crumble into dust. 8thly. Our willingness to share in every thing that tends to enrich and honor our common country.

Finally, the glory that will ultimately crown the heads of those who shall be the instruments that shall move the barriers that obstruct the already obstructed way of an innocent and an unoffending, and yet an aspiring people.

It was through the kindness of Mr. George A. Simons, the Chairman of the committee, that your committee obtained a hearing. This gentleman has told us that we may look for a report *during the present week*. And there is no doubt but that it will be a favorable one. It is the general sentiment about the capitol that the bill will pass the House by a great majority, and will go through the Senate almost unanimously; the members, or a majority of them, of both parties, being decidedly in favor of the measure. I think therefore, gentlemen, we may not hesitate saying to our brethren throughout the Empire State, that the God of Israel has written with his omnipotent finger upon our future prospects, those all-glorious words:—
> "Hold up your heads, ye wronged and injured people, for victory is declared unto you."

All this portion of the State is in a rage, an agony, and a panic about the Albany bridge. This may have some effect upon our cause, but it will not be very powerful if the subject does not get into the House before ours. It is God alone that can give us the victory. He can make the rough ways smooth and the crooked ways straight.—Upon his bosom, then, let us repose all our hope.

It is with gratefulness that, aside from the central committee, that I acknowledge the very kind and able co-operation of Messrs. William Rich and James Furbard of the county committee of this place. The Chairman of your committee was greatly assisted by them, in his afflicted state.

Perhaps it is too much for one so young and humble as myself, to say that my remarks produced any effect upon the wise and learned judiciary committee, yet in humility, I think I may say, that God blessed the truth for its own sake.

Yours for God and liberty,

H. H. GARNET,
Chairman Central Committee.

For the Colored American.

SHALL AFRICA HAVE THE GOSPEL?

Such is the inquiry that frequently rises in the minds of many Christians of the present day. To some, the question is of vast importance; to others, it is a matter of small consideration. Many think upon the subject; the minds of a few are deeply engaged in it; but the number is very limited that are doing something. Christian brethren, whence arises this apathy among us in regard to poor bleeding Africa? She is "a nation scattered and peeled," and why is it that so few are found that are willing to help her? If we do not awake and bestir ourselves for her welfare, what shall we say to our God in the last great day, when Africa's millions shall come up from the dark valley of the shadow of death, and it shall be said to us, "these were hungry and thirsty, and ye gave them no food, no water; they sat in the midst of the deepest darkness, and you, having the light of salvation, would not lift it up to them!" Brethren of America, what shall we then say?

We scarcely mention her in our prayers: when we are called upon to pay something for remembering her, we are sure to forget that she is perishing. Many indeed seem to be ashamed of her very name.

Sons of the Church, apostles of God, where are you? I will not ask whether there is amongst us a Morison, a Pierce, a Martyn, or a Judson; but I ask, is there none that has the spirit of Jesus Christ, the great Prince of Peace, and the Prince of Missionaries? O for the return of the spirit of the "seventy" who went forth to preach the gospel to all the world!

Quite a number of our brethren have written upon the subject of "African Missions." Now, then, let us do something. I pray that it may not turn out to be a mere talk—and write-all and do-nothing affair. I would say to the brethren who are the leaders of the enterprise, let us know your plan, and if it is God-approved, you have my heart and hand.

I look forward with great anxiety to the meeting that is to be held in Hartford sometime in August. Many of us New Yorkers regret that the meeting is appointed so near the time of our State Convention, and at so great a distance from the centre of our people throughout the free States. A more central spot, I think, would be far more preferable.

H. H. GARNET.

Troy, July 19, 1841.

DIED.

In Troy, N. Y., on Friday evening, 15th ult., after a short illness, Mrs. PHILENA, wife of Thomas Jefferson, in the 28th year of her age.

Mrs. Jefferson manifested during her sickness, all that cheerfulness which should characterize a child of God in such a season. She approached the verge of Jordon with a firm and an unfaltering step; and while she was passing "that unknown river" her eyes were placed upon the green shores of Heaven. She was willing to waive all the days of her appointed time, for she knew that her "Redeemer liveth." Without a single struggle she closed her earthily career, and fell asleep in the arms of Christ.

"So fades a summer cloud away.

So sinks the gale when storms are o'er—

So faintly shuts the eye of day,

So dies a wave along the shore,

The Lord, in his providence, had still another stroke of affliction in reserve for the friends of our departed sister.

On the following evening HARRIETT BYRUM, infant daughter of Mrs. Jefferson, aged 7 months, was taken away from this vale of tears, and placed in the Paradise of God.

By these deaths an affectionate husband and a doting father, together with a large number of brothers and sisters, have been bereaved of those whom they loved. But thanks be to Him who doeth all things aright, they can each one say of a truth—"The Lord giveth, and the Lord taketh away—blessed is the name of the Lord."

H. H. G.

SPEECH OF H. H. GARNETT,
DELIVERED AT THE 7TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
AMERICAN ANTI SLAVERY SOCIETY.

Resolved, That all the rights and immunities of American citizens are justly due to the people of color, who have ever been, and still are, willing to contribute their full share to enrich and to defend our common country.

In rising, Mr. President, to bespeak the passage of the resolution which I have just read, I cannot hope to express all the feelings of my heart. I would point this assembly to the early history of our country. I would invite Americans to examine anew the foundations of our republican institutions. I would remind you, sir, of dear-bought privileges said to be held out to all, but which are, notwithstanding, denied to immortal millions. I would hold up before you covenants written with blood, that might have been placed in the ark of the nation's glory, but which have been seized by the oppressor's hand, and torn to pieces by his scourge. I would call you to listen to the shrill sound of the plantation horn, that comes leaping from the South, and finding an echo even among our northern hills. In a word, I would direct your attention to a pile of wrong, and national disgrace, and shame, as high as heaven.

Sir, the foundation of this government was formed of the most solid materials. Those who first laid their hands to the work of building up in this new world an edifice within whose walls the most extensive liberty should abide, were men who had no communion with tyranny and oppression. It must ever animate and cheer the bosom of the true American patriot, to dwell upon the moral sublimity of the spirit of the pilgrims—a spirit which led them to break asunder the ties that bound them to kindred and country, and to fix their dwellings, and to throw their destinies in the midst of the trackless wilderness. While speaking of those men, the tongue of the orator will never become ineloquent. The strains of the poet that shall entwine their deeds in song, shall never vex the ear of patriotism. As they launched into the deep, their very sails were swelled by the breath of liberty. As pure in motive and as resistless in spirit as the waves that bore them thither, they laid the broad foundation of republican institutions. It was then, sir, that new and astonishing truths in regard to the principles of liberty were developed. Acting under the influence of these truths, our fathers pressed forward with holy and patriotic zeal in the road to that national independence which the revolution of '76 opened to them. Of the wonderful perseverance,—of the ceaseless love of liberty, religious, political, and social, which regulated their actions, who is so base as to complain?

Of the principles laid down in the Declaration of Independence, we find no fault. For that instrument declares, "that all men are created free and equal." We would not question the sincerity of purpose, and devotion to freedom, which seemed to wield the swords of most of the fathers of the revolution. But we complain, in the most unqualified terms, of the base conduct of their degenerate sons. If, when taking into consideration the circumstances with which the revolutionists were surrounded, and the weakness of human nature, we can possibly pardon them for neglecting our brethren's rights—if, in the first dawning of the day of liberty, every part of the patriot's duty did not appear plain, now that we have reached the mid-day of our national career—now that there are ten thousand suns flashing light upon our pathway, this nation is guilty of the basest hypocrisy in withholding the rights due to millions of American citizens.

It is not necessary, Mr. President, for me to attempt to mark out the grounds upon which is built the right of American citizenship. Let it be what it may, upon it the colored inhabitants of this country stand.

It is with pride that I remember, that in the earliest attempts to establish democracy in this

hemisphere, colored men stood by the side of your fathers, and shared with them the toils of the revolution. When freedom, that had been chased over half the world, at last thought she had here found a shelter, and held out her hands for protection, the tearful eye of the colored man, in many instances, gazed with pity upon her tattered garments, and ran to her relief. Many fell in her defence. The grateful soil received them affectionately into its bosom. No monumental piles distinguish their "dreamless beds." Scarcely an inch on the page of history has been appropriated to their memory. Yet truth will give them a share of the fame that was reaped upon the field of Lexington and Bunker Hill. Truth will affirm that they participated in the immortal honor that adorned the brow of the illustrious Washington.

In the last war, also, the colored citizens rendered signal service to the country. So anxious were they to defend their native shores from invasion, at the battle of New Orleans, that they did not stop to consult the safety of General Jackson's cotton bags. In order to show to you their ardor in that struggle, permit me to recite to you the words of the late President of the United States: "I knew well how you loved your native country, and that you had, as well as ourselves, to defend what man holds most dear—parents, relations, wives, children, and property. You have done more than I expected. In addition to those previous qualities I before knew you to possess, I found, moreover, among you a noble enthusiasm which leads to the performance of great things." Such is the language of slaveholders when they would have colored men stand in the front of battle. If they are forgotten by history—if they are not mentioned in the halls of Congress—if prejudice denies them a place in the grateful recollections of Americans in general, I trust they will at least be remembered amid the cloister of the Hermitage.

Sir, in consideration of the toils of our fathers in both wars, we claim the right of American citizenship. We claim it, but shall we ever enjoy it? Our ancestors fought and bled for it, but I will leave it with this assembly to decide, whether they fought and bled as wise men or as fools. They have gone to their rest, many of them with their brows all marked with wounds received in fighting the battles of liberty, while their backs were furrowed by the cruel scourge. Unfortunate men!—They knew not that their children were to be immobilated upon the altars of slavery—altars erected upon their very graves. They little thought that the power against which they were fighting would one day emancipate all its slaves, while their own country would muster all her power, and make her mightiest effort to blot out the few scattering stars that linger in the horizon of their posterity's hopes.

But what shall be said? Shall we blame these men, and say that they slew their own interests? No, sir, if the revolution was right, they have done nobly, and will stand approved of heaven in the last great day. For, seeing this self same soil which now yields the bitter fruits of slavery in such abundance, in days that have passed, yielded other fruits, "we ought to blame the culture, not the soil."

In the exercise of religion, Mr. President, which is the salt that has kept the nation from moral pretfection, the people of color have rendered their fellow-citizens some small assistance. Our religion, truly, has taught us to cling to that charity which suffereth long, and endureth all things. The truthfulness of the words of the British statesmen, that religion is the basis of civil society, is almost universally acknowledged. And the spirit of our institutions lays it down as a primary duty of Americans, to acknowledge the moral government of God in all our affairs. The greatest blessings which we have received as a nation, have been given unto us on account of the little piety that has been found among us. And no one will say that

there has not been now and then a pious soul among our people, although there is enough sin among us to excite the tears of the Christian world. The spirit of Christianity, while it is as extensive as the universe in its desire to do good to man, it is also as partial as the light of heaven. It does not stop to consider the complexion of its adorers. No fervent prayer of the righteous has ever fallen to the earth. No stone brought up to build altars to God, by hands however humble, has ever been rejected. He who heareth the ravens when they cry, and feedeth the young lion when he roars for lack of food, most assuredly forgets not the petitions of his chosen people.

Religion, then, is the preservation of our institutions. It is the mighty pillar which holds up the well begun structure of this government, which I trust it will ultimately finish. Colored men have been with you in this labor. We are with you still, and will be with you forever. We even hope to worship in the earthly temples of our Lord. If they finally fall as did the Churches of Asia, on account of their sins, without being guilty of contributing to their destruction, let us be buried beneath their ruins. We wish not to survive their ovrethrow.

Sir, the slaveholder looks upon his victim as though he were not an heir of immortality. The apologists of oppression disregard his tears and blood. Church and state, the one holding up a Christianity, falsely so called, immersed in blood, and the other endeavoring to shield itself behind law, have united in plotting a scourge, with which they have whipped him away from the highest privileges, and driven him into the most hopeless darkness. But from the gloom of the dungeon, prayers, fervent, righteous prayers, have ascended, in answer to which are the blessings that we now enjoy. Among the slaves of the South, have been found some of the Lots, in consideration of whose supplications, the Lord of Hosts has turned back the fiery waves of the vengeance which a disregard of His law in high places has justly merited.

Sir, if the privilege of American citizenship is granted in return for services done in contributing to the agricultural prosperity of the country, what class of Americans stands above the colored inhabitants of the soil? Who is it that will deny that they here stand pre-eminently entitled to the blessings of life and liberty? Let America blush with eternal shame, and hang her guilty head, when it is fearlessly asserted, that many of our poor, unfortunate females, bleeding under the lash of monsters, have been and still are the tillers of the land. From the Chesapeake Bay to the Sabine river, there is not a foot of cultivated ground that has not smiled beneath the hard hand of the dark American. In the middle States also, we have contributed our proportionate share in tilling the soil. But the South, that points to her cotton fields and sugar plantations, that luxuriates in her orange groves fanned by her spicy breezes, that exults in the pride of her mighty rivers, the South, that boasts of her slave supported hospitality, and manages to scare half the world by the blaze of her chivalry, and who in her turn is frightened into hysterics at the appearance of that awful raw-head-and-bloody-bones that is continually groaning, "can't take care of themselves," she is indebted to us for every breath of agricultural prosperity that she draws. Hear slaveholders themselves on the subject. If we emancipate our slaves, say they, we are undone. Without stopping to show the fallacy of a part of their doctrine, I would have you notice the bare fact set forth in this language, that so far as the agricultural interests of the South are concerned, the slave is her all in all. And, indeed, not only in the labor of the field are the people of color her bone and sinew, her life and blood, for we are told by one who knows all about the wholesome and industrious

influence of slavery, that Southern republicans, in case emancipation should take place, would be put to their wit's end as to how their boots should be blacked.

If the dwellers beyond the Potomac have any thing to boast of, it is the wealth of their fields.—It is here among the rocks and valleys of the North, that the trades display their ten thousand implements. The very clothing in which these dealers in the souls of men are dressed, and the carriages in which they ride, are made at the North. The bowie knives which they flourish in Quixotic glory, are manufactured in New York, or somewhere else among innocent Northerners. The whips that they bury in the quivering flesh of their prostrate victims, are platted on the banks of the Passaic. Since the first captive was landed on the old Dominions, colored men have been toiling to make the South what she is to-day.

Not only in war, and in the exercise of religion, and in promoting the agricultural interests of the country, have colored men assisted you, but they have also contributed greatly in supporting the science and literature of the South. For poor Tom and Dick are sold far away in order that my young lord Frederick William may be sent to college.

Sir, it has been shown, that we assisted you in the days that tried men's souls. We have knelt with you on the footstool of our Heavenly Father, and have supplicated with you for blessings, civil, religious, and political. And may God grant that we may never be behind any class of our fellow-citizens in this respect. In slavery we have greatly aided in turning your wildernesses into fruitful fields. Give us our freedom, remunerate us for our labor, and protect our family altars, and, by the blessings of heaven, we will held make those fruitful fields to blossom, and bloom as Eden.

With every fibre of our hearts entwined around our country, and with an indefeasible determination to obtain the possession of the natural and inalienable rights of American citizens, we demand redress for the wrongs we have suffered, and ask for the restoration of our birth-right privileges.—But we would not look to man alone for these things. The Lord is our strength.

> "Avenge thy plundered poor, O Lord!
> But not with fire, but not with sword;
> Avenge our wrongs, our chains, our sighs,
> The misery in our children's eyes!
> But not with sword—no, not with fire,
> Chastise our country's locostry;
> Nor let them feel thine heavier ire;
> Chastise them not in poverty;
> Though cold in soul as coffined dust,
> Their hearts as tearless, dead, and dry,
> Let them in outraged mercy trust,
> And find that mercy they deny."

I speak in the behalf of my enslaved brethren and the nominally free. There is, Mr. President, a higher sort of freedom, which no mortal can touch. That freedom, thanks be unto the Most High, is mine. Yet I am not, nay, cannot be entirely free. I feel for my brethren as a man—I am bound with them as a brother. Nothing but emanicipating my brethren can set me at liberty. If that greatest of all earthly blessings, "prized above all price," cannot be found in my own native land, then I must be a stranger to it during my pilgrimage here below. For although I were dwelling beneath the bright skies of Asia, or listening to the harp-like strains of the gentle winds that whisper of freedom among the groves of Africa—though my habitation were fixed in the freest part of Victoria's dominions, yet it were vain, and worse than vain for me to indulge the thought of being free, while three millions of my countrymen are wailing in the dark prison-house of oppression.

In submitting the resolution, sir, I would again call upon Americans to remember, that but a few years ago, their fathers crossed the ocean in search of the freedom now denied to us. I would beseech them to remember that the great day of God's final reckoning is just before us, remember his eternal justice, and then remember the outcast bondman, and let him go forth free in the presence of God, in whose image he was created.

From Zion's Watchman.

WRONGS OF THE COLORED PEOPLE.

MR. EDITOR,—Being one of those proscribed and despised ones in whose well-being you and your noble coadjutors have evinced a very deep and abiding concern, and for the espousal of whose unpopular cause you have been so liberally loaded with obloquy and scorn; and, being "as much as ever convinced of the GREAT EVIL of slavery," and of the essentially sinful character, and invariably cruel effects of prejudice against color, as it exists in our Church, and is fostered by many of our ministers and members, in common with others, to the great detriment of Christianity, I cannot be indifferent to whatever is intended to retard, or which is calculated to facilitate your labors of love, and expedite the consummation of your wishes.

We, Sir, as a people, are innocently suffering under a tremendous, and inexpressibly grievous, weight of oppression; and, being invested with all the attributes of humanity, we cannot but be keenly sensible of our wrongs. We live among a professedly Christian people, whose comfort, prosperity and happiness, have been greatly promoted by our peaceable demeanor, our docility and industry; and yet, such is the inveterately bitter prejudice entertained against us—such the jealous suspicion with which we are viewed—such the consequently illiberal, the unjust, the cruel policy exercised in relation to us, that we can scarcely feel, at any time, secure; either in our persons or property. We have been respectful and humble to a fault, yet our reward has been little else than contempt and scorn; nay, it is notorious that we can seldom walk the streets without being assailed with scurrilous epithets, the sarcastic jeers and vulgar wittisms of the unfeeling, if we are so fortunate as to escape the missiles of the ruffian. When our children are out of our sight, we feel a painful anxiety for their safety, which none experience but those who are similarly circumstanced. If, in accompanying our wives through the streets, as their natural protectors, we should find it necessary to resent an insult offered them, or to defend them from VIOLENCE, we do it at the risk of our lives, unless the whole occurrence should happen in the presence of a white* person, who has benevolence and courage enough to interpose, and brook the insults which his temerity would inevitably bring upon him. If we resort to the temple of divine worship, under the reasonable hope that there, at least, we shall not be called to realize the withering effects of this SOUL-CRUSHING prejudice, we are doomed to disappointment; for, so soon as we enter the consecrated walls, we are thrust into obscurity, and sensibly reminded that we have been degraded. The visible, tangible, and flagrant indignities here offered us, render it, if not morally impossible, at least exceedingly difficult, for us to unite, cordially, in the services of the sanctuary. In such a place, we are made to see and feel the horrible truth, that the temple of the white Christian is not, to us, the house of God and the gate of heaven.

These are but some of the grievous afflictions under which we, as free people of color, are laboring. To these, and many others, add all the

inherent enormities of the slave system, and then see if our WRONGS, as they relate to the body and the soul, to time and eternity, are not without a parallel in Christendom.

Now tell me, what is our Church doing to ameliorate the condition of the eighty thousand of her colored members who are in these suffering circumstances? Her conduct towards us is that of the unfeeling priest and Levite—she glances an eye at our condition, and then passes by on the other side. Nay, if the Church would be content to leave us without sympathy and without aid, her course would be far preferable to that which she is now pursuing. She is not only doing nothing to alleviate our sufferings, but she seems determined to prevent, if she can, our abolition brethren from acting towards us the part of the good Samaritan. Whenever the Church acts, or refuses to act, in reference to us, it is, for the most part, in direct opposition to our wishes and interests; nay, to the dictates of Christianity. The proof of this assertion may be found in the pro-slavery doings of the last General Conference. I need but allude to her truckling, time-serving course, in relation to the Georgia Conference resolution, the passage of the colored testimony resolution, &c., &c.

Mr. Editor, if any thing is doing in the Church for our improvement and elevation, except that which our abolition friends are doing, where is the evidence? If the Church, or the great majority of our ministers, have not come to the settled conclusion to abandon us to the tender mercies of our oppressors and persecutors, without raising even a feeble voice in our defence, I should rejoice to be convinced of the fact. It is demonstrable, if we may judge of the tree by its fruit, that our ministers, in their doings in reference to us, are not actuated by that "love" which "works no ill to its neighbor." If they were, could they, in their Annual and General Conferences, avow their APPROVAL of the principles and doctrines of a society emphatically THE MOST IMPLACABLE ENEMY with which the colored man has to contend? Colonizationists hold, as a fundamental doctrine, that the colored man, however virtuous and intelligent, can never be elevated in this country, so long as he has the physical peculiarities which his Creator has stamped upon him, that, consequently, every benevolent effort in his behalf, tending to this desirable consummation, must prove abortive. Sir, who does not see and feel the natural and designed effect of this doctrine? They further inculcate, that our existence in this land is an evil of so alarming a character, that, if we are not removed by some means, consequences the most disastrous to the peace and prosperity of the nation must necessarily ensue. Now, who does not know, that wherever these sentiments are imbibed, the bitterest feelings are engendered, the fiercest passions aroused, and a system of measures originated and put into operation, well calculated to render our homes uncomfortable, and drive us, if possible, (as it is intended they should do,) to seek an asylum in a foreign land. Our General and Annual Conferences, however, see nothing objectionable in the principles, doctrines, measures, &c., of our Colonization Societies; they cordially acquiesce in that which we hold in UTTER DETESTATION. That which presses upon us like a mighty incubus, crippling all our energies, binding down the immortal mind to the dust, they regard as a blessing. That which we most earnestly deprecate as one of the worst evils that have befallen us, they call upon the Church, year after year, to countenance and support! In this way they have wounded us, again and again, until it would seem they have come

to the conclusion, because we are reluctant to
complain, we are unable to feel. The pseudo
missionary character given to the colonization
enterprise, can neither modify its essentially IN-
QUITOUS FEATURES, nor neutralize its inevitably
disastrous effects upon our interests and happi-
ness; consequently, our Conferences are not to
be justified on this ground, for their approval of
African Colonization.

Finally, we tell our *brethren* of the ministry,
(perhaps some of them indignantly repudiate the
*relation*), that if they would be instrumental in
winning thousands of souls to the Saviour, and
seeing the work of God extensively revived and
carried on among us, to the great joy and com-
fort of our souls—an object which they should
regard as of paramount concern—let them stand
aloof from the scheme of African Colonization—
that VAST ENGINE of *persecution* and *oppres-
sion*—let them cease to fight against the cause
of bleeding humanity—let them come up to the
help of the Lord against the mighty, and demon-
strate to the world that, in the Methodist Epis-
copal Church, “THE LORD REIGNETH.”

A COLORED BALTIMOREAN.

Jan. 11, 1840.

MORNING SONG.

COMPOSED FOR THE MALE AND FEMALE SEMINA-
NARY OF PHIDADELPHIA.

BY ROBERT B. FORTEN, AT THE REQUEST OF THE PRECEPTOR.

The rising sun in splendor shines,
And bids the morn appear
In all the brightness God designs,
For us his creatures here.

O! let us now, and ever raise,
Our youthful voices high;

O! let us every morning praise
Our God who's ever high.

For he it is who bids the light
His majesty display.

"Tis he who doth dispel the night,
And forms another day.

Let us each morning haste to school,
Improve our growing mind,
Obey our teacher's every rule,
And all his precepts kind.

BY THE TEACHER.

Come, now, and round the altar cling,
And meekly bending say,
Lord, our kind, our heavenly King,
O! teach us how to pray.

For the Colored American.

VISIT TO MY NATIVE CITY.—No. II.

MR. EDITOR—I promised, in my preceding letter, to give you some further account of the moral, religious and political condition of our brethren of Trenton, and also of Princeton. During my short stay in Trenton, I called to see a worthy lawyer, highly distinguished among our people, to converse with him on their moral and political condition. This gentleman has been, for three or four years past, the superintendent of the colored Sabbath school of that city, and has, in various ways, labored to promote the interest, improve the condition, and aid in the moral elevation of our people. I almost immediately presented him a copy of the minutes of the Albany Convention, which, after a cursory review, he high y commended. I then asked him whether the colored citizens of New Jersey were disfranchised by law, or did they distranchise themselves by improudently neglecting the use of a privilege so important to every American citizen. Said he, they are disfranchised by law, but very unjustly so. What a mockery of republicanism! said I. What an insult to liberty and the constitution! He answered, (simpling) "They ought certainly to have their political rights, and it is, in a great measure, their own faults that they have not."

"Whenever," continued he, "the colored citizens of this state exhibit the same intelligence and perseverance, and make the same effort that I see they are making in New York, I have not the least doubt but they will obtain them." The legislature will never confer rights upon an oppressed people when they do not ask for them.

In speaking about Sabbath schools, said he, "We find it almost impossible, at present, to establish and maintain a good Sabbath school, while there is no well organized day school." There are some persons in that city who are active, enterprising business men, and who, were it not for the division that exists among them, might do much to sustain each other, and make their business more extensive, and their circumstances more easy and respectable; but until this evil is annihilated, which is eating into the very vitals of their moral existence, their condition must be unavoidably bad. One man there, who, some few years since, was but a common laborer in a tan-yard, has now, by his industry, intelligence and perseverance, become the sole proprietor; and if we may judge from the business he does, we must believe the doctrine of prejudice against color to be false to a very great extent. Another one is a good carpenter and cabinet maker: he bui t a part of his well finished and commodious house, and on his premises adjoining he has also built a small workshop and saws-room, in which may be seen, at almost any time, numerous articles of common and fine wrought furniture, which will vie with that of the best artizan in that city. His house is now occupied as a boarding house, in which all who visit I believe are well accommodated. But both of these industrious, worthy men, and others like them, are affected by this evil, which throws obstacles in their way " neither few nor far between."

There is another class of worthy citizens who have
been trying for a long time to establish and support
schools, build churches, and extend the means of reli-
gion, intelligence and knowledge, throughout the
whole community, but who, on account of double-sided
prudence on the one hand, and the combined powers of
blind ignorance and folly on the other, have found it
almost impossible to succeed. But so far as they have
succeeded, it has been by much labor and self-sacrifice
on their part. But I believe that intelligence and wis-
dom are gradually and imperceptibly taking the place
of ignorance and disunion, and chasing them away like
the morning mist before the beams of the rising sun.
And I sincerely hope that intelligence may drive them
from the purling crystal streams and sunny banks of
the Delaware to Delaware Bay, and from the Bay to the
Atlantic wave, and from the Atlantic to ocean's pro-
foundest deep, where they may sink and sink, and ever
sink, to have a resurrection no more.

Yours in the cause of the oppressed,

A. W.

Brooklyn, L. I., Dec. 22, 1840.

From Zions' Writings

For the Colored American.
A SCRAP FOR THE SEASON.
—
BY C. L. R.

It is unnatural, we learn by sight,
For things to sorrow long. Philosophy,
Whose ken is clear, does prove us this. Still night,
Which site, so frequent weeping that the eye
Of twilight should neglect her,—scorns to sigh;
So soon as wooers throng her lighted courts.
How smilingly she decks her with her wreath
Of stars, to win new suitors! What gay thoughts,
She whispers softly with her balmy breath,
To such as praise her! And what merry airs,
Fall sweet on those whom she delights to charm.
Long grief weighs not with her. Old jealous cares,
That wring bittersome such dropping tears, soon calm
In pleasant joy notes; and each new-born ray
Salutes her, as in misty robes, she hies
To greet with dewy lip young peering day,
Before she sinks to dreaming.

See the skies,
At this mild April time, how they rejoice!
And all the streams that were so dull, but now
How cheerfully they course with rippling voice,
And laugh along their borders! Every bough
Now lifts itself to catch the sun's warm glance!
The tiny insects, and the chirping birds,
Join matin songs! the earth, from her dull trance,
Wakes smilingly! with joy, the pent up herds
Drink in the breeze! the young, peeping grass blades,
And the early plants, each other jostle
In their new attire! while from 'neath cool shades,
All noiselessly, bright creatures dart, and bustle
In the sunny tide: Cheerfulness is spread
O'er everything. With merry tones alone,
The tale is told, of life and beauty red,
Of blighted growth, and dreary winter gone.

'Tis even so with us. When ills come down,
And veil us in dull grief,—we bow to earth
With fainting hearts; we weep and groan
O'er disappointed hopes; or mourn the dearth
Of broken fortunes, and divided loves.
But soon the soul its upward bearing proves.
Though loquely press'd, sufficiency we find
Within ourselves; a something, that doth calm
Our poignant woes. 'Tis in the subtle mind;—
In thoughts that range, that soar, expand and warm
In holy light; or those that quiet seek
Attentive spirits. For it is arranged
By Him who keeps us, that the heart, though bleak,
And wasted sore by winds that kill; estranged
By poverty, or scathed by wrong, should see
A light in nature and in fellowship,
That makes it bright and hopeful. Gay, and free
From outward grief, society doth keep
Sad thoughts away. Where'er we troubled turn,
Men laugh together; so that though to weep
We be inclined, we soon grow pleased, soon learn
What great resources for relief and joy

Dwell in the buoyant soul.

New York, April 11th, 1841.

For the Colored American.

A NATIONAL CONVENTION.

New Haven, March 23, 1841.

DEAR BROTHER RAY:—Being one of those who believe that a National Convention of colored Americans ought to be held, you will excuse me if I take advantage of your remark, that "the paper is open to a fair discussion of the subject."

There are some questions of vital importance to the colored people of these United States, which cannot be decided so satisfactorily by State Conventions, as they could by a national one. For instance:

The colored people of this State might hold a convention, and decide that the measures of the anti-slavery societies were in general injurious to our cause. The colored citizens of the State of New York might also hold a convention, and decide that the measures of the A. S. S. were calculated to advance our interests, and hasten the abolition of slavery.

The question you will admit to be an important one, for if the measures of the A. S. S. are right, we ought to uphold and encourage them; if they are wrong, we ought to withdraw our support from them, and act independently of them.

We of this State may arrive at our decision honestly, we may hear arguments or have facts presented to us, which your New York Convention may know nothing of, and vice versa, when, by being united together in one convention, we would be more likely to arrive at a true decision, whatever that may be. To those who are ready to sanction every act and measure of the American Anti Slavery Society, a National Convention may not appear to be of so much importance. But if it be true that those acts and measures are injurious in their tendency, and retard our elevation, then it may be necessary for us to adopt separate action, and perhaps form a National Anti Slavery Society of Colored Americans.

So long as we hold our present relation to the A. A. S. S.—that of silent acquiescence in their proceedings—that society must, of necessity, exert an influence over us for good or for evil, according as its measures may be right or wrong.

If, then, there is a difference of opinion among us in regard to those measures—you know, my dear sir, there is—a convention of the whole people ought to be called, that those differences may be settled, or the necessary action taken to carry forward the cause of reform.

I am one of those who believe that colored men best know their own wants and grievances, and are best capable of stating them. Let our white friends, if they wish to help us, give us their countenance and money, and follow, rather than lead us.

Although I do not agree with "Chester," that a National Convention ought to be called for the purpose of taking cognizance of the laws of the different States—holding the same opinion now that I did when the abortive convention met here last fall, to crush the Maryland black law, yet I think the question in regard to the measures of the abolitionists are of importance enough to call for a National Convention, and should that convention, when met, decide against those measures, or should a large minority be opposed to them, the importance of the convention would be enhanced.

It may be said, the conventions which were held in New York and Philadelphia some seven or eight years ago, decided in favor of the anti slavery societies. To that I would answer, 1st. That the measures of the anti slavery societies are, in some respects, different now from what they were then, and 2d. That the colored people are more intelligent and enlightened now than they were then, and of course better able to judge.

I am not particular as to where the convention be held, provided it be held in some central place. I would like, however, to see the call issue from Philadelphia, and headed by Wm. Whipper. For my own convenience, I would prefer its being held in the month of September, or latter part of August.

Yours, SINCERITAS.

Sinceritas is Sinceritas still. He is a clever, good soul, but exceedingly headstrong, and will have his own way; well, he will do no harm, let him have it.—Ed. COL.

AM.

A CALL

FOR A STATE CONVENTION TO EXTEND THE ELECTIVE
FRANCHISE.

FELLOW CITIZENS—Since the adjournment of our
State Convention, which was held at Albany in August
last, the Legislature of New York has met, and after a
long session, adjourned without having taken any deci-
sive action upon the most fervent prayers of the many
thousand petitioners, who supplicated them before the
throne of the law, by all that was honorable and just, for
a redress of that grievance (the only foul blot now exist-
ing on the statutes of our State,) which restricts us, in
common with other citizens, of the lawful exercise of the
elective franchise.

Whilst we cannot deny that much was accomplished
towards effecting the object which we had in view, at the
recent session of the Legislature, still our anticipations
were not realized; and to many, the favorable indications
of a speedy adjustment of our cause, which were mani-
fested by some of its proceedings, has only had the ten-
dency to heighten their disappointment, and to paralyze
their future efforts. Bretten, be not discouraged; such
disappointments should only act as a stimulus, to strength-
en and invigorate our souls, and rouse us to a determina-
tion of persevering in the struggle by stronger and still
more unanimous efforts, and by the talismanic influence
of Agitation! Our late Convention was successful, in-
asmuch as the attention of the Assembly was so far turned
to the burden of our prayers, as to be disposed to give us
a favorable Report. Should not this, then, be received as
an encouraging inducement to urge us on with the work?
We have truly been neglected, but not spurned. Let
the first strong voice, then, which shall greet the ears of
the Legislators at their next session, be OUR PEIT-
TIONS. And may we not indulge the hope, that if
some vigorous effort be made in season, the favorable re-
port left among the unfinished business of the last session,
will be adopted at the next, thereby opening the way for
an ultimate victory? Your committee, speaking advised-
ly, believe that another Convention will consummate the
work in which we are mutually engaged:

Therefore, we recommend a Convention of All Citizens favorable to the extension of the ELECTIVE FRANCHISE in the State of New York, to meet at Troy or Albany,* on the 25th of August, at 10 o'clock, A. M.

All who concur with us in the necessity of such an ar-
rangement, and who are willing to co-operate, will
please transmit their names immediately to the Editor of
the Colored American, (post-paid,) to be attached to this
call. Come, brethren, arouse yourselves! Come, in the
name of bleeding humanity, come! Our rights once pos-
sessed in this State, will be like a balm over the wounded
body of our people elsewhere. Come from every part of
the State; we are in the midst of the last hours of op-
pressions' battle—with firm steps and strong hearts, estab-
lishing our confidence in God. Once more to the breach
—with the barrier of truth before us—justice and the
world on our side—the day must and will be ours.

H. H. Garnet,
C. H. Morton,
M. Dougee,
J C. Anthony,
S. Myers,
G. H. Baltimore,
Daniel Jones,

Central Committee.

CHARLES B. RAT.

FUTURE PROSPECTS AND RISK OF OUR PEOPLE.—We
commenced this subject in our last, under the head of
"Our Elevation," in which we stated that the elevation
of our people was a work of magnitude, and referred to
some of the causes of our political and social depression.
In resuming the subject this week, we have preferred to
change the heading, rather than to use the one in our
last. We may continue our thoughts upon this subject
for a few weeks, if so, we shall speak rather of measures
than of the subject itself. Our people are destined to be
elevated in this, their own, their native land, how great
soever the work, and however much time, labor and mo-
ney it may cost. The more earnest, therefore, and the
more determined the spirit with which we enter into our
measures and upon our work, the happier and better will
it be for our people universally.

All former usage and past history inform us, that
UNION is an important constituent in whatever mea-
sures may be adopted in order to effect any achievement,
carry forward any reform, or accomplish any object. The
people must be UNITED, must be intent upon that object,
driving away vigorously to accomplish that end. If in
every kind of work in which it requires numbers to be
engaged, the first step is to be united or defeat is inevi-
table; then, if there be no work of greater magnitude
than the rise and progress of our people, among no peo-
ple is it more important that UNION should be main-
tained than among us. Besides, few objects are attempt-
ed to be accomplished, about which throng so many and
so opposing obstacles, and so multifarious and peculiar in
character; requiring, therefore, a stronger bond of union,
and a vigorous effort to surmount them.

When we insist upon it, that in order to surmount the
obstacles that strew our path, and raise up our people
we must be UNITED we do not mean that we must see
alike, and think alike in all our religious sentiments and
views. We may differ in our religious opinions as well
as other men, and yet come together in a common cause,
united. We may differ in regard to measures and yet
agree with equal ardor upon the end to be wrought, and
hold it alike important. The error of this generally is,
that we stop too much to war about words, and spend too
much time in trying to set each other right upon a mi-
nor measure, with perhaps no hope of doing so, instead
of each in his own way doing all he can to accomplish
the object both are intent upon. It were better, it is
true, to agree upon measures, but when this is not the
case, it were worse to stop to consume time about it,
while the object is left suffering and untouched.

When we would maintain a bond of union among us,
we do not say that we must not discountenance men
among us, (though of us,) who, we may be satisfied, have
rendered themselves unworthy the public confidence. We
ought to be united in throwing them off, they will be as
dead limbs to the tree, a cancer to the vitals, and eating
up the life blood of existence. It were better, however,
to entirely let them alone, leave them behind, when this
can be done, and go on about our work.

We must be united in spirit and sentiment, in main-
taining the rights and elevation of our people, in this,
their native land, and upon the importance and magni-
tude of the work—we must be intent upon the main ob-
ject before us. We must unite upon the end in view,
without regard to class, condition, sect or party, and
should all sympathize together as common sufferers and
maintain a united and uncompromising sentiment upon this
common object. We should make nothing but character,
a consideration for turning our back upon, or refusing to
mingle in a common cause with our brethren. One
should not envy another, because, in the providence of
God, he may be in better circumstances, and the other
should not despise or slight his brother, because he may,
by misfortune, or other unavoidable circumstances, be

From Zion's Watchman.

From the Churchman

THE REV. ISAIAH G. DE GRASSE, A. M., (whose decease we have lately recorded,) was born in the city of New York, July 19th, 1813. He received his early instruction in the Public School under the tuition of Charles C. Andrews, where he so distinguished himself as to attract the notice of the late Rev. Peter Williams, by whom he was urged to commence a higher course of study, with a view to the holy ministry. At the age of fourteen he commenced the study of the classics under the Rev. M. H. Henderson, (then a student of the General Theological Seminary,) walking daily six miles in order to recite his lessons. In 1830 he entered the Episcopal Collegiate School in this city, under the tuition of the Rev. Mr. Curtis, and, attaining a high rank in the classics, took the first honors in English composition. In the autumn of 1832, he entered the Freshman Class of Geneva College, where he remained until the expiration of the junior term, having distinguished himself in the Classics and Belles Lettres, and by a sketch of the life and character of Bishop Hobart, which won great applause. His senior year was passed chiefly at Newark College, Delaware, where he graduated with honors in September, 1836, and from which he received a Master's Degree in 1840. For some months before, and immediately after he was graduated, he performed the duties of Lay Reader in St. Philip's Church, New York, during the absence in Europe of the Rev. Peter Williams.

Having pursued his theological studies under the direction of a clergyman appointed by the Bishop, Mr. De Grasse was admitted to the holy order of Deacons, by the Rt. Rev. B. T. Onderdonk, D. D., and was shortly after appointed Missionary to Jamaica and Newtown, L. I. In this station Mr. De Grasse labored with fidelity and acceptance, and was at the same time usefully employed in ministering to the people of St. Matthew's Church in this city. In the autumn of last year, he embarked for the West Indies, and entered on a new sphere of ministerial labors with encouraging prospects. The close of his life and the estimation in which he was held may be described in the words of a respected clergyman of Jamaica to a friend at Brooklyn, L. I.

"KINGSTON, Jamaica, Feb. 14, 1841.

My Dear Friend,—

It is with feelings of no ordinary pain that I write to you on the present occasion, to communicate the melancholy news of the Rev. Mr. De Grasse's death, which took place at 2 o'clock on the 9th day of January last. It will I hope prove consolatory to his family to learn that he died with a firm trust in a redeeming blood, and hopes of acceptance through His mediation. I was with him myself, every day from the first day of his illness to the last, and though it was not of long duration, yet he and I foresees its fatal termination, two or three days before the event took place. I had in attendance on him, two of the ablest physicians of this, or perhaps any other country, so that all, which could be effected by medical skill, as well as by the sympathy and kind attention of his friends, was done.

"Our Bishop is in England, but we had made such way with the Governor and the other functionaries in the island, that there did not exist a single shadow of doubt as to his success on his Lordship's arrival; indeed, for some days before his illness, he himself was so certain of employment, that he commenced a letter to you on the subject, which was interrupted by illness and never finished.

So far as my own feelings are concerned, I can say, with truth, that he was endeared to me by his modesty, his judgment, and extreme prudence and propriety of conduct, and that I deeply and bitterly felt his death, brought on, as it was, by yellow fever, so peculiar to tropical climates, and in most instances so fatal.

Ever faithfully and sincerely yours,

JOHN McGRATH."

The Colored American.

NEW YORK, SATURDAY, APRIL 3, 1841.

GOVERNOR GILMER.—This functionary, who has adopted several methods, and each differing from the other, to have delivered up to him the three colored men whose case we have often referred to, to be tried by the laws of Virginia, and which occasioned the correspondence between him and Governor Seward, has resigned his office as Governor of Virginia, upon a refusal on the part of the Legislature of that State to concur in his refusal to deliver up, upon the demand of the Governor of New York, a man charged with having committed crime in this State, and consequently a fugitive from justice.

The ground taken by Governor Gilmer, in justification of his course, is retaliatory upon the State of New York, Governor Seward having refused to deliver up the three colored men referred to. The Legislature think the Governor bound by the compact to deliver up the man, and passed a resolution to that effect, whereupon the Governor, doubtless, thinking his dignity insulted, and in true chivalric style, asks to be excused from any longer filling the Executive Chair. Here, now, is another exciting position raised among the citizens of Virginia, another subject of controversy, and all growing out of the case of one poor humble slave, who had become tired of the "peculiar institution."

If the two cases, the subjects of the demands of the two Governors, had been parallel cases, the demand of Governor Seward would have furnished a very good occasion for the Governor of Virginia to have retaliated upon him. But they are by no means parallel cases, but a remarkable dissimilarity in the two. The one being really a crime in the eye of the law, both of this State and of all the other States, while the other, in point of fact, cannot be shown to be a crime, even against the laws of Virginia. We know that a number of the public newspapers have taken the ground against the course of Governor Seward—that some members of the Legislature have endeavored to censure him, as having pursued in the matter an unconstitutional course, and that the Legislature of Virginia regard it as a breach of the faith which exists among the several States, growing out of the Federal Constitution.

But what have these three colored men done whom Governor Seward refuses to deliver up to Virginia? They have not been guilty of kidnapping. To kidnap is to attempt to reduce a freeman to slavery, or an attempt to steal a slave for the purpose of sale or service, neither of which have these men been guilty of; and it would be hard work to make it out a case of kidnapping to encourage or aid a man to escape from unjust slavery, merely obtain his freedom. These men, also, have not committed any theft even in the eye of the law of Virginia. It is true, the law of Virginia makes slaves property, merchandize, to steal which, would be as much theft in the eye of the law of that State, as to steal a man's horse or money. But these men have stole no slave, far indeed from it. To really steal a slave, you must pounce upon him, bind him, and drag him off against his strong remonstrance and most stern will; no person would make anything short of this stealing a slave. Now, in this case, these men did not even decoy the man on board of the vessel, he was there already, an employed man with the consent of his master. He signified an anxiety to them to be free, and wished to escape from slavery, and would avail himself of that opportunity if they would aid him; whereupon they promised to aid in securing him in the vessel, (he being already on board,) and to furnish him with food during the passage to New York, and this at his own wish. This is the most of their case, and which the Governor of Virginia would make

out to be a case of theft, the crime for which they are specially charged—the basis of the demand upon Governor Seward for their safe delivery to the authorities of Virginia; but who, not being able to discover the case as one of theft or of kidnapping, consequently no crime, did not regard them as fugitives from justice, and, therefore, could not comply with the demand made upon him.

We repeat it; it cannot be shown in the light of facts, that these men have really committed any crime, even against the laws of Virginia, and why, then, should they be delivered up? Why then, also, has there been such a disposition on the part of the public press, and certain members of the Legislature, to condemn the course of Governor Seward, unless it be that disposition to sacrifice the life and the rights of the colored men upon the altar of slavery, and to answer any demand made by slaveholding dignitaries? Certainly Governor Seward would have done wrong to have delivered them up, would have violated every principle of right and justice. The other case, in which Governor Gilmer refuses to deliver up the man demanded by Governor Seward, is materially a different case, the man being a fugitive from justice, and having committed an offence against the statutes of this, as well as the other States of the nation, and, therefore, no ground or occasion for retaliation on the part of Governor Gilmer, and which reflects no credit to him, and would not to the Legislature, had they sustained him.

SLAVEHOLDING SANCTUARY

FLEMINGTON, January 9, 1839.

To the Rev. SAMUEL E. CORNISH, Ed. Col. American.

Dear Sir—Having seen a notice through the columns of the Colored American, a few months since, while at the west, of the renewed efforts of the Colonizationists at the north, and particularly in New Jersey, has now prompted me to offer this thought for your consideration. I have been for some time in New Jersey, and have witnessed some of their proceedings, especially in Hunterdon county, and such is my candid opinion, that Colonization and all its attendant evils, would as soon be felt, acknowledged and abhorred by the inhabitants of New Jersey as any other state in the Union, were not some of the principal counties, especially Hunterdon, totally ignorant of our side of the subject. The horrors of slavery are totally unknown to a majority of them, and they actually believe the principles of the Colonization Society to be just and beneficial to the colored man. So much do I detest the principles of that Society, and so well convinced am I of its damning influence upon the minds of the inhabitants of this country, that unceasing efforts should be made immediately to check its progress wherever it exists. Why is it then, that this state is so much neglected? Will not abolitionists see to this, and send two or three Lecturers among them, and abolitionize them at once? Well convinced am I, from experience, that hundreds would come over, immediately, had they information on the subject. They know not the principles of the abolitionists, except what they hear from their enemies. Do then impress this subject on the minds of the abolitionists, and call for immediate action.

Yours in bonds with the oppressed,

ABNER H. FRANCIS.

We fully coincide with "brother Francis" respecting the state of things in New Jersey. Jerseymen are conscious of an existing evil in our country, somewhere, and they are anxious for its removal, but they are ignorant of

the nature of that evil, and need little consideration. Abolitionists have blinded their eyes. They have lost all pain, in correcting public sentiment for deliverance, but utter ignorance of the malady—consequently the bitterest persecutions, meanest doings, and the most shameful deeds upon, towards the defenceless colored people of the state, are the result. Let Jerseymen but hear and read, some of the letters of Messrs. Birney, Weld and Stanton, on the rights of man—the commandments of God and the duty of Christians, and the Jerseys will be regenerated.

We are a resident of that state, have seen the evidences of deep guilt and shame for deliverance, but utter ignorance of the malady—consequently the bitterest persecutions, meanest doings, and the most shameful deeds upon, towards the defenceless colored people of the state, are the result. Let Jerseymen but hear and read, some of the letters of Messrs. Birney, Weld and Stanton, on the rights of man—the commandments of God and the duty of Christians, and the Jerseys will be regenerated.

We hope some plan will be, speedily, fallen upon by our brethren, to raise funds for the emancipation of mind in New Jersey. The salvation of that state is an object worthy our best effort. The corrupting influence of "Prince ton," the seat of colonization abominations, must be broken up. This strong-hold of the enemy, if needs be, must be overturned and demolished. Let every colored man in the land, give from a half to one dollar, annually, into the treasury of the American Anti-Slavery Society, to be appropriated to renewed efforts, and let us never rest until the D. D's of "Princeton," and all other places, are saved from that pro-slavery influence and sinful prejudice against color, which are destroying them and theirs, body and soul.

Darlington, Beaufort Co. Pa. January 1 1839.

Rev. S. E. CORNISH,

Dear Sir.—Although personally unacquainted with you, I take the liberty of addressing you on an occurrence of importance to truth in the section of country where I reside. It seems, that a friend of Equal Rights in his address before an Anti-Slavery society, when presenting the merits of Anti-Slavery and Colonization, took occasion to read a letter in the 'Penn. Freeman' purporting to be the production of a colored Colonist in Liberia. Mr. Louis Sheridan, when some who profess to be "as much opposed to slavery as 'any body,'" but who also are opposed to abolition, declared that, that letter never was written by a colored man—never came from Liberia, but was a "point blank!" lie, &c. &c., got up by abolitionists to subserve their purposes, &c.

Now Sir, as reference is to you as possessing the original Manuscript, I would most respectfully enquire of you, whether you have now, or ever did have in your possession, or ever read a letter from Louis Sheridan, dated 'Edina, Liberia, 16th July 1838?' and if your answer shall be in the affirmative, do you believe it was in his own hand writing, and were the sentiments therein contained his own, so far as you are capable of judging? By answering the above plainly and candidly, you will, I think, subserve the cause of truth and righteousness in this quarter.

I remain sir,

your humble servant—

The above, though not intended for our paper, and requesting a private answer, is too important to be withheld from the public. Many are making the same inquiries.—We deem them worthy a public answer.

Louis Sheridan was a correspondent of ours long before he went to Liberia—we know his hand writing, and his style of writing, and we are fully prepared to say, the letter was from him and contained his own sentiments. The letter is now in our possession, and we believe every word in it. Louis Sheridan is a gentleman and a Christian—his word, every where, where he is known, will weigh as much, and with us, as much again, as Governor Matthias'.

NEW YORK, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1841.

NEW YORK STATE—THE BATTLE FIELD.

We sometimes fear that some of our worthy readers out of our own State may think, in watching the movements of our people in this State, or rather, how much of our attention is directed to those movements, and our zeal to promote them, that the "Colored American" is only a New York State paper, and that we are wanting in interest in the rights of our brethren in other States, and do not watch so vigilantly over their welfare as we should. Such, we assure them, is not the fact; and we have only to refer them to our columns for the past year, and also from week to week, for the evidence.

It doubtless is true, that the columns of our paper are more occupied with the right of suffrage in New York, than with any one topic which relates to our people's welfare, whether in this or other States. The reason is most obvious. It is in the fact, that our people in this State have, for more than a year, been *agitating* this subject with a zeal, commensurate only with the importance of the subject, and adopting and carrying out measures to secure the object, and our paper has been used as the organ in the matter; and we have been called upon to lift up our voice, either to lead the way or co-operate. And that a subject so directly vital has not been broached by our people of any other State, if we except the Pittsburg Convention, and that is but of recent date.

But should we bend our energies to the subject of the political enfranchisement of our people of this State, even to the seeming neglect of any local subject which concerned our people of other States—should we agitate this subject with the zeal, and in the spirit of the great Irish *agitator*—should our paper every week teem with the subject, in thoughts that breathe, and words that burn—even should our people in other States sense in their aid, if they could, to help us—*we* believe that we should all be doing the highest possible good to our people as a whole, in relation to their political disabilities. For the State of New York is to be the BATTLE FIELD—the Thermopylae, the Waterloo, where the deprived rights of the colored people of this country (the free, at least,) are to be gained—the destinies of the whole sealed.

In this State, we are just enough politically proscribed and depressed to make it a grievance. It is of such a character as to involve nearly all our other interests, and comes home therefore, to us with sufficient force, to us, and move us on to some concerted action; and we are not enough crushed down to make our case a hopeless one, and to send despair throughout the whole body, and thereby prevent any action.

Again, we have in this State, we believe, the best class of people to act upon, (we refer here to the white people,) the most enlightened and best consciences, and a greater magnanimity among the power-holding body, than among the same body in any other State, where our people are politically proscribed. And from the acts of the people of this State, by their Legislature at its last two sessions, in their Jury Trial bill—in their wiping from the statutes of the State the last vestige of slavery, —we have reason to know that ours, in relation to becoming enfranchised, is not a vain and groundless hope—we have reason to know, that when we plant our feet, in reference to this matter, it is not in the sand, but upon a rock—that when we scatter the seed of truth, it is in good soil, and not as among thorns, or like the water spilt upon the ground; in a word, that when we labor, we labor not as those that beat the air, nor in vain—we do all with sufficient grounds, so far as the impulse of a majority of the power-holding body are concerned, to say nothing of the inherent justice of our claim, to finally expect success. It will be found, that we shall not have reckoned without our host. So much, we think, cannot be reasonably hoped for from the power-holding people

of any other State.

New York will yet see, if the subject be kept before the people, that her colored citizens be not much longer politically proscribed. Her republican sons will yet see that the Constitution of the State be not much longer an anti-republican document. And as it is said that she, the Empire State, decides the political character of the nation—as she goes, so goes the nation; so it will be found, as she goes in her legislation towards her colored citizens, so may, at least, other free States go. Suppose New York rises up in her majesty, and takes her colored citizens equally into her political bosom with other citizens, metes out justice to them, as to others. How would Connecticut on the one side, and across her, Rhode Island, feel and be likely to act in view of such an example? and what would New Jersey, just at her feet on the other, with her slave laws, and 20,000 colored citizens, say and do, with the influence of such an act pressing upon her? What would Pennsylvania, the Key Stone State, with her 5000 disfranchised citizens, say?

how would she feel, with the force of such an example upon her? The influence of such a voice, from the people of the Empire State, would, with the rising sun and Eastern breeze, be carried across the Lakes, and fall upon Ohio, with her black laws, in a manner not without its effect, and to be unheeded and forgotten; and "Westward ho!" it would go, lighting upon Michigan, Indian, and Illinois, as an example not the less brilliant, or having lost, in the least, its just tone, in the distance. And how would the entire South fear and quake before such an influence, and their slave code tremble at its very base. Then again, the influence of the efforts to bring about so important an end, would send life and light among our people similarly proscribed in other States.

Brethren New Yorkers! up and doing, as we are, let us redouble both our efforts and our sacrifices in the matter of our enfranchisement; for it may yet be found, that the position we now occupy, may involve, very directly, the political destinies and the liberty of our brethren throughout the country; and let it not be said, that in absorbing our energies in this great work, we are not all laboring for our people's welfare in other States, throughout the entire country. And whether our paper sustains its present shock, or dies beneath its load, may it be found that we have not labored in vain, nor spent our strength for nought.

And to the power-holding and law-making bodies, we would say, take this matter in hand, and with one general note, say, "Let Justice be done, though the heavens fall;" for by so doing, you may rid our country of its disgrace, its greatest load, and its greatest curse.

For the Colored American.

MR. EDITOR—The 45th No. of the 2nd volume of your excellent paper, contains a letter over the signature of "VIATOR," having some reference to me, and which I am requested to notice. I cheerfully accept of the request, not from the conviction of the worth of my very humble opinions, but for the purpose of making, in return, a request of him.

"VIATOR" has accused me of heresy; to which accusation I, without the least hesitation, and with the utmost confidence, plead not guilty. He has readily thrown down the glove, at the same time casting a significant look at me. I as readily take it up. Let him now come forward with "argument," backed by authority, and sustain his accusation. He says in his letter "I will not stop to argue the point with him," but when he reads this, I hope he will stop; nay, I call upon him at the top of my voice to stop; for I have been long, and sorely afflicted with inflammatory rheumatism, and am wholly unable to run after him.

To many persons, fighting is quite an exciting exhibition, and this may be the case with some of your readers. Perhaps they may take an interest in this little onset between me and "VIATOR," and wish to come and witness it. I hope they will come on; and that every man will bring his neighbor with him; each one taking care to put two dollars in his pocket, which is the invariable price of the exhibition. I hope the ladies will come too. Their presence will add much to the chivalry of the combatants. The rheumatism has not wholly evaporated my gallantry; and if, when fighting, I should be cheered with a score of bright eyes, I should be invincible. Let the ladies come out; and if they have not the change, their galant conductors must pay their entrance. And as we are both above mercenary considerations, fighting solely for honor, the understanding is, on my part at any rate, that the whole proceeds of the exhibition, shall go to the benefit of the COLORED AMERICAN. This is what, in some measure, reconciles me to the fight, for I am a principle somewhat opposed to it.

From what "VIATOR" has written, I am led to believe that he thinks, and that he can "argue." I hope that he has been thinking of this world as it is; and that when he speaks of it, he will speak of it as it is, and not as some "visionaries" would wish it to be. We are in a fallen world, inhabited by sinful, fallen mortals, naturally inclined to do wrong, with no power to compel them to do right. It is expected that there will come an age of universal and entire righteousness; but from present appearances, we suppose that that age is yet far off; and until it comes we must adapt our thoughts, words and actions, to the age, and world in which we actually live.

Before I dismiss my request, allow me, with as much clearness and perspicuity, as my limited abilities will admit of, to state the more prominent and important opinions, which you have had the kindness to allow me to promulgate, through the columns of your paper.

1. That IGNORANCE is the cause of the degradation of the colored population of the United States.

2. That the primary means of their elevation is EDUCATION;

and the secondary, the placing within their reach the higher employments and stations of society.

3. That such is the nature of the great work of their moral elevation, that it is necessary that they should be the *principals*, and their *FRIENDS the assistants*, in its performance.

4. That the want of the secondary means of elevation, greatly hinders the full development of the *primary*.

5. That as a combination of most unpleasant circumstances, which they have neither the power nor prospect of soon changing, prevents the colored population of the United States, as at present located, from enjoying much of the *primary*, and nearly the whole of the *secondary*, means of elevation; as many of them as may choose, have MORALLY the right to throw around themselves both the means of elevation by a change of location.

6. That the quality, inclination, and susceptibility of improvement and elevation, is the same in white and colored, when enjoying the same means; and therefore, that the idea of continuing their connexion, as a matter of necessity, without which the elevation and happiness of either cannot be consummated, is absurd.

the emigration of a few hundred thousands

engaged and disinterested colored population of the disaffected States, would not injure the number or of the disaffected of those that remain, provided it take place of the usual and legitimate way, but would result to all, in calculable good.

To one other opinion advanced by me, in a former letter, such strong exceptions were taken, by persons in whose judgment I have the utmost confidence, that I have felt it to be my duty to give it a thorough review. The opinion is this, "That houses of worship, in this country, are private property, subject to the same rules which govern other private property." To discuss this question I shall not be prepared, until I have finished my review; and shall of course, at present, object to any allusion to it. So much for my request. I will now notice the subject of the letter.

I agree with "VIATOR," in his opinion of the evil of forming too many societies. They only tend to divide, weaken, and destroy our present feeble energies. A few, embracing the subjects of morality, benevolence, and literature, are indispensable to the development of the mind; and without which it must even sink below its present standard. But a great number of those now in existence are a perfect nuisance.

Correct information from the countries which he has mentioned is highly desirable; and I despair of obtaining it, in a full and satisfactory manner, in any other way than that which he has pointed out. Persons who visit a country for either ordinary business, or pleasure, are generally too much engrossed with the object of their visit, to make any extended observations.

Objects of this nature should be considered national. If we emigrate at all, it should either be on one plan, or to one place. Our number and resources are too feeble, to thing of scattering ourselves. We need a national organization under some form or other; to which all subjects of this nature could be referred. But to form a national society for this special object, I think unnecessary.

Pittsburgh, January 8th, 1839.

AUGUSTINE.

SILENT THOUGHTS.

LIFE
BY C. L. R.

Around, how joyful in the chilly air,

Sweet sounds are floating! while above, the sky,
Peopled with visions bright, seems calm and fair
As infant smiling 'neath a mother's eye.

It is the chant of joy! that fresh, sincere,
Springs up from youthful hearts! yet louder from

The souls of men, to greet the laughing year,
That clothed in promise, from arid doth come,
Bardened with hope and gift untold. Tis well
The tortured feelings and the sad should rise

To hail some vision'd good, and tuneful swell
With songs of fairy scenes that in the skies

Are forming:—of the peace and glorious fame,
And wealth and pleasure in the distance strewn.

But all must learn, that song and garnish'd dream
May end; that magic spells around them thrown

Will melt in air;—that sweet thoughts, redolent
As springtime buds, may droop, and faint, and die;

That wish and vision bright are impotent
To clothe the mind with light; to fit the eye

To guide the spirit's growth; to lead it on

To triumph in the world; to gain a wreath
Of praise enduring, as those souls have won,
Whose works do raise them from contempt and death.

'Tis thought alope! creative, fervent thought!

Earnest in life, and in its purpose bent

To uphold truth and right, that rich is fraught
With songs unceasing, and with gleamings sent

Of sure things coming from a brighter world.

'Tis thought alone! a gift round with quickening light,
With vision lofty, and with wing unfurl'd

Ready to soar, self-poised, when darkest night
Of power and of death descends, that can,

As days fit by, and years grow old apace,
Rejoice o'er bright scenes fled, and strengthen'd scan

More glorious things, singing with youthful face.
New York. Jan. 10th, 1841.

For the Colored American.

PUBLIC SCHOOLS.

MY DEAR PARENTS AND CHILDREN:—You who patronise the public schools of New York, have a happy employment. As to you, fathers, mothers, and guardians, your situation is most responsible. You have been instrumental, under God, in bringing these children into the dangers of life. It certainly is, therefore, your indispensable duty to see that they are prepared to enter upon the active duties of life, and become respectable and happy.—Improvement is the great theme of the day.—What hinders our improvement? Schools of a respectable order are established and furnished free of expense to us. The facilities for education here, are in advance of any city in the union. I have been in several cities in these United States, and have taken pains to become informed in reference to the state of schools for colored children in them; and I find that the opportunities for the education of colored children in our city, far greater than those of any other place which I have visited. In this city, with a population of between 16 and 20 thousand, we have two public, and five primary schools. The public schools are nearly equal in size and point of appearance to the schools for white children, and a great deal of pains have been taken, to select competent teachers of our own color, who take great interest in the improvement of the children committed to their care. I am gratified in being able to state, for the information of parents and others, that in all the departments, there is a disposition on the part of trustees, that the teachers and monitors of the primary schools, should be fitted for their task. They have, therefore, established a Saturday school, in which primary and infant school teachers and monitors secure a good education, and are prepared, when an opportunity shall offer, for their promotion to a higher field of usefulness. You see, my friends, that I have been speaking in high terms of the schools. I feel my inability to write upon so important a subject, for I cannot, I shall not say enough in their favor. It is the schools for our children which will abolish slavery. It is the schools which will procure our enfranchisement. It is the schools which will put off and break down prejudice, and ere long, cause a ready admittance of our sons into the workshop, the counting-house, and other places of employment, which are both respectable and profitable. Parents, cannot I excite you to set a proper value upon these excellent establishments? Will you suffer your children to be absent from school one day, or even one hour? My friends, we are a poor people, we are not in possession of houses, or lands, or money, to leave our children; but we can leave them what I think is far better, a good education; no misfortune can rob them of that; the art of the keener stops there, but money takes wings and flies to the four winds.

Oh parents, let this year, which God has been pleased to permit you to enter upon, be a year of improvement. Let every father and mother, and all who have children in care, reflect upon what is their duty. Christians, how can you throng the sanctuary on Sunday, and participate in the ordinance of God, and forget your duty to your family and your own household? Look into our streets, and there behold the hordes of boys, from eight to twelve years old, absent from school idling their time, and engaging in the worst practices. The places where they congregate are easily named. It is indeed a disgrace to the colored community. What shall be done to break up these disgraceful congregations of school boys? We shall feel happy when our municipal authorities shall find it their duty to compel such idlers to attend school regularly. Speaking of the authorities covering idle boys, &c., they, as guardians of this metropolis, feel anxious for its safety, honor, and future welfare, and if parents will not do their duty, they, as a body to punish immorality, will strictly attend to

theirs. We hail the era when such a system shall be brought about, for we feel, when such means

are resorted to, the Egyptian tombs will lose many a tenant, and the public school society will have the satisfaction of sending forth into the world, hundreds of well-trained young men who will be ornaments of respectable society. As we turn over the pages of ancient history, we are delighted to see what pains the Greeks and Romans took for the education of their children. And when we hear of the country from whence we descended, we are cheered to hear of a Cyprian, an Origen, and others whose acquirements in every department continue to be examples of imitation to all modern nations. My friends, "train up your children in the way they should go, and when they are old they will not depart from it." This was the advice of wise Solomon, it was also the expression of a learned man of our age, "That of all the men we meet with, nine parts of ten, are what they are, good or evil, useful or not, by their education." It is true, that sometimes those who have applied themselves closely to their studies, with success, have disappointed the hopes of their friends, while others, whose education has been neglected are virtuous and happy. Generally speaking, however, the remark above quoted holds good. It is a fact that men are made what they are by their education. And what shall I say more? All civilized nations highly recommend education. The institutions for learning are calculated to bring down the blessings of heaven. We have, as it were, in accordance with a proclamation from the principal officer of our State, just returned from the house of prayer, where we paid our adoration to the God of heaven for his unspeakable blessings the past year; let us, as a speck in the nation, prize the opportunities that are in our hands to promote virtue, intelligence, and respectability. We, as parents, one and all, must exert ourselves for the better attendance of our children at the schools already founded, that others may be established immediately. The trustees are anxiously waiting an opportunity to build another school house, for the reception of our children. They have the money in hand, and if they do not appropriate it for our use, it is our own fault. There is a great excitement in the nation on our account. The eyes of all are upon us, and those who hold our brethren in bondage are conversant with the managers of our schools; and depend upon it, the efforts of abolition will be assisted by the exertions we make to sustain our schools, and promote virtue and respectability.

Before I close, I will respectfully recommend to you, dear parents and guardians, the important subject of Sunday schools. I find that children, who attend these schools regularly, are also constant in their attendance at the public schools. But when children are permitted to be absent from Sunday schools, they, I regret, are generally speaking, irregular at the week day schools, and make very little proficiency in their studies.—Therefore, dear friends, commence the week by rising early and preparing your little ones for those useful establishments, the Sunday schools. They will there be taught lessons of morality, while young, which will continue with them through life. Do, fathers and mothers, commence the year with a determination that our children shall attend regularly those establishments, (the schools,) which will make them respected throughout life, and thrice happy at the hour of death.

P. LOVERIDGE,

Agent of the Schools for Colored Children.

New York, Jan., 1841.

For the Colored American.

CALL FOR A MISSIONARY CONVENTION.

The undeniable truth, that we are placed here
for some purpose, cannot have failed again and
again to present itself—not in dim shadows, but
distinctly, to every reflecting mind. Nor can the
equally obvious fact—that it is designed by our
Creator that we should not be indifferent to the
condition and necessities of our fellow creatures,
but rather that we should use every possible means
to promote their present and eternal happiness—
be concealed from such.

At a meeting held in the city of Hartford, Conn.,
on the 5th of May last, when the destitute condi-
tion of the immortal millions of Africans was con-
sidered—we, the undersigned, having been ap-
pointed a committee "to issue a circular calling
a meeting of the friends of missions," do, therefore,
in accordance with the duty assigned us, and feel-
ing our hearts moved within us to attempt some-
thing toward the regeneration of Africa, invite all
our brethren, who feel an interest in the subject of
missions, to meet with us in the city of Hartford,
in the State of Connecticut, on WEDNESDAY, the
18th day of AUGUST next, to take into considera-
tion our responsibilities on this subject, and to de-
vise measures whereby we may render some effi-
cient assistance to the great work of converting a
world of fallen creatures to their God.

We pray that no consideration of mere temporal
interest may deter any from coming to this Con-
vention. Whatever political privilege we are con-
tending for; whatever social enjoyment we seek;
whatever occupation we may be engaged in—let
all be laid aside for a few days, while we come to
the rescue of the perishing souls of our fellow-men.
Let the artist forsake his studio, and the merchant
his counting-room; let the student forego the fas-
cinations of literature; let the mechanic quit his
workshop, and the husbandman his rural domicil-
and healthful occupation. Let one and all come,
for necessary as our several employments are, and
desirable as the objects we seek must be, what are
these when put in counterpoise to the salvation of
the immortal soul of man? Lighter than the buoy-
ant air! Less than nothing, and vanity! To deny
or to doubt that we can effect anything, is to deny
and to doubt whether we are capable of fulfilling
the end and aim of our existence, and to question
the sincerity of our devotedness to the religion we
profess; since it is ordained by the counsel of God,
that they who profess themselves the disciples of
Jesus Christ, shall be the instruments by which,
and the medium through which, the whole world
shall receive that Gospel which can make them
wise unto eternal salvation.

And which of us may know, brethren, how large
a portion of the designs of Providence, our inactiv-
ity in the missionary cause may be the means of
retarding, if not of subverting ?

We invite you to meet in Convention on the sub-
ject of missions to Africa—not without thought,
not without cause; but for the following, among
many reasons. And,

1st. Because we are satisfied beyond all ques-
tion, and we feel assured that you are also, that
the exigencies of that country are great—incalcu-
lable.

2d. Because we are desirous that something

should be done by us for the land which our fathers
loved as the land of their nativity.

3d. Because we believe the present time to be
favorable for the commencement of such operations.

4th. Because we have no Missionary Society ;
and we believe that the organization of such a So-
ciety is needed, and that it could effect much good.

5th. Because our duty requires obedience to the command of Him who died to redeem us, that we should "go into all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature."

And finally, we invite you to meet in Convention
on this subject, because we are desirous—God
helping us—to discharge our duty in this matter;
and in so doing, to wash the blood of the nations
sitting in darkness, from our skirts.

Could we, brethren, divest ourselves of that
worldliness which enters into all our plans and en-
terprizes, we might form some just estimate of our
individual responsibilities !

With the fervent petition that Almighty God, our
Heavenly Father, may enlighten your minds, and
warm your hearts, and grant you grace, so to un-
derstand your duty that you may come up to this
first Missionary Convention of our people, and
there so act, that at the last great day—that day in
which both the heathen, in whose behalf we are
now besought, and we, who are invited to action
in their behalf, shall meet before the Great Judge
—you shall not appear before Him condemned.

We subscribe ourselves, brethren,

Affectionately, your serv's in Christ,

JAMES W. C. PENNINGTON,
AUGUSTUS W. HANSON,

Hartford, July, 1841.

Committee.

N. B. The Convention will be opened with a
sermon at half-past 7 o'clock in the evening of
Wednesday, the 18th, as above; after which the
Convention will be organized by the appointment
of proper officers.

Those papers which are favorable to the object
are requested to copy.

For the Colored American.

Philadelphia, Jan. 3, 1841.

FRIEND RAY.—It is with a high sense of the goodness of Almighty God, in sparing and protecting us from many of the afflictions that have scourged the “human race,” and swept from existence a portion of the distinguished advocates of human rights during the past year, that I take up my pen to return your congratulations on the advent of “the new year,” with the prospect and success that must attend an ardent, zealous, and untiring advocacy of the principles of our common cause.

Through the kindness of a friend I have just received for perusal, a copy of the “Minutes of the Albany Convention of Colored Citizens.” It is a rich and valuable pamphlet. As I am opposed to the manner of its organization, I cannot, therefore, subscribe to the proceedings, as a whole, but I find in many of the reports and resolutions, principles and sentiments that are eternal and immutable. Principles that must and will dethrone slavery, and obliterative prejudice. I hope that all our friends and enemies throughout the land will endeavor to procure a copy of the proceedings of the convention, as they ought to be read by every family, and be placed in every library.

And now, my dear sir, I congratulate you as chairman of the business committee, and also every individual member of that body—the cause of liberty, justice, and equality, on the righteous, noble, and invulnerable stand you have taken in the report and resolutions you have taken on the 11th page. The first resolution will be admired by the friends of liberty and equality in all future generations, viz.:

Resolved, That ALL LAWS established for human government, and ALL SYSTEMS, of whatever KIND, founded in the SPIRIT of COMPLEXIONAL CAST, are in violation of the fundamental principles of DIVINE LAW, evil in their tendencies, and should, therefore, be EFFECTUALLY DESTROYED.

Now, my dear sir, I believe the doctrines contained in the above resolution, have emanated from the pure fountain of heaven-born truth, and that all those that quench their thirst by partaking of that living stream will be governed by the principles it dictates. With the advocates of such principles, I delight to labor. The principles of this resolution are not only applicable to the “Church and government under which we live,” but they reach to every organization for human improvement throughout the various ramifications of society. It seeks the entire destruction of all those invidious complexional distinctions, whether in institutions or “systems” that exclude by constitutional landmarks, any member of the human family from the common rights and privileges of membership, on account of complexional variations. I regard the resolution, as a two-edged sword, that will divide asunder those distinctive features in the various “systems” and constitutions throughout our country, that have been fostered by a spirit of hatred and selfishness, no matter by whom, or what complexion they were formed. The fiat of the convention has gone forth, and proclaimed their condemnation as being contrary to the spirit of the “Divine law, and the political principles of the framers of our republican government.”

I hope your active and combined exertions may not only prove instrumental in giving New York a free constitution, but that the same genial influence may effect the much desired reformation in both our federal and state governments. But we should not stop here, civil tyranny is not more odious than religious despotism. Look at the incorporated feature of complexional distinction in our churches, schools, beneficial, and literary so-

cieties. Are these to be extended, tolerated, and supported in their present shape? Can we hope to be successful in reforming others before we procure a reformation among ourselves? Experience answers, no! while the resolution asserts that such institutions *ought to be destroyed*. The resolution saps the very foundation principle on which nearly all the institutions in our country are based. It is not confined to written constitutions, but utters forth its condemnation on “all systems,” hence all those churches whose written constitutions are not defaced by the insertion of the terms, “white, colored or African,”

but whose practice, by the influence of a detestable prejudice, is such as to exclude persons of a certain complexion from a participation in the rights, privileges, and enjoyments of the same, are alike guilty of an infringement of the “divine law.” Nor is this all, the very paper you edit bears upon its title the very distinctive feature, which is the object of the resolution to obliterative? I do, therefore, humbly hope that the principles of the resolution will fall on its distinctive title and grind it to powder. The convention, in passing this resolution, not only aided in bringing odium on the title of your paper, but it occupied a still higher ground, they ushered forth a withering condemnation on the form of their own organization. For it is an indisputable fact, that the convention was formed by a system of representation, based on complexional cast, and, therefore, in the language of the resolution, “was in violation of the principles of divine law, evil in its tendency and should therefore have been effectually destroyed.” I trust that all future conventions may guard against the errors of the past, and be governed by the spirit of this resolution, so that a consistency in principle, as well as unity of action, may be the legitimate means by which we shall be enabled to carry our cause onward to its final consummation.

I remain yours in the cause of liberty and equality.
Wm. WHIPPER.

For the Colored American.

WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND AMERICA.

To all human appearance a war between these two nations is likely to take place. We are induced to advert to this subject now, because the colored people have always been among the foremost to take up arms in defence of this country, and what is our REWARD? oppression! from one end of the country to the other, and I believe that notwithstanding all the gallantry, courage and skill displayed by the colored people in the contests we have had with Great Britain, not a single individual has ever been elevated to any office of trust and honor, by our government. Although General Jackson declared publicly that he found in the colored people, in addition to their equal qualifications with other men as soldiers, an ENTHUSIASM, which led to the performance of great things; and in view of this, he pledged himself to report their noble exploits to the president of the United States. Has this been done? I answer, NO. What was the reward bestowed on the colored man that suggested the plan of making a breastwork of cotton bales? It is believed he was MURDERED.

In view of these facts, and many others that might be mentioned, is it the duty of colored men, in case of a war, to take up arms against the English? Never! while we are denied almost all the privileges of the institutions of this country; and while British government offers the only assylum for our enslaved countrymen.
T. V. R.

COLORED AMERICAN.

NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA,

SATURDAY, JANUARY 19, 1839.

AGRICULTURAL LIFE.

The cultivation of the earth is congenial to the nature of mankind; and a very large proportion of men, during some part of their lives, either do, or have a desire to, lead an AGRICULTURAL LIFE, or to become Farmers. Besides those who, in civilized countries, are bred to the culture of the soil, and make it their sole pursuit through life, there are thousands of others who retire from the bustle and anxieties of trade, the relaxation of a professional, or the turmoil of a public life, to rural quiet, and the undisturbed cultivation of a few acres of land.

The MERCHANT, whose youth has been spent behind the counter, and whose prime of life and middle age, have been passed between the ledger and "the iron safe,"—between the hopes of gain and the fears of loss, having at length realized a competency, retires from the crowded city, and the bustle of trade, to the pure air of the country, and the peaceful cultivation of a farm.

The LAWYER, having acquired professional fame, abandons his causes for a more tempting cause—the pursuit of Agriculture—or mingles with his professional labors, the expense of the spade and the plough. In like manner, the PUBLISHER and the DIVINE, the curers of physical and moral diseases, consult their own ease and quiet, and find a balm for both body and mind by snatching a few hours from the calls of professional duty to apply them to the grateful purpose of tilling the earth. Why should we mention the STATESMAN and the WARRIOR? They, too, are inclined to become farmers—the one leaving the field of ambition, the other his harvest of laurels, both seek a soil more congenial to the best feelings of man, and end the career of life, like CINCINNATI, at the plough. Even the MARRINER, the adventurous son of Neptune, whose home has been for many years, professionally and practically, on the deep—who has sailed to all lands, and visited every sea, bringing with him the rarities of every country, and the products of every clime, purchases a HOME ON THE LAND—transplants his exotics into his native soil; and prefers that his LAST REST should be in the rural church yard, with his kindred, to finding a bed in the bosom of the deep.—The MECHANIC, too, is smitten with the love of farming, and exchanges the dust of the shop for the furrows of the field—the confined air of crowded rooms, for the free atmosphere of the heavens, and the noise of machinery for the music of birds.

Now it is quite evident, that this prevailing love of Agriculture, which sooner or later in life discovers itself, is implanted in our very natures, or to say the least, is the result of reason and experience. If it be innate, it is merely kept down for a while by the engrossing pursuits of wealth, in the strife for human glory and distinction among men. But these being satisfied or disappointed—the mind set free—returns to its native (natural) desires, and applies its remaining energies to their peaceful gratification. But reason and experience will be allowed their share in bringing so large a portion of mankind, ultimately, to the cultivation of the earth. Who that values his natural dignity and independence, would not prefer to be the lord of a few acres of land with nobody's humor to consult but his own, and nobody to please but his Maker, to the cringing, the fawning, and lying, that are apt to enter so largely into political, professional, mercantile and mechanical life. If there be any ONE MAN on earth, who is truly independent, it is the farmer. Such an one, can truly say.—"I ASK NO FAVORS." Skillful and honest labor is all the earth requires, and it yields a due return—no favors dearly bought with the surrender of independence, of honor, of truth, and of all noble and manly feelings—no truckling for office—no fawning for popularity—and no lying for gain. No man can say of farming, "I have served a faithless master." Among the industrious and sober agriculturists, we find no deserted Woolseys. The choristers of the field never sing to deceive; the flowers of the mead never bloom to hide a deformity; and Nature never smiles to betray.

For the Colored American.

BROOKLYN MASS MEETING

AT THE M. E. W. CHURCH, HIGH STREET.

Agreeable to public notice, a meeting of colored citizens was held in the above place on Tuesday evening, the 5th instant. The Rev. Benjamin Croger was appointed President, and Wesleyan Elbert Vice President. George Diamond and Henry Hicks, Secretaries. The meeting was opened with prayer by the Rev. G. Hogarth. The call for the meeting was read. The president made a few short but appropriate remarks to the meeting, after which the meeting was eloquently addressed by Mr. Samuel V. Berry, of Jacmacia, L. I. Mr. A. Washington offered the following preamble and resolution:

Whereas our brethren in our sister city and in other sections of this state, are now making active and vigorous efforts to petition most respectfully the legislature of this state, to repeal an unjust and odious section of a statute which demands a certain amount of freehold property, as the qualification of a colored voter, and by that course are thus showing to the nation and the world, their love for freedom and government—republicanism—their patriotism and philanthropy—their love of free institutions, of justice and impartial laws. Therefore

Resolved, That we, the colored citizens of Brooklyn, feel it our incumbent duty to participate in this grand

moral work, and in every other cause which has for its object the moral, the social, the political and religious elevation of our oppressed and down trodden citizens.

Resolved, That the spirit of liberty and justice which cheered the hearts, and animated the hopes of the heroes of the revolution and pressed them into deeds sublime, of noble daring, now hovers like an angel of mercy over the legislative halls of our state, and we believe that it needs but a moral effort on our part to enable her to extend her influence like a zone of mercy around our state, and bring all of her citizens irrespective of color under her wide canopy.

Resolved, That a committee of five persons be immediately appointed, with power to appoint sub-committees, whose business it shall be to make immediate and active efforts to obtain the signature of every colored citizen of this city, vicinity and county, and also those of our white citizens.

The resolutions were eloquently supported by Mr. W., and with a small amendment were carried by the house. The following gentlemen were elected as a committee on petition, viz :—Henry Hicks, A. Washington, W. Brown; G. Diamond, and W. Jackson. Signatures of those present were then obtained. On motion of Mr. William Brown, seconded by Mr. H. Hicks, the concluding resolutions was unanimously adopted.

Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the Colored American.

Resolved, That the meeting adjourn to attend a second mass meeting to be held in the above place on Thursday evening, Jan. 14th.

B. CROGER, Pres.

W. ELBERT, Vice Pres.

G. DIAMOND,
H. HICKS,

Sett'y

For the Colored American.

MORAL REFORM.

LEWISTOWN, Feb. 5, 1841.

DEAR BROTHER MILLER :—Feeling that a description of the state of the church in the various sections of the country, may not be uninteresting to your readers generally, I have thought it not amiss to drop a few lines to you, including a succinct account of my present charge.

I had intended writing to you some time since; but owing to the pressure of business—such as pastoral duties—no one to assist me—incumbent traveling, and studying for the pulpit, &c., all crowding up on my time, so that I have thus far neglected this duty.

It is true the work of the Lord has not prospered in our midst as I could wish; but it would be wrong in me to say that nothing has been done. In reference then to the state of the congregations under my care, I might say in the first place, that there has been a considerable accession to our numbers during the past year. Zion is flourishing because the Most

High God is in our midst. By Divine permission, we held two camp-meetings on this Circuit during the past year. We had good order, peculiarly so indeed. The attention of mere spectators was fastened down to the word of the Lord, so that the place seemed Holy ground on which we tread. When our ministers were on the walls of Zion sounding the alarm, precious souls were found, on all hands, crying for mercy, and those who had experienced the wonder working grace of Jesus Christ, were constrained from a feeling of love to their brethren, even to weep with those who weep and rejoice with those who rejoiced. The mercy seats, that had been prepared, were crowded, and many of them were caused to rejoice by reason of the Lord's verifying his promise to them. "Blessed are they that mourn for they shall be comforted." Anthems of praises were raised to the Lord of Hosts, because of the stately steppings of the Lord in our midst—working of miracles—clothing men and women in their right mind—dispossessing them of evil spirits, by the power of the Holy Ghost. In some parts of the Circuit we have had a general revival of religion, but in others the work is rather stationary. I am now on my return from the lower part of the Circuit, viz: Williamsport, and where the work of the Lord has been very much revived.

In 1837, brother Galbreth and myself, commenced, in the aforementioned place, a small congregation consisting of 5 or 10 members. But blessed be God it was not in vain. Although they were compelled to bear down the most determined kind of persecution, yet by faithfulness in prayer and the good assistance of Almighty God, their number has been increased, and there were almost daily added to the church those that will be saved.

In the year '38, brother Scott labored in word and doctrine, and his labors were blessed in abundance. And in the year '39, it was my lot to be cast in their midst again, when I remained until the present time, and am now rejoiced to tell you that we have never failed to have the blessing of the Lord on our labors, particularly in our protracted meetings. There were about 25 that professed to have embraced the pardon- ing mercy of our Lord at the last meeting. It is true that whilst the ark of the Lord mo'ed forward, there was a mighty howling among the wolves without and seemed eager to pounce upon the lambs of the Lord. Yet some of those very howling wild beasts were necessitated, by the Spirit of Almighty God, to fall also before the ark, crying for mercy. Thus we might cry, "sing praises, sing praises, for the Lord Almigay reigneth!"

But my dear brother, I would not think myself justi- fied in closing this communication, without refer- ence to one of the leading subjects of MORAL REFORM in our country. I allude to the subject of TEMPER- ANCE. A cause of vast importance. And one too, at least in my opinion, that is calculated to assist very much the progress of the gospel. It is enumerated amongst the number of Christian graces; for James says we should add to our "faith, virtue, and to virtue knowledge, and to knowledge, TEMPERANCE," &c. We do maintain, therefore, the duty of preaching temper- ance, as it is strictly inculcated in the word of God. This duty seems to be more fully incumbent also, in the fact that there is so much intemperance in the world.

Impressed therefore with a sense of my duty to God and man, I have been laboring to form societies. In view of this I have been successful in forming four societies, a majority of which are on the principle of "TOTAL ABSTINANCE." Taken all together, there are about 150 members. A small one it is true, but there is a prospect of the number increasing; feeling assured that truth is mighty and will prevail; the good work must progress, God being the head. I feel sensible on this subject; while writing someone was relating in the room that a man was brought into town a few hours since, who is supposed to have fallen from his sled in a state of intemperance. God help the man that gave him the liquor to get drunk on; and may the Lord help the man himself. I was led to notice this circumstance in order to observe, that the preaching of the gospel does not reach the case altogether; for we need not cast our pearls before swine: i. e. preach to a drunken man, but to meet him on his own ground, strive to get the drunkard to become sober, then in his rational state of mind, the gospel will and has effect. By Divine direction we have had several of this description. We feel apprehensive that much talent is thus buried. Frequently we find the strongest minds buried in a bottle of rum--no use to society--a trouble to themselves, and the cause of misery to their families. Oh my dear brother, when I think of all these things, my heart is full, and if I should give vent to my feelings, I would be willing to call to every drunkard in the land, "Turn ye, turn ye, for why will ye die?" And the church members too, who are indifferent to his great cause, How will we answer to God at the great day, for our neglect of duty? Oh! our neglect of duty! souls dying all around us, and we folding our hands and crying peace, PEACE, when there is no peace to the wicked. Oh Lord save our people from the dreadful consequences of drunkenness. But my sheet is full, I must therefore close my communication. So much from the fee- ble pen of your young brother, dwelling amongst the mountains of the Centry county Circuit, Philadelphia Conference.

LEONARD COLLINS.

The Lord's Prayer.

When the elder Booth was residing in Balti-
more, a pious, urbane old gentleman of that
city, hearing of his wonderful power of elocu-
tion, one day invited him to dinner, although
always deprecating the stage and all theatrical
performances. A large company sat down at
the table, and on returning to the drawing-room
one of them asked Booth, as a special favor to
them all, to repeat the Lord's Prayer. He
signified his willingness to gratify them and all
eyes were fixed upon him. He slowly and re-
verently arose from his chair, trembling with
the burden of two great conceptions. He had
to realize the character, attributes and presence
of the Almighty Being he was to address. He
was to transform himself into a poor, sinning,
stumbling, benighted, needy supplicant, offer-
ing homage, asking bread, pardon, light and
guidance. Says one of the company who was
present, " It was wonderful to watch the play
of emotions that convulsed his countenance.
He became deathly pale and his eyes, turned
tremblingly upwards, were wet with tears. As
yet he had not spoken. The silence could be
felt; it had become absolutely painful, until
at last the spell was broken as if by an electric
shock, as his rich-toned voice syllabled forth,
"Our Father, which art in Heaven," etc., with
a pathos and fervid solemnity which thrilled all
hearts. He finished; the silence continued;
not a voice was heard nor muscle moved in his
rapt audience, until from a remote corner of
the room, a subdued sob was heard, and the
old gentleman (the host) stepping forward with
streaming eyes and tottering frame, seized
Booth by the hand. 'Sir,' said he, in broken
accents, 'you have afforded me a pleasure for
which my whole future life will feel grateful.
I am an old man, and every day, from boyhood
to the present time I have repeated the Lord's
Prayer; but I never heard it before, never.
'You are right,' replied Booth, 'to read that
Prayer as it should be read caused me the
severest study and labor for thirty years, and I
am far from satisfied with my rendering of that
wonderful production. Hardly one person in
in ten thousand comprehends how much beauty
tenderness and grandeur can be condensed in
a space so simple. That prayer itself suffici-
ently illustrates the truth of the Bible, and
stamps upon it the seal of divinity.'

THE ALL-SEEING EYE.—One day the astrono-
mer Mitchell was engaged in making some ob-
servations on the sun, and as it descended, to-
ward the horizont, just as it was setting, there
came into the range of the great telescope the
top of a hill about seven miles away. On the
top of that hill was a large number of apple
trees, and in one of them were two boys steal-
ing apples. One was getting the apples, and
the other was watching to make certain that
nobody saw them, feeling that they were un-
discovered. But there sat Professor Mitchell,
seven miles away, with the great eye of his
telescope directed fully upon them, seeing every
movement they made as plainly as if he had
been under the tree with them. So it is often
with men. Because they do not see the eye
which watches with a sleepless vigilance, they
think they are not seen. But the great open
eye of God is upon them, and not an action can
be concealed. There is not a deed, there is not
a word, there is not a thought which is not
known to God.—Rural New Yorker.

God seems to have proposed His material
universe as a starding, perpetual study to His
intelligent creatures; where, ever learning,
they can yet never learn all; and if that mate-
rial universe shall last till man shall have dis-
covered all that is unknown, but which, by the
progressive improvement of his faculties, he is
apable of knowing, it will remain through a
duration beyond human measurement and be-
ond human comprehension.—Daniel Webster.

### CASE OF BISHOP ONDERDONK AND MR. CRUMMELL.
NEW YORK, Dec. 2d, 1839.

To the Editors of the Colored American:

Gentlemen,—You are probably aware that a severe article appeared in the Churchman of Nov. 21, concerning myself. A request to publish a reply to that ar'icle, through the same medium, has met with a refusal. One would suppose that, in all justice, an individual would be allowed to defend himself in the same co'mums where charges and implications of character had been made against him. But it has seemed otherwise. With, out assigning any reasons for his refusal, the Editor says—"I regret I can not comply with your wishes to have it inserted in the Churchman." If you, gentlemen, will give the article an insertion in your paper you will greatly oblige

Your obedient servant,

ALEXANDER CRUMMELL.

For the Churchman.

MR. EDITOR:—An article appeared in the "Churchman" of November 2d, from the pen of Bishop Onderdonk, representing me in a disadvantageous and discreditable light.

Being absent from the city, I did not see or hear of this article until the 22d, when I immediately returned. The silence, which my relations as a churchman and a candidate have hitherto constrained, this article forbids me any longer to keep.

I was admitted as a candidate for orders, by Bishop Onderdonk, in Nov. 1838, of which admission, I received from him the usual letter to the candidates. Immediately after stating the above, Bishop O., in the article to which I have referred, remarks:

"The expediency of colored candidates applying for admission into the Theological Seminary was frequently the subject of conversation between Mr. Crummell, his pastor, the Rev. Peter Williams, and myself."

I have no recollection that any conversation ever passed between us upon the matter of the Seminary previous to the presentation of my petition to the Trustees. Immediately after I became a candidate, the Bishop informed me that he would obtain some person or persons to instruct me in my Theological studies, but said not a word to me, with reference to the Seminary.

Some time after I became a candidate I was placed under the instruction of two gentlemen of the city, Presbyters, who were kind enough

the Seminary; but that the subject was one of very peculiar delicacy, and in the consideration of which great prudence was necessary in order to avoid the doing of serious injury to colored persons, where it was intended to benefit them; that cor'porations of the highest and holiest nature required that the subject should not be allowed to agitate our ecclesiastical bodies;—that it was one in which the comfort, happiness, and best interests of the colored people required that they should repose much confidence in their friends; and that if he would leave that matter to me, I would see that it was disposed of in such way as, all things considered, should be most for his comfort and his interests. These views and arrangements appeared to be entirely satisfactory to Mr. Crummell as they certainly were to Mr. Williams.

"The same views, and similar arrangements, had previously been satisfactory to another colored candidate, now the Rev. Isaiah G. De Grasse, deacon. Unwilling to disturb the peace of the church, he, at an early period of his candidateship, withdrew all idea of entering the seminary, prosecuted his studies under your direction, was ordained, and is now a highly respectable clergyman."

In the latter part of the above paragraph I am represented as having different views and acting in a different manner from the two clergyman of my people. If it were so, I cannot see that it would be proof that my views and conduct in this matter were wrong.

With these two gentlemen I have always felt it my duty to advise, inasmuch as they are both older than myself, and have had experience in these matters—yet always reserving to myself, though younger, the right of private judgment upon all matters, and the liberty to pursue a different course from them. It has been my good fortune to have my own opinions most ly in accordance with theirs.

But the fact that 'arrangements' in any matter have been satisfactory to another, would not be received by me as an adequate reason for my adopting them. I cannot think that the views and conduct of any men should be considered in any circumstances so highly authoritative and decisive. If arrangements are unreasonable, and the views that lead to them unscriptural, it is evidence sufficient for me at least, that, I should be dissatisfied with them. It was so in this case, I was not contented with the arrangements, from a deep consideration of the unreasonableness of the distinction thus manifested. I had spent three years of perfect equality with upwards of one hundred white students, of a different denomination, at Oneida Institute, and could not after a long consideration 'discover any reasons why it should be different with those of my own communion, with churchmen, who beseech the 'Good Lord' to hear them when they pray Him 'to defend and provide for—all who are desolates and oppressed.'

The opinions of the former of these gentlemen upon these arrangements, have always been as expressed to me, any thing else but those of acquiescence.

And how is it with Rev. I. G. DeGrasse? Had these same "views and arrangements been previously satisfactory to this other colored candidate—now Deacon?" The Bishop says so. He says beside, that "at an early period of his candidateship he withdrew all idea of entering the Seminary," one would suppose from this that Mr. DeGrasse so far from ever having his feet upon the threshold of the Seminary, or seriously entertaining any thought of the matter, had kept such an idea from him as if it were not to be entertained.

What are the facts of the case? After Mr. De Grasse was admitted as a candidate in June, 1836, he passed an examination before the faculty for admission to the Seminary in October;

took a room in the same, and received a notice from the Faculty to prepare for his second examination.

Subsequent to all this, Mr. De Grasse with drew from the Seminary.

I regret this attempt to place me in a position diametrically opposed to my respected Pastor, and my friend Rev. I. G. De Grasse.

I have now approached the period of my application to the Trustees for admission to the Seminary. From the difficulties in the case of Mr. De Grasse, the Faculty, though willing, as far as their individual feelings were concerned, to admit me, did not feel themselves authorised to receive me as a Student.*

"The Faculty of the Seminary, I understand, now say that I made no formal application for admission.

Further: I was led to make application for admission to the Seminary, from a determination formed when I first thought it my duty to enter the ministry—to use all exertion, and every possible endeavor so to prepare myself for the Holy ministry that I might prove "a man of God, 'thoroughly furnished.'"

The determination to this effect has been strengthened by the able and repeated articles upon the subject which have appeared in the "Churchman" and other Church papers, by the numerous and convincing Sermons by Clergymen, and by the repeated charges and remarks; not only of my own Right Rev. Diocesan, but of all, the Bishop's in the Church. And what gave me still more encouragement to adopt this course is the fact that, that great good man, the late worthy and lamented Bishop Hobart, the founder of the Seminary, when spoken to with reference to the admission of colored candidates into that Institution, paused—and replied that they would be admitted as a matter of course and without doubt.

With these views and feelings I made application to the Faculty and was not received. The only course left me to perseu was this: to petition those who had more authority in the matter, the Trustees.

"But why introduce this question among us? I was a Churchman and Candidate for Orders, and the right to take this course was guaranteed me by Canons which I had no idea were partial in their application.

"But why agitate the Church?" I have no power thus to do. My situation is very humble in Society. And if I had power thus to do I would not. I am too much of a churchman for it. The true question is: Why need the Church he agitated about it?

The Trustees of the Seminary met the latter part of June. My petition was presented at an early period of the Session. A day or two after the presentation of it, I received a note from the Bishop, requesting me to call upon him. Without an intimation or hint of the business upon which I was sent for, in less than an half hour I was in the study of the Bishop. The Bishop expressed great regret at my having petitioned for admission to the Seminary; spoke of the feelings and prejudices of Society against my people—said that we must give way to them for the present and that things in the course of time would be changed.

I hesitated about allowing my petition to be withdrawn, when the Bishop added that candidates for orders were not without control, and I should not have taken such a step without consulting him. After a few more remarks, which then, and subsequently appeared to me to be authoritative, I told him if he desired he could withdraw the Petition.

at, the Bishop's request, to direct me in my studies. As the Bishop remarks, I "was also apprised that the Professors in the Seminary were willing to aid" me "in their respective departments."

The Professors in the Seminary were willing "to aid me in their respective departments." But how much? Drs. Turner and Wilson expressed a willingness to give me advice and help me solve what difficulties soever might impede my advancement in study—but no more. When the extent of their engagements is considered this appeared to me as it will to every one, considerable and generous.

Dr. Whittingham very kindly offered to instruct me three times a week, and give me some other important advantages. His offer I was about to accept, but upon the very day I was to signify my acceptance, Bishop Onderdonk informed me of the arrangement he had made with the aforementioned gentlemen.

Bishop Onderdonk is pleased further to remark:

"I uniformly expressed myself to this effect.—That I had personally no objections to a colored candidate having the advantages of

["In the communication of the Bishop's, of Sept. 30, and also of Nov. 2nd., I am represented as \"having begged as a matter of favor,\" that the petition should be withdrawn. As already, so now. I must refuse to acknowledge any such remark.\n\nMy interview with the Bishop took place in the morning, between 8 and 9 o'clock. Immediately after, I sent the following note to the Seminary, which was placed in his hand in about two hours afterward:", "RT. Rev. and Dear Sir,—Without consideration and forethought, this morning, I assembled to the withdrawal of my petition.", "Since, upon reconsideration of the who's matter and reflection upon the motives that led me to present the petition, pure, I am confident, in the sight of my Heavenly Father—I cannot as a Christian allow it to be withdrawn.", "I did think on the entire matter, before the petition was presented, prayerfully, and, as then, am now desirous it should be acted upon.", "With every sentiment of respect,\nYour obedient servant", "ALEX. CRUMMELL.", "The result of my petition is well known—it was rejected.", "A few days after the adjournment of the Trustees, we was informed that Bishop Onderdonk des red to see me. Accordingly, I called upon him. The Bishop expressed strong disapprobation at my having petitioned without advising with him.", "He spoke of the disorderly spirit and disregard for canonical allegiance manifested by me, and said that in persisting to keep the petition before the Trustees, contrary to his advice was downright presumption. The Bishop said that he should not suffer me to go to the Seminary of any other denomination, because it was inconsistent for \"Churchmen\" to be in Institutions other than their own. He further remarked, that although he had been advised to strike my name from the list of candidates, yet he would suffer it to remain, but that henceforth he should keep a good eye upon me and watch me in all my movements.", "Thoughts then crowded upon me upon the degradation to which my people had been brought, and how abject we were not only in the State, but also in the Church.", "I told the Bishop, that I had thought prayerfully upon the matter and could not see a thing uncanonical in my course, and that", "such conditions, I could not remain a candidate. The Bishop thought he must impose them. At this time a City Clergyman entered, who has since, in the New York American, in an article concerning this interview, signed himself \"An Episcopal Clergyman.\"", "The Bishop made some further remarks, and I rose, and as that gentleman reported, remarked \"well Bishop, if that is your decision, I desire you to strike my name from your list.\" To which the Bishop replied in substance, as an \"Episcopal Clergyman\" publishes in the New York American—that it would remain till next Wednesday.", "If, by this, is meant that I did not write to them or bring my books for an examination, it is true. But I expressed, in what I thought, plain terms, my desire to enter the Seminary, and immediately the difficulties of Mr. De G's. case were presented. I considered myself, refused on that account, and went from the Professors with that impression. It was on this fact that my petition was grounded. After speaking of an application to the Faculty, the petition says:—\"The faculty, without the intervention of their own private opinions, informed your petitioner this was not in their power to allow.", "The next week, what day, I do not distinctly remember, I called upon the Bishop to return a book he had been kind enough to loan me. I told him that although my desire was strong to remain a candidate, I could not on the condition he had imposed, And asked him (as he was unwilling that I should remain a candidate on the same condition others did)—if he would transfer me to the Diocese of Massachusetts or Rhode Island. He asked me if I was acquainted in either of these States, I replied that I was, and among several places mentioned, Providence, R. I. The Bishop would not give me a letter of transference, unless I could obtain the Bishop Griswold's consent to receive a colored candidate in his Diocese.", "This occurred the early part of July.", "I did not write to Bishop Griswold, for well I knew that an extraordinary request of the kind for me—it not being a usual mode of transferring candidates—would lead to a corresponding candidate in which I would have had no agency, and from the different views entertained concerning my course, I would likely be the sufferer.", "Aside from this, there was need for my services at home. In a region of less than 10 miles there are four Episcopal colored congregations, and only two ministers to supply—beside a larger Sunday School in St. Philip's, of which, I was superintendant. From the variety of one of these—St. Peter's, Brooklyn—I received a request to become their lay reader, inasmuch as their church had to be closed from inasm

perfect innocence of being concerned in any
public animadversion on the course pursued
by the authorities of the church, An Episco-
palian trusts will be regarded as a sufficient
apology for the liberty he is taking in troubling
the Rt. Rev. Bishop Onderdonk with these
lines.

New York, October 10, 1839."

Neither my disclaimer nor "Episcopalian's
note would satisfy the Bishop. I must write a
public denial, & in addition repudiat that arti-
cel—or else I would be deprived of my candi-
dateship.

In a few days I received the following:

Franklin Street, Sept. 26, 1839.

and your name generally, and
insadvantage, coupled with the
dinary and discreditable commu-
he Colored American. You sta-
that it was therein used without
ledge and consent, and that you
retred the appearance of the article.
regard it as a condition of your being a
candidate, that you make public the senti-
ment thus expressed to me, that the church
may see that I am not retaining, as a candi-
date, a fractions and disorderly young man
who will thus engage in a public attack on the
authorities of the church. I shall also re-
quire you to pledge yourself to take no step,
in your character as a candidate, without my
media and approiation. This is the course
which every correctly thinking young man
would voluntarily puruse; but the evidence
which you have given of a disorderly spirit
requires that I make the above enactment.—
I shall expect an early answer, as your case
must be put in a definite shape in my address
to the convention.

Yours, very truly,

BENJ. T. ONDERDONK.

MR. CRUMMELL.

To this I sent the following reply:

September 25, 1839.

Rt. Rev. and Dear Sir,—I beg to acknowl-
edge the receipt of yours, in which you are
pleased to say in regard to myself: "You sta-
ted to me that it (my name) was therein (in
the communication) used without your knowl-
edge or consent, and that you much regretted
the appearaane of the article. I must regard
it as a condition of your being continued a
candidate, that you make public the sentiment
thus expressed to me."

With all deference, Rt. Rev. Sir, I must
beg leave most respectfully to say, that you
have misapprehended some of my expressions,
in understanding me to have "regretted the
appearance of that article." I regret exceed-
ingly that my language should have been
such as to convey that impression to your
mind.

I did, however, state explicitly, as you re-
mark in your letter, that it was written "with-
out my knowledge or consent."

You are pleased further to remark, Rt. Rev.
Sir, "I shall also require you to pledge your-
self to take no step in your character as a
candi ate without my consent and approba-
tion."

Most respectfully would I express my will-
ingness, relying on God's help, to have at all
times a ready will to observe all spiritual dis-
cipline, to obey all godly admonition, and
meekly subject myself to those laws, regula-
tions and usages, which are imposed upon
candidates, and which my peculiar relations
evidently require.

Your obedient servant,

ALEX. CRUMMELL.

Allow me here to call your attention to a few
particulars. In his communication of Nov. 2d,
Bishop O. says he "would suspend action on
my request until the following Wednesday."
"An Episcopal Clergyman" attributes these
words to the Bishop—"I give you until Wed

ndesday of next week." This Wednesday was
in the early part of July.

The Bishop in his communication states—"I
wrote to Mr. Crummell, and informed him there
were two conditions indispensable to my allow-
ing him to withdraw his request—still before
me—to have his name erased from the list of
Candidates for Orders"

The Bishop's letter says "I must regard it
as a condition of your being continued a can-
didate &c." He says further, "his request—
still before me." How this could be, I cannot
tell. A reference to my letter, Sept. 17, will show
that I had withdrawn the request—unless voli-
tion in me, depended upon the will of the Bish-
op. What followed these two last communica-
tions, you are aware of. The convention met
the latter part of September. The second day
of the session the Bishop delivered his address.
I did not attend the convention. Some of my
friends, however, attended, with the impression
derived from the Bishop's last letter, that I
would be rejected from my candidateship,—And
so I was—at my own request!

The following is an extract from the Bish-
op's address:

Mr. "—and Alexander Crummell have
had their names erased from the list of can-
didates at their own request."

In the course of a week I received the fol-
lowing:

New York, Oct. 5, 1839.

Dear Sir,—I have to inform you that agree-
ably to you request, I have erased your name
from the list of candidates for orders in this
Diocese.

Yours, very truly,

BENJ. T. ONDERDONK,

Bishop of the Diocese of New York.

Mr. ALEX. CRUMMELL.

To this I immediately sent the following
reply:

New York, Oct. 8, 1839.

Rt. Rev. Sir,—I beg to acknowledge yours
of the 5th inst., in which you remark, "that
agreably to your request I have erased your
name from the list of candidates."

I must confess, Rt. Rev. Sir, that how this
erasure may be said to be agreeably to my re-
quest, I am at a loss to conceive. When in
July last, certain conditions were proposed,
by according to which I could remain a candi-
date, (they being of such a character that I
could not conscientiously accede to them.) I
requested an erasure of my name. This you
expressed an unwillingness to do, and advi-
sed further consideration. And there it was
dropped. Since that time I have been recog-
nized as a candidate, both in conversation and
in whatever communications have passed be-
tween us, which your letters will show, in
all which the desire to remain a candidate
has ever been strongly expressed, and which
too, my letters will also abundantly manifest.

I deem it my duty, therefore, to request, as
a matter of justice and right, that if it is your
will that that my name be not continued on
your list of candidates, that yo will, Rt Rev.
Sir, give some other reason beside that men-
tioned in your letter to me, and also in your
address to the convention, for the erasure of
my name from the list of candidates.

Very respectfully, yours, &c.

ALEX. CRUMMELL.

I regret exceedingly the difficulties, that have
arisen and blasted my hopes and desires, and
feelings of duty with reference to the ministry.
They have not been desired by me. They are
the fruit of my civil and political estate. A ref-
lection to the condition of the colored people in
this country, the disabilities under which we
live, and the outrages to which we are subject-
ed, and these too from early youth—will make
it manifest that a colored young man has more
than enough

"to bear the ills we have

than fly to others, we know not of."

And from what have all these difficulties arisen?
I humbly conceive they have proceeded entirely
from two mistaken ideas. First—That for the
existence of the same, it was necessary to keep
colored men out of its walls. On this I would
observe that the positive institution of religion,
were designed for the good of man. The Sa-
vior says "the Sabbath was made for man,"
not man for the Sabbath; and further that for
the interests of humanity the Sabbath might be
sacrificed—yes, even for a poor sheep, or a
dumb ox! But humanity was never to be sa-
cificed for the sake of the Sabbath. Respect.
fully would I suggest whether the Theological
Seminary is of more importance than the divine
Institution of the Sabbath. If not its existence
might be jeoparded for humanity, even in such
an humble individual as myself.

But, Sir, the interests of that Institu-
tion would not have been affected in the least. The
members of our Church are daily and continu-
ally giving too much evidence of their sound
Churchmanship to suffer such a thing.

The other mistake is, that colored men, were
not to know themselves, nor be known as men,
or in other words that in the church, there were
two castes, the white and the black. I find noth-
ing of the kind in the Scriptures. The Fathers,
Martyrs and Confessors, teach no such thing.
Oh how much might be quoted from them to
show the essential and necessary "unity" that
should be in the Church. And how is it in
modern times. The burden of the writings of
our modern divines in the Church of England
in our own American Church—of our Periodi-
cals and Reviews—has it not been:—"THE
CHURCH IS ONE."

And Mr. Editor, the Saviour—do I hazard
too much in expressing my belief that he would
not have reproved me for strenuously endeavor-
ing to gain admittance into the "School of the
Prophets"—that he would not have thought no
presumptuous in petitioning for such a privilege
in a church in which aside from holiness, the
is nothing more insisted upon than a learned
ministry. The Divine Being who scrupled not,
to associate with the lowest forms of our com-
mon humanity, would he not have mingled his
tears with those of the poor colored man, mani-
fested sympathy for him, and strongly rebuked
those who entertained unreasonable prejudices
against him, for things which he could not con-
trol.

Though a colored man, and identified by co-
lor and in hearty feeling with his franchised
and oppressed people,—yet I am a man, made
in the image of God, and reflecting, I hope,even
though feebly, the likeness of the Almighty.
Though a poor and obscure individual in Socie-
ty, I am nevertheless, an immortal being, and
humbly trust a disciple of Jesus. As such a be-
ing have I desired correspondent treatment.
But as such a being I have not been treated. I
have been recognised, not as a man, but as a
colored man, not as a candidate, but as a color-
ed candidate.

Whether the views that have led to such a re-
cognition are sanctioned by "churchmen" and
are henceforth to be known as church views, I
have yet to learn.

Very respectfully,

Your obdt. servant, &c.

ALEXANDER CRUMMELL.

November 27, 1839.

Of that boy's Faith in God.

For the Colored American.

A CALL

TO THE COLORED CITIZENS OF MAINE AND NEW-
HAMPSHIRE.

Fellow Citizens.—We invite your attention to
this Call for a State Convention to be held in the city
of Portland, on Wednesday, the 6th day of Octo-
ber next.

Brethren, we think this meeting ought to be re-
garded, and hope it will be, with peculiar interest
by every colored man and woman among us, and
no pains spared to render it interesting and profit-
able.

Our own, our native land demands, our posteri-
ty, our enslaved brethren, and our own interests
for time and eternity, demand an immediate effort
for our moral and intellectual elevation. The con-
sideration and adoption of the means to these great
ends we ought no longer to defer.

As individuals we must mainly achieve our high
purposes, yet it is proper and necessary for us to
embody our efforts. We shall need all the coun-
sel, sympathy, encouragement and strength of
union; and by it, with the blessing of God, we
may wisely plan, and successfully accomplish the
mightiest enterprize. We need a nucleus around
which may gather the moral energy of our whole
population, and we beg of you a candid and pray-
erful attention to this matter. Citizens, as you love
your country, and would have it a mountain of ho-
liness and a dwelling place of righteousness, think
of the subject, and come. Fathers, would you
have the paths of wisdom, honor and profit opened,
and every encouragement given your beloved
offspring to walk in them, consider it well, and
come. Mothers, withhold not your influence.
The characters of Newton, Wesley, Whitefield and
Washington tell of maternal influence. We may
have noble minds among our people. Exert your
influence to furnish occasion and encouragement,
that they may be ornaments to society and bless-
sings to mankind.

Come all. A trodden down and peeled people
ought not to rest. Oppression is not heaven-in-
herited by any one. Such a condition is not, can-
not be consistent with our duties as moral beings.
The largest liberty is essential to humanity. The
means for our full emancipation are within our
reach; and we cannot longer refuse to use them,
and be innocent.

The subjects which will come up for considera-
tion and action, are many and great. In a "Call,"
we can of course allude, and briefly too, to but a
part of them.

Next to our personal relations to our Heavenly
Father, the subject of Education should interest
us. We cannot measure its importance, but we
feel it in all our relations to man. And the power
it has given to others, it offers to us. Through the
goodness of God, knowledge is held to our lips,
and we may drink even to that which is life eter-
nal. It has no prejudices, but whosoever will,
may come.

We are identified with the poor, suffering, bleed-
ing slave of the South. He is our brother. The
claims of kin are added to the claims of humanity
upon us, to labor directly and heartily with the phi-
lanthropist, to undo the heavy burdens, and let the
oppressed go free. The condition of our enslaved
brethren greatly affects our own. We cannot ex-
pect the full enjoyment of all our rights while the
influence of slavery is felt in our land.

The baneful influence of intemperance has been
felt by multitudes among us. Prejudice is, alas!
too strong without any cause. None of us, there-
fore, by intemperance or any vicious indulgence,
should contribute in the least to foster it. Tem-
perance is proving a blessing to all who embrace
her. Elevating and purifying, her ways are
pleasantness, and her paths peace. And in her
ways alone is there certainty of final triumph.

We would also ask your attention to the impor-
tant subject of the future occupations of our off-
spring. The employment naturally affects the
disposition and mind as well as the condition.
Some corrupt the principles; others contract the
mind; while others leave its powers stagnant. In
such employments do not degrade, they cannot
have an elevating tendency. Our aims require
that their minds and hearts be guarded from all
evil influences; that their occupations be favorable
to the development and cultivation of the mind, and
consistent with sound principles; such as generate
enlarged views and generous sentiments; and such
as will render them as useful as their talents will
permit. Such desirable employments there are,
and some of them are open to us.

It is necessary that we should have all the sta-
tistical information we can procure in regard to
our numbers, occupations, and resources, and be-
nevolent and other societies supported among us.
And we hope every one will come prepared to give
such information.

Brethren, our enterprize is a great one, and will
demand the influence and labor of every one.
None can be spared. And none, we trust, will
increase our difficulties by their indifference. Out
brethren in other States are moving in this cause.
Come, let us take counsel together; encourage
each others' hearts; strengthen each others'
hands; and planting, in humble reliance upon the
Great Deliverer, await the sun and shower of His
favor, and the plentiful harvest.

Yours truly, for truth and right,

A. N. FREEMAN,
J. W. LEWIS,
A. W. NILES.

Committee.

to the
in this