To A.B.Morgan

Dear Dr. Morgan,

Jan. 11, 1942

Many thanks for your letter of the 8th and for returning my old letters.

Your letter is as always full of suggestive problems, and I am certainly glad that you arouse my interest in them. But, alas, it is beyond my power to answer most of them to any satisfaction.

As for the unified State that existed both in Japan and in Western Europe in the pre-feudal age, the answer would be different for the two cases.

In pre-feudal Japan, the State-system reformed in the late 7th and early 8th centuries was an elaborate one, which reorganized both the central and the local administration pretty thoroughly from top to bottom. Even the village government was newly constituted, though it granted a larger degree of self-rule than before, in the following manner. The village head and his assistants were raised from among the villagers and peasant families were grouped into units of five census-families (a census family consisting of one or more households under a common kindred-chief), for purposes of supervision and mutual aid. The rates of taxes were fixed by law, so that the "re-partition" of burdens was a simple matter, involving little discretion for the groups. The reason was that the land had been equally granted according to a system of uniform allotment; and public dues and services were rated on the basis of the allotted land and the number of taxable persons of each family. How long this rigid system continued in force cannot be determined; but, since it can be proven that the periodical reallocation of land decayed largely in 250 years, the other bases of assessment must also have broken down in due course. Then followed centuries of the rise and growth of private, unequal domains of land under nobles and religious institutions, just as in Western Europe of the Middle Ages; and most of the population came to be

["Western Europe of the Middle Ages; and most of the population came to be dominated by land under nobiles and religious institutions, that is in course. Then followed centuriee of the trade and growth of layate, medicament, the other phase of assessment, that also gave broken down in the broken that the periodic restlement of land decayed largely in 320 right system. The centuriee continued in force cannot be determined; but, since it can be land and the number of taxes hereon of each family. How long this last? and what does and services were rated on the basis of the allotted land had been equally granted according to a system of mitoms, allotment, involving little discretion for theGranbe. The reason was that were fixed by law, so that the \"re-bastion\" of land was a simple chief), for burghers of burghalton and mutual aid. The rates of taxes and family comelating of one or more homestead under a common kindred, because families were grouped into units of five censas- families ( a cen- milage head and his assistants were raised from among the tillergere and farmers degree of self-suffice then before, in the following manner. The even the tillage government was newly constituted, though it granted a central and the local administration pretty thoroughly from top to bottom, and early 8th century was an elaborate one, which reorganized both the in bis-tentut Jemen, the State--system reform ed in the late 1st cases.", "Europe in the medieval age, the snower would be different for the two ways of power to snower most of them to any situation.", "Finally said that you arrange my interest in them. But, also, it is possible that you arrange my interest in them. But, also, it is possible that you arrange my interest in them. And I am certain that you arrange my interest in them. And I am

22

Jan. 11, 1942

gradually absorbed into these estates as tenants and payers of domanial services in unequal and changing shares. All this was a slow and spontaneous growth of customary law, and was extremely varied from one domain to another. What village self-administration existed was framed in this manner. It would seem that peasants enjoyed perhaps more exercise in adjusting little disputes among themselves than under the publicly ordered system of the preceding age. Under the latter justice had been official. The private warriors that appeared from about the 10th century were for the most part the greater among these tenure-holders. These men became still later vassals of warlike chiefs, also by a slow spontaneous evolution.

The Frankish kingdom of the pre-feudal West Europe was of a much cruder sort. Its official personnel was very small, and administered only the larger areas; the counties and viscounties. The people below were largely undisturbed in their self-administration of justice, but only presided over by royal officials. Taxation quickly broke down. But the other public duties were found to be too onerous by the freemen, so that the government sought to reduce the individual share in court as well as in military service by one way or another. Presently the qualities of the people's public activities began to deteriorate rapidly. The unrest of society increasing at the same time, the greater freemen began to arm and bend themselves, and the smaller to seek protection and security by attaching themselves to the stronger either by warlike or by tenurial services. There had been no allotment system, and the domanial form of land had always existed, and now grew apace.

This, in both Japan and Western Europe, your impression that local free units existed, is only in part true and in different ways from each other. In neither, they were the same as before the advent of the unified States; in both, the gradually changed their configuration and their quality of freedom.

3

Jan. II, 1942

Turning to your inquiries of the present-day Japnan. There has been
a complaint of the movement of farmers to the cities, and, in recent years,
of a general decline of the rate of population increase. But I do not
possess at this moment the relative ratio of increase in cities and villages.
When I find it, I shall write you again.

Have you seen J.F.Embree's " Suye Mura ", Chicago University Press,
1939 ? This is type of the new case-method study that is very useful, if
more or less mechanical and nearly wholly oblivious of the deeper historical
and cultural roots of things. In this age of specialization, Historical
Imagination cannot be looked for in sociologists, -- not even among
students of history, for that matter.

The so-called kumi ( grouping ) to which you refer in Japan is all
sorts of more or less informal gatherings of villagers or city-folk, for
various ends. There are many types. Some are continuations of the time-
old 5 and 10 family gtoups for mutual help. Some ( and sometimes in con-
currence with the above ) are larger groups. Of these, there may be instances
of gatherings of old men and women at Buddhist houses for religious and
social purposes. The whole village ( apart from the regular village assem-
bly mentioned below ) meets on occasion, to hear from the village-head or
an itinerant official an exposition of new administrative measures of
government that concern it. There will be no discussion and deliberation
in this type of meeting. But the regular sessions of village- representa-
tives that are seen everywhere are for discussion and decision of purely
administrative affairs. This is a regular public organ that is very old
in origin. The gatherings for social reasons, purely informal, are many,
for their oc casions are numerous; weddings, funerals, the building of
one another's houses, and, above all, many seasonal and religious festivals.
The people like to flock and participate in these concourses, to break
the monotony of life. But they are indefinite in size and are not intended

4

Jan.11, 1942

for common conduct of village administration.

I share with you, though with much less knowledge and practical wisdom, the thought that the world after this war will everywhere be different from the past and will not be patterned after any country; and that some movements still inchoate and obscure, may be among the controlling forces.

Of the movements last referred to, you mention, among others, the new attitude of objective inquiry. This is one of the most hopeful signs of the coming age. I regard it as a continuation of the scientific spirit that arose mysteriously and has already wrought deep changes in our lives and views of life. Heretofore, it has been too one-sidedly applied to natural forces, with the result that the impersonal, non-moral knowledge this gained has already blunted our humanity and given instrument to human politics. Now it is the human and social forces that, with the access of the speed of their operation, clamor for a correct understanding. This will engage man's best intellect in the coming years. I suspect that for a long time, of these two aspects, human and social, it will be the social forces to which man will first address himself. Here is, then, a ray of hope; but perhaps, also a source of danger. So long as science is preoccupied with social problems and still fails to be humanistically scientific, the knowledge won will e still largely one-sided, and only a little less immoral than the knowledge of natural science. "Social engineering" so-called will be essentially static in quality, as it were, like the sociological surveys I have alluded to, and be a dreary thing, and so do some violence to the deeper nature of the person and the historic spirit of nations. Before one is aware, one may even be encroaching upon some fundamental element of freedom. Perhaps we may have to go through such a phase of desolation. And perhaps it is well that men should learn a lesson deeply by bitterly

And perhaps it is well that men should learn a reason deeply by fitting
freedom. Perhaps we may have to go through such a phase of realization.
one is aware, one may even be encroaching upon some fundamental element of
the deeper nature of the person and the historic spirit of nations. Before
envelopes I have flung to, and be a grossly funding, and so do some violence to
will be essentially static in quality, as if were, like the sociological
than the knowledge of natural science. "Social engineering" so-called
logic won will be still largely one-sided, and only a little less nonsensical
social problems and still failures to be humanistically scientific, the know-
ledge, also a source of danger. So from as science is preoccupied with
which man will first address himself. Here let's then, a ray of hope; put
time, or these two aspects, human and social, it will be the social forces to
urge man's a beat into effect in the coming years. I an aspect that for a long
year of their operation, erosion, for a correct understanding. This will en-
tirely. Now it is the human and social forces just, with the access of the
gained has already pointed our humanity and given instrument to human poli-
forces, with the result that the instrument, non-most knowledge, this
views of life. Heretofore, it has been too one-sidedly applied to natural
sciences, and has already brought deep changes in our lives and
coming age. I regard it as a continuation of the scientific spirit that
attitude of objective humanity. This is one of the most powerful signs of the
Of the movements last referred to, you mention, among others, the new
forces.

some movements still inadequate and obsolete, may be among the controlling
 forces from the past and will not be bettered after my country; and that
 wisdom, the thought that the world after this man will everywhere be fit-
 for common conduct of all ages administration.

Jan. 11, 1945

5

Jan. II, 1942

experiencing the evils of one-sided knowledge and by developing a yearn-
ing for a truer liberation of the spirit. Till that supervenes, we may
yet be slaves to short-cut " efficiency".

Another new movement you refer to, namely, mechanized agriculture, is
an illustration in point. It is doubtless efficiency, but also ruthless ex-
ploitation of Nature's beneficient gift. One would have to return to the
love of the soil, so that it would evoke its joyful response to man's care.
I vividly recall what I read in Gaston Roupnel of the contrast of the new
American and the old French modes of cultivation. The French or Italian
peasant caresses the soil, and it smiles and blooms underr his towh. If one
mines crops like coal, the end of resources is quickly reached, no matter how
much artificial fertilizing one may lavish. Here, again, we may have to
learn through costly errors that agriculture is not an exacting industry.

What you say about the capacities of different nations is very
suggestive. I, too, believe that Italians are strangely young, virile, and
full of possibilities, in spite of their age. Maturer than most in artistic
life, their untapped general vitality seems abounding. Politically, they are
immature, and have a long road to go before they may develope an individual
thirst for freedom. Much the same is true, I think, though for different
reasons, with the Japanese. China and Russia are ancient and yet perpet-
ually young and naive. In their present defense of their homes -- defense
which has proved to be much more than that of mere States-- they are demon-
strating their latent capabilities. A real test of their sane constructive
powers will be a thing of the future. Of all the great nations of Europe,
the Germans seem by far the least trained in individual political think-
ing. I should suppose that even under the most favorable form of govern-
ment which they have set up, the training will be extremely arduous and
discouraging, with constant danger of relapsing into the old "extrovert"
habit of spitefulness against more successful neighbors. Much will de-

6

Jan. II, 1942

pend upon how much wisdom the other Powers will possess in their treatment of Germany, the *bete noire* for the whole world.

But, after all is said of the element of the new and the unexpected in the shape of things to come, there will remain the same old three problems, which are inherent in the human being in every age and progressive solutions of whose shifting forms are his eternal obligation. The three are : the immediate distresses of all societies, which at present happen to be chiefly economical; the peculiar historical spirit and historical needs of each nation ; and the perpetual yearning of man for ever greater liberation and perpetual improvement of moral qualities which are the essential pre-requisites for its realization. All depends unceasingly - striving and remaking. But the second is more deeply seated than the first, and the third is the deepest longing and the common need of all nations and races. The improvisation of solutions will also be more difficult as one turns from the first to the second; the third will always lag the fartherest behind. The unequal state of this last among nations will longest continue to be the greatest source of conflict between them.

Seen in this light, the present stage of man's career is probably still elementary. But none the less I believe it is the most significant stage man has so far known, in that the end-results attained by him through the ages and through varied channels have converged into a simple common issue of a single combat comprehending the entire world. Something like an age of united effort to solve man's common problem as a political being seems at last to be dawning on earth.

Sincerely yours,

K.Asakawa.

United States Senate

COMMITTEE ON
EDUCATION AND LABOR

January 14, 1942.

Dr. K. Asakawa,
Department of History,
Yale University,
New Haven, Connecticut.

My dear Dr. Asakawa:

I thank you very much for your letter of
January 2 and for the multigraphed copy of the letter
which you sent to Japan. I will study this carefully.

Dr. Warner let me see the letter which you
wrote him when we talked together about attempting
to get the President to send the communication direct
to the Emperor. You know the results of those efforts.
I have promised Dr. Warner that someday I might send
him a copy of the suggested letter to the Emperor
which I composed to be submitted to the President
for his consideration. If I ever get around to that,
I am going to be bold enough to send you a copy also.

These are sad times, especially for the
hundreds of extremely worthy Japanese Americans
who are now suffering improperly, but, after all,
suffering is a social and not an individual matter,
although we wish it might be otherwise. We are try-
ing the best we can to take care of the most worthy
cases of which we know. The saddest part of the
present war is that whole peoples have to suffer
because of the improper acts of a few.

Let me thank you again for writing me.

ELBERT D. THOMAS, UTAH, CHAIRMAN

DAVID I. WALSH, MASS.
JAMES E. MURRAY, MONT.
CLAUDE PEPPER, FLA.
ALLEN J. ELLENDER, LA.
LISTER HILL, ALA.
DENNIS CHAVEZ, N. MEX.
HARRY H. SCHWARTZ, WYO.
JAMES M. MEAD, N. Y.
BERKELEY L. BUNKER, NEV.
JOSEPH ROSIER, W. VA.
JAMES O. EASTLAND, MISS.

ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE, JR., WIS.
ROBERT A. TAFT, OHIO
STYLES BRIDGES, N. H.
JOSEPH H. BALL, MINN.
HUGH A. BUTLER, NEBR.
GEORGE D. AIKEN, VT.

EARL B. WIXCEY, CLERK
G. ERNEST BOURNE, ASST. CLERK

To W. Willcox

Feb.1, 1942

I am sorry that I have to distrust the German political habits but am little ashamed of it. They deserve it. Of course, I mean only the political aspects of German culture. I am indebted to the Germans very deeply in other things. For one thing, for many years I used to steep myself in Goethe. I am now perhaps more objective in my estimate of him, but still look upon him as supreme among modern poets, insofar as his method and his attainment in *Lebensweisheit* are concerned. His method seems to have been -- bold activity in human affairs, followed by searching introspection into the effects it had produced upon his spirit. Goethe is a proof of my admiration of German achievements in non-political spheres. I hope to learn many more of them.

But the political German I regard as the unique phenomenon of historical integration. The more I find of it, the more overwhelmed I feel. Its causes must be so deep, so complex, and subtle, that they will probably remain largely obscure. I believe that History should not be mere knowledge, but be wisdom and insight, and that it is its task to probe these profound secrets that control the inner life of a nation. I further believe that the student of history should consciously cultivate vision and imagination, as much and as assiduously as accuracy in fact.

The German political habit must be presumed to persist after this war, latent at times, but ever ready to reassert itself when certain conditions are present. Once aroused, the nation would even creat such conditions, as it has always done. Therefore I think that the greatest problem confronting the peace makers after the German defeat will be to know how to treat that nation, and that none other of the immense problems of planning that will face the statesmen will tax their wisdom as much as this one. I have fears that their wisdom will fall short of the task. How should they balance the nation's autonomous internal regime and the international supervision of its conduct which would be needed? Supposing that

national intervention or its conduct which would be needed. Subboating that
should FREELY PErform the nation's autonomous interest regime and the inter-
one. I have seen that their wisdom will fall short of the task. How
planning that will face the statesmen will tax their wisdom as much as this
how to treat that nation, and that none other of the immense problems of
Item confronting the basic makes after the German defeat will be to know
giftions as if she always done. Therefore I think that the greatest prop-
ductions are present. Once achieved, the nation would even create such com-
mand at times, but ever ready to reassert itself when certain con-
ditions are present. The German political papist must be presumed to bearhat after this
instigation as soon as she simultaneously as necessary in fact.

that the student of history should consciously cultivate history and imitate
found secrets that control the inner life of a nation. I further believe
therefore, put be wisdom and insight, and that if it is its task to prove these pro-
remain thoroughly open. I believe that History should not be made known-
its cause must be so clear, so complex, and subtle, that they will properly
forcast instruction. The more I find of it, the more overwhelmed I feel.
But the political German I regard as the mindless phenomenon of life-
I hope to learn many more of them.

brood of an aspiration of German achievements in non-political spheres.
abjection into the effects it had produced show die spirit. Goethe is a
have been -- paid activity in human life, followed by searching intro-
and his attachment in _Republik_ are concerned. His method seems to
still look upon him as an supreme amount modern bohemian, as his method
left in Goethe. I am now perhaps more objective in my estimate of him, but
geebly in other things. For one thing, many years I need to affect an
political aspects of German culture. I am indebted to the German very
but an little ascribed to it. They deserve it. Of course, I mean only the
I am sorry that I have to depart from the German political papist

To W. Wilcox

Sep.1, 1945

To W. Wilcox

Feb.1,1942

2
the Germans of their free will succeeded in setting up a liberal form of polity, might they not, inexperienced as they are in self-government, be easily wearied on the difficult path and again and again fall victims to their innate habit of defeatism, of blaming others for their own failure, of spite and hatred, and of resorting to shortcuts of autocracy and aggression ?

Under the best conditions, the other nations should show fairness, sympathy and unostentatious encouragement, while the liberal regime was struggling to make good, and patiently wait to see if the more moral mind of the South would succeed in slowly influencing the North. I greatly fear that, much as the Powers have learned about the Germans since the last war, they have not learned enough, and will continue unknowingly to rub them the wrong way till it should be too late again to retrieve the resulting situation.

Your good letter raises a number of questions about Germany, Japan, and democracy, of great personal interest to me. I wish to discuss them with you, but will have to wake them up in a series of letters which I shall try to write when my successive Sundays are not too full with correspondence.

I can never be as full in writing as in conversation, but the writing may help me somewhat in ordering my little ideas and evoking your comments.

So I beg you to have patience with me. With all best wishes for you both

K. Aasjøn.

Sincerely, Jørgen.

So I beg you to keep patience with me. With all best wishes for you both help me somewhat in ordering my little ideas and availing your comments.

To write when my successive Sundays are not too full with correspondence.

You, but will have to make them up in a series of letters which I shall try

and democracy, of great personal interest to me. I wish to diacuse them with

I learned enough, and will continue unceasingly to run them the wrong way till
the Powers have learned about the Germany since the last war, they have not
would succeed in slowly influencing the North. I greatly fear that, much as

so make good, and patiently wait to see it the more moral mind of the South

and manifestations encouragement, while the fischer regime was straitening

Under the best conditions, the other nations should show firmness, strictly

spite and hatred, and of reporting to authorities of bureaucracy and aggression ?

their immense habit of detestability, of planning others for their own failure, of

earily wearing out the difficult path and again fall again fall again to

of polarity, might they not, inexperienced as they are in self-government, be

the Germany of their free will succeeded in setting up a fischer power.

To W. R. Fox

Sep.1, 1945

To Prof. W. Willcox

Feb.8,1942

Dear William,

I, too, see a marked difference between south and north Germans. Swabia and Bavaria, as also the middle Rhine region, were more Romanized, later more influenced by Carolingian culture, and still later by western feudalism and chivalry, then Saxony, Prisia, Silesia, and further east. The purely Germanic type of general culture gradually pales as one moves southward. Austria has included Italians, Slavs, and others on her population, and her outlook upon life has perhaps been even more modified than that of the southwest. All these regions might well have developed still more differentiated political habits, had their history been more separate from that of the north and more fortunate. It may even be that, in the future, the south will prove to be the salvation of the whole nation.

But it can hardly be said that the south has ever much influenced the north. The misfortune is that the south has also shared largely the common political destiny with the north in the same general framework and its unfortunate psychological effects. If the south is the more humane, the difference seems on the whole to be one of degree more than of kind. For one thing, in the north and south alike, there has been too little opportunity fpr the Germans to develope political thinking--- the habit of regarding national affairs as the individual concern of each person. One would of course recognize that there was always a measure of self-government in small local units; but this was as true in the north. Here, as in many other parts of the world, village self-rule has proven compatible with national autocracy, which often utilizes it as a safety-valve. The lack of political thinking of the Germans is strikingly illustrated by the fact that what little liberal sentiment they received from the west after the French Revolution proved too shallow-rooted to withstand the impact of the Prussian and Nazi authoritarianism. Under these circumstances, it may not have been a mere chance that the south has been unable to influence materially the

a mere chance that the south has been made to influence materially the
and was anti-fascismam. Under these circumstances, if may not have been
inflation proved too shallow-rooted to withstand the impact of the Prussian
little fiscal sentiment they received from the meat after the French Revoc-
tinking of the Germany is strikingly illustrated by the fact that what
anacyclic, which often utilizes it as a safety-valve. The lack of political
base of the world,villege self-life has broken compatriot with national
army local units; but this was as true in the north, there, as in many other
communes recognize that there was always a message of self-government in
nation's affairs as the individual concern of each hereon. One world of
tbr the Germany to develop boffist thinking--- the papist of regarding
thinking in the north and south alike, there has been too little arbitrariness
to reference seems on the whole to be one of degree more than of kind. For one
tortuous behavioral effect, it the south is the more human, the dif-
boffist destiny with the north in the same general framework and its nu-
north. The materialism is that the south has also shared fairly the common
but it can hardly be said that the south has ever much influenced the
future, the south will prove to be the salvation of the whole nation.
from that of the north and more fortunate. It may even be that, in the
more differentiated political papits, had their pitoty peen more separate
that of the south east. All these regions might well have developed still
fior, and her outlook show life has beruepe peen even more modified than
southern. Unitaris has included Italfame, Slavas, and others on her list of
the barely Germanic type of general culture gradually betes se one moves
to the south and south east, then Saxon, Brites, Slaves, and further east.
later more influenced by Germanic culture, and still later by western
Snaps and Bavaria, as also the middle Rhine region, were more Romanized,
I, too, see a marked difference between south and north Germany.
Dear, Milliam,

To Prof. W. Kille

Sep.8,1945

To Prof. Wilcox

Feb.8,1942

2

trends emanating from the month, or to form an abiding political entity of its own.

There is something extraordinarily ego-centric in the Germans. Their Pan-Germanic feeling and their boast of the *furor teutonicus* crop out even in medieval German chronicles. The French knights who associated with the German in the Crusades noted with disgust their raw, bumptious manner. When the Germans adopted something of French chivalry, its code of *courtoisie* was translated largely into an exaggerated obsequious attitude to the superior, and the later cult of the woman somewhat a similar way.

I believe that what counts with a nation, as with a person, is not so much its experience as its moral and spiritual reaction to that experience whatever the latter may be. The same experience can train and purify one one and wound and degrade another. What is fundamental is the inner spirit that meets the outer world. It is just here that the German reactions and their visible effects upon them make one infer that their inner man must suffer from a hidden sense of inferiority which drives him to try to drown it by proving his power over others.

It will be this demon lurking in the breast of the political German that the world will have to beware. Under what circumstances may it be held inactive, even gradually shrink and finally die? To dismember Germany, as Benes counsels, or forcibly to keep her disarmed, as many insist would precisely be to nourish the concealed monster with the best food it could feed upon. Whatever the political structure Germany will have after her defeat must be of her own device. If its form seems at all promising in the direction of liberal development, it should be patiently encouraged by the others, instead of their finding fault with its occasional lapses. Germany should be wrested from the fruits of her aggression upon

Germany. Germany should be treated of the fruits of her aggression than
conquered by the others, instead of their landing force with its occasional
mating in the direction of lipless development, it should be battlefully en-
after her defeat must be of her own device. If its form seems at all bro-
it could feed them. Whatever the political structure Germany will have
that would precisely be to mount the concealed monstera with the peak tood
Germany, as Beme commends, or forcibly to feed her diatomæ, as many in-
be held inoperative, even grossly shrunk and finitly die ? To diatomæ.
Germany that the world will have to pertain. Under what circumstances may it
It will be like a demon funking in the presence of the political
if he proving his power over others.

aspiration attitude to the superior, and the latter end of the whom some-
its code of conduct was translated largely into an exaggerated op-
puntions manner. When the Germans adopted something of French explicitly,
ated with the German in the Crusades noted with delight their raw,
on even in medieval German chronicles. The French knights who accept-
their ban-Germanic feeling and their pose of therior tatonnante crob
There is something extraordinarily ego-centric in the German.
of its own.

french emanating from the mouth, or to form an esping political entity.

To Prox. Wilcox

Sep.8,1945

2

Feb.8,1942

To Prof. W. Wilcox

upon independent nations, but be treated with extreme care and consider-
ation so far as her defense and her trade relations are concerned. On
this last score, the trade, the wealthier nations would have to show much
greater fairness than hitherto, and no distinction should be made between
friend and foe. The Germans being what they are, this arrangement would
necessarily be still fraught with latent dangers for the world. But the
prospective victors should not look forward to creating a care-free world
at the expense of the abnormal sensibilities of the Germans. That would
be certain to prove disastrous again. Rather, the potential German peril
should be tolerated, even welcomed, as an incentive for the democracies to
keep alive their alertness and self-discipline, and for the weaker among
them to pool their common interests, instead of again sleeping in their
fool's paradise of " neutrality ". One of Germany's raisons d'être may be
to exist, at least for some time to come, as an unintentional stimulus for
the democracies to be true to their own mission while they are still in
training. In a word, let Germany set her own house in order in her own
way, and arm herself and be strong and prosperous as much as she likes, but
let the others' fairness and patience and vigilance deprive her of op-
portunities to nurse hatred and vengeance. Such is the sanest treatment
of her that I can conceive; and that presupposes extraordinary wisdom on
the part of her present enemies. Can we count on it ?

So you see my vision of the immediate future is, at best, a world
of " living dangerously."

K.Y.

Sincerely,

of "flying Independently."

So you see my vision of the immediate future is, at least, a world
the part of her present enemy. Can we count on it?

of her that I can conceive; and that breachboreas extraordinarily wiacon on
borebodies to unseem patred and vengence. Such is the samest treatment
let the others' fairness and balance and vigilance deprive her of ob-
woh, and she herself, and be strong and broader one as much as she likes, put
training. In a word, let Germany eat her own ponse in order in her own
the democracies to be true to their own mission while they are still an
to exist, at least for some time to come, as an unintentional affront for
too's barbique of "neutrality". One of Germany's reasons for efficiency be
them to proof their common interests, instead of again feefing in their
keep alive their alertness and self-discipline, and for the weaker among
should be toferated, even welcomed, as an incentive for the democracies to
be certain to prove dispositions against, rather, the potential German berit
at the expense of the espoused aseabilities of the German. That would
prospective victors should not look forward to creating a care-tree world
necessarily be still fraught with latent dangers for the world. But the
friend and foe. The Germany being what they are, this arrangement would
greater fairnesa than hitherto, and no distinction should be made between
tiue fair scores, the trade, the wealthier nations would have to show much
atior so far as her defense and her trade relations are concerned. On
upon independent nations, but be treated with extreme care and considerer-

To Prof. W. Wilcox

Sep.8,1945

To G.G.Clark

Feb.8,1942

Tomorrow I am going to pay my income tax and take the first step
in getting registered as an " enemy alien ". The F.B.I. man --Mr. Fisher
who looks after the aliens in the University is extremely friendly, and
says I should let him know if I had any difficulty. No such occasion
has taken place, but I think I may sometime meet exhibitions of war psy-
chology more or less. It is getting a little hysterical in California. It
affected in milder forms the officials in New York City and some policemen
in New Haven. A citizen here, who saw me waiting in the hallway the re-
turn of a photographer from luncheon so that I might let him take pictures
needed in my registration, thought I was a suspicious presence, and report-
ed my loitering in the building of the F.B.I.... much to Fisher's amuse-
ment. This was onlt a case of an idea of patriotic vigilance, and not a
case of an official forgetting simple restraints of law as regards elemen-
tary personal rights. What might prove serious is cases of the latter sort.

I am deeply interested in this thing from the historical viewpoint.
At certain crises, even Anglo-Saxons, with their centuries of training in
concepts of right, can descend to the lower level of nations who have lacked
such training. Both the Roman and Germanic schools of law are full of tra-
ditions of safeguarding simple individual rights, but again and again have
occurred times when they were ignored. This goes a long way in accounting
for the degeneration of justice in Germany during the ages of territorial
States and under the Nazi rule, which would otherwise be incomprehensible
and utterly in conflict with her strong historical insistence on the
inviolability of personal rights. Of course, neither of the Anglo-Saxon
nations will sink to such depth.

Yours as ever,

K.

K.

Komea sa ever.

Nations will sink to such depth, iniquity of personal rights. Or comes, neither of the Anglo-Saxon and utterly in conflict with her strong historical insatiation on the States and under the Nazi rule, which would otherwise be incomprehensible. For the degeneration of the States in Germany during the age of territorialised time, when they were ignored. This goes a long way in accounting for the safeguarding simple individual rights, put again and again have been training. Both the Roman and Germanic schools of law are full of these concepts of right, can descend to the lower level of nations who have lacked At certain times, even Anglo-Saxons, with their centuries of training in

I am deeply interested in this thing from the historical viewpoint. Many personal rights. What might prove serious is cases of the latter sort. Case of an official forgetting simple restraints of law as regards element. This was out a case of an idea of patriotic agriculture, and not a sed my foisting in the puffing of the E.B.I.... much to Fisher's surprise. Needed in my registration, thought I was a manipulative presence, and reported turn of a photographer from Melbourne so that I might let him take pictures in New Heaven. A citizen here, who saw me waiting in the hallway, the reflected in wilder forms the officials in New York City and some officemen more or less. It is Jeffing a little political in California. It was taken brace, put I think I may sometime meet expositions of war bay-sons I should let him know it. I had many difficulties. No such occasion who looks after the items in the University is extremely friendly, and in getting registered as an " enemy alien ". The E.B.I. was --Mr. Fisher. Tomorrow I am going to pay my income tax and take the first step.

To C.G.Clark

Rep.8,1945

2

Feb. 14, 1942

the better. But the past is the future and history is creation, even as much as our body and its cells and functions can be projected into the years to come because they are what they have become, and because there is no past in which the future is not implicit. But the history that has been taught for a half century may largely have been threshing old straw. On the contrary, I believe history can be the most vital subject among the humanities, and others of the latter, art, literature, philosophy, and the political and social sciences, are kive to the extent that they are not static but historical in the full sense of that word. History is humanity in career( ?) What is apart from it ? Even the natural sciences ?

I have not seen Michael Robert or Gustav Stromberg you refer to. For my bed reading, I am using Ernest Barker's "Reflections on Government" and being stimulated by it. A number of other books I have selected will follow. But bed reading is very slow.

I have been enjoying the "Review of World Affairs" edited by K. de Ciurcy, which you say your sister recommends. It is too expensive a sheet -- $10.00 a year and about 14 pages a month. But it gives good suggestions obtainable nowhere else, and I read avidly ever number as it comes. Its historic background is thin, and its information of different countries is very uneven. I suspect that, on some of them, its stock of first-hand knowledge has run out, and it cannot give more than it can get from exiles in London and from Berae and Stockholm. The editor is always suggestive, but sometimes a little too sure. I have been wondering if it is worth while to continue my subscription of it.

I shall try to answer your question on Japan in a week or so. You have raised a large question in a few words which must be answered in many pages!

Yours always

K. Asakawa.

K. Vankamp.

bages!

Yonra siwye

raised a large question in a few words which must be answered in many
I shall try to answer your question on Japan in a week or so. You have
while to continue my subscription or if.

but sometime a little too late. I have been wondering if it is worth
in London and from Berne and Stockholm. The editor is siwye aggressive,
knowledge has run out, and it cannot give more than it can get from exiles
is very meek. I suspect that, on some of them, it is a stock of that-hand
historic background in thin, and its information of different countries
optimum nowhere else, and I read widely ever number as it comes . Its
--- $20.00 a year and about 14 pages a month. But it gives good arguments
Cinemat, which you say from after recommendations. If it is too expensive a sheet
I have been enjoying this "Review of World Affairs" edited by K. de
Tollow. But ped reading is very slow.

and being stimulated by it. A number of other books I have selected will
for my ped reading. I am using Ernest Banker's "Reflections on Government"
I have not seen Michael Robert or Charles Stromberg you refer to.
munity in career?) What is your share from it? Given the natural sciences ?
not static but historical in the full sense of that word. History is im-
the political and social sciences, are given to the extent that they are
humanities, and others of the latter, are, say, literature, philosophy, and
the company. I believe history can be the most vital subject among the
tutition for a past century may largely have been threshing old atoms. On
no beat in which the future is not implicit. But the history that has been
beside to come because they are what they have become, and because there is
as much as our body and its cells and functions can be protected into the
the better. But the beat is the future and history is creation, even
ep. 14, 1945

S

3

To Prof. W. Willcox

Feb.15,1942

Dear William,

May I add a word on my last comments on the Germans? It can
perhaps be said that, beset with " complexes " as they are, they would not
 explode if they were not stirred by some leader, whether a Prussian
militant hierarchy or a Hitler. It could be especially true with so
docile a nation as the German. But my contention is that the " complexes "
are not the deliberate creation of any leader, but the cumulative result
of a long and complex history; that even the Prussian State only exploited
it. If there had not been a constantly strong responsive chord in the
people , no leadership of this type could have arisen. A leader could make
it ring loud, to this tune or that, and by so doing could make the chord
stronger than it had been; but all this only because he knew how to
strike effectively what was ever ready to respond. Leadership is its
creation, and its essential character is determined by the quality of the
latter. And leaders may be expected to appear from time to time in one
form or another, so long as the inviting forces continue to beckon. To
see that such was really the case with Hitler, it is enough to recall how
he first got popular support by promising to give the most discontented
classes what they most wanted, namely, the employment and the rehabilit-
ation in society which they thought they had been unjustly deprived of
by the outcome of the last war--- the war they believed they had not really
lost; and, then, has until now kept that support by achieving victories
that elated the same classes, and also relieved the material want of the
common people with the loot brought from the conquered nations, --- the
want these people had attributed to the persecution by the former enemy.

It has seemed to matter little whether or not the south responded
with less enthusiasm than the north, so long as the entire nation proved
willing enough to dance to the tune of Treue, Thre, and Ordnung. Is there
not here something more than the mere docility of a passive people, but

2 To Prof Willcox

Feb. 15, 1942

but rather a decided bent of the national mind upon which a leader can
harp, whether or not it is charged with different intensities of emotion
in the different regions and classes ? One can hardly ignore the fact
that it is Austria hat gave birth to Hitler and still provides him with
the ideal retreat of Berchtesgaden, and it is Bavaria which he made the
cradle of his National Socialism. The Austrian Hitler it is who has
carried back the Germanic race doctrine to the pristine form of pagan
tribal faith, probably implying the ultimate Wagnerian Gotterdämmerung, the
fall of Valhalla and the extinction of allt the gods and heroes . An
accident it may be, the spiritual union of the southern Führer with the
Leipziger Wagner is not without significance.

Vasconer.

Sincerely,

Heidelberg Wagner, is not without significance.

Accident it may be, the spiritual union of the southern韩r with the

Sailor of Avisette and the extinction of all the boys and heroes. An

triumphal&Tribute, properly imitating the ultimate Wagnerian [Gottfried] Wagner's, the

carried pack the ceramic race doctrine to the barbaric town of Begun

cradle of his National Society. The German Hitler it is who has

the ideal retreat of Berchtesgaden, and it at Bavaria which he made the

that it is Austria but gave birth to Hitler and still provides him with

in the different regions and countries? One can hardly ignore the fact

that he is charged with different internaflities or emotion

but rather a decided pent of the national mind when which a leader can

S. To Prof. Wilcox

Sep. 13, 1945

To Prof. W. Willcox

Feb. 22, 1942

Dear William,

You may have been thinking I was giving the rein to my insanity and
wondering if I would not soon reach a lucid interval. Not yet. Two sub-
jects still remain to be ventilated; Japan and democracy. My divagations
on the poltical German only have ended. If this outlook seems too dismal
you may call a halt, God knowing whether the little man's prating will then
cease. It is not safe to let him loose on Japan, for he will talk end-
lessly. I shall tell him for your sake to touch upon only a point or two.

Returning to the first person, I will first answer one of your ques-
tions regarding my letter to the Count; that is, how on earth I fancied that
the situation could be altered when the warriors had its complete control.

The only slender possibility I had in mind was not that the war
lords could be reformed, but that they might be ousted by the only power
--- the emperor's --- that could dislodge them. The only salvation possi-
ble at that moment in a drastic change of the personnel of the government.
Now, you ask, when the Cabinet appointed by the emperor was the sole le-
gally constituted executive organ whose proposed measures he was bound
to sanction ? My answer is : he has through the ages always acted accord-
ing to his ministers' advise, but, in theory, he is not bound to do so.
In theory, namely, sovereignty is vested in the emperor alone, and all the
organs of the executive, the legislative, and the judiciary, have their
existence and their powers as executors of his sovereign will. So the
framers of the Constitution took care to state explicitly that the em-
peror not only governed but ruled. True, during their tenure of offices,
the respective rights of officials are secure, but so only good behavior
and only while they do not transgress their delegated powers and do not
transgress their delegated powers and do not arbitrarily override his
mandates. In practice, even if one organ transgressed, the sovereign
would not dismiss it outright, but await its resignation - in case of a

2 To Prof. W. Willcox

Feb.22,1942

Cabinet --- caused by a definite obstruction interposed by another or more organs according to forms prescribed for such occasion. But, in theory, there is nothing that I can discover in the structure of the State to prevent him from exploring methods whereby a dismissal of a Cabinet which has repeatedly flouted his will and convictions and acted contrary to the desires of a vast majority of his subjects might be brought about. Now, popular discontent and disapproval had for some years been obvious, though the organs of popular expression were for the most part silenced and national feeling remained inarticulate. A more direct reason for a firm assertion of sovereign will was present in the fact that the personal anxiety of the emperor over the high-handed conduct of the Cabinet was known both to itself and to the nation. No could fail to see that the very Constitution granted by his grandfather was being steadily undermined, and that the armed forces' loud profession of loyalty was a hollow pretense. The emperor's pacific intentions were also well known to all.

What were the methods the sovereign might have resorted to? They would have had to begin with the Privy Council. Its function is merely advisory, it is true, but this function could have been used with a telling effect, if the Council had had sufficient force of character to act upon the conviction of its majority. Such conviction really existed. The Council might have ascertained privately that the sovereign would welcome a decisive assertion thatin its opinion the present executive was leading the State to a mortal peril. The Council could also have made itself assured that there was a clear desire in a majority of the members of the two houses of the Diet to second the Council's contemplated action by passing resolutions of a total lack of confidence in the Cabinet as the offender of the sovereign will. With this assurance of the Diet's will and, behind it, of the nation's willing support, the Council could have counselled the emperor to discharge the Cabinet and to commission a leader

To Prof. W. Willcox

Feb.22, 1942

to form a new one. This method, if mobilized with wisdom and with sureness, could have succeeded.

The present situation was similar to that in 645 and in 1868. At these crises, there was no written constitution, but the same tradition that the sovereign would not take a personal initiative in political affairs existed. Yet, at both times, effective methods were pursued by his advisers, and the needed change of personnel and drastic reversal of policies were swiftly brought about. At both times, the imperial council easily prevailed, for the methods that had called forth its pronouncement had made it convincing; and at both times, the nation immediately ranged itself behind the movement with splendid loyalty.

As the things were last November, what I dreamed did not occur. And the government has been overriding the emperor more cruelly than before. I shall give you one illustration of this. Soon after the Japanese declaration of war, Churchill said in a speech that it seemed to him "curious" that it was not made by the sovereign and the Cabinet, but by the "imperial headquarters", that is, the combined high command of the army and the navy. I had noticed this singularity before Churchill. Both in the Chinese war of 1894 and of the Russian war ten years later, the declaration was made by the emperor with the counter-signatures of Cabinet ministers. This form is prescribed in the Constitution. The meaning of the new procedure is clear to me. Several days before it, some Ministers were subjected to a gruelling questioning at a session of the Privy Council. The plans of a sudden attack, probably in a few alternative forms, had no doubt been matured long before Dec. 7, just as the American navy had long since- since the 20th--- elaborated, revised, and practised in manuvers, plans of sudden assault upon Japanese bases. But it seems highly probable that the Japanese government had not set a date for the execution of its plans, nor even contemplated acting upon them so soon as it did; and that the hostile

4 To Prof. W. Willcox

Feb.22,1942

attitude of the Privy Council, and, inferentially, of the emperor that
had become unmistakable, moved the government to act abruptly and so to
commit the country irrevocably to war. This resolution may have been made
at the end of November. Hill's rigid, unimaginative note had been received
probably on the 27th, Washington time, and the said session of the Council
took place about that time. In the former, the government found a justifi-
cation, and in the latter a possible danger of frustration. At any event,
it appears certain that the events of Dec. 7 took the nation and the envoys
at Washington by surprise. Neither of them could have been informed that the
expeditionary forces had started a week or more earlier. I should not be
surprised to find later that the sovereign himself was caught unawares.
On the evening of that day, says Hugh Byas, the emperor was the saddest man
in Asia. The form of war declaration therefore appears to me significant
of the perfidious disloyalty of the militant usurper.

I might tell you that I did yet another piece of futile conspiracy,
though I dare not describe it in a letter. On November 25, I wrote another
letter for another, still bolder purpose than my letters to Privy Councillors;
and by the end of that month, that is, about the time the attacking fleets
started from Eastern waters, placed the letter in the hands of certain per-
sons. The thing was sadly bungled by the one person who did really act upon
the suggestion. At any rate, it proved too late. Even if the person had
acted more wisely, the fatal errand had already been sent on its way and
could not have been recalled.

The great act of reversal will still come. Of that I entertain no
doubt. But it will be a thousand times more difficult than it would have
been four months ago.

I shall send you another letter on Japan.

2

Feb.28,1942

them to a marked degree. Instructions in civics have been an unquest-
doned, unimaginative self - glorification, with the result that people
are surprisingly little aware of the root defects of the American regime,
that their daily manifestations are unnoticed or tolerated, or that the
sources of danger are not discussed and persist unchallenged, to the grave
detriment of the nation, also of the world, in times of great crises. And
the moment a war breaks out, even what little liberal spirit has nevertheless
been reared is erased overnight.

(To Gretchen Warren but unsigned - the next page missing)

(To Greacen Warren but unaltered - the next page meeting)

been resumed if deemed advantageous.

the moment a war breaks out, even what little federal spirit there nevertheless
dominant of the nation, is of the world, in time of great crises. And
sources of danger are not discussed andURTAT unchallenged, to the grave
disturb their daily manifestations are unmitigated or tolerated, or that the
are abundantly little more of the root defects of the American regime,
gone, a minimajnative self -ification, with the result that people
to them to a marked degree. Instructions in economics have been an unneess-

S

Sep.38,1942

To G.G.Clark

Dear Squire,

March 1, 1942

I at least begin this letter in answer to your very kind letter
of the 25th, and hop to finish it next Sunday, taking the chances of
your being away from the farm.

First, I shall touch on the moot question of Saybrook sanctuary.
Your comments are most gratefully appreciated. And I thank you for con-
sulting Guy on the matter. Your argument is the same as Sydney Mitchell's
and Sam Bemis's. I know they are all from kind solicitude. But I have
practically decided to move, and have told the Master so.

The problem lies between the possible embarrassment to the Uni-
versity in case of trouble and my uncomfortable sense of being protected
as a special solitary case. To my mind, the former is a remote possibility
and, if it occurred, can at most be only once,-- I meaning such trouble
as I should be unable to deal with alone; while the latter would be a
constant sense of humiliation and self-pity. So I do not think the former
outweighs the latter.

Of course, it would be difficult, when I retire and live on half
salary, to make both ends meet. The present rent is $800, but it includes
maid, light and telephone. Any apartment where I can work as I should is c
ertain to be more expensive, because of the added items mentioned. There
is the added trouble in the fact that my savings are all frozen and I can
not draw more than $25 a week. But my checking account is free, by per-
mission. The problem is whether this will be sufficient. But I have to
manage within these limits.

The University has voted to continue my present Curatorship for
three years at the same salary of $500; but, as I knew that the Library
fund was very short, I offered to give free service. They will at any
rate include half that sum in my annual allowance as an emeritus. The
Library has so generously agreed to provide room for my books and to let

["The University has voted to continue my present Chairmanship for\nthree years at the same salary of $200; but, as I know that the University\nwill be very short, I offered to give free services. They will at any\ngFund be very grateful. I offered to give free services. They will at any\ngFund include half that amount in my annual allowance as an emeritus. The\nrate include half that amount in my annual allowance

to G.G.Clark

me use it as a second study. My free services is my expression of
appreciation.

War makes strange bedfellows. The other day I had a pleasant call from
an immigration agent and the detective Monahan. The former had to ask me
questions which were prescribed. One of them was whether I was loyal to
America. My answer was that I did not care to make a profession of that
sort, and that they should judge me by my conduct than by my word. Antway
the visit was of utmost friendliness. Monahan is at the city police head-
quarters, a big human Irishman. He was sincere when he repeated that, if I
should have any trouble, he hoped I would let him know. The immigration
agent, too, was eager to protest he knew all about me, but had to put down
my answers to printed questions. One question was, whom I would refer to
as a person who would vouch for me. I referred him to the President or
Provost, both of whom had written me handwritten letters the day after
Pearl Harbor, offering any help needed, and had since personally repeated to
me the same assurance. All in all, I beg you to rest your mind. I can take
care of myself, save in a fist fight. It might have been difficult if I
had had to meet the present situation as a fresh comer, but I have more
than forty years of training. The less educated, the more race prejudice;
and it crops out unexpectedly in awkward ways. I am at this time a fair
expert in dealing with it. The thing only takes worse forms at such times.
But so far none of it has come my way. Let it come, to test me.

exert in dealing with it. The thing only takes worse from such times.

and it crops out unexpectedly in some way. I am at this time a fair

than forty years ' training. The fees educated, the more race prejudice;

had had to meet the present attraction as a fresh comer, but I have more

care of myself, save in a flat light. It might have been difficult if I

me the same assurance. Will in all, I pet you so to meet your mind. I can take

Bearf Honor, offering any help needed, and since personally repeated to

Provoat, both of whom had written me handwritten letters the day after

my answers to printed dictiones. One diction was, whom I would refer to

as he said, too, was easier to protest he knew all about me, but had to put down

should have my trouble, he hoped I would let him know. The immigration

quarters, a pig jumman Irainman. He was accurate when he resented that, in

the vast was of uproot friendliness. Honosam is at the city police head-

sort, and that they should judge me by my conduct than by my word. And now

America. If answer was that I did not care to make a profession of that

dictiones which were prescribed. One of them was whether I was first to

an immigration agent and the detective Honosam. The former had to ask me

War makes arrange peteflown. The other day I had a present call from

appreciation.

me use it as a second study. My tree services is my expression of

to G.G.Clark Page 3

To L.I. Hewes

March 9, 1942

Many thanks for yours of March I. Time waits for no one, and you are a grandsire. And why not? But Gale's remarriage is a surprise. Pierpont's death is a reminder of the burly professor whom I had long forgotten.

I forget also that you had been in Germany in '34. It certainly is news that you hobnobbed with the Nazi leaders. Hitler was still in the making at that time. They say he looks quite different now. What was your impression? Is it true he is inconspicuous and dull when he isn't having? His Mein Kampf ( I have its German text ) is the dullest book I have seen. I cannot believe the story that it was written by different hands. He must miss Hess for his speeches. Since Hess left Germany, Hitler's spe ches have not been what they used to be. His interviews also have deteriorated, I am told. No doubt the violent invectives and dry sarsasms have always been his own, and have not abated; but, aside from these, his addresses seem to have become as dull and unformed as his writing.

You think universities are not leading. Nor are the President, the State department, and the politicians. To me, the thing all of them lack is the kind of imagination that gives insight and vision. Their understanding of past history is too superficial and mechanical; hence their vision of the future goes at best hardly beyond what static, factual surveys can give. There are spirit and immaterial forces that are perpetually creative of history.

I feel with you that the war needed to bring us back to "sanity." It is sanity that is wisdom which is needed more by democracy than by any other regime. And wisdom has to be essentially moral, man being a moral being. Democracy depends for its continued life upon the personal civic moral sense of the citizen. When the masses of citizens come merely to eat the sweets of freedom, but relax their individual civic responsibility to them selves, the whole regime is no longer alive and lapses into love of ease.

servant, the whole regime is no longer five and six and into love of sense.
awares of freedom, but relax their individual civic responsibility to them
some of the citizens. When the masses of citizens come merely to eat the
democracy degenerate for its continued life, how the barest civic moral
other regime. And wisdom has to be essentially moratorium being a most being.
It is sanity that is wisdom which is needed more by democracy than by any
other regime. And wisdom has to be essentially moratorium being a most being.

It is sanity that is wisdom which is needed more by democracy than by any
other regime. And wisdom has to be essentially moratorium being a most being.
It is sanity that is wisdom which is needed more by democracy than by any
other regime. And wisdom has to be essentially moratorium being a most being.
I feel with you that the man needed to bring me back to "sanity."

## History.

There is the spirit and immaterial forces that are peripateticly creative of
the future goes at least hardly beyond what static, factual surveys can give.
of that history is too unanalytical and mechanical; hence their atonement of
the kind of discrimination that gives insight and vision. Their understanding
State department, and the politicians. To me, the thing all of them lack is
You think universities are not leading. Nor are the President, the
agriculture seem to have become as dull and unformed as pie writing.

have always been the own, and have not spaded; put, said from these, his
corrupted, I am told. No doubt the violent injustices and dry arbitrariness
are there have not been what they need to be. His interviews also have de-
plague. He must have been for his abhorred. Since Hees left Germany, Hoffer's
I have seen. I cannot believe the story that it was written by different
ranging? His Mein Kampf (I have its German text) is the gulfer book
impression? Is it true he is incomprehensible and dull when he isn't? I
making at that time. They say he looks quite different now. What was your
news that you dropped with the Nazi invasion. Hoffer was still in the
I forget also that you had been in Germany in '34. It certainly is
tormented.

Pierpont's death is a reminder of the purdy professor whom I had long
are a grandparent. And why not? But Gess's remembrance is a grandparent.
Many thanks for your home of March 1. Time passes for no one, and you

To L.I. Hees

March 9, 1945

2 To L.I. Hewes

March 9, 1942

The masses can not clearly see all this moral need as present in concrete
situations; they need leaders who stimulate them, and they need to culti-
vate the heart that responds to the leaders' calls. May more, democracy
needs not only wide leaders, but also expmental stimuli that compel it to
be on the alert. I do not think that a " perpetual peace " and a " safe "
democracy are desirable or a possibility. Liberty can know itself and can
keep itself as such because there are always dangers without and within
with which it can contrast itself and which compel it to guard and fortify
itself. Human evil, germs, poisons, enemies possess significance, and will
always be present. But, alas, when wisdom and insight are lacking, leaders
do not arise, and the masses are oblivious of the very perils that threaten
the delicately balances life of democracy.

The present war I regard as penalty for the self-relaxation of liber-
alism. The Axis Powers were the first to be smitten by defeatism ( of
liberalism ) and to choose shortcuts for efficiency of State. France's
moral fibre had been fast weakening in the past decades. The smaller in-
dependent nations of Europe tried to eke out their existence by miserable
separate " neutralities " , instead of being vigilant enough to unite
their resources for common defense. England and the United States had
also been drowsy. But one cannot sneer at England. She is the oldest,
longest tried, and soundest democracy, and knows how to cast away the "shell"
of sleep ( Goethe's phrase ) at a mortal crisis. The United States is also
awakening, but unfortunately there is still much less leadership here
than there all along the line. In this state, she cannot hope to lead the
world after the war, to say nothing of the conduct of war itself.

I really don't know where you stand on many great questions; and
therefore should not lengthen this monologue further. But I am sending
you a copy of the English translation of a letter I sent to a Privy Coun-
cillor last October. What I dreamed was that the Privy Council and the

3 To L.I. Hewes

March 9, 1943

Emperor together would bring about a complete change of the governing
personal, making it possible to effect a swift reversal of the policies
which were after all of short duration. The thing was not an impossibility.

The English translation was also sent in November to the same states-
man and a colleague of his. These copies have been returned by the censor
( probably the English at Vancouver or the Bermudas). A friend in Boston
to whom I showed a carbon copy wanted to make copies to send ( anonymously )
to Churchill, De Valera, etc. It is one of the duplicates she made that
I am sending you.

Please treat the copy as confidential, for reasons I cannot specify
now. And write me what you think. Don't show it to any person of whom you
are not sure. If the copy gets burdensome on your hand, either return or
destroy it. Otherwise you may keep it, and even show it to trusted friends.

Vasakos.

Yours always,

dearly friend. Otherwise you must keep it, and even show it to trusted friends, since not all. It the only safe place on your mind, either return or now. And write me what you think. Don't show it to any person or whom you please treat the only as confidential, for reasons I cannot specify. I am sending you.

tochnich, De Voss, etc. If I am one of the publicists she made that
for whom I showed a coupon copy wanted to make copies to send (snail mail)
( probably the English at Vancouver or the Bermeda). A friend in Boston
and a colleague of his. These copies have been returned by the censor.

The English translation was also sent in November to the same states-
which were after all of short duration. The thing was not an indecent
behaviour, making it possible to effect a swift reversal of the policies
Emperor, together would print about a complete change of the governing

3 To R.I. News

March 9, 1943

To L. I. Hewes, 9 III, '42.

Dear Bill:

Many thanks for yours of Mar. 1. Time waits for no one, and you are a grandsire. And why not? But Gale's remarriage is a surprise. Pierpont's death is a reminder of the burly professor whom I had long forgotten.

I forgot also that you had been in Germany in '34. It certainly is news that you hobnobbed with the Nazi leaders. Hitler was still in the making at that time. They say he looks quite different now. What was your impression? Is it true he is inconspicuous and dull when he isn't haranguing? His Mein Kampf (I have its German text) is the dullest book I have seen. I cannot believe the story that it was written by different hands. He must miss Hess for his speeches. Since Hess left Germany, Hit's speeches have not been what they used to be. His interviews also have deteriorated, I am told. No doubt the violent invectives and dry sarcasms have always been his own, and have not abated; but, aside from these, his addresses seem

To L. I. Hewes, 9 III, '42.

- 2 -

You think universities are not leading. Nor are the President, the State Department, and the politician. To me, the thing all of them lack is the kind of imagination that gives insight and vision. Their understanding of past history is too superficial and mechanical; hence their vision of the future goes at best hardly beyond what static, factual surveys can give. There are spirit and immaterial forces that are perpetually creative of history.

I feel with you that war needed to bring us back to "sanity." It is sanity that is wisdom which is needed more by democracy than by any other regime. And wisdom has to be essentially moral, man being a moral being. Democracy depends for its continued life upon the personal civic moral sense of the citizen. When the masses of citizens come merely to eat the sweets of freedom, but relax their individual civic responsibility to themselves, the whole regime is no longer alive and lapses into 'love of ease. The masses cannot clearly see all

To L. I. Hewes, 9 III, '42.

- 3 -

this moral need as present in concrete situations;
they need leaders who stimulate them, and they need
to cultivate the heart that responds to the leaders'
calls. Nay more, democracy needs not only wise
leaders, but also external stimuli that compel it
to be on the alert. I do not think that a "perpetual
peace" and a "safe" democracy are desirable or a
possibility. Liberty can know itself and can keep
itself as such because there are always dangers
without and within, with which it can contrast itself
and which compel it to guard and fortify itself.

Human evil, germs, poisons, enemies possess signifi-
cance, and will always be present. But, alas, when
wisdom and insight are lacking, leaders do not arise,
and the masses are oblivious of the very perils that
threaten the delicately balanced life of democracy.

The present war I regard as penalty for the
self-relaxation of liberalism. The Axis Powers were
the first to be smitten by defeatism (of liberalism)
and to choose shortcuts for efficiency of State.

France's moral fibre had been fast weakening in
the past decades. The smaller independent nations

To L. I. Hewes, 9 III, '42.

- 5 -

The English translation was also sent in November to the same statesman and a colleague of his. These copies have been returned by the censor (probably the English at Vancouver or the Bermudas). A friend in Boston to whom I showed a carbon copy wanted to make copies to send (anonymously) to Churchill, DeValera, etc. It is one of the duplicates she made that I am sending you.

Yours always,

To W.W.

Dear William ;

March 15, 1942

I shall this time dwell on liberalism. I am thinking much about its
genesis and evolution, for I like to take the word "liberty" in a much
broader sense than that of modern egalitarian democracy. Taken thus,
liberty seems as old as man's career on earth as a social being; it began
when even marriage was still unknown and when mother and child formed the
first social init. That is, liberty really started aeons before man con-
ceived any desire for it. Milleniums later, when inter-group struggles for
existence raged on a larger scale than before and inchoate political prgan-
izations began to appear, an urge for liberty may be said to have germinated
in men's minds, though still blindly instinctive. Seen in this light, human
liberty in its earliest conception may be stated to have been dependent
upon certain pre-requisite conditions, some of which antedated its con-
sciousness and contained possibilities as much of despotic as of liberal
development. Among these pre-requisites are : the independence of the State
and the achieving of a real unity of the nation of that State, that is, of
something deeper than merely unified political control. In modern times,
one can say, national unity is not only a pre-be-requisite of liberty, but
also often its result; for a people's unity is deep and sound when its
loyalty is based upon a spontaneous popular conviction that the State is
the people's own property, instead of being adjured in mere framework.
But earlier ages also saw fairly firm national inities under benevolent
despotisms, provided there also obtained common ethnic, religious and
cultural bonds and certain favorable geographical conditions. Long contests
with external foes would also serve to weld a nation under capable leaders.
As for political independence, it is undeniable that, at any period, without
it no liberal movement can mature into a durable existence, and that, para-
doxically, independence in early history was usually attained under mon-
archies. I think that these two pre-requisites - autonomy and unity - are

I think that these two pre-requisites - autonomy and unity - are
goxically, inebrience in early life, was naturally attained under non-
if no fideist movement can arise into a quite exaltsence, and that, bar-
VA for political independence, if it be permissible that, at any period, without
with external loss would also serve to weld a nation under capable leaders.
entire power and certain favorable geographical conditions. For contexts
goodness, provided there also obtained common ethnic, religious and
But earlier stage of life saw fairly firm national attitudes under benevolent
the people's own property, instead of being adjusted in mere framework.
Johnity is passed upon a autonomous human constitution that the State is
also often its result; for a people's unity is dead and sound when its
one canational unity is not only a pre-pre-requisite of fideity, but
something deeper than merely multiplied political control. In modern times,
and the achieving of a real unity of the nation or that State, that is, of
development. Amount these pre-requisites are: the independence of the State
autonomy and confined possibility as much as deistic as of fideist
now certain pre-requisite conditions, some of which autested its com-
fideity in its earliest conception may be stated to have been dependent
in men's minds, though still distinctly inoperative. Seen in this flight, human
facilities began to appear, an urge for liberty, may be said to have terminated
existance raised on a larger scale than before and immediate political begin-
ced any desire for it. Millenium later, when inter-groub arrangements for
that social init. That is, fideity really assumed some before man com-
when even marriage was still unknown and when mother and child formed the
fideity seems as old as man's career on earth as a social being; if began
proceeds some than that of modern egalitarian democracy. Taken thus,
Genera and evolution for. I like to take the word "fideity" in a much
I shall this time dwell on fideist. I am thinking much about it.

Dear William :

To W.M.

March 13, 1948

2 To W.V.

March 15, 1942

are liable to be taken for granted by modern writers, and therefore
liberalism's debt to them to be forgotten. It may readily be proven by
examples of the past that liberal awakenings were nipped in the bud because
either of the political insecurity of the State or of the incoherence of
the population.

I have commented upon this self-obvious point in order to say that,
in my way of thinking, the growth of liberty in the broad sense is nothing
less than the long, arduous effort of the human being to realize his innate
desire, while necessarily living in a community, to free himself from ex-
traneous bondage of his person; and that the early stages of the struggle
began long before he knew he was being impelled by this natural urge. while
its later stages have taken a great variety of forms and gone through
countless vicissitudes, according to the circumstances in which the the
different peoples were cast in different ages. In another word, liberty
and its ascent are inherent in human destiny, and all the obstructions that
appear now and then, here and there, to cripple or destroy what has been
gained are, if one takes a long view, abnormal and transitory.

Liberty in its long and varied evolution, is the work of once natural
and peculiar to the human species, because man alone of all sentient crea-
tures is at the same time as individual and a social, and therefore a moral
being. This broad thesis implies, among others, three things; - that man
is a moral being, because as a conscious creature he lives a gregarious life
with his fellows; that liberty, being the realization of the human personal-
ity in a society, is intrinsically moral in character; and that this reali-
zation, being man's proper task, dies not achieve itself independently of his
but must be won by him, in its every step, by conquering the obstacles that
in all ages, probably providentially, beset him without and within himself.
The first of these three points is for the philosopher to elaborate. It is
upon the last that I have dwelt in the enclosed letters to friends.

The first of these three points is for the philosopher to elaborate. It is in all ages, properly, providentially, 'beast him without and within himself.' But must he now be him, in its every step, by considering the obstacles that station, being made a broker, dies not achieve itself independently of his own being, because as a conscious creature he lives a Gregorian life, a moral being, that liberty, being the realization of the human being with his fellow; that liberty, being the realization of the human being; and therefore a moral and beautiful to the human species, because man alone of all sentient creatures, in its long and varied evolution, is the work at once natural, gained here, it one takes a long view,宏观 and transitory.

appear now and then, here and there, to cripple or destroy what has been and its ascent are inherent in human destiny; and all the operations that different peoples were cast in different ages. In another word, liberty, countless victoirdy, according to the circumstances in which the ita later stages have taken a great variety of forms and gone through began long before he knew he was being imbedded by this naturaluge, while tremendous pounds of his body; and that the early stages of the attitude dearer, while necessarily living in a community, to free himself from ex-jeas from the long, and one effort of the human being to realize his innate in his way of thinking, the growth of liberty in the proud sense is nothing I have commented upon this self-opinion point in order to say that, the population.

either of the political insecurity of the State or of the incoherence of examples of the bat that liberist awakening were ribbed in the past because liberist's a dept to them to be forgotten. If may readily be proven by

S. To W.N.

March 10, 1945

3 To W.W.

March 15, 1942

In your letter of Jan. 24, which started my series of decantations of the past weeks, you wrote on this point: " the democratic peoples will have to be waked and kept awake, year in and year out, through all the predictable future. This is an appalling task. " Instead of repeating my words in agreement with your sentiment, I send you these excerpts of my letters. In yours, of Feb. 23, you proposed a question as to the position that would probably be this country's in the world order after the war. On this point, I feel as much as you do that certain qualifications are conceivable. On them, I would wish to compare notes with you when I find time again to write.

Vaslavas.

Vivatsya sincerely,

time again to write.
conceivably. On them, I would wish to compare notes with you when I find
On this point, I feel as much as you do that certain dissimilarities are
that would properly be this country in the world order after the war.
letters. In yours, of Rep. S3, you proposed a diction so to the position
words in agreement with your sentiment, I send you these excerpts of my
broadest future. This is an abstraiting task." I made of repesenting my
have to be waked and kept awake. Year in and year on, through all the
of the past weeks, you wrote on this point: " the democratic people will
In your letter of Jan. 34, which attached my series of depositions
March 12, 1945
3 To W.M.

To W.W.

Dear William:

March 22, 1942

I will try to touch only on the points on Japan raided in your letter of the 17th.

I think you are right about the Emperor's position. There are a great many diaries of court nobles through the ages describing in detail their participations in the conduct of his government; and also so many annals and chronicles of events seen from the center. From them one is enabled to get intimate pictures of the actual role the emperor played in government. The court deliberations, whether in judicial or administrative matters, always reserved the final decision for him, for every act of the central government was done in his name; but he invariably let the regular organs discuss the affair and present to him their opinions and decisions, and then gave his sanction to promulgate and execute them. He expressed his personal preferences only when the council was divided and begged him to choose between the proffered opinions. In such cases, he usually made suggestions, and let his ministers deliberate upon them anew. This is the constant procedure. It was only on matters concerning the imperial household that he was expected to decide alone; and he sometimes did so. More often, however, he consulted the household council and also the regular councillors. When he seemed to decide of his free will about these affairs, in fact he had historic precedents of like nature examined and reported upon, and acted accordingly. If his act, though on a private matter of his family, seemed palpably unprecedented, the diarist would voice his condemnation, often in sharp terms. You understand that these diaries were family heirlooms, not intended for publication; and that it usually is the case that several parallel records by different courtiers of the same period have been preserved.

As to your doubts as to how soon the decision to start the present war was made by the armed forces, I think your doubts are very natural. But the current theory in this country, voiced also by the President in official documents, that for decades the military had been contemplating wide con-

documents, that for decades the military had been contemplating wage con-
current theory in this country, voiced also by the President in official
was made by the armed forces. I think your documents are very useful. But the
As to your documents as to how soon the decision to start the present war
on different grounds or the same period have been preserved.

Supposition; and that it necessarily, if the case that several barriers records
You understand that these diaries were family letters, not intended for
unbreveented, the diaries would voice the congestion often in award terms.
In fact, it is hard hit
force precedents of fire nature examined and reported now, and such second-
assumed to decide of the fire free will, as I said, these usually, in fact, the
concluded the household council and said the regular conference. When he
begged to decide stow; and he sometimes did so. More often, however, he
It was only on matters concerning the imperial government that he was ex-
jet his ministers deliberate now, then anew. This is the constant procedure.
the broiltred opinions. In such cases, he naturally uses arguments, and
references only when the council was divided and petted him to choose between
action to promulgate and execute them. He expressed his personal pre-
sent and present to him their opinions and decisions, and then gave his
was done in his name; but he invariably let the regular organs declare the
reserved the final decision for him, for every act of the central government
The court deliberations, whether in judicial or administrative matters, always
get intimate pictures of the actual role the emperor played in government,
and chronicles of events seen from the center. From them one is enabled to
participate in the conduct of the government; and so also many smalls
many diaries of court papers through the ages describing in detail their.

I think you are right about the Emperor's position. There are a great
of the 13th.

I will try to touch only on the points on which raised in your letter.

Dear William

To N. W.

JAPAN, SS, 1845

To W.W.

Dear William:

March 22, 1942

documents, that for decades the military had been contemplating wide con-
current theory in this country, voiced also by the President in official
was made by the named person. I think your documents are very natural. But the
is to your documents as to how soon the decimation to start the present war
by different countries of the same period have beenbreasted.

You understand that these diaries were family diaries, not intended for
unbrevegathered, the diaries would voice the congestion, often in absurd terms.
In fact he had to decide of his free will, apart from these allies, in fact he had to
conquered the homestead camp and also the regular campollora. When he
began to decide alone; and he sometimes did so. More often, however, he
It was only on matters concerning the indigenous homestead that he was ex-
erted his ministrations delicate now them anew. Thus is the constant procedure.
the broilsred opinions. In such cases, he usually made suggestions, and
REFERENCES only when the council was divided and petted him to choose between
action to promulgate and execute them. He expressed his personal pre-
sense and preference to him their opinions and decisions, and then gave his
was done in his name; but he invariably felt the regular organs demand the
reserved the final decimation for him, for every act of the central government
The court decisions, whether in judicial or administrative matters, stand
afresh intimate pictures of the actual role the emperor played in Government.
and chronicles of events seen from the center. From them one is enabled to
barrierations in the conduct of the government; and also so many amuse-
ments diaries of court nobles, formerly the ages describing in detail their.

I think you are right about the Emperor's position. There are a great
of the Tyees.

I will try to done only on the points on which raised in your letter.

Dear William:

To W.M.

March 23, 1845

To W.W.

2

March 22, 1942

guests, is not to me convincing. There are many important questions involved here, which it is not possible to discuss in a letter; such as, among others, the different attitudes between the army and the navy, and among the articulate elements in each; the mutual rivalry and stimulation, and the gradual adjustments of views, among the influential members of both wings; the interactions between these gradually evolving opinions and world events, and also between the armed and the civil parts of the successive Cabinets; etc., etc. There were, of course, certain fundamental and imperative needs and impulses in the general background of national life, which in Japan's case were especially strong; but even these were not felt at all times with the same intensity and in the same form; even about these, there is a notable evolution of consciousness. I take it that human history generally unfolds itself in such gradual reactions and adjustments of diverse influences within and without, and seldom in accordance with a blueprint made by one or a few minds tens of years ago. Many facts that I know even now make me suppose that the present war falls in the first category and not in the second.

When we speak of an evolution of plans in this instance, do we not have to distinguish several really very different things about "plans" ? The plan of sudden attacks upon islands and coasts executed since early December might well be not the same as those that had seemed more practicable a half a year before, and the latter in turn be a result of co-ordinating several plans dating earlier, themselves also having evolved out of still older ones in a like manner. For example, although the navy and army have never quarrelled openly, the China war might not have been started, had the navy had its own way. Nor does it seem likely that the present navy-army enterprise in the Pacific would have been launched at the moment it was, had it not been for the turn of events in Europe and at Washington. These events may have made it seem that a swift carrying out of this one among the several plans already matured would be the most

out of those ones among the several brines strongly manifested would be the most at Washington. These events may have made it seem that a swift carrying the moment it was past it not been for the turn of event in Europe and breast work, which has been launched at the moment it was made, that the China war might not have been started, had the navy had its own way. Nor does it seem likely that the and such have never disinterestedly, the China war might not have been out of still older ones in a like manner. For example, although the navy originating several brines dating earlier, themselves also having evolved from a past a year before, and the latter in turn be a result of coördination might well be not the same as those that had seemed more basic. The brine of sudden attack uponada and coasta executed since early have to distinguish several really very different things apart "brine" ? When we ask of an evolution of brine in this instance, do we not the first category, and not in the second.

These, there is a notable evolution of consonances. I take it that felt at all times with the same intensity and in the same form; even apart from life, which in Japan a case were especially strong; but even these were not and imperative needs and influences in the general background of national anacrusis. Caprices; etc., etc. There were, of course, certain fundamental and world events, and also between the same and the civil wars of the past with the interactions between these gradually evolving opinions and the gradual adjustments of views, among the influential members of among the significant elements in each; the mutual rivalry and accumulation, among others, the different attitudes between the states and the nations, and involved here, which it is not possible to discuss in a letter; each one, desire, if not to be convincing. There are many important questions

To W.W. S

March 55, 1945

3 To W.W.

March 22, 1942

propitious, as well as the most risky if delayed. Events at home, such
such as I wrote you a while ago, may also have hastened the event. Certain-
ly there are strong considerations to support such a hypothesis.

As you note, I do not exclude the pre-existence on paper of certain
plans of expansion in different directions. Quite the contrary; my sup-
positions are predicated upon their existence. But it appears contrary
to what little I know of the occurrence of great events in general and in
particular, to fancy that these plans had decades before been not only
formed but intended definitely for execution, or that they had been endorsed
by successive governments as a State policy. If such were the case, then
many acts of these governments would become wholly incomprehensible. It
seems more than probable that certain daring shauvinisys, individually
or in little coteries, began independently to plot out grandiose schemes
quite a long time ago, as seems to be the case also in this and other
countries. But the question is how soon the high command itself of each
wing of the armed service began to take a hand in building and revising
schemes of its own. All these considerations force me to beware of falling
under the temptation natural in wartime to simplify things without cogent
evidence.

I am curious to know more of what you tell me about the Japanese
students at Ann Harbor on the eve of the war. Such things have not occured
here or in New York, so far as I know. Nor does the Ann Harbor incident
if your information of it is accurate, appear to prove anything more than
a precaution in view of possibilities, any more than the American advice
to citizens residing in Japan and China to evacuate, which was given
quite a while ago. What is your own deduction ?

The Hull note I referred to was that of Nov. 25, published immediate-
ly after the breach. It was in conformity with the American view of the
situation long known to all, and contained nothing strange and could not

situation long known to all, and contained nothing arrangeable and could not
lie after the press. It was in conformity with the American view of the
The full note I referred to was that of Nov. 32, published immediately
during a while ago. What is your own deduction?

to citizens reading in Japan and China to évacuate, which was given
a a a a
a presentation in view of possibilities, and more than the American advice
it your information of it if necessary, as soon to prove anything more from
here or in New York, so far as I know. Nor does the Vmm Harbor incident
students at Vmm Harbor, on the eve of the war. Such things have not occurred
to me, and I know more of what you tell me about the Japanese
evidence.

under the temptation natural in warfare to ambiguity, spring without cogent
reasons of its own. If these considerations force me to beware of falling
into the same service begun to take a hand in building and revealing
countries. But the question is how soon the high command itself of each
duite a long time ago, as seems to be the case, so in due and other
or, in little parties, perhaps independently to plot out广播 news
seems more than probable that certainly during ensuing days, individually
many acts of these governments would become wholly incomprehensible. If
public administrative governments as a State policy. It should be the case, then
to form but intended definitely for execution, or that they had been endorsed
particular, to farm that these flows had decades before them not only
to what little I know of the occurrence of great events in general and in
positions are predicated upon their existence. But if these same country
flows of expansion in different directions, quite the contrary, my amb-
ly, there are strong considerations to support each a hypothesis,
and so I wrote you a while ago, may have happened the event. Certain-
propositions, so well as the most ready it deferred. Events at home, and
3 To A.M.
March 33, 1945

If you note, I do not exclude the pre-existence on paper of certain
If there are strong considerations to support each a hypothesis,
and so I wrote you a while ago, may have happened the event. Certain-

4 To W.W.

March 22, 1942

have been different from what it was, It had been foolish of the
successive Japanese governments to fancy that there would be any room for
accommodation without changing their own fundamental attitude..By "rigid"
and unimaginative " I did not mean the contents of the note, but its apirit
and its wording. While thoroughly consistent with the American policy,
the note was devoid of any sympathetic understanding,not of the Japanese
policy of the so-called " co-prosperity sphere ", but of the psychology
of the nation and the extremely delicate position in which their sovereign
had been placed. The President's letter to the emperor and the message to
Congress after Pearl Harbor were even worse in this respect. Some news-
papers took him to imply that the emperor had been in collusion with the
treacherous military.

But one could not have expected anything different. Nor was it one-
sided. This unimaginative and self-righteous manner had been the usual
characteristic of each side for a long time, and had all the while been
tragically contributing to the estrangement of the two nations. It is
amazing how inelastic and impervious to light the human mind can become
as if made of stucco, when it operates as the government of a State; but
that is precisely when it assumes the most fateful responsibility. This
is, however, a long story. What is more, Providence is inscrutable.

Nevertheless, man is morally responsible. Sadly enough, disciplined
imagination is as yet as scarce even where it is more needed than else
where, namely, among historians. We still don't know what historiography
should be. Statesmanship today requires more than ever true historical
wisdom, but the literal historians are not in a position to provide it.
But this is another topic for us.

Vakkaam.

Sincerely,

Wisdom, put the literal historiame are not in a position to provide it. should be. Statesmanlike today requires more than ever true historiist where, namely, among historiame. We still don't know what historiography imagination is as yet as source even where it is more needed than else. Nevertheless, man is morally reasonable. Sadly enough, disciplined is, however, a long asset. What is more, providence is inescapable.

That is precisely when it seems the most useful reasonableness. This is made of a substance when it operates as the government of a State; put amazing how insidious and insidious to fight the human mind can become tragically contributing to the estrangement of the two nations. It is characteristic of each side for a long time, and had all the while been aided. This unimpressive and self-righteous manner had been the natural

But one could not have expected anything different. Nor was it one-
trancendent military.

babeas took him to imply that the emperor had been in collation with the Congress after Bearl Harbor were even worse in this respect. Some news-
pad been false. The President's letter to the emperor and the message to
of the nation and the extremely delicate position in which their overtures
began of the so-called "co-broaderly abhors" put on the psychology
the note was given of an unauthentic understanding, not of the Japanese
and its wording. While thoroughly comakan with the American policy,
and unimpressive "I did not mean the conference of the note, but its spirit
accommodation without changing their own fundamental attitude." By "right"
accusative Japanese governments to fund that there would be my room for
have been different from what it was. It had been too far of the

4 To W.K.

March 55, 1945

Saybrook College
Yale University

March 29, 1942

Dear William,

Again liberalism, but this time its most advanced form, namely, modern democracy. Two questions; that it is hard to keep it alive; and the position of the U.S. in the after-war world.

Democracy, however one may define it, must mean, on its technical side at least an equality before the law, and now, in addition, equality of economic opportunity; and, on the moral side, the civic responsibility of the individual citizen. On the latter I have already said so much in my letters that it will be clear to you that I heartily agree with you that this is the most difficult regime to hold in a live state. The difficulties are partly technical, as is demonstrated by the experience in France, but essentially moral in every democracy, no matter what its institutional characteristics may be.

Technically, the minimum requirement of a democracy must be equality before the law, _Gleichheit vor das Gesetz_ as the Germans would express it. But this equality would present very different aspects in different regimes, according to what is the " law ". If it is taken in the sense of private law only or primarily, then an equality before it will be compatible with an autocratic form of government. Even if it may be admitted that such government will at times override guarantees of private rights for " reasons of state ", and that for other reasons as well the whole administration of justice can sink to a low level, from the weakened demand of the people for true equality of rights,-- even so, on the whole, a nation's right can conceivably be secure under a benevolent despotism. Such for hundreds of years was the condition in many territorial states of Germany after the 14th century. Justice often degraded, in spite of the hardy Germanic tradition of _Gleichheit_, and yet a semblance of it was nowhere wholly obliterated. This is freely admitted by German historians of their own law. It is then clear that a democratic

2

March 29, 1943

equality before law must include an equality in public rights, above all, in the share in choosing the active administrators of governing organs.

But much else is needed for a continued success of a democracy in its technical aspects. Its constitutional form is seriously defective in some important respects, its civic equality can cease to be a sufficient safe guard of its prolonged vitality. Legal equality may indeed be insistently demanded and scrupulously accorded, but the general habit of the people may so degenerate as to be scarcely more than a demand for personal wase of existence under the wings of an equal law, relaxing their interest in and vigilance over the conduct of the " utilitates generales " of the common life. The France of 1940 may go down in history as a classic example of this tragic fate.

I ventured to say something about France in a letter to a friend. Since then deeper analyses of the causes of her collapse have been published by French writers, as well as by some others. Now there is little doubt that the structure of the Third Republic was unfortunate. It was intentionally framed as to circumvent any attempt to centralize the executive power, while providing it with a rigorous uniformity of its administrative, bureaucratic machinery. These are two entirely different things. The machinery may be well controlled from the center, and may even be fortified with the reminiscence of the bureaucratic spirit of the royal officials of the Old Regime, but the central control itself may be of a scope so limited that it may be hampered at every turn by the rigid checks and balances the constitution imposed with conscious jealousy, as was the case with France. The obstructions that these institutional restraints enabled the various organs to make against the conduct of one another had bred the dangerous habit of capitalizing them in their separate interests. This habit was then more than shared by the different political parties in their actions against the government and often against one another. The regional

3 To W.W.

March 29, 1942

sense of localism, especially strong in that country, added much to the generally inflexible functioning of the whole region. Equality, too, vociferously claimed, was in reality too often used as a cover to promote separate advantages of classes, localities, or even of persons singly or in groups. I do not know how long, but soon or late had developed a singularly conservative and obstinate attitude of official organs in their individual spheres, and, what was still worse, a stagnant political psychology of the entire nation. Before long, the people themselves had come to lose confidence in their leaders and faith in their traditional Revolutionary ideals, and to be gripped by a sort of despair and fatalism. All this is obviously too simplified an explanation, but it can hardly be gainsaid that the end-effects on the cause of the war were such as I have just characterized. It is to me an amazing thing to see how many Frenchmen blamed the Revolution as wrong-headed, and longed for a fascist totalization as the only salvation of their country. I was dumbstruck when I talked with a native French on our faculty and found that he was an ardent adherent to this method of thought.

Is the U.S. constitution free of all vulnerable points in the technical sense; are there no popular elements that ever would tend to the extreme right or left; and will the nation be ready to assume with full responsibility the task of the leadership of the liberal world which seems destined to be thrust upon it? Limiting our attention to the organic institutional arrangement alone, does there not lurk a certain danger in the inelastic relationship that exists between executive and the legislative powers? Might it not possibly enable undesirable precedents to be set in critical times, which in turn might perhaps invite rightists or leftists to make their entry into the government from back stairs? The system of the separation of powers seems so far to have worked well, whether because of it or in spite of it. But times change, and unprece-

4 To W.W.

March 29, 1942

dented scenes can confront us. Would the system be immune from risks of an impasse and of its being utilized by men of undemocratic persuasion, when a sudden, difficult situation should arise ? This is too large a question for my poor knowledge to answer, but my observation during the past dozen years, and especially since the beginning of the war, leads me to say the following, though it is not what I would voice in public without waiting to see how the nation will act in the next months, during the rest of the war.

I am inclined to attribute, in the last analysis, to the constitutional inelasticity to which I have alluded, the following phenomena I think I have noted in popular tendencies. There is manifestly a keen desire for efficiency that inspires at an unusual juncture both the government and the people; but I cannot help feeling that, again on both parts, demand for a high sense of responsibility in others and in oneself falls short of the demands for efficiency. I still feel unsatisfied with the degree to which the people — to speak of them only for the moment — realize the momentous issues at stake in the war; and, what is perhaps much more important in the long run, the degree to which they exercise their right to criticise the conduct of the executive and legislative organs at Washington. The people cannot well be said to be accustomed to think about and criticize as much as a democratic people should the management of their national affairs. On the contrary, too often their idea of patriotism drives them to " play ball " before seeking to be convinced with the soundness of the act demanded; too often criticism in war-time is thought to be " throwing a monkey wrench", for, I think, the art of criticism has not been developed and shared among as large a number of citizens as it should be. I should be inclined to think that such facts, if they really be facts are largely due to the cumulative effects of the lack of habitual, organic and sensitive reactions between political institutions and between them and the people. This lack prevents the growth of a sense of practical

them and the people. This lack breaches the growth of a sense of bracing
氣和 sensitiveness respecing between political institutions and between
are largely due to the cumulative effects of the lack of judgment & or-
pose. I should be inclined to think that such facts, if they really be true
pens developed and earned mark as large a number of citizens as it should
be " showing a monkey wrench," for, I think, the sort of criticism has not
ness of the sort demonstrated; too often criticism in war-time is thought to
cause them to " risk past " before asking to be convinced with the some-

national standards. On the contrary, too often their ideas of pacifism
criticise as much as a democratic people should the management of their
to. The people cannot well be said to be seconed to think spout and
criticise the conduct of the executive and legislative organs at Warning-
tant in the long run, the degree to which they exercise their rights to
momentous influence at stake in the war; and, what if perhaps much more infor-
mal, which the people --- to ask of them only for the moment --- revises the
of the gemme for efficiency. I still feel maistified with the degree to
for a high sense of reasonableness in others and in oneself, since apart
the people! but I cannot help feeling that, again, on both sides, demand
efficiency must inspire at an毋less immediate point the government and
I have noted in popular fandamentals. There is unmitigated a keen desire for
final inequality to which I have submitted the following phenomena I think
I am inclined to attribute, in the last instance, to the consensus
of the war.

waiting to see how the nation will act in the next months, during the next
so say the following, though if I not what I would voice in public without
that certain years, and especially since the beginning of the war, I see me
decision for an hour, knowledge to answer, put my observation during the
when a sudden, difficult situation should arise. This is too large a
of an immense and of its being utilized by men of undemocratic hermene-
dated scenes can confront us. Would the eyes of the people from here

March 30, 1945

4 To All

5 To W.W.

March 29,1942

responsibility in each element; and this in turn keeps it immature in
political thinking and in political ability, and fails to develope
capable statesmen in the parties who can take over the affairs at a change
of government. Nor can the sense of the duty of criticizing in a respon-
sible spirit well be deepened among the people where criticism will not
bear fruit but will end a mere ventilation of personal thought or whim.
Invisible effects may go still further.

To the same root cause may be attributed the fact - or so I think it
may be regarded- that the sense of justice and the equality of constitu-
tional rights is sometimes seen to leave somewhat to be desired, not only
in the heat of wartime hysteria, but also in peacetime economic and other
relationships. I know that practical justice is perfect nowhere in the
world, and that it is sounder and more deep-seated in the Anglo-Saxon
communities than elsewhere. But it is a thing that has perpetually to be
learned and to be applied in new situations. Would not better opportun-
ities to develope it be afforded by a constitutional system that is endowed
with a greater responsiveness between its elements? Would not such a
regime redound also, for example, to the multifarious relations between
capital and labor, or perhaps even between citizens and aliens in California

Of course, for the present, my little fears concerning the American
regime apply with the greatest force to the actual conduct of the war.

Please note that my strictures about the nation are mild and limited
and that they are simply my own, not to be carelessly talked abroad. But
more than enough has been said in a letter.

A

Very sincerely

and that they are simply my own, not to be carefully talked about. But
please note that my attributes apart from the nation are mild and limited
regime apply with the greatest force to the actual conduct of the war.

Of course, for the present, my little friends concerning the American
capital and labor, or perhaps even between citizens and states in California
regime reining also, for example, to the multitudinous relations between
with a Great Commonwealth between its elements? Would not such a
state to develop it be afforded by a constitutional system that is endowed
fermed and to be abdicated in new situations. Would not better opportunities
communities than elsewhere. But it is a thinking that has perpetually to be
world, and that it is a wonder and more deep-seated in the Anglo-Saxon
relationship. I know that practical justice is perfect nowhere in the
in the best of maritime matters, put into practice some economic and other
fluid rights is sometimes seen to leave somewhat to be desired, not only
may be regarded - that the sense of justice and the equality of confrain-
to the same root cause may be attributed the fact - or so I think it
invaluable effects may go at all further.

Invaluable effects may go at all further.

bear fruit but will end a mere oscillation of personal thought or wish.
eable spirit well be deepened among the people where criticism will not
of Government. Nor can the sense of the duty of criticizing in a reason-
capable atmosphere in the parties who can take over the affairs at a change
bitter thinking and in political spirit, and fail to develop
responsibility in each element; and that in turn keeps it immature in

2 to N.W.

March 29, 1945

To W.V.

Dear William,

April 5, 1942

If you can endure willy-nilly this and another letter from me, you will have the cheerful prospect of heaving a deep sigh of relief, for then I shall at last reach a good long " lucid interval".

I left in my last letter one of the topics contained in yours of Feb. 28; the position of the U.S. after a victorious war. To this I shall address myself, and also to the question of Russia.

You looked forward to a natural situation in which there would result an imposition " upon Europe of an extra- European order ", and a virtual " Anglo-Saxon policing of the world ". Such conditions you regarded as having " vast potentialities for good, " as well as being fraught with possible dangers if not managed with wisdom.

With this theme I am in full accord; but, with you, I discern the need of a serious consideration as to the proper conduct of the leadership which is bound to be thrust upon this country. In the first place, I firmly believe it would be a grave mistake to set out with the intent on the part of the two Anglo- Saxon systems of government to assume a federated leadership of the post-bellum world or of the West- Europe-America group of nations. Any initiative taken in such an attempt would be liable at once to arouse the suspicion and antipathy of other nations in both continents. This would lead not only to an estrangement of the latter, but also to their relapse into the accustomed, individual, cross-purpose policies among themselves; all of which would provide the former enemies with welcome pretexts for returning to their evil practices. Nor will any league of nations, even a voluntarily formed one, ever do the good for which it is designed, unless it is solidly based upon two essential conditions, among others; -- an equality of all its component members; and, what is still more necessary, a lively conviction of the peoples of the member- nations that an international organization has at last become imperative. ( I regard the failure of the old League of Nations as due

inoperative. ( I regard the failure of the old regime of nations as one
the members, nations that an international organization has at least become
and, what is still more necessarily, a fissile convection of the body of or
conditions, among others! — an edict of all its component members!
for which it is deemed, unless it is solidly based on two essential
and feature of nations, even a voluntarily formed one, ever do the good
with welcome pretexts for returning to their old practices. Nor will
benefits amount themselves! All of which would provide the former enemies
put also to their relief into the situation, individual, cross-purpose
continents. This would lead not only to an arrangement of the latter,
at once to associate the الانب�ون and the satirists of other nations in both
Group of nations. Any initiative taken in such an attempt would be liable
erased leadership of the boat-pelican world or of the Beat- Europe-America
the part of the two Anglo- Saxon systems of government to saurne a fed-
timely believe it would be a grave mistake to set out with the intent on
which is bound to be that upon this coast. In the first place, I
need of a serious consideration as to the proper conduct of the leadership
With this theme I am in full accord; put with you, I discuss the
possible dangers it not managed with wisdom.

Praying "at last potentialities for good," as well as being taught with
"Anglo-Saxon belief in the world." Such conditions can be regarded as
an imposition " upon Europe of an extra- European order," and a virtual
You looked forward to a natural situation in which there would result
agreement between us and also to the direction ofanas.

Rec.38: the position of the U.C. after a victory was. To die I shall
I feel in my last letter one of the topics contained in yours of
then I shall at last reason a good long " field interval."

You will have the cheerful broadest of views on a deep idea of relief, for
It you can assure me fully, this and another letter from me?

Dear William,

To W.M.

V. M. Series

2

April 5, 1942

chiefly to the fact that it was a league of governments, and not of
convinced peoples; that it was a frame without contents; a skeleton, not
an organism; an adjective, not a substantive. A new one would be even
worse if a few nations in it appeared to use it as an instrument to enforce
their supremacy.) It would be imperative in any league to be formed that,
in it, each of the nations once overrun by the Axis should enjoy a status
of equality, in spirit as well as in letter. The stronger members should
stand on constant guard to hold this principle, and to show every consider-
ation to the susceptibilities of the weaker ones, often going out of the
way to demonstrate their solicitude in this respect. Only so would become
real the naturally leading influence of the Anglo-Saxon nations, which is
to say, above all, of the United States. Such influence should result
spontaneously out of the reality of things and of the leader's passive
acceptance of it as an obligation.

In order that such a happy state of things may be realized, it seems
to me clear that it would be necessary for the American nation to school
itself to the wholly novel situation in which it would find itself, and to
strive deliberately to make itself worthy of the natural leadership
which then would be its reward. As I view the matter, this would imply
among others, the following two things.

First, the nation would have to learn new lessons in humility.
For the first time, it would go to an international school, and find out
some plain truths it had never taken to heart. The nation was, after all,
one of many, and had to share common burdens with every other. Complacent,
Europe-denouncing isolationism was no longer decent and worthy. The
nation should beware of displaying to others the feeling, no matter how
true to fact it might be, that the combined Anglo-Saxon might be protect-
ing Europe and striking fear in the hearts of agressor-nations. The
Americans would need to cultivate a sympathetic understanding of the his-
tory and the minds of the other nations and of the former enemies, a task

fory and the mind of the other nations and of the former enemies, a few
Americans would need to cultivate a sympathetic understanding of the life-
ing Europe and a strict fear in the hearts of aggressors. The
time to fact it might be, that the combined Anglo-Saxon might be protected
nation should perceive or display to others the feeling, the matter now
Europe-denouncing nation was no longer decent and worthy. The
one of many, and had to share common pugions with every other. Complyent,
some plain figures it had never taken to bear. The nation was, after all,
for the third time, would do to an international school, and find out
that, the nation would have to learn new lessons in humanity.

summon others, the following two things.

which then would be its reward. As I view the matter, there would be
afrive deliberately to make itself worthy of the natural nobleship
itself to the world, novel attraction in which it would find itself, and to
be me clean, that it would be necessary for the American nation to school
In order that such a happy state of things may be realized, it seems
acceptance of it as an obligation.

aboutaneously out of the reality of things and of the feeder, a beautiful
fo ex, spoke all, of the United States. Such influence should result
real the naturally leading influence of the Anglo-Saxon nations, which is
way to demonstrate their solicitude in this respect. Only so would become
action to the appreciation of the weaker ones, often going out of the
aft on constant guard to hold this valuable, and to show every consider-
ation of equality, in spirit as well as in letter. The stronger members should
in it, each of the nations once overruled by the Axle should enjoy a status
fior, autonomously. If would be imperative in any league to be formed that,
wores it a few nations in it abhorred to use it as an instrument to enforce
an organism; an adjective, not a substantive. A new one would be even
convinced bedeaf; that it was a frame without contents; a skeleton, not
chiefly to the fact that it was a league of governments, and not of

April 2, 1943

3

3

April 5, 1942

that would require patient and arduous study, involving in some cases
even a recasting of the whole mental attitude.

Second in the need of a quickened self-education in democracy
in America. Democracy is a thing so great that it can never know itself
wholly. Democracy is nothing if it is not a perpetual studying of itself-
of its gains and losses, its latent risks and dangers, its hidden possi-
bilities and its unfolding of capacities and opportunities. Since democ-
racy reinvigorates itself by pitting it against a contrary force, the
period immediately following the war should be one of a complete self -
inventory and self-scrutiny. Also, since the actual practice of a demo-
cratic regime is at all times one of the natural forms of general education
in democracy, the time referred to would be propitious for examining whether
the institutions of the American regime needed reforming at any essential
point. There would remain the important question of the education of the
youth. This, I hold, is a matter that at once is urgent and needs to be
continuously watched over and improved upon. I have always felt that this
task should at once be begun and steadily be pursued by the combined effort
of the best minds in all walks of life in the nation.

As regards Russia, I regret that I understand her history and mind
very little. The present Soviet regime makes my mental confusion about
her worse confounded. How far does the regime fall in with the natural
inclinations of the people; how deeply does it or will it affect them;
how much is it acccountable for the bravery her nation is exhibiting at
the moment to the world's admiration ? It seems certain that after the
allied victory, Russian influence will be very great in Europe, especially
upon the Slavs in general in Eastern Europe. How will it react upon the
bewildering tangle of the Balkan minorities ? This point might be of
immense weight for entire Europe. Above all, it appears to me that a cru-
cial question will be whether the present experience of the Soviets has
altered their mental habits. For the instant, Stalin has become a sort of

afterword their mental habits. For the instant, Bankin has become a sort of
clergymen that will be whether the present experience of the Soviet Union
influences weight for entire Europe. Above all, it abides to me that a crue-
powerful nation of the British minority? This point might be or
upon the clause in General in Eastern Europe. How will it react upon the
shifted majority, German influence will be very great in Europe, especially
the moment to the world's administration? It seems certain that after the
how much is it accountable for the previously her nation is expiring at
institutions of the behest? How deep it does it or will it affect them?
per se? Concluded. How far does the regime self in with the natural
very little? The present Soviet regime makes a mental confusion about
the remarks General, I regret that I unilaterally peremptory and mind
of the best mind in all walks of life in the nation.

Task should at once be given and at once be begun by the combined efforts
continuously made over and improved now. I have already felt that this
youth. Tula, I hold, is a matter that at once is urgent and needs to be
point. These would remain the important question of the education of the
the institutions of the American regime needed reforming at once essential
in democracy, the time referred to would be propitious for examining whether
cratic regime is at all fine one of the natural forms of General education
inventorship and self-education. Also, since the same practice of a demo-
period immediately following the war should be one of a complete self -
rock reclamation itself, by biting it against a contrary force, the
politics and its unholding of classes and opportunities. Since demo-
cracy, its gains and losses, its latent risks and dangers, its broken basis,
wholly. Democracy in nothing it is not a perpetual studying of itself.
in America. Democracy is a thing so great that it can never know itself.
Second in the need of a quickened self-equation in democracy
even a reasonable one of the whole mental attitude.

April 2, 1945

4

April 5, 1942

near-saint. But is he and are his comrades really unlearning their
"underground", burrowing tactics in politics with which they for a time
schemed to undermine the "capitalistic" governments of other nations in
the interest of a "proletarian world revolution", and then dealt with the
diplomatic relations West and East by such devious methods as eluded the
understanding of every country not of the same persuasion? Will the Soviet
ets revert to the same mentality in their dealings with others, so that
there will again be no meeting ground between the two except the blind
guesses the non-Soviets can hazard of the secret motives of sheer self-
interest that may be activating Soviet conduct? If such should prove to
be the case, Russia would remain a great sphinx, and she would continue to
capitalize the fact. Certainly she would seem to possess ample possibilities
to become a more formidable danger to the world than Nazism has been.
But here I face a blank wall, behind which are concealed either terrible
monsters or angels of light.

My next letter will say a word about Japan,

["V.", "Very sincerely,", "My next letter will ask a word about Japan;", "monuments or monuments or light.", "But here I face a blank wall, pointing which one can conceive either terrible ties to become a more terrible danger to the world than we have been. Capitalize the fact. Certainly one would see to because some beautiful beautiful places would remain a great addition, and we would continue to interest that may be activating Soviet combat? It should prove to be the one, because it would seem to because some beautiful beautiful places would remain a great addition, and we would continue to interest that may be activating Soviet combat? It should prove to be the one, because it would

Saybrook College, Yale University.

April 19, 1942

To W.W.

Dear William;

My last shot in the continued bombardment is in reply to your question in the letter of Jan. 24 as to whether the men in saddle in Japan are not obsessed with the same brand of " inferiority complex " as that of many Germans. I concur with you in this. Their whole conduct proves this is true. Their elder brothers demonstrated their prowess against the colossus of China in 1894-5, and against a great half-European power, Russia, ten years later. But they never had a chance to test their capacity against one of the strongest Western nations. Can they not, for that end, satisfy themselves by accomplishing the seemingly impossible by the full-est exploitation of the historic traits of the nation to elaborate and master all the details involved in a task, and to concentrate all the re-sources upon its achievement? This does not explain everything, for it is an emotion rather than the fundamental aim. That aim is, I suppose, deeper and more far-reaching; and is nothing short of driving away all Western influences from the regions whose economic supplies the armed forces would command without foreign obstruction, so that, as they in their characteristically shortsighted simplicity fancy, Japan's future life may be secured. All their emunciated policies and principles are after-thoughts and justifications of their actions, and can deceive no one.

You wondered why, with the remarkable successes Japan had achieved in modern life during the past seventy years, there should be any feeling of inferiority where one would expect, on the contrary, a sense of pride.

I do not think that the nation as a whole has ever been characterized with an inferiority psychosis. Many times in the past it has noted in other nations certain superiority, whether in institutions or in aspects of culture. The two greatest instances are; in the middle seventh century, when the body politic of the nation was disintegrating, while across the narrow sea China was setting up under the new dynasty of T'ang

across the narrow sea China was setting up under the new regime of Tsung
centrality, when the body politic of the nation was deteriorating; while
subsets of culture. The two greatest instances are: in the middle seventh
in other nations certain superiority, whether in institutions or in
fixed with an inferiority bayonset. In many times in the past it has noted
I do not think that the narrow as a whole has ever been character-
of inferiority where one would expect, on the contrary, a sense of pride.
in modern life during the past seventy years, there should be any feeling
You wondered why, with the remarkable success of Japan had achieved
thoughts and qualifications of their sections, and can deceive no one.
be acquired. All their emanated policies and principles are after-
characteristically efforted simplicity. Japan's future life may
would command without foreign obstruction, so that, as they in their
influence from the regions whose economic subordinates the armed forces
and more far-reaching; and is nothing short of driving away all Western
an emotion rather than the fundamental aim. That aim is, I suppose, deeper
advance on its achievement? This does not explain everything, for it is
water at the details involved in a task, and to concentrate all the re-
sist exploitation of the historic traits of the nation to elaborate and
safely themselves by accompanying the seemingly unobvious by the unit-
against one of the strongest Western nations. Can they not, for that end,
Rome's ten years later. But they never had a chance to test their capacity
cooperation of China in 1894-5, and against a great half-European power,
this is true. Their either brothers demonstrated their prowess against the
of many Geranma. I concern with you in this. Their whole conduct proves
are not observed with the same brand of " inferiority complex " as that
direction in the far east of Japan. 34 as to whether the men in subdue in Japan
they first got in the continued possession is in reply to your

Dear William!

To W.N.

Seybrook College, Yale University.

April 19, 1948

3

April 19, 1942

to learn and master any new thing it believes to be better than its
own. For this reason, many foolish things have been done in blind imi-
tation, and have aroused resentment in the reactionaries. But, on the
while, I believe that the nation has a large share of genuine catholic-
ity of temper. And behind it one may note a certain indomitable self-
confidence that what others have done it also can do and surpass. This
trait may be discovered through the ages. In Buddhism, in art, in arms,
in handiwork, transcription and understanding were followed by vigorous
assimilation and true original adaption. Who knows that the same pro-
cess will not from time to time repeat itself in the future when the race
returns to sanity? If perhaps it may be said that the world has been so
narrowed that the sudden disclosure of a fresh culture is no longer pos-
sible, then may it not be that the common civilization will still afford
room for new discoveries and inventions in individual nations, and that
Japan, too, may have her share in making contributions in an age of com-
petition and cooperation, even as she has already begun to do?

How, then, did it come about that a certain part of the nation has
been smitten by a German-like psychosis? The causes are subtle, and have
never been understood by foreign observers. The only writer that has come
to my notice as having comprehended a point in question is the late E.J.
Dillon, the Irish publicist who had a hand in the diplomacy between many
a nation. The point referred to is the long continued experience of the
superior attitude shown by Occidentals in their public and private deal-
ings with the Japanese. In private intercourse, the attitude was generally
unconscious, and often benevolent. Nevertheless, to the susceptibilities
of the nation, it was too obvious and galling to make even benovolence
sweet. All the greater pity, because for the most part the foreigner was
completely unaware of his offence and of the feeling that was being stead-
ily accumulated on the other side. This is altogether a recondite matter,
and would come to the Occidental as a surprise, if told. But while the

and would come to the Occident as a nation, so said the
experts. But while the
ily seemed on the other side. This is altogether a remarkable matter,
completely unusual at this time and of the feeling that was being at-
least. All the greater birth, please for the most part the foreigner was
of the nation, it was too obvious and telling to make even penology
unconscionable, and often penitent. Nevertheless, to the acceptance
of the Japanese. In private intercourse, the attitude was generally
impartial attitude shown by Occidentals in their public and private busi-
ness. The point referred to is the long continued experience of the
Dillon, the Irish publisher who had a hand in the diffusion between many
to my notice an出版thing corresponding to a point in direction in the
way. The only writer that has come
been written by a German-like政baphobia? The causes are somewhat
and have
How, then, did it come about that a certain part of the nation has
petition and cooperation, even as are put forth begun to do?

Japan, too, may have per se in making contributions in an age of com-
mon for new discoveries and inventions in individual nations, and that
of course, then may it not be that the common civilization will still afford
barriers that the sudden disclosure of a fresh culture in no longer be-
returned to us. It perhaps it may be said that the world has been so
come will not from time to time repeat itself in the future when the race
elimination and true original adaptation. Who knows that the same bro-
in pedantry, transgression and underestimation were followed by algorithms
that may be discovered through the ages. In Bigblum, in 1913, in sum,
confidence that what others have done it has can do and should do.
This
is of course. And behind it one may note a certain indomitable self-
while, I believe that the nation has a large share of feminine encro-
fication, and have昂amed reformation in the reactionaries. But, on the
own. For this reason, many Scottish things have been done in filing in-
to learn and master, and new thinking it believes to be better than in
the

April 10, 1945

4 individual Japanese

April 19, 1942

individual Japanese reactions could be different according to personal characters, no dull person could help noticing what could be extremely objectionable. I, for one, have tasted the thing in all its aspects through many years, first while in Japan, and then in American residence and European travels. As regard State affairs, there was constant need on the government's part of self-restrain from indulging emotions, as silent cooperation with the others and loyal service for the common good brought little recognition, while any trend toward independent judgement would provoke an attempt at dissuasion, if not circumvention; as achievements in adjusting domestic steps with the foreign were patronizingly praised, but differences from foreign customs and standards were branded as un-civilized, even officially; and as what was conceived as imparative for the future safety of the nation was often thrust aside, or else corrected in a manner which appeared ignorant of special conditions and motivated by the self-interest of Western powers or capital. This continued for decades, from the imposition of treaties in the 1850's and 60's that deprived the nation of its judicial and tariff autonomy, to the ( from the Japanese point of view) unfairly selfish arrangements of naturalization in America and of the Washington naval conference of three Powers. Few have guessed what swallowing of humiliation was needed in Japan through these long years. Be it said at once, however, that through out their active contact with other governments, the Japanese rulers were too sensible to react against this treatment with any sort of revenge and truculence. There were still too many weak points at home and too much to learn from abroad; the exhibition of superiority was not the fault of persons; and it would be indecent to lose self-control and propriety of conduct. But, unfortunately it is a fact that, in the first decades of the new era, the nation still lacked the capacity of the mind to laugh off the supercilious foreigner. It was still too naively proud and sensitive in its foreign contact to

If we still too naively proud and senescent in our foreign contact to
fucker the capacity of the mind to function off the aberrations foreign.
it is a fact that, in the first decades of the new era, the nation still
indigent to lose self-control and propriety of conduct. But, unfortunately
expulsion or anarchy was not the result of persons; and it would be
aftif too many weak points at home and too much to learn from abroad; the
against this treatment with any sort of revenue and tricuspence. There were
with other governments, the Japanese were too enable to recast
years. Be it said at once, however, that through our active contact
what withholding of judgment was needed in Japan through these long
and of the Washington last conference of three powers. Few have benefited
point of view (unably self-sustaining arrangements of judgment in America
nation of, if a judicial and fair, autonomy, to the ( from the Japanese
from the imposition of treaties in the 1860's and 60's that deprived the
self-interest of Western powers or capital. This continued for decades,
namely which shunned firmament of special conditions and motivated by the
future safety of the nation was often屆 what said, or else corrected in a
civilised, even officially; and as what was conceived as imperative for the
but differences from foreign economy and atmosphere were pruned so as un-
in adjusting domestic aspects with the foreign were patronisingly brazen,
broader an attempt at discussion, it not circulation; as achievements
little recognition, while any trend toward independent judgment would
consideration with the others and further service for the common good brought
Government a part of self-reliance from indulging emotions, so silent
in Eurocent travels. As regard State affairs, there was constant need on the
through many years, that while in Japan, and then in American residence and
options possible. If, for one, have stated the thing in all its aspects
generally, no one here can help noticing what could be extremely
individual Japanese reactions could be different according to here and
there.

April 19, 1925

4 individual Japanese

5

April 19, 1942

to shed such affront by saying it was the foolishness of a conceited man who did not know better.

I have no doubt that in the armed wings, especially in the army, the feeling had long taken the particular form of narrow resentment and hatred of the foreigner. The army has in recent years been trying, without appreciable success, to convert the national sensitiveness into the same form of sentiment as its own. Several things seem to have contributed to make the army's reaction so different from that of the others. Certainly one of them is that until some ten years ago the army had not actively asserted its privilege to interfere with the conduct of the State, and had therefore not been in the line of direct responsibility where virtues of self-control and gentlemanliness could be cultivated; but on the contrary for this and other reasons, had been in a position to murse and indulge its peculiarly crude feelings of bitterness. Another potent cause must be the fact that the army from its modern creation was modelled after the Prussian, that its admiration and emulation of the German system have been continuous, and that many high officers have studied in Germany and deeply imbibed her spirit. And looking back at the history and the present polity of their own country, their simple minds must have discovered in them several things that they thought they could interpret in the German way. This goes far toward accounting for their apparent willingness to accommodate the larger policies, which they now control, with the German, in spite of the deep doubts that prevail among all other sections of the nation.

The naval mind is broader, and naval men travel in many lands. What inspires the navy at present, is rather its ideal of general national interest for the future, as it conceives it. In this, it is cousin to the army, although its eyes are turned more to the south than to the Asiatic continent, which seems to be the favorite hunting ground of the army. That is why there has been no open break between the two, and why on the whole they are pulling together, for their notions of patriotism are largely

["whole they are buffing together, for their notions of patriotism are largely\nthat it is why there has been no open break between the two, and why on the\ncontinent which seems to be the favorite hunting ground of the army,\nthough it exists are turned more to the south than to the Voluntary\n軍, through which it seems to be the favorite hunting ground of the army,\nstrongly inspired by the same, is rather its idea of General Nationalism,\nthe national mind in its broader, and most men travel in many lands. What\ndoubts that brevet among all other sections of the nation,\nwhich they now control, with the German, in spite of the deep\nbitterness, which they now control, with the German, in spite of the

6

April 19, 1942

alike, and both regard politics with a short, direct view, blind to the
spiritual factors at home and abroad.

The analysis I have attempted above in very simple terms leaves out
one great psychological factor in the national mind. It is this, I think,
that underlies even the habitual curiosity and accommodation about things
foreign to which I have referred. The same mental trend is discoverable in
the background of many other characteristic modes of action of the nation.
But this is too large and deep a thing. It has not been noted by many; and
it is so deeply rooted in history, and so many influences have contributed
to its making, that it is only recently that I have begun to think carefully
about it. My thought on it is still too immature for expression, even if the
space be given to discuss it.

So my felicitations to you that the time of my silence has at length
been reached.

V.

Very sincerely,

been reached.

So my felicitations to you that the time of my alliance has at length
appeared be given to discuss it.

About it. My thought on it is still too immature for expression, even if the
to its making, that it is only recently that I have begun to think carefully
it is so deeply rooted in history, and so many influences have contributed
But this is too large and deep a thing. If we had not been noted by many, and
the background of many other characteristic modes of action of the nation,
Foreign to which I have referred. The same mental trend is discoverable in
that underlies even the intellectual curiosities and seconiosis about things
one great behavioral factor in the national mind. If it is this, I think,
Theмы analyze I have attempted above in very simple terms leaves out
spiritual before at home and abroad.

 strike, and both regard philosophy with a sort of direct awe, bring to the

April 19, 1945

May 3, 1942

the former.

But there's another far greater subject that possesses me, on which
it is not possible for me to write as yet even for diversion. That is
the historic mentality of the Japanese nation. I am thinking it all over
from the ground up, for I feel that I have not, nor anyone else, really
known it except superficially, at best conventionally. I have sketched
out certain aspects of the evolution, but even of this there is no end of
revising. I am sure that no one past or present knows anything of the matter
below the merest surface, and that, therefore, even that little is utterly
out of true perspective. I have felt somewhat the same way about many
things in medieval Europe and about China. But never before have I ex-
perienced a sense of facing a subject so little penetrated by human under-
standing.

I thank you very much for sending me the " Current Problems in book on
Education " on the Future of Education. I shall read it with great inter-
est. I have read another in the same series, and got so much suggestion
from it that I have ever since been turning it over in my mind. I hope to
look over still some other volumes in the series. I like these writings
by English scholars and thinkers. Some of them may have been hastily
written but the authors seem to have thought upon their subjects at leisure.
It is that leisurely way of mulling their knowledge that I admire in them.

Please tell me if I have sent you copies of the following letters
of mine. I have no copies of them, but can have them made, if they would
at all interest you.

Jan. 11 '42 to Arthur Morgan

Feb. 8 '42 G.G.Clark

Feb. 1 and Feb. 8 '42 to Wm. Willcox.

To G.G.C.

May 14, 1942

Dear Squire,

This is another escape for my emotions. Coral Sea, as a name and as a retribution, seems to chime well with Pearl Harbor. We still know no more than a fragment of the battle, which may take on yet larger dimensions; and I suspect Mc Arthur's phrase " relatively slight " may hide a considerable loss on our side, though lesser than that on the other side, for he has not so far proved willing to enclose his reports in general pictures of the whole situation, but inclined to divulge only the occasional gains on his side. Nor can I think that either side has deployed in this battle more than a minor part of the naval forces it actually has at its command. Yet it seems to me that, aside from any relative or comparative account of the losses, in the absolute loss of the Japanese navy must be vital. That, if reue, should prove very important hereafter. So far nothing has cheered me so much in the Pacific half of the dismal war as this development. If I am not mistaken, this is also the general feeling of careful observers in this country.

But I believe that, if the event may be regarded as the harbinger of a progressive advance toward the ultimate victory, that advance will be a very long road, even much longer than can be hoped for on the European front. And neither front, East or West, is free of elements that can yet render the allied side precarious. Its destiny still hangs in a delicate balance, as I understand it.

The East is much the worse. I think it would be necessary for the allies while continuing their effort in the Pacific, to concentrate for the moment the greatest part of their energy upon winning in the West. Thenethey can master all forces almost exclusively in the East. There, for the present, do all that is possible to prevent the enemy from cutting off the slender lines of communication with America and Europe; but in the meantime risk further temporary losses of local points. The past losses are already so immense and so serious, that at best it will be a task for much longer dur-

2

May 14, 1942

ation to recover them -- as they must be -- than to dislodge Germany from her European position and to crush her at her own home, colossel as that work also is. An evenly divided attention to both hemispheres at this stage would be nearly certain to prolong the war beyond the endurance of every nation involved. Both enemy and ally would be ruined for decades. One aim of the allies should be to crush the enemy governments and free the many nations. It would be nothing less than a tragedy of the human race as a whole to bring down both sides together in the dust.

To return to the immediate necessities. In the West, the two essentials, in order to enable Russia really to beat Hitler, would be: diversion of forces to second fronts, and a tremendous activity in America to create new shipping resources. I am, of course, speaking of the most important points, which imply a host of other things that must go with them. As for second fronts, I feel that something is already brewing in that direction, chiefly in England, and look forward to see it unfolding itself before many months will be past. What I do feel convinced of is that this country has so far organized her vast resources for the needed speedy increase of ships, not even to the extent that Wilson did in the last war. All the big talks of production that have been indulged by authorities at Washington have been singularly obscure on this crucial point. Why should enormous preparations of armament be openly proclaimed, while no such assurances, except in a few vague and hesitant words, be given about shipbuilding? If the news of the former is calculated to hearten the nation and to discourage the enemy, would not as positive an announcement of the satisfactory progress in the latter be still more effective? I hope my fears will prove groundless.

The President recently said to some Latin Americans here: "We are going places; we shall get somewhere." We shall get somewhere, somehow, some time. But the crisis that is no longer here is so supreme that one would and should see the entire nation from top to bottom straining toward a single focal point. Will you write to me, just to say something, always

K.

To G. O. W. from a friend

June 10, 1942

As for the need you emphasize for instilling in young minds a sense of the Absolute, I can say I am completely at one with you. If that sense is firmly implanted in childhood and early adolescence, even if it should be later shaken by the impact of external forces, perhaps a substratum will remain that will unconsciously serve as the root of one's feelings of self-responsibility, and may even prove to be the point disappud when still later one reflects and begins to rebuild one's view of life. I strongly believe that liberalism's ultimate reliance is nothing other than the citizen's accountability to himself; and that it is very difficult in modern society, except at such a world crisis as the present, to create it by school and college education. The ground must be laid by the religious training of the child. This is all the more necessary, as the present Protestant church seems strangely incapable of making Christianity personally real to the individual, while personal Christianity should be the most potent and even the only sound foundation of the civic conscience of a liberal.

In wartime, one cannot and should not expect in current literature any thing but warped views of enemy nations. I am gradually discovering types of counterfeit coins that are circulating in that matter and often catch my self making facile, ill-founded generalizations about the Germans, Italians, Chinese and Japanese. In such times, even governments, scholars and historians are not immune, to say nothing of journalists. Never more keenly have I realized how puerile and weak the human intellect can become on certain matters of moment. All forms of wishful thinking and all manner of hostile assertions are freely indulged, often causing costly miscalculations.

Nor have I felt more deeply than now what an intricate and profound subject it is to be the question of the mind of a historic nation. As I said in my last letter to you, I am discovering that I have known hardly anything of my nation.

For a long time, in parallel with my study of Japanese and European

2 To G.O.W

June 10, 1942

medieval documents of juridical nature, I have been delving into their
narrative accounts of events produced by contemporary writers. For example,
in case of Japan; - diaries of courtiers; verses of emperors, nobles and
common folk; Buddhist monks and warriors memoranda of many battles fought
during the civil wars of the later Middle Ages; etc.-few of all which were
intended by their authors for publication.

It is through these two classes of original sources- juridical and
narrative or literary that I am struggling to reconstruct my knowledge of
the inner life of the race. Deep psychological forces and their origins
were unconscious in the writers; nor can the student begin to gain an in-
sight into them without wide, as well as repeated search for them beneath
the words. Constant and unsparing revisions are found to be imperative.
How much more must this be true with hostile literature !

All I plead is the necessity of holding fast the attitude of a poor
inquirer, always remembering that, under the best of circumstances, the
available sources of information cannot help being colored in one way or
another and woefully incomplete.

Graduate School

New Haven, Conn.

July 12, 1942

Dear Friend,

Many thanks for your kind letter. After 4½ days of moving I have occupied the apartment on the ninth floor of the tower of this school, though I am far from being settled yet. Please address me hereafter at Graduate School, Yale University. I find I am a few floors above Mr. Aydellotte. I had thought he was in another part of the school. When I am settled, I think I shall like my new quarters well enough. They are high, have pleasant views all round, and are quiet. Most neighbors are colleagues I have known long. But I am pretty tired. I hope to go away for a while I the whole of August to my retreat in Plymouth, N.H., as usual, and return well built up early in September.

My labor of cataloguing was wound up after a fashion only on the eve of moving. The books I gave are all housed in the top floor of the Library. There I have been provided a pleasant place to work. It is even higher than my rooms and much more roomy and very agreeable. It is a floor containing books that are not intended for general circulation and has therefore few visitors. But I am making arrangements to loan my books through the Library to such specialist and students as would wish to use them. The books are no longer "mine", but the Library has happily arranged matters so that the books will not be distributed among those in other floors, and that I have access to them as if they were still practically mine. This is an extra ordinary consideration. There are many among the hooks that are duplicated in the library. When it comes to the time to dispose of them, I am to be given a voice as to whom some of them may be given.

I thank you heartily for offering Mrs. de Langis' efficient help in the cataloguing. The catalogue I have made is my own record, to aid me in the use of the books. It is largely handwritten and needs copying overom the typewriter. But a man on a half-pay cannot well afford the expense.

Yours always
K. Asakawa

Graduate School
New Haven, Conn. • July 19, 1942

Dear Friend;

Many thanks. I, too, think that many dissertations of students sadly lack imagination. It is a common criticism of our Ph.D. theses have at our discussion of them. The same fault is present, as you deplore, in many scholarly works published today.

This is largely due, I believe, to two circumstances. One is that now for decades students of history, for example, have been taught, probably under the influence of the models set by German academicians since the latter part of the last century, to aim at objectivity and accuracy, at the sacrifice of free, bold thinking. There has been some reaction in American university circles against the " pedestrian " manner, but, on the whole, it has been hesitant. In this respect, our scholars lag behind their French and British colleagues.

The other great deterrent is the natural immaturity of our graduate students, both in intellectual attainment and in general experience in life. I think it would be disastrous if, in their condition, they made an effort to mix imagination with objective inquiry. The danger is only relatively less even with young scholars who have won their degrees a decade ago, as may be easily demonstrated in your Harvard correspondent.

For, what, after all, is " imagination ?" When we say we lack or need it, what do we mean by it ? It plainly can mean several different things, can it not ? Whatsoever it be, it is clear that the imagination one is gifted with or has cultivated has to be severely self-disciplined, and be continuously and with great solicitude cultivated. It is a much more difficult art than research,--its very indefinite character is an indication of that fact,--and its practice should be more rigorously and constantly scrutinized by oneself. Such at least is my personal experience. For a long time, I have been spending much thought on what si " imagination."

I have been insisting that, even in our young students, we should

July 19, 1942

deliberately try to develope imaginative power, and that, if we have the will,
it is possible t do so in some degree. I have in mind that the student's
eyes should be and can be opened to the need, at least, of considering the
general setting of the matter of his study in the broad life of which it is
part; and, what is extremely important, of stakin the results of his thought
of the setting in language plainly showing that they are subjective, apart
from the report of his objective findings.

The first thing in the effort to cultivate the student's imagination
is that the instructor himself should be a possessor of disciplined imagin-
ation, and be conscious both of its superative need and of its immense risks.
Few teachers of this sort have been produced under the system of instruction
that has prevailed in our universities.

I do not know whether or not your thought has been turned to the follow-
ing fact, as mine has been strongly. The trend of depending on merely objec-
tive studies. has been so general in education that its effects are visible
in all fields of current life,- not only in history and science, but also
in political sciences, law, economics and social surveys; not only in the
academic world, but also in practical government and diplomacy. Where im-
agination is occasionally indulged, it is often of an untrained sort and
leads to unhappy, even tragic consequences. Perhaps in such spheres as
medicine and industry, where physical being or material interest is directly
involved, this sad defect may be less present, but it has been disastrous
in all degrees in legislation, administration, national defense, social
worth and the like. Perhaps the saddest results may be found in diplomacy.
It is exactly one of the fields where disciplined imagination is most great-
ly needed but where it proves most difficult to develope. That may be why
diplomacy in many countries is usually temporizing and depends upon
pathetically paltry clevernesses. But, at critical times, if diplomacy
commends the latest knowledge of fact but lacks trained imagination, one
faux pas it v

July 19, 1942

one faux pas it commits can contribute tragically to the emergence
of a great calamity.

To revert to our theses. After all is said, I would be among the last
men to ignore the merit of many of our unimaginative pieces of work.
They are exclusively factual, it is too true, but the original discoveries
of fact they present are basic in any understanding of their subjects, and
are therefore solid contributions to human knowledge. They can no longer be
dispensed with by any future student of the same matter and all his imagin-
ation must start from them. On the contrary, a hodge-podge of research and
crude imagination, expressed as slipshod a language, can be utterly useless,
and would have to be completely done over.

As soon as I find more time one Sunday, I shall venture to comment
upon the interesting letter you have enclosed.

New Haven, Conn.

July 26, 1942

Dear Friend ;

There are a hundred and one things that could be added in the references to imagination I presumed to make in my last letter. But I am only entering upon my analysis of what it may be, and my ideas of it are still far from having been even tentatively formed. But there is one point I wish to stress that issues directly from my self-discipline. There is no occasion for one to be self-complacent about an exercise of his imaginative power. For it is strictly conditioned by his personal attainment in intellectual and spiritual career, and as one can be too profoundly dissatisfied and humble about it. Yet it seems to be just when one displays his imagination that he gives the impression of being well pleased with the results. Truly this is ludicrous arrogance. The sin resides largely in the form of expression one gives to these little results. Expression itself should clearly reflect one's inner humility.

This applies with the greater force to propaganda, for propaganda is one of the most arrogant forms of imaginative interpretation. I sometimes admire this manner of some of the best British propagandists of today, for they are not able scholars who, moreover, habitually think with deliberation and know how to sympathize with the other side and to be guarded in their own expression. Yet the pitfalls that beset them are many and serious, and only those who are able to scrutinize their own souls can emerge untarnished from the task which from its very nature is contaminating. No one may fall victim to this illusion that it is sufficient to do lip service in mercenary phrases to the good points in the opponent which one has heard about but which one has not personally discovered and tasted, and to the faults and errors on one's own side of which one is not personally repentant.

Therefore, I shall venture a few comments upon your correspondent's enterprise. I shall be severe for I imagine myself in his place.

Propaganda is built upon the two factors, " they " and " we".

In " them " I stress what is unfavorable to them in comparison with

July 26, 1942

"us", and add somewhere that I am well aware they have such and such good qualities. But I am out in the open for performing my duty of disparaging those people as roundly as possible to our own advantage. Contrast is my goods; condemnation is my trade, I should be failing in my task, if I did not search for whatever has been said against them, attribute it to them as a race, and exploit to the utmost what I feel to be the wickednesses of our adversary. Whatever merit he may happen to possess is his own affair, and should take care of itself.

But "we" are "different". Where the enemy fails, we are strong, Even when we perhaps commit unwitting errors, they are "different", for they are casual and not innate, as are his. I have no time for the moment to ponder either what "we" truly is an essence are, or whether I have ever studied the matter independently and deeply, still less how much I have identified myself with "us", and contributed to "our" life in any fundamental respect. I am however content that my words are true, and I am doing the necessary thing to my best ability. Perhaps I am in a better position to do it than some others; so this is my noble mission.

Usually it appears easier to size "them" than to know "ourselves". When this seems to be the case, is it not a sure proof of my not knowing "us" and much less "them"? However that be, my eyes are turned outward I feed upon reviling the other fellow; I am a slave of tawdry contrasts.

Can one, in one's spiritual career, afford to indulge propaganda? In every wartime,-- and I have seen two world wars here and once in Europe, and two other wars in the Orient,-- I see all about me usually estimable persons hasten to betray themselves to momentary lapses of superficiality, self-righteousness, and gratuitous moral and intellectual regression. What good effects do they fancy these pathetic acts of "patriotism" will bring upon the great issues of the war? The best of us have not enough imagination to fathom the full meaning of the issues, which are so widely taken

July 26, 1942

for granted, and far less know where we are individually in the work
of Providence. As it is, have we not too much to do in discharging well
our practical shares in the common effort to make our cause prevail, to be
stepping aside and be throwing ink at " them " and at " us " ?

The personal cost of propagandizing is appaling. Let those engage
in it if need be, who are confirmed mercenaries, and hold themselves as
past all hopes of integrity and of redemption. Is it not imperative that
each of us should, with a single heart and with utmost humility, exert
himself and encourage his comrades to prosecute a successful war and to
prepare for the new age we hope to create ? We could not possibly win either
war or peace, if on the way many of us relaxed sincerity or wisdom. It is
hardly a time for immature persons to step aside and throw need about. It
could neither hurt the foe nor help the friend; on the contrary, it could
only soil the thrower's hand and besmirth this nation's honor.

Yours always,

K. Asakawa.

To G.W.P.

Plymouth Aug. 9,1942

Dear George,

Thank you for your note of the 5th. About frontiers in Europe, did I mention to you Ferdinand Lott's volumes on invasions of the various races? I have not read them, but his very choice of general subject suggests that he probably offers some useful hints. L. Halphen also has a volume entitled "Les Barbares", which went through two or three editions.

Since I came here I have been looking over Marc Bloch's "La société féodale". The first more than a hundred pages of its vol. take up the Moslem, Hungarian, and Germanic invasions. As usual, Bloch is very suggestive, often in an original way, though, again as usual, not strongly assertive. I have found his survey to be a profitable reading, because it considers briefly, in every case, the character of the frontier, the social forces that had impelled the race to migrate, its notice culture, the manner of the invader's reaction upon the changing habitats, the later changes in the home-land that affected the last, the effects of the invasion upon the life of the invaded, etc. This is a more comprehensive and more satisfactory treatment than Turner's. Only the difference is that Bloch is concerned only with the effects produced upon the native life of the invaded land, not upon the frontiersman himself, for Bloch discusses the invasions only as a cause of the feudal evolution in Western Europe.

If one would study the influence upon the Moertmen, one would have to examine the Nordic sagas and early German chronicles. I have been doing this for some time, from another point of view, and finding it immensely instructive. But I have yet to explore a great deal more material.

Now, "frontiers" in these cases ( except perhaps Scandinavia ) are not certain men carving their ways into certain empty spaces, not even always among primitive peoples, like the American Indian, but involve contacts of two races and cultures in already inhabited lands; and the vultures may be either equally advanced, though different as between

To G.W.P. 2

Aug. 9, 1942

the Teutons and the Slavs and Finns or between the Arabs and the Europeans, or unequal in many ways in favor of the invaded, as in the case of the Northmen against the Franks. The aggression of the Crusaders against the Moslems in the Orient is another illustration of perhaps equal but different cultures, while that of the Mongols or Manchus upon the Chinese typifies the other sort of contact. So the "frontier" in these examples would be so called chiefly from the standpoint of the invader, the aggressive party.

"Frontier" may well be applied to the intrusion of an ideology into another, as that of the Russiane communist into old Asiatic economies, or of the Nazi "new order" into the capitalist-liberal atmosphere. Mutual actions and effects upon each side will be marked and vital.

I should suppose that, when the comparative study of the various frontiers is well enough advanced, not only the differences, but also some common features, in the effects might begin to emerge. It would essentially be the similarities that would be the touchstone of the real validity of the salvaged residue of the Turner philosophy. I was talking with my friend Mr. Clark the other day about frontiers. He mentioned Matthew Shailer's works, in which the author had stressed the superiority of habits that offered certain diversity of physical conditions calling for the flexible adaptability of the people, to places which were more monotonous. This reminded me of our Ellsworth Huntington's idea of the advantages of temperate zones as compared with excessively hot or cold climates, like the African or Eskimo regions. He also emphasizes the importance of the development of adaptability in the former. Here, then, is an example of the possible deduction of similar effects of frontiers wrought upon the settlers. So ad infinitum.