19 EAST SEVENTIETH STREET
NEW YORK

May 16, 1930

My dear Professor Asakawa,

Many thanks for your very thought-
ful letter of 15 May. I shall take up the matter with
Professor Shenton and some of our other Directors and
you may be sure that it will be given most careful con-
sideration. It is the greatest possible help to have
your point of view and suggestions put so clearly.

I am so sorry that you cannot be
with us Saturday and Sunday. It is very good of you to
be willing to come here the afternoon of Friday, the 23rd.
If you could leave this open until after the annual meeting,
it will be easier than to let you know whether we might
dispense with a consultation with you before going to Bar
Harbor. If I gave a definite answer now, I should with
gratitude accept your offer to come. Realizing, however,
how extremely busy you are, I do want to save you if pos-
sible. The date you offer is perfectly convenient for me.

I came back from Geneva re-invigorated
and have continued to be particularly well which makes the
long uphill road ahead seem less difficult

With warmest remembrances,

OCCIDENTAL-UNION

ORGANISATION UNIVERSAL DE LINGUE INTERNATIONAL OCCIDENTAL

Official revue international mensual: COSMOGLOTTA, scientific e litterari, redactet in Occidental
Central Officie: 51, Hauptstrasze, Wien-Mauer, Austria. Telefon: Atzgersdorf 558

Adresse postal: Postfach 10, Mauer b. Wien, Austria

Senior

Professor K. A S A K A W A
Department of History

Yale University

New Haven, Conn.

U.S.A.

Vestri signe

Vestri communication de

1930.06.17.

Nostri signe

EP/TP.

Date

1930.06.27.

Object; Response.

Tre estimat Senior Professor.

Con apart plesur noi leet vor amabil epistul, quel monstra que
vor positiv interesse por li problema del L.I. resta vivaci sam quam an-
tey.

Noi va joyar inserter in Cosmoglotta un articul ex vor estimat
plum e in sense general e impartial, proposit de vos.

Special mersias pro vor generos don de 5 dollars. Noi ja expedit
vos un ligat exemplare de "Occidental, die Weltsprache". Ples pardonar .
que to ancor ne esset fat plu antey. Noi ne savet que vu lee anc li german.

It fa nos un grand honor continuar inviar vos nor periodic Cosmo-
glotta.

Ples accepter, estimat Senior Professor, li expression de nor alt
respect,

vor obligat

OCCIDENTAL-UNION
Central Officie

Ples omlassy in vestri lettres li affirmation del self-evident respeete e altri innoecesl formules de polifessse.

DINORM
FORMAT
A 4
210×297

1928. 10.

what may emerge therefrom. Sapir wires that
he could leave Chicago Friday noon to come
here for a day and be back there Tuesday if
I think so short a visit would be worth
while. I cannot see that it would be and
so am in a quandary. Perhaps we can work
out a compromise by having him come to or
near Boston and letting me go on to such
place or possibly I might go to Hanover and
see him there a day ahead of the meeting.

So far as IALA's future work is concerned, his week here in September will be all right. The only worrisome thing now is the question as to whether and what he should speak for us at the Hanover meeting. If our project is presented and turned down it may harm us. We want to do everything possible to get it endorsed.

Mr. Morris and Alice and Miss Gordon all join in good remembrances.

When I know more definitely about
Sapir's data here, I shall let you know.

Sincerely yours,

TELEPHONE:
UNIVERSITY 8800, EXT. 40

CABLE ADDRESS:
INTALA NEW YORK

INTERNATIONAL AUXILIARY LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION
IN THE UNITED STATES, INC.

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

EARLE B. BABCOCK
PRESIDENT

JOHN J. CARTY
VICE-PRESIDENT

MRS. DAVE H. MORRIS
HONORARY SECRETARY

HERBERT N. SHENTON
EXECUTIVE SECRETARY

DAVE H. MORRIS
TREASURER

LE ROY E. BOWMAN
FREDERICK G. COTTRELL
STEPHEN P. DUGGAN
HARRY E. EDMONDS
JOHN H. FINLEY
ALFRED N. GOLDSMITH
HENRY GODDARD LEACH
PAUL MONROE
FREDERICK H. OSBORN
MRS. HAROLD PEABODY

(IALA)
NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS
525 WEST 120TH ST.
NEW YORK CITY

GENERAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE

JOHN J. CARTY
FREDERICK G. COTTRELL
MRS. JAMES S. CUSHMAN
JOHN H. FINLEY
JAMES G. HARBORD
CLARENCE H. HOWARD
MRS. JAMES LEES LAIDLAW
WILLIAM LAWRENCE
SIDNEY E. MEZES
ARTHUR E. MORGAN
SAMUEL W. STRATTON

COMMITTEE ON COOPERATIVE
SERVICE AND RESEARCH

MRS. DAVE H. MORRIS, CHAIRMAN
K. ASAKAWA, VICE-CHAIRMAN

ADVISORY BOARD FOR
LINGUISTIC RESEARCH

WILLIAM E. COLLINSON

OTTO JESPERSEN

EDWARD SAPIR

COMMITTEE ON AUXILIARY
LANGUAGE STUDY

STEPHEN P. DUGGAN, CHAIRMAN

ADVISORY BOARD FOR
EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH

JAMES P. W. CRAWFORD
ROBERT H. FIFE
MASON B. GRAY
VIVIAN A. C. HENMON
HENRY W. HOLMES
HAYWARD KENISTON
EDWARD L. THORNDIKE

EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR
EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH

INSTITUT J. J. ROUSSEAU
GENEVA, SWITZERLAND
PIERRE BOVET, DIRECTOR

Bar Harbor, Maine

August 20, 1930

Professor K. Asakawa
Care of Mr. G. G. Clark
Plymouth, N. H.

Dear Professor Asakawa:

It has only been quite recently that plans for presenting IALA's program at Hanover have been coming to a head. Indeed, they are not even yet clear-cut in details. There have been many delays and one that came pretty close to proving serious on account of the miscarriage of a letter from Mr. Lynd. Things have at last shaped themselves as follows:

Mr. Shenton will make a general presentation of IALA's aims and program as a whole. Mr. Sapir will present in some detail our linguistic research program. A pamphlet of material (see enclosed list of its contents) was assembled and three copies sent to Lynd August 11th. Copies were also sent to Shenton and Sapir, as well as to Colonel Churchill, Secretary of the new Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation. He has been invited to Hanover for a meeting of foundation representatives which will take place ahead of the Council meeting. He has become interested in our work and has promised to put in a good word for it in Hanover, if opportunity arises.

I am to go to Hanover for a couple of days prior to the opening of the Council meeting September 2nd, to have a few quiet conferences with Shenton and Sapir, which they feel would be helpful on account of my first-hand experience at the Geneva meeting of linguistic research. I believe I am not to take part in any meeting. It does not seem necessary, as affairs have developed, for you to go to Hanover. Your suggestion of a possible picnic session is most alluring, and I only wish it could materialize.

I am so sorry it will not be possible for you to come here during Sapir's visit. Although he has not yet set

COPY
Social Science Research Council

KA

MEMBERS

American Economic Association

GEORGE E. BARNETT, JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY
ALVIN S. JOHNSON, NEW SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL
RESEARCH
HARRY A. MILLIS, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

American Political Science Association

ROBERT T. CRANE, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
CHARLES E. MERRIAM, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
ARNOLD B. HALL, UNIVERSITY OF OREGON

American Sociological Society

WILLIAM I. THOMAS, NEW YORK
SHELBY M. HARRISON, RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION
WILLIAM F. OGBURN, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

American Statistical Association

EDWIN B. WILSON, HARVARD UNIVERSITY
EDMUND E. DAY, ROCKEFELLER FOUNDATION
WESLEY C. MITCHELL, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

EDWIN B. WILSON, PRESIDENT

ROBERT S. LYND, PERMANENT SECRETARY

MEREDITH B. GIVENS, SPECIAL RESEARCH SEC'y

WALTER R. SHARP, FELLOWSHIP SECRETARY

CAROLYN E. ALLEN, CONTROLLER

230 Park Avenue
New York City

Cable Address: SOCSCIENCE, New York

College Hall
Hanover, N.H.

MEMBERS

American Psychological Association

HENRY T. MOORE, SKIDMORE COLLEGE
FLOYD H. ALLPORT, SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY
JOHN E. ANDERSON, UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA

American Anthropological Association

EDWARD SAPIR, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
RALPH LINTON, UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN
ALFRED M. TOZZER, HARVARD UNIVERSITY

American Historical Association

ARTHUR M. SCHLESINGER, HARVARD UNIVERSITY
GUY S. FORD, UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA
CARLTON J. H. HAYES, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

Members-at-Large

HENRY M. BATES, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
ADOLF MEYER, JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY
C. E. A. WINSLOW, YALE UNIVERSITY
ROBERT S. WOODWORTH COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

August 27, 1950

Mr. J. J. Carty, Vice President,
International Auxiliary Language Association,
525 West 120 Street,
New York, N.Y.

Dear Mr. Carty:

This is to acknowledge your letter of August 22nd concerning
the project of IALA submitted to the Social Science Research Council.

It may be that you do not understand the way in which our or-
ganization operates. In the first place, our Agenda was closed before
the receipt of enough detail concerning this project to make it pos-
sible of inclusion. In the second place, before the Council can en-
dorse or contribute in other ways to a project the matter has to be
referred to a committee of experts for analysis and report. One rea-
son for closing the Agenda some time in advance of the meeting is so
that there may be time to get adequate reports. In the third place,
the Council after five days of careful deliberation at Hanover last
year determined that we were wasting a lot of our time considering
all kinds of projects submitted by different individuals and organi-
zations and that we could hardly fail to make a more serious contribu-
tion to the advance of social science if we spent our time planning
for that advance. The discussions of the past year and of the present
week are giving no indication that the Council will retreat from its
insistence that before we ask it to endorse a project or to make an
appropriation for one we shall have made a sufficient survey of the
general field which includes the project, so that we can give to the
Council some estimate of relative values in that field and of the im-
portance of the subject.

Under these circumstances you will see that it would be absolute-
ly impossible for the Council to do anything favorable for the IALA
project here at Hanover without contravening its habits of operation

BAR HARBOR
MAINE

September 4, 1930

Dear Professor Asakawa:

The experiences in connection with Hanover
have been full of human interest. Some of them would
have been very disappointing unless redeemed by a sense
of humor, namely, those in connection with the presenta-
tion of IALA's research program to the Social Science
Research Council (SSRC). On the other hand, the confer-
ences with Sapir were eminently satisfactory.

At Hanover I learned many things the knowledge
of which will be helpful for the future. Some of them
in regard to certain usual methods of procedure in SSRC I
feel should have been told me by Mr. Lynd in the long con-
ference we had together last May, and a knowledge of which
would have forestalled the lateness of getting IALA's
papers to the Council, - particularly the fact that all pro-
posals must first go to a sub-committee at least a month
before a Council meeting. As I put to Mr. Lynd in May
the definite question asking how IALA should proceed, I
cannot understand his not having then given this information.

Sapir all along has been much troubled over Keppel
having taken the initiative in advising IALA to get before
the Council, and is inclined to look upon this as an instance
of "passing the buck", for which it seems Keppel has quite
a reputation! Sapir, being a member of SSRC, is familiar
with its field of activities, and says that it has in the
past explicitly declared that projects of language study are
not within its field and that the subject of language has
been declared by the Council of Learned Societies to be with-
in its field. The latter Council, however, is so hide-bound
in its classical, historical, and conventional point of view
that he thinks it would be useless for us to present our
program to them formally unless we were able first informally
to obtain the sincere interest of at least three or four
leading members of that body.

Sapir says that there are scores of projects pre-
sented to SSRC and not taken up, for either endorsement or
financial support, to each one which is taken up, and that
if the Council finally decides not to have anything to do
with IALA's project, there is no cause for discouragement.
This simply means that we should then know definitely our
work is not considered to lie within the field of SSRC.

Sapir went over the outline of linguistic research
laid out by the Geneva meeting with minutest consideration,
"line for line and precept for precept". He saw more and
more clearly the reasons for first concentrating on comparative

October 11, 1930

M. Augustin Lavanzin,
Casa Bellaluce,
Cap Martin,
Roquebrune, France.

Dear Sir:

I have carried with me in my travels your highly interesting letter of July 8, including your photograph, but have not had the leisure to answer it sooner. I thank you sincerely for it, and beg your pardon for my delay in acknowledging it.

I deem it an extraordinary favor on your part to give me so full a description of your system, even to trust me with secrets of its details, and to favor me with an account of their past career and future plans.

In response to so unusual a favor, I regret that I can offer you no constructive criticism worthy of the name. But I believe that the least I could do would be to tell you my present impression faithfully and without reserve, as, indeed, you are so explicit on this point as to say that you desire "no soap" from me.

In the first place, it does not seem that I can gratify your wishes which touch me in personal ways in a manner that would be of any value to you. You ask for my photograph; I would gladly send you one in return to your own, but unfortunately I have not sat for a photograph for a long time, and have

- 2 -

nothing on hand, except a snap shot made by a
friend years ago in Italy. This I shall take
pleasure to send to you, if I find the copy still
in my possession. You honor me by asking me to
be on your advisory board, but my knowledge of your
system still remains very limited, inasmuch as you
have not yet completed and published it, and I can
hardly assume an advisory capacity in regard to it.
You also suggest that I seal a copy of your letter
to me and deposit it at the Yale University library,
to be opened in 1937, and that another copy with my
comments be published by you later in a volume with
other persons' comments. The first part of your
suggestion seems to me novel, and its execution
might well embarrass the library by its unprecedented
character. As for the second part, I should shun
such an undeserved publicity as your suggestion would
give me, especially because I can hardly make comments
at this stage which would be worth quoting in public.
I take liberty only to write privately.

Your threefold system is extremely ingenious
and would be highly interesting and welcome, when
it is perfected and presented to the world. Of the
three aspects of the system, the basic matter is
your choice of English. I well understand the reason
for your decision. History shows how, in the past,
Babylonian, Persian, Greek, Latin, and Chinese, to
mention only a few examples, have in turn been the
practical auxiliary language in the spheres where
the political or intellectual influence of the peoples
whose languages they were was predominant. But I am
not convinced by your arguments in favor of English
as the auxiliary language of today or of the immediate

- 3 -

future. Individual nationalism, strong as it is
today, is not the only obstacle in the way of the
willing acceptance of English by the nations; there
are several other defects, which I have not time to
dwell upon. And aside from a willing acceptance,
there would be no reasonable and certain way of
establishing a universal auxiliary tongue. However,
on a general principle, I would heartily welcome a
successful elaboration of your pal as an il which
would appeal to a vast number of people and be highly
practical for actual use. The more good systems of
il there are in the world, the keener will be the
competition among them, and thennearer we shall be
to finding the best form of il.

The extent of the appeal and the practicality
to which I have alluded would be conditioned very
largely by the success, among other things, of your
frequentarium; for it is clear that colloquial
English as it is is unfit for universal language,
but must be simplified and regularized before it can
be presented as il. And the first step in this task
of improving English should be to construct a basic
vocabulary of most frequently used words. I do not
fully understand your method of elaborating it. If
you study the frequency, not only of words, but also
of phrases, the task would be very large indeed. I
wish you all success in your research. Probably you
know the English word-hyponym-list by Professor
Thorndike of Columbia University, which is widely
used in America. It does not seem to have been based
on alliterary books only. I take pleasure in sending
you a copy, and hope it may be of some use to you.

I personally like your ideas of phonetic spelling
and of the breail. Of the latter, I should think that
to base a stenographic system on simplified, but easily

- 4 -

recognizable, letters of the alphabet was the right
and most reasonable in principle and, wif well made,
would be a great boon to humanity. I have oftha
thought that a system so built should be possible
and should be given to the world. Therefore, I wish
you @od speed in bredil.

I have said all that I can say at this stage of
my understanding of your ideas. For the rest, I should
watch the fruition with keen interest and sympathy.
When itu come to America it will give me great pleasure
to make your personal acquaintance.

Very sincerely yours,

OCCIDENTAL-UNION

Official revue international mensual: COSMOGLOTTA, scientific and litterary, redactet in Occidental
Central Office: 51, Hauptstrasse, Wien-Mauer, Austria. Telefon: Atzgersdorf 558

Senior

Professor Dr. K. ASAKAWA
Department of History

Yale University

New Haven, Conn.
U.S.A.

Vestri signe
--

Vestri communication de
1930.10.03.

Nostri signe
EP/TP

Date
1930.11.03.

Object: "Amical concurrentie interlinguistico".

Tre estimat Senior Professor.

Con grand plesur noi va publicar vor articul. It expresse just ti ideés queles li Occidental-Union in Mauer bei Wien representa de-post su fundation. Ti programma noi mersia a nor estimat Protector Professor Guérard, Stanford University, California. Noi constata que li Austrian esperantistes e li dubtent revue "Heroldo de Esperanto" ha adheret nor methodes de pacific concurrentie.

Noi ci junte un copie del traduction de vor articul. Vor judicie concernent li intelligibilitá del version in Occidental va tre interessar nos.

Sincermen Vor

OCCIDENTAL-UNION
Central Office

1 copie de Vor artiguul in Occidental

Ples onlایn in vestri lettres li affirnation del self-evident respeete e altrri inmecesl formules de polif勒.

DINFORM
FORMAT
A4
210×297

1928. 10.

AMICAL CONCURRENTIE INTERLINGUISTIC.

De Professor K. Asakawa, Yale University, U. S. A.

Satisfante un petition del Central Officie
del Occidental-Union, Professor Asakawa ha
scrit por Cosmoglotta li present articul.

Red.

Li neutral munde ja es fatigat e esset sovent repulset per
li revenjativ spiritu quel mult interlinguistes ha monstrat tro
mult e tro long in lor controverses inter se.

Es-que lor commun scope ne es tro grand in su significantie
por li vast mund, e tro desfacil e tro lontan por un rapid attina-
ment, por permisser a su protagonistes ingagear-se in bagatelic
querelles sur li via? Tro mult témpor e energie ja ha esset dissi-
pat, adver in divers gradus per divers movementes, e un tro grand
damage ha esset fat al commun affere per ti sorte de indulgentie.

Mi appell es fat por un amical cooperation per un amical con-
currentie inter omni present e futuri systemas de un interlingue.

Forsan mem ti simplic veritá posse semblar inopportun a quelo
zelotes. Con omni respect por lor loyalitá a lor propri systemas,
yo peti les rememorar que illi e omni li altri interlinguistes in
li munde in summa, forma un tre miori minorité, cernat de un immens
majorité de indifferent o derisiv persones. Tis ci vell naturalmen
interpretar un pur emotional support de un special cose quam con-
sequentie del timore pri un possibil derupte, si ti affere es ex-
posit al apert concurrentie, o adminim quam consequentie de un
singulari manca de sagesse. Qui vole dir pos reflection que ti
interpretation es totalmen injust? Es-que it ne es imprudent de-

interpretation as formation into. Hence it is not an implicit ge-
signification which is given, but a reflection of that which
is given in ammua, i.e. in the world which it reflects, and which is
thus a reflection of the generalization of the generalization in
theotes. In this respect, for example, for both alateuma,
there is a difference of emphasis, because this is a difference
in the way in which the word is used, and also in the way in
which it is used in ammua, i.e. in the world which it reflects,
and also in the way in which the word is used in
theotes.

If we interpret this spirit in either of the two interpretations we must first of all recognize that there is a difference between the two.

As for the Cosmogony, it is presentational, i.e. the Occipentral-Union, which is the central element in the definition of the Central Office.

De Professor K. Vaskawa, Yate University, U. S. A.

VIKAR CONFERENCES IN INDIA

2

trimentar su propri affere per defender it in un spiritu misguidat?

Quam plu mult systemas es in mutual concurrentie, tam plu bon
(it es) por li final success del interlingue. Li rasones por ti
assertion es evident. Li tot problema de interlingue es complex.

Mem li vast question esque es preferibil un rigorosmen simplic e
regulari structura o un systema, li elementes de quel es historic,
natural, e esque flexibilitá es plu bon, o ca un balancie de li du
principies es li just solution e in quel maniere compensat... tal-

Qoet, ti question posse apen esser decidet ante que systemas basat
sur different solutiones de ti questiones, ha esset realmen con-
structet, e ha esset realmen usat e experimentat in liber concurren-
tie. It existe tre mult altri questiones queles permisse different
interpretationes; omnis deve esser, ne solmen studiat e considerat,
ma vermen provat in concret formes e essayat in li fusuore de prac-
tica e de experiment.

, Mani interlinguistes e philologos ja ha fat un declaration,
in Geneve, April a.c., que mult del existent systemas de inter-
lingue es regardabil quam li definitiv form, e que lor proposito-
res va far bon aspirar lor commun scop per un cordial cooperation
mutual. Yo, por exemple, joya pri li generosi spiritu e vision
manifestat per li signadores de ti declaration. Ano fro li statu-
-punktu del neutral ma sympathetic munde, it es desfacil vider qual-
men li rasonabil interlinguist posse haver alcun altri vide del
situation. Desde long li mundo ha attendet le por prender ti atti-
tude, e posse solmen esperar que li declaration tam felicimen fat
in Geneve va esser acceptat de omni interlinguistes, e que lor
mutual discussiones va, desde nu, esser liber de omni macul de
revenjositá, ma esser inspirat solmen per intellectual e practical

Iafta Universitáý, U. B. V.

K.Vaakama

jer drefooos qet sngfroaxonic "abormuunahib"?

ait aloosa qet aftres? Ra-dre ne sone it interfiqunates boose abhuen-
ju swnmoier aofuen fori brobrí abeiet aerína e qemmoier. Ii ambo-
ii Grand bipficaí, dneí av eaeir for iingico e bafion, e apangonar se
umg atteuge e mae. Ra-dre it interfiqunates continue opíiafer
qe Interfingre wax berleef dwam houmenm benasíif. Interim, ff
war nae af relaxation qet tinsl aoohe: sambreet ff nepil immetion

aquaam nov alatemw dave eaeir nu nov contriputior, e dene abhrox-
incenite e sef atndiar e aetiaier, ff deatcelf demande, gusaaam baan,
beraangar, ff wunde brí ff Grand peacou e bor qemonarar an brobrí
Muff ellontie aeff eaeir tvo Grand bao it interfingre, bor sambreer-
ti peacou es it Grand bant ancon in ff inconacientie qet bipficaí.
ff peacou a nu interfingre e mGeit e umdalwen deef, femen
de aetiaier ff peacoues qet bipficaí, wa e sa apsokbret in dillemen, mu
at ff riasfisant rínguitíloetores ne saibik amefiorar for eabcoiff
liper sambreentie, wa boose eaeir aofuen quipitaf ber ff bipficaí
factor es it avsore intrinæo. ff it avsore es wax pon branat ber
tinsf ber eiluńties emotional? In taf allíera, ff aof qeceliv
ante omicoos bracifef! Hadre anooea in weefiepe jamy eeset af-
ii bropfars de interfiingre es we aofuen combreix, wa sone e
sambreentie (whi berberat in ff intereese qet for commu aoohe.

3

# OUTLINE OF PLAN OF LINGUISTIC RESEARCH

Drawn up at the first international
MEETING OF LINGUISTIC RESEARCH
Geneva, March 20 - April 2, 1930

Sponsored by the International Auxiliary Language Association
in the United States, Inc. (IALA)

I. **Preparatory Work:** bibliography and summary of general and special research already undertaken on lines laid down in this plan; to facilitate the work of the researchers and to avoid useless duplication of effort.

## II. General Plan of Linguistic Research

### A. General Introduction:

Section 1. Historical sketch of events leading up to this plan.

Section 2. Goal, theoretical and practical:

a. A basis for an international language.

b. A basis for "general language" study.

B. First circle of research: Foundations of Language, logical and psychological:

Part I. General Introduction: the present state of general linguistic problems and speech philosophy; a view of the present currents in America and Europe.

Part II. A notional analysis of language.

Section 1. Introduction.

Section 2. Units of communication: the sentence.

Section 3. Fundamental types of referents: a natural basis for parts of speech.

Section 4. Fundamental relational notions and their linguistic expressions.

Section 5. Notions of order.

Section 6. Indication.

Section 7. Quantity.

Section 8. Space.

Section 9. Time.

Section 10. Existents and their linguistic expression: the noun.

Section 11. Occurrents and their linguistic expression: the verb.

Section 12. Modes of existence and occurrence: the adjective and adverb.

Section 13. Notional inventory of experience: its expression in nuclear words.

Section 14. Extension of the nuclear vocabulary: word-building.

Section 15. Expressiveness in language.

-2-

Part III. Application of the notional analysis to an inter-
national language and to general language study.

C. Second circle of research: *Comparative Studies*
of four selected national languages (English,
French, German, Russian) and four selected in-
ternational languages.

Part I. Studies in formal elements.

Section 1. Plural formation, excluding changes of root.

Section 2. Classificatory distinctions, e.g., sex; per-
sonal and non-personal.

Section 3. Case.

Section 4. Comparison.

Section 5. Articles

Section 6. Pronouns

Section 7. Words of quantity (definite and indefinite numerals).

Section 8. Words of indication.

Section 9. Use of vowel and other terminations in international languages.

Section 10. Particles (prepositions, conjunctions).

Section 11. Primary adverbs.

Section 12. Verbs: tense, mode, voice.

Part II. Studies in syntax.

Part III. Studies in word-building.

Section 1. Principles of derivation.

Section 2. Principles of composition.

Section 3. Derivational elements of international languages:
derivational affixes; grammatical elements used
as derivational affixes.

Section 4. Living derivational elements in national languages.

Section 5. Semasiological and formal groups of derivational elements; their relation to each other.

Part IV. Studies in vocabulary.

Section 1. Comparative dictionary of substantial words (nouns, verbs, adjectives).

Section 2. Comparative dictionary of stems.

Section 3. Methods of elaboration of international languages.

Part V. Studies in the capacity and relative
vitality of international languages taken as wholes.

Part VI. Organization and unification of data.

D. Third circle of research: *Preparation for Synthesis*:
Survey of results of first two circles and their ap-
plication to international language problems.

November, 1930.

CIRCULAR

To: Participants of IALA's Geneva Meeting of Linguistic Research (MLR) 20 March - 2 April 1930 and others interested in IALA's program of linguistic research.

From: Alice V. Morris, Honorary Secretary of IALA and Chairman of its Committee on Cooperative Service and Research (CCSR) 19 East 70th Street, New York City.

Since the last circular, June, 1930, the chief accomplishments of IALA are three:

I. Arrangement for direction of linguistic research and first work under new direction.

II. Preparation and publication of report of annual meeting, May 19, 1930.

III. Publication of "Totality" by E. Sapir.

## Direction of Linguistic research

We are happy to announce that Dr. Edward Sapir, Professor of Anthropology and General Linguistics at the University of Chicago (Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A.), has accepted the direction of IALA's linguistic research on a half time basis for one year beginning October 1, 1930.

## Review of plan of linguistic research recommended by MLR

Dr. Sapir's first work was to make a thorough review of the plan of linguistic research adopted by IALA on recommendation of MLR. This resulted in his approval of the major part of the plan and in his making a summary of it, with some revision of its wording.

The research listed in this summary is identical in substance with that listed in the Geneva Plan, with the following exceptions:

(a) Omissions (underlined figures refer to those in original outline of plan):

November, 1930.

(1) D, 4, d. Idiom frequency studies. Omitted because not considered strictly within the chosen field of research.

(2) D, 4, e,f,g. Studies of spread of foreign words in several languages, of synonyms and homophones, and of metaphoric uses of words. Omitted because these subjects may be treated either in special articles for the Journal of Interlinguistic Research (if it materializes) or else through other sections.

(b) Addition (underlined figures refer to those in condensed outline of plan herewith):

II. C, Part I, Section 9. Use of vowel and other terminations in international languages.

The chairman has no doubt that the slight emendations of the plan will be adopted by IALA.

## Comparative Studies (CS)

As IALA voted "that the work of ... CS should in general precede that of Foundations of Language (FL) (see "Week-end conference, N.Y. May 17-19, 1930. Report No. 2 of Sub-Committee on LINGUISTIC RESEARCH", page 2, sent out with CIRCULAR of June, 1930), it became the duty of the director and chairman to consider what definite parts of CS could best be undertaken first, and how. They spent over a week in personal conference and work, followed by much correspondence, considering this and other questions connected with the plan. They agreed that preparatory studies and material already assembled should be utilized to the fullest extent possible, and that work for CS should be done in such a way as to be readily coordinated with future work for FL.

The final decision in regard to first work for CS to be consummated for publication may be summarized as follows:

Subject: RELATIONAL ELEMENTS. This study will cover a large part of CS Part I, Section 10 "Particles (prepositions, conjunctions)", and Section 11 "Primary adverbs"; and will furnish material for FL Part II, Section 4 "Fundamental relational notions and their linguistic expressions".

November, 1930.

Method of treatment:

(a) Conceptual.

(b) Formal.

Language of text: English.

Languages compared:

(a) National: English, French, German, Russian.

(b) International. Further consideration needed. At present, Esperanto, Ido, Novial and Occidental are being tentative-
ly employed.

Preparation of samples for private circulation before whole work of
"Relational elements" is completed:

(a) Conceptual: Sample studies of relations: starting-point, end-point, cause, instrument, purpose, result, comparison.

(b) Formal: Samples of index: English, AS; French, COMME; German, ALS; Esperanto, KIEL.

Report of Annual Meeting of IALA May 19, 1930, and "Totality".

Owing to unavoidable delays, the report came from the printer
only late in September. As the most essential features of the report
had already gone out with the chairman's circular of June, 1930, the
printed pamphlet was held for distribution abroad until "Totality" should
also be ready, which it now is.

Suggestion for name of JIR

Dr. Sapir suggests that the chief name of such a journal be

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November, 1930.

short and that JIR be used as a sub-title, thus:

LINGUA
A Journal of Interlinguistic Research

The short title LINGUA is attractive to the eye. Keeping the
longer title as a sub-title fulfills the desire to have special initials
appropriate to the journal for abbreviation in references and in bibli-
ography: JIR.

The Chairman of CCSR would appreciate comments on this sug-
gestion.

Re Points of agreement in ILs represented at MLR

Dr. Sapir has suggested a few verbal changes in order to make
the meaning clearer to the average English reader. If no objection is
received from any participant of MLR, LALA will in future embody into
its version of the statement the verbal changes suggested by Dr. Sapir.
The changes are shown in the following citations (only the new wording
is given):

"3. **Substantial roots.** The substantial roots (expressing things, actions, qualities) of ILs represented are, as a matter of fact drawn chiefly from the Indo-European languages.

"4. **No vowel change.** None of the ILs represented at the conference permit vowel change within the root it-self."

Enclosures:

Annual Meeting, May 19, 1930 (printed)

Totality, by E. Sapir (printed)

Outline of plan of linguistic research, - summary by
E. Sapir (mimeographed)

K. Asakawa
Department of History

YALE UNIVERSITY
NEW HAVEN, CONN.

To A.V. M. : —

November 13, 1930

I thank you heartily for your brief note of Sunday. You probably had seldom encountered such an amazing piece of presumption as I exhibited that morning. I had been daring enough to propose to come to speak to you, but, imperative as I always was, I could hardly have gone through with the self-imposed task, had I not been encouraged, as I was, by the great sweetness of temper with which, as always, you met me. If I succeeded somehow in acquitting myself, without wounding your sensibilities and without causing in you any misunderstanding of my motive, it was owing to your magnanimity. I do homage to your spirit.

I need not tell you that all my thought had been actuated by the single idea that the work of IALA should be and could be brought to what it should be without impairing the vital and honorable place you, as its animating spirit, had in the organization. For this purpose, it seemed to me—and I believe people would agree with me in this—that the structure of IALA should be strengthened and its activity clearly articulated, by localizing and correlating its responsibilities in a proper way. That is, IALA should be a body of which the skeleton is simple and clear and the nerves and muscles are so attuned as to do its main work in a direct and orderly fashion. The peculiarity of this work itself should decide the organization;

K. Asakawa

Department of History

YALE UNIVERSITY

NEW HAVEN, CONN.

-2-

and the organization should, in all its parts, cooperate
in this work.
which should all be made to subserve the common
aim with the greatest possible purposiveness and
economy. Upon this fundamental principle, I offered you a tentative
plan of reorganization, but a better plan may be found for the full realization of this principle.

As regards your own place in the proposed
new organization, it seemed to me, if I was not
greatly mistaken, that IALA would be benefitted
most if you could see your way clear to occupy
two positions at the same time.
(Consult F)

One was the direction of the division of
promotion, with suitable assistants to relieve
you of exertion and worry about small details.
You command contacts and knowledge of persons as
no other person visible does, and that is exactly
what this division needs.

The other was the central position you had
always held as the Honorary Secretary of the Board
of Directors. Though your direction of the div-
ision of promotion would be a divided field, the
sphere of the honorary-secretaryship would be un-
limited and elastic. There you would have the
oversight of all the activities and all the per-
sons, and be able, through personal contacts, to
exert influence over all the phases of the organ-
ization. You might deal with any person and in-
spire and influence him, through personal contact,
and yet would not be encumbered by the defined
tasks and responsibilities of the different sec-
tions. There is no doubt that every one would
defer to your judgment, and would seek to carry
out your idea through the established channels
of responsibility. I feel certain that the gen-
eral result would be, in all, a decidedly greater
continuation, in the spirit of the new plan, of this

-3-

and happier realization of your personal influence upon IALA as a whole than has been possible in the present method. Heretofore, you single-handed have carried far too varied and yet direct, actual work, and naturally have been obliged to relax your hold where your attention was not engaged for the moment. This would create friction where you did not expect, and cause delay where you would like to see results, while, in the field in which you were interested at a given time, you would be annoyed by the continual confusion of influence and responsibility. In the meantime, the main work of IALA itself would be retarded, and its activities blurred here and clogged there, and register progress only in limited fields and only by fits and starts. On the other hand, in the new organization, I can visualize you regarding benignly over all the varied fields of the concerted activities of a well-ordered body, lending a hand here and there as you see fit, and inspiring this person now and that person then, not by assuming a concrete responsibility, but by giving personal encouragement and stimulus. Would not the result be far pleasanter and more heart-satisfying to yourself than your present need to drive yourself through all the gamut of work in a field at a time, to be obliged to do other works stand still?

Your direction of the division of promotion would mean definite responsibilities, but your honorary secretaryship would mean influence instead of responsibility, and be unlimited and perfectly flexible instead of being partial and restricted. I cannot help feeling that the union of these two offices would at last place yourself in that happy

This was clearly indicated under a regime of personal work covering all fields, increasing complexity, but none the less unfortunate for IALA as a whole. As IALA grew and worse, continue to grow, you were in danger of being beset with responsibilities far beyond your control.

November 20, 1930

Professor Marc Bloch,
University of Strassbourg,
Strassbourg, France.

My dear M. Bloch:

I humbly beg your pardon for my long delay
in answering your very kind letter. This has
been caused in part by want of time, and also
by the fact that, if I accepted fully your prop-
osition -- which would do honor not only to me
personally but also to our History Department and
to our University --, it would result in my divert-
ing to another channel a part of my time which I
am devoting to my usual work for the University.
I have consulted my colleagues about the matter,
and now am able to write you faithfully of the
situation in which I am, and of what I might be
able to do for you.

Before everything, I thank you sincerely
for having read my Documents of Irikê. I am
much beholden to you that you, during your very
busy hours, should take time to look over so
tedious a book, and should be willing to write
a notice of it in your *Annale*. You flatter me
much by the compliments which you have given me
about the book in your letter. Among the reviews
of the book that I have seen so far, the one by
Otto Hintze in the *Historische Zeitschrift*, 1930,
Heft 2, and the one by Avondo in the *Rivisto di
storia del diritte Italiano*, January, 1930, are
more careful than the others. I now look with
impatience for your own review in the *Annale*.

-2-

I feel, as I have said, greatly honored by
being asked by you to cooperate with you in the
Annale in so important a capacity as you propose.
It would give me the greatest pleasure to comply
with your wishes to the fullest extent, if I
were able to do so, but I am too diffident to do
more than proposing to share partially and im-
perfectly the work which you have preferred to me.

In the first place, my training and my
interest are not in the field of economic history
as such, but in that of institutional history.
I touch on economic aspects only so far as they
touch the institutional. Specially on modern
economic conditions my knowledge and interest
are extremely limited.

In the second place, my duties of teaching
and of writing are even too much for all the
time that I can command, and there is hardly any
time that I can use for other activities. I am
trying to limit as far as possible my connections
with work outside of the University, although I
am naturally obliged to carry some extra labor
in several learned societies. In the meantime,
my preparation for my next book on the Feudal
régime in South Kyushu, long since announced, is
protracted beyond all measure, and I am very im-
patient.

In this preparation, which consists of an
intensive study of an enormous number of documents,
my mind is engrossed in details of the principles
and the working of institutions, specially in the
judicial sphere. This kind of work, as you well

-3-

know, absorbs so much of one's best powers, and
leaves little which might be used in purely
social and economic fields.

Would you be willing to permit me to co-operate in your *Annale* in the following limited way, and also to answer the queries that I shall ask in relation to my proposition?

In short, I might send you notices of such
books and articles as would come within my sphere
of interest, and only as I should find time to
write the notices between my crowded work-hours,
without assuming the responsibility of either
covering all fields of Japanese social and econ-
mic history and all the best books and journals
which would be published, or sending you regularly
at a stated time and a stated quantity of notices.
I might also send you my own articles now and
then, but can hardly prepare one on nobility which
you have suggested. It is a very attractive topic,
and I can well see interesting problems about it,
but there are several extra-University pieces
which I have already promised to write; another
article cannot be attempted before these engage-
ments are out of my way. Would you care for the
flexible arrangement which I have suggested above?
I hope, my dear colleague, that you will not hes-
itate to answer my quite frankly.

About the books and articles of which I might
send you notices, I beg you to understand that my
selection of them would not be as comprehensive
as even my limited training and interest would en-
able me to make, but more restricted than I would

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like myself. This is not only because my time
is short, but also because I cannot afford to buy
more than a few of the many books and journals
that are being printed in Japan.

This defect might be remedied in two ways: --
either by your sending me what comes to you, and
my returning it to you after I write notices
thereof; or by my trying, with your authorization,
to persuade publishers or authors in Japan to send
me copies direct for the purpose of being noticed
in the *Annale*. In the latter case, it would save
time and trouble if I had the works sent to me,
instead of to you; after writing notices, I can,
if you desire, send the works to you.

Now, as to my questions to you. Of books and
articles which interest me, there are some of im-
portance that appeared within the last few years.
How far back would you have my notices reach?
Would you rather exclude what was not published
in the immediate past?

From the category of *histoire sociale*, would
you exclude what is purely legal, judicial, or
technically institutional, no matter how important
the work may be, for the reason that it is not
*sociale*? If you do, you would except exactly what
most engages my attention.

I hope to be able to send you soon a notice
of a recent great work on the history of the
trading city Sakai, near Osaka.

Indeed, I have never given up my desire to

-5-

come to Strassbourg to work with you. But, if
you will permit me to refer to my personal affair,
it is not easy to save enough money for an ex-
tended sojourn in a foreign land. I do not yet
know when the happy time will come. I also have
fears that you are too busy with your editorial labor
added to your other work, to be burdened with an
dignant foreigner intruding upon you. Does not
your editorial work consume more of your precious
time of research and production than you would like?
Please forgive this impertinence, for I am merely
expressing my sympathy as an academic man.

In high personal esteem,

I am

Very sincerely yours,

Written on Sunday

23 November, 1930.

Dear Professor Asakawa:

First of all let me thank you for your letter of 16. Nov.,-

thank you warmly.

Next, let me review the present status of reorganization
including my own responsibilities, and then touch upon what might
be termed "extra-curricular work" and upon your suggestion that I
take the chairmanship of the promotion division, namely, the Divi-
sion of Interest and Support.

1. Executive secretary (confidential) Mr. Morris and I have had a good talk with Dr. Cottrell, who is thoroly conversant with all phases of the problem. He strongly feels that ultimately IALA needs for this position a man of wide and successful experience in administrative work and in work of promotion including devel- oping the organization and gaining constantly larger financial sup- port. As compared to the two types of college president, the edu- cator or the combined administrator and money raiser, IALA's "ideal" executive should be the latter type. C feels that the time has not yet come to search for such a big person, but that we should all bear in mind that that is what we want, and we should be on the lookout to spot such a man for the future. Meanwhile C approves strongly the proposal already agreed on by the Executive Committee to get a capable full-time assistant executive who shall relieve Dr. Shenton of many details and shall have as his major work the organizing of the Division of Interest and Support and of money raising. Dr. Shenton, as I think I told you, has already for some time past spoken about the eventuality of a full-time Executive. He is much pleased at the present decision to get a full-time as- sistant. Mr. Morris and Dr. Cottrell and I foresee no embarrass- ment in the necessary adjustment later on of getting a full-time Executive. The difficulty will be to find the right man.

Meantime Miss Eaton is acting "pro tem" as "assistant executive" and seeking some one for the job as a regular position.

We have not yet spoken with Dr. Shenton about the future
more than in response to his own initiative, saying that the sit-
uation will be handled when the time comes. Nor have we spoken
about it to any one else at all except to Dr. Cottrell. But we
feel you are entitled to know everything in mind, and we know we
can count on your treating this confidentially until we let you
know that it is no longer necessary.

2. **Finance Committee.** Its creation is under way and will be completed on the return from Europe of General Harbord.

3. **CCSR.** It seems clear to me that you desire the dissolution of this committee. Am I correct? (See P.S.)

I am in accord with dissolving CCSR and am prepared to pave the way to-morrow evening at the meeting of directors and committee members we plan for after dinner (How we shall miss you!). I shall give a summary of the accomplishments of the committee from its inception to date in such a way as to show that they constitute a particular era which is now ended and that therefore the time has come to ask whether the committee has not fulfilled its function and whether it may not be wise to consider dissolving it. No action will be asked for, but the ground will be cleared for us to dissolve if I surmise aright that you explicitly desire this.

In connection with the closing of an era of exploration in unknown and untried paths, I would express in no hesitant terms the deep appreciation I feel of having been associated with you in the work and of the great contribution you have made. The era closes with a series of events:

(a) The international Meeting of Linguistic Research in Geneva last spring, marking unprecedented forward steps in the spirit of cooperation among leading linguists and interlinguists, manifest in the development and recommendation of a rounded Plan of Linguistic Research, based upon your "three circles" embodying all the past thought of many collaborators and your own brilliant contribution in addition.

(b) The acceptance of the Plan by IALA last May and the concomitant decision to try to secure the services of a distinguished scholar as Director.

(c) The securing of the services of Dr. Sapir as Director for one year beginning Oct. 1, 1930.

The functions of CCSR have been manifold. Provision for the continuance of each one must be made. The functions may be summed up under three heads:

i. Fostering of the idea and practice of "cooperative service and research". This idea is fundamental to IALA and should be spread by each and every leader. Presumably the carrying out of the Plan of Linguistic Research (if sufficient funds can be secured) would do much to cause the idea to materialize gradually more and more.

ii. Direction of linguistic research. This function has been turned over to the Director. It should continue henceforth to be exercised exclusively by whoever holds that office.

iii. Performance of non-technical duties. See "4"
below.

4. Responsibility for non-technical duties in relation to re-search. We are all agreed that the three divisions of research should be organized along similar lines in so far as possible. The question of responsibility for non-technical duties is yet to be determined and needs careful thought. We all agree that this is one of the questions to be considered by the Committee of Coordination in consultation with the Executive Committee.

Some Queries:

(a) If CALS and CCSR are dissolved, do their former chairmen remain chairman of Division of Education (DE) and Division of Interlinguistics (DI) as at present?

(b) What alternates are there to "a"?

i. Get other chairmen.

ii. Abolish the office of chairmen of research divisions and assign non-technical duties elsewhere. (First consider carefully what those duties are.)

iii. Any other alternates?

(c) If office of chairman is retained, is it permissible for the same person to be chairman of the division and director of the research?

Miss Eaton and I hope that it may be possible for you to confer about all this, among other matters, with her if convenient for you to have her stop off at New Haven when she next goes to visit her family in Boston, at Thanksgiving time.

5. A.V.M.'s responsibilities, past and present.

(a) Honorary Secretary, and as such, member of Executive Committee.
Continues.

(b) Chairman of DI (referred to as such in report of Annual Meeting May 19, 1930, page 13).

See "Some Queries" above.

(c) Chairman of CCSR.

See No. 2 above, P.S.

(d) Practical (tho never official) director of linguistic research.
This function definitely ceased Oct. 1, 1930. There is no reason or danger of its ever being resumed.

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(e) (confidential) Editor of "Foundations of Language". I should like to consider withdrawing after present obligations are fulfilled. They consist of editorial work in connection with articles under way by Collinson and Sapir, begun in Chicago when Collinson was over here. This is a matter which the three of us should settle together; preferably in person.

(f) (confidential) Collaborator in "Foundations of Language" (FL). I must finish "Comparison". Beyond that, I doubt I shall have time to do anything, at least probably not for several years anyway.

(g) Collaborator in "Comparative Studies" (CS). Dr. Sapir and I have already agreed definitely in respect to collaboration in a few items concerned with immediate work in the nature of preparation of certain samples for private circulation as a help in interesting a wider circle of scholars and we hope, through their endorsement, a wider circle of possible contributors. When this particular collaboration is over, I shall breathe freely. I do not now foresee any need for my future collaboration in "Comparative Studies".

6. Possible "extra-curricular" work for A.V.M. If and when time allows, I shall be glad to continue to render service as a critic to those who may turn to me as such; and, in far distant leisure hours, in advancing years, I hope occasionally to work as an amateur in interlinguistics; all without conflict or interference with IALA's work.

7. Re A.V.M.'s taking the chairmanship of Division of Interest and Support. This needs consideration. At present I believe I should serve IALA much better by securing some one else as chairman and just being a member of the directing committee. I have to do a lot of work anyway in helping to organize the division - no easy matter - and, as far as I can foresee now, I shall consider the work far better done if it ends up with a good chairman who is a brand new asset to IALA. I may have to act as chairman "pro tem".

I hope I have not wearied you with this long letter. I have tried to cover the points aroused in my mind by your visit and letters. The sharp distinction of various functions that has at last become clear has been most helpful to me. I hope it will prove so to IALA. There are a few things I should like to add, but they can wait.

27 November 1930

Dear Mrs. Morris,

I thank you heartily on this Thanksgiving Day
for your full and confidential letter of the 24th.

I have also received word from Mr. Morris and Mr.
Habcock offering me the chairmanship of the Coordina-
tion Committee. I am answering them that my acceptance
is conditional, among other things, upon the character
of the Committee as finally settled. Obviously I
could not consent to take the change of a committee
organized in what I should consider a wrong way. My
own conception of what the Committee should be is be-
ing written down. This, after Miss Eaton's revision,
will be sent to you. We found, on her short visit
yesterday, that we were in accord on all the main
points regarding the Committee. My final decision
about the proffered chairmanship will depend largely
upon whether the Committee as definitively constituted
will be based upon the same principles as those of her
and my plan. It is these principles, not those details
of the plan which have little to do with them, that will
guide me, for the principles were the very reason which
inspired the idea of creating the new Committee.

I have referred to the above, for I shall answer
your letter on the basis of the same principles.

They all issue from the central idea that IALA
is growing to such a point where a clear and rational
collocation of responsibilities is essential for an
efficient and economical execution of its many-sided

work. For this, a reorganization has seemed necessary; the reorganization finds its salient features in the creation of the Finance and the Coordination Committees.

In any reorganization, it would perhaps be unwise to repeat the manner of the French Revolution, when historic institutions were wholly wiped off the slate, and totally new constitutions were framed purely on theoretical grounds, without regard to the heritages of the past. One would prefer the more practical English manner, in which fresh ideas and organs are balanced with useful survivals of historic institutions; the old are modified and incorporated into the new. I, for one, have acted in accordance with this method in framing my plan. I, therefore, welcome heartily the suggestions contained in your letter regarding the past organization of IALA.

Precisely at this point, however, it seems to me that there is a capital point on which one should be clear-eyed and steer clear of a possible confusion of thought. To say that the future should as far as possible be built upon the foundation of the past does not mean, to my mind, that every vestige of the past, no matter how obstructive to progress, should be religiously preserved. That would not be wisdom, but service to antiquity. How fatal this confusion has been history yields many, many tragic examples. The precious lesson it teaches bears, I think, directly on our business of IALA. At this hour of reorganization, I pray you and every one else to be on guard not to con-

fuse the two radically different things I have taken
liberty to dwell upon: respect for the past, and slave-
ry to it. The latter might surreptitiously take the
place of the former, if one did not consciously and
resolutely rise above one's personal preferences or
habitual inclinations.

To be more specific, CALS and CCSR, as bodies,
have been abolished, but their work will be taken
over by the new Coordination Committee, for that work
is the very work of IALA and must be increased in vol-
ume and in efficiency.

As the bodies of CALS and CCSR have ceased to ex-
ist, their chairs are released. The Division of Re-
promotion and the three sections of the Division of Re-
search will each have a Director with full responsi-
bility toward the Directorate, and full independence
as to the direction of work to be done under him.
Nothing would be more incongruous, and more prejudi-
cial to this responsibility and independence of each
director, than to place beside him a chairman. The
latter would not only be superfluous but encumbering.
To preserve the past chairs would not be historical
wisdom, but a case of surrender to the bondage to the
past.

What has made you momentarily hesitant about the
chairman is obviously what you call the non-technical
duties in relation to research. As you say yourself,
one should consider just what these duties are, and
whether they cannot be cared for effectively by differ-
ent parts of the reorganized system or whether there

really are some things for the sake of which we should
risk the obvious unwisdom of putting a chairman beside
the director of research. Of the non-technical matters,
some way be simply clerical; some, purely administrative;
and the rest, — the most difficult for
a merely mechanically organized body to manage,
things depending upon personalities and personal relations.
The first of these three classes of affairs
will create no difficulty; and the second, in accordance
with the plan which Miss Eaton and I shall present,
would be referred by the Coordination Committee
to the Secretariat, or be managed conjointly by both.
As regards the third, I know perfectly well that you
have borne the brunt of its burden and thereby have
contributed immensely to the general X operation of
research. Nothing is clearer than that the directors
of research, the Coordination Committee, the Secretariat,
and every person, will continue to go to you,
whenever need arises, for advice and personal aid.
You, in your capacity of Honorary Secretary and member
of the Executive Committee and of the Administrative
force, will have full and free scope to intervene,
through the channels of organized bodies, or personally
where there is no constituted channel for a desired
action. I fail to see the need of your binding yourself
to a chairmanship of so limited a field as that
of research. Your influence would be more widely and
freely exerted without this burden than with it. The
whole organization of IALA, in its every part, will
continue to look to you for personal inspiration and

I should almost be tempted to say that you will be at all times exposed to personal demands from all quarters.

Something similar may be said of the past chairman of CALS, Mr. Duggan. It seems highly desirable for IALA to avail itself in some form of the service of a man of so wide knowledge and influence in the educational world. But it would be unwise for us, and irksome for him, to put him as chairman of educational research beside the director Mr. Thorndike. IALA might well make an understanding with Mr. Duggan so as to make it possible for us to approach him for guidance and support. One might even offer him a definite place, but certainly not as chairman of educational research.

In short, in regard to yourself (items 5-7 in your letter), I would venture to say, that 5(a) and the first half of 6 were self-evident; that 5(b) and 5(d) lay between you and Messrs. Sapir and Collinson; that 7 and the latter part of 6 depended upon yourself, (your suggestion in 7 seems to me well considered); that 5(d) and 5(f) had been already decided by you; and that 5(g) and 5(h) would cease automatically with the reorganization.

I have written this long letter with the impudence which seems gradually to have become my exorable habit in addressing you. Though I have been encouraged by your remarkable sportsmanship, I have no word of legitimate excuse, for such a spring from some callousness of my spirit. But I desire to assure you that

without personal loyalty to you even that innate de-
fect in us would not show itself in such continued
liberty of expression.

I deeply appreciate your remark in regard to our
association since 1924 on CCSR. For me, it has been
a rare fortune in my life. I sincerely hope that
the new regime will never have the effect of making
our contact less close than it has been.

Most sincerely yours

November 29, 1930

Mr. Dave H. Morris,
Treasurer of IALA,
19 East 70th Street,
New York City.

Dear Mr. Morris:

I deem it a signal honor to be asked
by you and President Babcock to serve as
Chairman of the newly created Coordination
Committee. I should be happy to accept the
proffered position under the following con-
ditions: --

First, that I should find the character
of the Committee as finally decided upon was
such, in my judgment, as would enable it to
fulfill its functions properly. I am framing,
with Miss Eaton's cooperation, a plan of the
Committee to be presented for the consideration
of IALA. My decision as to whether I should
finally accept your offer would depend largely
upon how IALA would revise this plan.

Secondly, that I should be provided with
efficient assistance. I am obliged to stress
this condition because I am not in a position
to assume any heavy work in addition to my
University duties, which I am fulfilling very
poorly. Since President Babcock writes that
Miss Eaton will be Secretary, my anxiety is

much

relieved in this regard, for I know of no one
who is so peculiarly will qualified as she is
for this position. However, the condition here
stated includes the reservation that, in case
I should find the obligations of the chairman-
ship too exacting as to time, I should be per-
mitted to resign my office, I am afraid, even
if there should be no one to whom the work
might be immediately transferred.

Thirdly, that IALA would be so good as to
furnish me with clerical expenses. These would
be variable according to the actual need, and
should not be a large amount.

And, finally, that I should be permitted
to hold the office only till a more suitable
candidate for it should be discovered.

Under these conditions, I beg you to con-
sider my acceptance as not final till it should
be found that these conditions were satisfactor-
ily met.

Very sincerely yours,

November 29, 1930

Mr. Earle B. Babcock,
President of IALA,
King's Crown Hotel,
420 West 116 Street,
New York City.

Dear President Babcock:

I was delighted to have a personal word
from you, and was particularly flattered by
your generous comments upon the importance in
IALA of the new Committee of Coordination and
upon my supposed qualifications to take its
charge. I have, however, misgivings about the
latter point, though I naturally felt honored
to receive the appointment.

I enclose herewith a copy of my answer
to Mr. Morris regarding the matter, and I beg
you to consider it as my answer both to you
and to him.

Sincerely yours,

November 29, 1930

Dear Mr. Morris:

First, that I should find the character
of the Committee as finally decided upon ~~was~~ to be
such, in my judgment, as would enable it to
fulfill its functions properly. I am framing,
with Miss Eaton's cooperation, a plan of the
Committee to be presented for the consideration
of IALA. My decision as to whether I should
finally accept your offer would depend largely
upon how IALA would revise this plan.

-2-

relieved in this regard, for I know of no one who is so peculiarly will qualified as she is for this position. However, the condition here stated includes the reservation that, in case I should find the obligations of the chairman-ship too exacting as to time, I should be per-mitted to resign my office, I am afraid, even if there should be no one to whom the work might be immediately transferred.

Under these conditions, I beg you to consider my acceptance as not final till it should be found that these conditions were satisfactorily met.

Very sincerely yours,

DAVE H. MORRIS
19 EAST 70TH STREET
NEW YORK

December 2, 1930

Professor K. Asakawa
42 College Street
New Haven, Conn.

Dear Professor Asakawa:

I am delighted with the good news contained in your letter of November 29 that you are happy to accept the chairmanship of IALA's newly created Committee of Coordination. The conditions you mentioned are thoroughly satisfactory to all of us.

For your information I enclose certain papers which I think you may be glad to have for reference and some of which may be helpful in your pondering upon the functions of your Committee.

Mrs. Morris joins with me in cordial remembrances. She seems very happy over the new developments.

Enclosures:

1. IALA Memorandum re Funds, October 1, 1930

2. Responsibility for Non-Technical Duties in Relation to Research; Some Non-Technical Duties

3. Letter from Mrs. Ruth Griggs, November 26, 1930 together with:

a. Excerpts from Minutes of Executive Committee October 10, 1930

b. Excerpts of Minutes of Executive Committee, November 8, 1930

c. Minutes of Executive Committee, November 9.

IALA

MEMORANDUM RE FUNDS

Adopted by Executive Committee Oct. 1, 1930, and approved by
meeting of Directors and Advisory Committee members Nov. 24,1930.

I. **Regulation of Expenditures.** Power to spend funds and responsibility for debts contracted must ultimately reside in the Board of Directors.

II. **Procedure Concerning Budgets.** Budgets covering overhead, general administration, and activities of each division should be compiled by Executive Committee in consultation with representatives of divisions and submitted to Finance Committee.

If Finance Committee regards raising of the funds for the proposed budgets as impracticable it should report the same together with general recommendations for the revision of the budget to the Executive Committee which should in turn endeavor to revamp the budget to meet the recommendations of the Finance Committee.

Budgets approved by Executive Committee and Finance Committee should be submitted to Board of Directors for final action, preferably by chairman of the Finance Committee.

If Executive Committee and Finance Committee cannot concur, the situation should be placed before the Board of Directors.

III. **Finance Committee.** The Finance Committee is a committee of the Board of Directors. The majority of members should be members of the Board of Directors.

The functions of the Committee should be:

(1) To review budgets compiled by the Executive Committee, pass on feasibility of raising amounts presented, and, finally, recommend budgets to Board of Directors.

(2) To formulate policies and principles for raising money for the complete activity of IALA.

(3) To invest capital funds of IALA.

## IV. Division of Interest and Support.
A division to cultivate an intelligent and contributing interest in the work of IALA. Its money-raising activities should in policy and principle be guided by the Finance Committee and be a part of an inclusive program of gaining support for the whole program of IALA including the development of a competent international commission.

The division should have regional committees.

Membership Committee or Committees, if there be such, should be part of the division.

Responsibility for non-technical duties in
relation to research.

Some Queries:

(a) If CALS and CCSR are dissolved, do their former chairmen remain chairmen of Division of Education (DE) and Division of Interlinguistics (DI) as at present?

1. Get other chairmen.

iii. Any other alternates?

(c) If office of chairman is retained, is it permissible for
the same person to be chairman of the division and direc-
tor of the research?

Some "non-technical duties" in connection
with research.

1. Formulation of policies and plans for general guidance of

a. Research (to be executed by research staff).

b. Efforts to gain intellectual support for
specific researches (to be executed by DIS).

2. Helping make up budgets for research to be presented to Executive Committee.

3. When occasion arises, reapportionment of items within a research division budget, exclusive of grants by IALA. See action of Executive Committee Nov. 8, 1930.

4. Calling and setting up of occasional meetings of Advisory Boards.

5. Keeping in touch with and receiving reports from director of research.

6. Drafting and sending out of occasional circular letters of information concerning specific researches.

Excerpts from Minutes of Executive Committee, October 10, 1930

It was decided to create the office of Assistant Executive Secretary and to engage such a secretary as soon as a suitable one could be found. The chief activity of this secretary for the immediate future shall be concern for the organization of the Division of Interest and Support and for the raising of funds. The duties of an Assistant Executive Secretary shall include the development of the organization of IALA as a whole as directed by the Executive Committee. Miss Eaton shall be appointed acting Assistant Executive Secretary until a regular incumbent be found and shall be asked to seek such incumbent subject to approval by the Executive Committee.

Assistant
Executive
Secretary

Duties

Miss
Eaton
"pro tem"

EXCERPTS OF

MINUTES OF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

November 8, 1930.

Place: 19 East 70th Street, New York.
Present: The executive committee and Miss Eaton.

It was agreed that the power to reapportion the items of a
budget (r b) of a division or of a specific grant shall be exercised
as follows:

General Administration r b rests with ex. committee

DIS " " " " and chairman of DIS

DE " " " " " " DE

DSE " " " " " " DSE

DI " " " " " " DI

Grants by IALA

To institutions " " " institution

To individuals " " " individual

In case of necessity for interdivisional reapportionment " " " ex. committee " " " finance com.

It was agreed that the above arrangement should be subject to the
approval of the Finance Committee when it is organized.

Note: December 1, In the organization of the new Committee of Coordination, it be finally decided that there be no chairman of division, then the above action must be rescinded, and responsibility for reapportionment definitely placed otherwise.

November 9, 1930

Place: 19 East 70th Street
Present: Executive Committee with Professor Asakawa and Miss Eaton

It was agreed that a Committee of Coordination, the establishment of which had been recommended at IALA's annual meeting (May 19, 1930) by the Sub-Committee on the Program of IALA as a whole, should be organized as soon as possible and that the Committee shall function in cooperation with the Executive Secretary between the Executive Committee and the Divisions of IALA, the exact functions of the new committee to be determined after it is fully organized and in conference with and subject to the approval of the Executive Committee. Professor Asakawa was asked to be chairman of the Committee of Coordination and Miss Helen S. Eaton secretary. They both seemed willing to take such appointments under consideration.

It was agreed that the organization of the three divisions of research shall be similar and that reorganization to this end be one of the most immediate subjects of consideration of the new Committee of Coordination in consultation with the Executive Committee.

Reorganization of Research Divisions

It was recommended that CALS and CCSR be discontinued as soon as the Committee of Coordination is organized.

Discontinuance of CALS and CCSR

It was further agreed that each of the three research divisions shall henceforth consist of only two bodies:

a) an advisory board

b) a research staff

MRS. DAVE H. MORRIS

19 EAST 70 STREET
NEW YORK

Dec. 2, 1930.

Dear Prof. Asakawa:

Your recent letter gives
me great pleasure and your kind words warm
my heart.

You speak of a "Director"
for the Division of Interest and Support (DIS),
but I fancy you do not mean this literally in
the sense in which that word is used when ap-
plied to a director of research. For any work
for raising money, it would be disastrous not
to have voluntary committees with voluntary
chairmen. We had thought of the chief duty
of the contemplated new assistant executive
secretary as being concerned with the organ-
ization of DIS and raising funds. To all
this, my impression was that you concurred.
I revert to the subject now only on account
of your use of the word "Director" in con-
nection with DIS, - because we want to go
ahead with perfect understanding.

ANNALES D'HISTOIRE ÉCONOMIQUE ET SOCIALE

Rédaction : Palais de l'Université, Strasbourg (Bas-Rhin)
Administration : LIBRAIRIE ARMAND COLIN : 103, Boulevard Saint-Michel, Paris, 5e

Strasbourg, le 5 Décembre, 1930

Mon cher collègue,

Je vous remercie de votre lettre à la fois si obligeante
et si franche, et j' réponds sans tarder.

Nous vous sommes infiniment reconnaissant de la collaboration que
vous voulez bien nous promettre, dans la mesure de vos forces, la note sur
Sakai sera la très bienvenue, & nous nous enverrez les compte-rendus quand il
vous sera possible; tout recenser serait, en tout état de cause, une chimère,
l'essentiel est de ne manquer aucun ouvrage kuneniku véritablement important
et je suis persuadé qu'en, grâce à vous, nos lecteurs seront beaucoup mieux
renseignés sur l'ancienne société japonaise que ceux de n'importe quelle au-
tre revue. Je suis leur interprète en vous remerciant.

Je réponds maintenant aux questions que vous avez bien voulu me
poser, et en même temps, je prends la liberté de préciser quelques points
relatifs à votre collaboration.

1) La règle générale pour les compte-rendus est la suivante. Nous demandons, soit de nous-même, soit sur le conseil de nos collaborateurs, les livres aux éditeurs (pour les revues nous sollicitons parfois des auteurs d'articles l'envoi de tirages à part). Nous recevons ici ceux qu'on veut bien nous envoyer -le plus grand nombre de beaucoup de ceux que nous demandons- et à notre tour nous les adressons aux collaborateurs qui reçoivent de se charger des compte-rendus, et naturellement, gardent la propriété des ouvrages; c'est hélas! (sauf pour les articles ou les longues notes, qui sont payés) leur seule rémunération. Il semble que dans votre cas, il sera bon

N-205

de simplifier un peu la procédure de la façon suivante. Vous pourriez nous envoyer régulièrement la liste des livres que vous jugez bon de recevoir; nous les demanderons aux éditeurs (je pense qu'il n'y a pas d'inconvénient à formuler les titres en alphabet latin), en priant ceux-ci de vous les ex-pédier directement. Vous voudrez bien de temps en temps -par exemple en nous adressant vos comptes - nous envoyer la liste des ouvrages que vous avez reçus (même si vous n'aviez pas encore rendu compte), de façon à nous permettre de tenir nos écritures en ordre. Naturellement il arrive que fois qu'à titre bénévole un auteur rende compte d'un livre qu'il a lu, sans le tenir de l'éditeur; nous vous serons toujours reconnaissants de nous rendre à l'occasion ce service, surtout pour les plus importants des articles de revues, qu'il est souvent malaisé d'obtenir; même pour les li-vres proprement dits, cette façon de faire sera peut-être plus souvent né-cessaire au début, jusqu'à ce que la librairie japonaise ait pris l'habitu-de de penser à nous.

2) A ce propos, je vous demanderai, si vous le voulez bien, un service: il est possible en effet que dans les premiers temps vos éditeurs nous connaissent mal et soient peu généreux. Peut-être une lettre personnelle de vous auprès des principales maisons ou une démarche que vous feriez faî-re nous faciliteraient-elle les choses; vous verrez vous-même dans quelle mesure vous pourrez agir. En Europe, à l'exception d'une ou des maisons anglaises, très conservatrices, nous n'avons qu'à nous louer de la librai-rie; notre revue, à vrai dire, est déjà bien connue.

3) Aucune raison de ne pas recenser, puisque vous le voulez bien, les ouvrages parus depuis quelques années déjà. Pour des motifs trop aisés à comprendre, les périodiques français suivent très mal la produc-tion japonaise. Donc le retard apparent, si retard il y a, ne nuira pas à la nouveauté de fait de notre information.

4) Rien de plus délicat que la question que vous me posez au sujet des limites de l'histoire "sociale". Je crois qu'en pareille

Strasbourg, le

matière -vous l'avez bien senti - il n'est pas possible de dire "no matter
how important the work may be", car un livre vraiment important a un rayon-
nement qui dépasse toujours les problèmes purement techniques. Nous excluons
l'histoire politique proprement dite et celle des détails de la vie juri-
dique. Un ouvrage de droit, d'institutions politiques même peut en revanche
nous intéresser s'il jette quelques lueurs sur la structure sociale elle-
même (classes, groupes familiaux, etc.). Inutile de vous dire que, par exem-
ple, vos documents d'Iraki sont tout à fait dans notre cadre. Envoyez-nous
donc, assez largement les compte-rendus des livres qui vous semble l'inté-
ressants; peu à peu, en cours de collaboration, par échanges d'observations
entre nous, la norme se fixera d'elle-même.

5) Pour les livres sur l'économie japonaise contemporaine, dont vous préférerez ne pas rendre compte vous-même, voyez-vous un autre collaborateur à nous signaler? De notre côté, nous avons entendu parler d'un ou deux collaborateurs possibles; mais votre recommandation plus que tout autre serait précieuse.

Je serais, moi aussi, imfiniment heureux de pouvoir travailler
avec vous; j'aurais beaucoup à apprendre dans une pareille collaboration.
Il est exact hélas! que mes obligations professionnelles et mon travail
directoriai me prennent beaucoup de temps; mais je crois que nous faisons
aux Annales oeuvre utile et votre sympathie m'est garant que je ne me trompe
pas tout à fait.
XXXXXXXXX

T.S.P.

Veuillez, mon cher collègue, accepter l'expression de mes
sentements par faitement dévoué.

N-305

sentiments parfaitement dévoués.

P. S. Nous recevons à l'instant la carte ci-jointe en réponse à une demande que nous avions adressé à la Yale University Press, mais que cel-le-ci a fait suivre à son dépositaire européen, Humphrey Milford. Or la maison Humphrey Milford est la seule grande maison d'édition qui jusqu'idoit témoigné envers nous d'une extrême mauvaise volonté: alors que nous recevons toutes les publications de Cambridge, Oxford, étant représenté par Milford, ne nous envoie rien (j'ai protesté récemment à Oxford même). Il nous serait désagréable de penser que l'Université de Yale, qui certainement n'est point mal disposée envers nous, doive ne jamais voir ses publications signalées dans notre revue, à cause de ses relations commerciales avec Milford. Puis-je vous demander de vous assurer s'il ne serait pas possible que l'envoi nous fût fait directement depuis New-Haven? Nous en serions infiniment heureux.

C O P Y

Excerpts of letter To: Mrs. Dave H. Morris, New York City
From: E. Sapir, Chicago, Dec. 10, 1930.
Re: Appointment as Sterling Professor
of Anthropology and Linguistics
at Yale University.

... ... "my academic plans are changing completely. Quite recently I was made an unexpected offer by Yale University and the result of the negotiations is that beginning with July 1st of next year I am to have the title of Sterling Professor of Anthropology and Linguistics at Yale University. I am afraid that this means it will be utterly impossible for me to continue with I.A.L.A. work for July, August and September, as I shall be exceedingly busy preparing for my new Yale University courses, arranging a thousand details in regard to the newly founded department of anthropology and its affiliations with various other bodies at Yale, transferring and starting various anthropological and linguistic researches, and last, but not least, attending to all the physical problems involved in moving from Chicago to New Haven. I am sorry that our plans have been thus rudely interfered with but I do not see what else I can do but shoulder the most obvious responsibilities and plead for a remission of my semi-commitment to I.A.L.A. for the summer quarter of the present academic year.

I am afraid this means, too, that it will not be possible for me to continue even a half-time arrangement as director of linguistic research for I.A.L.A. I find from experience that it is exceedingly difficult to do justice to such an arrangement as that, and I am afraid that my responsibilities at Yale will be greater rather than less. At the same time, you may rest assured that I shall be exceedingly happy to look over any material that you may be submitting to me from time to time and give the best advice I can without formal commitment and without remuneration. In any event I am hoping that it will be possible to continue the use of Mr. Swadesh's services next academic year as I am persuaded that he is unusually keen and suited to the work that I.A.L.A. requires of him.

MRS. DAVE H. MORRIS

19 EAST 70 STREET
NEW YORK

December 16, 1930.

Dear Prof. Asakawa:

Miss Eaton has already written to you that we have gone over your draft of plan for Coordination Committee. Since then, Mr. Morris has also given it most careful consideration and it is now in the hands of Dr. Shenton, with whom we expect to go over it when he is next in New York, which will probably be the end of this week.

We warmly appreciate the splen-
did thought you have put into the draft and we are
happy to feel that we are all in agreement in es-
sential matters. There are a few minor details
which we shall be glad to discuss with you after
seeing Dr. Shenton.

With renewed and hearty appre-
ciation,

YALE UNIVERSITY
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

K. Asakawa

NEW HAVEN, CONN.

April 16, 1931.

Professor Charles Seymour, Provost,
117 Wall Street.

Dear Seymour:

I have told Andrews that I had too many
commitments to write articles and to do other
things, besides teaching and my own writing,
for the next few months, including the vaca-
tion, to be able to write an article on Vis-
count Ishii's book. I recommend to you
Sterling Tatsuji Takeuchi, Research Fellow,
University of Chicago. I have no doubt that,
if he had time, he would be able to write the
sort of article that the _Foreign Affairs_ wants.
I am sending you, under separate cover, a sample
of his work.

April 27, 1931

Professor K. Asakawa,
121 High Street.

Dear Asakawa:

I have passed back to Hamilton Fish Armstrong of Foreign
Affairs the statement of your literary activities during the summer
which prevent your undertaking the article on the Ishii memoirs. He
is still very keen to get you to do the article, and suggests that
they would be glad to postpone printing it, if granting you some lee-
way would make any difference. He says that if the manuscript could
be ready sometime in October, they would be very glad of it. I hope
that if the task itself does not seem too much of a burden to you,
you will consider seriously undertaking it. The Council on Foreign
Relations is evidently determined that for this particular type of
article there is no one whom they want so much as yourself. I think
it would be a good thing for Yale, which has been accused from time
to time of not paying attention to Far Eastern affairs.

Always yours sincerely,

Correspondence should be addressed
"LIBRARIAN OF CONGRESS
DIVISION OF CHINESE LITERATURE
WASHINGTON, D. C."

CABLE ADDRESS
LIBCON, WASHINGTON
USE "ADAMS CABLE CODEX," 10TH ED.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
DIVISION OF CHINESE LITERATURE
WASHINGTON

July 10, 1931

Mr. John Barrow,
Sterling Memorial Library,
Yale University,
New Haven, Conn.

Dear Mr. Barrow:

In reply to your letter of July 6, I should say that the 四庫全書 is not printed and most likely never will be. Of this there are only four sets in manuscripts in different cities of China.

I advise you to purchase for your Library the following complete sets:

1. 四部叢刊 szu pu ts'ung k'an

2. 萬有文庫 wan yu wen k'u

3. 百衲本二十四史 pe na pen The Twenty-four Dynastic Histories.

All the above are published by Commercial Press. No. 1 in about 2,000 volumes costs Mex. $800 for the finest paper, and Mex. $640 for the second grade paper. This includes reprints of the rarest editions of Chinese antiquity. No. 2 is now in 2,200 volumes but it is expected to make it much larger. The subscription price before printing was Mex. $470 but since most of it is now printed the cost will be Mex. $100 or Mex. $200 more. This is a whole library of modern and ancient writings, all punctuated in modern form and easy to read. It is a very valuable set to have as it is already indexed by the numerical system with cards for each book. No. 3 is the latest and best edition of all the dynastic histories. For the fifteen earliest histories they succeeded in getting texts from Sung dynasty works in

Since the *League* has published the *decision of its*
*committee regarding Manchuria*, I take this opportunity
to write you what I think of the document and of the
general situation, as I know that you take deep interest
in the question.

I think the document has grave defects and also is
of great historical significance. The defects are due
to its almost exclusively *legal* character, as it has
had to assume. From the legal point of view, one cannot
give an adequate consideration to certain great aspects
of the question which must be regarded from the standpoint
of the statesman. The document, legal as its nature is,
is silent upon the past sacrifices and services of Japan,
and upon the great mission she has in the future in main-
taining the general peace of the East. The League or
any other organized instrument of peace cannot in the
East but build upon what Japan has accomplished since
1894, and cooperate with her in the future. (I am at
this moment speaking of this side only, and am not
touching on the side on which Japan has to adjust her
steps with the world.) Starting from the legal viewpoint
again, the League is totally blind about the deep current

2

of feeling which has since 1931 been carrying the Japanese
nation; this is generally unknown, and only E.J.Dillon
touched on it in his article in the Contemporary Review
last November. It is this: Japan is weary of accommodating
her policy with ideas and methods of purely Western origin;
she has ever since the coming of Perry in 1853 patiently
accepted Western ideas and often given her loyalty to them,
even when her own interest was sacrificed, or when she
could see better solutions of problems, even juster ones,
than the West dictated. The steady policy was self-
effacement and adjustment, and it was a source of continual
irritation, all silently borne. Many of the things the
West considered as good and could not see in any other way
were no doubt good things, but many others were too one-sided
for the self-interest of the West, or seemed often seriously
unjust or at least ill-considered, and some were believed
to be purely wrong. The West, with its sense of superiority
did not and does not see that such self-abnegation of
Eastern countries could go on indefinitely. I believe
the first dissatisfaction of Japan over this state of things
was born in relation to the League itself, for she often
was forced to wonder why she should silently cooperate at
great expense with the League in affairs in Europe and

4

own mind and interest merely in order to adjust her step
with the world. The world was only the West; the world
opinion was only the Western way of viewing things every-
where, closing its eyes to great problems and their his-
toric genesis outside of the West. In such a mood of
reaction, the Japanese people easily went to the extreme,
and began to doubt the value of everything Western good
or bad. And it was at this juncture, when the Foreign
Office at Tokyo was bewildered by the sudden reaction,
that the army was ready to carry away the sympathy of the
nation with a program purely Japanese and Eastern in re-
gard to safeguarding, as it fancied, the security of the
East in general for an indefinite time. The program was
not all revealed at once, but from its partial showing it
seemed plain to the people that it was the solution, the
only one in fact, that was presented by any one. This
program was, by Araki the War Minister, dressed up in an
idealist
philosophy that appealed to the masses, specially
in the depth of Depression
the suffering peasantry; this he dubbed "Japanism", a
mocking doctrine of peace and justice, with which Japan
should remake the world. He talked like a mad man,
my mind; and I have no doubt that most educated persons
so regarded him. But
that the point is that Japan had

5

long been chafing under Western dictation, and was now
forcibly revolting against it; the army's solution was
the army's interpretation of the revolt; as for Araki's
flamboyance, that was his own affair, which the revolting
nation was willing to let alone. The League's present
document implies no knowledge of this state of things;
and, if the League knew it, it was not a matter that
needed be considered in a judicial decision. Nevertheless,
no solution of this whole problem could be adequate which
was again dictated by purely Western ideas of the Western
mental habit. The revolt has awakened in Japan first, but
the other Eastern states will sooner or later react like-
wise each in its own way, no matter what its attitude may
be at this moment. From the logic of things, the League's
influence must be limited so long as it knows no principles
but its own.

Again, as a legal solution, the League document has
the grave defect of not being practicable. From its own
standpoint, it could not write in another way, or else it
would be untrue to itself. But it seems to me the obvious
that almost every one of its recommendations for the
solution of the situation is not practicable and would pro-
long the danger to peace which was intolerable up to 1931;

6

it would very likely aggravate the danger. As a pronouncement of the League's principles, the recommendations are consistent, but as a solution it seems to me not only useless but positively productive of evil and injustice.

These are some of the defects; but none the less the document, I believe, is of prime historical significance -- not in its concrete recommendations, but as a whole. And its significance consists in its absolute faithfulness to the principles of the League, its completeness, and its unanimity. The very reason which, from the statesman's point of view, has made the document so defective, has made it so valuable from the judicial point of view, as an uncompromising record of the opinion of this peace organization.

The League is a best product of the political side of Western civilization, and it has never expressed itself so truly and on so momentous an affair as in this document. The League has never been called upon to pass upon so great an issue, and has done its task with the greatest fidelity.

If it cannot be applied to a sphere where the voice of Western civilization is being weighed and criticized even for its wisdom and justice, that is no fault of the League.

And I wish to add that, in framing this document, the smaller Powers have been the chief instrument, for they

7

could not exist for a single day if the acts which the
document censures were permitted to their stronger
neighbors. It is almost as though the small Powers
have acted as the very servants of Heaven. I would
specially admire Benes, whose hand is obvious in the docu-
ment. Mediation of Spain falls short of Benes in sincerity
and ability. Benes, besides serving his own country with
signal ability, has also been in active service at Geneva
in the very centre of things.

That England and France, after their effort to patch
up the affair, finally gave up all attempt at compromise,
due no doubt to their fear excited by Hitler's ascendency
in Germany, was a most fortunate outcome, from the League's
standpoint. I should have regretted to see the League fail
to rise to its great opportunity.

For Japan, also, I am heartily glad that the League
document has been made so strong, unanimous, and uncompromising, reproving every one of her assertions, and adding
even the none-recognition of Manchukuo. For the more
severe and more exhaustive the censure, the greater chance
there is of its appeal to the reflection of the nation.
Every one of the weightier points in the document is

8

precisely what I wrote to Marquis Okubo, brother of Count Makino the Lord Chamberlain of the Emperor, -- that is, the legal theory of self-defence was inadmissable; that China's violation of her treaties with Japan which caused the invasion of 1931 was a much lesser evil than what Japan has since done, especially as the treaties concerning Manchuria China had disregarded could not be compared in importance concerning the whole of China with those which Japan has flouted; that the appearance of Manchukuo did not establish Japan's profession that there was no territorial aggression on her part; and that all Japan's legalistic assertions could convince no one but herself. The attempt to annex the Jehol province, which has become evident since I wrote to the Marquis, proved what I said to him, that the whole trouble lay in seeking to solve the Chinese trouble by force. The essentially brutal and irrational character of force is evident. It is only permissible when a country is compelled to repel an aggressor. There can be no West or East on this point.

The best charitable view of the army's policy of its wide-flung defensive line is that the army is unselfish in its patriotism, and that it is inclined to fancy that human affairs could be solved simply like mathematical

9

problems. The army imagined that it was laying the
foundation of the security of Japan and the Orient for
a hundred years to come, but it ignored the complex diffi-
culties that its policy would add to the situation in the
next year. Whatever success it could achieve would have to
be maintained by rigid force and in defiance of the world.
The patriotic army has been most unpatriotic. Even in-
ternally, the policy, if not revised radically, would
raise a host of trouble, which would thicken year by year.

All this is obvious to me. As obvious is, as I have
said before, the utter impracticability of the League's
recommendations. For a time, there can be no withdrawal
of Japan's recognition of Manchukuo, unless she becomes
suddenly so ignoble as to lose her attribute of loyalty.
The papers speak of "face", but it is not face, but the
loyalty of a nation whose strongest quality is loyalty,
that is asked for sacrifice.

The "restoration" of China's sovereignty would bring
back the intolerable insecurity before 1931, probably in an
intensified form. I do not subscribe to the opinion of
those who would
justify control by good government and order; but, quite
apart from that, there is the question of insecurity of

10

which the League has little conception. Moreover,
Manchuria had been practically independent for vastly
longer ages than the short time when it was a part of
China. She should be independent, independent of China
and of Japan. And, for that reason, either Japan alone
or both she and China should protect her till Manchukuo
becomes sufficiently organized. With its resources, it
can become a sovereign. Even if the present arrangement
were allowed to stand, Manchukuo would eventually declare
its severance from Japanese tutelage, since its population
and culture are Chinese. On the other hand, any one who
knows China as she is cannot trust her to give any security
to any place beyond China proper or to observe foreign
engagements.

Such is, however, what I can desire -- namely the inde-
pendence and the temporary protection of Manchukuo. Whether
that would commend itself to Japan or not is a different
question, though I think that things will tend in that
direction. At last there are signs of reflection in
Japan. For a moment, there will be high resentment against
the League, and the army will succeed in persisting in its
policy. But if Japan has any strong point in herself, that
is, next to loyalty, her catholicity. All her long history

11

attests the fact. Her reflection in time is the one
thing I can trust.

This has turned out to be a strange letter, but I
hope you will pardon me and regard it as a sequel to our
earlier conversations and letters.

Always sincerely yours

59 Allée de la Robertsau

Strasbourg

23 Novembre, 1934

Monsieur et cher collègue,

Une des plus importantes maisons d'édition française m'a prié de prendre la direction d'une collection d'ouvrages relatifs à la vie paysanne. La chose n'est encore qu'en projet. Mais je suis déjà en mesure de préciser quelques points, à mon sens essentiels. Il s'agirait de volumes in octavo, d'environ 350 à 400 pages chacun. Cartes et illustrations, si besoin est. Assez peu de notes au bas des pages. - Pour les références aux documents cités seulement. En revanche, à la fin de chaque volume, de 10 à 15 pages d'orientation pour les sources et la bibliographie.

Le public que l'on voudrait atteindre est un public d'hommes cultivés, capables de s'intéresser à des études sérieuses, pourvu qu'elles soient présentées avec toute la largeur d'esprit nécessaire. Je crois que l'éditeur offrirait une rémunération raisonnable, dans l'ordre de 10% par volume vendu (en prenant le prix de vente de chaque volume). Naturellement, une somme serait versée d'avance dès l'impression.... Et maintenant vous devinez bien, sans être sorcier, mon cher collègue, pour quelle raison je vous ai ennuyé de tous ces détails. C'est que je serais extrêmement heureux d'avoir de vous un "paysan japonais": au point que cette lettre est la première que j'écris.

Il va de soi qu'em parlant de paysan japonais, j'ai bien conscience de me borner à une indication très sommaire. Ce sera à vous de me dire si vous jugez bon de limiter davantage le sujet, tout en lui conservant la largeur indispensable à une pareille collection.. Ce dont je

rêve, c'est d'un volume où seraient retracées, à travers toute l'histoire du Japon, les destinées de la population paysanne, où serait mis à jour le substrat rural profond de la civilisation japonaise, où cette évolution serait éclairée par les comparaisons nécessaires avec l'évolution européenne, où enfin les liens des réalités paysannes, avec leur expression dans l'art et la littérature, seraient clairement exposés.

Ce livre, je crois bien, seul vous pouvez l'écrire. L'essentiel, pour moi présentement, est que vous en acceptiez le principe. Il sera temps, ensuite, de parler de détails de plan et de délais.

Naturellement vous n'auriez qu'à écrire en Anglais; la Maison se chargerait de faire traduire, sous votre surveillance et la mienne.

Au cas où vous ne croiriez pas pouvoir vous-même vous charger de l'ouvrage, toute suggestion de votre part, relative à un autre collaborateur possible, serait naturellement la bienvenue. Beauoup moins bienvenue cependant que votre acceptation. C'est à votre collaboration que je tiens, par ce que je sais ce dont vous êtes capable; et je suis sûr que vous sentirez comme moi le grand intérêt qu'il y aurait à permettre aux lecteurs français et européens, de pénétrer plus avant, dans l'intimité de votre pays.

Laissez-moi espérer une bonne réponse, et veuillez agréer,
Monsieur et cher collègue, l'expression de mon parfait dévouement.

Marc Bloch
Professeur à l'université de Strasbourg

10 December, 1934.

Professor Marc Bloch,
59 Allée de la Robertsen,
Strasbourg, France.

Dear Professor Bloch,

I am much touched by your considering me as capable of cooperating with you by writing a volume in your contemplated series.

It is highly desirable that the history of Japanese agrarian life should be reconsidered as a whole in reference to the evolution of the larger life of the nation and also in comparison with European developments. And you know well that the subject happens to be one of my secondary interests. If my condition permitted, I should regard it as a signal honor to try my poor hand at writing such a book as you suggested. But there are difficulties.

To say nothing of the need of my studying and thinking much if I should make an attempt to write, the greatest difficulty is my went of time. I am under an obligation to write a volume of Japanese feudal institutions, the promise for which was made so long ago as in 1919, but which I have as yet barely begun to write. There is vastly more investigation of texts that I have to do, before I can proceed further. Unfortunately, I have very little time for investigation while the university is in session, and the vacations hardly give me sufficient time for such accomplishment. I feel that, before I come to the smoothness of writing of this volume can go on another large piece of writing.

I feel that, before I come to the point where the writing of this volume can go one smoothly, it would not be just for me to undertake another large piece of writing.

It is for the same reason, dear colleague,
that I have been unable to contribute more often
to your Annales.

I am, however, reluctant to decline positively to accept the invitation which you have so cordially extended to me, before I ask you how much time you would be able to allot me for the writing of this book.

I should also wish to know how large a part of the volume should be devoted to the present day. This part would require of me more study than the past history, which is my main interest. I rather fear that I should not be able to write the modern part with as much spirit and feeling as the earlier portions, for the reason that my chief interest in this whole subject has been in the close relation which the peasant life had with the general institutional life of the past. In the present ages, the growth of industrial and commercial life has come to share the larger part of that relation. Otherwise, the farmer's life in Japan is now exceedingly gloomy, and cannot command the enthusiasm of any one who may be obliged to write about it.

Always very sincerely yours,

Je nebliez pas que notre collection, qui, j'espère bien verra le jour, n'est encore qu'en projet. A titre d'exemple, je puis vous dire qu'un des volumes auquel je tenais le plus et qui m'est promis très fermement doit être terminé dans deux ans. Je suis bien persuadé, en tout cas, que cette question de date ne soulèvera aucune difficulté. L'essentiel est que vous nous donniez le volume.

J'attends, avec beaucoup d'impatience, votre ouïrage sur la Féodalité Japonaise. Que vous nous apprendrez de choses nouvelles et suggestives!

Merci encore une fois, mon cher collègue, deur votre bonne lettre; répondez-moi, je vous prie, au sujet de la date, et veuillez agréer, avec mes meilleurs vœux de bonne année, l'expression de mes sentiments les plus sincèrement dévoués.

59 Allée de la Robertsau - Strasbourg

25 Décembre, 1934

Monsieur et cher collègue,

Votre lettre m'a fait grand plaisir, en me montrant
qu'en principe nous pouvons compter sur votre collaboration. Les difficul-
tés que vous soulevez avec tant de franchise ne me paraissent pas bien
graves.

C'est à vous, naturellement, qu'il appartiendra de réfléchir sur le
plan du volume et, le moment venu, si vous le voulez bien, de me préciser,
à cet égard, vos intentions, pour que nous puissions en causer -par lettres
malheureusement-. Je conçois très bien, un volume de caractère surtout his-
torique, où vous mettriez la vie paysanne japonaise en rapport avec l'évo-
lution générale de la civilisation de votre pays. Comme c'est tout d'abord
par son art -et quel art!- que le Japon a été connu chez nous, il serait
interessant d'illustrer assez copieusement l'ouvrage, non pas seulement
pour le plaisir des yeux, mais afin de faire bien sentir comment l'image et
la réalité s'éclairent l'une l'autre. Le présent, ou plus exactement, si
vous voulez, le Japon de l'ère capitaliste, pourrait très bien apparaître
que dans quelques page de conclusion, un peu, si j'ose citer cet exemple,
comme je l'ai fait moi-même dans mes caractères Originaux de l'Histoire
Rurale Française. Voilà, je pense, de quoi faire taire vos scrupules.

Quant aux délais, pourriez-vous m'indiquer le temps qui, appro-
ximativement, vous semblerait nécessaire. J'insiste sur "approximativement";
car je sais mieux que personne qu'une précision parfaite est impossible.
Mais un ordre de grandeur me permettra d'en causer avec l'éditeur. N'oubl

January 21, 1935.

Dear M. Bloch,

I thank you cordially for your kind letter of December 25 in reply to my letter. As I wrote you, the greatest difficulty, aside from my want of knowledge of the subject, is my want of time. Your letter offers an ample allowance on this point, but I fear that a very long time has to be allowed for the volume on feudal institutions that I should first complete before I can begin the book which you propose. That means that I must labor a long time yet before I can begin to write the first volume with any promise of steady progress, because there is still a great mass of texts to be intensively analyzed. The time I can start to prepare the book on the *Japanais* seems to be in a dim future. The earliest limit that I dare to state at this moment for this starting is four years from now, but whether the affair will actually be expedited to that extent I can hardly say as yet. With four years as the earliest limit, the latest limit cannot possibly be set. I am much afraid that this is too long a stretch of time for you to wait.

The other points are of far less difficulty. It would be possible to find some artistic illustrations which would be instructive. Nor would it be difficult to write some pages on the present capitalistic age.

The essential point is the question of time. Will you be so kind as once again to let me know whether the conditions I have stated above would make it impracticable to include my possible contribution in your general plan? I am heartily sorry that I am so sorely preoccupied at present.

Most sincerely yours,

UNIVERSITÉ
DE
STRASBOURG

INSTITUT D'HISTOIRE DU MOYEN-AGE

Strasbourg, le 19 Juin 1935

Monsieur et cher collègue,

Vous avez bien voulu me promettre, en principe, votre collaboration pour la Collection d'Histoire Rysanne, dont j'ai, comme vous le savez, pris la direction. Il n'est que juste que je prenne la peine de vous donner des nouvelles de l'entreprise. Elle est en très bonne voie et nos premiers volumes, qui commenceront à paraître en 1937, sont déjà assurés. Rien ne serait plus loin de ma pensée que de vous presser in discrètement; je connais vos obligations antérieures, je n'ignore pas que vous faites déjà un véritable sacrifice en nous prêtant votre concours. Je voudrais simplement vous prier de me confirmer que nous pouvons compter sur vous; pure formalité, je l'espère bien. Vous me ferez en même temps plaisir en m'indiquant, si vous le pouvez, et au besoin très approximati vement, à quelle date vous pensez être prêt. Cela, bien entendu, sans au cun engagement de votre part et uniquement afin de me permettre de voir un peu d'avance le déroulement de la collection. Vous voudrez bien me dire aussi si je dois, dès maintenant, prier l'éditeur de vous envoyer à signer le contrat, comme il l'a fait déjà pour plusieurs auteurs dont les livres ne paraîtront pas avant quelques années, ou bien si vous préférez attendre encore.

Permettez-moi, en terminant, Monsieur et cher collègue, de vous remercier en-core une fois pour l'aide précieuse que vous voulez bien me prêter et veuillez agréer, je vous prie, l'expression de mes sentiments les plus sincèrement dévoués.

Yancey Bloch

Fougeres (Creuse)

4 aout 35

Mon cher collegue,

Je vous remercie de votre aimable lettre. Je suis trop déireux d'avoir votre collaboration pour ne pas accepter vos dates. Simplement, je pense que vous serez d'accord avec moi pour estimer que la longueur de délai rend, pour l'instant, imitile tout établissement de contrat. Je compte sur vous, je le dirai à l'éditeur, et je vous demande, dès maintenant, de bien vouloir me prévenir lorsque vous jugerez possible de vous mettre a écrire le livre. A ce moment, nous ferons intervenir les formalités commerciales d'usage. Jusque là, nous en resterons à un "gentleman's agreement," — que je vous suis infiniment reconnaisant d'avoir accepté de conclure.

eg 12 35

I chd have acknowledged so many your letter
& Aug. 4. I am much moved by your desiring
my cooperation as the extent & accepting my
conditions in spite of this extremely unsatisfactory
character.

So it is, then, That we are on &
"gentleman's agreement". I shall advise
you as soon as it seems possible to
Proceed as written.

New Haven, Conn.

December 2, 1935

My dear friend,

As for prayer I am afraid the subject is too large and has too many aspects for me to have been able to comprehend it all. I can simply say that I, for one, think that prayer is not a matter of belief, but a quite natural expression of one's sense of kinship with the Life in which only one lives. Whether a prayer is efficacious must depend on the person who prays and what he prays for. Spontaneous prayers cannot be all petitions and, when they are, they do not always ask for results but leave all to the addressed Power. From all prayer however if they are natural expressions without presumption, the person must always emerge with renewed strength, quite regardless as to whether he petitioned or thanked or confessed, and irrespective of the contents of the petition.

There are many other aspects of prayer, and there are prayers which are not in consonance with one's state of the spirit. These points I have not thought through.

But, as for prayers which are more or less "assumed", so to speak, that is, are not quite one's natural dialogue with the Life, I suppose they are also more or less acceptable and may have influence on the persons who offer them. In the above I have referred only to "unassumed" prayers. I view them also as of a thousand degrees of spontaneity and acceptability, the purer and simpler one's life, the more natural and also the more strengthening one's prayer. I think there is in this relation strict mathematical accuracy.

I must confess that I have not asked whether there is life after death, but have always acted under the feeling that life never ends. Individually and how, is the question I have never bothered about. I do not even know whether I shall some day come to the state of mind to put the question in

Dec.2,1935

that form. I can see that many things of the mind and of the spirit
pass away with the person. And yet he is only an entity within the Entity
that has neither beginning nor end. So I think there is infinitely more
the former thinks he has received and can leave behind. This does not
directly answer your question, but I fear I cannot answer otherwise.

Now, would you care to tell me your own answers ?

I shall let you know when the statement comes from my book dealer.

I am sending you, to keep, a book on Iudras in Bali.

THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

33, RUE DE LA SCIENCE
BRUSSELS

April 20, 1936

My dear Dr. Asakawa:

You will be interested in reading the enclosed Report
of Progress which has been written in a vein quite different from
the fatalism and fear that seem at present to paralyze progress in
many international fields.

I hope you will also read Draft VI of IALA's Plan and
send me your reactions to it, so that my fellow workers and I
may have the benefit of them before completing the final editing
for publication. If you will jot down on the enclosed Memorandum
your comments about Draft VI it will be a great help to us. But
if you have not the time to devote to this work, we shall under-
stand and shall go ahead trusting in your confidence.

Mr. Morris joins me in warmest remembrances.

New Haven, Conn.

26 April 1936.

Dear Friend,

I was much disappointed, but thank you for your two letters.

When you go to Ireland will you stay there long ? Probably I shall not have an opportunity to see you this summer. I hope you will find your mother well, I wish you would give her my very best wishes. Mrs. Childers will hardly remember me. I am returning the review of Bergson's book, which book I regret I have not read. Does he say in the book all he as a man believes, or only what his philosophical reasoning permits ? If the latter is the case, will not the reader read behind the lines either more or less that he personally believes ? Being a philosopher and serious Jew, he may have a broad, detached view of life, but what ?

I had an interesting meeting of the Medieval Academy. Mr. Cram is one of its founders and has been its President. The members are mostly interested in the cultural and literary aspects of the Middle Ages, while my interest is in the structural ( institutional ) side of Medieval life. So the Academy does not touch me very intimately. You once spoke of the importance of functions in social life. They are no doubt deeper and more universal significance than manifestations and events. My chief concern is in the organs through which, and channels through which, the functions worked. These institutions are less universal than functions, for the former are results of the latter's operation in a special milieu. Also more complex. Each of the two influenced the other and both together evolved. I fear that the study of functions only would oversimplify the reality of life, and also miss much of the evolution of social life. As in individual persons, do not the universal and the individual always interact upon one another, and is not the universal rather to be found in the individual ? There is distinct individuality in all the systems of the Germanic type

26 April, 1936

of institutions, as also in all the systems of the Roman type, the two
that make up Western European juridical life, and yet there is univer-
sality underlying both and all other types in the world. To reduce them
all to functions would be making history too simple and barren of color,
I am afraid. Institutions are one of the things in which the general
and the local interact, and at the same time are comparable and therefore
ultimately reducible in a large measure to scientific generalizations.
It is precisely this comparative value that I have immersed myself in the
European institutions. So I am being enabled to better understand
the institutions of both Europe and the Far East.

November 29, 1930

Dear Friend,

Did you see the Japanese Art exhibition loaned by the government and shown at the Boston Museum? I went especially to see it twice over: the second time I took along some of my friends from here. It was much worth while.

Have you seen the new volume by Langdon Warner on the history of Japanese sculpture? If you have not, and wish to see it, I should be glad to mail my copy to you. It is splendidly illustrated.

You ask me if I am happy. I have never sought happiness and do not quite know what it is like. But it must have come to stay with me, before I knew it. Somehow I have outlived changes, whether occasional or periodic, of elation and depression, and it seems unlikely that anything again could upset me with sudden ups or downs of the mood. Nor is it a dead level, for my susceptibilities to new personalities and new cultures and new phases of Nature seem to be increasing. This may be called happiness, but it is not a good word. I have great dissatisfaction with my pettiness and narrowness, and my blindness to many of the opportunities that must be visiting me for the progress of the spirit; but I can not call this discontent and ghagrin unhappiness, as, instead of depressing, it stimulates. If I am in a fool's paradise - though I have no feeling of being in any sort of paradise - I hope to find it out.

Do I think that the soul survives the body, as you ask? I have not posed the question in that form, and have not been concerned about it. There are many practical details in my intellectual existence about which I should consider the time after death. Aside from them, I do not bother, and go on as if it were taken for granted that the human existence was the greatest gift and that it is a brief span, though significant and precious in some sort of eternal continuity. If I go on as if life would never end and I should live for ever, whether there would be an individual existence

2

Nov. 29,1936

after this earthly life, I have never cared. Sometime I may, but not thus far. Theoretically, the existence *before* life should also be important. Again theoretically, any after life must be essentially conditioned by the way this life is fashioned. It may be that unconsciously this thought has always been present in me. I cannot say more at the present stage if my life.

Now, my dear friend, do you ask such great questions without showing your own answers to them? Still I dare not ask you even after I have answered, for my answers are hardly worth that word.

Your grateful friend,

K. Asakawa.

December 7, 1936

Professor K-I. Asakawa,
310 H.G.S.

Dear Mr. Asakawa:

I have a request from the Guggenheim Foundation for information regarding Dr. Francis J. Tschan, who has applied for a Fellowship. Of course I remember Tschan very vividly but I know nothing about his work and can form no impression as to the character of the project which he plans. I do not know whether you have kept in touch with him at all. I should be very grateful if you could drop in at my Berkeley College office and have a look at the description of his project, which is in the mediaeval field, a study of Bernward. It may be that you will not be able to form any opinion of this. In my present state of mind I should simply have to write to the Guggenheim Foundation that my judgment would be of no value to them.

Very truly yours,

1

YALE UNIVERSITY
NEW HAVEN · CONNECTICUT

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

603 BERKELEY COLLEGE

October 26, 1937.

My dear Professor Asakawa:

Enclosed you will find a copy of your
personnel record. Will you please return the
same to my office after you have made any
corrections or additions that are now necessary?

Yours sincerely;

John M. S. Allison

New Haven, Conn.

Nov. 28, 1937.

Very dear Friend,

The prospectus is of the Wi-hon kai-rui dzu-fu ( album of Japanese shells ) by Hirase Shintaro, Yen 3.80. It is said to be in natural color, and to contain 130 leaves with over 1300 kinds. Popular and scientific names, exact sizes in kilometre etc.

Shall I order it with my dealer in Tokyo ? The book was published there. One copy ? As for ordering shells later, I think it would be rather difficult.

You say you are thrilled by the order and beauty and obedience of shells. I feel the same with common leaves of trees and grasses. There is infinite beauty in every line and in concourse of lines ( in the leaf, in its connection with the branch ). Above all, in the life that throbs within. When I am tired, it is enough to look at a stray leaf to be refreshed and strengthened. When the leaves are gone in winter, then it is the whole tree- every aspect of it. I enclose a leaf from the Saybrook ground.

I look for Rilk's book which you knidly promise to send me. I have neglected to read literature for a long time; somehow I don't feel its need so much as I used to. Historic institutions, which occupy all my time, though they may seem dry and forbidding, give me more solid sort of inspiration, inasmuch as they require more effort to see through. Sometimes I dip into Goethe with great joy, to me he is rather apart from other poets, perhaps because I feel that he wrote what he had embodied in himself, and so is deeper, more real, and more inward, than others. Feelings which a poet reads into something are to me hardly more than interesting. Would Rilke stand such a test ?

Votre devoue

K. Asakawa

New Haven, Conn.

March 13, 1938

My dear friend,

Your comment on man's mind is service of the spirit, in comparison
with objects of Nature, reminded me of the familiar phrase of Zen: Flower
is red: willow is green. Thereby is meant, I think, that the enlightened
person finds things as others see them and himself does not look different
from other people. He has returned to his place in Nature. But he has been
inwardly transformed, or rather has been freed; the inner person is not the
same as other persons. There is a gulf separated by the miracle of the
home-coming of the mind and the spirit. He has become a creative agent of
Life,-- if such an expression may be permitted by Zen.

Christian iconography and symbolism will be an enthralling subject.
They have not attracted me so far, but I am fascinated by symbols expres-
sive of the life of early races. The Germanic peoples seem to
have been especially rich of them. (Not swastica!) I have thought a
great deal about the differences of the political habits of nations. This
is a vast subject and enthralling. And the more I think, the more I am
finding that there are enough reasons for the relative defects of some
nations. And also that when one loses in one thing, one may have gained in
another. No one is in a position to blame others. A mother must understand
and have pity oner her children's shortcomings and know that the latter
have some compensations. International statesmanship should be sympa-
thetic, giving each his due but wisely though sternly correcting what
should be in each and not like the attitude of thoughtless boys calling
one another names, and hitting and grabbing. No nation seems to have
learned how to treat the most spoiled child of all, Germany. Her environ-
ment and her temper, each reacting upon the other, have made her the victim
of a deep "inferiority complex" which she must compensate for by great
spitefulness and pugnacity. In reading Hitler's "Mein Kampf" in German,

March 13, 1938

I see that his life from childhood up has been a complete miniature
of the destiny of Germany: no one could be a more prophet of a nation.
Germany's brethren only rub her the wrong way, and so deepens her habit.
But she has strength and some sterling qualities that excel others, and
has been adorable when left alone or justly treated. Europe's trouble
would be constant if she continued to be unwisely dealt with and be pun-
ished only in a revengeful spirit. It is, for the moment fortunate that
Chamberlain happens to be the British premier. Painful opportunism can
sometimes approach wisdom better than an a known diplomacy like that of
Anthony Eden. What do you think?

I hope you will find time to finish your book - your " undine ".
I will not take the last word literally! Perhaps you cannot complete it
at a single stretch, but there might be risk in laying it aside too long
in an unfinished state; other things could engross you too far to keep
alive your interest in the book. I also wish you success in Mr. Warren's
biography.

Your description of your house makes it a very lively place. I would
love to see some of its activities and you and your mother taking part in
them. I do not think you have yet answered the question I asked you
toward the end of my letter on prayer.

Ever your devoted friend

K. Asakawa.

No date

The other letter was written in one of my offices. Now, in my study, I look over your letter and find there are other questions.

I have not seen Suzuki's new book, but saw his first one of Zen that came out several years ago. In the latter I missed one important and to me a vital point of Zen. I once mentioned that element to a student. She writes me that in the new book she did not find it. I have a student now who knows Suzuki personally. He also says the same.

To me it is not enough to say that a successful discipline in Zen brings one into Dharma and one finds his place within it. It is vastly important to see that Dharma of Zen is not static and merely peaceful, but is at the same time the most dynamic and moving thing one can possibly imagine. It is this phase of ever changing and ever unpredictable activity of Dharma that gives to the Zen man his peculiar insight into the chances that come and go in a flash and are imperceptible to the untrained. He sees them, and his perfected discipline enables him to grasp them and to ride with Dharma. Otherwise Zen could not have gone so deeply as it has into the skill in swordsmanship, in tactics, in business, in art and in literature. One simile I have seen is that the Zen man is on a great rainbow that spans the world, he can reach the stars; he can at any instant leap in any direction. Zen's end is not contemplation, but mighty activity of whatever kind and acts succeed and are significant because they are directed with complete command and ride with chances that are sure. I should not blame Suzuki if he did not dwell on this side of Zen, for who could discuss it in a way the reader could understand?

The only remaining question from you is what I did during the summer. I was here, except August spent in New Hampshire on a farm. All the time I worked ten hours or more daily. The exception was the short cruise of twelve days I took in late June where I only did reading on deck.

2

No date

I merely desired a change of scene and sea air and cared not where I went. But the boat went to Porto Rico and Domingo and I was immensely interested and even inspired, when I got there. I had four days on the islands and tried to get as far into the life and culture of the people and the spirit of the country as I could by banishing all ideas and all comparisons with other lands. They could take care of themselves without my bidding, while, if I called them to service consciously, they would obscure my vision. The most successful thing I did was to go to the summit of the highest peak in Porto Rico. I was tremendously struck by the prodigal luxuriance and tropical vegetation. There I saw how bountiful Nature could be. The ground, fertile as it was, did not suffice as room for the riotous profusion of plant life. (not only parasites) grew on varks and forks of other trees, so that it was a case, not only of one life beside another, but of several lives upon or across one another. The variety of species and sizes was also bewildering. As for the people, they were the poorest I had seen, but seemed to know how to lay aside the burden of life at moments and to ad abandon themselves in momentary joys and amenities. Remarkably gentle and understanding too. I had no end of fun with little boys on the street trying to sell things; they could so easily forget all about money and be drawn out of themselves. I saw a thousand other things which I will not catalogue. It was rather a long time since I had been in another country and so I enjoyed this little experience of riding out of my old self. I may add that the sky and the sea also were among the new friends that absorbed my interest,

New Haven, Conn.

April 8, 1938

Dear Friend,

I feel more and more that the Buddhist discipline gives spiritual
strength in one respect more effectively than the Christian, although
not
there is no reason why the latter should ultimately give the same result.
I mean the bringing of one to one's place in the cosmic life, in which
one becomes kin of all Nature and yet a creative agent apart. One visual-
izes the picture of an orhat (?) riding a tiger; the animal serves him
for they know each other. Or the painting of a tiny human figure before
a vast sublime scenery; there is hardly a line that divides them, for
each is part of the other. No sword can wound him, no death can kill him,
and he is a free, responsive, and immortal power, seemingly unconscious in
his impersonal grandeur. One would think his mind is crystal clear, on
which all things that come and go including himself, are reflected in true
proportions. All things -- therefore also human frailities, which probably
touch him more deeply, because more truly, than they do those who are their
victims. At least, such is my vision of an enlightened man, a luminous
soul. Nor do I think its attainment is beyond hope.

New Haven, Conn.

November 20, 1938

My dear Friend,

I, too, think of you oftener than you know. I give of myself, such
as it is, to those I come in contact with, as every one does more or less.
But you are almost the only friend at present with whom I can exchange in
bare terms the deeper thoughts of the spring of life; the other contacts
are practical and external, though not necessarily superficial, for that
reason. But the confidence and honor you bestowed upon me, grateful as
I am for them, are beyond me and mostly pass by me. I only try to steal
encouragement out of them.

I am glad you had a peaceful summer abroad and enjoyed quiet hours
of work and thought. My summer in New Hampshire was also severe, but well
occupied with writing and study and with pursuit of current events.

You speak of rent charges as an old English institution. I am interested in the vast charges of tithes in England and Wales, among other things. I do not know how often and in what form the thing appears in America, but know that it has been extremely prevalent in Germany, France (rente constitutive), and other lands. Japanese medieval land system is full of it in many different forms. I suppose modern people would prefer converting the constituted rents into more fluid obligations.

Shells must be fascinating when you delve into them. I delight in
leaves. I enclose a stray one I picked up this morning on a sidewalk.
What power, grace and life in every line and every shade of color of
this dying leaf!

As for what is transpiring here and in Europe and Asia, which distresses you, I grieve much. I write freely to friends in Japan about China, but people here spare me and never ask questions (which among other things, adds to my faith in human nature). But I am in no mood to denounce any one, as so many have hastened to do about Germany. These sad things are

2

Nov.20,1938

not inevitable; they are largely within human control; but they are not
without reasons. Some of the reasons seem to me common to modern societies,
and some others are more or less traceable to mental habits of individual
nations, whether of an age-long breeding, as in Germany, or of a more recent
acquisition, as in Japan. In all cases, the present manifestations I regard
as temporary and passing, for they will bring their own retributions.

Only the deep-rooted habits od a racial mind, as those of Germany, apparently
grown since pre-historic times, cannot be eradicated, but can only be quie-
escent if not aroused. Unfortunately, they have been steadily stirred up
since the war, though, as I have said, Germans could well have expressed
their grievance in other forms. But even here, the wild acts cannot go on
beyond certain limits. The other nations can help by not doing things that
provoke the ever-latent habits. They should learn from the faults they have
made in this respect; self-righteous and self-interested denunciations
merely repeat them and pour oil upon the flame. I think there is enough
in this country that has dangerous possibilities and therefore requires
deep thought and wise leadership; there is enough to make people busy at
home. Historic matters cannot be briefly discussed, and so no more
of this rambling. With my best wishes for you and your mother I am

Your devoted friend

K. Asakawa.

New Haven, Conn.

April 19, 1939

Dear Friend

I, too, am tempted to write at once, though I should not be doing
it this evening.

I am rather awed by the high words you bestow upon my home-made
history. One's view of history are closely circumscribed by one's know-
ledge and personality; and each of these is not only infinitely small, but
also impure. What is more, I tried to emphasize only one point at the ex-
pense of others. You "sub specie aeternitatis" should be "tenebrarium."

I certainly concur with you that faith and honor should not give
way to practicality. That is exactly the present danger, as I have re-
cently written to Arthur E. Morgan. The historic heritage to which I re-
ferred in my last letter is being replaced by the sense of efficiency, not
only in the authoritarian States, but even here since the depression. A
great majority of people is willing to suspend, at least, faith and honor
of the constitutional foundations of the government. It seems significant
that this is more evident with the younger persons than with the older.
Democracy more than other regimes seems to be based upon the spiritual
values of the individual citizen. Its strength is that of the single mem-
bers, not of its organization, and their strength has to be something more
than their secular, civic virtues. When the spiritual fibre of the citizen
weakens, democracy becomes the feeblest imaginable form of government.

But I do not believe that the feudal and chivalric heritage, even if
could be maintained, is quite adequate as a democratic code of ethics,
even though chivalry was largely invested with religious sanction. For
one thing, the historic honor has the defects due to the medieval sur-
roundings amid which it was trained. No, do these surroundings and that
training exist any longer and their product is a dwindling survival.
Fortunately England has long since transformed it to no small extent
through her long career in democratic life itself, to say nothing of her

April 19, 1939

other experiences since early modern times. America also has had
political experiences as happy in this respect.

Faith and honor have to be constantly renewed and quickened since
the pressure for utility is so much stronger at this moment that the in-
ertia of the past training of moral qualities. I think there is a real
danger. It might prove appalling if the leaders did not give heed in time.
Much more than school education, but the creation of a spontaneous social
sanction would be needed, if a better and more modern honor that the medie-
val and one that would be more potent than the growing desire for effici-
ency would be cultivated. There is nothing visible. Thomas Mann recom-
mends socialism, and Madaviaga speaks of something else, there are other
propositions. Some would depend merely on laws, institutions and treat-
ies. All of these seem to me futile as means of molding the inner citizen.
They would soon be crying for quick results, and democracies would be
replaced by regimentation right and left.

I have not heard the plea that you report in regard to movies and
other forms of present-day amusements. Surely they are not the Aristotelian
catharsis, for they are not tragedies. People do not like tragedies, and
and the producers seek and profit by giving the public what it wants.
Their goods reflect the taste of the people. As regards the movies, there
seems to be a slightly encouraging sign, in that many are surfeited with
the usual run of pictures, and the theatre managers have been trying
unsuccessfully to attract people by prizes etc. Audiences seem to be
falling and the producers may be casting about for some improvement. If
one cannot expect a honor to be spontaneously made, one ban perhaps rely
upon the sound common sense of the American in the long run.

- 7 -

for. I believe that a wide concerted movement under
the direction of a splendid board or boards of wise
men and women is needed; and that such a board should
be permanent, as also the cooperation and criticism
by public opinion. Valuable results could no doubt
be expected from such enterprise.

Again pardon my gratuitous comment.

To Mrs. S.L.B.

April 17, 1941

Dear Mrs. Bartlett,

I thank you sincerely for your letter of March 31. I have
been withholding my answer, thinking your friend Overton might come in
the meantime. He has not come so far.

If you can reach him and have an occasion to write him, please
ask him to write me before he comes; for some days I am not accessible ,
and at all times it is difficult to receive a sudden call.

I am very sorry to hear that your mother has passed away, and
in these tragic days. But you perhaps take comfort in the thought that
where one goes from here the air must be clearer and there must be an
unlimited scope of one's spiritual growth. We who are left behind may be
aided by the departed dear ones, and their encouraging messages may come
even if in indirect forms. If we are open, that will perhaps make easier
their access to us. When we are touched by the white snow and the return
of young leaves, the gone friends may also be speaking to us. One need
not be a "psychic" in order to hear them. So I think, for one.

I believe your impressions on seeing General Araki as to the future
of the relation of the two nations are prophetic, and I share them. Not that
I like him for what he has been, but that the present trend of the be-
lation is forced, unnatural, and therefore temporary. The heart of the
Japanese nation knows the great investment of affection and help the
Americans have made in Japan for nearly a hundred years. It is recorded
in Time and in the heart of the nation, and is not of a nature to be wiped
out by a little change of circumstances. Sanity will surely return; then
the present interruption would seem a piece of mad ingratitude which it
would be shameful even to remember.

From a long historical point of view, the present Japan seems to
me as abnormal and temporary as the jo-i ("down with the foreign barbar-
ians") outcry which was heard over the country for a few decades before

To Mrs. S.L.B.

April 17 , 1941

1868. You will recall how quickly after that date even those who had shouted the loudest ran in the opposite direction.

At present, Japan is divided against herself; or, more accurately speaking, is putting on a mask which belies her true self. As a State, she is absurdly truculent, for shortsighted and unchivalrous men are in the saddle. But you know so well that the people have through the ages developed graces and amenities of daily intercourse which are not equalled by many other peoples. And that is precisely one manifestation of the racial character of Catholicity and common sense, which has in the past again and again saved the nation through great crises. So I trust that my hopes are not a mere wishful thinking but are based upon a solid historical reality.

Only here, as in Europe, we must have a long view, and also make our best effort with that conviction to correct the present ills.

With all my best wishes,

New Haven, Conn.

April 20, 1941

Dear friend,

Thanks for your letter received the 11th. I should be happy to receive the " two beautiful bits " you mentioned, whatever they might be. I had hesitated to write you, for I feared I had been writing as if I had thought myself " a wise man out of the East ". Your recent letter encourages me to try again, but not favor me with any ideas of your own. I therefore write vicariously, so to speak, by enclosing a copy of my letter to a friend. She is the widow of a missionary, and has returned to America recently. You probably know most missionaries in Japan have left or are leaving the country, because of the policy the Japanese Christians have adopted under official pressure. From the knowledge you will understand my comments to my friend.

She has, like you, and more lately than you, lost her mother in her
absence. The paragraph in my letter relative to that event indicates the
trend of my feelings concerning the state after death that are more recent
in my mind than those I wrote you on that subject. They are still nebulous
and cannot be expressed in any satisfactory form.

Recently I have been reading at moments Stewart Edward White's
recent book " The Unobstructed Universe ". Have you read it ? If not and
you are curious, I shall order a copy for you, and ask you what you will
think of it. It preports to give messages from the author's deceased wife
Betty through a psychic woman. The messages develope a species of phili-
sophy, which seems to me suggestive in some ways. But it strikes me as
set in a low key, and expressed with much crudity. I cannot decide as to
whether the book is mere fiction. There is too much ready complacency on
the author's part. And Betty's state as shown in her words seems to me
rather disappointing.

New Haven, Conn.

May 8, 1941

Dear Friend,

********
I concur with your every word on Lindburgh. From the time I read his first public utterance for a "negotiated peace" I have been venturing to say he is afflicted with a "swelled head", and in this have been supported by some and opposed by others. I only hoped he might awake to his errors and turn about with as much ardor as he showed in his false attitude, but I now cannot think he possesses the necessary candor. It may be that the undue notoriety he received for his trans-Atlantic flight turned his head. But aside from that, his mind may both be of that rigid Germanic type that yields urself to servitude to a first idea, and also be a victim of that non-moral, mechanistic point of view shared by many young people of this day who have been denied opportunities to see values of things in perspective. In this man's case, also his one-sided technical interest, the cruel adulation that continues to be showered upon him, the tragedy of his child, and perhaps some unknown frustration of desires, may all have contributed to build up his dense obstinacy. Evidently he is sincere in fancying he is rendering a great public service. Since there are thousands of persons who share his views, the criticisms he meets only confirm them. I fear your counsel will not be heeded in this country.

Fortunately, people who think in this manner seem to be decreasing rapidly. Many of our young men have already turned away, and their numbers are gaining daily. Unexactly by him, Hitler is proving to be the great educator whom the democratic world has missed many decades. May one hope that the lesson will be as firmly learned as its cost is terrible.

As a historical parallel, I can only think of the disintergration that followed the Germanic invasions and the collapse of the Roman Empire,

May 8, 1941

out of which emerged the national States. But there the drama - the educative process - was lengthened for nearly a millenium, and lacked a central personality. Now, on the contrary, the modern technology has enables a the single villain embodying the worst traits of the historic German political mind to arouse, in spite of himself, the democracies from their self- complacency. This abrupt process may well be only the beginning of a prolonged suffering, to be followed by a still longer period of scattered struggles. But the end is not wholly beyond our vision. Only the shape of the results that will finally emerge may defy man's prophesies as much as those of the earlier human tragedy.

Yours always,
K. Asakawa.

May 11, 1941

Dear Friend,

******** As for Lingbergh, I see in his latest out-
pouring reported this morning that his isolationist attitude is inherited
goods. Therein he proves true to the Germanic type of loyalty/. The
speech also brings out a complex he harbors in his breast. He fancies he
is a good prophet and others are blind; and nurses bitterness against
what he alleges to be intolerance. He says American democracy is no more
or is " tottering in our own country ". Allowing for whatever over state-
ment may be due to oratory, all this indicates the pressure in him of a
big Ego that blinds and enslaves. In this he is a good objective lesson
for all of us.

Have you seen Major Seversky's answer to him in the American
Mercury for this month ? It appears to me to be a fine exposition from
the technical point of view. This article should be reprinted and broad-
cast.

New Haven, Conn.

May 18, 1941

Dear Friend,

I have ventured to make changes and additions in your manuscript in order to make my words somewhat less abrupt. Now it may be too long for your purpose. Suppress or do whatever you like about it.

I do not object to being quoted over my name. But I hope you will add that the letter was addressed to you, and that it referred to your letter to the Transcript.

Hess always impressed me as a type of personality. His ride to Scotland is most dramatic, and has impressed people in Japan deeply, as elsewhere. But as to what lies behind it all, I like you have to wait further developments. Only, despite Badziwill's letter to the N.Y. Times of this morning, I cannot think this is a trick.

I shall write Naruzea in Tokyo to send you another copy of the shell book - directly to you, and ask them if they know any dealer in shells. I am not very hopeful in this query. In the meantime, please write me the name of the author. Yoy mention Hirasei. There can not be such a name. Is it Hirase ?

Aresaki used every year to go to the League of Nations, where he was on the committee of Intellectual cooperation, and on his way back to visit his son, who was in business in London. I suppose his activity at Geneva has ceased and he is in Tokyo. But I have not heard. He did not send me last January his usual New Year greeting. I think a letter addressed to him in care of the Imperial University of Tokyo will reach him, if he is not there.

It is not to Natsuoka that I write, but to a friend in Tokyo. among others. I do not know Natsuoka. My friend says he has been showing my letters to Prince Konoe, the Prime Minister, through another friend. I do not care to be read by Natsuoka, who has some ideas firmly planted

May 18, 1941.

2

in his somewhat vain mind, and is not likely to see any other point
of view until Germany fails. On the contrary, Konoe, though in part
sold to the army, is as fair and balanced as a man in his position can
be. He is doing the impossible work of steering cautiously between two
rocks, — totalitarianism and the imported brand of liberalism. I fear
he lacks both strength and vision. I have no way of knowing his reaction
to my ideas. At any event, he is not in a position to make a <u>volte face</u>.
I do not hope for any result, but think it is something to let some people
see there is a view that the present trend risks a calamity.

Yours always

K. Asakawa.

New Haven, Conn.

June 11, 1941

Dear Friend,

Please keep the Eden piece. The Times has returned the copy I
had sent them. No wonder, because it was rather long, and its topic
(treatment of Germany) is not so urgent as those many letters the
Times publishes these days. I never thought they ever returned letters
they did not publish and I had sent them no return postage. Many thanks
for taking so much trouble about my Lindbergh letter.

I am grateful for the Verrill passages you have sent me. I shall
enjoy them much. I have not read Hardy's Woodtammers, and am glad you
called my attention to it.

Why wish to own a bit of woodland ? I own five or six thousand
volumes of books. They have helped me immensely in my work, and saved me
an untold number of hours. Now that I am to retire from active service
in a year, this ownership is proving a great burden.

Please by all means suggest a change of words in my letter.

From next Saturday (14th) I am going to Watch Hill, R.I. for
a week to escape our Commencement. If I stayed, I should have to march in
the academic procession, and sit on the platform. I have done it many years
in succession and think I have won a holiday this time. Besides I am a
bit tired, as I have worked Sundays and week ends ten or eleven hours
daily.

New Haven, Conn.

July 20, 1941

Dear Friend,

I had a great feast in June at Watch Hill, R.I. but only for a
week. I feel as if I left myself there on the beach to be washed and
eroded by the waves.

I have not seen the book by Gilson that you mention, but have his
two volume work, "L'esprit de la philosophie medievale" Alas, this also
I haven't had the time to read. In bed I have been reading Edith
Roper's "Skeleton of Justice" with great interest. It describes inti-
mately the Nazi administration of justice, and it is an amazing and en-
lightening story. I had wanted to see how the total regime was affecting
the judicial procedure there from the institutional point of view; and so
have been gratified to find in the book much of what I had anticipated.
Trials have been converted into an instrument of propaganda to the nation
and of destroying political opponents. But, as the unexpected effect was an
unprecedented crop of murders committed by young men, trials were turned
into a method of terrorizing people. This seemed only to increase
motiveless murders still more, until the war came to divert them to other
victims and to legitimize them. In the meantime, nearly all the safe-
guards of personal rights so strongly characteristic of Germanic peoples
from Tacitus' time had been discarded. Special courts with summary trial
and execution have been set up; the judge does not consider so much the
facts of the case as the possible Absicht und Empfindung of the defend-
ent which the judge finds through his own subjective process. As for a
procedure, there is practically none. I suspect there is much in common
between the Nazi and the Soviet "justice". I am especially interested
in the German, for I think there were steps toward degradation in the
later Middle Ages in many German States. This was remedied somewhat by
empire, but seems to have left some after-effects to it and to the Weimar

July 20, 1941

regime, forming a favorable background for the new changes. Otherwise one cannot account for the acquiescence of the people in them. One can hardly dream an Anglo-Saxon nation, whose history of justice has been unbroken, submitting weekly to such arbitrariness. The general political passivity of the Germans is not sufficient as an explanation.

The change of cabinet in Tokyo means no doubt a partial awakening to the dangerous situation the successive governments since '34 have created for the future, but also a lack of courage to probe to the causes and to uproot them. It is a course of opportunism and for asking for possible chances to avert a calamity without giving up the unnatural policies responsible for it, that the new cabinet is embarking upon.

Two of the Privy Councillors responded to one of my letters to a friend in Tokyo in a way that plainly shows they are aware of the danger. The Emperor himself senses it, as I know. But they are passive in their respective constitutional roles; their only way of influencing policies are those of personal persuasion. This at present is in obeyance. I do not look toward a sudden return to sanity. But it is a gain that national reflection has begun quite perceptably.

By the way, Edith Roper, the author of the book on German justice was one of the few court reporters selected by the Nazi Minister of Justice. She was completely disillusioned and managed to go to Switzerland with the full notes she had been taking, and thence to New York. Her book has been written from those notes.

The German weekly Nordland, organ of the "German believers in God", published a sort of catechism in the form of questions and answers for its "faithful" in its issue of Sept. 15, the announcer said in an English language broadcast.

"There, among other things," the announcer said, "one reads:

"Why are we National Socialists believers in God?

"We National Socialists are believers in God because in us, as German men, devotion of the divine and faith in it are impressed in an indelible manner in our blood and being

"In what do we National Socialists believe?

"We National Socialists believe:

"1. In the divine.

"2. In the unity of the universe.

"3. In mother earth.

"4. In destiny.

2.

"5. In the creative force of our blood.

"6. In our people and its mission.

"7. In our Fuehrer [Führer].

"8. In the National Socialist peoples' community

"9. In ourselves."

"The divine manifests itself in the cosmos, in nature, inanimate and animate. *** The divine in the highest form is personified in the (German) people because:

"1.'The individual, in accordance with nature, represents the only means of life and being for the people.

"2.'Because the people is a vital unit of men willed by nature or the divine.

"3.'Because the individual only within his people can develop his divine faculties and energies, or, rather, only in the people can he live.'"

Among other statements attributed to Nordland were:

3.

"What derives from the fact that the divine in the highest form is personified in the people?

"It derives from it that _service for the Fuehrer, for the people and for the fatherland is divine service._

"To believe in our people and in its mission means:

1. 'To have _unshakeable conviction_ that _our people represent the highest worth of all humanity on earth_.'

2. 'To follow _the will of nature_, according to which _the best people is called upon to command_.'

3. 'To know that to be led by the best _people redounds, from the necessity of things, in benediction on other nations_.'

4. 'To work, _sacrifice ourselves and fight indefatigably for the ascent and victory of our people_."

*****

10X41

[The editor of the magazine *Asia* has sent me an advance copy of an article which will appear in its November number. Written by an "Aryan" German, the article seeks to prove by many quotations from Hitler and other Nazis and from writers of the late empire, that their policy has always contemplated the enslavement and an eventual annihilation of the "yellow" race, above all, the Japanese nation specially marked out as the most threatening to the destiny of the Germans, which is the dominance of the Pacific Ocean.]

(Freely translated)

I venture to send to you the enclosed article, fearing that, if it were addressed to an ordinary person, it might not reach its destination, because of the censorship of letters which seems at last to have been established in Japan.

The article is said to have been written by a German under an assumed name. Its thesis cannot perhaps be said to be novel to those who know something about the past history of the foreign

-2-

relations of the Germans and are able to compare
it with their present conduct. But until 1939,
even in western Europe and America, not only the
common people, but also statesmen rarely knew the
historic habits of the German political mind as
regards other nations; even after reading the
open statements made by Hitler and others, it was
still thought that they were evidently bombastic
exaggerations, and that no human being could truly
entertain such ideas as at all practicable. Only
within the last two years, there has at last dawned
upon these persons a realization of the true aspect
of things. Those who have taken the trouble to
examine past records have discovered that the same
traits that are evident today have always existed
ever since the prehistoric times of the Germanic
races. Therefore, I do not think that the publica-
tion of the article in November will strike the
readers as an astounding revelation. But, for the
Japanese, it may seem to contain surprises, and
might even appear as intrinsically incredible, as
it would have done here till recently. At any rate,

-3-

it presents what should be pondered by the
Japanese. Hence my daring to forward it to you.

I, however, do not for a moment believe that
the policy of annihilation could be literally car-
ried out. It is true that in the past the Germans
have often coldly butchered many of the people of
a conquered region. But such was possible because
the matter was on a relatively small scale. It
would of course be an impossibility to massacre
the millions of an entire national population,
still less the whole hundreds of millions of a
race of the human species. But that some similar
intention is harbored in many German minds - if
one refers to many historic examples of smaller
dimensions, and to the policy of near-extermination
that has been actually wreaked upon a part of the
conquered Polish nation - can hardly be dismissed
as fantastic.

Aside from the question of annihilation, the
article would seem to contain two things which
have been completely proven.

One is the German concept of the mission in
the world of the "Aryan" race and of the German

-4-

nation. The idea includes two elements: the Aryan race in general, and, within it, the German nation in particular. But what the German politicians speak about the Aryan race does not seem to me important. The supremacy of that race has been preached by men of other European nations, too, and the Germans are doing nothing more than echoing them. But the theory of the mission of the race is of a comparatively recent origin, and has already lost much of its influence. When the Germans repeat the racial name, they seem to do so largely for convenience, for justifying their persecution of the Jews. Most often, they do not mean by "Aryan" the entire Caucasian race, but rather themselves together with the northern Germanic peoples; the term in this sense is generally identical with the so-called "Nordic".

On the contrary, as to the idea that the German nation alone has, not only over the non-Aryan but also over the other Aryan peoples of Europe and America, the destiny of ruling as a master race (Herrenvolk), and that all the others are fated to be subject races (Dienervolk), - though the

-5-

expression of the thought in this particular form
dates from the latter part of the late empire and,
above all, in the present age of Nazi domination, -
its fundamental spirit has been constantly present
ever since the Germanic tribes made their first
entry into historical records.

The earliest records are those by Caesar,
Tacitus, Marcellinus, and other Roman writers, that
is, between first century B.C. and the fourth A.D.
Since the conduct of these tribes demonstrated this
very spirit, the words employed by these authors in
describing it can be literally applied with sur-
prising accuracy to the Germanic activities of today.
I began to read these records before the advent of
the Nazis; and then, examining the writings of
Germanic authors themselves about the doings of
their own race through the ages, I have been even
more impressed by the amazingly unbroken persistence
of the same spirit. What I have called the records
of the Germanic writers' own are, first of all, the
saga literature of Norwegians and Icelanders, (these
northern Germanic nations have mixed with other

-6-

races, and otherwise have gradually and largely
worn off their ancient characteristics); then,
records of the invasions of these peoples written
by Scotch, English, northern French, and German
authors, (here, the invaders were "Nordic", and
the recorders were also very largely of Germanic
origins); and, finally, accounts by writers in
Germany of the actions of their nation at home,
in Italy, in the Crusades, and against the Slavs.
Throughout all these records, the stories evidenc-
ing the same ruthless spirit as described by the
early Latin authors are reiterated without end,
often in strikingly similar phrases.

It is, of course, true that the delusion of
an exclusive mission of a race has never been
peculiar to the Teutons alone. One can find
parallels in certain nomadic peoples of medieval
Asia, who several times overran large parts of
that continent and of Europe, seeking in the
thirteenth century even to conquer the Japanese
islands; in those men of Aryan nations who exploited
American, African, and Oriental natives in early

-7-

modern times; and also in the historic Chinese
concept of the "Middle Empire" civilization. There
is also a mild example nearer home: one can recall
what Hirata Atsutane and other scholars in the
Japanese revival of classicism made of the myth-
ology of Ame-no-Minakanushi and the "Central Land"
of toyo ashi-wara, and how the present exponents of
the kwō-dō have coined and are interpreting that
high-sounding word. But these have been, some non-
military in character, others sedate and harmless
phrases of self-gratification, and all of them of
short duration when they were translated into action.
And in more than one instance, the assertions in
words and even in deeds have largely been unconscious
attempts to forget one's own "inferiority complex"
by demonstrating to oneself at the expense of other
people that one really possessed superior power.
None of these examples can be compared with the
Germanic spirit, whose expression in word and action
has been uninterrupted through history, and which has
reached its greatest violence in this late day of
enlightenment. What is ominous in this particular

-8-

spirit is its latent qualities. Its manifestations
throughout the ages point to the presence in it of
something unbelievably non-human, primitive, and
elemental: a surfeit of spitefulness and hatred alert
in search of a person upon whom it may be poured;
an extreme lack of human pity, and delight in the
suffering inflicted upon the enemy; a diabolical
cunning that can be thorough and refined in its ap-
plication, but is essentially physical and mechanical
in conception, and refuses to discern the imponderable
elements present in every human being, especially
those in men of another tradition. This strange lack
of susceptibility to moral influences alien to those
of Germanic heritage seems to be true as regards, not
only the spiritual qualities and trends of other
peoples, but also the civilizing forces under whose
impact the Germans have lived for centuries. For
it is difficult not to conclude, from their habitual
conduct, as exemplified even by that of modern
Prussians and Nazis, that neither Christianity nor
chivalry has been able to soften, not to speak of
altering, their innate spirit in any essential aspect.

-9-

As an abiding political spirit that can admit no idealism or philosophy, except the engrossing devotion to an image of magnified ego, and asserts itself at the cost of every stranger and by means of sheer brute force, the Germanic is, as far as I know, an absolutely unique phenomenon in human record.

It must be said, in justice, that the Germanic stock has ramified into many nations; that, not only in northern and central Europe, but also in England, France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, the Oriental States of the Crusaders, and in the modern American continents, a great many nations share the Germanic blood in some degree; that, - although the same Germanic spirit was obviously active in the early history of some of these nations, - all of them have lived in their particular habitats, and, while sharing a common religion and culture of non-Germanic origins, have made their separate histories and formed their individual characters; and that, during that long process, what original Germanic traits they bore at the beginning, have, in all instances save one, been blended and neutralized by other influences, and so

-10-

have been almost completely outlived. It has been
the tragic lot of Germany alone, tragic even more
for herself than for the world, that she has had,
not only to continue to be held in the vice of the
pristine habits that the others have discarded long
since, but also, during the past decades, greatly to
intensify and aggravate them. The more I reflect
upon the fact, the more overwhelmed I feel by the
mysterious significance of it all. Surely here is
a tremendous problem, as well for statesmen of all
nations, as for historians of philosophic insight.

Of the historical genesis and the practical
implications for the future, of this great fact, I
have neither the ability nor the leisure to enlarge
upon a single point. But I should like to express a
little of the sympathy I cannot help feeling for the
unfortunate bondage that thus enslaves the German
political mind from causes many of which seem to
have been beyond its control. I cannot forget how
long and how repeatedly the nation had to defend its
very life against the assaults of the northern Teutons,
the Slavic tribes, and the marauding nomads from the

-11-

steppes of Asia; nor can it be ignored that, in this,
the Germans were acting virtually in the capacity of
the bulwark of the entire western Europe. Remember
also what prolonged and arduous struggles the
colonists in north-eastern Germany had to wage, in
addition to their perpetual Slavic foes, against an
extremely harsh Nature (soil and climate). The worst
by far is the very fate of Germany as a political
organism, which has been an unremitting succession
of travail ever since its birth. Who will not recall
under what excessively difficult conditions and in
what an unhappy form of organization the nation had to
begin its career in the ninth century; and then,
through the ages down to the nineteenth, how it has
had to strive to keep a bare resemblance of State
life, amid the perennial quarrels rending the country
into shreds of autonomous territories? External
perils seldom evoked even momentarily a united front;
and, when they had passed, the State appeared each
time to be internally more hopelessly torn than before.
If the outside foes were intermittent, the inside
division was continuous and generally worsened with

-12-

time, until Napoleon's invasions cancelled innumerable
petty principalities, and finally unification was
achieved by the iron hand of Prussia. To all this
unparalleled political misfortune must be added the
disastrous effects that have been wrought upon the
German political consciousness, as it observed with
chagrin the trend of the historic currents in some
other countries; which were tending in an exactly
opposite direction to those at home. France, England,
and Russia had been tending, though in vastly different
ways from one another, toward unity and centralization,
and even expanding outward. If Providence had con-
demned the Germans to an undeserved fate—Schicksal,
a favorite word of theirs, could they not hack their
way out of it? If they had been decreed to be an in-
ferior nation, how might they prove to others, even
more to themselves, that they were really superior
to all? Can it be said to be altogether strange that,
in the course of unending calamities, their political
mind - I am not speaking of any other aspect of the
German character - should have been deeply scarred
and woefully warped, bent inward and made spiteful

-13-

and defiant toward others? Foreign nations are
bounden enemies, forever denying to Germany her
legitimate right and honor, and ready at any instant
to unite their forces in a move to "encircle" and
strangle her; the Germans can depend upon nothing
but themselves and their own prowess; they would
intensify mutual loyalty among themselves; but, as
against the others, every deceit and aggression is
a mark of their devotion to their own community, and
is the only self-demonstration of their innate mission
and capacity to dominate, which they have come to
attribute supremely to themselves. The characteristic
international conduct of the Germans in modern times
since Frederick the Great has been an inevitable ap-
plication of this very mind to the successive events,
as also a cause of its further confirmation. That
any other people thrown in the same historical situa-
tion would have reacted in a like manner and been
imbued with the same psychoses, seems to me, for one,
most doubtful. However that may be, it is difficult
for a student not to feel a measure of compassion for
a nation that has been a victim to so unbroken a

-14-

series of tragic experiences.

Sympathetic or not, however, the world must for
long years to come be constantly prepared to deal
wisely and safely whatever should emanate from this
well of explosive poison that has been dug deep in the
heart of Europe. Will there be sufficient wisdom and
determination for this task? Must we resign our-
selves to an expectation of seeing recurrences of
appeasements and consequent wars?

Pardon my repeating that the Teutonic spirit
that has been preserved by the Germans is in charac-
ter _primitive_. It is not a fault into which one
happens to have fallen on the way, not even a habit
which has been bred under some untoward circumstances
and which would not long survive them, but an im-
memorial heritage kept alive and nurtured through
the ages, and deeply embodied in the national temper
through repeated practices on large scales. What,
I ask, can be more primitive and untamed than the
German attitude that mine is all forever mine, and
all thine will be mine; that I must prove myself to
myself my power to destroy thy personality and thy
life; than the Germans' blindness to the moral forces

-15-

animating their neighbors' lives, coupled with
their implicit faith in the supposed omnipotence
of sheer brute force; than their refusal, on the
one hand, either to recognize the existence of
others' rights and honor or to tolerate the re-
straints of any civilization, and, on the other,
their slavish obedience to their leader's behest
to sacrifice themselves and others to the glory of
their own universal domination; and than their ardor,
in the exclusive interest of this elemental aim, to
develop an invincibly strong arm, and to devote to
that end every material and intellectual resource
they can command in themselves and in the conquered?
Aside from the sacrifice of parts to the whole and
the harnessing of resources to a single purpose, the
enumerated characteristics are simply the ways of a
child of utmost waywardness who fancies himself to be
the center of the world and would break everything
standing in his way. The sole aim conceived and the
sole means employed are of extreme simplicity. They
are rooted in a blind urge to bloat oneself and in a
bitter hatred of every one else. Of themselves an

-17-

naught else than temporary tools employed in the
Germans' own work of conquest. That it is intended,
during even the period of actual alliance, gradually
to bind their limbs and finally to enslave them al-
together, can hardly be doubted, if one recalls the
freely expressed German contempt and hatred of them.
Witness how in the past few weeks the Balkan allies -
Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Jugoslavia - have
already been reduced to a position of servitors,
and how their resentment has been steadily rising.
Italy, as a strong Power and as an elder brother in
the totalitarian movement, would still seem to be
enjoying an equal treatment, but the reality is far
from the appearance; hence the mounting discontent-
ment of Mussolini and his people. One of two il-
lustrations should suffice. The reasons for the
presence of German troops in the peninsula are not
only that it is a convenient jumping ground for
African ventures, but much rather that any uprising
may be suppressed, and that Italy should little by
little forfeit her freedom of action. There probably
is no Italian who is so obtuse as not to realize this

-18-

fact. The Italian soldiers and marines, reluctantly, are doing obsequious service at their peril for Germany in parts of the Balkans and in Russia, regions where Italy has little political interest of her own. Even more shameful is the fact that between three and five hundred thousand peninsular laborers are employed in Germany, providing their own food. These facts attest that the treatment accorded the southern ally is, in nature, little different from that of the conquered nations of Greece and of northern and western Europe. That the poor Mussolini is still supporting Hitler is not that he is unaware of his precarious state, but that any resistance would cost him his position, and that his nation, disgruntled as it is, lacks the tradition and the will to assert its own rights. As its poverty and humiliation grow, how it will eventually comport itself, is an interesting problem.

(The enclosed article was obviously written too early to note the predicament of Italy which has since become painfully evident.)

Japan, being far away, has as yet escaped servitude in any gross form. But it can hardly be

-19-

doubted that, remote as it is, the Pacific Ocean is
ear-marked as within the sphere of German exploita-
tion in a later stage, just as much as is South America,
and quite likely as a region much more important for
German "power-politics" than the latter. One can
hardly think that Germany repents her former acquisi-
tion of a nearly quarter-million square miles of
islands in the South Seas, her Manila Bay venture,
her seizure of Kiao-Chow, and the grandiose scheme
of a trans-Asian movement that she built upon the
possession of that strategic Chinese port. Those
were all lost in the first world war, and Japan has
fallen heir to some of them; but from the German
standpoint, Japan may well be regarded as a temporary
custodian. As to when the Germans may again be ready
to stretch their arms to the Pacific, that may well
be the question which they themselves cannot answer
for the moment. But, inasmuch as the attempt must
wait for some time at any event, Germany would no
doubt welcome a temporary success of her present
ally in that sphere, as a convenient stake for her
future harvest. From the German viewpoint, an

-20-

immediate expansion of Japan in that valuable field
would be a great service rendered by her despite her
own intention. The fact that Japan is regarded by
men of knowledge as having been scrupulous in the
observance of agreements, except the nine-Power
treaty, must be a source for the Germans of no little
cynical pleasure. If, on the contrary, the Japanese
army, on its part, perhaps regards the alliance as
a liaison of convenience pending the accomplishment
of its private plans of aggrandisement, with which
it would confront the world, an eventual German
success or failure in Europe notwithstanding, - if
so, it may be taken for granted that Germany, from
her own practices, perfectly understands the secret
motive of her Eastern servant and knows how to turn
it to the master's account at the right moment.

Nor can Japan well hope to counter German
cunning with her own of a cleverer sort. For while
she appears to stand for a time beyond the scope of
an immediate German endeavor, and so to command a
sufficient leisure in which she may proceed to
consolidate her position according to her desire,

-21-

she may do well to remember that, in one important
respect, she is at a decided disadvantage in compar-
ison with her fellow allies in Europe. This is over
and above the German intelligence mentioned above.
I mean that Japan is the chief object of German ha-
tred among the non-Aryan, "yellow" Mongolian race
stigmatized by Hitler as sub-human and bestial, even
as fated for extermination. Extermination, as I have
said, may be an arrant nonsense. Economically, how-
ever, a slow process of stifling may not be so far
beyond the range of possibility. Germany, intending,
as she has already avowed, to close Europe and starve
out England and America, no doubt means, after shutting
Europe, the Americas, the South Seas, and a large
part of the Asiatic continent, to freeze Japan commer-
cially. That such is the picture already formed in
the German imagination is a cogent inference from
German assertions repeated for many years. One would
even venture to think that, during that process, the
Germans would probably not consider it beneath their
sense of honor to exploit China's hatred of Japan at
the latter's expense.

-22-

The enclosed article and my letter are for the object of demonstrating that such conclusion is inescapable, and of calling to it the attention of Japanese statesmen.

My own belief is that such Oriental policy of Germany, even if executed in small part, is destined to fail; and, moreover, that it is highly probable that, before the time can arrive for Germany to make an attempt of this character, her work of conquest in Europe itself will collapse. The reason that I, despite this belief, presume to warn Japan at this time is as follows.

Whatever the conviction of the Japanese army, that Germany will sooner or later fail in Europe; I have never doubted from the outset; it is today believed by vast majorities of people in America and Europe, including those of the conquered nations. It would not make the least difference in this respect if the Russian government should fall, and German victory should advance to the Mediterranean and Near East, for every step in the progress sows another crop of the final disaster for the victor. But whether this will come late or soon must depend upon the gradual

-23-

unfolding of the problems that are still unsolved. If
late, then there may well lie the danger of Japan being
involved in a great sturge, literally fatal to her,
and Germany's nefarious hand being stretched to the
Orient. That is the heart of my fear. Therefore, it
behooves Japan as quickly as possible to grasp the true
spirit of Germany, and without losing a moment to
build an appropriate policy.

I pray that there be not a particle of meanness
in the national policy so established. But a policy
that aims only negatively not to be dishonorable, but
lacks positive elements, would leave the main difficulty
unsolved and allow it to remain as the cause of untold
calamities in the future. Tiny differences in today's
policy might widen into a great divergence of destiny
in years to come. That is, if merely negative, the
basic policy would be but a conservation of the principles
held hitherto as "immutable"; and only vain, casual
compromises, as heretofore, would be made between
these principles and the newly gained knowledge.

Compromise, indeed, is the inherited political
habit of the Japanese people. Compromise has, it
is true, served them well most of the time in the

-24-

past. It is no doubt, like the same virtue of the
English, a valuable heritage of the nation that should
be preserved with solicitude. A provident guide at
ordinary times, however, compromise is a curse at a
national crisis. A crisis would often seem to be a
test given by Heaven to train its favorite child: by
conquering sloth and leaping over the hurdle, he would
win a new lease of life; by erecting a screen of in-
ertia and self-justification, and following the line
of least resistance, he would allow the crisis to
mount to its height of menace. Is it not a crisis of
first order that confronts Japan at this moment? Is
it a time for her to compel her political parties to
efface themselves and for the latter to give up their
important mission in the national organism, so that
she might become a "one-minded" automaton; or for her
to counsel foreign powers to be "sincere" and to cease
to "misunderstand" her, so that they would mend their
policies in conformity with the cherished habits she
has indulged herself these late years? One would re-
call the obstinate fisherman who with a solemn face
spread his net in the open air in order to catch birds

-25-

fish-wise, and saw all feathered creatures fly above
and around the net! Fortunately, history proves that
Japan is gifted with an unusual measure of the power
of self-reflection at extraordinary times. Then she
knew how to discard her wonted compromise, and, by
way of self-conquest, to extricate herself from an
impasse. Again and again, as in 645 and in 1868, she
displayed admirable candor and perspicacity: she
spurned all makeshifts, and, clearly perceiving the
evils of her accustomed ways, made a complete *volte*
*face*, and boldly and successfully took a leap into
the unknown. She is in the same need of a thorough
reconstruction of policy, for the peril that faces
her is not a whit smaller, is perhaps of greater di-
mensions in some respects. She cannot have lost that
power of reflection and of action that has served
alone and so well to preserve her life through re-
peated crises. Bare ten years of the inuring of the
people to an obtuse policy, driven as they have been
to be of "one mind" in its support, can hardly have
sufficed to stifle their historic capacity for sane
self-reflection. If unfortunately that were the

-26-

case, then would one not have to face the dreadful
thought that any searching reflection by the nation
must await its prostration under a tragedy the like
of which it has never dreamed during the entire course
of its long history? Who can dare say that it might
not then be too late for any attempt at resurgence?

Thrown overboard should be the so-called "immutable"
policies of the past ten years. They are what has led
Japan astray in the maze of the "sacred" war in China,
and of the devious methods of inflicting "co-prosperity"
upon nations who detest it. These immutable, sacred
policies are, in the eyes of every foreign friend of
Japan, unnatural and hypocritical, irrational and
short-sighted, mean, and most arrogant. What is far
worse, they are violently contrary to the spirit of
her history, and to the ever-broadening movement of
the whole world. It should, at least, be evident to
Japan, that, if she were in the place of the victims
of these policies, she would not for an instant submit
to such shameful impositions. No less ignoble and
dangerous are they for her own immediate future. For
thereby she had made herself disloyal to the ancestral

-27-

heritage of the nation and to her revered sovereign;
has tied her destiny with that of the desperate robbers
who are plunging headlong to their deaths; and has
earned a despised isolation among the hitherto admiring
nations. Now she can look forward to nothing but
enmity of everyone, including and above all the neigh-
bor possessing enormous possibilities for future
strength; possibly a gruelling war with one or more
Powers far stronger than herself in material resources
and in moral conviction; and, precisely at that junc-
ture, the treachery, at best the desertion, of her
infamous partners. For me, it is the cause of profound
regrets to reflect how bright would have been Japan's
future, if she had, on the contrary, cooperated with
other Powers in aiding China in her valiant struggle
for emancipation and enlightenment; and thrown in her
lot with that of those who are fighting for the pre-
servation of the broad path of human civilization
against the worst enemy it has ever encountered.

Regrets are futile, but there is still time for Japan
to retrieve herself. Now is high time to make the
supreme effort. The sooner the better. Nay, as I
have ventured to suggest, soon it might be too late.

-28-

But retrieve she cannot, save by a drastic reversal
of her policies of the past decade.

If the "immutable" policies were tenaciously
adhered to, no matter what petty concessions and ad-
justments be made, and no matter what partial arrange-
ments be patched up with America and England, no nation
on earth, not even the present allies, could help
continuing to suspect Japan's intentions; and the root
of the disease that has made her an outcast of the
world and is bound to lead her to worse calamities
would persist. If she would truly be noble, and would
radically cure her cancer, the only path open is
positively and resolutely to reflect upon her true
self, as she did in 645 and 1867,--again to open her
mind's eye, and to resume the same "open, catholic,
and sincere" (kō-mei sei-dai) attitude that once
inspired the ex-Shogun, the enlightened barons and
many of their vassals.

Surely the conditions are different from those
of 1868, and the shape of the policy must be according-
ly different, even as that of that year was from the
one of 645. But the spirit must ever be the same.

-29-

The larger aspects of the application of this spirit
to the present needs should include, among others, the
following:- withdraw the armies from the continent,
and restore the conquered territories at appropriate
times and in a suitable manner; denounce and repudiate
the alliance with Germany and Italy, and openly and
clearly declare to them and to the world the reasons
why this apparent breach of faith was necessary for
the greater faith to which she had been a misguided
traitor; radically alter the organic law, so as to
separate clearly and definitively the administration
of the political and the military affairs; liberate
the people and their education from the absurd shackles
recently inflicted upon them, and restore the open
exchange of ideas and commodities with other nations;
and, if possible, render the utmost aid within her
capacity to those who are contending with the common
enemy of humanity.

Since such a complete reversal of policy affects
all aspects of national life, large and small, it is
obvious that the concrete measures to be taken must
observe the difference in magnitude, importance, and

-30-

difficulty, between affairs to be dealt with. But, apart from the precedence of measures, the turnabout should not be partial but complete. Any partial policy would be certain to leave openings for reaction and so to invite defeat. Moreover, a partial repentance is bound to be much more difficult to make than a clean breast. Aside from the opportunities the former would create for the return of evil forces, it would only mean a weak will behind it, which could not help entailing one's own petty regrets on the morrow about this matter or that, and possible reversion to another path of unreason. On the other hand, nothing could be more gratifying to a nation with a high capacity for frank reflection than a bold, whole-hearted transcendence over its past sin, and nothing truly easier. Therefore, even if the procedure be gradual, the principles and the direction of the entire policy should, as in 1868 or in 645, be completely established in advance, and openly announced to the nation and the world. The declaration should leave nothing fundamental in obscurity; for an important omission, whether intentional or by chance, would cause among the populace

-31-

uncertainties and anxious guesses, and probably also
provide pretexts for a revolt of reactionaries and
self-seekers. Then, a sincere and deep trust should
be reposed in the hearts of the people, and the measures
be step by step carried out with their willing coopera-
tion. It should be needless to fear harmful effects
of this sudden change of policies and loyalties upon
the moral consciousness of the nation; for nothing is
more convincing than a true repentance, and every per-
son would be inspired by the sincere initiative so
courageously taken by the leaders. There is not the
slightest doubt that the beautiful soul of the nation
would loyally respond; and that the sympathy and
friendship of foreign nations, near and far, would
also be won, and their erstwhile suspicion and fear
would vanish, as by a miracle. In fact, the whole
action, in spite of the contemporary form it would
assume as a matter of course, would be exactly identi-
cal, in spirit, with the pronouncement of the Five-
Article Oath and the promulgation of the Constitution,
and, indeed, with the Reforms of Taikwa and Taihō, and
the founding of the empire by Jimmu.

-53-

from the political scene, then it would be necessary
for others to invoke an imperial sanction for the
initiative. A sanction, I entertain no doubt, would
be most graciously granted. And it would be necessary
in any event. If, on the contrary, the present-day
statesmen shirked the duty that is upon them, and
again failed to make anything more than trite compro-
mises, how would they face the charge of having betrayed
the illustrious history of the nation and the hopes of
its future?

Hitler —... "I deliver man from the humiliating chimera that is called **culture**. Culture as well as education cripples man. I have this advantage, that I am not deterred by any theoretical or moral considerations."

Hitler —... "Every means must be used in order to insure the German conquest of the world."

Hitler —... "Man is simple from birth. He can be ruled only with the help of boots. In treating him **any means** are permissible. When policy demands it, one should lie, betray and even kill."

A German declaration, quoted by Sir Robert Vansittart. —
"We will bring to **England** a revolution of blood and tears which as a punishment will reduce the British population to degradation and poverty."

Minchener Neueste Nachrichten. — "We must tear the **British Empire** apart, bit by bit, and must be influenced by not the slightest feeling of pity. **Britain** must be made to bleed, and every wound re-opened until she bleeds to death."

Hitler —... "If we want to create our great German

ARTHUR E. MORGAN
YELLOW SPRINGS
OHIO

November 24, 1941

Professor K. Asakawa
Department of History
Yale University
New Haven, Connecticut

Dear Dr. Asakawa:

Thank you for the copies of the letters which you sent. I
shall read them as soon as I can, and return them.

I wonder whether you are in touch with the Japanese Ambassador
and whether he has seen your letter to the Privy Councillor. If
not, would you like to have him receive it at the present time?
I could get it into the hands of one of his most intimate associates,
who would put it into his hands.

To A.E.M.

26B41 (1

Nov. 26, 1941.

Dear Dr. Morgan,

Hearty thanks for suggesting that my letter be shown to Ambassador Nomura.

I doubt that this would be wise. In the first place, I do not know him personally. He has possibly heard of me, but cannot know my way of thinking, except perhaps by vague guess. I, on my part, do not know how far he sees ahead, and how free his mind is. I suppose that he, like so many of my compatriots who are discouraged, labors under the delusion that some compromise should be made. While it may be well for him to see that another way of thinking is possible, I fear that his official position will hinder him to see through the situation, or, even if personally persuaded, to take any effective step. I have doubts as to his understanding of the true spirit of democracy and his insight into the trend of the world's history. Moreover, I fear that he will show the letter to Kurusu and other members of the Embassy. For these reasons, I think it would be well to wait till I should happen to meet him and know his mind, before I

showed him the letter.

A friend has proposed and is trying to see if
President Roosevelt could be moved to send a direct
appealing message to the Japanese Emperor, and
suggests that I make a draft for his consideration.
From your experience with him, you know his ways
well. He has more imagination and unconventionality
than Mr. Hoover, and might be persuaded to do such
a thing. There are precedents, too. If the thing
was done in the right form and with great tact, it
would be a godsend for the Japanese nation. Both
the people and the sovereign would welcome it. But,
on the contrary, if done wrong, the effects might be
deplorable. I have, in fact, drafted a tentative
message for his inspection; and, as soon as it is
found that he is in a receptive mood, I shall send
it to him through my friend or else bring it to him.

In the meantime, I beg you earnestly to let
me know what you would think of the enterprise.

To L.W. 23 XI '41

Many thanks for your special delivery. According to your suggestion, I have drafted a tentative message for R.'s consideration. When it is typed, I will send you a copy.

I realize that chances are one in a million. But I pray that a miracle be granted.

You truly say that the message should be short. I have made the draft as concentrated as possible. But the message, if it would come there as the last resort but also as the advent of sudden happiness, would do well to heed the points I raised in my letter to you. This I have tried to do.

Your suggestion was that I "prepare the arguments." What I have done is "arguments" (or persuasion) addressed to the recipient. But what of arguments to convince Hull and R. of the wisdom of the step? They both fortunately possess good intuitive power, but also each seems to have peculiar mental trends, which amuse me every time they speak. How get over the latter and get to the former?

I should be willing to go up to Washington, if that would help at all, instead of spoiling.

What I would like to see done is: --- first, send the message _by cable_, at the same time _publishing_ it in the papers. This might be done by saying so in the message. Publishing is important: it is to compel reproduction in the Japanese papers, so that immediately an atmosphere would be created that would inspire the nation and discomfit the armed forces. A second step ---to be taken simultaneously ---is to send a special envoy, in a clipper, for example, with proper instructions and powers. The choice of the man (or woman --- Eleanor!) should be wise, for a person perfectly acceptable at St. James could be repellent to Tokyo. For example, a Summer Wells or a Winant would be a pdson. It is a matter of taste and prejudice, which nevertheless has to be considered. The best would be either one of marked _bonomie_ (provided well-bred and respectable), like our Nomura, or else one reserved and seeming deep and sincere, like the late Col. House. The latter is perhaps the better type over them.

Nov. 19, 1941.

Dear Langdon,

Many thanks for your note.

I should have read your letter to the Times more carefully, but I fear others may have got the same impression. You of course said what you say you did, but that was not, if I remember correctly, brought up to enough prominence.

I am grateful for your sympathetic comments on my own letter. You put the whole matter much better than I could hope to do.

The people in Japan involved in the affair have enmeshed themselves in the net they have woven around themselves, and are no longer able to think at all. What is needed is, first, a change of personnel; second, a 180-degree turnabout; and, third, a swift action — changing the organic law, so as to exclude the armed forces from politics; drastic withdrawal from China; etc. No other way of safety is visible.

Only an imperial word can initiate the movement. Once that is invoked, the rest can proceed with far greater ease that could be possible in any other country.

Your suggestion of getting F.D.R. to communicate
with the throne is brilliant, and gives me an unexpected
ray of hope. He, alone of the heads of all States,
is capable of such an act. Recall how in 1852 Pres.
Polk sent Commodore Perry with a letter to his "great
and good friend." And F.D.R.'s past record would make
the act less offensive than if coming from any other.
But the thing would have to be done in the right way,
or it would be much worse than none at all. His
breezy, unconventional way stands him in good stead,
but, at the same time, he is characterized with
vagueness, and for that reason can easily bungle the
whole thing. He can be bold, but it seems always to be
spoiled by lack of clarity and point.

There are several things to be borne in mind.
Traditionally, the sovereign cannot initiate any
political act, except by acting upon the advice of some
constituted organ and legitimate authorities. This,
I think, may be accomplished by way of the Privy
Council and a changed Cabinet. R. cannot of course
interfere with these internal affairs, but can word
his message in such a form that would possibly result

in causing such changes and in setting such formalities
in motion.

Another point is that the first steps in the
actual movement in Japan (not necessarily R.'s message)
would have to proceed with great speed, so that in a
short time it would become absolutely irrevocable.
Here, again, no direct external intervention is
admissible. But, again, the message can be phrased in
a manner to induce celerity of action.

Above all, the counsel should be one for a complete
reversal of policy. This may be made persuasive, first,
by suggesting that there is perceptible no way of safety
that is only a partial accommodation; second, by recalling
that the nation has in the past crises demonstrated an
astonishing power to rise above itself, to take
revolutionary steps, and so to turn calamity to good
fortune; while, in the present crisis, the policy to
be reversed is of a very short duration and contrary to
the true temper of the nation; and, third, by picturing,
as you have done in your letter to me, the sudden
and radical change of the whole international situation
of Japan toward happiness that would inevitably follow

her reversal of herself. This last point would go
farther than any other in justifying the apparent
meddling in national affairs.

The thing of itself would at any event be most
extraordinary. Only general solicitude for the
recipient's personal anxiety and for the nation's true
welfare, couched in the most tactful language, could
justify the act.

If you think the thing seems anywhere near feasible,
I, personally, would be happy to do anything you
would suggest, in order to facilitate it. I would
even be bold to the extent of presenting R as a draft of
his message for his consideration, which, of course,
he would know what to do with.

You would have been pleased to find how seriously
the matter was considered even by those who saw its
difficulties most clearly. I imaging that Archibald
MacLeish may be the one who carries it to the White
House though he made no promises. As I say,
Stimson, Welles and Hull all have it by this time.
Bless you.

P.S. In certain quarters I found it best to
omit the longer document. But the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee has a copy of part of your letter to
me.

To L.W. 23 XI '41 (1

What I would like to see done is: — first,
send the message _by cable_, at the same time publishing
it in the papers. This might be done by saying so
in the message. Publishing is important: it is to
compel reproduction in the Japanese papers, so that
immediately an atmosphere would be created that would
inspire the nation and discomfit the armed forces.
A second step --- to be taken simultaneously --- is
to send a special envoy, in a clipper, for example,
with proper instructions and powers. The choice of
the man (or woman --- Eleanor!) should be wise, for
a person perfectly acceptable at St. James could be
repellent to Tokyo. For example, a Sumner Wells or
a Winant would be a poison. It's a matter of taste
and prejudice, which nevertheless has to be considered.
The best would be either one of marked _bonomie_ (pro-
vided well-bred and respectable), like our Nomura,
or else one reserved and seeming deep and sincere,
like the late Col. House. The latter is perhaps
the better type over them.

From L.W.

Sunday P.M.

(30 XI 41)

Dear K.A. An hour ago I returned from Washington where I spent two violent days in taxis rushing from office to office. Of course I don't know what the ultimate results may be. But I owe you as much of a report as to say that your letter and your "summary" were both presented to the most important people, who will give them careful consideration. The President was at Warm Springs and Mr. Hull in conference during every minute of both days. However, the President has probably received the idea by this time, so (certainly) has Mr. Stimson and Mr. Hull and Summer Welles. This means that the idea will be presented from at least three perhaps four different angles, all of which are inclined to take it very seriously. I doubt very much if you or I ever know precisely what is done unless the text appears in the press of both countries as you suggested. Not knowing the details of the situation, I have no idea whether the idea, if used at all, can be clinched by the publicity which to us seems so desirable, even necessary.

Dec. 1, '41.

Dear Helen

Your welcome letter and the enclosure have
come, crossing my dunning letter to Bill. I feel
honored to hear that you two sat down and read together
such a long drool, but am sorry it took your valuable
time like that.

It's too bad that Stephanie has trouble during
the night. What seems to ail her? Let me know more
of it. It must naturally wear you out.

I am not sure that the long letter has reached
the recipients' hands. (I sent a translation to
another Privy Councillor, too.) If it has, I am sure
it is being read by others in private.

The P.C. is only advisory and has no executive
power. Any active move has to come about in a round-
about way through the Cabinet. Nor does the Emperor
ever initiate a policy. He only acts passively
on the advice of some constituted organ of State,
i.e., in practice, the Cabinet; though, once pronounced,
his word carries everything, and no one dares oppose it.
Once it is said, the rest goes more easily than it

can anywhere else. I have reasons to know he is opposed
personally to the present trend, and the successive
Cabinets have known it.

What is needed is a change of personnel. That
is not altogether impossible, but is unlikely to happen.
The whole crowd which has furnished men to form the
Cabinets of recent years have got themselves caught
in the net of their hide-bound ideas, and can no
longer think, though probably thoroughly discouraged
and puzzled. Only the more active element among
them seems to think it may perhaps succeed in getting
some of the things it thinks Japan needs for her security,
by acting opportunely but decisively. It may be
beginning to fear that the axis may not succeed after
all, and yet may hope to get something for Japan in
this way. This element is made up of a part of the
high command of the army and of a smaller part of
that of the navy. The wishes of the two wings are
not identical, but they would aim at getting both
wishes realized, if possible.

The best sort of developments I would like to
see happen is: —— that the sovereign show strongly

his lack of confidence in the Cabinet, morally forcing
it to resign; that he summon some able and reasonable
man to form a Cabinet; that this new one, together with
the Privy Council, propose specific measures to him,
and he sanction them, and issue an edict; that these
measures — the more fundamental ones — be so
swiftly executed that the general policy would be in
a short time absolutely irrevocable. Among the first
measures should be one that excludes the armed forces
from the administrative business and confines them to
carrying out military order only. The present law
of giving the high commands a parallel position to
the government has been the legal cause of all the
trouble. That was desirable when the army and navy
were being rapidly created, but there is no longer
any need of it, while its evils have been very grave.

In these suggested steps, the emperor's activity
in persuasion, before the change of men, is perfectly
legitimate. That is not initiating a definite policy.

But, of course, all this is my personal wish,
not a practical hope, short of a miracle occurring.

Such a miracle might be wrought if F.D.R. could

be persuaded to address a personal message to the
Emperor, worded in the right way, and published abroad
right away. If properly and sympathetically worded,
such a message would come as a tremendous godsend both
to the emperor and the people at large, and to all the
men in position who have been dejected. There are
precedents for the President in the history of the
Am.-J. relations.

A friend whose wife is a relative of the late
Theodore Roosevelt suggested to me the idea of a message,
though he thinks the chances are "one in a million."
I have asked him to try. I have already drafted a
message which might be considered by F.D.R. as a
skeleton. I am awaiting the results of my friend's
move.

I enclose a copy of my draft, which kindly
return post haste.

I am always grateful for your reactions. I am
glad you have said that such a reversal of policy as I
suggested would be too difficult, and that the world would
not understand its spirit, if made. I cannot agree with
you here. But please let me know frankly what you think

of my draft.

Best wishes

Asa.

P.S. I have just heard from my friend that he was in Washington last Friday and Saturday, and placed the plan in the hands of Hull, Stimson, Welles, Archibald MacLeish, and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, so that E.D.R. would get it from these sources. "You would have been pleased," says my friend, "to find how seriously the matter was considered even by those who saw its difficulties most clearly." I wrote him the letter also enclosed. This, too, I beg you to return immediately.

A.

To L.W. 2 XII 41.

Dear Friend, --- How can I thank you for the strenuous
service you have done? No one could have hit upon the
idea as you happened to do, and no one would have been
willing to put the time and energy that you did in the
furtherance of my feeble effort.

I feel I am being rather anemic to sit quietly
and let you alone do the yeoman's work. Pray remember
I shall be glad to go up to Washington on any errand
I may be of use in.

We can only pray that something of real merit come
out of our joint work. But successful or not in the
particular form proposed, the seed of its idea has
fallen where it should, thanks to you. You justly
say that we humble rustics cannot know how the higher
powers will react. I should add that not even they can
tell what still higher Powers' plans may be. It may
perhaps be that the seed will germinate into a plant we
cannot yet imagine, and then we shall perhaps have
served a purpose still hidden from us.

Your grateful servant,

K.A.

New Haven, Conn.

Dec.7,1941

Dear Friend,

I note in the papers that the President has sent some sort of a
message to the emperor, ( calling him, I fear, after the manner of report-
ers, Hirohito). This is his personal name, which is never used by his
subjects , and should never be used in any document. His proper regnal
name is Showa. All the socereigns of Japan, China or Korea, in all the
history books are called only by their regnal names.

This is a minor error tolerated in an ignorant foreigner. But I
feel certain that the message must be of an entirely sort from what I
would have wished. The manner, itself, of an announcement in the Press
and Hull's characteristic ways which I had wished to prevent. Again it
is secret and will cruelly keep people guessing in great anxiety. Again,
I suspect, it is only an ad hoc letter, bearing only upon the sending of
Japanese forces to Indo-China, instead of being something much more fun-
damental, demonstrating insight and sympathy; and probably phrased, either
in Mr. R's customary vagueness and arbitrariness, or in Mr. H's peculiar-
ly rigid and superficial manner.

I am, of course, speaking in total ignorance of the contents of the
message; and my fears are based purely upon my "hunch". But I am certain
that no ad hoc note and no letter that is not inspired by a deep under-
standing of national character and compassion for the recipient's and the
general people's anxieties and fears, can bring about the complete shift
of men and of policies that is the only salvation. Any note short of this
can well worsen the present crisis.

Also such inadequate message once sent, it would make it awkward
to send another, better one later.

I am enclosing a copy of my draft. It has been somewhat changed from
the one I sent to L.W. It is not so short as you would have it, but you

2

Dec.7,1941

will see that I thought it necessary to touch upon certain points I
regarded as indispensable.

You may keep the copy, but hold it as highly confidential. I beg
you to tell me what you would think of it and make frank suggestions.

In the evening 7th of December

There is no longer need of dwelling on what might have been. The
first gun has been fired by the other side. As a stranger spoke to me
on the street as I was returning from supper, as if he thought I was a
fellow American, " It has come. By Jove, what a change there will be to-
morrow'. There is great excitement in town. Everyone is astounded by
the sudden turn of things,

I do not know what has been the inner process behind this abrupt
recourse to violence. My tentative surmise at this moment is as follows.
There actually seems to have been a heated argument at the Privy Council
with Cabinet ministers two or three days ago; then a secret message went
forth from the President to the emperor. Probably the Cabinet felt the
possibility of a sudden turn to decisive action in high quarters; and
hastened to forestall it by sending its own reply to Mr. Hull's letter of
several days before and by swiftly committing the country to war, hoping
thereby to galvanize the people on its side and to force the emperor to
sanction a declaration of the existence of a state of war. Otherwise it
is difficult to understand that even the military shortcutters should
break faith to the extent of starting hostilities before the Washington
negotiations had technically ended, - even before they had received word
that the reply had been delivered. Neither Hull's letter nor the reply
was an ultimatum. Nor is it possible to believe that this reply, which
Hull denounced to the face of the envoys as a tissue of lies, could have
been sanctioned by the Council and the emperor.

3

Dec. 7,1941

If this guess is correct, then the act is a pure gamble. The government hopes to effect a momentary unity of the nation, and to make a quick *fait accompli* while America and Britain are still unprepared, risking thereby a possible revulsion of the people and the emperor in the sequel.

I hope my interpretation is right, for, if this be true, nothing can be more certain than that the bloody gain will be short lived, as also the tenure of office of the Cabinet. What Langdon and I failed to bring about my mobilizing the minds of men might be achieved by way of death and disaster. This is cold-blooded speech, but what has been sown must be repped many fold. Calamity is the way decreed for sins of foolhardiness of some and passive acquiescence of others.

The Administration at Washington has not been faultless, despite its exemplary patience with a difficult customer. Its patience has too clearly been marred, at first by an equivocal attitude for a long time, and then by too rigid and self-righteous language. This has been Mr. Hull's incorrigible habit ever since he became Secretary of State. He could have been as firm and gained his point as much by being more understanding of the mind of the other party. In the latter's warped mind, this has seemed or could be deliberately interpreted to the people as seeming intolerable defamation. It is quite visible that this has added fuel to the fire. The fire itself, of course, is the making of the other fellow.

Perhaps it was ordained that the smouldering flame should burst and scorch the one who had dared to play with it. Perhaps no other way of purging became possible. I am inclined to look on the war in Europe itself as the mode of chastening the self-complacency into which the liberal nations had lapsed. Man proposes, God disposes.

Forgive my being so sententious and oracular.

K.A.

Dec.7,1941

On the 8th.

Now that the texts of the three main documents in the fatal corres-
pondence have been published, after the relations were severed, I am in the
unenviable position of one whose worst fears have been confirmed by evi-
dence. Mr. Full's icy denunciation is more than matched by Togo's in-
flexibility and insolence. Mr. R's "keg of dynamite" letter to the
emperor fortunately eschews the arbitrary tone he often indulges. But it
begins in general terms, and ends as a special protest. The general part
deliberately refrains from touching the responsive chord, and may have been
addressed to the Fuhrer as well. The special portion is claculated, if
read by the defiant government, to deepen the latter's resentment already
stirred by the Mr. H's note of ten days before. But since the Presidential
letter was unpublished, the government, instead of resenting its contents
of which it was ignorant, must have felt a dark suspicion of the writer's
motive as regards its own tenure of office as the present servants of the
crown. Nor could the letter, even if it had been cogently phrased, have
the chance to hearten the nation denied of its words as a benign ray of
light.

It is amazing that responsible men could be so obtuse to the general
human and particular national psychology. The one side treated an old
and peculiar nation placed in a highly critical state as if it were any
people untutored and undisciplined, as if it could be corrected by
lecturing and scolding. The other side dealt with a democratic nation
without an inkling of how a democratic mind worked and fancied that it
could be cowed by threats of mere force or be paid off with a domestic
token money that was devoid of any gold in reserve.

K.A.

The 9th.

Your feeling letter has been gratefully received. It is comfort-

5

Dec.7,1941

ing at this time that so many friends are assuring me of their sympathy and offering me any help needed; that even those about town who know me but slightly seem anxious to cheer me; and that my former students living elsewhere take the trouble to write me. The University Administration also have promptly sent me an encouraging word. It is, above all, a great relief that I can dare to unburden myself upon you.

Churchill is his speech noted it as "curious" that, instead of the imperial government or the emperor, the high command should have declared the existence of the state of war. This is another proof, if one were needed, that its loud profession of loyalty and reverence to the throne is a hollow pretense; and is an extreme illustration of the need of wrenching the armed fist off the conduct of the government of the nation. Its retribution will come, but after general tragedy ?

Please be assured that I hold myself calm and that I shall not be one to commit an indiscretion.

K.A.

The following is a draft prepared for a possible letter which I desired that President Roosevelt to the Emperor of Japan. Emphatic points were marked for Mr. R's attention. The draft was written on Nov. 23, and was placed in the hands of the President, the Secretary of State, and some others, at the end of the month.

I had made this attempt, because I was certain that there could never be any possibility of an agreement between the two governments, except perhaps a paltry compromise of no lasting value, so long as the Japanese government held to its declared policies. Both sides in the negotiation showed great patience, but from what different motives from each other! The sole motive of the Japanese government, at least that of the present cabinet, in continuing conversations at Washington was clearly to gain time to preserve the trend of the European war, and in the meantime to perfect and execute some or other of its plans of aggression as soon as an opportune moment came. The only thing aimed at was an understanding that should permit Japan to retain her gains in China and leave and leave her free to make fresh gains elsewhere. On such basis there could be no remotest chance of winning American consent. The fundamental obstacle was none other than the insane policies to which the successive Cabinets had been wedded, -- policies that were certain to bring wide calamities, involving huge damage to the world and crippling of Japan for years to come. The only possible salvation seemed to lie in a drastic change of men and policies in Japan and a complete return to her usual sanity of mind. There appeared to be a bare chance of quickly mobilizing in that direction the minds of many men already in secret revolt against the conduct of government. It was this slender opportunity that I wished to cultivate.

The President did actually send a message to the emperor, on Dec. 6 but its text was published on the 8th, the day after the hostilities had begun and the relations had been severed. It utterly failed to achieve

2 The draft of a letter sent by K.Asakawa to the President

the aims I had wished. Nor was the message framed in a manner that could
have succeeded.

The text began in general terms, but contained no word evincing
an appreciation of national characteristics and history or a sympathy
for the predicament in which the sovereign and his nation had been put by
his government. The message avoided, probably studiously, being a moving
appeal for the nation's reversal of the unfortunate policies it had been
driven to support against its will. Very fortunately, the letter then
changed its tenor, and dwelt exclusively on the sending of Japanese forces
yo Indo-China. It thus ended in making itself one of protest against a
special act of the emperor's government, instead of one touching the re-
sponsive chord that should stir the nation to a heroic march to reason
and sanity.

If the content of the letter had been known to the Cabinet, they
could only have hardened its defiance of outside intrusion. But the text
was not published, and held everyone in anxious suspense. It was robbed of
all opportunity to produce the desired psychological effects upon the
proper mind, if it had been properly phrased. On the contrary, the govern-
ment, on its part, could entertain dark suspicions of the President's
motiveas one possibly to counsel the sovereign to reverse the policies.
Such suspicion may have seemed all the more justified after the receipt
of Mr. Hull's letter of ten days before, with its coldly inflexible and
demmciatory tone. It is not difficult to imagine how readily the govern-
ment's resentment against the Secretary merged with its misgivings about
the President's intentions. At the same time, the government may have felt
the presense of another threat still nearer at hand. A few days before
Mr. R's letter came, certain Ministers had been subjected to severe quest-
ioning at a session of the Privy Council. A sudden change of mind was
possible in higher quarters; the conversations at Washington had been

3 The draft of the letter to the President had been protracted long enough to enable the navy to mature its plan of attack. It was probably thus that the government forstalled any possibility of dismissal by sending a reply to Mr. Hull more inflexible and insolent in language than his, and, before its delivery by its envoys, by at once committing an irrevocable act of war.

THE LETTER

Now that the grave crisis confronting your great country, despite the continuous effort of Your Majesty's successive governments, has not been solved in any essential respect, bit is, on the contrary, becoming daily more menacing to the welfare of our two peoples and to the peace between nations, I deem that the time has come that I, as head of the nation that has maintained with your country for well-nigh a century relations unparalleled in history for their sincere cordiality, should address myself directly to Your Majesty, in order to convey to you and your people the earnest wishes that lie close to the hearts of the American nation and its government.

In doing so, I am following the precedents, also unique in character set by past Presidents of the United States. I may cite two, among others. In 1905, my predecessor, Theodore Roosevelt, offered his good offices to bring about the successful conclusion of an honorable treaty of peace between Japan and Russia, after your armed forces had achieved a brilliant series of victories on land and sea. A half century earlier, in 1852-3 another predecessor, Millard Fillmore, sent Commodore H.C. Perry with a personal message of goodwill addressed to Your Majesty's illustrious forefather, His Majesty, Emperor Komei. It is for us a constant source of gratification to recall that it was the auspicious issue of that mission that heralded the beginning of the happy relations between our two nations, and of the glorious career of your own in the new era.

Without the least desire on my part to interfere in any manner with your internal affairs, I may perhaps be permitted to remind Your

4 The letter

Majesty how the advent of Commodore Perry just alluded to was followed
by the unexpected events that finally led to a serious crisis similar
in many ways to the present one; and how your leaders surmounted it with
undaunted courage and stupendous energy, enabling them in the ensuing
years to carry your country, to the amazement of the world, in the broad
path of enlightenment. During the still remoter past, also, your states-
men again and again, especially from the middle of the seventh century,
demonstrated at critical moments a capacity frankly to recognize their
past errors, and to institute in their place and to execute, swiftly and
surely, exhaustive measures of needed reform which were at once idealis-
tic and eminently practical. Few nations past or present placed in a simi-
lar position could have displayed a power so quickly and so completely
to return to their consciences, to make so clean a sweep of the men and
the policies that had brought them to animpasse, and to discover and
carry out so clear-sighted, yet so practical principles of government
that should promote their true interest and their historic missions in the
world. May more, what is particularly moving is the candor and the whole-
hearted loyalty with which your multitudes understood and supported the
reformed policies initiated by your honored predecessors, and the ener-
getic common effort by which they, each time, brought these policies to
successful fruition, and so turned a calamity into a glorious good for-
tune. Such happy union of cathelicity and idealistic devotion, we should
infer, must indeed be the ancient spirit and genius of your great nation
and the secret of its unique history.

What the American nation observes in the Japan of today is, Your
majesty, a crisis of like magnitude to those of the past ages, fraught
with even greater perils besetting her way; and what our nation with one
accord prays is that Japan would again of her free will recoil to her
noble self, and again spring forward with quick and sure leaps into the
broad common life, this time, of the liberal world whose horizon is

5 The letter

bound to widen immensely as soon as the present war is cleared. This
should be easy of accomplishment for a nation so highly endowed by God
as is yours with candor and perspicacity; and perhaps this time all the
easier, in view of the plain fact that, on the one hand, the crisis is of
but a recent origin, and consequently its roots are far shallower that
those of the crisis either of the last century or of twelve hundred years
before; and that, on the other, the general course of conduct was nobly
and clearly indicated by your grandfather of blessed memory, His Majesty,
Emperor Meiji, and wisely followed by your statesmen till only a decade
ago.

I beg Your Majesty to understand that the measures that our govern-
ment has taken in the last two years and the policy it has steadily fol-
lowed, in regard to your country, are but natural expressions of our re-
sponsibility to our own political conscience, even as the noble policy
pursued by your government during the sixty years after 1868 had been s
dictated by the conscience and moral convictions of your illustrious
nation. We, the people and government of the United States, on our part,
while being obliged to follow our policies seemingly unfavorable to your
country, have never at any moment renounced our traditional friendship with
her, and have never ceased to pray for her resumption of the honorable
career which had been the object of universal admiration and sympathy.

Believe me, Your Majesty, as I repeat that it is this prayer of our
nation, added to my personal soliloitude for your anxiety concerning the
future of your beloved nation and precious heritage, that prompts me to
take this unusual step of addressing myself to you.

On the other hand, we, Your Majesty, cannot help visualizing to our-
selves what miraculous change of general atmosphere would result from
Japan's return to the happy comity of nations. Your loyal people would
be relieved of the crushing burden weighing upon their mind and body, for

6 The Letter

for which they have hardly been responsible; and all the nations near
and far would find themselves freed from the fears of continued and
fresh calamities caused by what they cannot regard but as an unfortunate
error. Every one would immediately comprehend and applaud so noble an
act of complete self-conquest. It will be no vain prophecy to predict
that many a foreign nation, the American not the least, would come to feel
that it could hardly do too much to cooperate with the courageous Japan
in her work of rehabilitation. And, in years to come, one and all would
welcome and rejoice in her growing prosperity and her increasing contri-
butions to the progress of the common civilization of mankind, achieve-
ments of which she by nature and talent is eminently capable.

Your Majesty, I am taking the liberty to publish this message
at once, from my sincere wish that this public expression may resound to
your people as a suited voice of sympathy of the American nation.

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

ANN ARBOR

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

7 December, 1941.

Dear Mr. Asakawa:

The news has just come
over the radio, and I am writing to offer
you my sympathy. That is taking a liberty,
but one which I hope you will condone; my
reason for hoping is that I should con-
done it if the situation were reversed.
I know that you deplore the tragedy as
much as I do, and that must add to the
constraint of your position.

I was in England when war was de-
clared, and the similarity is amazing.
There seems, to judge by this part of
the country, to be the same absence of
hatred and hysteria, the same determina-
tion to get on with a depressing and dis-
agreeable job. Of animosity toward the
Japanese people there is no sign; it's
rash to feel that there won't be, but
it's not rash to hope.

Almost my only knowledge of Japan
has been acquired through you, which ex-
plains my admiration for it. I have de-
tested the Japanese government and all
its works, for the last ten years or so,
but that has not colored my feeling about
Japan; we also have had political gangsters.
I confess (with some shame) to being anti-
German, but I cannot imagine becoming
anti-Japanese.

December 10, 1941

Dr. K. Asakawa
Saybrook College
Yale University
New Haven, Conn.

Dear Dr. Asakawa:

From the fact that the President sent a message
to the Emperor, I judge that your suggestion was used.
Under present circumstances there would be no point in
my communicating with Mr. Berle.

One wishes that, even in a state of war, it
were not considered necessary to arouse gross passions
and hatreds. I doubt whether it makes men better
soldiers, and a deterioration of national character
results which will long outlast the war. However,
all nations seem to take that course, England less
than some of the others.

The difficult days ahead may be no harder for
you than for many people in Japan who must stand by
and see the nation take a course which is a negation
of what they live for. There are many Americans
who wished keenly in the past that our country might
not contribute to alienation by gratuitous affronts to

2

the national dignity of Japan. However, I am not
certain that this background had any material influ-
ence on the present situation.

Japan is taking the wrong road to a right
end -- that of enlarging the units of human society.
Had she approached China as a friend and protector,
their united strength would have made them safe
against exploitation from without. The world is
taking a long time to learn that enduring government
must be by consent of the governed.

I do not know that there is any service I
can render you in your difficult position. Doubtless
you have a considerable number of friends whose
understanding you can count on.

To change the subject, you wrote me perhaps a
year ago suggesting that I become acquainted with
the history of chivalry. I have read somewhat on
the subject, but do not find that the standards
of chivalry were very generally lived up to in Europe.
I wonder whether you can suggest pertinent sources
of information.

I get a general impression that previous to the feudal period human society very generally consisted of small communities which were largely independent, and that within those communities there was a high degree of socialization, and a very general observance of community standards.

The feudal system which overran and submerged that simple communal structure did not entirely eliminate it. In fact, it would have been difficult or impossible for the feudal system to continue but for the existence of communal life, with mutual understanding and respects, within the primary groups.

This feudal system seems to have spread over the earth, as much in Japan as in *that* Western Europe. In your studies of ancient Japan or of other peoples have you been able to follow the process by which the dominance of primitive community life gave way to larger social and political units?

That process of coalescing into larger units was essential to the fulfillment of human destinies,

though the method was better in some places than in others. In ancient Peru, for instance, there was a minimum of submergence and exploitation of conquered peoples, while in many aspects a maximum of the primitive community values was retained.

I am not a historian in any sense, and come upon this question incidentally in pursuing other subjects, so my questions may seem naive and elementary. I should, however, be glad to have you throw some light on them. Please do not let this inquiry infringe upon more important matters. My interests come from the fact that I have been studying the significance of the small community as a primary unit of human society. Enclosed is a brief article on the subject which will appear in the February *Atlantic Monthly*.

With best wishes, I remain,

December 10, 1941

Dear Dr. Asakawa:

The difficult days ahead may be no harder for you
than for many people in Japan who must stand by and see
the nation take a course which is a negation of what
they live for. There are many Americans who wished
keenly in the past that our country might not contribute
to alienation by gratuitous affronts to the national
dignity of Japan. However, I am not certain that this
background had any material influence on the present
situation.

Japan is taking the wrong road to a right end--
that of enlarging the units of human society. Had
she approached China as a friend and protector, their
united strength would have made them safe against
exploitation from without. The world is taking a long
time to learn that enduring government must be by
consent of the governed.

Dr. K. Asakawa

December 10, 1941

(2)

This feudal system seems to have spread over the earth, as much in Japan as in Western Europe. In ancient Peru it was so recent that we have a fairly clear picture of its emergence. I do not have a clear picture of the transition from communal life to feudalism, or to whatever system followed the primitive community, in Western Europe. In your studies of ancient Japan or of other peoples have you been able to follow the process by which the dominance of primitive community life gave way to larger social and political units?

With best wishes, I remain,

AEM:mb
Encls.

New Haven, Conn

December 10, 1941

From a large point of view of the historian, not of a citizen, I
think the recent developments are logical and as they should be.

The world's history has through the ages gradually gathered forces
and enlarged the scope of their operation. It would be tedious to retrace
here the process even in large outlines. Premature enlargements, like
the Roman, the German-Roman, the Moslem, and the Mongolian empires, have been
thrust back into fragments. Various principles and forces have in turn
been developed and tested in small divisions, as in the seigneuries in
medieval feudal Europe; and then revised and more widely valid principles
were evolved and applied to larger areas, as in the national States since
the late Middle Ages. During this career, many an ideology of religion
or of material organization has been tried, corrected, or given up; as,
for example, the occumenical Church, the divinity of the sovereign, the
mercantilism, the "benovolent despotism", and the like. Momentarily, also,
triumphful the purely materialistic philosophy of natural science excluding
idealism, -- the philosophy which still has a large dominion over industry
and politics; which has wrought and will still more work immense good and
ill upon mankind; and which has aided both in unifying and in dividing
the world.

Amid the ruins of past human experiments, there may be some others
that have never been wholly discredited and discarded, but have on the
contrary constantly purified themselves and grown, if they still may be
very far from having approached the last stages of purity. They are, to
my mind, among others; the attempts to discover objective truths of man
and nature, including those concerning the destiny of the individual per-
son; and the attempts to test the perfectibility of the person and of
his responsibility to himself and to his origin, and to devise the form
of community that should best aid the realization of this aim. These en-

2

Dec. 10, 1941

deavors alone seem to have been permanent and permanently improving.
For behind them is the strongest urge in man, and as old as his first
appearance on this planet, that is ; to live his alloted life in a safe
adjustment to the world around him, and to understand what that world is
of which he is a part.

It is, in the last analysis, in the light of the age-long experi-
mentation of the more abiding sort, which must have begun in the remotest
past, that man has come, so far, to feel that the self-governing community,
called the democratic regime, is the best form of organized existence.
It seems thus far to be the form that aids best the search of pure truth
and the perfection of the person as man.

Democracy has proved to be the regime at once the best to have and
the most difficult to hold. Its advantages have allured many nations to
adopt it in some measure. But it is because of its singularly difficult
nature that the regime has so often failed or been destroyed by its
enemies within or without. It is bound to fail when individuals come to
enjoy its benefits but to relax their separate or joint responsibilities
in the community. It is destroyed, either because it permits itself to
submit to the impatient or self-seeking leaders who would strengthen the
material power of the State by driving the passive masses into an easier
more primitive path; or because the regime has become too ease-loving
and complacent to oppose its common will and force to an external aggressor.
Aggression also is a discredited method; it is for the human society
an atavism.

Modern forms of atavism harnessed with powerful weapons of science
have arisen, and reaped swift victories, as the democracies have by their
indolence given them easy openings and pretexts for aggression. Especially
those whose relative liberalism dated only after the French Revolution
and has been based largely upon material effects of modern industrialism,

December 10, 1941

have proved the readiest victims. Not so with those democracies whose
roots are older, deeper, and more spiritual. They alone --- first Britain
and now the United States also--- are actively resisting; and through them
will the liberal movement of the world emerge much more triumphant and
vigilant than before.

worst?

Seen thus, this rise of the vast aggressors of history and the
assistance against them of the two democracies and their allies signalize
the stage which the world's evolution has so far attained. In it are con-
centrated in the most advanced forms the results of all the past experi-
ences of man, and are ranged in two opposing camps. The meaning of the
latest development since Sunday would seem to be that the one democracy
hitherto technically neutral -- in some respects the most powerful one
and the greatest hope of mankind-- has been abruptly brought into the list,
and thereby the ranks of both camps have been suddenly unified. That is
logical and as it should be.

Both the challenge and the response s are as dramatic and as typical
of each side as one could wish.

The sly attack based upon pure opportunism of force is character-
istic of the present enemies. As for the response, that the nation has
sumk its internal fdiffferences and risen as one man is not nearly as
typical of a democracy - it has been done many times by autocratic States-
as the assumption of arms by each person, without compulsion and without
hatred, from a spontaneous, instinctive sense that at last the future of
man's destiny is at stake at the hands of its common enemies.

It cannot be said that America has not needed to share the bloody
task. However that may be, one cannot but see before him the most inspir-
ing spectacle. The whole world is at length split in two in the sharpest
contrast that history could present; and each side is as nearly a solid
unit as can be possible today. Not before in any age, but only now could
this have come about. What more can the spirit of history desire at this

To L. Warner

Nov.19,1941.

Dear Langdon,

Many thanks for your note.

The people in Japan involved in the affair have enmeshed themselves in the net
they have woven around themselves, and are no longer able to think at all. What is
needed is, first, a change of personnel; second, a 180-degree turnabout; and, third,
a swift action -- changing the organic law, so as to exclude the armed forces from
politics; drastic withdrawal from China; etc. No other way of safety is visible.

Only an imperial word can initiate the movement. Once that is invoked, the rest
can proceed with far greater ease than could be possible in any other country.

Your suggestion of getting F.D.R. to communicate with the throne is brilliant,
and gives me an unexpected ray of hope. He, alone of the heads of all States, is
capable of such an act. Recall how in 1852 Pres. Fillmore sent Commodore Perry with
a letter to his "great and good friend." And F.D.R.'s past record would make the
act less offensive than if coming from any other. But the thing would have to be done
in the right way, or it would be much worse than none at all. His breezy, unconven-
tional way stands him in good stead, but, at the same time, he is characterized with
vagueness, and for that reason can easily bungle the whole thing. He can be bold,
but it seems always to be spoiled by lack of clarity and point.

There are several things to be borne in mind. Traditionally, the sovereign can-
not initiate any political act, except by acting upon the advice of some constituted
organ and legitimate authorities. This, I think, may be accomplished by way of the
Privy Council and a changed Cabinet. R. cannot of course interfere with these internal

To L.W. 19 XI 41

2.

The thing of itself would at any event be most extraordinary. Only generous solicitude for the recipient's personal anxiety and for the nation's true welfare, couched in the most tactful language, could justify the act.

If you think the thing seems anywhere near feasible, I, personally, would be happy to do anything you would suggest, in order to facilitate it. I would even be bold to the extent of presenting R. a draft of his message for his consideration, which, of course, he would know what to do with.

To Arthur E. Morgan.

14 XII 41.

I thank you heartily for your sympathetic letter of the tenth.

The President sent a message to the Emperor on the 6th. It is futile to discuss it now. From its text published after the relations had been severed, I could see plainly that it was wholly different in character from what I had suggested, and could not have served to start such movement as I had ardently wished. I am enclosing my draft as a *post mortem*, and beg you to return it soon. What might have been the last lifeboat failed to appear, and the flood of calamity has engulfed us all.

I am grateful for the effort you have made to help me. There is nothing that we can further do, at this moment at least. Since the seed sown could not be revoked, a full harvest will have to be reaped.

I am impressed by the fact that there does not seem to be any rancor in the nation toward the Japanese nation. The treacherous manner in which the Tojo government had carried on the negotiations in order to gain time to prepare an attack and deliver

it without warning has justly aroused deep resentment,
but that seems hardly directed to the Japanese people
as a whole. During the war with China, the Japanese
have been treating the Chinese residing in Japan
sympathetically, from all I hear.

As for me personally, I have not experienced
the slightest discomfort from the sudden turn of events,
so far as the treatment accorded me is concerned.
On the contrary, the University, my colleagues, and
my former students living out of town, have hastened to
try to cheer and fortify me. And I am deeply moved,
as I am by your letter.

New Haven, Conn.

Dec. 19,1941

Dear friend,

Many thanks for your note and for the two numbers of Science
which came some days ago. I met Nagayo in Tokyo long ago. I enjoyed
glancing over the vitamin articles.

About the President's messages to Congress of the 15th, sketch-
ing the history of American-Japanese relations down to the outbreak, there
were some things which are perhaps of no special interest to you, but are
of unusual interest to the student as well of general history as of inter-
national relations. Therefore, I make a record of some of my present
thoughts, pending maturer knowledge and consideration.

The first thing that struck me forcibly was the author's liter-
alness and lack of imagination that informed the entire document. Perhaps
this is, unfortunately, a common fault with a large number of international
documents of formal nature. But it seems hardly necessary; it has been
a cause of many a great misfortune. For one thing, is there not always
something deeper than terms of treaties and words of diplomatic corres-
pondence that rules the minds and acts of nations? These forces, pro-
found and powerful as some of them must be, must often differ widely among
nations. The limits within which these forces may be reduced to a common
denominator must always be small. International statesmanship should
consist in sympathetically and skilfully discovering and enlarging the
scope of the common meeting ground, thereby promoting what elements of
public spirit may be present in the parties and discouraging or invalid-
ating this wilfulness of some. For some of the parties to frame in
haste a convention which they think should be subscribed to by the others,
whether of a naval limitation or of a league of nations; to impose it,
again hastily, upon unwilling parties; and then morally to denounce the
latter's unwillingness to observe its terms, merely because they did not
affix their signatures to the document,--- this, however, wrong the course

2

Dec. 19, 1941.

of the recalcitrant's conduct, cannot but deepen his recentment and add
to the danger of the situation. When such moral judgment is meted out by
an opulent side to one whose people live in stifling poverty and are on
the road to developing a psychosis of grudge and defiance,--- especially
when the convention in question can in any way be attributed to its
framer's desire to conserve his wellbeing in disregard of the other's
distress, -- the offense becomes one of violation of simple equity, as also
of lack of practical wisdom. Still more regrettable is a demand of one
side upon the other that certain principles be enforced elsewhere some
of which it itself denies to the other at home. Such is to repeat the same
errors, in essence, if not in kind or degree, as those which the Powers
for years persisted in committing against Germany after the last war,
and so gave her pretex for recourse to violent action. Responsibilities
for this result, though of different qualities, must be laid at both doors.

The President's resentment against the foul breach of faith that
the Japanese navy perpetrated on the 7th is natural. But his interpreta-
tion of it as an act premeditated from the outset seems to me contrary
to what we learn of the manner in which human history appears to work.
Historical events are almost each time as outcome unexpected by the chief
action, of an intricate interplay of complex forces, and nearly always these
forces are not all within the control of the governments. Of these driv
ing forces, it is often difficult to discover or to analyze even the
more concrete and objective ones; subjective elements, perhaps of the
most decisive influence, can be extremely elusive and even forever hidden.
I, too, erred in an elementary fact when I supposed that the President's
letter to the emperor had not probably been shown to the government; now
it is seen that at least Togo, the Foreign Minister, had seen it by the
afternoon of the 7th Washington time. Yet it is most likely that the
plan of attack had been gradually matured, perhaps as one of several

3

December 19, 1941

possible plans, and that its execution on that particular day, the 7th had hardly been premeditated during the greater part of the nine-month conversations. I still hold to the theory, till it should be disproved by fact, that the Cabinet had within a relatively short time before that date, perhaps after the receipt of Mr. Hull's forbidding letter of Nov. 26 come to decide to forestall an impossible contrary decision by the emperor and his Council by swiftly committing the country to actual war through carrying out the plan best suited to the circumstances. Probably, also the Cabinet crudely considered its insolent reply to Mr. Hull, despatched probably on the early morning of the 7th, as a sort of sufficient ultimatum, and was not scrupulous enough to wait for a report of its delivery by the envoys at Washington. Otherwise, how was it that the declaration of a state of war was, contrary to all the presidents of the Chinese war of 1894 and of the war with Russia of 1904, made, not by the emperor, but by the Imperial Headquarters (the combined general staff of the two forces)? To all probability the document was not even countersigned by the Ministers of the Army and Navy.

If this hypothesis lie near the truth, it is still as clear as day that there was a flagrant perfidy on the part of the Toog government. It had not made a clear declaration of its hostile intentions, to say nothing of allowing a respite to the enemy and of fighting with him in an open combat. Nor can it be denied that the mobilization of the offensive forces must have begun a week or more before. Above all, the conclusion is inevitable that the government's state policy was one of achieving a final conclusion of disputes by blind force, not by reason. It makes little difference if that policy had originally been conceived as an alternative to a peaceful settlement, so long as the alternative had been steadily entertained and perfected, and was finally executed as the sole policy. Not even an alternative had it been as applied to China and

4

Dec. 19, 1941

and as contemplated in regards to the South Seas.

All this is as damaging to Japan's case as can be. But, as towards the United States, again if my supposition be at all valid, a long premeditation of the act of the 7th becomes not a little doubtful. Nor can the preparation of military measures, as such, be harshly condemned in these times, provided they had been made as a precaution for a possible emergency and not as a national policy, as unfortunately they must be said to have been with the Japanese government.

Most unfortunate was the President's veiled implication that the emperor himself was involved in the complicity. That betrays in the responsible head of a great nation an amazing want of understanding of, not to say sympathy with, the extremely delicate position in which the sovereign was known to have been placed for many years. Again, this is to reduce events to simple logic and to the moral control of man. The tabulation of the hours in which occured the different steps - the President's writing, Togo's oral delivery of the emperor's response - is of notable superficiality and results in grave injustice. It evades ignores the obvious question of the interval between the pronouncement of the imperial response and its transmission by the Foreign Minister to the American Ambassador. Togo obviously had it in his hands in the afternoon of the 7th; but when had the President's word reached the emperor and when had the given his answer to the Minister? A dozen other considerations must enter into the appraisal of the event; above everything, the state of mind into which the emperor had been led by his Cabinet, and in which he had framed his answer. Without commanding these crucial data, how could anyone be justified, on the mere strength of the hour of a Minister's transmission of a message, to insinuate that his unhappy ruler had been in collusion? The whole Japanese nation, I fear, will not forget or forgive the unjust defamation of its revered sovereign by the American President for years after peace is restored.

5

Dec. 19, 1941

Nor can it be called a wise statesmanship to make any statement which is calculated to deepen the rancor of the Americans toward the Japanese nation, especially when that feeling is actually so little as it appears to be. The feeling of popular hatred could not help being morally devastating to the nation that indulged it. It is unfortunate enough to say words that would add to the resentment in an enemy nation.

I have great fears that Singapore will fall; the Dutch Indies also. Again the only hope is that Hitler's fall has been brought perceptibly nearer by events in Europe, however much he might yet rage; and consequently the Japanese militarists discomfiture, too. A year's war may well seal Japan's tragedy, --- for a great tragedy is now inevitable.

Yours always

K. Asakawa.

P.S. The "long letter" has come today (Friday) many thanks.

Are you going to give me some copies multigraphed, as you saud ?

New Haven, Conn.

Dec. 26, 1941

Dear Friend,

Why liberality- 26 copies! A thousand thanks. I shall give copies to some of the friends who have read the letters and who have been so splendid to warn me since the war began at home,

I also thank you heartily for the copy of Blossfeldt you kindly sent me. Have you not deprived yourself of it? Do you not wish it returned? The book is marvelous, in that it had magnified the forms it selected. Thus it brings out the lines which may escape the naked eye. It reveals the sort of wonders that I am grateful to be initiated into.

But I do not worship that other German's introduction. He expounds his theory of human art as a parallel creation to Nature's own, parallel independent, and sometimes by chance coinciding. Who can literally accept this independence and accidental coincidence as the whole truth? Is not an artistic creation a process of copying and idealizing too often to be ignored? Is it not also a creation nevertheless, if well performed? When a theory like this writers is presented with such solemnity one is at once amazed and amused by the extent to which a certain type of mind can delude itself. What is striking is not the delusion itself, but allerr-- but the triumphant and serious air of authority with which it is proclaimed as truth. I have seen persons like that, and they happen to be mostly of one nation. It is not in philosophy only!

I have started sketching out two long letters to friends -- one on the place of " Imagination " in the study of history; the other on the question whether Japanese culture has a capacity to produce a trans-egoistic political ideal. Would you be interested in them?

A.K.

December 30, 1941.

Dear Dr. Asakawa,

Many thanks for your letter
of the 26th with its enclosure. Miss Gor-
don read the latter to Mr. Morris, Lawrence
and me last night. We were delighted and
thrilled at the way you handled your problem.
If only your advice had been taken we should
be living in a different world. Blessings
on you.

that it would be better for humanity as a whole
and even for the particular populations that she
should administer the resources which such pop-
ulations have failed to develope. Of course, I do
not know whether or not this is their attitude,
but if it is, your eloquent plea will fall upon
deaf ears.

Secondly, when we speak of "Japan" or "Germany"
or what you will, we are dealing with abstractions.
Each nation is composed of millions of individuals
each with his own point of view, and each with his
own selfish interests. To each statesman every
problem has two questions; how will it affect the
nation, and how will it affect me. And it is the
second that is apt to bulk large! Therefore to
expect the military party to back water is to ask
that they commit suicide. Perhaps they will, but
it is a good deal to ask.

I do wish that I might see you! Your letter
is so interesting that my reply is comically fut-
ile. But this is the best I can do,--just now.
And anyhow, this will have achieved its aim if it
tells you how glad I am to have read your article.

Yours gratefully,

From A.B.Morgan to Dr. Asakawa:

Jan.8,1922

Dear Dr. Asakawa:

Thank you very much for the mimeographed copy of your letter to the private councilor.

The various papers you sent are enclosed herewith. I have only now read the last of them. They came when I was behind in some necessary work.

Your comments on the evolution of feudalism are interesting. Though feudalism was preceded by empire, I have had the impression that while empire dominated the total life, levied taxes on it, and exploited it in many ways, it did not in general destroy the intimate fabric of local community society. Did the King look to the local community as a whole for taxes, soldiers, and services, leaving the local community to distribute the burden within its own confines? Of course, there was no uniform pattern but I had supposed that the pre-feudal empire did not have the persuasive and detailed organization to administer local community government on a pattern of its own.

About a year ago I asked you some questions about Japanese communities, and you sent me copies of three magazine articles of several years ago, chiefly relative to the feudal period. In what little reading I have done on the subject I have not secured a clear idea of the recent status of Japanese local community organization. In his "Democracies of the East" Mukerjee remarks of the Japanese Kuni, "There is, once a month, a semi social, semi religious meeting at each member's house in turn." I have read too that such small community organization is maintained with in the cities. Would you tell me what part this small community organization plays in the life of the nation, and how it functions? Doubtless the flux of the industrial revolution is putting great strain on such local organization, as it is on American small community life.

World currents today have some obscure, complex, and deep-running elements that may not have their major effect for a considerable number

elements that may not have their major effect for a considerable number of years. Currently possibly have some opaceness, complexity, and deep-ramming local organizations, as if it is on American small community life.

the link of the industrial revolution is cutting great atoms on each station plays in the life of the nation, and how it functions? Double free in the cities. Would you tell me what part this small community organization has read too that and small community organization is maintained with a semi social, semi religious meeting at each members' home in town."

Estab "Mukerjee remarks of the Japanese Mind," "There is, once a month, of Japanese local community organization. In his "Democracies of the done on the subject I have not encountered a clear idea of the recent statistics, chiefly relative to the Mental period." In what little reading I have it lies, and you sent me copies of three magazine articles of several names. About a year ago I asked you some questions about Japanese community of its own.

and detailed organization to administer local community government on a put I had approached that the pre-Tengal empire did not have the hereditary burden within its own confines ? Of course, there was no uniform pattern taxes, soldiers, and services, leaving its local community to distribute the community society. Did the King look to the local community as a whole for many ways, it did not in General destroy the intimate fabric of local community dominated the total life, leaving taxes on it, and exploited it in Tengal was preceded by empire. I have had the impression that while your comments on the evolution of Tengalism are interesting, though I read the last of them. They came when I was passing in some necessary work.

The various bad habits you sent are enclosed herewith. I have only now the brief conciliator.

Thank you very much for the minuscipal copy of your letter to

Dear Dr. V. V. Vajkawala:

From V. V. Vajkawala to Dr. Vajkawala:

Jun. 8, 1968

To S.F. Bemis

Plymouth Aug. 23, 1942

Dear Sam,

How are you faring in the sweltering New Haven, while I am whistling in the New Hampshire woods? But I can plead that it seems just as humid here, and that we have a more copious crop of mosquitoes than I have ever seen in this region.

Have you thought more about " imagination "? My thought is still nebulous. I am thinking that, for the present, a good procedure for me would be to analyse writings of notable scholars, and to watch my own thinking and writing, such as they are, in order to note what is good and what is unsatisfactory in the actual use of what might be called imagination. In such ways, one may slowly approach to the real substance of that quality, and be enabled better to understand what it is. It obviously has many aspects, and many grades of its attainment. I should always be glad to hear you tell me what you think of this elusive thing. I would like to show you on my return in early September a few letters I have scribbled to my friends which embody some of my notions of applied imagination, and which might perhaps evoke your comments.

Here, in spare moments between my hours of proper research, I am studying ; - an eleventh century chronicle by a French monk; a Norwegian law of the royal Gefolgshaft of the same date; and several contemporary accounts of the Civil War period ( 14th- 16th cent.) of Japan. The first gives an intimate view of the social mind of early medieval France, when feudalism was less regulated but more naturally vigorous than two or three hundred years later. The second affords an insight into the common Germanic traits, which the Scandinavians later largely outlived. The Japanese stories plainly suggest that the armed men there of today have unconsciously inherited some of the worse characteristics of the warriors of those times so long bred in fierce struggles for survival, without getting an inkling of the type of chivalry by which the lives of most of the vass

To S.F.Bemis

Aug. 23, 1942

vassals were inspired. Of both these things, as also of the feudalism
of that age, I am discovering much and revising my old ideas.

A large part of this harvest is owing to my feeble effort to see
things in a comparative way. So it is circumscribed by my equipment in
comparative knowledge, and should improve if I happily grow in the latter.
Ars est longa, vita est brevis.

My best wishes

Asa.

To G.G.C.

Oct.3,1942

Dear George,

About 8:30 I was back in my rooms. It is now an hour later. I
have unpacked the two bags, and am at my desk to scribble to you, with the
little pieces of bark and knot, smooth inside, before me, which I stole
from your place. A somewhat windy night.

I observed some interseting facts about the habits that your garden
flowers obeyed, but hesitated to tell you about them, for I did not sup-
pose you would be so keenly interested in them as I was. As for me, I
was bursting with inspiration. It had in part to do with the way the petals
overlapped slightly one with another. That was usually done in the same
manner in the flowers of the same plant, in every respect meticulously
But, in one species, two different ways of overlapping alternated on the
same stem; and, in another, three ways. These examples of uniformity and
of variety, as also the unfailing beauty of all, of the designs of Nature
were of deep interest to me.

I cannot desist from describing to you a bit of exquisite scenery
a corner of your land presented under the fresh light of every sunny
morning. I meant to take you down there and show it to you, but did not
have a chance to so do. The place is before you begin to go a little down-
ward in the pasture on this side of the bridge on the way to the bunga-
low. And the scene is to the left toward the pond.

I enclose a rough sketch I have made. B is the clear cut narrow
cow-path. Before you reach it, stand at the point O, where the pond is
still visible. A. is the elevation in the pasture that declines toward H.
There are two remarkably tall, dignified elms at C. and to the right an
ascending hill covered with trees D, and also trees at the foot all along
in that direction, but none so stately as C. An apple tree or two on A.
B. is the state road, which is bordered with goodly elms F. Distant hills

G.G.C. 2

Oct. 3,1942

G. supply a necessary and charming complement to the picture. But what clinches the whole enchanting composition is cows, which are always present in this place at that hour. One morning I saw two brown ones at II, at the head of the pond, as it were, as one looks at that point from O. They were deployed head to head, one licking the head of the other. A black and white cow was slowly walking away at I, therefore showing itself at a different angle from the two. The whole paporama seemed to leave nothing to be desired. I would have wished an accomplished painter make a sketch of it.

A whole lot of gratitude for your generous hospitality that en-
abled me to garner so much harvest for my mind and spirit. With the best
wishes for you, the Farm, George, and all who live upon it.

Yours always,
K.

Oct. 13, 1942

On HISTORICAL IMAGINATION

On Nicholas Murray Butler's " The Age of the Americas. ", an address recently ( Sept. % ) delivered and printed. It is considered here purely as an example of historical imagination, without any regard to the merit of the theme of the address.

Butler, in his sweeping manner, asserts that the Modern Age elaborated in Western Europe is " Passing into history ", as have done the Ancient, the Dark and the Middle Ages, and the Age of the Americas is replacing it; and that, in the framing of a coming federation of nations--- as come it must-- , its framers should learn from the United States constitution, more specifically from the " Federalist ", and particularly from Alexander Hamilton. The essay broadly traces the evolution of the Americas since Columbus ' discovery, in order to explain how their Age has come. Now, it is said, " the world's center of gravity -- intellectual, economic and political-- has --- followed Christopher Columbus across the Atlantic."

It may be noted that, though the author stresses the unique virtue of the United States constitution, he hone the less treats all the Americas " North, Central and South #, as a unit. Their " coming " is destined to be " accepted as guidance for the leaders in the movement to organize the world of tomorrow". The Americas is their entirety are the " Center of gravity " of the new world, to which the effete civilizations of the Old World must look for " constructive leadership".

One would readily grant that the whole essay has been developed through a heroic survey of the entire history of Occidental civilazation. For that reason, one may venture to ask, can one say that this is an example of a masterly exercise of historic imagination ? That is to say, may the bold review of the past and intrepid forecast of the immediate future of the human race which the author has dared to make be safely termed as history

Oct. 13, 1942

grasped in its broadest outlines by a superb imaginative power ?

By " imagination " one must, in any event, understand as adventure
of the mind in a direction hitherto unchartered by human record. Further,
it would seem a visualization of a possibly true state of things,- true
whether as a probable though hidden actuality or in the sense that the
imagined condition would have been realized under a certain postulated
contingency.

Thus broadly conceived, however, imagination, at least in histor-
ical studies, may be employed in different ways by different writers.
Indeed, even in the hands of the same historian, it may be employed in
varied manners, not only in the scope of its graso, but also in the forms
and the qualities of its application. Imagination, in another word, may
in actual exercise present many grades of performance and many aspects
of adaptation. In grades, for example, to affirm that if King John had
not undergone the humiliation of being excommunicated by Innocent III and
then doing homage to him, and had not suffered a crushing defeat on the
battlefield of Bouvines, his prelates and barons would not have dared to
be so bold as they were in the demand they made upon him in 1215, is
hardly of the same grade as to inquire into the comparative contributions
which the divergent feudal regimes of England, France, and Germany made
to the constitutional developments of the respective nations. Lower still
in quality than the first illustration would be an imaginative recon-
struction of John's attire, facial expressions, and embarrassed utter-
ances at Rummymede; and higher than the consideration of feudal influ-
ences upon national polity would be to ponder the many hidden historic
forces that had by their cumulative action and by their subtle inter-
actions come to fashion the dissimilar feudal regimes themselves of the
three countries. None of these imaginings could be garnered from the
literal statements in the contemporary sources or from the modern tre-
stises of history; all would be results of the disciplined play of the

3

Oct. 13, 1942

of the historian's mind in the vacuum of silence. Yet the difference of quality between the imagined offerings is clear enough. As to the aspects of imagination, they can conceivably be of the widest variety;-- aspects as to fields, such as political, or psychological; or of persons, groups, classes, tribes or nations; aspects as to motivating forces, whether material or moral, common or personal, avowed or concealed or unconscious, old or recent or shifting, within or beyond man's control, etc.; and other sets of aspects ad infinitum.

Whatever the grades or aspects of its operations, " Imagination " would hardly deserve that name if it played upon data obvious to everyone, without even supplying a fresh element of another possibility. A mere interpretation of known facts is not imagination but a rationalization. Still less would it merit to be regarded a " Historical imagination ", if the material it employed in its upbuilding was not only not uncommon, but also an external, blandly banal stuff, or empty, contentless conceptual boxes. In the latter case, what purports to be imagination would be in fact inane,- " unimaginative " even.

I am constrained to look upon Butler's processes as one of the most glaring examples I have encountered of this last brand of " unimaginative" imagination. Nowhere behind his grandiose generalizations of the world's history can I suspect a shadow of really intimate knowledge and of mature thinking. All is so rare, schematic, superficial, lifeless, hard without and hollow within. Nor can one plead the brevity and lack of space of the treatment, for a fulness of study or maturity of thought should, as everyone is aware, inform every short phrase one uses. Witness, as an il- lustration, Butler's concept of a civilization. Can one descry any feeling in all his words as to its spiritual freedom ? Does not the presence or absence of a sense of the intrinsic value of the individual person, for one thing, form an essential criterion of the quality of a culture; and does the author seem to betray any inkling of that fact ?

To Prof. W. Willcox

October 30, 1942

Dear William,

You hardly need to apoligize for your silence to me. I fully
share the same difficulty; every day is full, and every moment is
significant in my steady work; Sundays are also filled with another
kind of preoccupation. Also are familiar your pleas of house-moving
and of a new course of instruction. I, too, spent recently four and a
half days in moving to Graduate tower, followed by weeks of settling,
and months more at the Library, to which I have given a few thousand
volumes of my own collection. I, too, began a new course several times,
and also used to make over an old course each year, so that it was like
a perpetually fresh one.

The only --- and main --- question in my mind was whether my corres-
pondent had an inclination and a will to respond. I have had to give up
writing one friend after another for my failure to elicit from him any-
thing like an adequate response. Even when one or another was good
enough to answer, he would give no evidence that my main ideas had regis-
tered at all, to say nothing of having been pondered. But it is clear
from your letter that you have had to hold in check your desire to re-
spond to the various points I had touched upon; that you have been con-
sidering some of them for what they were. I hope it will at times find
expressions. I should feel encouraged and stimulated. I, on my part,
would do my best to echo you, if tardily as usual.

I am much flattered to hear you say that the mere reading course
you had with me had upon you the effect you describe. At this I am sur-
prised, and think I really do not deserve so much credit as you are
pleased to grant me.

I think the treatment you intend to give your new course on English
constitutional history is wise and it should be at this particular time.

Oct. 30, 1942

its individual rights and person self-responsibility, behold, it has ipso
ipso facto capitulated and a totalitarianism is already there. Do not
Hitlers and Mussolinis actually affirm that they personify the spirit of
their nations, that they know better than the citizens to protect and de-
velop the latter's rights and interests, and that only in the total body
each man finds his proper place in life ? Not that you forget all this
commonplace, but you seem to put the individual rights in a separate box
and place it nearly completely at the disposal of the body.

Does not what you say about feudalism seem to confirm my suspicion?
In the feudalism of Western Europe, none of its communities could be said
to have been, as some scholars are inclined to say, a mere balance of
mutual rights and obligations. Feudal society was not a sum total of in-
organic sets of mutually contending persons, but was at the same time—
often too much, at least in the German type—a strong corporate body
composed of smaller corporate bodies, each unit at once a lord-and vassal
body, a body also of co-vassals, a subbody within more inclusive bodies
organized one above and inside another in the nation, and, finally, within
a vast international body, however usually loose and often rent asunder,
of a sort of confraternity of knighthood and Christian army. Witness the
occasional international Crusading expeditions into the Orient, into
Islamic Spain, Portugal, and North Africa, and into the pagan Skavdom in
the northeast. There were also many minor joint actions of feudal men in
which, as in the daily life of each little feudal unit, the group and the
individual member were inextricably bound together in a common life and,
after a fashion, each body or member found its interest protected
as well as curbed by the other.

Today there would appear to be a shifting of emphasis to the body,
but that shifting is, I believe, essentially more apparent than real.
Only because it is apparent, the new emphasis can mislead, and can even

4

Oct.30,1942

breed dangerous exaggerations of group interest which might perhaps tend in the long run to undermine the health of the group itself. What had seemed a powerful organism might one day discover that its feet had turned clay.

It seems to me that such shifting of emphasis may be attributable in part to the natural reaction that some feel against the excessively selfish individualism which has become evident here and there -- in some degree in every democracy, and perhaps as much on pre-war France as anywhere. This would seem to have been due in large part to the extraordinary progress of the last half century in science and industry, creating as never before opportunitites for personal advancement and affording ease and comfort to immense numbers of people, while at the same time causing an unprecedentedly unequal distribution of wealth between citizens and between nations. But are not these phenomena after all of a quite new origin, and are they not rather owing to an abuse or the progress than its logical consequence ? Exaggerated individualism of the present sort does not seem to have characterized the colonial days and a long time after; on the contrary, there appears then to have been a great deal more devotion to community life than later. Even in the latter half of the 19th century village youth in New Hampshire used to hold meetings for debate and discussion and to keep records of them, whereas one can hardly imagine young farmers of today in New England doing things of this kind with relish.
As for science and technology, there is no doubt that they have enormously stimulated divisive tendencies among men and classes. But is this not because man has neglected to take stock of the implications of these new forces of progress and benefaction, but heedlessly allowed himself to be passively driven along by their masterful advance ? Science is another monster of Frankenstein that the historic man's hand has joyfully created but his mind has been slow to hold under control. But fortunately science

Oct. 30, 1942

has not yet overmastered us. It is probably still in its infancy ; certainly there is time for us to reflect and react. Is it not, then, an effective control and wise harnessing of its advance that is really needed and also a judicious restoration of the old community spirit under the vastly improved opportunities of the present ? The diversion of science to military ends and the consequent enslavement of the citizen in Germany, on the one hand, and the remarkable strides toward the socialization of technological benefits that are being silently made in Great Britain, on the other, would appear to demonstrate how the same agencies may be utilized to serve opposite purposes of state and society.

A proper employment of the forces of progress can, of course, be achieved only through a strong cooperative effort, but for whose benefit, if not for the life of the community, itself composed of ever more strongly and morally integrated personalities ?

Such is my reaction to your comments. I presume I have perhaps said largely what you would say yourself and complete my words therewith, if we were discussing together. What say you ?

I must reserve other things in your letters to a later opportunity.

To Langdon Warner

Nov.22,1942

(He asks my opinion on his scheme of selecting loyal Japanese-Americans and training them with a view to using them as agents in Japan when a relief commission gives aid to her in relief of the distress that will have been caused by war to her people.)

Dear Langdon,

Very glad to hear from you, especially when your fertile imagination is running in so benevolent a line.

The idea you have developed is admirable. And you have thought out details and implications very carefully.

I do not believe that Japanese serving in such capacity would at all find their position impossible. So far there has been little racial hostility in America, in marked contrast to the last war. This might change to the worse when the war gets concentrated on the Pacific, and the fighting got very hot and the casualties heavy. Even in that case one might look forward to a reaction of general feeling once the war was over. Remember how at the end of the last one people hastened to whitewash the Germans. If, on the contrary, the deterioration of feeling mentioned above should not occur, there might be less such reaction or reaction might be slower in coming. At any event, I should not think there would be the trouble you fear.

But the fundamental question is whether the United Nations will be in a mood to include enemy nations as well among those who they thought should be helped. There is not the least doubt that the United Nations-in practice, The U.S. and Britain--- are determined to give effective relief to those who have been overrun. But all the proposals made in that sense that I have seen so far are limited to the ravaged countries and those the allies would occupy more or less; I have seen none which contemplated so liberal a scope as yours. Are you informed that there actually is a comprehensive plan in the official quarters ? I should be interested

3

Nov. 23, 1942

devils may be resented and despised by many. At best he is liable to be looked at askance in a such a job. Many Japanese would much prefer straight Americans, breezy and hearty, though ignorant of them, and would see Nisei in the humble capacity of assistants. This is my guess, but it a rather strong one.

As for loyalty, if that is to be the known yest in selecting nisei, that may add fuel to the fire. In me personally, one's profuse profession of loyalty excites a little suspicion. For, like other deeper feelings, loyalty is too sacred to be expressed publicly in words. The truly loyal soul would be silent, ans say it in acts. I have noticed some nisei who are vociferous about it, publicly denounce Japanese aggression, and even seem to fancy that they could impress Americans by the use of cheap slang and other vulgar trash. To say at least, they lack good taste and self respect. Of course, your standard of loyalty can be applied in a dignified manner. But might it not be wiser to make it widely known that the test for selection was personal ability, rather than have it noised abroad that loyalty was demanded; and that not only nisei but also born-in-Japan unnaturalized Japanese were as eligible ? The agents in such service would have little opportunity, if by chance disloyal, to betray their employers. Ability and character, irrespective of citizenship, would prove to be a safer test.

As for training, I should like, if practicable, to include a study of the language for those who are not proficient in it. For that matter, I fancy that many American boys and girls who are now studying Japanese would seem more acceptable to some or more likely to elicit gratitude to America than " loyal " nisei who knew the language better.

Please give my sincere regards to Mrs. Warner.

Graduate School
Yale University

Nov. 29, 1942

Dear Friend,

I am sorry to hear Aydelotte has been ill. I have a little cold and can not go to see him today (Sunday), but next Sunday I shall. I am glad he is out of danger, but wonder how a person can manage without liver. I hope it is only a lobe that has been excised.

Many, many thanks for your full comment on propaganda. I am one with you in believing that every man's end is redemption, and that no one can deal with another nation's vital problems without understanding its historic spirit. The second theme is the whole motive of my scholastic life. As against the first I agree with you only by presuming that you mean one's objective, not one's natural end is redemption.; that one must deserve it. One can deserve it only with the greatest effort, but so one can. Herein I vision man's special privilege. Buddhism also says it clearly when it so often repeats; a man is blessed with a fleeting life that rarely comes by; do not let it vainly pass like a dewdrop.

To exhort people by the theme of redemption may be called, as you do, propaganda. But it is propaganda in the sense the term has always been used by the Church of Rome. What I wrote about was a wholly different thing, though dignified by the same historic word. I had in mind propagation of thought unconsciously or deliberately distorted in a service falsely conceived of fortifying the mind of a warring nation; and the reaction the act would bring upon the actor's own spirit. You do not tell me what you think about this. Nor do you enlighten me as to whether your Cambridge friend has finished the propaganda book he has proposed to himself to write.

It seems to me that letters can take the place of conversation only if the correspondents will comment upon each other's points. I cannot rest at ease if I do not respond to the main points with which a friend has trusted me. I should be especially arbitrary and highhanded if I failed

2

Nov. 29, 1942

to dwell upon the individual thought which he or she wrote me in the
belief that I might perhaps be able to appraise them. These thoughts
might well lie near the friend's heart, or be new treasures which he
desires to share with me. To seem to ignore them would be on my part not
only unconscientious but cruel. And it is not a mere ethical duty but a
rare pleasure and privilege to respond mentally. Yet some people fail
sometimes, even nearly all the times. They do not appear to realize how
heartless it might seem to the poor writer, who perhaps is busier than
they are. Instead of receiving encouragement or stimulating criticism
which he solicitously looked for, he is rebuffed and chilled repeatedly.
How many cruel cuts of this kind are made in the world. All so unnecessary
and easily preventable.

Are you writing a book of the art of Nature and Man ? And is it
its material that will be exhibited at Fogg Museum ?

2

From A.B.Morgan Dec.8,1942

of years. One of these elements is the relatively new process of
critical, objective, scientific inquiry. While it may seem to be submerged
at the moment, it may have a very great long-time potency. Another element
is the movement to the city, and the declining birth rate which results.
mechanized agriculture, which for the time being frees population for
other occupations, but which in the long run may drastically reduce popu-
lation, is another factor. On mechanized American farms today, one man's
labor will farm one to two hundred acres of land, and will produce more
per acre that when two to four men were required for the same area.

Some of these factors supplement or multiply each other's influence,
while others tend to cancel out. I have an impression that the United
States and Germany may be somewhere near the peak of their powers, where-
as China and Russia are far short of the peak of their power. As to Japan,
I do not have much impression. Given space and resources it might have a
century of rapid expansion. While both the old and new Italian govern-
ments have been of a low order in many respects, and the Italian people are
culturally immature, I have had the impression that Italians are a young,
virile people, who will play an interesting part in affairs.

I have had the impression that Europe in general is not decadent, but
is full of vigorous life, and that once it is released from the spell of
the past and from arbitrary tyranny, it may have a new lease on life. Just
now the northern peoples have a very low birth rate, but that may be a
temporary condition. Large and virile families may soon fill in the empty
spaces.

Significant as is the present conflict, I doubt whether it will be
decisive. One or two hundred years from now it may appear that factors
which are not now greatly in the public attention were, in fact, control-
ling. I doubt whether any present pattern of government will be wholly
accepted or wholly rejected. What emerges may be quite different from any

3 From A.E.Morgan.

Dec.8,1942

now existing.

Do you have a clear idea of the tendencies of Japanese birth
rates in cities and on the land ? I suppose that movement to the city
has not been as general as in America, and that even in the cities the
birch rate is higher than with us. Do you know what the status is and
what the tendency is in urban birth rates in Japan ? The extremely rapid
industrial development must have had a disturbing effect!

To Mrs. D.H. Morris

Dec.20,1942

Dear Mrs. Morris, This is only an idle message, with the holiday
season as an excuse. I have not ventured out of town for a long time,
and so have had no opportunity to see you. But I continually remember
you and your happy home. Now that I live under stress, as we all do, I
feel the greater desire at least to send word to friends, though with
out any special errand, as in order to remind myself that life was not
all work and strife; even a moment of such illusion seems to afford a
welcome relief.

I suppose the war has brought even to IMA's peaceful work some
change and also some chance for rendering real service. I was surprised
to receive a Christmas note from Miss Eaton in New Mexico, where she
wrote me she was at the University for part of her work with you.

I reached the retiring age last July, and am greatly enjoying my
first year as an Emeritus. It is a pleasure to feel that I have at last
earned the time for devoting continuously to the work which has hitherto-
fore been interrupted daily for forty years.

I hope you, Mr. Morris and all the family are well and of
good cheer, in spite of the effects of the times which must have come
upon you as upon all of us.

With my hearty greetings of the season, I am

To Father R.J. Gray, S.J. (a former student of mine)

Dec. 23, 1942

The historic crisis makes us learn more of the meaning of our
heritage of culture and freedom. It also teaches us to be more re-
sponsible as men. These things are too much taken for granted in
peacetime, while we are only at a very early stage of the ascent.
Thus we have even a greater reason for gratitude than ever on Christmas
in war.

I am much moved by your remembering me in your "Thoughts and
prayers", I beg you to pray that I be ever more humble and see ever
more truth of life, to be ever more dissatisfied with myself. Such is
my daily prayer, but your added supplication would greatly reinforce
mine, for you are blessed in your calling and in your attainment.

From Eldon Griffith, Seattle, Wash.

Christmas 1942

I have just completed a book on wartime preparations for post-
was arrangement. Just today I entered a vigorous reference to the value
of the " Documents of Iriki". I look back to your courtesies and to the
quality of your teaching with keen appreciation. I am often reminded of
you by some attitude, idea, or fact which has stuck with me and asserts
itself usefully. When my long over due book on education is finished I
think I will inscribe it to a half dozen great teachers I have known,
from first grade through graduate school. Your name will be in that
goodly company. I don't know what your conscious intent was, but you
represented to me a satisfying achievement of the stature of the civi-
lized international man --- as distinguished from the eccentric, who seems
to be merely the product of the cultural adding machine.

I'm no artist, and had no intention of sending you even a pen
portrait, but my ink wouldn't stop flowing.

I wish you might visit out here some time. We have a nice little
place here on salt water to which we go often - 20 miles away--

Every good wish goes to you from this family.

To E. Griffith

Dec. 29, 1942

The subjects of both your books are of first importance, and
happen to be among the subjects which are interesting me much. I hope
you will make useful contributions to their proper understanding. War
time preparations for the post-war world engages my mind daily more
closely. There is so much said about it these days. I fear that a few
of the exponents are afflicted with wartime psychosis; but it is notable
that most of them try to be fair to the enemy nations after the war.
Every thing will depend upon the quantity and quality of that aspect

2 To E. Griffin

Christmas 1942

of the peace. The chief difficulty seems to lie in the fact that it is
nearly impossible for statesmen to gain an insight into the historical
mental habits of the Germans and the Japanese. The two nations are very
different from each other but are both difficult for the outsider to see
in their true essence; nor do these people themselves know well what they
really are. Of the two, the more I study the more convinced I am that the
Japanese historical psychology is much the harder and the less consciously
understood by those who have inherited them. And the world will always be
insecure while this self-knowledge and that mutual understanding remain
incomplete; and they can improve only very slowly, in spite of the fact
that it is generally taken for granted that the cultures and mentalities
of all nations can be taught and their knowledge easily spread. It is
difficult even to find an American professor who possesses an insight into
the character of the English, closely kin as they are to him in culture and
institutions.

Education has not interested me as a subject-matter quite as
much as the post-war problems. But, now that I am beginning my career as
an Emeritus, I am feeling repentant over my own performance in education
or instruction during the past four decades, and, for that reason, am be-
ginning to see something of the merits of the great teachers I have known
which I sadly lacked. It seems that penitence, which can be the first step
to awakening, often comes too late for mending the sin. Education, as dis-
tinguished from mere teaching, is personality; the personality educates
probably more unconsciously and outside the classroom than in direct con-
nection with teaching.

Therefore I am much impressed and moved by what you are pleased
to say about me, and feel certain that I do not merit a half of it. What
you thought you found in me or in my class-- work must have been personal

3 To H. Griffin

Christmas 1942

to you,--- some singular individual coincidence. Similar testimonies come to me, directly or indirectly, from others whom I was fortunate ( for me ) enough to have as students, and each time they seem different, and each time they seem to apply to some one else. Nevertheless you honor me highly and I am grateful, though undeserving.

Sincerely yours.

To Irving Fisher

December 1942

at last be led to a dozeb ideographs announcing the real purpose of
the entire document. As likely as not, that purpose may be so trivial
as granting a few bales of rice to a virtuous widow, though the preamble
forming nearly the whole of the edict has discoursed eruditely on the
divinely ordained mission of the august sovereign of the vast empire.
Scholars' writings, when they treated of ethical or political matters,
were often nearly as inflated with customary, threadbare verbiage of
little substance, especially amising were instances where political
affairs had gone wrong and speakers were excited and lost command of their
thinking; then their minds became like a greased slate on which the chalk
slipped and could not trace legible words. Then too, the words grew loud
and heated and the reasoning laborious and emotional, while the speaker
permitted himself to be captivated by his own eloquence and even to en-
volve his life in danger, until perhaps of expediency caused him to turn
abruptly about in an opposite direction and to become strangely silent.
Momentarily carried away as he was by the verbal gods he had raised with
his pen, he was not aware that he was being in reality insincere and self-
deluded. Such is the seamy side of the cultural history of China.

It is not unlikely that Europe, too, might have inherited a little
of the similar intellectuak bondage, had the medieval mentality persisted
unobstructed by the changes which fortunately evertook it later. Such
dismal prospects are in full evidence on every page of any contemporary
treatise or chronicle one may chance to examine. But, first, the awakening
in the 13t century of a desire for clearer and more ordered definitions
of legal rights and philosophic thoughts, followed after long intervals
by the Protestant revolt, the industrial revolution, and the progress of
the scientific spirit in natural, technological, and humanistic studies,
gradually but decisevely brought down man's mind to objective reality,
even at a temporary expense of spiritual elevation. I think I am more

3 To Irving Fisher

December 1942

appreciative than most non-Catholic students of history, of the service
which the Church rendered to all aspects of life in medieval Europe.
I believe it exceeded by far what can be specifically proven from the
written records left by that age. The medieval life in general, from the
great invasions till about the end of the 12th century, was incredibly
barbarous; and the Church was the only light that at all relieved its in-
tense darkness. It was only after that time that other, non-ecclesiastical
influence began to lead some classes of people toward a general intellect-
ual emancipation. Nevertheless I am keenly sensible also of the serious
weaknesses of the mentality which the Church had cultivated among the
laity, so far as its purely intellectual side was concerned. Popular in-
tellect had been awakened and stimulated at the same time that it was
dogmatized and circumscribed by the Church.

The Chinese characteristic referred to, swaying as it did the mind
for vastly longer ages and being never contested by any movement of in-
ductive thought, became a common possession of all Far Eastern nations.
No wonder it reached Japan in due time and has more pr less moulded her
mentality for ages. While the present-day Chinese Nationalists and
Communists are going far in revolt against the traditional habit, the
Japanese army-men have latterly been recklessly exploiting it in the in-
terest of their private themes. Kurusu is only echoing his masters in
a mercenary spirit. It is what his former colleague Nomura would hardly
care to do.

Quite apart from the above, which is a matter of mental trend find-
ing a new exhibition in Kurusu's words, there is another matter concern-
ing them which I wish to dwell upon for moment, this time looking at them
as an exposition of the policy of the present Japanese government. They
appeared to you, quite justly, as " a curious mixture of fairness and un-
fairness". You were rather too generous, I should say, if you found in

5 To Irving Fisher

December 1942

That much should be clear, on the formal side of the question. But it is not so easy to explain why I say that lack of imagination must be charged, not only to the Japanese side, but also to the American in an equal measure. As applied to America, I mean that, as it has often happened, the State Department did not show the slightest understanding of the manner in which the historic mind of the Japanese reacts upon questions of their own vital interest. (By their historical mind, I of course mean, not only the borrowed habit already mentioned, but much else, including more purely native tendencies that have been developed in different ages.) I do not imply for a moment that an understanding would have altered the American policy, but that the latter was declared in a densely self-willed and self-rightous form, which rubbed the Japanese nation exactly the wrong way, and served as a welcome pretext for the government's final casting off of its mask. That gave its action a needed justification in the eye of the moment-tarily outraged nation. The President's letter to the Emperor also showed not an inkling of sympathy or comprehension of Japanese history, character, or aspiration, even in its better half.

This is not the fault of American diplomacy alone, but that of nearly all nations. Modern facilities have enabled civilized governments to assemble facts of military, economic, economic, and other aspects of other nations, and also to think more practically than before along lines of efficiency or of expediency; but it is all together too hazardous to ignore the de per psychologies of historic nations in dealing with them concern-ing their vital problems. Even now, it seems that the peculiarities of the political mind of the French nation and the sensibilities of the peoples of the old Austrian empire have been disregarded in the doubtful interest of temporary expediency. The consequences of the acts so committed, though of lesser importance than the Japanese affair, would also have to be reaped in course of time. All this indicates that the modern statesman needs to be something of a historian - historian not of mere historical insight and

6 To Irving Fisher

December 1942

and knowledge but of deep historical insight and wisdom -- as well as
aneconomist and a student of other objective facts of life. If such
paragon of attainment is impracticable in one person, then he should
avail himself of the counsel of historians, as well as that of jurists
economists, militarists and statisticians.

The contribution of the Japanese side is far graver; it is not a
contribution but a real initiation. Here the fault, as I regard it, is far
more than a lack of understanding of American democratic psychology,---
which the Japanese government has never probed beneath the merest exter-
nals of democratic institutions and their workings. Essentially the fault
is-- again, apart from the belief in forceful aggression as the solvent
of problems -- that the government made its pent-up feelings of resentment
instead of calm reasoning, the motive force of its formal state policy.
Here, also, the army man's conduct coincided with that of Hitler, and,
in a less degree, with that of Mussolini. In all the three cases, feeling
was thrust forward, and afterward specious arguments were invented such
as no common sense could accept. (I must reserve to an interview an
explanation of what I have called feelings in the case of the Japanese
army.) To me it is significant fact that in the conduct of the American
and the British governments in the present war there is hardly an element
of feeling, but only the calm strength of deep conviction. Herein is
revealed which side is the owner of human reason as well as of a clear
conscience.

To William Willcox

Dec.27,1942

Dear William, Many thanks for yours of the 18th, and I heartily
reciprocate the wishes for the new year.

My study of Japanese psychology, of which you asked me in October
is being pursued daily, and certain ideas are forming themselves slowly
through my painful process of comparing records between ancient and modern
times. It is enlightening to me to see how the same traits can be dis-
covered across the vast space of time, and how the changing social states
reacted upon them, deepening, modifying, or rarifying them. But the
total sum of the records is immense and my ideas are still largely tentative
so that I feel I should not yet begin to venture writing them down.

The same is true with my study of the meaning of freedom,-- a
study to which I can devote only my spare minutes, which are few. My in-
terest in this great problem is fast growing, as well as my dissatisfaction
with what is being said about it. I have roughly mapped out the entire
scope of the problem, but even that has to be repeatedly revised and sifted.
It will be some time before I can begin to sketch the first part of my
thought on the subject.

Your discontent is with the individualist concept of freedom.
Mine is, in addition to it or as another name for it, about the manner in
which current statements -- including the "Four Freedoms" and the "Atlan-
tic Charter" -- treat persons like children incapable of activities
beyond the sphere of their little material existences, and needing to be
passively cared for in that narrow sphere and unable actively to par-
ticipate in political creation. This is not very far from the so-called
democracy of the ancient Chinese monarchy dividing the nation into "rulers"
and the "ruled", or the "fed" and the "feeding", in which regime the
latter class, the vast majority, "should be made to depend and not to know"
In the last analysis, such ideas of freedom seem to me to arise from
ignoring one-half of true freedom, namely, the creative responsibility
of the citizen. The "freedom" that teaches only the security of life,

To William Willcox

Dec.27,1942

liberty, and the pursuit of happiness is not only not freedom but a
new bondage, bondage of primitive self, but also, for that very reason,
not very human. Man is a nobler creature.

Responsibility and creation are a progressive outcome of man's
ascent in emancipation--- another name for true freedom; and should,
therefore gown always inpparallel with individual liberty, social and
political. What is envolved is above all the self-realization of the
universal man as such. This necessarily entaille the unfolding of the
nature of each specific persons in all aspects ,-- in receiving and in
creating. To receive without giving is not natural to either man or men.
And one phase of giving and creating , as that of receiving, is inevitably
social.

I have read and pondered with deep interest the recent pronounce-
ments regarding the post-war world by American Catholics, American Protes-
tants, by American Jews, and by the Pope Pius XII. Of these, excepting
the Jewish, the Papal message gave easily the largest measure of the his-
torical continuity of thought through the ages, though, I feel, a greater
consciousness of it on the part of the author might have afforded greater
clarity to his words. ( I cannot judge the Jewish statement in this regard
as I am unfortunately unfamiliar with the real history of Hebrew religious
thought.) It is of thr utmost significance that all these authoritative
statements showed how alive all the religious bodies were to the need of
re-defining freedom in the light of modern social necessities. This was
in fact broached some time ago by a school of jurists who advocated a
reform of law as a " social " law. And the thought has been echoed for
years by such writers as Vinogradoff and Edward Jenks. All this will en-
courage you in your idea, with which I thoroughly agree so far as it goes.
All the writers also emphasize the need of conserving the basic individ-
ual rights; and on the contents of these there is a remarkable accord among

3 To William Willcox

Dec.27,1942

them. I personally believe that even these rights are still inchoate
and immensely more has to be gained, and that no gain is possible without
giving society its due rights. Most important of all, all rights, personal
and social, are only a small part of freedom, or, rather, a more condition
for the attainment of freedom. My conception of freedom is that it is the
perfection of the human person and of the individual person. Therefore
its career is as long as human history; and its foundation and its goal
are essentially spiritual.

How are you getting on with your new course on English
constitutional history ? What a noble subject!

Feb. 7,1943

Dear Friend,

I am sending you copies of some letters to friends written during
the past half year. Of the addressed persons you know Irving Fisher and
Langdon Warner. The others- except Mr. Morris, Bemis and G.G.Clark (my
friend in Plymouth ) - are all among my former students.

But the main purpose of this writing is to inquire how you are and
what you are thinking about, if you would be kind enough to tell me.

I find my life in retirement even more joyous that I hoped it to be.
The only misfortune is the estrangement which my vain budding ideas
create between my mind and my friends which I complain of in one of the
enclosed copies. But that has nothing to do with my retirement; it began
some time before. Nor does it in any way affect the pleasant friendships
with which I am blessed of my colleagues and their families and other
persons nearby.

Has the young Aysellotte been feeling comfortably since he returned
to his work ?

If he should return here, he would find army officers everywhere
about the University, even in the Graduate School, where he used to live.
They are an orderly well-behaved lot. But soon there will come many young
army and navy boys, and Yale will be nearly possessed by the military.

H.G.S. Yale University

Feb. 14, 1943

Dear Friend,

Are not your praises of my letters too extravagant? I have tried and
am still trying to study something of history, but never philosophy, and
so have not the metaphysical background you attribute to me. Is not your
condemnation of my friends' minds too severe? There are a few here who
think and feel and care to talk with me, and I much enjoy their company
now and then, and get some stimulus even when our idea are far apart.
My faults woth the others are double; that I do not well enough how to tap
them and that I do not well succeed in arousing their thinking. It is not so
that their minds are closed as that I do not shake them vigorously enough
out of their slumber. But one or two seem to begin to rub their eyes.

You may freely show any of my letters to any friend you trust, if
you think they are worth reading. They are not political and their being
known would not be liable to lead me to any risk, like my letter to Privy
Councilin.

I do not know what its is you will exhibit at Fogg Museum. I
shall know if you will be good enough to send me your essay that will go
with it, when it is printed. I know from experience that it takes an im-
mense amount of time to arrange for an exhibition.

The significance of education, the subject of your essay, has now
gained a hundredfold. In the sphere of my immediate interest, history,
also I can see that its teaching can be, and should be, greatly vitalized,
so that it should hereafter directly influence the formation of public
opinion and the conduct of diplomacy and administration. Profound histori-
cal wisdom will at once be needed for the preparation for the after-war
world. The Government possesses many statistics abd " Surveys" and it seems
to be thought the height of wisdom to base actions upon them, as in the
North African expedition. Because one looks to the future and "creates"
one thinks that history is dead straw, the less of that cumbrance the

New Haven, Conn.

March 12, 1943

Dear Friend,

---------- The reason I have been unable to write you oftener
and been letting mail and other cares pile mountain high is that I am
still daily writing my answer to your question on Japan. It cannot be
answered with the reporter's happy simplicity, but involves much thought
and much comparison with other nations. While this writing is on tapis
the usual research is completely laid aside and my offices are neglected,
excepting my regular obligation at the library. My answer will be very
long and nearly a volume. I don't know yet when I will be finished.
Then it will be typed

There are several things in your past letters which for all decency
I should touch upon sometime. I shall refer only to your query whether
I think Lui Yu-tang is a great thinker. I have made no study of him be-
yond reading some of his things, for I think it will not be worth while.
I cannot feel attracted by one who does not seem to be striving for more
but trading on what he thinks he has got. Besides, his reasonings in what
I have seen of him are too often specious and do not seem quite sincere.
The whole impression I have so far gained is that he is complacently pat-
ting himself in commerce. That complacency with small harmonies is typical
of many Chinese literati. That traffic in the " wisdom of the East"
revolts me, I am sorry to say, whether practised by a Tagore or by a Lin.

Other things later,

( On May 15, 1943, at 5 P.M., friends gathered at Library Court in my honor. They were President and Mrs. Seymour, ex-librarian Keogh, many colleagues and their wives, and all the senior members of the Library staff. After a brief address by Mr. Babb, the Acting Librarian, Professor Mitchell, my friend during more than fourth years past, read a paper counting my career and my work. I had suspected that he would speak and that I might be asked to say something in response. So I had prepared a little talk. But I was happy enough not to be called. The talk would have run in part somewhat as follows. )

) After giving a few reminiscences of Yale Library of the time when I joined it before 1907, I would have continued ) : -

Those good people, then young and old,-- except Mr. Keogh; may he enjoy a long increment of years,-- are no longer visible. Each has gone his way, never to return in flesh. In the meantime, our Library has gone through immense changes, external and internal, and is not the same thing as I found when I first came as a graduate student in 1899. The same is true with the University as a whole, as also with the American nation and every nation. Mother History is unceasingly weaving a vast net, catching all of us in its meshes and then discarding each in turn. Each man or woman passes; that is an inexorable law of Nature. Yet does not each person, however insignificant, in some unknown fashion live forever in the great unwritten History ?

Returning from that vast scene in eternity, may I be permitted to say one word about my little self as a speck of the Library and the University of the past forty years or so ? I can easily speak about myself without false modesty, because, now for some years I have come to look upon my past as that of a third person from which I seem to be strangely detached, I began to serve at the Library during summer vacations while Mr. Van Name was Librarian, and while I was still in the Graduate School.

May 15, 1943

Then I came to teach in Yale in 1907, and have since worked steadily at the Library as well. I give these dates as a chronological setting for what I am about to say. Now what I wish to say is this: whenever I reflect, I always marvel how through these long years my colleagues in the Library and in the University could have been so tolerant of me as they have been. I say this, because I know I am still not acclimatized to American life, not any more than I was to the life of my native country. I am neither a complete Occidental nor a complete Oriental; I am neither here or there. It is not that I am not unduly stubborn or self-assertive, but that I am bound to be an indigestible lump in any community. Nor is it that, as a result, I feel isolated and lonesome, not for a moment. I have not the least emotion about the effects upon me of this state of detachment. It is not an insulation that is imposed from without, but simply a distance that I do not try to bridge, and is therefore self-inflicted. Because I realize it all, I am all the more thankful that you and all others have been so patient with me. I could hardly have been so fortunate in another company, say, among politicians or in a labor union. Indeed, you have not only been tolerant, but also generously and loyally supported me with unvarying good nature. I am profoundly grateful. That generosity, and such kindness as you show me today by giving me a party, are, believe me, something I cannot believe I deserve, for the reason I have stated. I thank all present for the thought and for taking your valuable time to make it so pleasurable an event. I shall probably carry the memory of it beyond the grave and into Mother History!

H.G.S. Yale University

June 6, 1943

Dear Friend,

I do not wonder that you are puzzled over my long self-imposed silence. You kindly ask about my health and sleep and summer plans. I am quite well. I am thankful to say I sleep soundly, in spite of the soldiers' shouting in the yard from 5:30 because I take rather vigorous exercise, followed generally by a bath, before retiring and in bed read a little --- now Pierre Mailland's "France", a compact and stimulating little work on modern France.

The reason I have been unable to write to any one except on urgent matters is, as I wrote you before, because I have been struggling to answer your questions about characteristics of my people. I had been studying them for many years through the vast amount of diaries, memoirs, and contemporary narrations of wars and other events, of all the past ages, and striving to analyze what seemed to run through the ages and what variations and evolution there had been. But, as my study was far from ending, I had always declined to answer friends' questions of national characteristics. But, since you have repeated your inquiry, I thought I might perhaps set down my incomplete thought at its present stagend and therefore in a very tentative form. This proved to require longer writing than I expected. I spent several Sundays and wrote more than a hundred Half-sheets.

Then I paused to look over- through some of the great mass that had been written on that subject by the present-day Japanese scholars, so that I might compare my findings with their ideas, and also get what suggestions they might offer. I read such of their books as I have accumulated, published before about 1938, to the amount of some two thousand printed pages. It turned out as I had half anticipated, that the authors' views were on the main similar and conventional, though, much varied in minor details; and the materials they had used also were of

June 6, 1943

conventional pattern, and excluded nearly all the more informal, real-
istic, and intimate sketches, which exist in enormous quantities, in-
cluding some that are rather crude and direct, but all the more reveal-
ing on that account.

I do not mean th t these modern writers' ideas are all valueless or
are on purpose conventionalized. Many are based on independent studies
of the sources used,and are therefore worth of respect. But they suffer
in my opinion,from three defects of which the authors are not aware.
Their material is limited in scope,as I have said,though often quite
abundant; they one and all lack a comparative point of view; and they
have not thought through even the data they have collected. The third
defect was, of course, due largely to the first two; with limited sources
at their disposal,they could not even suspect that their knowledge might
be ill balanced and full of gaps ; and without the benefit of comparison
with experiences of other peoples in like fields, they could hardly fail
to miss a better perspective of their facts and a juster appraisal of
their significance and values. Nevertheless, their views are for me
valuable for what they are.

I took copious notes on the basis of their works, for the pur-
pose much more to set down my thoughts and imaginings stirred by their
ideas than to copy the latter as they are. This is often the mettior I
pursue after reading a book, for it gives an opportunity for me to search
my own mind, to bring out and scrutinize the inchoate thoughts found there,
and to formulate and organize them. This time I ranged in my free think-
ing over a pretty wide ground of Oriental and occidental culture-history
since ancient times, and explored and set in order a great mass of ideas
and inferences. The notes I have thus taken are now up to about 800
pages of half sheet written in compact Japanese.

June 6, 1943

This has been going on steadily, 10 or 11 hours each day, since
the end of February. And during that time, my proper work upon which I
should continue to devote all my energy has been wholly set aside, and
all incidental things have also been suspended. And the end of thinking
and note taking is not yet in sight. Perhaps this should not continue
much longer, but should be relagated to Sundays only. In that case, my
writing in answer to your questions will not be finished for months and
months. Of course the first manuscript I wrote for you is all scrapped,
and the whole thing has to be written over from the bottom up. I have not
reached the point where I can write the first word of the new piece. And
when it is finished, it will be such wild and inconclusive stuff as you
have never seen and I have never dreamed of ever attempting. I confess
I greatly regret that so much of my scanty time has been diverted to such
Don Quixotean escapade, but at the same time I must admit that I owe to it
many fresh self-questionings and discoveries, or rather orientations of
thought, some of which may be of use in my later, more sober work.

I forgot to say that my present plans for the summer is that I
shall stay here till end of July and then spend a month at Plymouth, N.H.
as usual. Many thanks for the interesting excerpts you sent me.

I wish you all success in your exhibitions in other places.

Graduate School, Yale University

June 20, 1943

Dear Friend,

Your letter is very kind, but you are a hard taskmaster. I am on
the verge of rebelling. I wrote you I had been doing a guilty thing
against my conscience; for months I had been neglecting my duty which is
my raison d'être and the magnitude of which is appalling, but been dally-
ing though strenuously, with al alien problem far beyond my power of so-
lution. I thought you would release and send me cheerfully back to my
proper task. But no, you repeat the question and demand an answer. It is
the very question that is chaining me; and it is so immense and in part so
momentous that it staggers me, as it would you or any one else but a blithe
news reporter.

The question can be dealt with only in terms of national person-
ality as a whole; and that, in my view, is an embodiment of its long his-
torical experience in all its phases, and not just the result of an in-
doctrination. And national experience cannot be grasped in a correct per-
spective except by comparison with the lives of other nations. Nor is even
this sufficient. One's historical pursuit is conditioned by one's attitude
to the great question. What is history? One's comparison of national
characters is fundamentally influenced by one's own ideas of scale of
human values. The latter necessarily involves one's very philosophy of life
even if one be unable to define it and give it a system; and one's philos-
ophy must also affect one's view of History. A philosophic view of life
should include for one thing, that perennial problem of the meaning of
Evil. Even if neither Christianity nor Buddhism has completely solved it,
one cannot pass by it and integrate human life. I have been pondering
all these things over and over, not indeed as the main subject, but as a
needed background for its treatment. So a casual question of this nature
leads one to the ocean from whose beach was Newton said he had been able
to pick only a pebble.

June 20, 1943

I shall continue in this path at the same pace for the rest of
the month, and then turn to it on occasional Sundays during several months,
if not years.

Yours always

K. Asakawa.

(At the bottom, letter is written by Gretchen Warren. I simply asked this;
does Japan teach mercy, forgiveness, does she abhor revenge? Where are
points of contact with the best Christian ethics. I find this a rather
confused reply and have told him so. He is a noble being.)

U.G.S. New Haven, Conn. June 26,1943

Dear Friend,

You do not drop me a word either of self-reflection on your part
upon your possibly not having grasped the situation between us, or of
pity or comfort for my half-year struggle in betrayal of duty; instead
you chide me for a blind confusion, and challenge me, if too tired to
answer the "simple query", to "drop" you. You say-- what is true so
far as your conception of your question is concerned -- that you merely
asked whether a certain simple point was clearly answered in "Japanese
philosophy" and not the history or evolution of anything; and that therefore
there was no need of "research", but a direct year or no that
should be obvious to every person of today. Does the "doctrine" or
does it not teach forgiveness of enemy and abhorrence of hatred and revenge?
Nothing could be more patent.

If my last letter failed to invoke your sympathetic understanding
I do not think a further explanation will avail. But I should try at
least to put my case on record.

Surely I must often be guilty of confusion. My life-long effort
has been to unravel the confusion of historical documents in order to
extract from them as much as could be rescued of direct historical data;
to discipline the shipshod intuition and imagination rampant within me;
and to aid students to do likewise. But the art is too long for a short
life to attain more than the first steps. But I ask humbly if my present
attempt has been based upon a confusion of thought. I should like to be
convinced that it was so. Even though you did not try to convince me of
my error in method, I wish at least you had long before cautioned me not
to go further on the path, for my earlier letters plainly showed whither
I was tending.

If uoi asked Hitler whether the Christianity of his country taught
forgiveness and deprecated hatred, he would no doubt say yes. Would that
be of any value to you in understanding Germany? You say you do not

3

June 26, 1943

by abstract thinking, and the other war moulded by social needs, out
of elements which had gradually grown among separate groups in the re-
spective countries. As for a doctrine brought from allied sources, a
nation can never embody its tenets in its personality by having merely
adhered to it and striven to practise them for a few centuries. Does
not the experience of every great " universal " religion show that, in its
early stages upon the new soil, even its professional teachers seldom grasped
its full import and conveyed to the people what lay at its heart; that
even what the were capable of giving had to be clothed in such guises
as would appeal to the still less cultured minds; and that both the
teaching and its effects upon the popular mind have been an ever shifting
and ever mutually adjusted process, after painfully halting and not
seldom retrogressive ? The history of Buddhism in Japan is highly in-
structive in this respect. No less remarkable is that of Christianity in
Western Europe. It may be noted that, there, through the Middle Ages,
the Church had to avail itself of successive means of indirect instruct-
ion, beside more immediate exposition of doctrines; such mediums as
sculpture and architecture; arms of the Crusader in three directions; and
the chivalric and the gently codes; to mention only a few. Each
medium tended to clog and bind the purer efforts of propagation, even to
affect the character of the latter. Today the proper manner of utilizing
the results of physical science and technology without being compromised
by them constitutes the vital problem to the solution of which the
Churches cannot perhaps as yet be said to have addressed themselves seri-
ously. In their future struggle in that direction, what shall we wit-
ness in the transaction between Christianity and the materialist- indi-
vidualistic minds of the occidental peoples? Implications of the task
in the psychological, economic, political and international spheres
seem so vast, intricate, and full of dangerous snares, that the shape

3

June 30, 1943

4

June 26, 1943

in which Christianity will emerge from the struggle a hundred years hence, to say nothing of its effects upon the people, defies our imagination.

Such is some of the consideration that has led me to my present adventure. Am I hopelessly confused when I think that your question cannot be answered as such, but only in terms of national personality in evolution; and that the consideration of the latter involves my attitudes in the background towards the various large problems I referred to in my last letter? I earnestly beseech you to ponder that letter before you again dismiss it as " rather blindingly confusing a very simple query ". The que query is to me wholly different from research into political or institutional history of a definite scope; for it has to do with the whole man in his whole life, only his milieu being limited. The " research " itself must be much more than a literal investigation of objective data, but must three-fourths or more be subjective thinking, as my effort has been.

Assuredly your question on your part is simple. You appear to take it for granted that the " philosophies " of China and India contain forgiveness, and Japan's is warlike. Has not Japan accepted Confucianism and Buddhism, and applied them to her life is some respects in purer forms and more exhaustive ways than, respectively, in China and India ? Where has been a religion or theory in Japan that was warlike and hate inspiring ? If one speaks of wars that have really occured, including wars of foreign conquest -- their volume, their frequency, and their savagery have not England and France outstripped Japan beyond comparison, and the " Peace-loving " China even the first two by far ? History, too, is stranger than fiction. It again counsels us to look beyond such externals as theories and historical events, and to examine national personalities as they have been formed partly through them but mainly beneath them.

If it be so that you were not so sensitive to the mysteries of the historical formation of national minds as you are to religious faith

June 30, 1943

Dear Friend,

I have received your two letters both written on the 28th. The second one brings us back, strengthened, from our digression to our common pilgrimage in which our friendship is not only " indestructible " as you say but also, as I dare think, beautiful.

I may have been needlessly harsh, and regret deeply that I have pained you so much. It was in part because, though I seem to have guessed your word " drop " nearly correctly, I did not fathom the intensity of your feeling over the casual thinking so prevalent about us, and therefore I could not see why you should ask for a " sketchy " yes or no answer. I still do not understand your comments in the first of your two letters - how such an answer could be compatible with your not wishing " surface thinking " and how the former could ever serve as a " tourniquet " for the present " bleeding of civilization". But your second letter makes it needless to pursue such puzzlement over words. You affirm your desire for my groping for the whole man of Japan in his formation and in his actual constitution that dispels every cloud that has drifted over us.

On Thursday morning I shall begin bravely to gather the tenous threads of my research where I left them loose so long ago. Thenceforth I shall continue to pursue the groping referred to only in such floating moments as I can steal on Sundays. It will be a long, long journey and its destination very dim even on my arrival.

Now will its result be any sort of tourniquet. I do not feel any sense of mission or public purpose in such pursuit, but only a search for a clearer vision for myself of my own problems about your question.

Your feeling about the injustice of wartime expressions is gallant and honorable. On my part I look upon them as symptoms of the frail human mind in distress; it is not its own self; the symptoms may be coolly classified and tabulated for future reference and for verification of phe-

June 30, 1943

may not be the way of his education in creative evolution ? This leads
us to this mystery of " evil " in the world.

From this standpoint, I am tolerant and hopeful about the un-
thinking America. She has still untapped vigor of the mind and body;
she is saying " Wait a minute, I may be indefinite and vague. I have not
started yet. But watch me when I do wake up." That can hardly be the
reason for blaming her, but rather one for the need of her vigilance and
self-cultivation. Any forced method to discipline her which is unnatural
to her present life-stage would fail and might well harm her. But this is
not to say I do not see that she thinks and act much better and can make
devices to train herself much more effectively than she has been doing ; if
she will.

Yours always

K. Asakawa.

July 1, 1943

midst of men and women who are soberly just and would undo the worst acts of their heedless compatriots. When the war closes, their voices will be heard more distinctly, and in many others there will be revulsion from vindictive attitudes. I think one can safely trust in the essential soundness of the common man and look forward to a large degree of discrimination between just retribution and vengeance. The only evil that may almost certainly be expected will be due, not so much to vindictiveness as to lack of thinking and insight. I do not look for either revenge or wisdom in the present stage of human education. Nevertheless would I not be a pessimist, but on the contrary a believer in a gradual improvement, so far as the free nations are concerned.

Today I have returned to my proper task. And what an assemblage of tangles skeins of historical data and ideas.

I do not think I have ever told you what this work is; that must wait till we meet. It is a work the documents for which I began to collect in 1907, the purpose of which was announced by our University Press and History Department in 1919, and the result of which is looked for by scholars here and abroad and has been spoken about by them all these years. I have thousands of documents and more of non-documentary sources. The work is institutional and comparative in character and therefore demands an untold amount of wide study, intensive thought and controlled imagination. It is much too heavy a task for a life time. I seem to be working as if I thought I would live for a hundred years.

Yours always
K. Asakawa.

To Professor Irving Fisher, 2 X '44.

When you ask my "prognosis of the war against Japan," with a half dozen words you conjure up mountainous issues. The problem admits of no clear and direct answer, and perhaps it is arrogance for any man to presume to guess what still rests upon the "laps of the gods."

The momentous question how soon and in what manner the war with Japan will end would seem to depend on two main factors, both still obscure: first, the extent and the depth of the nation's understanding of the actual state of things which confronts it; and, second, the emergence of leaders of the nation's opinion and action in regard to its self-reformation. I say self-reformation, for of all nations the Japanese is one of the least amenable to a reform dictated from outside; any reforms that can at once be acceptable for the nation and be safe for the world's future must come only from within. Why this should be so especially in case of Japan is, too, one of the questions involved in your inquiry.

Both the factors mentioned are mutually dependent. In that country, national vision of the reality cannot attain such full universality and depth as are needed before a thorough re-organization can take place, so long as an effective leadership both of thought and of action does not arise. This would be more or less true of any country, even of England, but there are strong historical reasons why this is particularly true of Japan. Though I cannot dwell at large on those historical grounds in this letter, yet I shall have at least to suggest some of them in what follows.

As regards the first factor, the nation's awakening to the appalling wreck to which its pilots of recent years have been leading its ship, I have enough evidence to make me infer that it has of late been steadily gaining in volume and in strength, but that it still falls short of the necessary clarity and conviction: it is still perhaps little more than a vague foreboding which is daily creeping upon more and more minds, without their knowing exactly how and why. I cannot tarry here to adduce the evidence that leads me to think this is the present state of affairs, but I can point to the late change of the cabinet as one of the significant signs. Tojo's group has been replaced by another which is a little less arbitrary and slightly more yielding to criticism, yet which must be characterized only as conservative-aggressive,--conservative in so far as the new government would not seek further expansion but would keep and garner as much of the present harvest as possible. The change is a step away from a stark aggression, but not one towards a true repentance.

I think there are sufficient reasons, both historical and temporary, for this vague and inarticulate state of national feeling. One is that, for profound historical reasons, the nation's power of political thinking is sadly undeveloped, and must await forceful leadership before its blind longing can be defined, clarified, and charged with an emotion and a will to a purposeful action. Then only it would become a potent energy which leaders of action could organize and direct. Another reason, which is rather of the present moment than an effect of history, is the not unnatural hope of the nation, again largely vague, that something of the lands and resources won by its armed forces be somehow held, or that the new offensive in China may perhaps result in insuring a firm foothold at least on the continent. Is it not a weakness of human nature to cling to that which has been once grasped by whatever means; may not even a fair person be a subconscious victim to this feeling, however otherwise his reasoned thought and words may run? I suspect that a confirmed opponent of aggression, living in Japan, can scarcely help feeling a sneaking sense of pleasure when he reads in the papers one morning that his detested army has at last taken Kuei-lin! How much more natural must such sentiment be in the majority of people whose reaction

much more natural, and even学术, in theظر of logic, and because whose reason
the business one would find detected and has of that taken itself! How
Japan, can accurately help relieving a meaning of business when he goes in
words may thus? I suspect that a certain phenomenon of subtraction, fitting in
opposition, which is to this teaching, however, underlie a full reasonated found and
which has been once transferred by whatever reason, but not even a fair reason be a
test on the continent. If it is not of workmanship of human nature to find to that
the new otive in China may perhaps result in meaning a film thousand of
thing of the hand and resources won by its armed forces be again lost, or that
history, if the not material one of the nation, has fairly name, that some
direct. Another reason, which is rather of the present moment than an effect of
only it would become a total annihilation of the nation could organize and
clarified, and charged with an emotion and a will to a profound action. Then
and wait, toward the future, before the blind looking can be defined,
historical reasons, the nation's power of being itself thinking in itself and
absence and institutional absence of natural feeling. One is that, too, broken

I think these are sufficient reasons, both historical and temporal, for this
point, but not one to take a true reference.

the present market, in both cases, the cause is a fast away from a strict action.
Government would not seek further expansion but would keep and maintain as long as
it is sufficient only a conservative-generative--conservative, if so far as the new
these longitudinally and longitudinally more viable to criteria, but which must be mar-
ks of the states, but I am bound to the late cause of the continent as one of the
time of any country, even of England, but there are strong historical reasons why
with both of thought and of action does not arise. This would be more or less
decisive, a prominent re-organization can take place, so long as an effective leader-
ship of the state must exist and still universality and broadness as are needed
which its place of recent years have been filling its part. I have enough evi-
dence to make me think that it does seem reasonable to continue in volume and in

the respect the first reason, the nation's supplement to the shilling week to
demain the late mentioned are sufficiently detailed. In that community, national
belong in case of Japan, is, too, one of the questions involved in your industry.
for the world's future must come only from within. Why data should be so ex-
pected; any reform that can at once be acceptable for the nation and be safe
all the time the Japanese is one of the least amenable to a reform dictated from
and action in regard to its self-reformation. I ask self-reformation, for that
which controls it; and, second, the significance of leaders of the nation's opinion
and the depth of the nation's understanding of the actual state of Japan
and would seem to depend on the main factor, both still obvious: first, the ex-
pectation of the question how soon and in what manner the war with Japan will
end upon the issue of the issue.

The momentous question now comes and in what manner the war with Japan will
end upon the issue of the issue, is a matter of the nation's national
importance in case of Japan, is, too, one of the questions involved in your industry.
For the world's future must come only from within. Why data should be so ex-
pected; any reform that can at once be acceptable for the nation and be safe
all the time the Japanese is one of the least amenable to a reform dictated from
and action in regard to its self-reformation. I ask self-reformation, for that
which controls it; and, second, the significance of leaders of the nation's opinion
and the depth of the nation's understanding of the actual state of Japan
and would seem to depend on the main factor, both still obvious: first, the ex-
pectation of the question how soon and in what manner the war with Japan will
end upon the issue of the issue.

The momentous question how soon and in what manner the war with Japan will
end upon the issue of the issue, is a matter of the nation's national
importance in case of Japan, is, too, one of the questions involved in your industry.
For the world's future must come only from within. Why data should be so ex-
pected; any reform that can at once be acceptable for the nation and be safe
all the time the Japanese is one of the least amenable to a reform dictated from
and action in regard to its self-reformation. I ask self-reformation, for that
which controls it; and, second, the significance of leaders of the nation's opinion
and the depth of the nation's understanding of the actual state of Japan
and would seem to depend on the main factor, both still obvious: first, the ex-
pectation of the question how soon and in what manner the war with Japan will
end upon the issue of the issue.

When you ask my "proposals of the war against Japan," with a lift of hands work
you continue no montaneous issue. The broken state of no offer, and direct
answer, and perhaps it in accordance with such to assume what still
you continue no montaneous issue. The broken state of no offer, and direct
answer, and perhaps it in accordance with such to assume what still
you continue no montaneous issue. The broken state of no offer, and direct

To Professor Ludwig Flieder, S. X. '44.

- 2 -

to the actual state of things hardly amounts to more than a dark discomfort of an impending fate. At any rate, the feeling cannot but retard their clear thinking. (By the way, this consideration also suggests that the new cabinet reflects an undercurrent of popular feeling, even as Pétain did a large part of the French mood of 1940.)

As for the second factor, that is, leadership of opinion and of action, it need only be said that its personal material, whatever its quality, exists in the country in fair abundance, but that all channels of its emergence are still tightly closed. Add to this the tragic fact that in Japan, again from historical reasons, a tradition that it is the patriot's duty to fight even unto death for his clear political conviction as to his people's legitimate rights against the authorities is practically non-existent. The son of Japan excels many others in his sensitive response to the changing aspects of Nature and in his delicate understanding of his neighbor's feelings. He is a potential artist and poet, but also too ready a compromiser and harmonizer. He is also an individualist of a species, but not a liberal, seasoned and sturdy. Far from it. Socially amiable and aesthetically attuned, politically he lacks "guts."

The more important of the two prime factors, then, is leadership. Fortunately in this respect, the nation possesses one great compensation in its capacity under the stress of times for reflecting and reacting in a most exhaustive fashion. Again and again at crises throughout its long history, the nation has demonstrated its remarkable catholicity of temper, and its power, under a good leadership, of clean reflection and united action in a radically new but sane course. It should, however, be noted at once that this has always occurred only in extremities and only when ably led; and that always in such junctures able leaders have arisen. Herein are strikingly illustrated, it seems, all of the at once most regrettable and most admirable qualities of political Japan: regrettable, because of her inertness until the advent of the gravest crisis and of great leaders; admirable, because of her almost unrivalled capacity to rise above herself and resolutely to advance in a fresh but rational direction.

I refrain from reciting historical instances of this character, but can hardly avoid referring to two of them, which happen to be the reform movements that occurred at the two greatest crises in Japan's history; I shall refer to these instances only in relation to the nature of the leadership then called forth. In the Taikwa-Taiho reforms from the middle of the seventh century, the nation's life was still so relatively young that there was hardly any need of cultivating a national opinion, and the leadership of the bold action which then completely remade the whole State system was, at the initial stage, in the hands of a bare half-dozen men in the immediate entourage of the emperor. The reforms of the latter half of the nineteenth century, which overthrew the seven-centuries old feudal rule, and ushered in a new political, social, economic, and cultural regime, were led, conformably to the much more advanced state of the country, by a large portion of the entire feudal classes. Leaders of opinions, though at first in a confused state amid rival theories, appeared in large numbers in the greater part of the land; those of action, though more limited in number and in distribution, were none the less conspicuously numerous. And the guidance of both was followed by the lower classes with remarkable unanimity and enthusiasm. With this notable difference in the nature of leadership, however, one essential thing was common to both movements, namely: the sanction and the loyal support accorded by the sovereign-emperor. Nothing politically great and of any degree of permanence in Japan's history, including the shogunate itself, has ever been accomplished without imperial aid or apart from the emperor's name. No other power could conceivably command the people's implicit sense of obligation. The sovereign's sanction and support silenced all opposition of the reactionary; all

- 3 -

persons high and low obeyed him with single loyalty. All the more so, when his cause represented, however sudden in appearance and however radically counter to the accustomed course of conduct, carried a general conviction as being the only or the most correct line of action.

In order to comprehend the singular position of the emperor in the Japanese polity, two points inherent in it should, I think, never be forgotten. One is that, contrary to some foreign assertions, though his sovereignty is regarded as absolute, he has never exercised it on his initiative: historically and habitually, he is sovereign but not autocratic. The difference seems subtle, but its effects are most far-reaching. He always waits upon the advice of his councillors, and acts only through constituted organs of the State. There is, of course, a lurking danger in this traditional code of passive sovereignty; for, as during the past decade or more, it can happen that evil men fill the ministries and compel an unwilling emperor to validate their wilful policies. This has occurred more than once in the past: so passive is the sovereign and so complacent the nation. Even when the emperor's contrary personal wishes are known to many people, and when the wrong character of a policy is patent to both him and them, the true interest of the nation can thus be victimized for a time in ominous silence. It is useful to add, however, that these occurrences have been rare and have never endured for long in the later centuries. There is a natural limit of endurance even in so docile a people, for the native catholicity of the mind would sooner or later rob the evil policy of its force.

The other notable point about the historic emperor little known abroad is his traditional attitude toward his ancestors' spirits in regard to the people in his charge. He holds himself responsible to the former for the latter's peace and welfare, as much as for the integrity of his State. This is an article of his filial piety. The matter is no secret, but he seldom voices it in public. It is abundantly revealed in such social and religious acts, for the people or to the spirits, as he performs within the narrow sphere in which this is possible; but, above all, in the verses of their composition through which successive sovereigns have poured forth their hearts. These short poems in thirty-one syllables, now accumulated to a large volume, were personal and not intended for publication, but have not been withheld from the public. Having been reverently preserved, many of them have seen the light of day from time to time. No Japanese subject who reads them can help being moved by the sincere tone of the sovereign's love and solicitude for the humble peasant and fisherman, for whose tranquil pursuit he believes himself accountable to the deities. Nor is it a wonder that, whatever its temporary lot in life, whether in prosperity or in war, or whether under good or ill rulers, the nation regards itself as members of a vast household community with the emperor as the common father.

There is so much that is wide of the mark in what is being said by American writers who claim special knowledge about the Japanese sovereign and the nation's attitude toward him, that I have been moved to say these few words to you, who may already know what little I have ventured to say. Still more unfortunate is the proposal made by occasional self-styled planners of peace that the abolition of the emperorship should form a necessary article in any measure of prevention of a renewed aggression on Japan's part. Can such a holiday sport of the American missionary spirit? I even fear that there may emerge equally disastrous peace-terms from official quarters. When one observes that those touching Germany were for a time in danger of being framed by a Morgenthau and a Roosevelt with utter indifference to the deep historical psychology of that nation, may one expect from similar sources a wiser scheme on the Eastern enemy? For one, I cannot conceive how a nation could submit without profound resentment to the excision by alien hands of its most treasured heritage. Nor can I imagine how the

- 4 -

Japanese nation and State, which has for nearly two thousand years lived so singular a political life, and which otherwise is composed of such peculiar individualists, could for a long time yet learn to live without what has always been the one, single bond of its organized existence. How much more impossible it would be for an allied commission ignorant of the nation's historic mind to govern it for any length of time. All these points I have wished to urge upon you, superfluous as they may be for you,

There is yet another consideration in my comments on the emperor, which is more directly germane to your query. From what I have said, I hope you will note that I believe any thorough reform following the end of the war -- and a mere surrender without reforms would be futile -- would need imperial sanction and support. I have little doubt that, by the time the war ends, the whole nation will be ready for another volte-face. Only will a supreme command be awaited. And this should be readily obtainable, the present ruler's inclinations being so well known. What is requisite is a proper approach by right advisers at the right moment.

Your question involves both that of the time and that of the character of the reform. The time is, at this moment, known only to Providence. But already there is not the least doubt as to the character of the reorganization which is needed and which I believe will be attempted. It will be nothing other than again to creep out of the shell and to march in the open with the world, as at the last reform after 1868 but with a more advanced world; and, internally, to recast the organic law, the national diet, the local administration, and the educational method of the nation in the same enlightened spirit. The nation is peculiarly capable of such renewed venture. The rest will follow in due course and in continual progression, provided the spirit is not relaxed, as it was in Europe and America between the two wars.

At this point, you may stop me and challenge: "What convincing grounds, other than the simple assertions you have made, can you give for so confidently attributing to that nation such an extraordinary power of self-transcendence as you describe? Even if one grant it for a moment, how can one be sure that the nation will again demonstrate it after the coming defeat in such perfect order as you seem to expect? Again, assuming that there will be a genuine will to reform, would there not possibly appear many deterrent circumstances, some of them beyond the nation's own control; among others, a certain attitude of the victors toward Japan, such as you have already expressed a concern over?" The three questions are perfectly natural; they are well asked.

To the first two, I wish I could return a full answer based upon my present meagre knowledge of the history and mentality, and the actual conditions, of the nation. But such a statement would require a considerable volume of careful discussion. Since this obviously is not a proper place for so extended a treatment, I must simply let stand what little I have said on these points. I am guilty of having already unduly lengthened this letter. But perhaps I should say a few more words in regard to the third question, the attitude of the victors.

The matter, however, is far greater and deeper than the victor's mere attitude toward the fallen foe. It touches, in my mind, much more closely the victor's attitude to himself and to the world at large, and his very conception of the reasons for which he has fought the war to such enormous cost to himself and the enemy. Nay, the matter can never be settled without an adequate analysis of the true causes of this war and of all similar wars which may recur in the future if those causes are not cleared. Who can cure a malady without uncovering and uprooting its causes? And who knows that the causes did not lie as much in

- 5 -

one's self as in the enemy? It would be completely futile, if not worse, to shun
the uncomfortable self-scrutiny, but to heap one's own sins upon those of the
foe, and so devise a paltry palliative at his sole expense, leaving wide open the
way of the old poison to ripen and explode.

Within a community, as among the nations, if each member relaxes his civic
conscience and his responsibility to himself and his neighbors, it is a fatal
certainty that the villain, who always lurks in the street corner and is ever on
the alert for just such an opportunity, will at once avail himself of it in
order to accomplish his evil designs. This, I firmly believe, has been one of
the ultimate causes of the present war. On their part, the liberal nations, the
prospective victors of the war, have much to blame themselves for and bear a
heavy responsibility for what has occurred and for the future. In this respect,
it is true, the blame and the responsibility should be apportioned to these
individual nations in varying degrees and shapes; but I am certain that candid
persons in them will admit that the latter have all been at fault in one form or
another. If this be the case, how puerile it would be merely to make a rope to
tie the erstwhile enemy in bondage, so as to enable oneself to indulge once more
a relaxed slumber—moral slumber. Would not this be also a betrayal of the
principles of justice and liberty which one had been professing to be the
reasons of the war one had waged? What is worse, the old sore would remain, and
canker the more for the new irritation that had been added unto it. Under such
provision, "a lasting peace" would be out of the question, let alone a "perpetual
peace".

Without speculating upon the significance of peace and of war in general in
human history and in the august work of Providence, one may safely believe that
it is man's duty on earth to minimize the chances of war to the best of his
ability, so that as much justice as possible may be done among men and nations.
The prevention of preventable wars,—the only wars that can possibly be
averted, —must, then, wait ultimately upon two remedies: ceaseless vigilance
of every member upon himself, above all, and also upon his neighbor, while ac-
cording to him the same justice as one demands for oneself; and a slow, patient,
and sympathetic aid afforded to the pathological villain to regain his humanity.
He may perhaps be punished, if he has not already atoned by his suffering and
humiliation, for the crimes which he has perpetrated and of which he has been
made to convince himself; but he cannot be coerced to be good without having his
evil propensities aggravated thereby. He must, perhaps after a due punishment,
be allowed, by being trusted and encouraged, to learn by his free will gradually
to find himself. For, is he not essentially the same human being as we are; and
does he not at heart, even unconsciously, crave to realize that state? Are not
the little self-righteous members among us veritable duplicates in miniature of
the monster that he has been?

The final remedy is nothing other than the humanization of every man, friend
or foe, — for none of us is yet sufficiently human to be adjudged truly liberal;
and the gradual equalization of the result among all persons. During this end-
less, arduous process, occasional frictions and inconveniences must be expected,
and be warded off as far as may be by the watchfulness of the more enlightened
and therefore more moral members, —watchfulness including a fraternal encourage-
ment for the less fortunate.

The application of these remarks to Japan is obvious,

H.G.S.

New Haven, Conn.

Feb. 13, 1944

Dear Friend,

I am very sorry that I have been prevented so long from Answering
your letter. For some weeks after my recovery from two periods of illness
I have been, and still am, working steadily in my separate office all day
and all evening, most of the Sundays included, returning to my room only
for sleeping. I have not been able even to write a letter reassuring my
classmates, who are solocitous about my condition, for the annual class
report which goes to print. Some Christian presents which I should bring
personally are still undelivered.

You no doubt wrote your first note because you felt for me when
the atrocity report came out. Eden's report publicised at the same time in
London, though as usual without Churchill's fuller understanding, showed
some other aspects of the question which are seldom considered on this
side. There is something revealing in this difference of mental operation
in the two countries, for it was through nearly all the pronouncements made
in them. As for the reported conduct of many a Japanese officer, I see
quite clearly some of the reasons which, though they are only such ones
as I can see, appear fully to account for these acts, but of course can
not justify most of them.

I thank you for pointing to two words that occur in my letter
on Imagination in History. " Perspicacy " was of course mystyping. The
incident again brings home the fact that misprints often escape
the author; even third persons do not detect them all, as in this instance.
The word " envergure " has been used deliberately, though it was no less
foreign to English than " Lebensweisheit ", which I used in the same
letter. The letter was not intended for the public, but only for the re-
cipient who was as likely to be familiar with the expression as I, and
to like its peculiar aptness for the purpose it was used for. I find that
the word came into use in France in the latter part of the 17th century,

Feb.13, 1944

in the literal sense of the width of wings, and that later it came to
mean also the scope of a bird's flight, until finally it was currently
employed for the power of the mind and will, perhaps from the end of the
18th century. To me it appears expressive in this last usage. It is appar-
ently so considered by French writers, too, who use it even in sober books
of history and of law. In general, in private writing, I should prefer
foreign words in their foreign forms to their semi-Anglicized ones. ( like
"etatism", I would rather write "etatisme" italicized ).

But I must say I am very disappointed that you omit all comments
on what I did say on historical imagination in that letter-copy. It
ventured to define it in much broader terms than is done by scholars of
history. A friend is urging me to publish the idea in a historical journal
for that very reason. I was especially eager to hear your reaction to it
all. When you read a piece do you habitually halt every now at the gate
of your mind and examine its ancestry and its propriety, while letting the
general meaning run past unnoticed ? Thereby I am made a beneficiary as
to wording, but am discouraged by your reserve as to the message itself.

I wish I could write to you some of the thoughts that have come
to my mind during my hospital days and since about Goethe and Dante..
But, even if I had the time to put them on paper. I should not know if
you would take any note of them.

W.G.S. New Haven, Conn.

Feb.20, 1944

Dear friend,

Many thanks for your kind letters and the enclosed copies of my
letters. I have carried your letters to places I went today, hoping to
have a chance to answer them, but I did not succeed. I will answer within
two weeks.

I enclose Frank Aydelotess little article. Is he in England still ?
Do you see " Britain " ? The same February number contains an article by
Sir Rob. Craigie, last Ambassador at Tokyo before the war. Though it is
short and at points not very deep, it shows so much understanding as has
never been shown by Grev, Bull, or any other American. This is an illus-
tration-- very significant one ---- of the difference between British
and American mental working to which I referred in my last letter. If
you haven't seen Craigie's article I shall get one for you. I think at
least that much should be understood by all who have anything to do or
say about the present-day Japan.

To E.G.

Feb. 22, 1944

The main objections were these:- first, the document was , both
from its contents and from its form, highly confidential; secondly, it
would not be right to make it at all public without the consent of the
persono whom it was addressed; and, thirdly, it would not be decent of
me, after the foreseen disaster had started, to seem to tell the world;
" I told them so, but they were deaf to my infallible prophecy." These
objections are, I think on further thought, much less valid today than in
1941. The confidential character has lost half its force by the outbreak
of the war. The personal nature of the message has also been mitigated
by events. The original letter in Japanese may have been received by the
Count, but the English version which I sent a littler later was very
thoughtfully returned to me by the British censorate; what is more, the
Count has since deceased. The question of personal decency might in part
though not entirely, be satisfied if the letter were made to circulate
among the CATS under the following two conditions: that it would remain
anonymous, and that it would not be placed on the market or be quoted in
a book intended for sale.

The four conditions I have named would not completely obviate the
inherent objections. The only consideration that would seem to over-
gone much of the remaining reluctance is the thought that the document
might perhaps prove useful to the reader by its suggesting to him that one
could hardly understand the present conduct of another nation without
studying the deep historical habits of its mind. This is precisely what
is never done by diplomats and writers in this country.

Do you think promises on these points may be had ? If the
conditions insisted upon should prove a sufficient deterrent so much the
better.

( No answer received )

["To Helen D.", "Feb. 27,1944", "Here is an article (Menander's Mirror": The constant things\") that has amused me, for I discovered in 'the traveller' in it a sort of \"double\", in that he, when pressed to tell his Cornwall \" story \", had to admit that it was really no story at all, but his own reflections. An added circumstance was that in 1915 I spent a few days on Cornwall coast, when I lay down on the rock and watched the sea and boats.", "I am not quite satisfied with my double, for he does not go far enough in his cogitations. He speaks of his unity with things of nature, but leaves alone his kinship with human beings, the most important of the \"hohen Kerke\". It is much easier to love aspects of Nature than all manners of human personalities. The very nearness of their organic relationship to us seems to make the characteristics of some of them appear to us all more repugnant. Someone expressed this neatly when he said he loved Man but not men. Here on hangs another \" story \", for another day."]

March 5, 1944

Dear Friend,

I thank you for writing me the letters of more than a fortnight ago when you were so busy and tired. It was not that I did not have full faith in your great friendship, for which I am everlastingly grateful but that you sometimes did not respond to the poor ideas I so freely dared to shower upon you. I long for stimulating criticism of them from you, which I know you can give me if you choose to do so ( otherwise I would not be writing to you ), much more than any praise of them.

This time I owe to you suggestions on Goethe and Dante, and of
Plato's possible touching on imagination. I may sometime write you about
Dante and Goethe, but it will not be on them as persons or on their places
in the history of thought; for the appraisal of both I have no adequate
knowledge nor personal foundation as a spiritual or philosophical critic.
But I only try to ventilate certain ideas on Christian civilization which
my recent reading of Faust and present reading of Divian Commedia suggext
to my mind. These ideas are only first fermentationa, as yet difficult
to put into intelligible words. And I have to defer even these inchoate
thoughts to some other time. As for Plato, I am sure he had great im-
agination in the sense of the word I understand, or else he could not have
written what he did. But I am rather vagure as to his individual works
and shall not know better without more reading where or how his imagin-
ation is most revealed. I am greatly handicapped by my ignorance of Greek
and necessity to rely upon translations.

I intend to write more on imagination in institutional history
of which I am daily feeling the absolute need at every step of the study
of any historic institution whatever. But institutions are a vigorous
sy subject demanding discipline and concentrated thinking and imagination
was be employed here as guide to thinking, and not as a flight of fancy.

March 5, 1944

There fore such piece as I may some day write on its uses in this
field may well prove rather forbidding in appearance.

Many thanks for the typed copy of a group of my old letters.

You are kind to suggest that I write on Education as such and thereby imply that perhaps I am capable of doing it. But I know full well that I am not a person fit for such task. Some British thinker would do a thousand times better if he possessed a comparative view of educational practices and needs in other countries as well. Products of English education are so superior, and yet the impact of the new age is causing so much self-criticism of that education among the English, that important results of the discussion may well be looked for there. I am not only backward in thought on the subject of education, but also temperamentally unfit to do such work as you suggest. I must confess that I am devoid of the prophet's or preacher's impulse. In my younger days when the angles of my conceit were still sharp, I sometimes presumed to deal out thunderbolts on one matter or another. One of such fulminations, a book entitled "Nihon no kwa-ki" (Japan's Crisis) and attacking Japanese policy in East Asia, it is said, the late Prince Ito was carrying about during his Manchurian tour in 1909 until the moment when he was murdered by a Korean. But I have long since outlived such "Complexes". I now instintively consist when I catch myself mentally murmuring "I told you so" or "you are blind and do not even sense what I clearly see." What would be a righteous indignation is a prophet would in my hand sheer arrogance. I would much prefer hiding my personality and zeal behind objective historical research. Is there not in such work as much and the same human truth, if one may be privileged to find it in that path, as in sermons and prophesies and perhaps even in a purer light?

I am sending you an abridgement of Sir Rob. Craigie (British Ambassador in Tokyo 1937-47)'s address on "The Japanese Enemy". It is

March 5, 1944

simple and not very deep and misses some important phases. But how vastly
more understanding he shows than Grew,Hull,or any American who has written
on the same matter! Here is an illustration of the difference between the
products of British and American education;and the difference is evident
in nearly everything on every subject that emanates from both countries.

There is certain charm in the American manner of brandishing partial facts
and undigested concepts, but one looks there in vain for disciplined im-
agination. When one does not _imagine_, one does not think a thing through
and so falls short of its just view.

With such casual mind can one claim a leadership in the coming
tasks of creating an abiding peace ? Can one even hope to keep one's own
democratic home well enough to deprive a watchful mischief-maker of a
chance for another aggression ? This last question is posed, for I think
that the ultimate cause of the present war must be sought and found
in the loosened moral fibre of democracies. When they all relax and
pursue selfish ease, there will always be a villain in a street corner who
will spring upon them.

Yours always

K. Asakawa.

( I write in New Hampshire, but shall return to New Haven
Tuesday )

Sept. 3, 1944.

Dear Friend,

I was happy to receive your letter and articles. I have for some
time been feeling guilty for not having written you. I have been working
so closely that even on Sundays I have not written any but urgent letters.

Is this a second series of exhibitions that you are making ? I wish
I could see it. It must be gratifying to have so much response.

I have shown your articles to a friend and he is interested. It
seems to us that the latitudinal lines in cobwebs are spirals, instead of
being concentric, each circle separate. That is, the spider would first
stretch the longitudinal radii, and, then, beginning at the center would
hang on them a continuous spiral round and round till it reached their
ends. We have not yet been able to verify the theory.

The spiral is obviously one of the innumerable forms that repeat
themselves in Nature and Art. I have always been fascinated by the dis-
position of curves of different orders, sometimes a most exquisite beauty,-
- in trunks and branches, in leaves, in petals in stamens and pistils, in
birds', animals' and human figures. Composition of curves and other lines
is, again, one of the infinite phases that greet us everywhere and that we
note only in tiny part.

Perhaps more complex and far more marvellous are laws governing
things in motion and in changes; laws of dynamic life. Here is a vast
field which we have barely begun to penetrate gropingly. This includes
at one end, the movements and evolitions of inorganic matters, like rocks
and stars, and, at the other end, the delicate responses of emotions and
wills of man, singly and in masses. I often lie down on hard planks and
watch the clouds and birds and insects moving. Especially in the apparent-
ly capricious changes of clouds I am impressed with the striking parallels
they suggest to the actions of man in history ; I can see darkly that

2

Sept. 3, 1944

largely common principles rule some phenomena of both kinds.

This lead me to the copied excerpt from a letter of mine you have sent me. It must have been written some time ago. I think I would express myself with less confusion if I were writing again. But the spirit of history is too deep and mysterious for ready generalization. Shall we ever be able to grasp it as a whole and in a correct perspective? I fear we shall not for we ourselves are perpetually in history.

I admire your two articles. The signed one especially is poetic in both thought and language. My only complaint, if any, is that they are too short and condensed. Many persons might be so stunned by the rich and concentrated repast that they would give up the very effort of consuming it. for some thinkers even, a few of your sentences might seem disconcertingly full and supercharged with meaning. In the second page of your " Symbolism, Design and Education " you are disposed to ascribe the blame for the fragmentary mental operation of the age to the educational administration, rather than to the educators themselves. This seems to me too lenient to the latter. If their sense of human values were really alive to the evils of what they were not responsible for, should they not strongly and everywhere protest? If our Education has been dehumanized for decades are not administrators, education, and the younger generation alike its inevitable products? The current method of teaching languages and "orientation courses" to army men and officers have greatly intensified the unthinking, piecemeal, blindly informational manner of instruction; and some of this has been willingly elaborated by university professors. The method answers to the needs of the moment, but I fear much their after effects upon post-war education. It would seem so easy and effective to continue to deal out knowledge in the form of pills to be swallowed. Fortunately there is a growing sense of reaction in some academic circles against the prevailing trend.

As you say in your letter one can note in people much "plas-

Sept.3, 1944

ticity and awareness." I think the natural fairness and receptivity which characterize many an army student are truly admirable. They are rather the rule than exception with the men. They wish to be impartial and rebel against propaganda in favor of the cause of their own side in the war. They, on the whole, appear fairer and wiser than those in the high command suppose or even wish them to be.

But receptiosty (?) is a different matter from integral think-
ing. The latter is no where in evidence, and its absence is hardly noticed.
It would be along time before many imaginative teachers emerged; and that
would come about only by dint of a wide awakening and strenuous effort.

To A.G.K.

Oct. 8, 1944

It was mighty good of you to write me such a kind letter.

I Miss seeing you and the old gang. When Harry is in town I see him
rather often; but I haven't seen J. Berdan since the last dinner. Angelo
is in New York at present. Sydney is going strong. I see him once a week
at a luncheon, when he does not forget to come or is not caught by some
one else. He is the most undependable person I know about small things,
though in the larger ones he is as good as gold.

I have read your two pieces, on security and on slogans, which you
kindly sent me, with admiration of your style so true to the subject matter
and to yourself. I have not the least fear of your ever " rusting ", so long
as your mind is present and as you keep your usual command of it. Men like
F.D.R. have most of the minds in absence and what little stays with them
leaks all over.

I am sending you a copy of my recent letter on my country. I may
seem soft to the enemy, but that is because I believe that every one,
friend or foe, should be hard on himself, and that no one who would not save
himself can save another by force without humbling himself. As for the
enemy, I withheld myself from detailing what I called his " punishment "
should be. I should very much like your comment on my letter, if you care
to air it to me.

How is Dean getting on in Italy? Please give my best wishes to Mrs.K.
I have to be careful of my heart, and that is the reason I have not been
calling on friends. I can but should not walk too far.

To Mrs. G.E.Sp.

Nov.12,1944

I have much enjoyed your kind letter of the 3rd. You speak of " An
atmosphere of university life". I am soory I have to disillusion you, if
you think that academic men are especially versed in current affairs.
I find them to be much the same as the next man on the street. Even men
in history and political science are not all good thinkers about great
affairs. Still less the others. It is so easy to be content with sur-
face facts and with thumb-nail principles. In fact, I am often disappointed
in conversations with University men.

As for me, I happen to be more interested than most people because
for one thing, I am continually surprised to find how the most recent
events cast a refreshing light upon the remote past of nations, and how
the former in turn yield their deeper significance when seen in the light
of the other ( latter ). This mutual illumination between past and pre-
sent is to me a constant stimulation. Another reason for my interest is
I confess, that my own nature, such as it has come to be, is so stirred by
the occurrence of this pregnant age that I almost instinctively go to
seek out their roots, their implications and relations, and their probable
effects upon the actors and others. Unfortunately, I am deterred by my
proper work to do in this direction more than a fraction of what I might
otherwise be able to do.

I implied in my comments upon the emperor and the people in the
Fisher letter something a little more than your interpretation which you
so kindly gave me. And I would value even more your reaction to the last
page and a half of that letter, which is much more general in import than
what I tried to say of Japan. It may also be said that some of my opinions
contained in the latter may occur even to those who are not familiar with
the history of that particular nation but are none the less fair and
reasonable, while the ideas I expressed all too briefly in the former are
not found to be very widely shared by the planners of " peace and security".

2

Nov.12, 1944

I have sent the copy of the letter back to George, for him to keep. If you are at all interested I beg you to look it over, for I hope it will not take too much of your time.

I am pleased that you ask me to explain my dissatisfaction with current educational methods. My criticism rests upon their practice in college and university, in which I am guilt of having sometimes participated in a like spirit; and still more upon my observation of their actual products as men and women who fill all places in education, government, business, the Press, etc., and in homes. The subject however is too vast for a brief discussion in a letter. Nor can the evil be remedied in short order. In education, for instance, even if the present methods were somewhat reform-ed, it would be a long time before good, truly liberal teachers could emerge in sufficient numbers.

Education, up to the end of the college course, should aim above all else at training liberal citizens and free persons. But what is liberalism, and what is freedom? In my (rather arbitrary) use of the term, "liberty" is a juridical status, "Liberalism" is chiefly a political attitude, "Freedom" is independence of person, and "humanity" is the attainment of the fullness of the human being; liberty is comprehended in liberalism, liberalism in freedom, and freedom in humanity. A nation will be liberal and free only to the extent to which its individual members have been humanized, not because its political institutions are cast in a democratic frame. You will note that I boldly identify the human and the liberal. More accurately put, I think that the growth of political liberalism is an aspect of the progress of the general realization of man's place in the world. The more humanized a man, the more liberal his thought and action and the freer his very personality, freer as well in his moral and cultural as in his political life; so that man's true advance as man points ever towards greater freedom. But freedom in

3

Nov.12,1944

this sense relative as it must be to place, time, and personal training
is the liberation of the whole man, not of only a few of his potentialities
at the expense of others, not, for example, the cultivation of more
liberty than responsibility. Such crippling education would be as much
against the essential nature and dignity of man, as an achieving of nation-
al unity and power at the sacrifice of individual independence, or as rearing
a generation skilled in material arts but devoid of moral and spiritual
aspirations or even of any desire for imaginative, integrated thinking.
I conceive the task of education, in and out of school, by teachers and by
oneself, to be the humanization of persons.

All this talk of mine, without a great deal of amplification, may seem
a mouthful of platitudes. Perhaps in a conversation something more of what
I feel strongly may come out more easily.

The same viewpoint would inform my answer, if I were to respond to
your remarks on the opium trade in China. For one thing, in my graduate
school days I studied the so-called origin of the so-called " Opium War "
from the mass of English and Chinese source material of the question.
I found several unexpected things. To mention briefly only a few phases.
The great smuggling trade in opium by European and Hindu traders and by
Chinese pirates in the early nineteenth century was one of the potent forces
that caused the break-up of the general monopolistic trading policy of the
West India Company, and contributed not a little to the triumph of the free
trade policy in England. Then the war itself became inevitable, not so much
because a large part of the revenue of the Indian Government was, as was the
case, derived from the opium traffic, as because the new free trade and the
industrial revolution in England, demanding open commercial and diplomatic
intercourse with the Orient, came in frontal conflict with the traditional
attitude of China; for China had for milleniums held herself as the "Central
State" of the world, and treated all nations which would trade with her as

Nov. 12, 1944

dependencies and tributaries. One may condemn the traders ' dealing in a poison and the official fiscal gains from the iniquitous business. In doing so , one would be fair to consider the sins of the other party as well. Let alone China's insult of other nations as barbarians seeking the benefits of her civilizing influence , it is a fact that her people continued to smoke the drug , and her officials , to receive bribes from smugglers and pirates. As for a large traffic in narcotics and an official revenue eked out of it , examples of both were , till a short time ago, in full evidence nearer home. In whatever country the final remedy seem to be that people should cease to take a cynical advantage of their depravity and to besot themselves; then no foreign villain would have a chance. The ultimate solution is, then, the same as that of aggressive wars. Denunciation and suppression of the villain is needful, but will be vain so long as the denouncer holda himself immune from repentance of his own sins. Here, Again, it seems to me that the crux of the problem is the filling of the vacuum which inequalities of liberalization necessarily create between nations.

This has turned out to be a strange rambling message. Please try
to forgive and to seek whatever unity may underlie the scattered words.

care
I hope you both will take the best of your health through the
hard New Hampshire winter.

Please thank Guy for me for his nice post card, and remember
me to Ernest.

To G.G.C.

Feb.2,1945

Your letter is full of exciting news, full of the feast of New Hamp-
shire winter, with its abundance of pig meat and ice and snow and other
formidable dishes; and even with Ivan the Terrible It was series of
strenuous efforts, I can see, to prepare this northern banquet. I am glad
you succeeded in getting so much done and managed to have help for the
unusual tasks.

I have been doing a heroic amount of work, too, of a different sort.
I am dealing of the years after the coming of Commodore Perry and other
imperious foreigners in the 1850's and including the revolution of 1867-8.
The arrival of foreigners stirred up a turmoil all over the land.
It is extremely complicated and full of exciting incidents. I am studying
the time from the innumerable documents which feudal men and courtiers wrot
wrote under its impacts. They of course reveal the inside working of the
forces that rested upon one another and made a thrilling chapter of History.
But they also express what was latent in the meaning of great institutions,
such as the emperor and court, the shogunate, the barony, and the real quali-
ty of feudalism and chivalry. What men had been unconscious of in these
institutions but was really their essential significance, was suddenly—
though in a most confused way — brought to the front.

I am glad to hear of Guy's and Mrs. King's improvement. Both
must be very slow, and in the end result not very cheerful at best, but
every bit of relief is grateful.

My trouble was only a ceremony of cutting out a tiny growth.

P.S. I have just finished reading Churchill's Thursday speech. As
always it satisfies the reader's mind and heart by its great sweep and
its forthright rectitude. This time it answers completely the thoughtless
or partisan criticism of his conduct in Greece, obvious as their pettiness
or mischief have been.

As interesting is his use of English.

Yale University

Feb.3,1945

Dear Friend,

I am ashamed of my unconscionable delay in answering your letter of Jan. 16, which I highly appreciated. The Russell book you kindly sent me also came a few days ago. I was impressed by its title when I first saw it advertised in the Times Lit. Sup., and had been looking for a review of it. Now, thanks to you the book is in my hand. A glance at it promises very stimulating reading. I shall start it at the earliest opportunity.

Recently I have looked through with immense interest those letters from you which I have kept. They begin in 1915. There are gaps but probably there are gaps in correspondence and not lost letters; the latter is altogether unlikely. The chief difficulty in rereading them at this time was that many of your letters were undated and a few can not now be put in their proper order. I usually dated letters on receiving them, but I seem to have neglected to do so in case of several.

In going over the letters I was freshly struck by the fact that neither of us had been able to make any comment on things which occupied most of the thoughts and time of each; they were simply blank spaces for each other. And no wonder so far as my special work was concerned, even my colleagues cannot at all discuss it with any degree of understanding. You will understand that I am complaining to you, for the matter is mutual; but none the less does the mutual silence present a strange vacuum in a glaring contrast to the other things, often of high import, that figured so constantly in our correspondence.

As I ran through the letters I found that our interchange had ridden over two or three little storms, without in the least affecting the deep, steady tide of our mutual confidence. I was profoundly touched by the qualities you continued to attribute to me in every message through more than thirty years. Dear friend, how did I come to merit such treatment almost from the beginning? On my part I wish I could come

almost from the beginning? On my part, I wish I could come

then thirty years ago. Then friends, you did I come to merit such treatment
despite your confidence. I was crookedly touched by the
deep, steady tide of our mutual confidence. I was crookedly touched by the
ridden over two or three little atoms, without in the least affecting the

figured so composurely in our correspondence.

vacuum in a parking contract to the other things, often of high import, that
mutual but none the less does the mutual affection present a arrange
ment. You will understand that I am complaining to you, for the matter is
even my colleague cannot at all discontinue it with any degree of understanding
for each other. And no wonder so far as my special work was concerned,
most of the thoughts and times of each; they were simply blank abodes
neither of us had been able to make any comment on things which occupied
In going over the letters I was typically struck by the fact that
I seem to have neglected to do so in case of several.

but in their proper order. I usually dated letters on receiving them, but
time was that many of your letters were undated and a few can not now be
at altogether unlikely. The chief difficulty in resending them at this
propably there are gaps in correspondence and not lost letters; the latter
from you which I have kept. They begin in 1912. There are gaps but
Recently I have looked through with immense interest those letters
opportunity.

promises very affirming reading. I shall start it at the earliest
view of it. Now, thanks to you the book is in my hand. A glance at it
saw it advertised in the Times lift. And had been looking for a re-
me also came a few days ago. I was impressed by its title when I first
of Jan. 12, which I highly appreciated. The first self book you kindly sent
I am satisfied of my unconscious delay in answering your letter
Dear friend,

UCLA University

Sep. 3, 1942

2

Feb.3, 1945

convey to you how my respect and admiration of you has steadily increased, and, in my retrospect, how deeply I find you have entered into my spiritual lives, such as it is, and how essential a part of it you have formed.

I finished the collection a little while ago, and have since been reading Diana's letters. They began shortly before yours did, but ended about twenty years ago.

When you see Mrs. Curtis, please tell her I have meant for a long time to write her and still hope to come to that some Sunday.

There are so many things to discuss in world events and others, but I must desist this time.

Yours ever more

K. Ksakawa.

K. Kaslow.

You're ever more

but I must defeat this time.

There are so many things to do once in world events and others,
time to write her and still hope to come to that some day.

When you see her, Curtis, please tell her I have meant for a long
spontaneous letter to do.

Reading Dione's letters. They began amorally before you and did, but ended
I finished the collection a little while ago, and have since been
careless, such as if I was, and how essential a part of it you have formed.
And, in my retrospect, how deeply I find you have entered into my spiritual
convey to you how my respect and admiration of you have actually increased.

3

Sep. 3, 1942

To Arthur E. Morgan

Feb.11, 1945

(He has asked me to take part in the conference on community problems to be held at Yellow Springs, Ohio, in July)

I thank you sincerely for your letter of invitation and for the generous offer it contained. From my reading of the Antioch Notes, I have always had a desire to visit Yellow Springs one summer. Yet I hesitate to accept the offer at once. The main reason for this is that, though in the past I was greatly interested in Japanese community life from the historical point of view, dyring many recent years I have been concentrating my attention on much wider aspects of history from a viewpoint which compares Japanese institutional developments with their European counterparts. As a result it would be difficult for me to refresh my interest in communal history without expending time and effort which I can ill spare. Above all I am in any event incompetent to deal with the actual state of Japanese village life and to appraise how much and in what form the old institutions and old spirit survives.

However I note that your conference of 1944 also touched upon international relations. This, I suppose, included some consideration of problems of the after-war world. If you intend to renew the attempt this summer, and if you would care to have me take part in it along lines indicated in a letter I wrote to a friend last October, -- a copy of which I am enclosing, --- I may be able to say something which is near my heart.

In the enclosed letter I beg you to take particular notice of what I all too briefly touched upon in its last page and a half. Even if I do not come to the conference, I should be greatly interested to hear what you thought of that part of the letter, if you cared to let me know.

In your letter you refer to my past visit to you at Yellow Springs but I believe you thought of some one else's visit. I have never seen the place except in my dreams.

I published some things on Japanese village and peasantry more

I fulfilled some things on Japanese affairs and basically more

place except in my dreams.

but I believe you thought on some one else's visit. I have never seen the
In your letter you refer to my visit to you at Yellow Spring
what you thought of that part of the letter, if you can't let me know.

if I do not come to the conference, I should be greatly interested to hear
what I will too briefly touched upon in its last page and a part. Even
in the enclosed letter, I beg you to take particular notice of
I am enclosing, --- I will be able to say something which I hear my present
disturbed in a letter I wrote to a friend last October,--- a copy of which
summer, and if you would care to have me take part in it, I should like
problems of the after-war world. It you intend to renew the attempt this
international relations. This, I assume, includes some consideration of
However, I note that our conference of 1944 was touched upon
the old institutions and old spirits survive.

state of Japanese affairs file and to abbreviate from much and in what form
abuse. Above all I am in any event incompetent to deal with the actual
in communal history without extending time and effort which I can ill
barter. Yes a result if would be difficult for me to refresh my interest
compare Japanese institutional developments with their European counter-
ing an attention on much wider subjects of history from a viewpoint which
historical point of view, giving many recent issues. I have been concentrating
in the past I was greatly interested in Japanese community file from the
take to accept the offer at once. The main reason for this is that, though
have always had a desire to visit Yellow Spring one summer. Yet I hear-
generous offer it contained. From my reading of the Antioch Notes, I
I thank you sincerely for your letter of invitation and for the
to be held at Yellow Spring, Ohio, in July. )

( He has asked me to take part in the conference on community affairs
To Arthur H. Morgan
Sep. 13, 1944
in New York )

Sep. 13, 1944

To Arthur H. Morgan

2

Feb.11,1945

than 30 years ago. Will you please let me know if I have ever sent you copies of some of them, especially the ones entitled; " Notes on Village Government in Japan after 1600", and " Some of the Contributions of Feudal Japan to the New Japan"? If I have not I shall be glad to send them to you, though my reprints are running out.

It is pleasant to learn from you that your experiences with the Japanese in your community have been favorable and that they have been well received. I was much interested in your article in the Notes on the compulsory military training that is being proposed, and shall look for its sequel in the next number. I wish you would send copies to our President Charles Seymour, who, I notice, advocates such training. Personally, I am undecided upon the question. Neither of the arguments, that a year's training would necessarily contaminate the American youth, and that wartime is the proper moment to decide on it,--- the former urged by opponents, and the latter by advocates--- seems to me quite convincing. I would rather be inclined to support the proposal, if a method of training could be devised so as to rob it of chances of causing evil effects upon the young mind but rather to reap the possible benefit of the habits of discipline and self control a short period of training would confer. If such a wise plan could be carried out it should contribute to what I termed in my enclosed letter the vigilance and responsibility of the individual citizen, and thus be indirectly conducive to a just kind of peace.

Sincerely yours

Asakawa

Vicki

Sincerely yours

be indirectly conducive to a certain kind of peace.

 latterly the vigilance and reinsurance of the individual citizen, and hence
 could be carried out if should contribute to what I termed in my enclosed
 self control a short period of training would confer. It should a wise plan
 put rather to keep the boisterous benefit of the papita of discipline and
 so as to drop it of chances of causing harm effects upon the young mind
 inclined to support the proposal, it is method of training could be developed
 further by advocates--- seems to me quite convincing. I would rather be
 proper moment to decide on it,--- the former indeed by opponent's and the
 would necessarily contaminate the American youth, and that wartime is the
 unexpected upon the direction. Neither of the arguments, that a year's training
 Charles Bemou, who, I notice, advocates such training. Personally, I am
 ahead in the next number. I wish you would send copies to our President
 confidential military training that is being proposed, and shall look for its
 received. I was much interested in your article in the Notes on the
 ease in your community have been favorable and that they have been well
 It is pleasant to learn from you that your experiences with the Japanese
 them to know, though my reprint are running out.

Tengut Japan to the new Japan? If I have not I shall be glad to send
government in Japan after 1900," and "Some of the Contributions of
copies of some of them, especially the one entitled: "Notes on Affront
coats of the Japanese".

30 Years ago. Will you please let me know if I have ever sent you

Sep.11,1945

to G.G.C.

Feb.13,1945

Yes I have read Owen Lattimore's article on cows (" The Sacred Cow of Japan " in the Atlantic Monthly for January.) Do you know that his father taught at Dartmouth ? I corresponded with Owen and once met him in New York. He was one of the few scholars of the Far East in this country whom I once respected rather highly, for he had written so me books on Mongolia and China, though I had not read any of them or known his characteristics. But when I read that Atlantic article I promptly erased my premature regard. He seems to think that, at the decline and fall of the shogumate, certain diabolical men precisely pre-arranged the whole history of the ensuing eighty years with a blue-print and a bulldozer. Such a point of view betrayed, it appears to me, that the riter had no proper sense of history, no group of men, however wise and however great, ever can order the course of history for five years, two years: so complex are the forces of history and their reactions upon one another and between them and men, and so continually it defies conscious planning and belies all calculations. Then, when I read Owen's second article, on China, in the February number, I got a clearer view of his characteristic mental processes. He seems habitually to read into history supposed political schemings of this nation or that, no matter whether they were really made or not; it is enough for him that he conceives them and injects them into the history at hand. This also explains his own personal career up to the present. He seems always to have been a politician; an academic politician when at the Pacific Institute and in a university, and a political politician when employed by Chiang Kai-shek and at the recent conference on the post-war Pacific. He has much ability along these lines, and is the owner of a clear head and clever hands. In writing, he relies upon a scholarship of a superior order but of a definite pattern which he displays with the facility and cocksureness of a reporter. But as a seeker of pure truth, I regret I cannot rate him high.

********

******

brave with the facility and cockiness of a reporter. But as a seeker, a scholarship of a superior order but of a definite pattern which he diagonalized, a clear head and eleven hands. In writing, he relies upon the boat-water Pacific. He has much spiffy along these lines, and is the when at the Pacific Institute and in a university, and a political boffin present. He seems always to have been a politician; an academic boffin the history at hand. This sfao explains his own personal career as to the or not; it is enough for him that he conceives them and injects them into a scheme of the nation or that no matter whether they were really made ceases. He seems naturally to read into history enthralled political prepuary innards. I got a clearer view of his characteristic mental bro- calculations. Then, when I read Owen's second article, on China, in the and men, and so continually it defies convicna, planning and policy still forces of history and their reactions now one another and between them order the course of history for five years, two years: so complex are the of history, no doubt of men, however wise and however great, even can of view betrayed, it appears to me, that the after had no broader sense the emanating eighty years with a fine-print and a boldboxer. Such a point Gunmate, certain diabolical men precisely pre-arranged the whole history of mature regard. He seems to think that, at the decline and fall of the alpha-fetis. But when I read that Atlantic article I promptly erased my bres- Mongolia and China, though I had not read any of them or known the character- whom I once respected rather fightly, for he had written so me pooks on in New York. He was one of the few scholars of the Far East in this country further taught at Dartmouth ? I corresponded with Owen and once met him of Japan " in the Atlantic Monthly for January.) Do you know that he Yes I have read Owen Lattimore's article on cowa ( " The Sacred Cow

to G.G.C.

Sep.18,1942

To G.E.Sp.

Feb.18, 1945

Dear Guy,

It was a remarkable letter you wrote with your left hand, such as one
is seldom favored with during one's life time. A thousand thanks.

I am glad to know you are generally improving. You may have little
ups and downs but I hope the road leads steadily to your progress.

But, Guy, why is it you say you don't trust Churchill ? I don't believe it is because you share the self-righteous, missionary habit of some Americans, for whom it is so easy not to think deeply, even accurately, and not to look at doings of their own government. Then why ? I admit that Churchill, too, is getting old, and betrays a slight, ever so slight, evidence of letting his great command of mind slip. But at the same time, that command is still powerful, while his mind has been greatly mellowed by age. What gives his mind the unique power that it has is, I think, that not only is it exceptionally lucid, but, more than that, he has an unusual command of history-of the ways in which the history of nations works. Roosevelt and Stalin are products of history but not its students. What is more, which conduct of Churchill can you point out which a man who bears so heavy a responsibility to the world and his own country as Churchill bears should not do?

I see on every hand that it is extremely difficult for Americans
to understand the British, more difficult than the understanding by the
British of the Americans, hard as that seems. I fully shared the common
American thought until several years ago. It has not been easy to get over
it. I owe my relative deliverance from it to my continued observation of
the past and present behavior of the British nation in comparison with that
of others. My observation is naturally limited but it is slowly growing, and
has reached the point where I am beginning to see something of the singularly
superior attainment of that nation as a free and responsible community to
any other I know anything about.

Among the recent popularly written books on English history is one
by A.L. Rowse.

Py V.P. Rowe.

Amount the recent popularly written books on English History is one
any other I know anything about.

Superior attainment of that nation as a free and reasonable community to
have reached the point where I am beginning to see something of the singularity
of others. My observation is naturally limited but it is slowly growing, and
the beat and present behavior of the British nation in comparison with that
it. I owe my relative deliverance from it to my continued observation of
American thought until several years ago. It has not been easy to get over
British of the Americas, hard as that seem. I fully assure the common
to understand the British more difficult than the understanding by the
I see an every hand that it is extremely difficult for Americans
plenty to the world and the own country as Churchill perceives should not do
of Churchill can you point out which a man who perceives so heavily a reasonable
are products of history but not its students. What is more, which conduct
of the wise in which the history of nations works. Roosevelt and Stalin
considerably acidic, put more than that, he has an unselfish command of history-
the mind the supreme power that it has, I think, that not only is it ex-
still powerful, while his mind has been greatly mellowed by age. What gives
fetting his great command of mind alike. But at the same time, that command is
ill, too, is getting old, and portrays a slight, even so slight, evidence of
not to look at doing of their own government. Then why, I admit, that Chuch-
Americana, for whom it is so easy not to think deeply, even accumsely, and
live it is because you share the self-righteous, miotonary pap of some
But, Goy, why is it you say you don't think Churchill I don't pe-
que and downs put I probe the road feds atsdiily to your progress.

I am glad to know you are generally improving. You may have little
it a seldom favored with guring one's life time. A thousand thanks.
It was a remarkable letter you wrote with your left hand, and so one
Dear (Gy),

To G.F. Sp. Sep. 18, 1942

2

Feb. 18, 1945

A.L. Rowse is a Welshman and otherwise has a detached, comparative viewpoint. Besides he is one of the best products of British higher education, which is natably classic and humanistic, as I know from other works of his. I thought you might be interested in the book. I have ordered a copy but probably it will not come for some time. After I glance over it and if I find it to be so good as it is said to be, I shall loan it to you, if you care to see it.

You refer to injustices done to Japan in the past. I admit them and more, but at the same time I think that what matters is not so much how unjustly a nation has been dealt with as how it has reacted upon that experience. A certain amount of injustice must be expected to come to every one's door. It is his reaction that tells the story and makes his history. Now, as for the future, I am every day more convinced that it is vain, in the present stage of human enlightenment, to look for a truly just treatment of the enemies at the hands of the victors. All the conferences of the Powers, as well as the Dumbarton Oaks proposals, each and all confirm this fear. How could things be otherwise in this very slow career of human history? It is by trial and error, by tasting the bitter fruit of one's errors, by repeated disasters, that successive steps of progress are at all attained, with any retrogressions and digressions on the way. And apparently the road is indefinitely long. I do not myself consider this view as pessimistic or cynical, but, on the contrary, as firmly based upon an implicit faith in man's capacity on the whole to go gradually upward. What say you ?

**************

**************

naffly nhawnd. What ask you?

pased upon an implicit faith in man's capacity on the whole to go great-
full view as beautiful or chemical, put on the contrary, as timely
sharply the road is indefinitely found. I do not doubt considerably this
at all attained, with my retrogressions and difficulties on the way. And
one's errors, by repressed disasters, that successive steps of progress are
human history? If it is past trust and error, by testing the bitter fruit of
this fear. How could things be otherwise in this very aft career of
the powers, as well as the Dumparton Oake proposals, each and all confirm
ment of the enemies at the hands of the victors. All the conferences of
the present stage of human enlightenment, to look for a truly just treat-
How, so for the future, I am every day more convinced that it is vain, in
one's door. If the reaction that takes the story and makes the history.
experience. A certain amount of injustice must be expected to come to every
uniquely a nation has been dealt with as how it has reacted upon that
more, but at the same time I think that what matters is not so much how
You refer to injustices done to Japan in the East. I admit them and
care to see it.

tind it so be so good as it is said to be. I shall learn it to you, if you
properly if will not come for some time. After I have done it, I
I thought you might be interested in the book. I have ordered a copy put
which is mostla classed and humanistic, as I know from other works of my
point. Besides he is one of the best writers of British higher education,
V. H. G. was a Welsman and otherwise has a detached, comparative view-


S

Sep. 18, 1942

April 5, 1966.

Dear Friend,

I am most grateful for your assurance of "inalterable friendship", From my side I hardly need avow the same. In all my thinking and feeling of the deeper human relationships ,I instinctively permit myself to imagine how nearly alike you would think, and feel about them.

I note you are very busy. I am also. I have always been a fairly good worker, but seem to be more intensely and closely occupied than ever before. The reasons are ; that my undertaking is both large and hard; that I have at last earned a full time for research; and that the years before me are shortening. Added to these, I have the inveterate habit of feeling involved in the great things happening in the world. But, in this last aspect, I am grateful that I can perhaps say that I am somewhat growing in tolerance and patience and gradually being saved from fretting and condemning. I owe this to my study of history, in which,apart from the continual shifts and unpredictable turns of its minor aspects,the main currents of man's general advance appear as slow as they are irresistibly powerful.

I, too, think with you that the Americans have as much to learn in humility as the Germans and all other nations, though their lack in this regard may be found in different phases of life and assume different forms. Therefore the proposed "Re-education" of Germany could but apply to a specific form of this lack,rather than to the basic spiritual quality as such. But I also think that the apparent self-righteousness and missionary prophet manner of many Americans toward others comes largely from their not thinking them in terms- in sufficiently humanistic terms, but too much in the blue print- and -bulldozer fashion,which they regard as creative. That seems to be one of the forms in which their deficient humility together with their abounding generosity often manifests itself. Hence they tell England how to liberate her colonied and India,and they treat France as they would

How to live safe her, colonized and uncivilized, and they treat France so they would
their, upon living Generously, often mistreat itself. Hence they self England
seems so be one of the forms in which their deficient全民istic form, but too much in
diet manner of, and Americans toward others come largely from their not
but I also think that the individual self-righteousness and missionarily pro-
specific form of the Jackpot精神 than to the past spiritual quality we and
therefore we proposed "life-education" of Germany could put right to a
regard may be found in different forms of life and same different forms.
全民istic as the German and all other influences, though their lack in this
I too, think when you think the Americans have so much to fear in
name, a general advance shown as an end as they are irrelatively powerful,
sinfluence and unpredictable nature of its minor selection, the main current of
think. I own this to an extent or further, in which I depart from the continual
tolerance and patience and serenity point saved from tracking and conden-
sest. I am grateful that I can perhaps say that I am somewhat growing in
influenced in the great change happening in the world. But, in this fast so-
me are surprising. Added to these, I have the inveterate habit of feeling
I have at last earned a full time for research, and that the years before
before. The reasons are: first, an understanding in both finance and fund; and
second, a good worker, put seems to be more instrumentally and closely occupied than ever.
I note you are very busy. I am also. I have always been a fairly
how nearly as file you would think, and feel about them.
Of the deeper human relationships, I interactively permit myself to imagine
from my side I hardly need show the same. In all my thinking and feeling
I am most grateful for your assistance of "unbearable transubstance"
Dear Patern,
April 3, 1968.
(Graduate School, Yale University)

V4411 8.1968.

April 5, 1965

a block of wood; hence they cheerfully heap laws upon laws, and administrative agencies upon agencies, until they create chaotic confusion; hence they blithely frame organizations, even of an international scope, as if men and nations were dumb beasts without history or individuality; and hence even their college and high school students the moment they turn their casual attention to public events, fancy themselves as little stayrsmen capable of curing the ills of the world. The past experience of the Americans has made this natural, not their congenital lack of frankness and candor. Their education of the last half century has been conditioned by the same influence. The world will have to endure a generation or two the products of this education; and its improvement will at best be slow.

It is exceedingly interesting to observe the difference between nations--- The Americans, the British, the French, the Germans, the Italians, the Chinese, the Koreans, and the Japanese, to name only those to whom my own interest can extend--- in their ways of political thinking, and to note that their minds are so deeply colored by their individual historical training. As the Americans learn more of this truth, regarding both themselves and others, their manner will become more human and sympathetic for they are innately amenable to this discipline. At present one can hardly fail to see everywhere that there lies a considerable distance in this respect between them and the British, a distance which is evident even in a single example of writing taken at random from each country. Yet a better understanding between nations is undoubtedly an integral part of the career of human progress in liberation. To this advance, the war has given a stimulus in America, though in a hasty and superficial way. Let us hope that the impetus so auspiciously received will continue and be deepened after the war. To know other peoples is to know one's own better

better.

be deemed after the war. To know other bodies is to know one's own
let us probe that the ideas so abnormally received will continue and
pass given a stimulus in America, though in a partly and anodynoi way.
of the career of human progress in liberation. To this stimulus, the war
Yet a better understanding between nations is undoubtedly an integral part
even in a single example of writing taken at random from each country.
this respect between them and the British, a distance which is evident
hardly fail to see everywhere that there lies a considerable distance in
tor they are immediately amenable to this discipline. At present one can
themselves and others, their manner will become more human and sympathetic
training. As the Americans learn more of this truth, regarding both
note that their minds are so deeply colored by their individual historical
own interest can extend--- in their ways of political thinking, and to
the Chinese, the Koreans, and the Japanese, to name only those to whom a
nation--- The Americans, the British, the French, The Germans, the Italians,
If it is exceedingly interesting to observe the difference between
be away.

or two the consequences of this education; and its improvement will at least
determined by the same influence. The world will have to endure a generation
now and longer. Their education of the last half century has been con-
the Americans has made this natural, not their congenital lack of frank-
atist manner capable of cutting the title of the world. The best experience of
from their own cannot attention to public events, since themselves as little
and hence even their college and high school students the moment they
are men and nations were quite separate without history or individuality;
therefore they pitify frame organizations, even of an international scope,
therefore themselves upon themselves, until they create criminal confusion;
such a wood-borne they cheerfully push forward as now fame, and again-
April 3, 1945

April 3, 1945

3

April 5, 1945

You say that the cause of all wars lies chiefly in envy and greed. That does seem to be true in many instances. But I wonder if the thesis will hold as well in the future as hereinafter.

Might not a stronger and richer nation free from these vices come to wage wars for sheer protection of themselves and their ideas of their political mission? Perhaps these wars, even when one of these nations has been provoked to fire the first shot, would be of an essentially defensive character, while your comment unreasonably to aggressives. The latter will no doubt continue to be those of greed and envy for a long time. If so, I should again say that the ultimate cause of aggressive wars lay in inequalities existing in the world in the degrees of the liberation of men's minds; and that the final remedy could hardly be treaties and world organizations, but the responsibility of the individual person to himself. The vacuum caused by inequality draws in the aggressor, himself a creature of inequalities; but a fair quality of individual vigilance and responsibility, which alone would disarm him or prevent his birth, is a state too far away even to dream of. To this end, nevertheless, the material security of persons, both within and between nations, both under domestic law and under international order, will be an indispensable first step; the rest of the advance across social and political experience and cultural and religious discipline is an infinitely long journey. And, perhaps, if it were not so long and arduous, life would scarcely seem worth living. Man appears to be destined to live "dangerously".

In your letter you refer to "the greatness of the real Japan". Will you be so kind as one day to amplify the phrase? Wherein is she great and wherein does she fail? I am studying the question the best I can, and am interested in whatever is said of the nature of the people. I should prize most your estimation of it.

Always your devoted friend,

K. Asakawa.

To G.G.C.

May 9, 1945

Yes, I am keenly interested in the San Francisco proceedings. It seems that the Soviet attitude toward Poland inadvertently did some good, by drawing the dispirited crowd closer together to meet it and deepening their determination to accomplish something of an international organization through the conference. I have the impression that the majority of the delegations are bent upon that result, and, also, that they are reconciled to the improbability of producing anything ideally good but only something useful on the whole for the next decade or so. Many knotty problems will now pop up, and the final charter will very likely br a more or less incoherent patch-up. This possibility makes it all the more important that they should provide a sensible method of future revisions and amendments. On this point too, the outlook is promising; for so many seem conscious of the need of filling that obvious gap in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. By the way if you take Fortune, you will find a neat treatment of the whole question. The publisher has sent me an advance copy of the article.

In my (no doubt heterodox) view, the two main sources of recurring troubles for an international body in coming years will be; the arbitrary and lone-handed habit of Russia and the blandly benevolent, missionary attitude of America. The Lublin affair is an early illustration of the former, and the colonial trusteeship is one of the latter. The smaller and hard-bitten European nations are at present in an abnormal state of mind under the extreme distress that is knowing and will continue to gnaw them; and they may prove peevish in some things. But I feel that the difficulties that they may create will be minor and on the whole temporary. But the two great sources I have mentioned are constant, while never peevish. The Big Three are the queerest bed fellows one can imagine; their inter relations will be a series of laborious compromises. Very fortunately, they

3

May 6, 1945

they are determined to hang together the best way they can, and would
make the necessary bargains for that sake, as I believe most of the United
Nations are resolved to make the present conference something of success.

To G.G.C

May 15, 1945

Troubles which may issue from the two main sources of them I mentioned
in the other letter can by no means be unmixed evils. These troubles,
especially those due to the habitual American attitude, may bring much
good, as they have done so often and in so many ways in the past, when sifted
and adjusted to the real conditions of various nations or by sheer reacyon.
Also, the too much realism evident in other nations is on the whole inevit-
able, and can be as often good as bad in effect.

The American attitude can go a long way toward absurdity when indulg-
ed in weak moments. Some busybodies have said that it should be proposed
at the S.F. Conference that May 30 be made an International holiday. In
1853, Commodore Perry wrote to the shogun's government that, since the latter
traditional policy of prohibiting trade was an " extreme crime " in vio-
lation of " Heavenly reason " , a vast American fleet would come to de-
mand an accounting for it; its victory was certain; on that occasion if
you should wish to capitulate, you should hoist the two white flags he was
sending therewith; bombarding would then cease at once. ( This was said to
officials on June 4, and was sent about five days later in three letters
of this exact import, English, Chinese and Japanese, which arrived to-
gether with the flags in a box. These exist two diaries by two officials
who took part in the interview of the 4th, and the letters except the
English. The letters were shown to no one at the time but to the inner
councillors.

I fear that in a short time Russia might pose much more embar-
rasing problems than even the Polish question. Aside from the matters of
Jugoslavia, Roumania and the Dardanelles, which promise to be serious, Russia

["Jungalsavu, Romands and the Dardametee, which promises to be a serious, meaningful dialogue. Value from the matters of I mean that in a short time perhaps might be much more emper-", "commissions.", "English. The letters were shown to no one at the time but to the inner who took part in the interview of the 4th, and the letters except the better with the flags in a box. These exist two diagrams by two officials of this exact import, English, Chinese and Japanese, which arrived fo-olificates on June 4, and was sent about five days later in three letters sending CURRENTLY; bombarding would then cease at once. ( This was said to you should we to acknowledge you should put the two white flags he was and an accounting for it; its victory was certain; on that occasion it was said that \"Heavenly Reason,\" a war American fleet would come to des-trictural policy of profiting trade was an \"extreme crime\" in vio-lation of \"Heavenly Reason.\" A war American fleet would come to de-trialize the flag of profaning trade was an \"extreme crime\" in vio-lation of \"Heavenly Reason.\" A war American fleet would come to de-trialize the flag of prof

2

May 16, 1945

Russia might set up the " Free German " crowd( headed by Field Marshall Paulus ) formed in Russia under her sponsorship,as the provisional government of the big Russia part of occupied Germany, and eventually even of the whole of Germany. These men it is said started westward some time ago. The effects of such plan would be extremely grave,in view of the fact that they are the pick of the Prussian Junkerdom, and that both in the German and the Russian high command there has for a long time been a strong in favor of a Russo-German alliance; the thing has long been potential. In the East too Russia may well demand Korea, Korea and Manchuria, as her share in the proposed "trustee ship ", which Russia has begun to support, to the surprise of all. Even more ominous is the possibility that she might support the Communist regime at Yenan in China, while America and Great Britain are committed to help Chongking. What a mess this would make. Moreover Chongking may be weaker than is known, and, under such difficulties, the men there who have wanted to make terms with Japan, might get the upper hand. These are samples of troubles that must be expected in one form or another in continual succession from the mysterious house of Stalin. Russia's actions can never be predicted by the western mind, whose historical equipment is different. Who in the west would, for instance, think for a moment of making a party in a dispute a judge in the case, as is implied in the Russian demand for the veto power of any of the Big Four in the Security Council when that country is accused of aggression? The obvious principle that a party shall not judge his case is probably lacking in any strong form in Russian tradition.

********* 6

Somech for the travail of the world..... Your description of insects attacking the fence-makers like a whirling dervishes " is capital. I am charmed also by your story of the emergence of new beech leaves. I am thrilled by the budding and unfolding leaves of various plants about here, and spend many minutes on the street watching them and following their

S

May 15, 1945

daily progress. In the last few days I have begun to notice another
enchanting sight for the first time, while it has always been there un-
noticed by men. That is the shadows cast upon stone walls by small trees
close by. Some of these trees, dogwood for example, are not especially
pretty, but one discovers beauty in any tree from its shadow. Shadows in
the light of a setting sun are somewhat foreshortened and therefore not
exactly true to the real trees; but they bring out unexpected qualities
of lines, angles and curves. How wonderful every aspect of the joints
the bend of the boughs, and the gentle pointing upward of their ends!
Yet my eye sees only a tiny part of the whole and details of trees so
lavishly revealed.

K. Yasukawa.

H.O.S.

Yale University

June 3, 1945

Dear Friend,

I heartily thank you for your letter of a few days back. In fact I have long had you on my mind, but so far every letter-writing day has been too full.

In the first place let me assure you that I am and have been very well and enjoying life. It is really remarkable, and I am grateful therefore that I keep so constantly in good health. One reason maybe that I can hold the ways of my life quite regular and free from friction, am careful of diet and exercise, keep my temper even and unruffled, and, above all, feel daily refreshed by witnessing beauties of Nature and of individual persons.

But do you know you seldom mention the state of your own health in your letters or tell news of your children? I wish you were less stoic about these matters.

I am at last reading for a few minutes in bed Russell's "Directiveness" which you kindly sent me in January. I am getting much "kick" out of it. It is high time that biologists should look beyond mere physical and chemical aspects of organic life, and venture to search modes of the expression of life in terms of its attempts to some "Biological ends" as Russell is trying to do. From his references I gather there are also some other specialists who are so engaged.

I am delighted that you revert to the worm's markings on the stick and command that all "Activities are tied link by link to gravity and air and sum". One result of this fact deeply impresses me; that is, there appears to be a grand unity or similarity underlying all manifestations of life in the organic and inorganic world. Beneath all the infinite of circumstances and individualities through which they are revealed, one may perhaps discern constant patterns and figures, both visible and invisible, that repeat themselves throughout space and time, from worms,

2

June 2, 1945

leaves and flowers to phenomena of the sky and to human history; from
atoms and molecules to the heavens.

What I have tried to suggest here concerns, not the common causes
(Your " gravity and air and sun") but common forms or patterns, of
phenomena. How the unique and general are subtly combined in these patterns
is well illustrated in the behavior of different nations,-- American,
English, Scottish, French, Russian, German etc.,--- throughout their history,
and makes most fascinating subjects for profound study and thought. In
recent months I have been carefully examining the political conduct of the
Japanese nation since the coming of foreigners, especially during the
critical 15 years or more until the catastrophe of 1945. Here the interplay
between the special racial character and the common human ( or cosmic) nature
is at once evident and yet largely elusive of analysis.

Again your brief message has elicited a lengthy reply. I am not
such a master of concise style as you are.

As I look over my diary since our first acquaintance in 1915
and my correspondence with you and the late " Nonna ", I am deeply impressed
by the amount of my spiritual indebtedness to you, my great friend.

Yours Always

K. Asakawa.

["K. Vakseva.", "Yonu Vayya", "by the amount of my aspirant indebtedness to you, my great friend, and my correspondence with you and the fate \"blows \", I am deeply impressed\nas a matter of concise style as you are.\n\nAs I look over my diary since our first correspondence in 1912", "Again your brief message has elicited a lengthily reply. I am not\nat once evident and yet fairly affirmative of your views.", "between the special racial character and the common human ( or cosmic) nature\n\nbetween the special racial character and the common human ( or

H. G.S.

Yale University

June 3,1945

Dear Friend,

Many thanks for your letter of the 30th. I enclose copies of my
two recent letters. G.G.C. is my friend at Plymouth, N.H. whom I visit
every August. A.G.K. is another friend of long standing, the former head
of our Sociology department now in retirement. His two articles on
which my letters comments I enclose herewith, to show you in how refresh-
ingly broad a way a sociologist treats democracy etc.,and how pronounced
are the individual characteristics of this particular one,a very remark-
able person. I respect his sturdy personality without limit.

Please do not think I imposed these articles upon your limited
time. Just glance at them at your leisure, and return them to me.

You do not refer to your friend to whom I sent the articles
through you,and of whom I asked if she would care to see more. Probably
she is not interested in this subject to that extent,

You speak of my friends who think of me. I wonder whom among
them you know. I have not many in Boston,if I do not count my former
Dartmouth fellow-students, who knew me as I was fifty years ago.

K. A. Asakawa.

Vivienne Youra

Dartmouth Fellow-- students, who know me as I was fifty years ago.

them you know. I have not many in Boston, but I do not count my former.

You ask of my friends who think of me. I wonder whom among
she is not interested in this subject to that extent?

through you, and of whom I asked it she would come to see more, properly.

You do not refer to your friend to whom I sent the articles
time. Just glance at them at your leisure, and return them to me.

Please do not think I impose these articles upon your limited
apart hereon. I respect his unduly personality without limit.

are the individual characteristics of this particular one's very remark-
ingly proud as way a sociologist treats democracy etc., and now pronounced
which his letters comment I enclose herewith, to show you in how retreat-
of our Sociology department now in retirement. His two articles on
evenly August. V.G.K. is another friend of long standing, the former read-
two recent letters. G.G.C. is my friend at Dartmouth, M.H. whom I are if
many thanks for your letter of the 30th. I enclose copies of my

Dear Friend,

H. G. B.

Yale University

June 3, 1942

To G.B. So.

July 11, 1945

Many thanks for your letter. With all your disability in writing, your letter is not only clear but admirably orderly, which example I shall try to emulate until what follows, except in one particular, that is, your health. You mention it last, but I put it first. I am happy to hear you are daily improving, and sincerely hope you will keep on. I hope your cold spell is past, as is ours, Now at last it seems that summer is dawning at last.

You still say that Churchill " seems so strongly for his own land". How else would you have him? Are not Americans for theirs? Would or should they cast Alaska, Hawaii and Porto Rico to their own fate ? Historian that he is, Churchill must be keenly alive to the significant place the British empire has come to occupy in the large creative work of the world. What calamity to mankind it would be if it were neglected and should dissolve, and give place to a cheap, impossible idealism.

Yes, the adulations paid to F.D.R.'s memory were striking. The times and the position he had held in them made this inevitable. Anyway death always erases blemishes and evokes tributes. I, for one, could not bear his loose policies and personal spitefulness while he was alive, but the moment he passed away I could think of nothing but his early vision and his great services to the allies. He has contributed vastly to the world at its grave crisis; and, I cannot but think he died timely. Had he lived longer, he might have made a mess of some extremely important things, and it would have seemed far more glaring in a post-war world, which requires much clearer arrangements, than during a war. His casual manner of thinking has left behind him shadows enough; for one example, the leaky language about the veto question which he proposed and put through at Yalta. For this however the fault may in part be the State Department's.

It is mightily fortunate that his mantle has fallen upon Truman. The latter is clear, simple and direct, and altogether is gifted with just the qualities needed at this juncture. May Heaven help and speed him.

disfluencies needed at this juncture. May Heaven help and abet him!

fatter is clean, simple and direct, and altogether is lifted with that fine
It is mightily fortunate that he handle has fallen upon Trumam. The
Yates. For this however the tank may in part be the State Department's.
Language about the veto objection which he proposed and but through at
t冬ing has left behind him shadows enough; for one example, the ready
a much clearer arrangement, from which his war. His great manner of
and it would have seemed far more clear in a boat-war world, which require
fived hour's he might have made a mess of some extremely important things,
world at its grave crisis; and, I cannot but think he died time矣. Had he
and his great services to the nation. He has contributed greatly to the
time moment he passed away. I could think of nothing but his early vision
before his loose policies and pernicious apishness, while he was alive, put
death always ensures premature and evokes tributes. I, for one, could not
fimea and the position he had held in them made this inevitable. Anyway
Yes, the aspirations paid to K. D. R.'s a memory were striking. The
and should cease, and give place to a clean, unimposable idealism.
of the world. What causivity to manifest it would be if it were neglected
brake the British empire has come to occupy in the large creative work
Heterogeneity that he is, Churchill must be keenly alive to the significant
and should they cast Visak, Hawaii and Porto Rico to their own fate ?
How else would you have him? Are not Americans for there? Would or
You still say that Churchill " seems so strongly for his own lung".
is best, as he is, now at least if he seems that summer is drawing at least
improving, and sincerely hope you will keep on. I hope your cold abeef
You mention it least, but I but it that. I am happy to hear you are well.
To emigrate in what follows, except in one particular, that is, your health.
Letter is not only clean, but civilly orderly, which example I shall try
Many thanks for your letter. With all your disfluency in writing, your

To G. H. Wo.

July 11, 1942

2

July II, 1945

I feel encouraged by the way the San Francisco conference has been going, within the modest scope of achievement that can at best be hoped for from it. I wrote something about it to George, which you may care to look at, if he still has kept it, though it was written before the Russian objection to Council " discussion " was lodged.

About Russia, I have a great deal to say, but I must desist now.
I touched on her too in my letters to George.

Yes, the horrors of war, especially in Japan past and to come, open our eyes to what inhumanities man is capable of at such a time as the present. The less said of it, the better. Nor is it in the least contemplated to abolish air warfare. One must attribute it all to the imperfections of the slow-learning humanity, and leave it at that. Perhaps man advances the more surely for his errors, pains, and miner retrogressions.
Let us hope so, for we cannot do otherwise.

Asakawa.

- 8 -

treasonable movements in foreign countries are now fostered, and then left in the
an abiding, wholly gratuitous enmity to herself is ascribed to certain States, and her attentions toward them are treated, upon
official and private espionage is everywhere employed as a matter of course
and almost openly; a world organization for international peace and security is
subscribed to but its action toward herself effectively blocked, while, whatever arts
of potential aggression are being cultivated are sedulously concealed. All such
incredible to
political conduct is past belief of the common cultural sense of the West, which yet
is more than less compelled to take note of it in constant fear of what it may portend
for the morrow. From all the foregoing, is one to infer that there lies an impassable
chasm between Russia and the West (in whose orbit may be included Germany also); and
that, therefore, a coming conflict, if it must come, of the two antagonistic views
of political life is bound to be far more terrible and fatal than the savage war
from which we have just emerged?

Indeed, the word "fatal" has not been employed would not seem too strong, if these
deeper
apparently diagonally opposed views remained equally rigorous and at last sought a
decision through a total war. Let us revert for a moment to the matter of "facts"
only, for, after all, it is a veritable index to all the other differences and
remains the most important question from the standpoint of international relations.
"Facts", we repeat, comprise what is thought and believed as well as what has been
externalized; as well data that are merely physical as those charged with values
moral and spiritual. The
which
A triumph of a cult that categorically denies inexpedient facts
would be nothing short of what the churchman might call a second fall of mankind
more fatal than the first. It would result in the negation of the whole known and
knowable system of man and the universe, in which we have our very being. Is this
to be the destiny of man after his long march on earth, which, it has seemed, would
be perpetual and perpetually upward?

I am reluctant to believe so; for already I seem to perceive small fissures
appearing in the armature of each side, especially in that in the Communist camp.
I shall venture to dilate a little thereon. My chief reliance is upon two things:
on the Communist side, the common human nature and human needs which the Russians

- 9 -

share with the rest of mankind; and on the Western side, the candor and wisdom of
which its capability has not lacked proofs.

Man, whether Communist or "fascist", will learn to seek interest & to avoid injury; his being in a world of interests; also he is bound by a logic of facts, whatever he may say or do to the contrary; and, finally, he has an innate yearning for a fuller personal liberty, so that Marxism itself has to promise a species of liberty, the only true "democracy" as it claims. The Russians' very manipulation of facts and their flexible opportunism betray their ultimate faith in fact and logic, for thereby they try to affirm that their denials and concoctions are truths; is this not an abuse rather than a negation of fact and logic? And their own pursuit of science and technology exclusively demonstrates their real dependence upon universally valid facts, no matter how much they may for the moment be perverting the gained facts in the service of an all-devouring State. Indeed, apart from their political behavior, individual Russians are as scrupulous of personal truthfulness and fidelity as any one else, and often even excel many another in their human kindness and generosity. One may confidently look forward to their gradual, increasing yielding to the inexorable order of factual reality even in the political sphere, no matter what they may asseverate to the contrary in the meantime. Nor can we doubt that they would, no less than other men, discover sooner or later, however costly the process may be in their case, that their true interest did not lie in the road of an enslaving totalization and wilful suppression of common human nature. With their natural shrewdness, their leaders must already be beginning to notice that their lone-handed doings with other nations have perceptively alienated the sympathy of those among them who were once stirred with admiration of the heroic defence of Russia against the invader and for her vast enterprise to achieve an economic renovation. Nor may her satellites be expected always to remain subservient to her dictation; their material interest may prove not to have been promoted as was anticipated by their obedience to the behests of the Kremlin; and their citizens may more and more chafe under the yoke that strangles. And, in Russia herself, an enlarging

- 10 -

number

section of the people may come to compare their state of existence with that abroad, and to cast about means of raising themselves. In short, all round the Communist circles there would eventually arise struggles of human nature to realize somewhat its deeper longings by whatever means seemed available, whether gradual or explosive. One may indeed fully expect to see, during that process, many a clash of interests and many an abortive upheaval and merciless retribution; but from the essential needs of the human being, one would think that the movement would soon or late become irresistible, defy and finally overcome this form of unnatural attempt at strangulation, as man has so often conquered other forms in the past. Or else, but the creation of man were a mockery.

With all our faith in the ultimate triumph of man's nature and needs, however, none of us can blink the immense hazard of protracting the present period of dangerous suspense. Every moment hastened in the awakening of the dormant multitudes under the Soviet rule, and then in the achieving of their freedom, would be an incalculable blessing to the entire world. Can we of the West in any way facilitate that awakening and that achievement while abstaining from obtrusively interfering in their internal affairs, as we certainly should abstain? That is the great problem. I think that, for such an end, it is not altogether hopeless to pursue certain legitimate and honorable ways, ways which are neither of compromise with evil nor of competitive denunciation, but are ways of reciprocity and of persuasion: reciprocal learning of virtues and defects, and mutual understanding of anxieties and fears. Let me explain.

In the first place, the Western nations would be wise to learn what they might from certain meritorious phases of the social policies of Soviet Russia, even as the latter might reap salutary lessons from the former's long discipline in free institutions. The more harmful abuses of capitalistic economy have in recent decades awakened the Western governments, in various degrees, to the need of considering more fully than heretofore the increasing pressing demands for the social security of the less favored part of the people. No longer are these governments

- 11 -

inclined complacently to barricade themselves behind mere political institutions,
immensely more human as they are than the Communist constitutional frame. Some
degree of socio-economic planning is recognized everywhere as inevitable, and is
being tried in one way or another. It would seem that, in this novel field, the
more systematic effort that the Soviets are making may offer to the West aspects
worthy of examining and adapting to its own needs. In a word, just as the Soviet
may to his enduring benefit deepen the State's sense of duty to the citizen's
personality, so in the free West the individual in every walk of life should be
trained in the obligation he owes to society as a whole, in social and economic
spheres as much as in the political, if he would conserve and extend in this age
the very civic liberty he prizes. What is counselled here is no less than a change
of the whole mental attitude of the West and Russia toward each other, from one of
rival criticism and vilification to one of reasoned study and frank readiness to
learn and profit.

The same spirit, I believe, can inspire broader and more fundamental aspects
of the relation than an exchange of useful experiences; not only governmental actions
but also private undertakings of citizens and their groups. But, before I may
specify these aspects, I wish to stress one point. In the task of reciprocal give-
and-take, especially in acts looking toward mutual persuasion, it seems clear that
the initiative must rest primarily with the West; or else, since Russia is unlikely
to mend spontaneously her habitually arbitrary and secretive manner, the interval
of latent danger might prove long and costly. For the same reason, also, the West's
initiative might work more harm than good if it were not directed with uncommon
wisdom and forbearance. Forbearance is not appeasement; on the contrary, it should
mean firm insistence upon reason and truth, tempered by caution as to time and
manner. Always the core of action should be plain truthfulness expressed at ap-
propriate opportunities and within the bounds of propriety and consideration due in
all peaceful intercourse between sovereign nations. To veil or bend principles
would, in its reaction upon the Soviet habit of mind, prove as disastrous as ruthless
endeavors to impose them,

- 14 -

### 3. The American aspect.

At long last, the American government, if not quite the Congress and the people at large, seems to have approached the cardinal point above indicated in the art of official treatment of the Russian political mind. Secretary Marshall's statements so far made at Moscow (made perhaps in collaboration with Ambassador Gen. Smith) have been pointed and incontrovertible yet prudent. President Truman's recent address to the Congress proposing aid to Greece and Turkey, despite its rather loose and porous texture, honestly and baldly enunciated the government's view of the radically altered situation in the Middle East between Britain, Russia, and America, and of the consequent need of a new orientation of American foreign policy. Nor is it difficult to surmise in a general way some of the stages through which the Administration has been led to assume this course, even though it would be premature to appraise the shares in it of the few guiding spirits within the government. Between November 1943 and August 1945, the heads of the three governments, through the conferences held at Moscow, Cairo, Teheran, Yalta, and Potsdam, strove to adjust their divergent moods and attitudes regarding problems of common concern, adjustments now and then between Mr. Churchill (before his retirement from office in July '45) and Mr. Roosevelt (till his death in April of the same year), and always between them both together and the Russian spokesman, and so to devise at least provisional modus vivendi. Every time, it seems to have been Mr. Churchill who accommodated Mr. Roosevelt, and both these men who appeased Mr. Stalin or Mr. Molotov. And every time, the opportunistic compromise made has entailed a legacy of incongruities and even injustices to other nations, of which it would henceforth be extremely difficult to rectify the consequences without disarraying the situations and vested interests that have grown out of the casual makeshifts. In the midst of this confusion, or rather at its early stage, dawned the present post-bellum age; Russia's wilful declarations, demands, and protests, as well as manoeuvres behind the scene, have persisted and multiplied; the British and the

YALE UNIVERSITY
NEW HAVEN CONNECTICUT

PIERSON COLLEGE
THE MASTER

April 9th

1947

Professor K. Asakawa
2744 Hall of Graduate Studies
Yale University

Dear Mr. Asakawa:

I am most grateful to you for having sent me your comments on the relations between the East and the West. I think you are very wise in suggesting a change of the whole mental attitude of the West and Russia toward each other. The difficulty is, of course, to suggest how one side can take the initiative without being misunderstood and without weakening itself. I heartily agree with you that "forebearance is not appeasement." This, unfortunately, is little understood today. I suppose you have looked into Mr. Northrop's book which in some respects follows a similar line of thought.

With many thanks,

YALE UNIVERSITY

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT

1389 Hill Drive, Eagle Rock, Los Angeles 41

13 April 1947

1317 DAVENPORT COLLEGE

G. W. PIERSON

Prof. K. Asakawa
Hall of Graduate Studies

Dear Master:

That is a swell letter! I have read it and reread it. The question with which it deals has oppressed me, as it has so many others. The men dealing officially with the question, and the policies or lack of policies which they have used, have profoundly discouraged so many of us. It has almost seemed hopeless: as if we were fated to slide open-eyed into a needless and perfectly avoidable abyss: an abyss only made unavoidable by human failing.

So your letter has given me more encouragement and assurance than
anything in a long while. It states certain conditions, and certain cautions
with persuasive logic. I hope you will publish it. Is there anything I can do
to help? I would do a good deal if it helped to get the policies you advocate
realized. As you may have heard, last year I was preoccupied to a certain extent
to get American studies for foreigners established at Yale, believing that in
the long run only by mutual understanding and forebearance can peace be maintained.
It seems to me that our universities have a tremendous responsibility for
enlightening our own people about others, and for enlightening others about
ourselves. But I can't say that the view seemed very important to others in
the vicinity, or that I accomplished a darn thing. I wish that Yale might take
the lead in such matters. But, if not Yale, then some university or group of them
must.

Meanwhile, views like yours ought to reach the public, and the
universities in particular. And the State Dept. One feels so helpless most of the
time, that it is wonderful when someone like yourself sets his mind to the problem
and approaches positive recommendation. I do hope you will continue!

Today is a steaming summer day: the third in a row with temperatures
in the nineties. I know it's summer also from my hay fever, which is aroused.
They have begun to irrigate the lemon orchard, earlier than usual. Our four
navel orange trees, despite a heavy crop, have been practically denuded by
the Piersons and their tenants. They have been very good. Week-ends I go tree
climbing, or use a ladder, to get them. Soon, the valencia oranges will start
ripening again. Meanwhile the lemons have been picked three times, the pickers
cutting only the ripe ones, or the very large ones, each time.

At nights we have occasional visits from coyotes, and sometimes three
deer, a doe and her two fauns from last year, come down from the mountain ridge
behind the house, and spend the day in the orchard munching grass. Traffic begins
only half a block away, but they seem unafraid. When you startle them, they go
bouncing away, but not very far. We have also had a horde of black caterpillars;
tadpoles in the reservoir where the frogs have been croaking; and they say there may be
rattlesnakes in the sage and scrub of the mountain slope. With more wind than usual
lately, the Sierras have been wonderfully clear. The other night we drove up Mt. Wilson,
and looked out over "the sixty suburbs in search of a city": all bathed in a pinkish
light. We have also visited the Pacific, and a Mission (a charming, ruined place),
and a captivating ranch in the Santa Ynez valley north of Santa Barbara.
Wish you could see this country. And that we could see you.

H.G.S. Yale University

April 15, 1947

Dear Friend,

I am very sorry you have had the grippe and hope you will soon get over its effects. I had an inoculation in September against that ill. This seems to have helped, for I have not had even a slight touch of a cold all these months. Nor had I any unpleasant reaction from the injection.

Many hearty thanks for your generous words on my long letter. I think you, as usual, attribute to me what I do not deserve. I am keenly aware how much more open I should be than I am to the light that descends upon a refined spirit. I am immensely pleased that you will send me comments on my composition. I am anxious to improve my English expression so far as lies within my capacity. I shall prize suggestions from you more than any one.

But I had to smile when I read that you would send the pages to my secretary. I have never had the luxury of having one. I have had my copies made at the University Secretary's office.

I have not thought of publishing the piece. Not that I object to doing so, but that I can't think of any proper organ. Have you any suggestions? After receiving your comments in regard to my bad passages, and making changes accordingly, I may consider the possibility of publication.

K. V. Vasham.

Your devoted friend

refuse accordingly. I may consider the possibility of publication.

If you receive my comments in regard to my psd braille and making
doing so, but that I can't think of any better organ. Have you any idea-

I have not thought of fulfilling the piece. Not that I object to

secretly. I have never had the luxury of having one. I have had my copies

within my capacity. I allow prize suggestions from you more than any one.

my combination. I am anxious to improve my English expression so far as ties

lined apart. I am immediately pleased that you will send me comments on

much more open I should be than I am to the light that descends upon a re-

you, as I must attribute to me what I do not deserve. I am keenly aware how

many thanks for your generous words on my long letter. I think

will these months. Nor had I any unpleasant reaction from the injection.

This seems to have helped, for I have not had even a slight touch of a cold
over its effects. I had an inoculation in September against that ill.

I am very sorry you have had the bridle and probe you will soon get

Dear friend,

H.O.2. Yale University

April 12, 1947

H.G.S.

Yale University.

April 24, 1947

Dear Friend,

I am very sorry that the question you put to me is one which I have
not studied at all and on which I have not formed a thought anywhere near
just. All my impressions are based upon haphazard and shallow observations.
Perhaps they are in part influenced by my knowledge that my Jewish col-
leagues here are said to be not in sympathy with the Zionist movement,
though I have so far avoided personal discussion with them.

One extraordinary thing about the Palestine question is that so many
men, including our Mr. Truman, are, as it were, conspiring to make it as
difficult of solution as possible. I feel there is far more to the whole
problem than is being said by partisans. The customary silence of the
English is not helping toward enlightenment. Of course there is an ex-
tremely awkward position, one that is exactly open to sinister interpre-
tations.

No one can help pity the plight of the displaced Jews of Europe;
and my feeling goes as much to the wondrous larger numbers of other uprooted
people there are in Asia. There are millions upon millions of them, of
nearly a dozen nations-- homeless, despondent, and living among people
who either cannot even support themselves or else are glad to drive the
D.P.s into conscript labor. The Jewish minority would seem to be getting
the major share of American sympathy.

The Jewish argument of original home fails to convince one. Has there
not been a succession of races in Palestine before the advent of the
Hebrews in ancient times? If all peoples should be resettled in the habi-
tats they once have occupied, what nation on earth today would be safe in
its home?

As to the attitudes of the Palestinian Jews toward the Arab inhabi-
tants, whatever the former may say of their fair intentions to the latter,
they are hardly believed either by the Arabs or by such Christian observ-
ers as have seen the actual state of things. It strikes one as another

There are some who have seen the actual fate of things. It strikes one as another that they are hardly believed either by the Vespas or by any Chrematian open fanatics, whatever the former may say of their fair intentions to the latter. As to the attitudes of the Palestinian Jews toward the Vespas impadi-
ted its home?

State they once have occupied, what nation on earth today would be safe in Hebrews in ancient times? If all people should be reëttled in the past not been a succession of races in Palestine before the advent of the

The Jewish argument of original home fails to convince one. Has there been any share of American sympathy.

D.P. is into covenant lapor. The Jewish minority would seem to be getting who either cannot even ambuscade themselves or else are glad to drive the nearly a dozen nations-----homesees, geodesen, and living among people people there are in Als. There are millions upon millions of them, of and my feeling goes so much to the greatly further numbers of other unroofed nations.

There is no such thing as Jewish position, one that is exactly open toاعتimate. But if not helping toward enlightenment, of course there is an ex-
problem than is being said by barometers. The stationary influence of the
difficult of solution as possible. I feel there is far more to the whole
ment, including our Mr. Tramm, as far as it were, comparing to make it as
one extraordinarily thinking about the Palestinian question is that so many
though I have so far avoided personal discussion with them.

Questions here are said to be not in sympathy with the Zionist movement,
perhaps they are in part influenced by my knowledge that Jewish col-
just. All my impressions are based upon hitherto and a sufficient number
not studied at all and on which I have not formed a thought anywhere near
I am very sorry that the question you put to me is one which I have
departed from.

H.O.B. Ucla University, April 30, 1947

2

April 24, 1947

case of Hindus against Indian Moslems. Neither can tolerate the
other, nor any compromise seems out of the question for ages to come.
As for the Jews in Palestine, their merit of having contributed to the
progress to the progress and wealth of the land is, I fear, in danger of
being erased by the behavior of their terrorist minority, and their privi-
lege of the new home being forfeited.

I have the impression that the displaced Jews, both in Palestine
and in Europe, would never be satisfied with living with other peoples
again. Their conduct suggests that the only solution might be to settle
them in no man's land,--- in the African interior, upon the Andes, or in the
northern wilds of Alaska, where they would know how to make the rocks
bloom.

Ever yours

K. Asakawa.

K. Vakkaun.

Fertr. Jorra.

poom.

the northern wilda of Vrakka, where they would know how to make the rocks
them in no man's land,--- in the African interior, upon the Anga, or in the
again... Their conduct anguishes that the only solution might be to settle
and in Europe, would never be satisfied with living with other peoples

I have the impression that the displaced peoples, both in Palestine
flee of the new home being forfeited.

people erred by the behavior of their terrorist minority, and theirANI-
barriers to the progress and wealth of the land is, I fear, in danger of
fall for the peoples in Palestine, their menk of having contributed to the
other, nor any compromise seen out of the decision for ages to come,
case of Hindus against Indian Molesmen. Neither can tolerate the

S

April 24, 1948

1006, LINCOLN AVENUE

ANN ARBOR
MICHIGAN

28 April, 1947.

Dear Mr. Asakawa:

I am greatly obliged for your out-line of an essay, and I have read it with care and interest. It touches on so many ultimate problems of the present day that it would be impossible to answer it -- even if I knew enough -- in less than a book. But several points do occur to me, which I pass on for what little they may be worth.

It seems to me that you underestimate the fundamental character of British weakness. That's a subject I have been thinking about for several years, and I don't pretend to definitive conclusions. But I am convinced that Britain's war-weariness is only the surface of her problem -- that she has been declining rapidly as a world power, say since the 1980's, and that the process has only become apparent in recent years. However that may be, the fact remains that we are perforce taking over her spheres of influence; the recent Balkan loan is only a case in point. Whether we are sufficiently conscious of what is happening is one question, whether the British are an-other. But I feel sure that a vast shift of power between the two countries is going on, and I question whether either one can fully control it by volition.

As for the gulf between Russian and western thought: How far would you carry this? If there, for example, a similar gulf between Japan and the west? Or China? If so, wasn't there a similar gulf between Nazi Germany and the west? It seemed to me, in reading your pages, that almost everything you said about the Russian handling of facts (a point I found enormously interesting) would have applied to the Nazis. What my wonders are driving at is the question whether this contempt for the rationalistic tradition is a national thing, endemic in Russian culture, or whether it is not an attitude which is widespread in Western culture itself. Are you perhaps imputing to Russia, merely because she is the great surviving exemplar, characteristics of fascism as a whole?

The Russians are certainly carrying on a war of nerves in the best German tradition. The principal danger, as I see it, is that they will miscalculate the

soundness of foreign nerves, especially ours. We're
getting far too much talk of the avikabii inevitabil-
ity of a Russo-American war in the press, and not
merely in the extremist fringe. That's one ingredient
of a potential crisis. Another is Russian intransigence,
since every diplomatic deadlock is good for the war-
mongers. A third is the endlessly repeated argument that
we have only a few years to act in, if we are going to
act, before the Russians have all our atomic and biological
weapons and war would mean mutual exterminations. Those
factors combined might make us aggressive because we were
afraid.

I don't think that's the way we're likely to go.
By and large I'm more afraid of the opposite danger,
our isolationism. But fear is as good an incentive to
imperialism as greed; British policy in the late 19th
century seems to me to bear that out. And we are gradu-
ally being made afraid. If the process continues beyond
a certain point, the isolationists will become agressive.
If it doesn't go beyond that point, they'll remain a bar-
rier to effective internationalism. So haven't we a
choice of dangers as far as the domestic front is con-
cerned?

Now I must get back to Charles II. His devious
foreign policy, on which I'm working at the moment, is
comfortingly simple by contrast with the current scene.
With my thanks again for the mimeograph, and all my
best wishes to you,

To Wm. Willcox 4v '47

1

Dear William, I was very delighted to receive your comments on my letter on Russia, There were just the kind of stimulus I longed for.

As you say, the problems I touched upon (most of them casually) are tremendous ones. That is one reason why I am not yielding to friends' urging to publish the piece. Another reason is that I had necessarily eschewed many things about the British, Russian, and American aspects of the situation that did not seem strictly germane to the discussion on hand. As it is, I have made several additions since I sent you a copy, especially about the pan-Slavic ideas or moods, and about the subconscious minds of some nations, including the Russian and the German. The more time elapses, the keener grows my realization of the defects of the paper. I can regard it only as a play whereby I contrived to relieve my oppressed mind.

Regarding the British, a friend chided me that I had covered up their past political sins. But I do not feel that the paper was a place where those misdeeds which are no longer liable to be repeated by present statesmen needed be aired. What would be purpose, in the American case, for example, of setting down questionable acts committed in unregenerate days toward Indians and Mexicans?

But I fully agree with you that British weakness began long before the recent war ended. I knew well that the naval ratio agreement of 1922 was a clear evidence of it; that the difficulties confronting the British navy and its deployment were causing grave concern soon after; and also that the financial center of the world had already shifted from London to New York. I think the British statesmen of all parties have long since begun to search their hearts; or else the British were not British.

I, however, can hardly share your intimation that the Russian manner of juggling facts is another specimen of common fascist tactics. Hitler also, it is true, continually lied to the Germans and to the world, and brazenly declared his intention to do so in his Mein Kampf. Any totalitarian dictator, and to a degree even a diplomat of a democracy, would do such things now and then. Yet, for many years I have noted that, in this respect, there was a wide difference, —not only of quantity, but also of kind, —between the Russian and all other brands of political lies; and felt

strongly that, as I said in the letter, the difference constituted an ominous danger to the whole Western civilization. But my effort to define and explain that difference, as I attempted in my paper tentatively and with large qualifications, is very far from being satisfactory to myself. There is still a dense cloud which my thought has been unable to pierce. I beg you to watch the current Russian action from day to day, also somewhat look back upon its precise meaning, and try to formulate what it precisely is.

The "fear" in America to which you refer is clearly mutual. And the forms it assumes here and in Russia are very different and strikingly characteristic of the mental operation of each nation, the Russian form betraying much the deeper influence of the subconscious. Therefore, it is difficult for each, especially for Russia, to light it up with analytical reason, to think it through, and so to develop on each side a clear leadership of national thought. I believe nevertheless that, by gradual, frank exchanges of mutual anxieties, the thinking of each side may be slowly articulated and clarified, and leadership within each nation may by degrees emerge and improve. It is too obvious that at this moment there is no such clarity of view and no wise statesmanship on either side.

The process I have suggested is fortunately under way, at least on the American side. And the way may likely prove long and arduous, dogged by occasional errors and near-perils. But I trust that the fear of war is strong enough on both sides to prevent an actual breach.

I shall always welcome any further suggestions you may be pleased to give me.

Sincerely yours

ANSON PHELPS STOKES
LENOX, MASSACHUSETTS

May 26, 1947

Dear Dr. Asakawa:

On my return from a trip to Hawaii I find awaiting me a memorandum
without date in which you state the international situation with special
reference to the attitudes of Russia, Great Britain, and the United States.
It is all most interesting and I have read it with pleasure and profit. Per-
sonally I have a feeling that we simply must, especially through various
educational and cultural missions, break down the barriers between Russia
and the West. I have often wondered whether these do not go back more
than is generally realized to the division between the Western and Eastern
Churches, with the resulting isolation of the East.

You will be interested to know that I have recently had a postcard
from my friend, Rev. Barnabas T. Sakai, saying that he and his family are
well and living in their country place; also that the hostel for Christian
students, the Doshikai, which he established at the University of Tokyo
was uninjured and is still functioning. His Tokyo house was destroyed.
I have of course written him a friendly letter.

H.G.S.

June 15, 1947

Dear Friend,

I have feared that my rather harsh letter about Zionists might
have shocked you.

As I was walking this morning about 9.30 little common grass on a
lawn cast clear shadows on the edge of the side-walk, the superb beauty of
which entranced me. How marvellous is Nature's art ever in so humble a
thing! It is organisms of all sorts whose deep mysteries are now
fascinating me. How the sun, air, rain, soil, and the inner and inter-actions
of the infinitesimal elements in and about these beings, must be ordered
to operate in unison in order to make them live their own cycles of life;
and to set in harmonious relation these entities and all other organisms,
man among the latter! How infinitely more must remain of these mysteries
than science has learned or labelled! I try to contemplate somewhat this
subtle, universal cooperation, at each meal, in regard to each article of
food I partake of. I cannot tell you how much this little exercise of
the mind at the mealtime is helping me. This is the first time I have told
anyone of this recently cultivated habit of mine.

Always your friend,

K. Asakawa.

K. V. Vasham.

Vivek your friend,

the mind at the moment is being fixed. This is the first time I have found to my
rooted in my mind. I cannot tell you how much this little exercise of
appetite, universal cooperation, at such cost, in regard to each article of
than science has learned or learned. I try to confine myself to this
man among the latter! How infinitely more must remain of these matters
and to get in harmonious relation these entities and all other organisms,
to operate in union in order to make them live their own cycles of life?
or the infinitesimal elements in and apart from these being, must be ordered
fascinating me. How the arm, arm-in-arm, and the inner and outer actions
took! It is organisms of all sorts whose deep matters are now
which entranced me. How marvellous is Nature, a sort ever in so jumble a
law of clear shadows on the edge of the edge-of-the-edge, the under-pink of

Ye I was walking this morning about 8.30 little common grass on a
have shocked you.

I have learned that my father has left me about 200,000 dollars. I
have apportioned your

H.G.B.

June 18, 1947

H.G.S.

July 13, 1947

Dear Friend,

Many thanks for your quotations from the Bible and Bunyan, and for your invitation to visit in Winter. It is happy news that your sister is here, though her long stay in hospital suggests an unhappy cause of her visit. I vividly remember how long ago you sent me to see her at a hospital. I should indeed be delighted to see her again. It is also a long time since I last saw you at your home. It would be a great occasion for me to come to your presence. We shall see later how we may arrange it.

As for my Russian paper, it is infinitely kind of you to propose to look over its English. Such privilege I never dare hope for from another friend. I shall immensely profit by it. But this time I would hesitate to ask you to go ahead with it, for the following reason.

The relative situation between Russia and the West has moved forward to another important stage in its inexorable unfolding; so that much of what I said is now out of date. Even in the main theme, which seems still dated, I have now developed further thought, though I have not yet set it down on paper. I think a little more time would reveal that the drama had come to a point which indicated a distinctly new turn and so would give one a still better perspective.

Besides, after I sent you a copy, but before the present situation had matured I had added several new papers to my old paper. They touched upon what appeared to me to be peculiarities of the *subconscious* political mind of Russia. Being a nation at once isolated from the main currents of Western cultural history and denied constant opportunities to debate and reflect upon their own political affairs, for both these most vital reasons..., the Russians seem to have retained a denser mass of unconsciousness than most peoples living on earth. So far as I am unable to see the matter, there exists a great difference both in the quantity and the quality of the mind under the threshold among peoples unused to free discussion. The more I discern this difference, the more fascinated I

discussion. The more I discuss this difference, the more fascinated I
quality of the mind under the threshold among people named to free
the matter, there exists a great difference both in the quantity and the
quantitative from most people living on earth. So far as I am able to see
reasons..., the brahmas seem to have retained a general man of much-
reflect upon their own political affairs,-- for both these most vital
Western cultural history and denied constant opportunities to develop and
mind of brahmas. Being a nation at once isolated from the main currents of
now what adhered to me to be municipalities of the inconscionable political
had matured I had added several new baba to my old baba. They touched
Beedles, after I sent you a cold, but before the present situation
one a stiff, better, perhaps.

come to a point which indicated a distinctly new turn and so would give
down on baba. I think a little more time would reveal that the gram had
dated I have now developed further thought, though I have not yet set it
what I said is now out of date. Even in the main theme, which seems aftir
to another important stage in its inexorable unholding, so that much of
The relative situation between brahmas and the West has moved toward
set you to go ahead if it, for the following reason.

friend. I shall immediately profit by it. But this time I would hesitate to
to look over its English. Such privilege I never gave pobe for from another
As for my English baba, it is infinitely kind of you to probe me

I know how you at your home. It would be a great occasion for me to come
should indeed be delighted to see her again. If I am so a long time since
I will highly remember how long ago, you sent me to see her at a hospital. I
here through her long absence in hospital and heard an unshakable cause of her ailment.

Your invitation to visit in Winter. It is happy news that your father is
very thanks for your thanks for the Bible and English for

Best friend,

H. G. W.

July 18, 1947

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July 13, 1947

am by its variety and mystery. It is something of this so far as it
related to Russia that I have written down and added to my paper.

For these reasons, the paper as it is in my hands, for one thing,
is no longer the same as the one I sent you. For another thing, I have no
intention to recast the whole thing while I await further evolution of
reality, if ever. Never the less, of course, as a lesson in writing, I
should be most grateful for any suggestions you would care to give me.

Ever your devolted

K. Asakawa.

K. Vassalw.

Ever, your devoted
should be most grateful for any suggestions you would care to give me.
respect, if ever. Never the least, or come as a reason in writing, I
intention to respect the whole thing while I await further evolution of
it no longer the same as the one I sent you. For another thing, I have no
for these reasons, the paper as it is in my hands, for one thing,
related to matters that I have written down and added to my paper.
I am very variety and variety. It is something of this so far as it

July 13, 1947

3

H.G.S. Yale University

July 20, 1947.

Dear Friend,

I thank you more than I can ever say for the pains you have taken to add comments to my letter on Russia. I shall take plenty of time to digest and absorb them. I also thank you for the quotations. These, too, I have not yet read closely.

In your most gracious reply to my last letter, you quote from Boethius. Do you admire him ? Some years ago, I read him and copied many stimulating passages from his Latin. I was impressed, too, by his effort to understand Christianity; but was dissatisfied with the result he got thereby. Was I blind that I failed to discover that he had penetrated to the heart of Redemption ? He seemed to me to have been too rigidly held down by his belief in the virtue of ratiocination to soar above its bond-age to the realm of Love. With all his devotion to pregnant Greek terms, I did not see that he once alluded to the word ayam. Am I wrong ?

I can understand how her Karma must help Mrs. Moore to be free from too much fretting over the state of things of the day. Throughout the ages has Karma reconciled countless people to their hard lots. It can scarcely be doubted that man is now reaping what he has sown. And it is certainly futile merely to fret and denounce. But are not men prone only to endure results of the past Karma and to foeget that, at the same time, they are creators of future Karmic action? Buddhism teaches that self-will creates destructive Karma and selfless acts create "Fruitful" Karma that enlightens and saves. Whether past or present, whether "harmful" or "fruitful", Karma is the creative force---the only one, in the early doctrine--- of the world's ill or good. Then the believer should not forget his task of creating for the future, so as in due course to neutralize the effects of this past creation and to let the surplus of the fruitful work redemption. Only so --- only by viewing Karma as the eternal creation through the infinite time that is wrought solely by man's

not creation through the infinite time that is wrong but solely by man's
trivial work redemption. Only so --- only by viewing Karmas as the eternal
neutralize the effects of this past creation and to let the ambience of the
not forget the task of creating for the future, so as in one course to
easily doctrine--- of the world's ill or good. Then the defilever should
fill" or "trivial," Karmas is the creative force---the only one, in the
Karmas that enlightene and save, whether "form
self---will creates distinctive Karmas and selfless acts create "trivial"

time, they are creators of future Karmic action? Puddling teaches that
only to engine results of the past Karmas and to forget that, at the same
is certainly until merely to forget and denounce. But are not men prone
can scarcely beught that man is now reaching what he has been. And it
the ages has Karmas reconciled complete people to their hard lots. If
from too much fretting over the state of things of the day. Throughfront
I cast underarm how per Karmas must help us. Moore to be free
I did not see that he once aluded to the word system. Am I wrong?

age to the realm of love. With all his devotion to pregnant Greek terms,
down by his pen in the airne of ratiocination to bear a prove it a pond-
the heart of redemption ? He seemed to me to have been too rigidly held
thereby. Was I blind thus I failed to discover that he had penetrated to
to underarm chivalry? But was chivalry with the result he got
stimulating passages from his Latin. I was impressed, too, by his effort
Boethius. Do you squire him ? Some years ago, I read him and copied many
In your most gracious reply to my last letter, you drove from
I have not yet read closely.

dissent and speak them. I also thank you for the quotations. These, too,
to add comments to my letter on Units. I shall take plenty of time to
I thank you more than I can ever say for the pains you have taken
Dear Friend,

H.U.S. Yale University

July 30, 1947.

2

July 20, 1947

will --- is revealed the full import of the vast theory of Karma and man's tremendous responsibility in the universe. The millions of persons who have said " this is due to the karma of my past existences ", and no more, have opened one eye and closed the other; only taken refuge in the past, harmful karma, and renounced the privilege of creating good karma, and for future frutification.

Please speak to Mrs. Moore and ask her criticism of this.

Your ever devoted
K. Asakawa.

S

July 30, 1947

will --- is revealed the full import of the vast theory of karmas and bafr, harmful karmas, and renounced the privilege of creating good karmas, and more, have opened one eye and closed the other; only taken refuge in the who have said "this is due to the karmas of my bafr existence," and no karmas are tremendous responsibility in the universes. The millions of persons

Please ask to life. Moore and ask per criticism of this.

Your ever devoted
K. Vasakka.

H.G.S.

Aug.3,1947

Dear Friend,

I have received yours of the 30th posing the question whether I think we are nearly at war with Russia.

I feel more and more convinced that, in the long run, a wilful anti-factual attitude is bound to be altered before it can come to its logical self-destruction. But, though probably true, this is a speculation. The practical question is : must that ultimate alteration come only after one or more total wars, so that we should be preparing for the first one ?

I am no fitter to answer this question than the next walker on the street. Only vaguely I feel as follows. The Soviet has not yet shown the least sign of altering his recalcitrant attitude; but I cannot think he can be " nearly " ready for war. His real motive in this combat is inscrutable, but, as present, he is free to play the cards as he likes, so that he can recede here and there at need at any moment, while steadily preparing for a crisis. Such being probably the case, the West should not relax its counter preparation, which avowing all provocation short of assenting its essential convictions regarding international justice. What the future will bring forth depends, and should be made to depend, solely upon Russia's own action.

I feel daily more dissatisfied with my long letter on Russia. This is due chiefly to two things. One is my lack of understanding of the qualities of her subconscious mind, especially its present mode of influencing her visible conduct. How is her blind urge coloring her view of her conscious interests? The other is what I have hinted above; namely, my calculations from the basic human nature and human needs that an anti-factual drive cannot possibly push on to the last point where it would bring about a complete tragedy of its author. This thought is constantly growing in my mind. The question is how long must we wait before Russia should show any evidence of awakening. That is what I am eagerly watching for.

Nevertheless I am sending you the old paper with the addition I

Nevertheless I am sending you the old paper with the addition I evidence of awakening. That is what I am eagerly watching for.

mind. The duration is now long enough we wait before Russia should show any a complete fugitive or its author. This thought is concretely growing in my drive cannot possibly bear on to the last point where it would bring about variations from the basic human nature and human needs that an anti-facist agenda interests me. The other is what I have mentioned above; namely if certain available combat. How is per blind sense coloring per view of per continent of per countries mind, especially its present mode of influencing is due chiefly to two things. One is my lack of understanding of the anti-fascist debate, and should be made to depend, accordingly, upon Russia's own action.

convictions regarding international justice. What the future will bring preparation, which showing all provocation short of saunting its essential criteria. Such being properly the case, the West should not relax its counter cage here and there at need at any moment, while at the same time preparing for a put, if present, is free to play the cards as he likes, so that he can re-use "nearly" ready for war. His real motive in this combat is inacertitude, least again of altering his recollection attitude; but I cannot think he can street. Only adequately I feel as follows. The Soviet has not yet shown the

I am no litter to snigger at this question than the next walker on the or more total waste, so that we should be preparing for the first one ? biological question is : what that ultimate iteration come only after one self-deception. But, though properly true, this is a speculation. The factual attitude is a pound to be altered before it can come to its logical end. I feel more and more convinced that in the long run's with anti-think we are nearly at war with Russia.

I have received yours of the 30th bringing the question whether I

Dear Friend,

H.G.S.

Aug.3, 1945

2

Aug. 3, 1947

I made some time ago to page 7. I have not yet made corrections of wording as I hope to take your comments on it on my vacation and digest them while I am away. I noticed as I looked over the paper today, awkwardness in every long sentence. I am awakening - thanks to you!

I shall leave here on the 7th to spend about a month at Green Mountain House, West Wardsboro, Vt.

Always your devoted,
K. Asakawa.

K. V. Asakawa.
Vive la your devoted

train House, Westward, 19th.

I shall leave here on the 7th to spend about a month at Green Mountain in every long sentence. I am awakening - thanks to you! Then while I am away, I noticed as I looked over the paper today, as I was wording as I hope to take your comments on it on my vacation and digest it some time ago to page 7. I have not yet made corrections of

I made some time ago to page 7. I have not yet made corrections of
I made some time ago to page 7. I have not yet made corrections of
I made some time ago to page 7. I have not yet made corrections of

Aug. 3, 1947

S

Aug. 24, 1947.

Dear Friend,

Here I have been since the 7th and hope to stay about ten days more.

I do not remember whether I have thanked you for letting your book
dealer send me Chapman's " St. Augustine's Philosophy of Beauty ". I hope
to enjoy reading it after my return.

I have brought over my Russian letter and your comments up in its
English, and have been carefully studying the latter and deriving much bene-
fir from them.

The lesson is particularly valuable at this time, for I am re-writ-
ing my old, oft-rewritten essay on the Nature of Feuda; Society, with a
view to contributing it to a memorial volume being compiled for a friend.
The essay avoids all documentation. It is general but comprises numerous
points of comparison between the West European and the Japanese feudal re-
gimes. Therefore the writing has to be extremely condensed. My task is
double; to be as concise as possible and yet not to seem choked with facts
and ideas and therefore too stiff and heavy,-- to be at once brief but
accurate, yet easy. It is far beyond my power to achieve such ambitions
ends, but I think it worth while to do my best at it. This is especially
because the essay contains many points no one has even taken notice of, to
say nothing of having treated them. Comparison of two forms is unrelated
with each other brings out significant things which escape the view of
those who have studied only one side, and illuminates the meaning of each
even for its own account.

I was interested the other day in reading exerpts from Woodrow
Wilson's letter if 1897 criticising his own style of writing. During his
life time I used to admire his articles and speeches and to feel that their
clarity must have resulted from meticulous care with which he composed and
refined them. His letter proves the correctness of my surmise. Among other
things he says :-

["things he says :-", "repeated them. His letter proves the correctness of my assumptions. Among other\nclarity must have resulted from meritorious care with which he composed and\nlife time I used to acquire his articles and specifications and to feel that their\nWilson's letter in 1887 criticizing his own style of writing. During his\nI was interested in other day in reading exercise from Woodrow\neven for its own account.", "those who have studied only one side, and illuminates the meaning of each\nwith each other, brings out significant things which escape the view of\nany thinking of having treated them. Comparison of two theories so unrelated\nbecause the easy contains many points no one has even taken notice of, to\nend, but I think it worth while to do my best at it. This is especially\naccurate, yet easy. It is far beyond my: power to achieve such ambitions\nand ideas and therefore too still and heavy,-- to be at once brief but\ngood; to be as concise as possible and yet not to seem choked with facts\nand figures. Therefore the writing has to be extremely condensed. My task is\npoints of comparison between the West European and the Japanese tendent re-\nthe easy avoid all documentation. It is general but comprises numerous\nview to contributing it to a memorial volume being compiled for a friend.\nink my old, off-written easy on the Nature of Lend; Society, with a\nThe reason is particularly valuable at this time, for I am re-writing from them.", "English, and have been carefully studying the latter and deriving much benefit, and

2

Aug, 24, 1947

" The transitions are managed too smoothly; the several stages of the argument are not distinct enough.... the treatment plays in circles it does not move with directness along a clear course."

" There is, besides, a fault of style; and here, again, the literary essays are the best field of observation, the phrasing is too elaborate; has not the easy pace of simplicity. The sentences are too obviously wrought out with a nice workmanship. They do not sound as if they had come spontaneously, but as if they had been waited for, perhaps waited for anxiously. The fact is not so."

" They come fast and hot enough usually, and seem natural molds for my thoughts. ... I write in sentences rather than in words; they are formed whole in my mind before they begin to be put upon the paper, usually -- and no doubt that is the reason they seem *cast*, rather than naturally poured forth, and have lines of artificiality in their make up."

********

I hope your summer ay the shore is agreeable. Here it is generally below 80 and the air is pure and light, yet too warm for a long walk.

Please remember me to Mrs. Moore.

Always your devoted
K. Asakawa.

K. Vak瓦瓦。

Vivyna your devoted

below 30 and the air is pure and fight, yet too warm for a long walk.

I love you, my dear, say the words in my heart. Here it is, generality

********

bored to death, and have time of artificiality in their make up."

--- and no doubt that is the reason they seem soaf rather than naturally ed whole in my mind before they begin to be but how the paper, namely my thoughts...

... I write in sentences rather than in words; they are form-

"They come fast and not enough naturally, and seem natural, too for

anxiously." The fact is not so."

come aboutmously, but as if they had been waited for, because waited for
wrought out with a nice workmanship. They do not sound so if they had
been not the easy pace of simplicity. The sentences are too opaquely

 sentences are the best field of observation, the burning is too elapora

"There is, perhaps, a fault of age; and here, again, the literature

"The transitions are managed too smoothly; the scene not so agitated.

AMR, 84, 1947

S

H.G.S.

Oct. I (, 1947

Dear Friend,

I have on my desk your last letter which I have been meaning to answer every Sunday. I am shocked to find it is dated Aug. 28.

I have not seen the books on Abelard by Helen Waddell and by G. Johnson. I have been reading G. Ambroise's " Les moines du moyen âge" 19-46. The author a priest or monk--- sketches briefly the whole period of monastic influence upon theology, philosophy, and politics from the time of St. Benedict to the eve of the Reformation. The book is divided in two parts; the Benedictine period and the age of the mendicant order Dominican and Franciscan. It touches upon the great movements and schools of medieval philosophy, centering around the problem of "les universaux" (controversies between the so called realist and nominalists, whom we now may call respectively idealists and realists); their formative influence upon theological evolution; and also a phase seldom treated in usual treatises--- their profound effects upon the political life of Europe; the Investiture quarrel; the Guelf and Ghibelline wars; the Crusades; the Inquisition, the Albigeman war; the growth of French royal power; the Gallican Church movements, the Great Schism; shifting policies of the Papacy and of the monarchies; etc. In covering so vast a ground in a book of only 250 pages, the author shows himself not only competent, but also penetrating, as well as refreshingly frank on the errors and abuses of Popes and monks. I am wholly incompetent to judge, but the work strikes me as a masterly survey of a difficult, complex subject.

I shall not refer to two the other books I am reading, except one; R. Flesh's " Art of plain talk" recently published. He lays down quite definite rules for those who would write or speak clearly. The rules are familiar ones; chop up involved or periodic sentences; prefer Anglo-Saxon word orders to Latin-derived, active to passive voice, verbs to nouns and adjectives; avoid impersonal statements but make a person or persons the sub-

2

Oct. 19, 1947

Use only familiar words, discard affixes and inflections; etc. The author is stimulating enough so far as his theme goes, but it is a narrow one. He aims at the High School graduate as the average reader. Nothing he cannot understand as he skims is a good writing, his " familiar" words are often New York colloquialisms. Grace, rhythm, human values or wisdom are beyond the author's preview. In this respect, he falls far short of Quiller-Couch's " Art of Writing " or Fowler's " King's English," even of Graves and Hodge's " Reader over Your Shoulder " "et I got some valuable hints from Flesh.

You ask the title of the publisher of the memorial volume to which I shall contribute. I do not think they have been decided upon by the editors. I even doubt that they have in view a definite source of the cost of publication. When I know these details, I shall let you know. I am still working hard on my essay. It is a long task, as I wish to be as truthful as possible while making bold, often original generalizations. It is almost madness to try my feeble hand at so big a thing.

You mentioned Mrs. Curtis in your letter. Please give her my cordial regards, though I haven't had the pleasure of meeting her.

I have heard from Miss Nicholas once or twice. I fear she may have thought I was somewhat unresponsive, for our ideas of Russia are far apart. And I confess it is not easy to correspond with one whose personality and background I do not know.

Always your devoted and grateful

K. Asakawa

P.S. Have you noted the Arab and the Zionist statements on the partition plan? Each side has made two formal statements. By comparing them, I feel that the Arab position is far the stronger; it is also the more honestly expressed. But I fear the Arabs will be defeated, a partition will be made and it will be the beginning of a wide, prolong turmoil. The Jews appear to aim eventually displaying the Arabs

["to aim essentially displaying the Arapae\nand it will be the beginning of a wide, broad\nthrust. The Jena abser.\nexpressed. But I fear the Arapae will be defeated's\nbarition will be made\nthat the Arapae position is far the stronger; it is also the more powerfully\nbrought about as made two formal statements. By comparing them, I feel\nthat which also has made two formal statements. Have you noted the Arapae and the Zionist statements on the barition\nin P.3. Have you noted the Arapae and the Zionist statements on the barition\nby K. Vavakas", "Always your,\nJ. Vavakas", "sity and background I do not know.", "And I confess it is not easy to correspond with one whose person-\nality I was somewhat unromantic, for our ideas of Realism are far\nfrom being from Mies Nolting once or twice. I fear the my have\ngot it right, though I haven't had the pleasure of meeting her.", "You mentioned Mr. Curtis in your letter. These give her a\ncongratulations, though I haven't had the pleasure of meeting her.", "You mentioned Mr. Curtis in your letter. These give her a\ncongratulations, though I haven't had the pleasure of meeting her.", "If it is almost madness to try my feeble hand at so big a thing.", "It is almost madness to try my feeble hand at so big a thing.\n\nAble to stand alone, able to make people do as they like.\n\nI am still working hard on my easy. It is a long task, but I want to be able to do it as well as possible, often original generalizations.\n\nSome of Grasse and Heide's " + " Reader over Jom. Shorter \" + \" If I got some\n\nof Chiller-Couch's \" Art of Writing \" or Power's \" King's Unfinished\"\n\nor wisdom are beyond the author's previen. In this respect, he gives far\n\nwords are offered New York collodionprints. (Grace, rhythm, rhythm, rhythm, rhythm)\n\nNothing he cannot understand as he understands as he understands as a good writer, " + \" family \"\n\nnarrow one. He is at the High School Graduate as the average reader.\n\nThe author is stimulating enough so far as his themes Rose, but it is a\n\n-Jack; née only, familiar words, graphic suffixes and inflections; etc.", "Oct. 18, 1947", "S"]

H.G.S.

Jan.4,1948

Dear Friend,

Your letter written during your visit with your sister has come and, as usual, warmed my heart. What you say so generously in it of all applies to you and goes back to you, except that I am unable to express myself as well as you can.

After Feb.10 would Feb.20, Friday, be an acceptable date for you for my visit? As you suggest, I should be able to stay till the Sunday or Monday following, if agreeable to you.

The two conditions I have to make are as follows. First I shall bring some work to do when not otherwise occupied. Secondly I shall not bring evening dress, which now seems to be coming back to use among fashionable people. In order not to tax my irregular heart, I have to make my luggage as light as possible. Pray forgive such homely detail and my informality.

I am working very closely to complete my writing (or re-writing) of an essay on the nature of feudal society. For that purpose I have been rereading several books by French, German and British authors, in order to furnish my thought (rathers than to get fresh facts.) Among these books, I shall recommend to you as unusually stimulating; Charles Seignobos' *Essai sur l'histoire compare des peuples de l'Europe*" (Paris Presses Universitaires de France 1946). It was first published in 1943 but has been reissued as it was down to the end of the last great war. Seignobos' 1943 was always exceptional for breadth of view and being one of the historians of the first rank, wrote several noble books. This particular one seems to be the summation of his lifelong study and thought.

I hope you are weathering well through this trying season. My paper says nothing of conditions in Boston but I hope they are much better than in New York. We have had only half as much snow here and no shortage of fuel or food. Trust the same is true with you.

Your devoted friend K. Asakawa.

Your devoted friend
K. Vasquez.

of fuel or food. That the same is true with you.

From in New York. We have had only half as much snow here and no enforceable
besser, even nothing of conditions in Boston but I hope they are much better.
I hope you are weathering well through this trying season. My
seems to be the annihilation of the filings study and thought.

platonism of the first rank, wrote several people books. This particular one
q. 1943) was aлыka exceptional for preeminence of view and being one of the
been reformed as it was down to the end of the last great war. Seigepos
Universitaires de France 1946). It was that published in 1943 but has
Easi - I. Menatotire compare des bénies de l'Europe " ( Paris Presses
I shall recommend to you so manfully stimulating Charles Seigeposaf
punish my thought (graffiti) than to get these facts.) Among these books,
reviewing several books by French, German and British authors, in order to
of an easy on the nature of tendent society. For that purpose I have been
I am working very closely to complete my writing ( or re-writing)
informality.

my luggage so light as bosieple. Pray forgive me and please detail and my
fashionable people. In order not to tax my irregular heart, I have to make
print evening dress, which now seems to be coming back to me among
print some work to do when not otherwise occupied. Secondly I shall not
The two conditions I have to make are as follows. First I shall
Monday following, it agreeable to you.

for my visit? Va you amuseaf, I should be able to stay till the Sunday or
After 1940 would be 30, Friday, be an acceptable date for you
expresses itself as well as you can.

of all applies to you and goes back to you, except that I am unable to
come and, as you say, warned me heart. What you ask so Generosity in it
You. fetter written during your visit with your father has
Dear friend,

Mar.4,1948

H.G.B.

H.G.S. New Haven, Conn.

May 2, 1948

Dear Friend,

Are you planning to return home soon as you did ? I hope your so-
journs in the two places have done you much good and you will return in
a greatly improved state.

Since I wrote you last, another ghastly step has been taken by
Mr. "Y". But I am so inured to these blows that the new stroke has not
disciliated me in the least. The only point I insist upon is that, in the
new arrangement of this second matter also, nothing insulting be unwit-
tingly done to the benefactor whose thought and sacrifice had enabled
Yale to make the former arrangement. I urged the point on Mr. "Y", and
shall write him, supplementing what I have told him. For one thing, he is
by nature so frank that I cannot help feeling affection for that side of
him. After all, such phenomena as I have referred to merely duplicate wh
what is being done on many things by all sorts of people and by the U.N.
Much harm is being thereby wrought in large and small, for some of which
the future years will have to pay heavily. Now-a-days people habitually
deal with historical and human affairs in the same way as they do with
machines and natural forces; and continue to try to remedy the resulting
ills with improvisations made in the same spirit. Not only modern science
and technological " efficiency ", but also prevailing conduct of what
passes as democracy, seem to have tended to breed this mentality. I can
discern no simple corrective but a slow improvement of general education-
very slow, hardly begun, in the lower levels of school, and home circles.

Devotedly yours,
J. V. Vassar.

very slow, kindly begin in the lower grades, and home circles.
Please no simple corrective put a slow improvement of General education
beneath a democracy, seen to have tended to breed this mentality. I can
and geographical " efficiency," put also prevailing conduct of what
till with improvements made in the same spirit. Not only modern science
machines and natural forces; and continue to try to remedy the resulting
degrad with historical and human assistance in the same way as they do with
the future. You will have to pay heavily. Now-a-days people habitually
what is being done on many things by all sorts of people and by the U. H.
After all, and phenomena as I have referred to merely duplicate what
py nature so frank that I cannot help feeling attraction for that side of
what we write in, and supplementing what I have told him, for one thing, he is
sure to make the former arrangement. I used the point on it "Yay!" and
finally done to the pentractor whose thought and sacrifice had emulated
new arrangement of this second matter, so, nothing insinuating be made
discouraged me in the first place. The only point I make at this is that in the
in "Yay." But I am so insured to these points that the new stroke was not
since I wrote you last, another gradually step has been taken by
a greatly improved state.

Journa in the two places have done you much good and you will return in
Vice you planning to return some soon so you did ? I hope your ac-
Dear Friends,
May 2, 1948

H. B. U. New Haven, Conn.

Mr. Hartley Simpson,
Yale University,
Graduate School.

Dear Sir,

I am very grateful to receive your letter dated 29th
March 1945.

I thank you for your kindness to take much care of
the late Mr. Kanichi my cousin not only while he was alive but
after his death.

I believe that he owed it to you and your country that
he could devoted himself to Philosophy nevertheless he met with the
unfortunate times in his old age.

Before the war, having been abroad with my husband,
I fortunately could return home not long before the war brok out,
but my husband was interned at Surabaya and where he was unknown,
On the other hand, my cousin having staid in your country, I
Couldn't hear any thing from him. At that time, I thought that
I lost both my husband and my only cousin.

I, however, felt relieved to hear that Mr. Kanichi was
well and to be able to see my husband having come home safely.
But my gladness didn't continue so long.

I am very thankful to hear that in spite of his working
little for people, he was buried with utmost care at Yale where
he passed almost two thirds of his life, and at Durtmos University
his Alma Mater, a memorial meeting would be hold for him by the
schoolmate. How grateful he must have been, I believe.

I beg to apologize for delay of my thanks to your letter
due to my secluding myself from society mentioned above.

Thanking you for your kindness,

(Rumi Muradzins)

GEORGE G. CLARK
PLYMOUTH
NEW HAMPSHIRE

Aug. 17, 1948

For Hartly Simpson
Ass.Dean,Yale Grad
School,
New Haven,Conn.

Dear Mr. Simpson;--

First accept my thanks for your prompt reply by wire of my request for place and time of funeral services for Dr. Asakawa. The thought of going down had to be set aside because of time and other things, to my regret I did have the local florist here order some flowers to be sent in name of Dr. Silver and myself, both old times classmates of Dr. Asakawa at Dartmouth and friends who have grown old during the fifty three years which have passed since first we met.

Second replying to your request thru Sidney Lovett for data re K's I regret that I have very little definite data for Secretary of the Class of '99 Dartmouth, I have in my files the data re Asakawa's registration at Dartmouth;--

Date and Place of Birth Dec 20,1873 - Nihonmatsue, Japan.
Home Town of Matriculation Blank
Father Marazumi Asakawa
" Occupation Not given
Mother Uta Sugwoa
Prep School not given.

You probably have the foregoing, and I hope more, in your records.

Sunday afternoon, only way from the farm to White River Junction to get some cousins who were coming to the farm for a visit I went via Hanover and called on Mrs. N.P. Brown, the daughter of Pres. Tucker of Dartmouth, who was President of the college when Asakawa was at Dartmouth and who was instrumental in bringing him to Dartmouth. To my regret she, being the youngest daughter of Pres. Tucker did not personally know anything about how he happened to come to Dartmouth. However Mrs. Brown is going to sound out her older sister at Princeton and get her recollection. It so happened that Rev. Robert F. Leavens, Dart. 1901 is in Hanover this summer working on a biography of Dr. Tucker and I happened to run into him later at the hotel after getting my cousins from the train. I put up the problem of Asakawa's coming to Dartmouth. He said that Dr. Tucker left practically none of his correspondence, that he had a habit of destroying his letters received. Now I have a recollection that Count Okuma, who was of the top men in Japan had something to do with Asakawa's coming to Dartmouth and also later having something to do with his attending the Russian, Japanese Peace Conference in Portsmouth, but it is just a reconnect ion and of course should be definitely verified. Now I think Asakawa kept a minute diary of his doings and if such are still in existence, and can be translated, would give valuable information about his early life and especially of his life in America.

Aug. 19th

Things going in high on the farm, ergo the gap in this letter.

Have been up to the 1874 cottage which we have on the farm, where Dr. K. used to use the big kitchen living room for a study and retreat when visiting me to see if could find a sofa pillow which he had. Such

K.A. 2

GEORGE G. CLARK

PLYMOUTH
NEW HAMPSHIRE

seems to be a funny thing to be hunting for. But I recollect one fall, after K. had left, being up there to see that things were closed up for the win-ter and so doing found a sofa pillow which some one had made for him and being curious about the work upon it picked it up and found upon it Dr. K.'s coat of arms. Please impicking up K.'s things keep an eye out for t hat sofa pillow it may tell much of his early life. While I didn't find the sofa pillow, I did find a drawn in pad for a chair seat, which had forgotten about, made by a local neighbor. The latter has one of his crests, five lotus leaves and three flowers in arrangement. Consulting the woman who made it for him I find that he had two crests, and that there may be another chair seat, round say 16 inches in diameter with the other crest. Hope you may find these and will not destroy such or give them away, for they may be the helping hand to determining his family connections in Japan..

Prof and Mrs. William Dunham 206 Armory St, New Haven, Conn .,-- that address may not be now correct, tho I note the date 1942 ismarked on the card in my files,-- were very goodfriends of Dr. K. and I would suggest that you contact them for data. They might know or have clues to finding out where the data can be found re his early life and family.

Any thing which you may find out or get in way of data, I would ap-preciate having later, for I have no doubt the work of preparing a obit for the '99 Dartmouth class report will fall upon me.

The last paragraph in the New York Times obit has caused some adverse comment upon the good taste of the New York Times. While there is nothing improper in stating that Mrs. Asakawa was a "dressmaker" and her brother a grocer, there is something in the paragraph which has rubbed his friends the wrong way. As an offset I might put in that Mrs. Asakawa was also a niece of Marion Crawford the Novelist who wrote the Sarascena series of novels, very popularbin the 1900s. I recall Mrs. Asakawa as a very doing delightful little lady. One day I had Dr. and Mrs. Asakawa for luncheon at Youngs in Boston at the same time the country was talking of having par-cel post. We were talking about a coming class reunion in June to come. I urged Mrs. Asakawa to kindly see that Dr. K came to such reunion and her reply was that she would so do and would "Ship him up by parcel post." Now I should want to check on the word"neice" for some times my memory now a days plays tricks with me. Maybe Mrs. Dunham could check on the same. Anyhow it might be advisable in speaking of Mrs. Asakawa's occupation in life and thatof her brother in a way which would take away the boomerrang of a slur, which the said last paragraph some how has connoted in some thepeople who knew Dr. K.

If I run across any further data will send the same on to you. and would appreciate any thing which you may find out about Dr. K.

TRANSLATION

Tsukidate-machi,
Date-gun,
Fukushima-ken, Japan

August 21, 1948

Mr. Hartley Simpson
Associate Dean
Graduate School
Yale University
New Haven, Conn. U.S.A.

Dear Mr. Simpson!

I have read in the newspapers of the 14th (Associated Press and Kyōdō News Agency) that my uncle, Kan'ichi Asakwaa (my mother's younger brother) who was a graduate of Waseda University and internationally known as an authority on the history of Japanese feudalism, passed away on the 11th in Vermont at the age of 75.

My uncle left Tokyo thirty years ago in March for your university and during the years since we had correspondence from him but during the last war, we lost touch. We had been wondering what had happened to him but being an ignorant farmer, I did not know how to get in touch with him. My uncle was the only younger brother of two sisters, my mother and her older sister (who is buried in the Ryusenji Temple in Tokyo). When my uncle was married years ago, he sent us a photograph but after his wife's death, we understand that he had not remarried and therefore we assume that he left no children.

I would appreciate learning the cause of his death and although we know that you must have given him a fine funeral service, we would like to bury at least a part of his remains here in his native land - a bit of his hair perhaps if not his ashes [a bit of hair is symbolic of the body according to Japanese custom].

I am sorry to trouble you with such a request but do forgive an ignorant farmer.

["Kentaro Saito", "Very truly yours,", "ignorant farmer.", "I am sorry to trouble you with such a request but I do forgive you of the body according to Japanese custom.", "a pit of his hair because it not his shape [ A pit of hair is symbolic of a pit of his hair because it is a symbol of a hair] and her older sister (who is buried in the Raneenji Temple in Tokyo). Him. My uncle was the only son of two sisters, my mother but being an ignorant farmer, I did not know how to get in touch with him. I lost touch. We had been wondering what had happened to him and during the years since we had correspondence from him put during the last war, we lost touch. We had been wondering what had happened to him and during the

24 August 1948

Beecher and Bennett, Inc.
100 Broadway
New Haven, Connecticut

Dear Sirs:

This will acknowledge receipt of your
statement of the expenses in connection with the
funeral of Professor Kan-ichi Asakawa. I am
turning all items in that matter over to Mr.
Carl Lohmann, Secretary of the University.

HS/MH

Mr. Kentaro Saito, continued

Asakawa was buried in a cemetery. His grave is in the University plot in historic
Grove Street Cemetery and is fittingly among the graves of many notable persons
who have served the University.

If I had received your request in time for some token of his remains, I
should certainly have sent you something in order that the customs of your country
and of his ancestors might have been observed. I tried very hard to find among
Professor Asakawa's papers some instructions on this matter, but he left no
indication of his wishes. It is now too late for me to procure any part of his
remains.

You who are members of his family were rightfully proud of Professor
Asakawa for his distinguished reputation. We who knew him can say he was, besides
that, a faithful, life-long ambassador of good-will between the Japanese and
American people. He lived in honor here throughout his life and will be remembered
with affection and respect.

HS/MH

3 September 1948

Mr. Raymond Townsend
Union and New Haven Trust Company
New Haven, Connecticut

Dear Mr. Townsend:

Herewith I send to you a statement
submitted to the estate of Professor Kan-Ichi
Asakawa by Dr. C. G. Otis who attended Professor
Asakawa in his last illness.

HS/lo
Encl.

September 8, 1948

Mr. Raynham Townshend
Trust Officer
The Union & New Haven Trust Company
New Haven 2, Connecticut

Dear Mr. Townshend:

Herewith I send the two copies of the
letter from Major George J. McDermott to myself.

HS /dm
Enc. (2)

THE UNION &
TRUST

NEW HAVEN
COMPANY

NEW HAVEN 2, CONNECTICUT

September 7 1948

Dean Hartley Simpson
Yale University
Graduate School
New Haven, Connecticut

Dear Dean Simpson:

I acknowledge receipt of your two letters of September 3rd with reference to the late Professor Asakawa.

With reference to your letter pertaining to correspondence received from Major George J. McDermott, would it be possible for you to send me two copies of his letter for our files. I would like to send one to Mr. Turnbull of Wiggin & Dana.

This Company received its appointment as Administrator of the Estate Friday and Mr. Turnbull and I are going to have a conference with Donald Wing and Jim Babb tomorrow in order to discuss the disposition of Professor Asakawa's library. No doubt we will visit the graduate school and I will drop in to say "hello" to you.

RT:hh

3 August 1948

Major George J. McDermott - 01042903
Fukushima Military Government Team
APO 547; c/o Postmaster
San Francisco, California

Dear Major McDermott:

Thank you for your letter of 27 August concerning Professor Kan-Ichi Asakawa.

Since a systematic search of Professor Asakawa's papers has not disclosed that he left a will or that he had any intention of doing so, we have had to report that he appears to have died intestate. His papers and personal affects are, therefore, sealed until the Probate Court appoints an administrator.

I expect the administrator to be appointed within a few days and I shall bring to his attention your request for a photograph. Professor Asakawa did have a photograph taken only a few years ago, but it was not his custom to distribute it among his friends. We have received several requests for a portrait, but have been unable to locate any outside of his papers.

I suppose that the administrator of his estate will rule that none of his private papers or possessions can be distributed to anyone until the estate has been appraised and cleared. Although Professor Asakawa did not leave a will he did in certain papers write out his intentions in regard to the disposal of his books and papers. Presumably the court will be guided by that expression of his intentions, but upon that matter I can offer no further information until the administrator is in a position to express his opinion after he goes over the estate.

We shall be glad to have any information that you can give us about Professor Asakawa's relatives and the facts concerning their relation to him. Professor Asakawa himself did not discuss his relatives with his friends in New Haven. We know that he has a niece named Hanna Hanshi and a nephew Mr. Kentero Saito who has recently written to me. Otherwise, we are in the dark in regard to his relatives and I know that the administrator will be grateful for any reliable information.

HS/10

Air Mail

Fukushima Mil Govt Team
APO 547, c/o PM,
San Francisco, Calif.

27 August 1948

Doctor Hartley Simpson
Associate Dean
Yale Graduate School
New Haven, Conn.

Dear Doctor Simpson:

Kanichi Asakawa, professor emeritus of Yale, who passed away on 10 August, was a native of Nihonmatsu Machi, Adachi Gun, Fukushima Prefecture.

It is known that Professor Asakawa left no immediate family, however, there are several very distant relatives living in this prefecture. I have been told that they are not contemplating requesting the return of the ashes of the deceased.

Mr. Matsuji Takeuchi, of Nihonmatsu, was a very dear and old friend of the late professor's. They had maintained correspondence all through the years of the late professors stay in America. Mr. Takeuchi received a letter, from the professor, dated 18 July, on 14 August.

Mr. Takeuchi has requested that I write the proper authorities at Yale, and attempt to secure a picture or portrait of Professor Asakawa along with a few of his private papers or possessions. It is the hope of the townspeople, if this request is granted, to hold a memorial service. Professor Asakawa was held in very high esteem by the people of this community and they wish to commemorate his memory.

I would be most grateful to you if you arrange to have this request granted. If you will send these articles to me I will see that they are properly forwarded.

GJM/vag

20 September 1948

Mr. Tatsushi Hoshi
Caza Izumi
Fukushima City, Japan

Dear Mr. Hoshi:

Thank you very much for your good letter of 14 September.
All the friends of Professor Asakawa extend deep sympathy to his
relatives in Japan. We shall miss him a great deal here because,
after his long years of service at Yale, we had come to think of
him a belonging always with us.

I hope your studies in the Medical College will go forward
successfully. I am not certain that Professor Asakawa's death
would have made any difference in your plans to come to this country
because our schools of medicine are so overcrowded at present that
many of our own students have to wait a long time for admission.

I am deeply touched by your mother's thoughtfulness, and
please tell her I appreciate her generous wish more than the gift
itself. You may be sure we held Professor Asakawa in such respect
that we were honored to serve him.

HS/MH

VfaAir Mail

Dean Hartley Simpson
Graduate School
Yale University
New Haven, Conn. U.S.A.

Dear Dean Simpson:

This is to express the gratitude of all the relatives for your many kindnesses in connection with the passing of Prof. Asakawa. The late Prof. Asakawa was my mother's uncle. I am a student in the preparatory division of the Fukushima Prefectural Medical College and have been hoping to go to the United States upon graduation for a period of further study. However, Prof. Asakawa's death has dealt a severe blow on my hope that I may study at Yale.

During the last terrible war, the army ordered us out of the schools and sent us into the factories where we labored, neglecting our studies. But now thanks to the warm and friendly attitude of the United States we are fortunate in being able to study, play and eat. I am not alone in feeling a deep gratitude for the United States. I believe all the Japanese students are grateful. Every student now considers a period of study in the United States as his highest ambition. There are American soldiers in the city of Fukushima. They are all kind and intelligent individuals.

Although the Fukushima Medical College has been elevated to university status last June, lack of funds has forced classes to be held in a leased factory building. As we see the splendid buildings of American universities, we envy the good fortune of American students. Coeducation is now in effect here and there are seven women students in my class.

Mother wanted to send Japanese embroidery to you as a token of appreciation, but she regrets that for the time being parcel post is not being accepted for mailing to the United.

Oaza Izumi
Fukushima City, Japan
September 14, 1948

21 Sept. 1948

Mr. Raynham Townshend
Union and New Haven Trust Company
205 Church Street
New Haven, Conn.

Dear Mr. Townshend:

You will be interested in the copies
of letters I have just received from Asakawa's
nephew, Kintaro Saito, and from Saito's nephew,
Tatsushi Hoshi. A few more twigs for your
reconstruction of the family tree.

HS/MH

22 September 1948

Mr. Kintaro Saito
Aza Iimori, Miyoda, Tsukidate-machi
Date-gun Fukushima-ken
Japan

Dear Mr. Saito:

I appreciate your letter of 8 September and I am particularly pleased to have this information about Professor Asakawa's family.

When he was last in Japan, over thirty years ago, it is likely, as you say, that at that time he had it in mind to return to Japan after he had retired here. But a period of thirty years can bring changes in any man's life. By the time Professor Asakawa retired he had spent the greater part of his life here. He had accumulated here the materials he used in his studies, and although he gave up teaching upon his retirement, he remained very active in carrying on his studies. By that time he seems to have made up his mind to devote his remaining years to his writing.

Professor Asakawa's grave is in a cemetery which is constantly attended and will always be cared for. When we obtain the proper authorization from the Probate Court, a monument will be erected at his grave. You may rest assured we held him in great respect and that his friends here will see that his grave is cared for.

HS/MH

Date-gun Fukushima-ken, Japan

September 8, 1948

Via Air Mail

Dean Hartley Simpson
Graduate School
Yale University
New Haven, Conn. U.S. A.

Dear Dean Simpson:

We thank you for your letter of Sept. 1 which reached us on the
morning of the 5th. Upon opening it, we found we could not read a word
so we went immediately to the postmaster who kindly read it for us.

Uncle Kan-ichi (Asakawa) had two older sisters, Iku and Kimi (my
mother). Aunt Iku lived in Tokyo and being childless she adopted a child
but both she and the child passed away, leaving the family without
survivors. My mother passed away 28 years ago and since there were
eight of us children, I have been eking out a livelihood as a farmer
ever since in the country some 150 miles from Tokyo. As I have no child,
my younger brother is now carrying on the farming. Farmers in out section
of the country raise rice, wheat, beans, potatoes and silk. In the winter
we make charcoal.

It was thirty two years ago that I met my uncle (Asakawa) in Tokyo.
He gave us his photograph at that time and ever since we have had it in a
prominent place in the house. In that same year, he sent some books and
clothes of his which he entrusted to us for safekeeping. In his subsequent
letters he repeatedly reminded us to take good care of them. We felt that
he must have hoped to return to his native place when he reached the age
of seventy or thereabouts.

Although it is the custom in our country to bury at least a part
of the remains of the departed in a grave marked with a tombstone, we
realize that the great distance which separates us makes it impractical.
Being a rustic farmer, it would be impossible for me to go to the
United States to visit the grave. I hope therefore that his friends and study
students will be so kind as to look after Professor Asakawa's grave.

Translated Sept. 21, 1948

C. Yanaga

THE UNION &
TRUST

NEW HAVEN
COMPANY

NEW HAVEN 2, CONNECTICUT

October 6, 1948

Dear Dean Simpson:

Thank you for your letter of October 5th with its
enclosures. I have already written all of the known
relatives of the late Professor Asakawa advising them
of this Company's appointment as Administrator and also
requesting information from them from which I hope to
construct his family tree.

It looks to me from the correspondence that you
had better plan a sabbatical year and spend part of it
in Japan.

RT:hh

9 October 1948

Professor Matsuji Takeuchi
Ikenoiri, Nihonmatsu-machi
Adachi-gun, Fukushima-ken
Japan

Dear Professor Takeuchi:

Let me thank you for your very good letter of 30 October concern-
ing Professor Asakawa.

The statement that he made to you last January about not having
made any arrangements for matters after his death was true enough. Immedi-
ately after his death I searched his papers for some evidence of his wishes
or some instructions that he might have left, and apart from the items among
his papers in which he arranged to give his library to Yale University, he
expressed no intentions about the disposal of any of his other property.
For a time I was even at a loss to know how to get in touch with any of his
relatives in Japan, but fortunately Mr. Saito saw the notice of Professor
Asakawa's death and wrote to me.

I can well understand the desire of Professor Asakawa's friends
and relatives to establish a fitting memorial for him. Unconsciously, but
putting off the decision to make a will, Professor Asakawa made it more
difficult for his friends to carry out his desires, whatever they might have
been. All his property has now been taken into custody by the Probate Court.
Had he left a will, this would not have been necessary. But since he left
no will, the Court has appointed an administrator who must appraise the
property and see that it is appropriately cared for. All this must be done
according to law, and since I am not a lawyer I shall not undertake to guess
what the decision will be in regard to the disposal of the property. It is
certain that it will be several months before the administrator is ready to
announce a decision, because he will make careful search into numerous matters
concerning Professor Asakawa's affairs.

The position is therefore that no one connected with the University
and none of Professor Asakawa's friends now has anything to say or to do with
the disposal of his property. Since the administrator for the Probate Court
has taken it into custody, we can only await his decision how, in accordance
with the law, his effects shall be assigned.

Naturally, since Professor Asakawa had spent the greater part of
his life in the service of Yale University we were hopeful that his books,
his scholarly notes and researches and his private papers might be preserved
here as a memorial to him as a teacher and a scholar in Yale University. Most
of his research, on which he has labored so many years, is in notes in English,
and several chapters of his projected studies will probably be found to be in
form almost ready for publication. Very likely some of his former students
might be able to supervise the preparation of this material. Many of his
personal papers are letters which refer in large measure to his association
with many people in the University and with others in this country who shared

Professor Matsuji Takeuchi, continued

his intellectual interests. We had therefore thought it only fitting that
his personal papers should eventually become a part of the great collection
in our Library to which Professor Asakawa himself devoted so many years in
procuring materials for the Japanese section. It had seemed to us that
Professor Asakawa's papers would constitute the most significant contribution
to this collection that Japan could make, and of course it would mean so much
more to us because he had been our honored colleague all these years.

As things stand the decision on these matters is entirely out of
our hands. We shall hope that some arrangement can be made which will
suitably honor Professor Asakawa here and in Japan. I am going to send a
copy of your letter to the administrator of Professor Asakawa's estate and
perhaps he will write to you something about his attitude in the matter.

It is very good of you to take the trouble to write to me. I am
deeply appreciative, and the quotations you included from Professor Asakawa's
letters have been very helpful. Since our good friend is no longer with us,
allow me to take his place in a small way by extending to you best wishes for
good health and happiness.

HS/MH

Oct., 25, 1948

For Hartley Simpson, Esq.
Ass. Dean Yale Grad
School,
New Haven, Conn.

Dear Mr. Simpson.-

Several weeks back I received a letter from Asakawa's Bank in New Haven, asking for information re his family. I find that their letter is mislaid, so am taking the liberty to bother you with a reply. Altho I have made different contacts in an endeavor to get data on Asakawa's family, for myself, yet am just where was at the beginning.

The Dartmouth Coll. records have just the following data;-
Date of Birth Dec 20, 1873- Nihonmatsu, Japan, in our old atlas,
Rand & McNally, 1882) in Province of Iwashir, Fukushima KEN,
(latter another governmental division.), in Northern part of Japan.
Now, I note that K's father's name is given on records as Marazuma As
akawa. Euto in Year Bk. 1895 publications that the last name was
spelled Asagua, and that later the spelling becomes Asakawa. Querie
whether change may have been to get the phonetics of pronunciation
nearer to Japanese spelling in minds of Americans. In tracing the fam
ily in Japan, might be wise to bear in mind this change in spelling.

After getting the Banks letter I went to Hanover to call on Mrs. John Poor, the widow of John Poor, Dartmouth 1897, an astronomer. John Poor and K were close friends and K. was accustomed to visit the Boors. But Mrs. Poor could throw no more light on his Japanese relatives, than to say that K had two half sisters by a preceding marriage. She however didn't know whether they were the offspring of Mrs. Asagawa by a preceding marriage or by Mr. Asagawa, his father by a preceding marriage. The only thing which seems clear is that K had two step sisters by either his mother or his father by a preceding marriage. Whether either is living, whether both were married, or only one was married, I have been unable to find out. The only thing which is determinable is that one of said half sisters married and had a daughter. Whether were more children by either or both, I don't know. But have heard K. speak of the step niece. At one time she wrote to K about coming over to U.S to look out for him in his old age, but he did not approve of the idea. So far as I know she was the only one of his family whom he kept in touch with, and in going over his letters in one of his recent ones, he says, "I know very little about my relatives". However in a letter to me dated Apr. 28, 46, K writes;-

"An army man stationed at present in San Francisco sent me by air without a message of his own) a letter from a niece of mine, daughter of my deceased half sister. I have never seen her, but she used to write me sometimes before the war. She used to say she would love to come over here and take care of me in old age. Now she writes that the government, in "coordinating" local schools, "can celled" together with a few others, her school korof training kinder garden teachers. That happened during the war under an army government. She then married. She must be near 40. Seeing her husband has children, I judge he was a widower." This last would explain, I take it, the remark in the banks letter that there are some children, who do not claim any part of K's estate. K wrote to the army officer to thank him for the letter etc, but never heard from him.

I am wondering whether that letter from his step niece was found in his papers, ie K's. It might help locating said step niece, and thru her get at the situation.

If the bank has found out about the offspring of the two step sists - ers, would appreciate having such data. I regret that I have mislaid the Bank's letter, and hope that it may yet turn up, but it is certainly doing a good job of hiding itself just now.

Have just this last week received a letter from Rev. Robert F Leavens, Dart. 1901, who is working on a biography of Dr. Tucker, Pres. of Dartmouth, Pres. Dartmouth 1893-1909, at Hanover. I wrote to Bob to see whether he had found any data re the relation of K to Dartmouth, how he happened to come etc, and the part Dr. Tucker played in K's so coming, because I have recollections of having heard that some Andover Theological School man, who was in Japan, and who I knew Dr. Tucker who was the Dean of Andover before coming to Dartmouth, were the cause of K. coming to Dartmouth. Mr. Leavens has been unable to gather any data on that aspect of K's so coming to Dartmouth. However in Leaven's letter to me Leavens says that F.A. Ander son a retired professor at Dartmouth, says that the information might possibly be obtained, he has so been advised, from Prof K.E. Latouratte at Yale. Leavens writes that Prof. Latourette of Yale was long associated with K. I am wondering whether Prof Latourette is still with you, and if so you would kindly give me his address. I am particularly anxious to get at how K happened to come to Dartmouth.

I have written to Dr. Tucker's older daughter, Mrs. Frank Haigh Dixon, a wife of a professor at Princeton to see if she can't give me some data on how K. came to Dartmouth. If I get anything will let you know.

In my talk with Mrs. Poor in Hanover I learned that when K. was called back to Japan by his father, who had a bride picked out for him, that when he found out that K. was already married, his father insisted that on K's return to U.S.A. that the young couple go to the Japanese Embassy in Washington and have the Ambassador perform the Japanese marriage ceremony for them. Am going to get a Washing ton friend to see if such second (Japanese) marriage was really per -formed. It may give us the data we would like upon the status of K's family in Japan. Am wondering whether Yale has any such data; Dartmouth has none.

Finally may I ask whether in picking up K's things you ran across a very ancient Japanese sword. I don't know whether it was a two bladed sword or not, but as I was informed it was an important heirloom in the Asakawa family, had a historic background and history in the family. Now it might be that if you didn't find it among K's possessions, that K. put it in the collection of things in the group given and gathered by Japanese Alumni of Yale for the collection given to Yale and which K. was so proud of. If Yale has the sword, would like to pass it to K. put it upon it.

THE UNION &
TRUST

NEW HAVEN
COMPANY

NEW HAVEN 2, CONNECTICUT

October 26 1948

Dear Dean Simpson:

Thank you very much for your thoughtful letter of
October 23 1948 with reference to Mr. Tom Blakemore. I
shall keep this letter on file and communicate with you
if I need to start corresponding with him. I think it
would be well if I could be furnished with his address and
would appreciate your obtaining it for me if possible.

RT:hh

Ikenoiri, Nihonmatsu-machi,
Adachi-gun, Fukushima-ken,
Oct. 30, 1948.

Dean Hartley Simpson,
Yale University,
Graduate School

Dear Sir,

Please allow me to introduce myself. I am an intimate friend of the late Professor Asakawa. I now live at his home-town, Nihonmatsu, having retired three years ago from professorship of Rikkyo, Waseda, and Rissyo Universities where I lectured for many years. I now retain only the title of emeritus professor of Nippon Medical University. On reading your letter addressed to Mr. Saito, his nephew, about Professor Asakawa, I was greatly impressed, and appreciate that you and your friends were so kind to him. Out of great appreciation to you, I dared to write some reminiscences about him to you.

My relation with the late Professor Asakawa was long and continuous. Born in the same town Nihonmatsu, we both attended the same middle school and Waseda University, and were chums until his death. Communications were stopped during wartime and restored last summer. To my great surprise, I read the news of his death in a Tokyo newspaper dated August 14, "Kanichi Asakawa, 75, professor emeritus of Yale University, died on August 11, in Vermont where he had been vacationing. New Haven, Connecticut, Aug. 11. (AP-Kyodo)" At noon of that day, August 14, when I found his obituary in the papers, his letter dated July 18 reached me. The following are parts of it.

"I am leaving town for a country place not far from here for vacationing and study work during this month. Please send me your letters with the usual address as it will be forwarded to me. Though I am in good health mentally and physically as before, I have begun to feel uneasy so often about death, with my advanced age and without near relatives. Imagine my uneasy feeling which I cannot get rid of."

His death was a great blow to me and I offered a long prayer for him that evening.

I quote below, some of his other communications to me.

In his postcard dated July 20, last year, he wrote me, "I learned of Professor Igarashi's death for the first time. How is Professor Nakagiri? I would like to know more about our old friends. I presume many of them are already dead, for a Japanese poem tells this truth, "With my age advancing, it is lonesome to see that most of our friends are gone."

I know his intimate friends in Japan are only those who had been connected with Waseda University; Professors Umaji Kaneko, Kakutaro Nakagiri, Tsutomu Igarashi and myself. Of these four, Professor Kaneko died more than ten years ago, Professor Nakagiri ten years ago, and Professor Igarashi in January of last year. I am his only friend in Japan now.

In his letter dated October 5th, last year, he wrote a new style Japanese poem with the title, "Work Hard," and thanking me for sending him a group picture of my family, he stated, "I am sorry I cannot send my picture right now because I very seldom take one. The last time was more than twenty years ago when I needed it for my passport application. I shall send it when I find it." It was not mailed to me.

In his letter of January 25, this year, he expressed his views on Chinese culture and inquired the state in which the Asakawa tombs were kept, saying, "There are a few relatives of mine in Nihonmatsu and places near Fukushima. But I do not know their names nor their whereabouts. Frankly speaking, I have not yet made any arrangements for matters after my death."

In a letter dated April 11 was the following:

"It has been my lifelong wish to develop true human nature and to make some contribution as a student in the field of comparative research of law systems, so that new and improved theories be recognized in the scientific world. I believe that self-culture, true friendship and educational work will bring about the development of true human nature and am constantly aiming at them." "I think most Japanese are suffering from hard living and sympathize with you. If I could, I wish to send food and clothing to you who never ask me and to the Japanese who ask us for them. To speak the truth, I am barely living myself. After my retirement six years ago, the University has been kind enough to give me an annual pension, but the amount barely covers my living expenses, being short in some months."

I received his letters containing many other subjects. Exchange of letters between us was the only pleasure in my lonesome retired life. Alas, he is now gone!

The late Professor Asakawa had no wife, children, or brothers, and I as his friend, was anxious to know about the particulars before and after his death. Mr. Ichiro Yusa, mayor of Nihonmatsu-machi, asked Major McDermott, Commanding Officer of Fukushima Military Government Team, for good office, who kindly made an inquiry to Yale University, for us. At the same time, I and other townpeople have sponsored the organization of an association to undertake works in his commemoration. It is now planning three projects: 1. Building a stone monument; 2. To have Professor Asakawa's book collection brought to Nihonmatsu Town Library if obtainable from Yale University; 3. To publish his biography by gathering information from Yale University and its professors, regarding his professional career, reminiscences, and other stories.

The other day, I visited with our mayor, Mr. Kintaro Saito, his sister's son, living at Tsukidate-machi, Date-gun, and read your letter to him. We are very glad to learn that, through the kindness of his friends, his funeral service was conducted at the same place and in the same manner as was conducted for his wife, Mrs. Asakawa.

-2-

After the funeral service, at which many condolence letters and telegrams were read, and to which many attended, his ashes were buried in the famous University Section of Grove Street Cemetery where lie the tombs of many professors who rendered distinguished service to the University. I am sure that Professor Asakawa sleeps there in peace and happiness.

You complimented him highly in your letter to Mr. Saito. "He was a very learned man, and we are justly proud of his long and distinguished service as a professor in this University."

You are right. He was a really great student with devotion to his scientific researches, which fact I can deduce from his letter dated July 18, saying in part, "Occupied with study, I neglect social work and church attendance, aiming only at the fulfillment of responsibility on our research work. Apparently people regard me as a selfish person and I am ashamed of impressing others in that way."

Your letter says, "You who are members of his family were
rightfully proud of Professor Asakawa for his distinguished reputation.
We who knew him can say he was, besides that, a faithful, life-long
ambassador of good-will between Japan and the American people."
We greatly regret to lose him at this time when a closer relationship
between Japan and America is so badly needed. We want now to make
known to all Japanese that he was a great scholar and a good-will
ambassador between both countries. Particularly I want to tell his
home-town youngsters and inspire them with his noble work and character.
Therefore, I spoke recently to the high school students here and to
the Nihonmatsu Cultural Society members about him. With the joint work
of my friends, I wish to spread widely, information about him.

At the beginning of this month, the newspaper reported that
Dr. William Axling or the American Baptist Sect, visited Ubado Village,
Yama County, Fukushima Prefecture, where the late Mr. Kensuke Ando,
a member of the same denomination and principal of a mission school
in Sendai called Shokei Girls' High School, was born, and arranged to
establish there by April, next year, "Ando Hall" in his commemoration
and for the benefit of the youth there, with the money donated by
the American Baptist Service Group.

I think you probably know about Dr. Hideyo Noguchi, a member of
the Rockefeller Research Institute, who received the title of Doctor
of Science from Yale University in 1921. He came from Okinajima
Village, Yama County, Fukushima Prefecture. Born in Japan and having
spent a scholastic life in America, both Professor Asakawa and
Dr. Noguchi have a great resemblance. It is also a pride of our
prefectural citizens that these three including Mr. Kensuke Ando, who
had the closest relation with America were all born in this prefecture.
For Dr. Noguchi, a memorial hall is established at his birthplace,
with a collection of his things, and a monument is set up in America.
I wish to set up a similar hall in commemoration of Professor Asakawa.
In the meantime, I wish to accomplish at least the above-mentioned
three projects. We shall be very much obliged if you will kindly
sympathize with our earnest wishes and help our projects.

I copied your letter sent to Mr. Saito, and in reading it again
and again, appreciate your kindness anew.

TRANSLATION (C. Yanaga)

November 29, 1948

VIA AIR MAIL

Dear Mr. Simpson:

I hope you are in the best of health as winter approaches. With Christmas only a month away I presume you are busy getting ready for the New Year. Here in Fukushima city it is becoming increasingly cold with the passing of each day. Today it is snowing.

We are grateful for the kindness you have shown on the occasion of Uncle Asakawa's passing. We are wondering how things are proceeding since we sent in our answers, through the Military Government Office, to the questions from Mr. Townshend, the trust officer.

The Fukushima Prefectural Medical College which I am at present attending consists only of the preparatory department (pre-medical) but the Ministry of Education has authorized the establishment of a regular medical course. However, one of the prerequisites is a minimum of 20,000 volumes in the school library which is particularly weak in Western language books. If we can have Professor Asakawa's books we would like to donate them to the projected medical college library.

I am hoping that the required library is established and a fully equipped medical school is launched as soon as possible. We would like to remove the stigma of being the second prefecture in the number of communicable diseases and carry on the great work of Dr. Hideyo Noguchi who was a native of Fukushima prefecture.

I am studying hard in order to realize my dream of studying in America after I am graduated.

8 December 1948

Mr. Tatsushi Hoshi
Oaza Izumi
Fukushima City, Japan.

Dear Mr. Hoshi:

Thank you for your good wishes, and I extend to you and
Professor Asakawa's relatives in Japan best wishes for the new
year.

Mr. Townshend, the Trust Officer who is in charge of
Professor Asakawa's affairs, is proceeding to clear the estate.
I see Mr. Townshend occasionally, but I do not participate in
the business relating to Professor Asakawa's estate. Mr. Townshend
has been appointed by order of the Probate Court to attend to that.
Once a Trust Officer has been appointed, the friends and relatives
must not intervene further. It always takes time to attend to all
the legal details of clearing such an estate, but you may depend
upon it that when Mr. Townshend has everything in order for a
report to the court, he will notify Professor Asakawa's relatives.

I think you do not realize the kind of library Professor
Asakawa had collected. None of his books could possibly be of any
use in a medical library. Professor Asakawa was a great and learned
scholar in feudalism and the works he collected were on that topic.
They are not the kind of books that would or could be used by the
public generally. Only students and scholars with interests the
same as Professor Asakawa's could profit by his books.

I am pleased to hear that you are making good progress in
your pre-medical studies and I hope that you will some day realize
your ambition to become a doctor.

HS/MH

Issei Christian Church

(JAPANESE)
822 EAST 20TH STREET
PHONE RI 3301

KOJIRO UNOURA
MINISTER
437 PARK FRONT WALK
AD - 16592

Dec.22, 1948

RECEIVED DEC 27 1948

Dr. Charles Seymour, President
Yale University,
New Haven, Conn.

Dear Dr. Seymour:

I am being asked by the Overseas Association of Fukushima Prefecture where the late Professor Kanichi Asakawa was born. The Association is anticipating to erect a memorial hall in his honor and wishes to know matters pertaining to his death, burial, and possibly some articles he might have left in trust when he passed on.

The following are some of the questions the same organization wishes to find out:

1. What was the cause of his death ?

2. The place of his death and also his burial place.

3. If pictures were taken at the time of his burial, the Association wishes to get them.

4. Aside from any books or magazine articles he might have written and now in circulation at Yale University Library, if there are any to spare, the Association wishes to display in the Memorial Library in Professor Asakawa's honor.

5. Should there be any money left in trusteeship, on and above all the funeral and burial expenses, the organization also get it for the maintenance of the Memorial Hall and Library.

6. Any articles of his memorial value, the Association wishes to turn them over to his relatives in Nihonmatsu, his native town.

7. If there should be a brief life history of his, the organization wishes to possess it.

I realize this is a good deal to ask you. However, if the whole matter is turned into the hands of the personnel department of your institution, it may be simplified.

I would appreciate it very much whatever valuable information you would be able to furnish us.

Thanking you for your kind courtesy.

19 January 1949

Professor Henry P. Treffers
302 Brady Memorial Laboratory

Dear Professor Treffers:

A letter has just been received, addressed to the late Professor Asakawa, from Mr. Koichi Murashima, of 3 Chome, Takada, Nara-'Ken, Japan.

Mr. Murashima explains that Mr. Moriaki Yoshimoto, at present Assistant Professor of Microbiology (and Bacteriology) at the Nara Medical College, would like to correspond with a fellow scientist in his field on the Yale faculty. Mr. Yanaga of our faculty, who translated the letter, explains that the scientists in the medical colleges in Japan feel out of touch with the research that has been going on and are much in need of the opportunity to pick up information about developments in their field.

I am turning this over to you because I thought you would know whether anyone in the field would care to undertake such correspondence. Mr. Yoshimoto has written his doctoral dissertation and is apparently progressing in his work as rapidly as conditions there permit.

HS/MH

Issei Christian Church

(JAPANESE)
821 E. 20TH STREET
LOS ANGELES 11, CALIFORNIA

January 22, 1949

Dr.Hartley Simpson,
Associate Dean
Graduate School,
Yal University,
New Haven, Conn.

Dear Dr. Simpson:

I wish to thank for you kind letter of Dec.29,informing
me a full account of the late Professor Arakawa's last days. I
had conveyed the gist of the letter to a group which is interest-
ed the matter. They are very grateful for your graciousness and
kind suggestions. They have written back to Japan for advise. These
people here, however, are quite convinced that he should be remembered
by his former students and friends in this country. Hence, everything
should remain in this country.

Just the other day I received a letter from Mr. Raynham Town-
shend, Trust Officer, of the Union and New Haven Trust Company, as a
qualified Administrator of the Estate of the late Professor in the
New Haven Probate Court. I just have written him back to wait for
3 weeks or so until the local group hear from Japan, if the Probate
Court can give such consideration. However, I asked him to go a-
head in a full co-operation with Dr. Seymour and Dr. Simpson. The lo-
cal group is of the same opinion as yours. Your suggestion is well
taken and it is the best way to commemorate his work.

If you will be good enough, please wait for some 3 weeks un-
til you hear a definite word from the late Professor's friends in
Japan.

I shall act as a "go-between" and do anything that I can
assist for the benefit of all concerned.

Thanking you again for your kind suggestion and assistance
in this matter.

27 January 1949

Mr. Raynham Townshend
The Union and New Haven Trust Company
New Haven, Connecticut

Dear Mr. Townshend:

I gather that you have already
heard from Mr. Kojiro Unoura and therefore,
you know that the guess about the Los Angeles
address was right. For your information I
am enclosing a copy of his reply to me.

HS/lo
Encl.

Graduate School

27 January 1949

Mr. James T. Babb
Librarian
Sterling Memorial Library

Dear Jim:

Several weeks ago President Seymour received a letter from Mr. Kojiro Unoura inquiring about Professor Asakawa's death and about the disposition of his estate. I gathered from the letter that Mr. Unoura who is a pastor of a church in Los Angeles, was acting on behalf of Japanese in this country and in Japan who have interested themselves in the matter. He suggested that the Japanese were very eager to have Professor Asakawa's books and other belongings returned to Japan for the establishment of a memorial. I explained to him the situation and that the decision of the matter would rest with the Administrator appointed by the Probate Court and then I went on to point out that it seemed to me unfortunate that all of Professor Asakawa's scholarly remains should be removed from this country and from this University where he had spent the greater part of his life. You will note from the reply that for the present, at least, Mr. Unoura has agreed to this and has offered us his assistance.

HS/lo
Encl.

Graduate School

27 January 1949

President Charles Seymour

Dear President Seymour:

Several weeks ago Mr. Lohmann asked me to reply to a letter
which you had received from Mr. Kojiro Unoura in which he inquired about
the death of Professor Asakawa. I thought you might be interested in the
reply that I had received from Mr. Unoura.

HS:LO
Enclosure

29 March 1949

Mr. Koichi Murashima
3 Chome, Takada
Nara-'Ken, Japan

Dear Mr. Murashima:

In answer to your letter of 3 February I can say
that Professor Asakawa had not been entirely well for several
years. A few years ago he had a mild heart attack, and since
he recovered from that rather quickly he was inclined not to
take it seriously. Last summer he found he was again having
serious trouble with his heart, but since he had already made
plans to go on his summer holiday, he concealed from us his
real condition, for fear we would try to persuade him not to
make the journey to his summer place. A few days after he
reached his summer place he had a heart attack in the night and
died very suddenly. Since Professor Asakawa was an elderly man
his death was not surprising, but we had not realized that it
was imminent.

Professor Asakawa's body was brought back to this
community where he had lived for the greater part of his life.
The University held a memorial service for him which was attended
by his friends and colleagues here who had known him for so many
years. He was buried in a historic cemetery where many of the
men prominent in the history of Yale University are interred.

Professor Asakawa was widely known and much respected,
and his sudden death ended a very long period of faithful service
to the University.

HS/141

MBS
CHAMPION
BOND

February 3, 1949

Mr. Hatley Simpson,
Yale University,
Graduate School,
New Haven, Connecticut,
U. S. A.

Dear Mr. Hartley Simpson:

I have just now received your letter of January 19 for which I thank you very much.

I wonder to hear that all of a sudden Mr. Asakawa
died, because I have received many of his letters with in-
formation of good health and good occupation.

Mr. Asakawa was the only cousin of my wife and
she is also the only blood-relation living now to him.
Therefore, she is heart-broken very much and I cannot bear
to see it so that I shall be very glad to receive your
letter of information about appearance in his last moments
if you know and I take this opportunity of obliging to you
for your trouble in his lifetime.

Furthermore, I thank you for your kindness to
the requirement from Mr. Moriaki Yoshimoto. I immediately
told him about your information. You will receive his
return with his thanks in the course of a few day.

I thank you in anticipation of your kindness
in this matter.

12 April 1949

Mr. Raynham Townshend
Union and New Haven Trust Company
205 Church Street
New Haven, Connecticut

Dear Mr. Townshend:

At the same time that you received
your last letter from Saito, I got one. As you
will see from the enclosed statement by Mr.
Yanaga the letters were practically identical.

HS/MH
Enc.

3 May 1949

Mr. Matsuji Takeuchi
Nihonmatsu, Adachi-gun
Fukushima Prefecture
Japan

Dear Mr. Takeuchi:

Thank you very much for the information in your letter
of 31 January. I am sorry that my reply has been so long delayed,
but the official business of the Graduate School has required my
full attention. Other correspondence, I fear, has suffered delay.

I am pleased to learn that Professor Asakawa's friends in
Japan have taken steps to commemorate his long service to sound
scholarship and to international good-will. Will you please accept,
and tender to the other members of the Committee, my sincere
appreciation of the honor they extended to me in thinking of me as
honorary president of the Committee; I should be glad to accept
this out of respect to Professor Asakawa and to his friends in
Japan, but from the very extensive plans you have for his memorial
I see that it would be impossible for me to devote the time to this
matter that you would expect. My official duties are very pressing
at the moment and there is no sign of relief in the next few years.
Therefore, I feel that you should name as your honorary president
some friend of Professor Asakawa who would be able to correspond
actively with you on the several projects that you have in mind.

I have not heard recently from the trustee of Professor
Asakawa's estate, but he has been in correspondence with a number
of people in Japan and I suppose he is trying to settle the estate
as soon as possible.

Thank you very much for your expressions of personal good-will. Let me wish you happiness and good health.

HS/MH

12 July 1949

Mr. Kintaro Saito
Takedatermachi
Date-gun, Fakusima-ken
Japan

Dear Mr. Saito:

I have your letter of 8 June 1949 in which you inform me that the executor of Professor Asakawa's estate has notified you and other heirs that you will receive the remainder of the estate. This entire matter has been handled by an administrator appointed by the Probate Court. When your uncle died, as an officer of Yale University, I took charge of his effects and protected them until the Probate Court could take them into custody. Once that had been done, the matter was entirely in the hands of the administrator appointed by the court.

Therefore I have no power to do anything in regard to your suggestion that part of the money be set aside to defer the expense for an annual memorial service. I should suppose that, under the law, this might be very difficult to arrange, since there were so many heirs and since all of them reside in Japan. It seems to me that the only possibility of carrying out that suggestion would be for you and the other heirs in Japan to contribute, if you wish, a part of your bequest towards the establishment of a fund to be used for a memorial service. When the money is turned over to you, you are at liberty to use it in that way if you wish to do so.

Thank you very much for your good wishes and for your kind invitation to visit you. If I come to Japan, I shall remember your courtesy and shall not fail to call upon you.

HS/10

Air Mail

To a kind American Professor,

I have received your kind letter written after the death of my Uncle. I am
sorry that I have not written you sooner.

I have received the affidavits that were sent to me from the trust company
and the law court. We always believed that our Uncle was not very well off so
we were very surprised to learn that the money he left is to be divided and two
thousand dollars each is going to be given to the eight of us.

Since it has come out in the newspapers, it is the talk of the town. Some
say that Uncle's books were sold and the money is being sent to us. I hope we
will all be able to use the money wisely and not spend it away foolishly. But
to make sure that the memorial services will be held for Uncle periodically in the
future, I would like to have arrangements made so that the money will be split in
nine parts instead of in eight parts as it is now planned. I would like to have
one part (of the nine) set aside to be used for this purpose. Do you think this is
possible? If it is legally impossible to do so, please do not go to any more
trouble.

In Japan memorial services are held for the dead periodically for years after
his death. All the relatives and friends get together and attend the services.
Later they all dine together. For that, money will be needed and since Uncle has
no children the services might be discontinued after my death. I am an ignorant
person but am very religious and have never neglected to honor my ancestors. I
would like to see to it that Uncle's services will be continued.

When they found out about the death of my Uncle, the people of the town of
Nihonmatsu decided to build a monument in his honor. They tell me it will be
dedicated on July 7th. The officials of my town tell me they would like to
build something in his honor too.

I have written to the law court about the matter mentioned above, but will
you kindly put in a few words about this to them too?

If you ever visit Japan, please do not fail to visit my home.

With best wishes.

June 8, 1949

Kintaro Saito

5 January 1950

Mr. Carl A. Lohmann
Secretary
Woodbridge Hall

Dear Carl:

If your experience is like mine, you may find that any
reply you send to President Shimada will be read with great
solemnity to several memorial associations dedicated to the
commemoration of Professor Asakawa. In your reply you might like
to take notice of the fact that Asakawa prepared at Waseda University
before he came to this country to take his first degree at Dartmouth
College, and in 1906-07 Asakawa served as Professor of English at
Waseda. After that he returned to this country to take a post at
Yale University where he eventually became professor of history.
During his long period of service at Yale he was deeply interested
in promoting intellectual intercourse between Japanese and American
scholars. Yale is much indebted to Professor Asakawa for cordial
relations established with Japanese universities. Possibly President
Shimada would be interested in knowing that another Japanese,
Professor S. Kakutani, has recently been appointed to our staff in
Mathematics.

As for the 30 copies of the bulletin of Waseda, dedicated
to Asakawa, I can only suggest that they be placed in the Japanese
collection in the University library. From time to time Japanese
have turned up to inquire about Asakawa and the circumstances of his
death. Some of these might be pleased to pick up a copy of the
bulletin about him.

I understood from your note on President Shimada's letter
that you would reply to him, but if you meant for me to do so, I
shall be glad to attend to it.

I have sent the copy of the bulletin, which you forwarded
to me, to Maynham Townshend to be placed among Asakawa's personal
papers.

Sincerely yours,

HS/MH

13 October 1950

Mrs. Koichi Murashima
3-chome, Takada-Shi
Maraken, Japan

Dear Mrs. Murashima:

Thank you for your letter of 8 September. Although I knew of certain correspondence that the late Professor Asakawa had with one of his nieces and one of his nephews in Japan I had no direct knowledge of the number of distant relatives he might possibly have in his native country. As I explained in my previous letter this is a matter which, by law, the official administrator of the estate, appointed by the Probate Court, had to determine. Once the administrator had been appointed it was my duty to take no further part in the matter. The administrator is the person responsible under the law for drawing up a careful statement of the rights of all people who might be considered heirs at law. I am afraid that it often happens, when a man fails to leave a will providing for the distribution of his estate according to his personal wishes, that the estate is then turned over to distant relatives he might not have had in mind had he made some provision before he died.

I shall be very pleased to have the opportunity to meet Professor Shimohodo when he comes to this country. Thank you very much for your friendly act in sending me a remembrance. I do very much appreciate your courtesy.

HS/11
Airmail

28 August 1950

Mr. Fumi Murashima
Takada-Shi
Naraken, Japan

Dear Mr. Murashima:

Thank you very much for your letter of 31 July about the late Professor Kanichi Asakawa.

Upon his retirement and some years before he died, Professor Asakawa turned over a number of books in his library to Yale University and at that time wrote a letter to the Librarian of the University in which he explained that it was his intention upon his death to have the rest of his library and all his books and scholarly papers delivered to the University.

Professor Asakawa made no arrangements in regard to his personal effects and to his estate. Indeed, shortly before he died he wrote to an old friend in Japan and told him that he had taken no steps for disposal of his personal effects. I think he did intend to do so eventually but his sudden death prevented it.

In these circumstances the law here provides that the estate shall be turned over to administration by the Probate Court. The Probate Court appointed an administrator who was experienced in these affairs and who was not in any way connected with Professor Asakawa or with the University. It was the duty of the administrator to take in charge all of Professor Asakawa's money and all his personal property, to make an inventory of the estate, to have it appraised, and to trace his heirs. Professor Asakawa's heirs were nephews and nieces in Japan with whom he had had very little correspondence and from whom he had scarcely heard over a long period of years. The administrator devoted a great deal of time to the search for all of Professor Asakawa's nieces and nephews. After much correspondence and after careful study of the information turned in by these nieces and nephews and by others connected with Professor Asakawa's family or cognizant of his family, the administrator determined that these nephews and nieces were his heirs and in accordance with the law has made arrangements for the distribution of Professor Asakawa's property to them. I understand from the administrator that the property has already been sent to the several nieces and nephews.

In any event, the University officers could not properly take charge of Professor Asakawa's estate and would not have been permitted to distribute his estate to anyone. If you wish further details about this matter I am certain that you can obtain them by writing directly to the Administrator who is Mr. Raynham Townsend, Union and New Haven Trust Company, New Haven, Connecticut.

HS/11
Airmail

29 December 1950

Mr. Ichiro Yusa
Town Mayor
Nihonmatsu Town
Adachi-gun, Fukushima-ken
Japan

Dear Mr. Yusa:

It was very good of you to write me at length about the
progress that has been made in the memorial planned for Professor
Asakawa. I am pleased to hear that so many of his friends and fellow
countrymen have joined in this tribute to him.

In your letter you ask for particular information about several
questions you raise. The first is the problem of supplying information
for Professor Asakawa's biography and particularly information about his
life during his long residence in this country. I would be very willing
to supply this information for you if it were possible for me to do so.
You will understand that I cannot supply accurate information out of my
own knowledge. Of course, I knew Professor Asakawa very well during the
last years of his life.

But the accurate information which would be necessary for his
biography can be obtained only by a long and careful search through his
papers. Those papers are not in my custody. Even if they were, I do not
have at my disposal the large amount of time that would be necessary to
do this kind of thing properly. Before that can be done we shall have to
find someone who is reliable and who has the time to read, to sort, and to
sift his many papers and finally to write the account of his life that can be
gleaned from them. I would give a guess that this enterprise would easily
take a man two years of his full time. My own duties to the University, and
especially in these times when the University is likely to be called upon
for national service, do not permit me to undertake the work that you would
require. I have constantly had in mind your desire to obtain the necessary
information but I have not yet found anyone who is competent and who is free
to give his time to this task.

Next you inquire whether the goods received by Mr. Saito include all
the personal effects belonging to Professor Asakawa. I do not know exactly,
but I should think not. As I recall, the Administrator of Professor Asakawa's
Estate told me that the court had finally decided there were about seven heirs
and I suppose the residue of his personal effects were possibly distributed
among the seven heirs. It is quite likely that Mr. Saito obtained only part of
them and that others of the heirs received shipments from the Administrator.

Mr. Ichiro Yusa

- 2 -

29 December 1950

Let me emphasize again that I do not know that is the case. All these
things are in the hands of the court. Perhaps I should also point out
that in the end there would not be a great part of Professor Asakawa's
personal effects which would be valuable enough to preserve and to ship
to his heirs. Of course, bulky things like furniture were sold by the
court and the money obtained was added to the money in Professor Asakawa's
Estate. A great many other things were merely items which an old man had
collected throughout his life and which had ceased to have any particular
value. Some of them were worn out and some were broken.

About two weeks ago I understood the Administrator to say that
he had wither already sent to Mr. Saito the money he would inherit from
Professor Asakawa's Estate, or that he was about to send it. The Adminis-
trator said the Court had ruled that the Estate could now finally be
cleared and that the money could be distributed to Professor Asakawa's
heirs. In that case Mr. Saito either has now received the money or will
do so soon and the other heirs will also be receiving their share.

Thank you very much for your personal greetings. Please accept
my best wishes for yourself and for Professor Asakawa's many friends in
Japan.

HS/11

Nihomatsu Town, Adachi-gun, Fukushima-ken,
Japan, December 18, 1950.

Dr. D.W. Simpson,
Dean of Graduate School,
Vale University, New Haven, Conn.

Dear Sir,

Please excuse, for my negligence of correspondence to you for a
long time. I think you are quite well and devoting to your profes-
sional work.

On August 11 a memorial service for Dr. Kanichi Asakawa's death
anniversary was held here with an impressive ceremony. His personality
and scholastic work were then reminded of afresh by all attendants.
I heard from Mr. Kintaro Saito, the nearest relation of blood, then
attended that he duly received the deceased doctor's personal effects
consisting of a watch, clothes, books etc.

In order to make Japan a peaceful and democratic country, all
Japanese keenly feel the necessity of learning as much as possible from
U.S.A. which is advanced in culture and civilization. In fact, by
America's courtesy, our National Diet member representatives, business-
men's parties, student groups and stage and filmdom people have been
permitted to make observation visits to your country. Japanese feeling
of the necessity to rely upon America and to defend from the Reds'
menace by America's protection is getting stronger, particularly at
this time when Korea's peace and order have been upset and Reds' in-
vasion is prevailing in most countries in Asia including French-Indo
China, Siam, Burma, Yee Tibet and British India. Our Committee's work,
as its primary purpose, is to bequeath to our posterity Dr. Asakawa's
splendid achievement. However, our ultimate purpose and greatest wishe
are to encourage Japanese youth to follow his example, in other word,
by inspiring them with his scholastic achievement, Japan may produce
many other Asakawas and contribute to the better friendship between
both countries.

Mr. Saito, his relation of blood, having fully understood the
purpose of our Association, signed as its supporting member andpromised
to make some donation of money to its foundation fund when the remittan
come of the deceased doctor's money he inherited by the Court's decision
at yours is received.

Mr. Shimada, President of Waseda University that Dr. Asakawa gradu-
ated, and its many professors offered to be our Association members
and to cooperate in its work. Regarding the compilation of his bio-
graphy, the part of his youth years in Japan has been written up, and
recording is under way in the remaining part of his life in America,
the most important part of his biography. As soon as its manuscript
is completely made out, it will be published in print.

["is completely made out, it will be published in print.\nthe most important part of his biography. As soon as its manuscript\nrecording is under way in the remaining part of his file in America,\ngraph, the part of his youth years in Japan has been written up, and\nand to cooperate in its work. Regarding the combination of his bio-\ngraph, and its own professors offered to be our Association members\nMr. Saito's President of the Association that Dr. Asakawa Kaku-\natomo is received.", "-ce of the deceased doctor's money he inherited from the Court's decision\nto make some donation of money to the foundation fund when the remitted\nburden of our Association signed as its authorizing member and promised\nMr. Saito his relation of blood, having given his understanding to the\nboth countries.", "most of our Japanese and contribute to the better friendsip between\npa imbracing them with his scholastic achievement. Japan will produce\nare to encourage Japanese youth to follow his example, in other work,\nabundant achievement. However, our ultimate burden and greatest wish\nas its bravenly burden, is to peddle to our hostesses Dr. Asakawa's\nGinsu, 21st, Bama, 1st, Texas, Tiptoe and British India. Our Committee's work,\nin mission is breasting in most countries in Asia, including French-Tu\nthe time when Korea's best men have been there and now, from\nmen,βefits, student groups and stages and filmow people have been\nuniversally seen here with an impressive ceremony. His benignity\nOn whom if a memorial service for Dr. Kaneko Asakawa's death\nshould be held.", "Japanese keenly feel the necessity of learning as much as possible from\nIn order to make Japan a beautiful and democratic country, all", "containing of a water, clothes, clothes, clothes, clothes,

As it is, would you kindly cooperate in our work and give the following informations, though I am sorry to bother you so often?

1. Please supply us any information materials which you think good for including in the book of his biography.

2. Do those goods received by Mr. Saito cover all personal effects belonging to Dr. Asakawa?
This inquiry, I know, should be made to the Court, but, if you know, drop a line in answer.

3. We should like to know the probable date that Dr. Asakawa's money inherited by Mr. Saito will be remitted to Japan.
Though this inquiry may be taken for our depending to this money too much, we are planning to make a foundation with a portion of this money which Mr. Saito promised to donate to it, and to start a long-range program with the income from the said foundation fund to be made by other donations. Mr. Saito's idea is same with us, hence this inquiry.

Christmas Day is at the corner. The North-Eastern region of Japan we live in is already in the snowy season.

Life is worth living, though short, as we are very happy engaging in such a work of perpetuating Dr. Asakawa's work which is a pride of our home town.

Wishing your good health and waiting your reply,

I am,

Yours truly,

Ichiro Yusa, Nihonmatsuy Town Mayor,
Chairman of the Committee in Preparation for late Dr. Asakawa's Commemoration Work.

S. On November 20, Fukushima Radio Station broadcast a story about late Doctor's life and achievement to local people.

2. On November 20, 1958, the Marine Radio Station broadcast a story about a point

A. On the 2nd of May.

I am.

Making your good health and waiting your reply.

Bridge of our home town.

Asking in answer a work of berating Dr. Wakawa's work which is a
Title is worth living, though apart, as we are very happy en-
Jabau we live in a free man in the same season.

Christmas Day is at the corner. The North-Eastern region of the
this industry.

To be made in other donations. Mr. Saito's idea is same with us. Hence
a long-range program with the income from the said foundation find
this money used by Mr. Saito borrowed to donate to it, and to start
too much, we are binding to make a foundation with a portion of
though this industry may be taken for our debenture to this money
inherited by Mr. Saito will be remitted to Japan.

3. We also like to know the probable date that Dr. Wakawa's money

from a five in answer.

This industry. I know, should be made to the Court, but, if you know
longing to Dr. Wakawa?

2. Do those goods received by Mr. Saito cover all necessary effects per-

for including in the pack of his photograph.

1. Please supply me with information materials which I think good

following informations, though I am sorry to further lose so often.

If it is, would you kindly cooperate in our work and give the

18 July 1951

Mr. Rainosake Awano
Takarazaka, Hyogoken
Japan

Dear Mr. Awano:

Your inquiry in your recent letter to the Yale Press, concerning the late Professor Kanichi Asakawa, has been referred to me for reply. A brief obituary notice reviewing Professor Asakawa's career was published in the American press at the time of his death. I do not now have a copy of that notice, but it was taken up by the Japanese press and printed also in Japan at the time of his death. I know that is the case because it was the appearance of this obituary article in the Japanese press that brought a number of letters from relatives and Japanese friends of Professor Asakawa.

A much longer obituary article was prepared by a classmate of Professor Asakawa at Dartmouth College and was printed in a Dartmouth College Alumni Bulletin. I do not have a copy of that article, but I am certain that, if you address a request directly to the President of Dartmouth College, you can obtain a copy of the obituary article to which I refer. The author of that article had maintained a close friendship with Professor Asakawa throughout his life and, therefore, was able to speak knowingly of his career in this country.

For general facts about Professor Asakawa's life I can say that he came to this country to attend Dartmouth College in 1895 and graduated from Dartmouth College in 1899 with a Bachelor of Literature degree. From 1899 to 1902 he attended Yale University, which conferred the degree of Doctor of Philosophy on him in 1902. In 1930 his old college, Dartmouth College, conferred the honorary degree of Doctor of Literature on him. Professor Asakawa was first lecturer on history and civilization of East Asia at Dartmouth in 1902. He spent the year 1906-07 at his old university, Waseda University, as professor of English. In 1907 he returned to Yale University and from that time until his death he was on the faculty of Yale University, first as an instructor in history and afterwards rising through the ranks as assistant professor, associate professor, and finally professor of history. From 1942 until his death he was professor emeritus of history. From 1909 until his death he was also curator of the Japanese and Chinese collections in the Yale University Library. This briefly summarizes his career as he himself has recorded it. I trust this information may be helpful to you and regret that I do not now have access to Professor Asakawa's papers where possibly other details could be found.

6 April 1955

Mr. Raynham Townshend
Trust Officer
The Union and New Haven Trust Company
New Haven 2, Connecticut

Dear Mr. Townshend:

I am sorry there has been a slight
delay in arranging for the translation of these
letters, but here they are.

Encs.

THE UNION &

TRUST

NEW HAVEN
COMPANY

NEW HAVEN 2, CONNECTICUT

March 29, 1955

Dean Hartley Simpson
Yale Graduate School
Yale Station
New Haven, Connecticut

Dear Dean Simpson:

In accordance with our telephone conversation I enclose
two letters written in Japanese, one from Kintaro Saito and the
other from Takao Abe. I understand that you will arrange to
have these translated and will return the original letters with
the translation and a bill for services rendered.

In order to assist the translator in the event that he has
trouble with the characters, I will brief you on the contents of
my letters to each of the two individuals.

With respect to Mr. Saito, I introduced myself again as the
individual who settled the Kan-Ichi Asakawa Estate. Then I asked
him as the senior representative of the family if he would give
me the address of Takao Abe who we understand will become twenty-
one years of age on May 23, 1955, and will at that time inherit
his share of the Asakawa Estate.

In my letter to Takao Abe I asked him to verify his birth
date and also advise me if I corresponded with him at the proper
address. The address used by me was:

39 Aza Tamaomae, Oaza Tomisawa
Tominari-mura, Date-gun
Fukushima-ken, Japan

and the address on the return envelope was:

39 Aza Reigozen, Oaza Tomizawa
Havara-mati, Date-gun
Fukusima-ken, Japan

I also explained to him that we have been holding his share
of his grand-uncle's Estate until he reached twenty-one, all of