My dear Mr. Secretary,

Your beautiful tribute to Jim went
far to express the pride in his
accomplishments and the sense of
loss in his death which so many
people feel.

It gave me great personal comfort
to read your beautifully expressed
sentiments - words which I shall
treasure in future days as a part
of an enduring memorial to a great
American.

With much gratitude and personal
good wishes, I am,

October 12, 1973

IronAge
a CHILTON publication

Radnor, Pennsylvania 19089/215-687-8200

Thomas J. Corcoran
Publisher

May 20, 1976

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Department of State
2201 C Street
Washington, DC 20520

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

It is with a great deal of pride that I enclose your personal copy of Iron Age's 1976 Classic Edition, "The Men and Machines that Made America".

This is Iron Age's contribution to the nation's 200th birthday and its tribute to America's great metalworking and metal producing industries that have contributed so greatly, in so many ways to this country's unsurpassed growth.

I welcome your comments.

dw

Enclosure

Department of State

TELEGRAM

LIMITED OFFICIAL USE 3457

PAGE 01 STATE 094957

64
ORIGIN EUR-25

INFO OCT-01 ISO-00 SS-20 RSC-01 /047 R

DRAFTED BY EUR/IB/RFRIEDMAN:MS
APPROVED BY G - MR. ADAMS
EUR/IB - MR. RABENOLD
EUR - MR. STABLER
S/S-S - MRS. HAMILTON

R 081831Z MAY 74
FM SECSTATE WASHDC
TO AMEMBASSY MADRID

079591

LIMITED OFFICIAL USE STATE 094957

E.O. 11652: N/A
TAGS: OGEN (KISSINGER, HENRY A.)
SUBJECT: REPLY TO CONGRATULATORY MESSAGE

1. PLEASE DELIVER FOLLOWING MESSAGE TO FOREIGN MINISTER CORTINA FROM THE SECRETARY:

"DEAR MR. MINISTER: NANCY JOINS ME IN EXTENDING OUR THANKS FOR YOUR GRACIOUS MESSAGE ON THE OCCASION OF OUR MARRIAGE. YOUR THOUGHTFUL CONGRATULATIONS HAVE ADDED TO OUR HAPPINESS. BEST REGARDS, HENRY A. KISSINGER."

2. FOLLOWING IS TEXT OF FOREIGN MINISTER'S CABLE TO SECRETARY:

"I TAKE PLEASURE IN SENDING YOUR EXCELLENCY MY WARMEST CONGRATULATIONS ON YOUR RECENT MARRIAGE AND MY BEST WISHES FOR YOUR PERSONAL GOOD FORTUNE. PEDRO CORTINA, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF SPAIN."

3. DEPARTMENT DOES NOT PLAN TO RELEASE THE TEXT OF THE REPLY AND REQUESTS THAT IT NOT BE RELEASED BY THE HOST GOVERNMENT. RUSH

LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

FORM 8-66 DS-1652

Unofficial Translation

My Dear Secretary of State,

When we spoke by telephone I was not aware of the
reference to me in your speech, and was not able to thank
you for it. I do so with full pleasure now, being very
grateful to you for such a delightful gesture.

I repeat to you, once more, that it has been for me
a great satisfaction to have worked with you in the con-
solidation of relations between our two countries and I
feel secure that our common effort was highly positive
in that sense. Of our conversations, I will always
remember your great spirit of understanding that
contributed so much to the happy results.

I hope to have the chance to see you again in the
future and, meanwhile, I am pleased to repeat to you a
testimony of my consideration and sincere esteem.

Pedro Cortina

Madrid, 27 de enero de 1976.

Excmo. Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Secretario de Estado
WASHINGTON.

Mi querido Secretario de Estado:

Cuando hablamos por teléfono no tenía conocimiento de la referencia a mi persona en su discurso, y no pude agradecérselo. Lo hago con sumo placer ahora, quedán dole muy reconocido por tu delicado gesto.

Le repito, una vez más, que ha sido para mí una gran satisfacción contribuir con Vd. a consolidar las relaciones entre nuestros dos países y tengo la seguridad de que nuestro común esfuerzo ha sido muy positivo en tal sentido. De nuestras conversaciones me quedará siempre el retraso de su gran espíritu de comprensión que tanto ha contribuido a ese feliz resultado.

Espero tener la ocasión de volverle a ver en el futuro y, entre tanto, me es grato reiterarle el testimonio de mi consideración y sincera estima.

Pedro Cortina.

ROINN AN TAOISIGH

DEPARTMENT OF THE TAOISEACH

BAILE ÁTHA CLIATH 2
DUBLIN 2

6 April 1976

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger,
Secretary of State,
Washington D.C.

My dear Mr. Secretary,

It is with much pleasure that I write to thank you and Mrs. Kissinger for the magnificent lunch which you hosted in honour of Mrs. Cosgrave and myself in the Department of State on Thursday, the 18th March. The event was for us both and indeed for all of our party a most pleasant and enjoyable function and I would like to thank you again for your most generous remarks on that occasion.

May I also say on behalf of our Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Garret FitzGerald and myself how much we appreciated your helpfulness during our meeting with President Ford on St. Patrick's Day. I value highly the relationship we established with all of you at the meeting in the White House on that day and I have no doubt that it helped to further strengthen what are already very good relations between both our countries.

May I in conclusion express to you and Mrs. Kissinger our heartfelt thanks for the presents which you gave us on the occasion of our visit. We will value these always as reminders of what was for us a most memorable and truly enjoyable occasion.

The Center for Strategic and International Studies

Georgetown University / 1800 K Street / Washington DC 20006 / Telephone 202/833-8595

Cable Address: CENSTRAT

25 June 1976

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Washington, D.C. 20520

Dear Henry:

Thank you very much for your kindness in having your assistant, Suzanne S. McFarlane, forward to me the inscribed photograph of you. I greatly appreciate it and continue to wish you all the best in your many endeavors on behalf of our country. I hope sometime, if you will ever get less busy, it might be possible to have a chance to see you and talk with you.

Again, many many thanks. With warmest personal regards,

* David M. Ashire
University of Re. Center
John M. Stevens
Chairman, Executive Committee

* Ray S. Cline
Executive Director of Studies

* Alvin J. Cottrell
Director of Research
Jack H. Bridges
Energy
Leland Barrows
Africa
Sevinc Carlson
Nex East
Penelope Hartland-Thunberg
Economics

Robert A. Kilmarx
Far East

Francis X. Murray
Systeme Analysis

Kenneth A. Myers
Europe

Walter R. Roberts
Public Diplomacy

James D. Theberge
Western Hemisphere

M. Jon Vondracek
Communications

RESEARCH COUNCIL

* Walter Laqueur
Chairman

* Raymond F. Mikeseli
Co-Chairman

* Karl Carstens

* Karl H. Cerny

* Jules David

* William Griffith

* Edmund A. Gullon

* Pierre Hassner

* John Holmes

* Edward M. Kaltz

* Bernard Lewis

* Laurence W. Martin

* Klaus Muhmert

* Jan S. Richie

* Alec Nove

* Cecil J. Olmstead

* Ralph L. Powell

* Hugh Seton-Watson

* Jun Tsunoda

* John W. Tuthill

* Richard L. Walker

* Robert E. Ward

* Stanisław Wasowski

* Murray L. Weidenbaum

* Richard W. Wheeler

ADVISORY BOARD

* Frederick Seitz
Chairman

* Nathaniel Samuels
Vice Chairman

* Arleigh Burke
CSUB Chairman, Emeritus

* George W. Anderson, Jr.

* William J. Baroody, Sr.
Charles Bartlett

* Karl R. Bendetsen
Richard Bolling

* William E. Brock, III

* Nicholas J. Campbell, Jr.

* T. Byron Collins

* Kenneth M. Crosby

* Thomas B. Curtis

* Joseph S. Farland

* Max M. Fisher

* Henry H. Fowler

* Fred C. Foy

* Peter H. B. Frelinghuysen

* Maurice R. Greenberg

* Donald G. Herzberg

* Daniel W. Hofgren

* Hubert H. Humphrey

* Donald M. Kendall

* Peter D. Krogh

* Morris I. Leibman

* Gustave L. Levy

* Leonard H. Marks

* James S. McDonnell

* Thomas H. Moorer

* Thomas J. Murrin

* Martha Muse

* Robert D. Novak

* George Olmsted

* Claiborne Pell

* John J. Rhodes

* William V. Roth, Jr.

* Richard M. Scalel

* Adolph W. Schmidt

* F. Ritter Shumway

* Gerard C. Smith

* Frank Stanton

* John R. Stevenson

* Paul W. Thompson

* Arthur G. Trudeau

* Al Ullman

* John C. Warner

* Clement J. Zablocki

ADMINISTRATION

Christa D. K. Dantzler

Contractor
John H. Bernard

Elizabeth C. McCann

Congressional &
Federal Seminars

Etta S. Pollock

Conference Secretariat

Elise Thoren

Ass't. to Chairman

Stanley L. Wagenheim

Deputy Contractor

*Member, Executive Committee*

KENT STATE
UNIVERSITY

KENT, OHIO 44242

ICE ARENA

(216) 672-2414

August 28, 1974

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
State Department
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

Newspapers and magazines have a deliberate and somewhat accurate account of fiction and fantasy especially when it comes to political figures. The purpose of this letter is to distinguish the so-called fact of you being a great ice hockey fan according to the _Akron Beacon Journal_ of August 27, a widely circulated newspaper in Ohio.

We at the Kent State University Ice Arena hope that the statement is true because we would like to invite you to a special attraction of ice hockey on October 14, 1974 when the _Cleveland Crusaders_ will play both the _Michigan Stags_ and the _Pittsburgh Penguins_ in two exhibition games at the _KSU Ice Arena_.

This would be a great opportunity to see these fine teams in action. We are sure that very few fans in Ohio, Michigan and Pennsylvania will miss this game. We hope that you won't.

Please notify me as to how many tickets you would like (secret service agents included).

JC:jk

As your introduction
to membership in the
**BOOK-OF-THE-MONTH CLUB®**

THIS GREAT
$150 TEN-VOLUME HISTORY
FOR ONLY $150 A VOLUME

at once in a short experimental membership

THE SUGGESTED TRIAL: You simply agree to buy four Club choices
within a year at substantial savings on most books you choose.

Complete after forty years' research and writing
# The Story of Civilization
by WILL and ARIEL DURANT

**I. Our Oriental Heritage.** Ancient Egypt and the Near East. The Far East, early to modern times.

**II. The Life of Greece.** Explores all facets of Greek life from prehistoric times to the Roman conquest.

**III. Caesar and Christ.** The rise of Rome and Christianity and the collapse of classic civilization.

**IV. The Age of Faith.** Christian, Islamic and Judalac civilizations, 325 to 1300, including the Crusades.

**V. The Renaissance.** Italy's golden age, 1304 to 1576. A turbulent world of intrigue and great art.

**VI. The Reformation.** Europe's religious conflicts, from two centuries before Luther to Calvin.

**VII. The Age of Reason Begins.** Europe, 1558-1646. The age of Shakespeare, Rembrandt, Galileo.

**VIII. The Age of Louis XIV.** The brilliant era of the "Sun King," Milton, Cromwell, Peter the Great.

**IX. The Age of Voltaire.** Europe from 1715 to 1756. The world of Frederick the Great, Wesley, Bach.

**X. Rousseau and Revolution.** Europe from the Seven Years' War to the storming of the Bastille.

EACH OF THE TEN VOLUMES IN THE SET LISTS FOR $15

THE TRIAL suggested here will prove,
by your own actual experience,
how effectually membership in the
Book-of-the-Month Club can keep
you from missing, through oversight,
books you fully intend to read.

As long as you remain a member,
you will be sent approximately every
three and a half weeks the Book-of-
the-Month Club News, a literary mag-
azine published by the Club fifteen
times a year, which describes the Se-
lection as well as scores of other
books, most of which are available at
substantial discounts - up to 40% on
more expensive volumes. All these
books are identical to the publishers'
editions in content, format, size and
quality. If you wish to purchase the
Selection, do nothing and it will be
shipped to you automatically. How-
ever, there is no obligation to purchase
any particular volume. If you do not
want the Selection - or you would like
one of the Alternates or no book at all

- simply indicate your decision on the
  reply form always enclosed with the
  News and mail it so we receive it by
  the date specified. If, because of late
  mail delivery of the News, you should
  receive a Selection without having had
  10 days to decide whether you want it,
  that Selection may be returned at
  Club expense.

**BOOK-DIVIDENDS:** If you continue after this experimental membership, you will earn, for every Club Selection or Alternate you buy, at least one Book-Dividend Credit. Each Credit, upon payment of a nominal sum, often only $1.50 - somewhat more for unusually expensive volumes or sets - will entitle you to a Book-Dividend® which you may choose from over 100 fine library volumes available over the year. This unique library-building system enables members to save 70% or more of what they would otherwise have to pay for books they want to read and own.

INCLUDED WITHOUT CHARGE

A brilliant summary of all the Durants learned during their forty-year study of world history ... and an invaluable supplement to *The Story of Civilization*.

A copy will be included,
free, with each set sent to
new members who enroll
at this time. Pub price $5.95

BOOK-OF-THE-MONTH CLUB, INC.
Camp Hill, Pennsylvania 17012

4-A225-4-2

Please enroll me as a member of the Book-of-the-Month Club and send me *The Story of Civilization* in 10 volumes, billing me $1.50 per volume. I agree to purchase at least four additional Selections or Alternates during the first year I am a member, paying in most cases special members' prices. My membership is cancelable any time after I buy these four books. A shipping charge is added to all shipments.

MR.
MRS.
MISS

(Please print plainly)

Address

35

City

State

Zip

Page 17

Page 22

Page 16

April 20, 1974

FEATURES

4 Editorial by N.C.

5 Letters From Readers

6 Outlook: The Coming Energy
Glut by Norman Macrae

8 World Progress Report

32 Curmudgeon-at-Large
by Cleveland Amory

33 Top of My Head
by Goodman Ace

34 Manner of Speaking
by John Ciardi

35 World Environment Newsletter

58 Light Refractions
by Thomas H. Middleton

ARTICLES

LATIN AMERICA: 4 REPORTS

12 Kissinger's "New Dialogue"
by Alan Riding
The Secretary of State is
instilling a spirit of inter-
dependence in U.S.-Latin
American relations.

Henry's Frantic Year
by David M. Alpern

16 The Perennial Perón
by Henry Raymont

17 The Promising Pérez
by Pierre Salinger

18 Bright New Image for the
"Octopus" by Harold Lavine

BOOKS

22 Gulag Archipelago
by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
Reviewed by Robert Conquest

24 Solzhenitsyn Without
Stereotype
by Harry Schwartz

26 Working by Studs Terkel
Reviewed by Susan Jacoby

29 Trade Winds by William Cole

30 Books in Brief
by Dorothy Rabinowitz

MUSIC

38 "New and Newer" Dennis
Davies; Callas, Niska
by Irving Kolodin

TRAVEL

41 Duality Under the Palms
by Horace Sutton

PHOTOGRAPHY

44 The Human Touch
by Margaret R. Weiss

SCIENCE SUPPLEMENT

47 The Key Question:
What Are People For?
by Albert Rosenfeld

48 Crossing the Sex Barrier
by Donald C. Drake
Today's transsexuals are
advised to think twice before
taking the irreversible journey
into another gender.

50 Environmental Search for the
Source of Cancer
by Roger Lewin

GAMESMANSHIP

23 Literary Crypt No. 8

34 Wit Twister No. 19

57 Double-Crostic No. 47

Cover painting by Bart Forbes

Cartoonists: Hans Moser, J. B.
Handelsman, Herbert Goldberg,
William P. Hoest, Barney Tobey,
Nurit Karlin, Vahan Shirvanian,
Glenn R. Bernhardt

SATURDAY REVIEW/WORLD published bi-weekly by SATURDAY REVIEW/WORLD, Inc., 488 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10022. Norman Cousins, President; S. Spencer Grin, Executive Vice-President; Nathan Cohn, Senior Vice-President and Treasurer; Richard L. Tobin, Senior Vice-President; Roland Gelatt, Editorial Vice-President; Joseph S. Ieman, Corporate Vice-President and Secretary; Lynn White, Vice-President, Corporate Relations; William J. McVey, Jr., Director of Advertising; Robert A. Burghards, Vice-President of Advertising Services; Account Managers—Charles Harris, Fraser S. Howe, Walter G. Koontz, Larry Leins, Joseph Luyber, William H. Pearson, Richard Walsh; Director of Advertising Services, Robert Ziegler; Advertising Representatives—Western Region, R. J. Friedman Associates, Inc., 5643 Lemon Avenue, Van Nuys, Calif. 91401; Midwestern Region, Joseph Wall & Associates, 400 Ascot Drive, Park Ridge, Ill. 60068; Southeastern Region, James A. Kridel, Inc., 7600 Red Road (Suite 215-A), Miami, Fla. 33143; Circulation Director, George Reeves; Classified Advertising Manager, Charlotte Henkel; Promotion Director, Dennis Barry; Accounting Department, Dave Freed, Barbara Levasseur; Advertising Administration, Joan Grant; Circulation Department,

Jean Winters; Administrative Assistant to the President, Emily Guesskind; Administrative Assistants, Marion McAvoy, Dorothy Murray, Dorothy Re, Evelyn Smith, Mary Swift. Subscription price in U.S. and its possessions, APO, FPO, & Canada: one year—$12; two years—$20; three years—$25 (all other countries—additional postage $2 per year). Vol. I, No. 16, April 20, 1974. Back issues are $1 per copy. Entered as second-class mail in New York, N.Y., and at additional mailing offices. © 1974 by SATURDAY REVIEW/WORLD, Inc. All rights reserved under the Berne and Pan-American copyright conventions. Reproduction in whole or in part of any article (in English or other languages) without permission is prohibited. Printed in the United States of America. Available also in 35 mm microfilm and microfiche. SATURDAY REVIEW/WORLD, Inc., assumes no responsibility for any non-commissioned manuscripts, photographs, drawings, or other material. No such material will be returned unless submitted with a self-addressed envelope and sufficient postage. Send all remittances and correspondence about subscriptions, undelivered copies, and changes of address to Subscription Dept., SATURDAY REVIEW/WORLD Magazine, P.O. Box 2043, Rock Island, Ill. 61206, or phone Ms. André, 319-732-3451.

Saturday Review
World

## Latin America: 4 Reports

# Kissinger's "New Dialogue"

U.S. relations with Latin America, long chilled by mistrust and clumsy diplomacy, are thawing out in the warm glow of Henry Kissinger's new inter-American dialogue.

by Alan Riding

The sad truth about U.S.-Latin American relations is that ten decades of intercontinental conferences, "new dialogues," and proclamations of friendship have done little to redress the hemispheric imbalance: Latin America remains poor and frustrated; the United States remains rich and powerful.

Everything else follows from this. U.S. programs of trade and aid are merely frosting on the cake. The reality is that forty years of "good neighborliness" have not enabled a single Latin American nation to step out of poverty and underdevelopment.

Any "new relationship"—and the possibility is once again being aired—must therefore be based on a realistic appraisal of the basic relationship between the United States and Latin America. And if the Latins want to get rich and the Americans want to stay rich, the conclusion may well be that their interests are incompatible. To change the relationship, a clash of interests may therefore be inevitable.

Traditionally, Washington's policy toward the southern continent has consisted of negligent paternalism. And by constantly asking for a "new relationship" and complaining that "the United States doesn't care," Latin America has only encouraged this paternalism. Talking from a position of weakness, Latin America has only obtained reluctant charity;

talking from a position of strength, Washington has only responded to threats to its interests.

To smooth over the wrinkles in this traditional relationship, endless numbers of inter-American organizations and committees have been created. Almost monthly, one or the other produces yet another study or resolution or declaration on the state of relations between the regions. But the names and acronyms—OAS, ECLA, CIAP, CECLA, CIES, CECON, and so on—are important only as symbols of mounting frustration for the continent's governments. There are some diplomats who have spent their working lives going from one of these committees to another. Eventually, their vision of reality also wrinkles beyond recognition.

But once the organizations and the reports are set aside—so repetitive, so depressing; so accurate, yet so irrelevant—Washington's policy toward Latin America can be seen in all its simplicity and nakedness: It involves maintaining the continent generally within Washington's sphere of influence, preventing the emergence of leftist regimes, protecting U.S. investments, developing a market for U.S. exports, and securing the region as a fount of raw materials. Liberalism apart, there is nothing wrong with this. Washington defends its interests as it sees them—and it softens the blow with some charity and rhetoric.

The Alliance for Progress, launched with such flair by President Kennedy in 1961, fell perfectly into this pattern. It was realism wrapped in goodwill. Once the CIA-guided invasion of Cuba had col-

lapsed on the beaches of the Bay of Pigs, Washington accepted the permanence of Fidel Castro and sought to neutralize his influence through the Alliance for Progress. Right-wing dictatorships therefore were frowned upon, democracies were bolstered, and economic and social reform was encouraged. This prong of the alliance was aimed at defusing popular unrest. The other prong—that of sharing the grim secrets of counter-insurgency with Latin America's armies and police forces—was to prevent this popular unrest from taking political shape.

Throughout the Sixties, U.S. advisers therefore helped Latin American governments to fight the extreme Left until the guerrillas of the continent were virtually exterminated. And as the ruling oligarchies modernized themselves to face the new challenges of the masses, Washington found that it could relax its vigil over the continent and concentrate on the problems of Southeast Asia. The Alliance for Progress consequently lost impetus and resources.

BUT THERE WERE occasional problems that required attention. In April 1964 Brazil's left-leaning government of President João Goulart was ousted with Washington's blessing. A few months later the defeat of the Marxist Salvador Allende in Chile's presidential elections was assisted by U.S. funds. In 1965 the Dominican Republic was invaded by U.S. Marines "to prevent another Cuba." And in 1968 a leftist military regime in Peru was boycotted—though it could not be ousted—after it had nationalized a major U.S. oil company. The collapse of the leftist regime of Gen. Juan José Torres in Bolivia in 1971, however, was a relief to Washington. And the successful termination of its campaign against the Allende government in Chile between November 1970 and September 1973 was toasted with champagne in Washington.

But none of these "occasional problems" were sufficient to alter U.S. policy toward the continent. In fact, in October 1969, in his only major speech on Latin America, President Nixon felt so confident about the region that he formally buried the Alliance for Progress and announced the start of a "more mature" relationship based on trade, not aid. Two years later this new maturity meant burdening Latin American products with a 10 percent import surcharge even though the continent had a huge trade deficit with the United

Alan Riding specializes in Latin American affairs and is a contributor to the Economist and the Financial Times of London.

12

4/20/74 • SR/World

Outlook

surplus and see oil prices dropping. But the longer-term effects of this winter's shocks will likely be more dramatic.

There are several thousand known economically viable ways of releasing useful energy from storage in matter. They range from petty ways, such as getting 25 BTUs per pound of matter by letting a pound of elastic bands untwist; through fairly petty ways, such as releasing 20,000 BTUs by burning a pound of petrol; to more sophisticated ways, such as obtaining 250 million BTUs from the fission of the U-235 isotope in one pound of natural uranium and up to 260 thousand billion BTUs from the fusion to helium of a pound of hydrogen. Note that this last system, in which the waters of the oceans could serve as a limitless reservoir of fuel, would therefore be 10 billion times more effective per pound of matter than burning a pound of the Arabs' smelly old oil. The whole history of man's increasing release of energy over the past 200 years—and indeed the history of our Industrial Revolution—is that we have steadily moved up from generally smellier but less powerful forms of energy to cleaner and more powerful ones that nevertheless carry some safety risk.

That is what we did when we moved in road transport from the horse (which has the most revolting possible form of exhaust emission) up to the petrol-driven automobile. Because oil is now rightly regarded as an intolerable pollutant, in its turn, it seemed likely even before the present "energy crisis" that the world would soon move on to more powerful but less smelly forms of energy (despite the risk of occasional nuclear accidents, just as the passage from the horse to the automobile increased accidents). The past year's energy crisis will now surely hasten this process along, thus helping to drive oil and older forms of energy toward unprofitable glut.

Those who deny this usually have two arguments. First, they say that there will be long lead times before some of the fancier new sorts of energy become scientifically possible. Maybe, but as these other methods of producing energy begin to appear on the horizon, it will be profitable to step up production of oil rather sharply before they are ready to compete with it. It has never been sensible to say that the Saudi Arabians would be wiser to leave their oil as an asset in the ground. It may be wise to leave coal as an asset in the ground, because new technologies for releasing energy from coal (gasification and so on, instead of

carrying it to the surface in lumps by hand labor) will clearly make coal more economical in the future. But in the present state of world technology the most economical way of getting energy is by drilling oil in Saudi Arabia—you just stick a drill in the sand, and it shoots up in a form that is more transportable than coal though less transportable than gas is and than other forms of energy will be. So the time to drill for oil is now, while the other technologies have not yet caught up with it.

Secondly, however, the pessimists say that the price system will not be used or allowed to bring forth an increased supply of oil, either in America or in the Middle East. It is a bit alarming that the United States has turned so anti-capitalist at the wrong moment. The absurd restrictions on the price of natural gas in the United States during 1964-74 not only made more production of this environmentally clean premium fuel un-economical, but also distorted the market for other fuels and cut investment in them at just the wrong moment. It is also pretty crazy that, even as it became more and more obvious that the United States should be encouraging the production of more oil, the two great populist cries were that (a) the oil industry must not be allowed to make more money and that (b) the oil and energy industries must be impeded more than any others by environmentalist restrictions. Populist politics in the United States seems to the outsider to be the art of the economically impossible.

However, this is another of the trendy fashions that will pass. And I do not believe that Arab cuts in production of oil will be efficient or long lasting. It is understandable that desert kings like Faisal of Saudi Arabia acted as they did in the past year. The key point to remember about Arab countries is that their most usual method of changing governments is by coup d'etat. If you were King Faisal last year, the biggest danger to your comfortable existence was the threat of being murdered by young Arab romantics who might accuse you of being insuffi ciently militant in support of the Palestinian cause. It was therefore very sensible to restrict production of oil if they wanted you to.

But, as soon as an Arab ruler starts restricting production, the pattern of pressures on him changes. The scenario believed in by the proponents of permanent Arab restrictions on oil supply is peculiar. It is that world industrial pro-

duction may be permanently held back because nobody will be willing to drill— at a price seventy times the marginal cost of production—for a commodity that lies in profusion below desert sands, in a region occupied by 1 percent of the world's population, living in countries whose usual method of changing governments is by coup d'etat. There is a fairly obvious prophecy. In these circumstances the main dangers of coups d'etat would no longer come from Palestinian romantics, but from commercially minded Arabs, who would angle for (and get) some of the means for mounting successful coups d'etat from the commercially minded interests (including governments) in the other 99 percent of the world. The shrewd rulers of Arabry will be well aware of this, and, as soon as the danger threatens, they will increase oil production to head it off. I remember suggesting this to an Arab friend, who upbraided me and said that no Arabs were ever moved by the mean and soridly acquisitive emotions that rule decadent Western capitalists like you and me.

Oh? Go look in the bazaar. ☐

## Handsome Headpiece for Top Hands Ramrods and Dudes

To keep you cool headed and jauntily comfortable, we've had the STETSON people duplicate the famous Eddie Bauer DERRINGER in fine Panama Straw. Total weight 2¼-ounces! The 3-inch edgebound brim has the distinctive upward roll seen only on hats made to order for ranchers in the Southwest. The headband is colorfully woven in authentic Apache tribal patterns. Sizes: 6¾-7¾. Color: Straw Gold. No. 1965 Featherweight DERRINGER ppd. $11.95.

### Order today! Money-back guarantee!

Enclosed is my check or money order for $__________ (Add sales tax where applicable.) Please RUSH my Eddie Bauer Featherweight DERRINGER. No. 1965 Size__________

Name__________

Address__________

City__________

State__________ Zip__________

□ Send me FREE your new color catalog of over 1000 great outdoor products.

Eddie Bauer®

Dept. HR2, 1737 Airport Way S., Seattle, Wa. 98124

SR/World • 4/20/74

11

Latin America: I

States. But in November 1971 Mr. Nixon dispatched his special assistant, Robert Finch, around the continent to "confirm" his goodwill. And in May of last year, the then-Secretary of State William Rogers traveled Latin America to announce his stillborn "new relationship."

Now, with Henry Kissinger (who was quoted as once having characterized Latin America as "a dagger pointing at the heart of the Antarctic") in the State Department, the proclamation of yet another "new dialogue" is echoing over the bones of the decades-old "special relationship." And to this end, Dr. Kissinger met the foreign ministers of Latin America and of the Caribbean— of all except Cuba—in Mexico City in February and meets them again this month in Atlanta, Georgia.

But Dr. Kissinger is not a man given to political romanticism. This "new dialogue" is therefore different because it starts from a premise of realism rather than guilt. The words are the same, but the mood reflects a change in the basic relationship between the United States and Latin America. Washington has begun shaping a new policy toward Latin America because suddenly it has an interest to defend. And Latin America is responding differently to the invitation of a "new relationship" because suddenly it has acquired relative strength.

The change can be explained in one phrase: the energy crisis. It is, of course, an oversimplification, but the impact of the energy crisis on the attitudes and policies of the United States and Latin America threatens to transform the basic relationship between the two regions more than do any number of conferences and declarations.

For many Latin American countries, the hike in world oil prices has meant serious short-term economic problems, not least through increased inflationary pressures. But it has also left another mark. Many governments are now becoming aware that the terms of trade for their raw-material exports might also be altered dramatically if they follow the Arab example and join forces to push up world prices.

In a sense, Latin America has been preparing for such an action for over a decade. The mounting disillusionment with inter-American and even international forums has slowly pushed Latin America into the Third World camp of maturity. Only a few countries of the region are encompassed by the political non-

aligned nations movement, but governments with the most divergent ideologies—such as Brazil and Peru—stand together on most world economic issues. In their relations with the United States, Latin American governments disagree on such political questions as Cuba, but they face Washington as a bloc on trade, investment, and monetary issues.

FROM DR. KISSINGER'S global perspective, the danger that Third World producers' cartels may spread from oil to other key raw materials is therefore apparent. And if they do spread, the industrialized world will be convulsed even more than now. Latin America thus takes on strategic significance: By wooing the continent, the United States not only would divide and weaken the Third World but also would assure itself a continued supply of cheap raw materials.

As with the Alliance for Progress, the first coherent U.S. policy toward Latin America in thirteen years has grown out of necessity and self-interest rather than goodwill and justice.

Though he is by no means a specialist in Latin American affairs, Dr. Kissinger nevertheless has found a place for the continent in his global pattern of power. And once his Atlantic Community had been rejected by a restive Western Europe, his concept of a Western Hemi-

sphere Community's linking the United States and Latin America seemed all the more necessary. Ideally, such a community—a concept of mutual obligations and understanding rather than a juridical body—would bring Latin America closer to Washington and would separate the continent from the Third World.

The community idea was launched in Dr. Kissinger's masterly opening statement to the Mexico City Foreign Ministers' Conference on February 21.

He began by stressing the interdependence of world regions today and the need for collaboration and cooperation between "consumers and producers, the affluent and the poor, the free and the oppressed, the mighty and the weak." Then came the acorn. "So let us begin in this hemisphere. . . . The world community which we seek to build should have a Western Hemisphere Community as one of its central pillars." Soon "our community" already seemed to exist. "We must renew our political commitment to a Western Hemisphere system," he went on. "In this way, the Western Hemisphere Community can make its voice and interests felt in the world."

As proof of Washington's goodwill, he cited the February 7 Agreement of Principles for a new canal treaty signed by the United States and Panama and the February 19 agreement on compensation

UPI

"Spirit of Solidarity"—Secretary of State Kissinger with Mexican President Echeverría (left) and Guatemalan Foreign Minister Jorge Arenales Catalán in Mexico City.

SR/World • 4/20/74

13

Henry's Frantic Year

As far as Henry Kissinger is concerned, rest is a four-letter word. After having carved out a Vietnam settlement in Paris, he could have re-clined on his laurels for a spell. After being named Secretary of State, he might have settled down to wrestle with the bureaucracy at Foggy Bottom. But in both cases Kissinger's flair for personal diplomacy prevailed and pro-duced another year of peripatetic travel for the architect of U. S. foreign policy.

At the start of 1973, Kissinger's attention was still focused largely on Asia. In early February he set off on an "exploratory mission" to Hanoi to follow up his successful peace talks in Paris. On the way he stopped off in Thailand and Laos to discuss the possibilities of expanding the Vietnam cease-fire; after three days in Hanoi, he and Premier Pham Van Dong announced an agreement for setting up a Joint Economic Commission for funneling U.S. reconstruction aid to the bomb-blasted nation (if U.S. congressional objections can be met). After a brief stopover in Hong Kong, Kissinger pressed on to Peking for five days of talks with Chou En-lai and Mao Tse-tung, and they agreed that the United States and China would open "liaison offices" in each other's capitals. On the way home, Kissinger met with Japanese Premier Kakuei Tanaka.

The next phase of Kissinger's travels had a more Western flavor. In March he met in Mexico City with President Luis Echeverría, just prior to Echeverría's six-nation, three-continent "mission of peace." In early May Kissinger was off on another globe-girdling mission of his own, with Moscow the first stop. He discussed American concern over continued fighting in South Vietnam—and Russian interest in U.S. trade. Before he returned to Washington, Kissinger spent two days in London with then-Prime Minister Edward Heath and other British officials. The main subject of conversation: Kissinger's controversial proposal for a new Atlantic Charter, made earlier in his "Year of Europe" speech in New York.

David M. Alpern is a general editor in the national affairs section of Newsweek.

On May 31 President Nixon took Kissinger, then still his national security adviser, along on a trip to Reykjavik, Iceland, for talks with French President Pompidou—who seemed less than enchanted by the new U.S. line toward Western Europe. Kissinger arranged for subsequent meetings on that matter with French Foreign Minister Michel Jobert, but tensions continued to build. In mid-May and early June, back in Paris, Kissinger conducted three more rounds of negotiations with Vietnam's Le Duc Tho. They drew up a fourteen-point agreement designed to strengthen the Vietnam truce.

ON AUGUST 22 the obvious became official: President Nixon announced that Kissinger would replace William Rogers as Secretary of State. Three days later the Secretary-designate made a semi-official visit to Mexico. The trip, Kissinger said, was scheduled to underscore the "importance we shall attach to relations with Latin America." In October he reiterated that point in a New York speech that called for a "new dialogue" between the United States and its hemispheric neighbors. But once again Kissinger was distracted by problems farther afield—the Israeli war. Early in November he set off on a marathon mission to the tense Middle East and stopped in Morocco and Tunisia en route to talks with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in Cairo. The two men agreed to resume formal diplomatic relations (broken off since 1967) and worked out a plan for strengthening the Mideast cease-fire.

Afterward, Kissinger met with Jordan's King Hussein in Amman and with Saudi Arabia's King Faisal in Riyadh and then went directly to China for a previously scheduled visit. Kissinger took the opportunity of allaying any fears about President Nixon's Water-gate-weakened domestic position. "No matter what happens in the United States in the future," he said, "the friendship with the People's Republic of China is one of the constant factors of American foreign policy." On the trip home Kissinger stopped to talk with Japanese Premier Tanaka and South Korea's President Park Chung Hee.

The "Year of Europe" ended, appropriately, with Kissinger working to repair U. S. relations with the Western allies—dealings that had been severely strained by the Arab oil squeeze. In December, after having conferred with NATO foreign ministers in Brussels, he became the first high U.S. official to meet with foreign ministers of the European Economic Community. Then, in London, Kissinger proposed a massive joint effort by Europe, the United States, Canada, and Japan to develop long-term solutions to the world energy crisis. Then, characteristically, Kissinger set off on another round of personal talks with Mideast leaders prior to the beginning of Arab-Israeli peace talks in Geneva. In six hectic days he covered Algeria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, and Israel. After brief stopovers in Lisbon and Madrid, he arrived in Geneva on December 21 to act as co-chairman of the Mideast peace conference.

Henry Kissinger's itinerary for 1974 has been following the familiar far-flung pattern. In early January he shuttled between Egypt and Israel to work out an agreement for the disengagement of troops along the Suez, and he again met with King Hussein and Syrian President Hafez Assad. On February 7 he was in Panama City to sign a new treaty governing the Canal Zone. The agreement stipulated an eventual relinquishing of the enclave to Panama, and Kissinger called that an "example of what we mean by the spirit of community in the Western Hemisphere." His meeting with Latin American and Caribbean foreign ministers in Mexico City followed shortly thereafter, but by February 24 Kissinger was again jetting toward the Middle East, to try to engineer a troop separation on the Golan Heights.

On his way back to Washington, the Secretary of State made sure to brief European leaders in Bonn and Brussels on the latest Middle East developments. Then, in late March, he set off for another trip to Moscow (setting up a return visit by President Nixon), prior to his attendance at the Organization of American States conference this month. The OAS meeting is practically a neighborhood jaunt; it will be held in Atlanta, only 543 miles from Kissinger's Washington backyard.

DAVID M. ALPERN

14

4/20/74 • SR/World

Latin America: I

to expropriated U.S. companies signed with Peru. The other point of friction—Cuba—he refused to discuss, but he left broad hints that Washington's policy toward the island was under review. For the future, he proposed a mechanism for settling disputes between U.S. companies and Latin American governments without involving Washington, and he suggested an "equitable interim accord" for resolving the problem of U.S. fishing boats arrested inside the 200-mile territorial waters claimed by several Pacific-coast nations.

"But we cannot achieve our goals by
remedying specific grievances," he said.
"A special community can emerge only if
we infuse it with life and substance."
Wisely, he chose to be vague on the de-
tails, but the concept was clear. Mem-
bers of the community would assume an
obligation to consult at regular intervals
and, in effect, to take no unilateral
measures (such as joining raw-material
producers' cartels) to harm the spirit of
the community.

The reaction of Latin America was
immediately negative. Most large coun-
tries prefer to deal bilaterally, rather than
en bloc, with Washington. A few min-
utes before Dr. Kissinger had spoken,
Mexico's President Luis Echeverría had
also declared categorically that "Latin
America forms part of the Third World."
Brazil, supposedly Washington's closest
ally on the continent, had already suc-
ceeded in sinking Dr. Kissinger's pro-
posal for an energy debate for fear of
offending the Arab oil producers that
supply two-thirds of its oil needs. Vene-
zuela, the continent's major oil exporter,
felt under siege from Washington for
its solidarity with the Arabs and re-
sponded by urging the producers of cop-
per, bauxite, iron ore, manganese, and
other key raw materials to follow the
example of the Arabs. Argentina, which
is currently strengthening its ties with
Western Europe, was not interested in
the community. Peru's left-leaning mili-
tary rulers felt that they had little in com-
mon with Washington.

Even smaller countries were sus-
picious. Guyana's highly lucid foreign
minister, Shridath S. Ramphal, asked
how a Western Hemisphere Com-
munity could exist between one super-
power and twenty-four poor nations and
without the inclusion of Cuba or Canada.

But as the conference continued, it
became clear that Dr. Kissinger had
made an offer that Latin America could
not refuse. The Latin and Caribbean

foreign ministers had wanted to talk
frankly and informally about a whole
range of issues—aid, trade, and mone-
tary questions, U.S. economic coercion,
multi-national corporations, transfer of
technology, and so on—and Dr. Kis-
singer was simply saying, “Fine, let’s do
so in an inter-American spirit.” His
presumption was that regular consul-
tations and negotiations will create
natural reciprocal obligations, even
though the word *community* is aban-
doned. After all, as the secretary told the
foreign ministers privately, hegemony
comes from power, not words. So in the
final Declaration, the foreign ministers
“agreed that interdependence has become
a physical and moral imperative and that
a new vigorous spirit of inter-American
solidarity is therefore essential.”

Economic relations are the obstacle,
because political harmony largely exists.
With the Allende regime removed from
the map of Latin America, Dr. Kissinger
could indeed afford to proclaim in Mex-
ico that "we will not impose our political
preferences; we will not intervene in the
domestic affairs of others." After all, the
vast majority of Latin American govern-
ments are already to Washington's pref-
erence. Generals rule in Brazil, Para-
guay, Uruguay, Chile, Bolivia, Peru,
Ecuador, Panama, Nicaragua, Honduras,
El Salvador, and Guatemala, and mil-
itarism is still spreading. Of these, only
Peru has a progressive regime.

But, largely because of Dr. Kissinger
himself, international affairs are no
longer guided by ideology. So Latin
America's real problems—its economic

> "The strategy is clear: Washington wants Latin America back in its camp and is prepared to pay to achieve this end."

Thus Latin America finally had found
a place in Kissinger's view of the world.
At last, U.S. diplomats and even busi-
nessmen scattered around the continent
knew that Washington's new policy was
aimed at preventing Latin America from
joining the Third World as an unseemly
threat to the industrialized nations.

The informal meeting of ministers in
Atlanta (April 17 and 18) and the
formal OAS session from April 19
to May 3 fall into the new "spirit of
solidarity." The dialogue continues, and
the negotiation toughens. Divisions are
apparent in the Latin camp—some gov-
ernments are prepared to brave on and
to fight for a new world economic order;
others would prefer to extract short-term
advantages from Washington—but the
confrontation is more equally balanced
than before.

Washington still has huge bargaining
power—and Dr. Kissinger insists on
bringing congressional leaders for his
talks with Latin America to secure his
freedom of action—but U.S. concessions
will be unavoidable. It could mean an
early end to the economic blockade of
Cuba or a generous new canal treaty for
Panama or specialized preferences for
the manufactured exports of the con-
tinent. But the strategy is clear: Wash-
ington wants Latin America back in its
camp and is prepared to pay to achieve
this end.

problems—are now the determining fac-
tors in any new relationship with Wash-
ington. And the concept that these prob-
lems can be resolved without a reordering
—and perhaps a convulsion—of the
world economy is as outdated as a reli-
ance on ideology.

But at the human level, at the sub-
sistence level at which most—yes, most
—Latin Americans live, what does this
mean? Dare one say, nothing? The for-
mer foreign minister of Venezuela, Dr.
Aristides Calvani, liked to compare the
battle of developing countries to the
struggle of the trade unions in nineteenth-
century England. "The oil producers are
merely the first trade union," he said.
"But with courage and short-term sacri-
fice, the producers of other raw materials
can help build a massive trade union
movement of developing nations."

THE ANALOGY is interesting and appro-
priate, but what about the real trade
union movements of Latin America—
will the benefits of any world economic
reform seep down to the poor workers
and peasants of each country? The case
of the Arab oil producers offers no en-
couragement. In Venezuela the oil
wealth is also concentrated in a few
hands. In many cases, in fact, new wealth
will merely strengthen right-wing and
repressive regimes. In Panama, for ex-

*(Continued on page 56.)*

SR/World • 4/20/74

15

Latin America: 2

# THE PERENNIAL PERÓN

## Now seventy-eight years old, the onetime nimble demagogue has returned with broad political backing, bearing dreams of an influential Argentina and a new universalism.

by Henry Raymont

Buenos Aires

Central Press

"Above the battle"—Perón with third wife, Isabel Martinez Perón.

Aside from Fidel Castro, about the only Latin American political figure whose name and face are known in the United States is Juan Domingo Perón of Argentina. Perón may, in fact, be an even more remarkable figure than the Cuban premier, for he came onto the scene a full twenty years before Castro. Lacking the Cuban leader's youthful bag of tricks, he has somehow managed to stay in the public eye and mind, even though much of his audience no longer knows quite what to make of him.

Consider the strange career of this smiling Argentine general: He is ousted in 1955 by the military after a dozen years of increasingly despotic rule; goes into exile in the Dominican Republic and Spain, where he lives almost in isolation

with a handful of opaque men who wear dark glasses and look like Aristotle Onassis or Bebe Rebozo; and he finally struts back onto his country's political stage eighteen years later, amidst a dazzling electoral victory won on a platform of national reconciliation.

Scholars and political analysts like to picture him as an unfathomable phenomenon of quixotic Latin America—the alchemist in the guise of a populist, the nimble demagogue who defies adversity, who is alternately repressive, benign, mischievous, solemn, and who is just too

Henry Raymont is based in New York City and writes for Jornal do Brasil. He is a former Latin American correspondent for The New York Times.

complicated for such conventional categories as right wing or left wing.

This is a comforting image of Perón, for it evades rational analysis. So, for that matter, does Argentina itself: It is a vast country, second in size only to Brazil among Latin American nations, and it is blessed with inexhaustible natural riches, a small but highly literate population, and a greater social mobility perhaps than is found anywhere else in the hemisphere besides the United States. Argentina is, in short, the very paradigm of political and economic felicity. Yet its inability to achieve a stable government defies explanation, except perhaps as a case of collective masochism. How else explain the failure of the diverse assort-

ment of rulers who followed Perón: Arturo Frondizi, the brilliant but reserved statesman who was unable to convey his modern world vision to a skeptical people; Arturo Illia, the country doctor whose benign non-rule led to yet another military takeover; or Gen. Juan Carlos Onganía, whose graven image of austerity might have been carved on a medieval tombstone?

By contrast, Perón has an intuitive understanding of the Argentine character shown by few other men in his time. It is as though he has instinctively plunged himself into the roles best suited to the national mood: in the Forties, an admixture of populist *caudillo* and matinee idol; three decades later, a temperate Elder Statesman, Argentina's father figure, strikingly evocative of the Viejo Vizcacha ("the Old Beaver"), that earthy, astute, and

avuncular character of the gauchos classic Martín Fierro. The Vizcacha's many proverbs include: "The devil knows more from being old than from being the devil." This knowledge, in Perón's case, includes the secret of an uncanny capacity for political survival—perhaps not unlike that of Richard M. Nixon.

TO AMERICANS OVER FORTY, Perón's reemergence stirs memories of the Latin demagogue who defied the United States by keeping up his unabashed friendship with the Axis powers until late into World War II. He is remembered also as a ruler who brought gains to the workers at the price of government control of the

*(Continued on page 52.)*

16

4/20/74 • SR/World

Saturday Review

488 MADISON AVENUE NEW YORK, N.Y. 10022

NORMAN COUSINS
Editor

September 16, 1975

The Honorable
Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Washington, D.C. 20500

Dear Henry:

By this time I hope you have recovered from your extraordinary labors in bringing about an Egyptian-Israeli accord. I can think of few more massively complicated undertakings than this problem in the history of diplomacy going back to the chronicles of Thucydides. The fact that you were able to stitch everything together when the unraveling extended beyond the political to the psychological and the philosophical is surely one of the most notable examples of statesmanship of which there is a record.

You are beyond medallions and awards by this time, but you must be aware of the pride your fellow citizens take in you because of your personal demonstration that wisdom, perseverance, and personal effectiveness can change the course of history for the better.

It's possible that, despite all your efforts, the peace in the Middle East can come unstuck. As to that, no one can say. But at least there is a real chance that there may be peace, after all. This is what is important.

Every good wish,

NC/ss

Atlanta, Georgia.
29 Olde Ivy Square, N.E.
Mr. J. Felton Covington, Jr..

Personal Assistant
Suzanne S. McFarlane

Sincerely,

with his best wishes.

The Secretary was pleased to sign the picture

Dear Mr. Covington:

April 9, 1976