connection of our theoretical work with revolutionary practice
connection with our daily work. But from the inevitable close
that "theoretical educational work" must have "the closest con-
statement from an article on caprice in *The Communist* emphasizes
working class and the fighting line of the Party." A typical
principles of Marxism-Perpetuum with the daily needs of the
activities of the Party and the masses," "inspiration to find the
in such terms as "sterile academicism," "divorced from the concrete
the fiercest indictments of poor educational work are concord
function of it at the highest level." In bohemian discussion,
ing upon it not a vacation from the class struggle but a contin-
stresses this. The students are warned that what they are embark-
At every Party training school the introductory lecture
*in Communes* but is: "Study both agg's, Agg's an student."3
ing as a continuation of activity. Or, as an article in *Caprices*
name that all activity be considered as a school and all school-
rived from the concept of the unity of theory and practice, de-
separation between training and life. This practical rule, de-
to the methodology of the training process that there can be no
From the very nature of Communist theory, it is fundamental
and consciousness of the Party.
cannot be found in any manual, but they exist in the practice
we're going." They did. The principles of this methodology

3-8

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[LC]

arise our concrete theoretical tasks /the program of formal education/. The Marxist-Leninist theory...requires that our tasks never be general but always concrete, prescribed by the special conditions of the liberation struggle of the proletariat."

This is not just insistence on the need for concrete illustration of theoretical points. Nor is it by any means a pragmatic or anti-theoretical attitude.

The most abstruse theoretical questions must be mastered if they form part of the corpus of Marxism-Leninism; but simultaneously, the entire theoretical structure has to be considered in the closest relationship to "the revolutionary struggle" and even to the immediate forms of that struggle. Thus, some of the most important turns in line have been heralded or reinforced by articles of Stalin on such questions as historiography or linguistics. Similarly, at one of the turning points in the early history of the Party Lenin utilized a discussion of epistemology as the spearhead of a political move for the consolidation of his faction.

This attitude prevails throughout the Party. One can hear mere fledglings of six months' standing accuse each other of basic deviations in an argument about whether it is advisable to hold a street meeting on a corner where there are many passers-by, but where it might attract the attention of antagonistic elements, or on another corner two blocks away in a more

elements, or on another corner two people away in a more
py, but where it might attract the attention of antagonistic
to hold a street meeting on a corner where there are many passers-
by, basic deviations in an argument about whether it is advisable
were fledgling of six months, standing accused each other of
This attitude prevails throughout the party. One can hear
absurd of a political move for the consolidation of his faction.
of the party. The party utilized a discussion of epistemology as the
tics. Similarly, at one of the turning points in the early history
articles of Stain on such questions as historiography or histori-
proribant turns in fine have been perused or reinforced by
the immediate forms of that struggle. Time, some of the most
the closest relationship to "the revolutionary struggle" and even
only, the entire theoretical structure has to be considered in
they form part of the core of Marxism-Leninism; but ahmitane-
The most abstract theoretical questions must be mastered if
or anti-theoretical attitude.

tion of theoretical points. Now is it by any means a pragmatic
special conditions of the liberation struggle of the proletarian.
This is not just insatiation on the need for concrete illustration
of theoretical points. Nor is it by any means a pragmatic

struggle never be General but always concrete, prescribed by the
education. The Marxist-Leninist theory...requires that our
raise our concrete theoretical tasks [the program of our

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[LC]

respectable neighborhood. In such a debate "infantile leftism"
and "right opportunism" may be the least erudite phrases thrown
about.

Classes, therefore, and particularly training schools, are
fraught with a tension far removed from the peaceful connotation
that the idea of study usually evokes. "When the idea enters
the mind of the masses it becomes a power," wrote Marx, and Com-
munists take that statement with the utmost seriousness. A power
for good if the ideas are "correct"; a power literally of evil --
a bourgeois idea, a counter-revolutionary idea -- if it is 'in-
correct.'" And if ideas in general are believed to have this
living, weapon-like character, they have it intensified a thou-
sand times when they directly affect "the vanguard party," the
custodian of revolutionary truth, for if it goes wrong, the con-
sequences are immeasurable.

The intensity of this feeling about ideas is strengthened
by the Communist concept that there is only one correct line,
that in the geometry of ideology the slightest deviation from
that line inevitably ends in a complete reversal of direction.
Therefore, if in a Party training school, a student makes an
error in a report on the proper relationship of Lenin's slogans:
"The proletariat must carry out to the end the democratic revolu-
lution, and in this unite to itself the mass of the peasantry,
in order to crush by force the resistance of the autocracy and
to paralyze the instability of the bourgeoisie"

to clarify the instability of the Marxists' position to the Marxists.

in order to crush by force the resistance of the autocracy and
introduction, and in this way to itself the mass of the beauxarde.
"The proletarians must carry out to the end the democratic revolu-
tion in a report on the brother relationship of men," a slogan:

Therefore, if in a party training school, a student makes an
error in a report on the brother relationship of men, a slogan:
that line inevitably ends in a complete reversal of direction.

that in the geometry of ideology the slightest deviation from
by the Communist concept that there is only one correct line.
The intensity of this feeling about ideas is strengthened
seductions are immovable.

epistemological truth, for it is goes wrong, the con-
sand time when they directly affect "the vanguard party," the
living, weapon-like character, they have it internally a ton-
correct." And it ideas in General are believed to have this
a pengeeta ideas, a counter-revolutionary idea -- if it is "in-
for good if the ideas are "correct"; a power littersly of evil --
unmature take that statement with the utmost seriousness. A power
time mind of the mass, it becomes a power," wrote Marx, and Com-
that the ideas of study necessarily evokes. "When the ideas enters
frustrated with a tension far removed from the beautiful connection

Classes, therefore, and particularly training schools, are
apart.

and "right opportunism," may be the least erudite phrase thrown
respectable neighborhood. In such a debase "infantile leftism"

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[ro]

3 - 11

[Lc]

and

"The proletariat must accomplish the socialist revolution, and in this unite to itself the mass of the semi-proletarian elements of the population, in order to crush by force the resistance of the bourgeoisie and to paralyze the instability of the peasantry and petty bourgeoisie" (5)

the director of the school and the teachers will examine his whole record in united-front activities, correlating any failures he has shown in practice to understand the problem of "the allies of the proletariat" with his theoretical "errors." He will find himself criticized (and, if he is a good Communist, self-criticized) not only for narrowness in periods when the Party line demanded broad work with the middle classes and liberal elements, but simultaneously for earlier errors of opportunism in periods of "sharp class struggle." By the time this ordeal is over, he will have grasped the principles of the Communist strategy and tactics on the question of the allies of the proletariat -- or he will be out of the Party.

In day-to-day activity, the process works in reverse. An "error" in work is immediately assigned to "theoretical weakness"; or a difference of opinion on even a comparatively minor organizational or technical question is debated and settled with constant appeals to high theoretical principles.

At upper cadre levels, these questions are taken the most seriously and fought through the most bitterly. During an

seriously and found through the most bitter). During an

absence to high theoretical principles.
At number one reveals, these questions are taken the most
critical or technical question is debated and settled with constant
or a difference of opinion on even a comparatively minor organism-
"error," in work is immediately assigned to "theoretical messiness."

In day-to-day activity, the process works in reverse. An
out of the party.

on the question of the life of the proletariat -- or he will be
have grasped the principles of the Communist strategy and tactics
"sharp classes struggle." By the time this occurs if over, he will
summonaneously for earlier errors of opportunism in periods of
past work with the middle classes and liberal elements, put
not only for narrowness in periods when the party fine demanded
himself criticized (and, if he is a good Communist, self-criticized)
of the proletariat, with his theoretical "errors." He will find
he has shown in practice to understand the problem of "the class
whole record in mixed-front activities, correlating any failure
the director of the school and the teachers will examine his
and betty pomgeotale." (?)

the pomgeotale and to analyse the inaptitude of the beasamry
of the population, in order to crush by force the resistance of
in this unite to itself the mass of the semi-proletariat elements
"The proletariat must accomplish the socialist revolution" and
and

3 - 11

[n]

[LC]

3 - 12

international anti-war congress in Paris, where I was responsible for the British youth delegation, we ran into some problems of housing the British delegates. Such a detail, of course, should have been a matter for the front organization, the anti-war committee itself. But the situation was so snarled up that the only way out was to cut through the red tape and bring the complaint of the British Young Communist League -- which had succeeded in bringing to the congress a large number of completely non-Party trade-union and Labour-Party delegates -- directly to the French Young Communist League in the person of its national Organizational Secretary. He showed an infuriatingly bureaucratic attitude, and the whole problem was finally laid before the Communist International representative responsible for the entire congress, on the grounds that the attitude shown by the French comrade displayed a failure to understand the then-just-developing People's Front line of the Communist International. The particular practical problem was quickly solved, but this was not the end of it. The criticisms raised by the British Young Communist League were considered by the French Party; the Organizational Secretary's defence was regarded as displaying even more of an underestimate of the People's Front policy than he had originally been accused of; and his response to further criticisms opened him to the accusation of holding a semi-Trotzkyist position on

him to the accusation of holding a semi-Trotskyist position on
been accused of; and his reason for further criticism obviated
accusation of the People's Front policy than he had originally
taken, a defence was regarded as disclaiming even more of an under-
were considered by the French Party; the Organizational Secre-
The criticsisms raised by the British Young Communist League
broblem was quickly solved, but this was not the end of it.
line of the Communist International. The particular practical
failure to understand the then-just-developing People's Front
grounds that the attitude shown by the French commune displayed a
of representative responsible for the entire congress, on the
the whole problem was finally laid before the Communist International-
Secretary. He showed an infuriously puerocratic attitude, and
Young Communist League in the person of its national Organizational
trade-union and Labour-Party delegates -- directly to the French
prizing to the congress a large number of completely non-Party
of the British Young Communist League -- which had succeeded in
way out was to cut through the red tape and bring the complaint
mittee itself. But the situation was so marred up that the only
have been a matter for the front organization, the anti-war com-
pounding the British delegates. Such a detail, of course, should
for the British Youth delegation, we ran into some problems of
international anti-war congress in Paris, where I was reasonable

3 - 15

[r]

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3 - 13

the allies of the proletariat. Six months after the improglio
over housing, he was expelled from the French Party.

This chain of circumstances, although dramatic, is by no
means unique. That things like this can and do happen gives a
powerful sanction to the continuous practice of ideological
dredging which accompanies criticism of daily work, and makes
that ideological dredging a powerful tool of training.

Should a district or a section fail markedly to meet its
quota for subscriptions to the *Worker*, then the responsible func-
tionary is guilty of "underestimation of the importance of the
role of the press" and, by implication, of a failure to grasp
the significance of *Iskra* in the building of the Bolshevik Party --
therefore, a lack of grasp of Lenin's vitally important *What Is
To Be Done* and of the very concept of the "party of a new type."
Before the storm blows over, he has learned in the most vivid
way many things about the theoretical and practical meaning of
the Party which he may previously have understood only formally.

At a lower level, the same methods are used, although the
possible consequences are usually less serious, in view of the
lack of experience of the members. Leaflets issued, actions
taken in neighborhood organizations, organizational failures
in the work of the branch, formulations in meetings -- every-
thing is grist to the mill. At this level, because of the

tiring is great to the will. At this level, because of the
total work of the branch, formulations in meetings -- every-
cent in neighborhood organizations, organizational failure
 lack of experience of the members. Leaflets issued, actions
 possible consequences are usually less serious, in view of the
 At a lower level, the same methods are used, although the
 the party which he may previously have understood only formally,
 way many things about the theoretical and practical meaning of
 Before the storm blows over, he has learned in the most vivid
 To be Done and of the very concept of the "party of a new type."
 therefore, a lack of grasp of Raisin's vitally important What Is
 the significance of Larks in the building of the Positive Party --
 role of the braes, and, by implication, of a failure to grasp
 tendency is guity of "underestimation of the importance of the
 dots for ascriptions to the Worker, then the reasonable func-
 should a district or a section fall markedly to meet its
 that ideological dredging a powerful tool of training,
 dredging which accompanies criticism of daily work, and makes
 powerful sanction to the continuous practice of ideological
 means unique. That things like this can and do happen gives a
 This chain of circumstances, although dramatic, is by no
 over housing, he was emboldened from the French party.
 the allies of the professoriat. Six months after the imbroglio

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[il]

3 - 14

[LC]

character of the work, the kind of incident seized upon for
training is often very humdrum.

An absurd example comes to mind. A leader of a large community branch had organized and successfully carried through a "legislative conference" involving a considerable number of the most prominent citizens of the area, at a time when such actions were being strongly urged by Party directives. Resolutions had been passed for a series of measures the Party was supporting; the delegates whose names were signed to the telegrams and letters to Congressmen and Senators were very satisfactory; there had been no divergent points of view put forward. It was altogether successful.

Shortly after its conclusion, a representative of the district bureau returned to commend (with certain well-chosen criticisms as well) the local Party leader responsible for it. He found her putting away the chairs in an empty hall. This was intolerable. She had shown lack of organizational understanding in her neglect to secure rank-and-file Party people -- if she could not involve non-Party people -- for such menial tasks. Her excuses and explanations led directly to a critique of her outlook as syndicalist, if not anarchist, showing a complete misunderstanding of the role of leadership, which in turn, carried to its logical conclusion, negated the very function of

carried to its logical conclusion, negated the very function of
understanding of the role of leadership, which in turn,
outlook as syndicalist, it nor snarled, showing a complete
her excuses and explanations led directly to a critique of her
could not involve non-party people -- for such mental tasks,
in her neglect to secure rank-and-file party people -- it is
intolerable. She had shown lack of organizational understanding
found her butting away the chairs in an empty hall. This was
claims as well) the local party leader responsible for it. He
tried himself returned to commend (with certain well-chosen criti-
cises) after its conclusion, a representative of the dis-
causal

no divergent points of view but forward. It was altogether anc-
to Congressmen and Senators were very satisfactory; there had been
the delegates whose names were signed to the telegram and letters
been based for a series of measures the party was supporting;
were being strongly urged by party directives. Resolutions had
most prominent citizens of the area, at a time when such actions
"legislative conference" involving a considerable number of the
munity branch had organized and successfully carried through a
Anecdotal example comes to mind. A leader of a large com-
ciation is often very humdrum.

[c] 3 - 14

[LC]

3 - 15

a vanguard party.

From top to bottom all life must be considered as training, an indissoluble unity of theory and action directed towards the one reason for existence of a Communist. The image of the iron filings oriented by a magnet is often used in Party teaching, with the qualification that one must imagine the filings each conscious and imbued with an understanding and a will which deliberately accept the power of the magnet as Truth.

## "Science," Control and Responsibility

Social interactions have for the Communist the scientifically predictable character of Newtonian physical interactions. A constant consideration of Communist training methodology, therefore, is the inculcation of an attitude which regards all social or human activity as scientifically understandable and therefore, from the Marxist-Leninist point of view, manipulable.

Since "science," then, implies not knowledge for the sake of knowing but knowledge for control, every Communist must perforce have a peculiarly responsible attitude -- for everything. If something happens in China or in Bulgaria, in England or in Venezuela, in New York or Chicago, in his own section of the city or another section, he must immediately have an attitude

["city or another section, he must immediately have an attitude\nin support of the cause in New York or Chicago, in his own section of the\nVermonters, in New

3 - 16

[LC]

towards it, and not merely an informed attitude or one of judgment. Like a fireman sleeping next to an alarm bell, all his faculties must be stimulated into action. What should be done? Is there anything in this situation which, in his organization, his trade union, his neighborhood, he can do? This is the way a Communist must learn to react at all times.⁶

The development of such a stance of responsibility and the elimination of all "unscientific" modes of apprehension, are both vital to the moulding of the Communist personality. But the function of the constant emphasis upon them is not only to create in the Communist's mind an acceptance of the principles of Marxism-Leninism as a scientific view of the world and to develop a "responsible attitude." If this were all, these emphases could be considered simply as emphases in subject matter, in material taught; and, considered only in this way, their real methodological function would be obscured. That function is to create an awareness of life exclusively in terms of control, of power.

If thought and knowledge are invalid except in terms of the unity of theory and practice, and if the individual is responsible as one of the chosen to whom understanding is given, meaning and reality are drained out of all aspects of life not concerned with control. Enjoyment, the satisfaction of curiosity, meditation, intellectual achievement, art, and certainly all spiritual

tion, intellectual achievement, art, and certainly all spiritual
with control. Enjoyment, the satisfaction of curiosity, meditations
are drained out of all aspects of life not concerned
as one of the chosen to whom understanding is given, meaning and
unity of theory and practice, and if the individual is reasonable
It thought and knowledge are invalid except in terms of the
awareness of life exclusively in terms of control, of power.

Actual function would be opacified. That function is to create an
tught; and, considered only in this way, their real methodology-
be considered simply as emphases in subject matter, in material
"reasonable attitude." If these were all, these emphases could
fam-Reminisc as a scientific view of the world and to develop a
in the Communist's mind an acceptance of the principles of Marx-
function of the constant emphasis upon them is not only to create
both vital to the moulding of the Communist character. But the
elimination of all "unscientific" modes of apprehension, are

The development of such a stance of responsibility and the
a Communist must learn to react at all times.

His trade union, his neighborhood, he can do. This is the way
Is there anything in this situation which, in life organization,
faculties must be stimulated into action. What should be done?
ment. Like a fireman sleeping next to an alarm bell, all life
towards it, and not merely an informed attitude or one of judgment.

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[Lc]

3 - 17

awareness, are empty except in so far as they derive a second-
ary meaning, positive or negative, from the essential reality
of human existence regarded as control of the universe. ⁷

This subsuming of all the complexities of life under the
single rubric of action directed towards control is so complete
that it becomes in time an invisible and unrecognized condition
of existence. Most of the other important attitudes Communists
hold do not have this quality. They are consciously accepted
and continuously defended. Even when some aspects of their atti-
tudes are not recognized for what they are, at the least a com-
plete rationalization is consciously, insistently and aggressively
held. But this attitude, the approach to the world which sees
it exclusively as scientifically controllable, is simply taken
for granted. That, perhaps, is why the arguments put forward
by Communists about art, literature, love, the psyche, religion,
are so weak and unconvincing. What they are trying to say seems
so obvious to them that their arguments have to be constructed.
They have none of the power of arguments with which one has
once convinced one's self.

The very form of the classics on which the whole Marxist-
Leninist dogma is founded conduces to the acceptance of all
thought as directed to action. There probably has existed
nowhere in history so widespread and powerful a doctrine without

nowhere in history so widespread and powerful a doctrine without
thought as directed to action. There properly has existed
Revolutian dogma is founded conatus to the acceptance of all
The very form of the classics on which the whole Marxiat-
once convinced one's self.

They have none of the power of arguments which one has
so obvious to them that their arguments have to be constructed.
are so weak and unconvincing. What they are trying to say some
by Committesepont art, literature, love, the bayonet, religion,
for granted. That, perhaps, is why the arguments but forward
it excruciatingly as scientifically controlable, is simply taken
paid. But this attitude, the approach to the world which sees
complete rationalization is consciously, insatiately and aggressively
tends are not recognized for what they are, at the least a com-
and continuously defended. Even when some aspects of their atti-
hold do not have this quality. They are consciously accepted
of existence. Most of the other important attitudes Committes
that it becomes in time an inevitable and unrecognised condition
single import of action directed towards control is so complete
This assuming of all the complexities of life under the
of human existence regarded as control of the universe.


arly meaning, positive or negative, from the essential reality
awareness, are empty except in so far as they derive a second-

[12]

[13]

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[LC]

a systematic statement of its principles. Marxism-Leninism
has no **Summa**, no **Institutes**, no **Discourse on Method**, no **Essay
Concerning Human Understanding** -- not even an **Il Principe** or
a **Leviathan**. All its foundation stones are occasional polemics.
(**Capital** and **The Communist Manifesto** might be considered possible
exceptions, but they too are full of polemics and their essential
inspiration is polemical.) Even the philosophical canon -- **The
German Ideology**, the **Anti-Dühring**, **Materialism** and **Empirio-
Criticism** -- has this character. The authoritative political
texts are all directed to a particular action or a particular
controversy; to mention a few: **The Critique of the Gotha Program,**
**What Is To Be Done,** **Two Tactics,** **Left Wing Communism,** **Imperialism,**
**State and Revolution,** **Foundations of Leninism,** **Problems of Leninism.**

Thought for thought's sake or for the sake of pure knowledge
is, from the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint, not merely sterile; in
the last analysis it is impossible. Such lucubrations, or, for
that matter, literature and art not consciously motivated to an
active end, have their meaning in the class interests which they
reflect. But such existence is the existence of shadows. Vir-
tue, full-bodied existence, resides only in the apprehension of
life as action "to change the world."

Pressure

The primary elements of the methodology of the Communist

The primary elements of the methodology of the Committee

## Pressure

It is action "to change the world." It is full-bodied existence, resides only in the appreciation of reflect. But such existence is the existence of shadows. Active end, have their meaning in the class interests which they that matter, literature and art not consecutively motivated to an the fast analysis it is indesirable. Such inspirations, or, for its, from the Marxist-Feminist viewpoint, not merely sterile; in Thought for thought's sake or for the sake of pure knowledge State and Revolution, Foundations of Feminism, Problems of Feminism. What Is to Be Done, Two Tactics, Left Wing Communism, Feminism, controversy; to mention a few: The Critiques of the Goals Process, texts are all directed to a particular action or a particular Criticism -- has this character. The authoritative political German Ideology, the Anti-Dühring, Materialism and Materialism, inspiration is bohemical.) Based the bibliographical canon -- The expositions, but they too are full of bohemics and their essential (Capital and The Communist Manifesto might be considered possible a Revolution. VII its foundation stoves are occasional bohemics. Concerning Human Understanding -- not even an If Princing or has no Sams, no Institutes, no Discourse on Method, no Eassay a systematic statement of its principles. Marxism-Feminism

3 - 18

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3 - 19

training process, then, are these: uncompromising insistence on the scientific character of reality, combined with continuing stress on responsibility, in a milieu where life is training and training is life. But a further element is necessary to fuse the others together. Men are weak. They are the products of a "disintegrating society," which affects everyone -- proletarian and intellectual as well as monopoly capitalist and petty bourgeois -- with the vapors of its decay.⁸ Historical Reality will tell in the end, if the phantasms of religion, individual integrity, family loyalty, patriotism, objective truth, and a thousand ties of tradition and upbringing can be destroyed. But their hold is strong; they are rooted in the past of the individual and are constantly reinforced by the influences which daily and hourly beat upon him from round about. The "superior" validity of Marxism-Leninism might well fail to make its impact under the hail of this never-ending fusillade. The growing Communist personality must be strengthened against it, the pressure relieved by a counter-pressure, that Communist truth may be received.⁹

Such counter-pressure, the fusing element of the process of Communist training, is organized systematically and relentlessly. In daily life and activity, as in classes and schools, it is built up steadily with the developing Communist maturity of the individual until it becomes a ponderable presence. Occasionally, particularly in moments of fatigue, it becomes almost intolerable;

particularly in moments of fatigue, it becomes almost intolerable; individual until it becomes a ponderable breather. Occasionally, built up steadily with the developing Communist maturity of the in daily life and activity, as in classes and schools, it is Communist training, is organised systematically and relentlessly.

Second counter-breather, the funding element of the process of breather, that Communist truth may be received.⁸

strengthened against it, the breather relieved by a counter-cessing fatigue. The growing Communist personality must be might well fail to make its impact under the hail of this never-beat upon him from round about. The "inferior" validity of Marxism-Leninism constantly reinforced by the influences which daily and hourly

is strong; they are rooted in the best of the individual and are ties of tradition and upholding can be destroyed. But their hold on the end, if the basis of religion, individual integrity in the end, is the basis of religion, objective truth, and a thousand rigidity, family loyalty, patriotism, objective truth, and a thousandintellectual as well as monopoly capitalist and petty pour-"dismintegrating society," which affects everyone -- proletarian the others together. Men are weak. They are the products of a and training is life. But a further element is necessary to fuse stress on responsibility, in a manner where life is training the scientific character of reality, combined with containing training process, then, are these: uncompromising intransience on

3 - 10

[c]

[LC]

3 - 20

but in time it is felt not only as weight but also as support.
When, with habit and growth, it has come to be largely self-im-
posed, it turns into a necessity of life.

Certainly this regime of pressure has its casualties. Apart
from those whom it breaks and drives out of the Party (this is one
of its functions, to discover the "weak"), it is also the direct
cause of that frequent phenomenon of the movement, the "tired
bolshevik." Utterly loyal, a cadreman of years of experience,
often in a responsible position, all the resilience has gone out
of his being. He drags along, fulfills his responsibilities with
mediocrity, but the years of pressure have crushed him. It is
still an outside force to him, one that he accepts, but one that
he has never sufficiently made his own to overcome the feeling of
relentless weight and thus be able to maintain his vitality.

Despite its negative results, however, pressure is an irre-
placeable tool of training. It forces to the surface, out into
the open where they can be handled, all the psychological and
intellectual contents of the personality which must be re-made --
ideas, habits, prejudices, attitudes. Party training schools
are set up as much with the aim of creating conditions favorable
to such pressure as of inculcating theoretical material. The
classes themselves, the study arrangements, the "extra-curricular
activities," the relations of the students to each other and to

[Lc]

3 - 21

the instructors, are all calculated to produce conditions of strain to the breaking point. Every action, every statement in class, every personal characteristic is under constant attack, gruellingly systematized by formal weekly "criticism and self-criticism sessions."¹⁰

In the normal life and activity of the Party such hothouse conditions for the manufacture of pressure cannot be maintained, although something very like them is created in periods of crisis over the line of the Party or in the political history of individuals. "The fight for a line," "the struggle against a deviation," the handling of a disciplinary question, like the training schools, are nodes in a system of pressures.

Day in and day out, however, that system makes itself felt steadily, if less intensively than in crises and in the schools. Partly this is a result of the pure weight of tasks to be performed.¹¹ The demands of the movement are infinite, the forces and time at its disposal finite; and therefore, however noteworthy a success may be, much more always should be done. Whatever Communist propaganda and Communist leaders may say for external consumption, in internal evaluation the negative always enormously outweighs the positive. If something was well done, it could have been done better. If it was a decisive victory, let us say in some mass field, such as the freeing of a "political

let us say in some sense field, such as the freeing of a "political
it could have been done better. If it was a decisive victory,
enormously outweighs the positive. It something was well done,
terminally consumption, in internal evaluation the negative always
ever Communist propaganda and Communist leaders may say for ex-
worthy a success may be, much more always should be done. What-
and time at its disposal finite; and therefore, however note-
formed. If the demands of the movement are infinite, the forces
partly this is a result of the bare weight of tasks to be her-
steadily, if less intensively than in crises and in the schools.
Day in and day out, however, that system makes it itself felt
are nodes in a system of pressures.

the handling of a democratic question, like the training schools,
nale. "The fight for a line," "the struggle against a deviation,"
over the line of the party or in the political history of individual-
although something very like them is created in periods of crisis
conditions for the manufacture of pressure cannot be maintained.
In the normal life and activity of the party and hotbeds of
criticism seasons."¹⁰

Beneeringly summarized by formal weekly "criticism and self-
in class, every personal characteristic is under constant attack,
strain to the breaking point. Every action, every statement
the instructors, are all calculated to produce conditions of

3 - 51

[LC]

3 - 22

prisoner" or the success of a Party-led strike, then "the face
of the Party was not brought forward." Or, if it was brought
forward, "we did not capitalize on the favorable conditions by
sufficient recruiting." Or, if the recruiting was satisfactory,
"we are not integrating the new recruits in the W. and W. plant
into Party life. The same old comrades are getting out the shop
paper; none of the new, fresh blood has been involved; no New
Members' Classes have been held; of 23 recruits, only 8 attended
last week's meeting."

Thus, the very disproportion between the "demands of the
situation" and the "forces of the Party," itself constituting an
agency of pressure, creates its twin agency, the disproportion
of blame to praise. It might be thought that such constant
depreciation of effort expended would result in demoralization
rather than in tempering. But the integral connection felt by
Communists between the least important of Party acts and world-
historical consequences makes the smallest success significant
in ultimate and objective terms. Of course criticism must be
expected. Who can rise to the heights that History demands?
The Party is right always to demand more. But a glow of satis-
faction exists, nonetheless, in a maneuver well executed, a
mass campaign carried through to a climax, a solid accretion
to Party membership. Such belief in the deep significance of

to Party membership. Such belief in the deep significance of
a base campaign carried through to a climax, a solid accretion
faction exists, nonetheless, in a maneuver well executed, a
The Party is right always to demand more. But a glow of anxiety
expected. Who can rise to the heights that History demands?
in ultimate and objective terms. Of course criticism must be
historical consequences make the smallest success significant
Communist between the least important of Party acts and world-
rather than in tempering. But the integral connection felt by
depreciation of effort expended would result in demoralization
of cause to praise. It might be thought that such constant
agency of pressure, creates its twin agency, the diaproportion
situation, and the "force of the Party," itself constituting an
Theme, the very diaproportion between the "demand of the
last week's meeting."

Members' Classes have been held; of 33 recruits, only 8 attended

paper; none of the new, fresh blood has been involved; no New
into Party life. The same old comrades are getting out the shop
"we are not integrating the new recruits in the W. and W. plant
sufficient recruiting." Or, if the recruiting was satisfactory,
forward, "we did not capitalize on the favorable conditions by
of the Party was not brought forward." Or, if it was brought
prisoner," or the success of a Party-fed strike, then "the face

[rd]

[rd]

[lc]

3 - 23

every act cannot but reinforce the stance of responsibility and
by that token increase the pressure.

Negative criticism thus intricately dances with magnification
of the significance of every Party act to produce a double-sided
pressure. The probing and testing described above, which plumbs
the least "error" to its origins, reinforces that pressure. The
philosophical outlook of Marxist-Leninist dialectics provides
ideological sanction and manufactures inexhaustible material.
Since all things are interrelated and interpenetrate one with
another, and since a fact -- meaningless, hardly real in itself --
derives its meaning only from its external relations, the tracing
of these relations outward from any fact is of the utmost signifi-
cance. Intellectual and psychological facts do not differ in
this respect from any other facts. So it is that a chance remark,
an organizational mistake, the misconstruction of a shade of mean-
ing in Lenin or Stalin, even a personal mannerism, is criticized
in the way that it is -- rarely for itself, almost inevitably as
indicative of deep weaknesses which must be drawn to the surface
and corrected.

The constant expectation of this kind of criticism (varying
in detail and thoroughness depending on the circumstances, but
implied even in the most casual daily organizational and political
discussions) is a powerful factor in the creation of tension and

[LC]

3 - 24

pressure from the very early days of Party life. It develops
its greatest strength, however, when the evolving Communist
begins to apply this same method to himself, questioning his
acts and attitudes for their "real meaning" and for their origins
in "alien class sources." Dialectical introspection of this kind
is most self-conscious and over-scrupulous at what one might call
the pre-cadre and early cadre stages. As more maturity is at-
tained, although a fundamentally self-critical attitude has be-
come ingrained in the personality, its operation on one's self
is likely to be restricted to more important matters. The probing
of minor symptomatic expressions is reserved for younger members
one is training.

Whether externally applied or internally generated, however,
this questioning, probing, testing process maintains a pressure
upon the personality which transforms the solidity of the pre-
vious intellectual outlook and psychic set into a state of flux
in which it can be re-moulded.

## The Transformation of the Total Personality

It is the total personality, not the intellectual outlook
alone, which must be re-moulded. Although logically the process
of crushing the forms of the old personality precedes the con-
struction of new forms, in actuality the two go hand in hand.
But methodologically there is a difference between the two

But methodologically there is a difference between the two
attraction of new forms, in sensitivity the two go hand in hand.
of crushing the forms of the old personality precedes the con-
alone, which must be re-moulded. Although logically the process
It is the total personality, not the intellectual outlook

vions intellectual outlook and beachies set into a state of flux
upon the personality which transforms the solidity of the pre-
tihe questioning, proping, testing process maintains a pressure
Whether externally applied or internally generated, however,
one is training.

of minor asymptomatic expressions is reserved for longer members
of which it can be re-moulded.
The proping
comes ingrained in the personality, its operation on one's self
trained, although a fundamentally self-critical attitude has pe-
the pre-cadre and early cadre stages. As more maturity is at-
the most self-conscious and over-accusations at what one might call
in "alien class sources." Dialectical introduction of this kind
acts and attitudes for their "real meaning" and for their origins
begins to apply this same method to himself, questioning his
its greatest strength, however, when the evolving Communist
pressure from the very early days of Party life. It develops

3 - 54

[lc]

3 - 25

processes. While the attack upon the various aspects of the old personality is relatively undifferentiated, the principles of reconstruction differ somewhat, depending on whether it is the intellect, the will or the emotions that are in question.

With the intellect, given the destruction of "false" values, theories, and ways of thinking, the problem is one of simple replacement with the "scientific," "objective" outlook of Marxism-Leninism.

With the will, the task is somewhat different. The will must remain fundamentally the same. Its quality, its timbre, must re-emerge from the process of bolshevization not only unflawed but strengthened. A bolshevik with a weak will is unthinkable. But the functioning of the will must be re-directed; and this re-direction is closely correlated with changes in the role of the faculty of judgment. The Marxist-Leninist puts the faculty of judgment on all questions but operational ones into blinkers. It functions; it considers and judges; but it does so within the limits of one primordial judgment, that the leadership of the movement is *by its nature* right. When that leadership has not spoken, judgment operates more or less independently; but once the line is laid down, it operates to confirm that line. The will must be trained to become the agent of this kind of judgment.¹²

Its power is not destroyed; rather it is deprived of flexi-

judgment.

The will must be trained to become the agent of this kind of
put once the time is laid down, it operates to confirm that line.
use not aboken, judgment operates more or less independently;
of the movement is by its nature right. When that leadership
within the limits of one primordial judgment, that the leadership
punkers. It functions: it considers and judges; put it does so
faculty of judgment on all directions put operations once into
note of the faculty of judgment. The Marxist-Revolutist but the
and this re-direction is closely correlated with changes in the
thinksable. But the functioning of the will must be re-directed;
flawed put strengthened. A polarize with a weak will is nu-
must re-emerge from the process of polarization not only nu-
must remain fundamentally the same. Its duality, its timbre,
With the will, the task is somewhat different. The will
isom-Revolutist.

replacement with the "scientific," "objective" outlook of Marx-
caries, and ways of thinking, the problem is one of simple
With the intellect, given the destruction of "false" values,
the intellect, the will or the emotions that are in question.
of reconstruction gitter somewhat, depending on whether it is
of PERSONALITY IS RELATIVELY undifferentiated, the principles
processes. While the attack upon the various aspects of the

3 - 32

3 - 26

[LC]

bility and harnessed to one great calculation of the intellect, one grand decision of judgment, which places it in the service of the Party, autonomous enough to remain strong and vibrant but contemptuous of exerting itself in individual situations. These it regards as subject to an instrumental calculus, the specific problems of which are to be worked out by a collective intelligence, in which the individual participates at his own level and in his assigned function.

The emotions present something of a problem. Somehow, however you twist and turn, they do not fit properly into the dialectical world picture. In theoretical discussions they are largely ignored. In practice a highly pragmatic attitude prevails.

Where, by their very nature, they interfere with Communist effectiveness and cannot be re-directed, they are suppressed. Physical fear, for example, which immobilizes, cannot be tolerated, nor can attachment to another person -- filial devotion, love, or friendship -- deep enough to create values independent of the Party.

Most emotions, however, are susceptible of being channeled into directions of value to the Party, and such sublimation strengthens the personality, where rigid suppression might tend to weaken it. Much of the strength of the Communist will come from channelized emotions.

[Lc]

3 - 27

for example

session. Shame, also, which for a bolshevik cannot exist in connection with his subordination to the decisions and discipline of the Party,¹³ becomes a strengthening element in holding him to the line of duty. To fail in his obligations to the Party before danger or difficulty brings that emotion into play exactly as it does in the case of a well-trained soldier.

Finally, there are those emotions and passions which, unless they are developed to extremes, have neither negative nor positive value to the Party. These are regarded with neutrality. The most obvious example is sex, on which, despite occasional remarks in the literature, the Party has in practice no position and to which the training process pays no attentinn, except in cases where abnormality or obsession occurs. In such cases it is treated exactly like those emotions which by their very nature are interferences and is rigidly suppressed.

But whether emotions are suppressed, re-directed or ignored, they continue to provide the most difficult problems for Party training. Never fitting properly into the ideological framework,

[lc]

3 - 28

as the intellect and the will can be made to do, they are in
practice constantly emerging at the most unexpected times.
They create that category of difficulties which Communist organi-
zers call, with the deepest of disgust and annoyance, "personal
problems." "He has personal problems," is the nearest Communists
ever come to admitting that perhaps there are some fortresses bol-
sheviks cannot conquer.

Nevertheless, it is to the transformation of the _whole_ per-
sonality, with intellect inspiring and directing will, and will
controlling the emotions, that Communist training is directed.
A bitter and dramatic struggle which took place in the upper
levels of the educational apparatus of the American Party in
the early Forties centered around this doctrine; and the outcome
of that struggle conclusively vindicated it. "Pop" Mindel, the
head of the National Schools Commission, had built the system
of training schools of the American Party, raised a whole genera-
tion of Party teachers, and personally taught a considerable
section of the leadership of the American Party. Taking his
model from the Soviet Union and the international movement, he
had developed -- if tyranically and with considerable personal
eccentricity -- techniques to implement the transforming of the
whole personality. He was attacked by a group of leading members
of the Educational Commission and the Schools Commission, who

[Lc]

3 - 29

formally charged him with distortions of, and deviations from,
the correct line of Marxist-Leninist training, all summed up
as "psychologizing." The Political Bureau sharply repudiated the
criticisms and unconditionally endorsed Mindel's teaching.

What was vindicated in the vindication of the "Mindel method"
were not the particular techniques he personally used and taught
others to use. Some of these techniques might even have been
successfully attacked, had his critics attacked them in such a
way as to avoid calling into question the very essentials of
Communist training. Their criticism, however, by implication
challenged the utilization of pressure and probing, the mainstays
of "criticism and self-criticism." Without these techniques Com-
munist personality re-formation would be impossible. Functioning
in a situation where life is exhaustively conceived of as scientific
control by men responsible to History and to the Party, they are
the foundations of the methodology of Communist training.

NOTES - Chapter 3 - The Mechanism of Pressure

1 [LC]

1. Cf.: "Pour le parti communiste...le problème des cadres est essentiel. Aucun autre parti ne se l'est posé jusqu'à présent avec autant d'intensité et de méthode. Il l'envisage comme un problème politique, dont doivent continuer à s'occuper les dirigeants du parti, même lorsqu'ils se font aider, dans la bonne gestion des cadres, par des 'responsables' qui en sont spécialement chargés. Ainsi on peut lire, dans un article consacre au travail des cadres, des critiques adressées au secrétaire d'une grande région:

> 'Dans une grande région, on a le regret d'entendre le secrétaire tenir le langage suivant: "Depuis que j'ai mis un responsable aux cadres, moi, je ne veux plus savoir qui sont les camarades qui font le travail; quand j'ai besoin d'un homme ou d'une femme, je le demande au responsable des cadres." Est-il possible de croire que, parce qu'on a désigné un responsable au travail des cadres -- ce qui est actuellement indispensable, -- on a fait sa tâche dans le domaine des cadres? Non, c'est impossible: le problème des cadres est infiniment plus large. C'est le problème de tout le parti!'"

A. Rossi, *Physiologie du Parti Communiste Francais*, Paris, Editions Self, 1948, p. 289; emphasis in original.

2

[LC]

2. The universal prevalence of the Communist emphasis upon absolute precision of concept and formulation and absolute rejection of any deviation, however infinitesimal, has been widely remarked. I think Czeslaw Milosz has, however, grasped the quality of the phenomenon most closely: "Only the bourgeois persists in thinking that nothing results from these nuances of thought. The Party knows that much can come of them: there was a time when the Revolution was merely a nuance in the thinking of a little group of theoreticians led by Lenin, quarreling around a café table in Switzerland... The difference of a tiny fraction in the premises yields dizzying differences after the calculation is completed. A deviation from the line in the evaluation of some work of art may become the leaven of a political upheaval."

*The Captive Mind*, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1953, pp. 213-214.

"Is 'Bolshevik' character the same as it was fifty years ago? In important respects yes...Prerevolutionary behavior toward rival political organizations once displayed itself in small cafés and drafty meeting halls; now its scene is the great assembly halls of world politics: the same behavior repeats itself. The pre-occupation with procedural issues--arising from the belief that a small point will 'inevitably' grow into a big one and must not

<u>be conceded</u>--which was displayed by Lenin on the constitution of the editorial board of *Iskra* in 1900 (when he was 'co-existing' with rival Social Democrats), is duplicated in intra-party disputes in 1921, and again at international negotiations at Yalta, San Francisco, and the conference of foreign ministers in 1945." Daniel Bell, "Bolshevik Man, His Motivations," *Commentary*, February, 1955, p. 181; my emphasis.

3. *Cahiers du Communisme*, January, 1949, p. 96.

4. *The Communist*, February, 1932, p.123.

5. Lenin, *Selected Works*, Vol. 3, pp. 110-111 (New York, International Publishers).

6. This stance of personal responsibility as regent for the Party involves the concept of the Party as a totally autonomous and hostile society within society and over against it. Therefore, the Party and "its people" must possess a sense

my embattles.
"Bolshoyik Man" His Motivations," *Commentary*, February, 1952, p. 181;
and the conference of foreign ministers in 1942." Daniel Bell,
1951, and again at international negotiations at Yalta, San Francisco,
rival Social Democrates), is publicized in intra-party disputes in
the editorial board of *Iskus* in 1900 (when he was 'co-existing' with
*be conceived*--which was displayed by Lenin on the constitution of

[LC]

3

of total responsibility which no member of an articulated society, not even the highest or most powerful, can have.

Cf. Rossi: "Le parti, en outre, est comme un État dans l'État, le 'deuxième pouvoir' dont on participe. Là où le mouvement communiste est important, ses dirigeants disposent souvent d'un pouvoir plus grand que les ministres ou les prefets, traitent avec eux -- directement ou non -- de puissance à puissance, mettent en branle les masses, interviennent à chaque instant dans la vie du pays, exercent sur elle une pression efficace. On est une force avec laquelle il faut compter. Chaque 'responsable' communiste est, à son échelon, un chef, qui a droit 'de vie et de mort' sur d'autres hommes, que ce soient les deux camarades de son groupe ou les milliers de militants d'une région." *Physiologie du Parti Communiste Français*, p. 341.

7. This aspect of the Communist Weltanschauung is depicted with great intensity, particularly as it affects the creative artist in Communist countries, by Czeslaw Milosz, *The Captive Mind*, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1953. See especially Chapter VIII, "Man, this Enemy." "...the Party," he writes, "fights any tendency to delve into the depths of a human being, especially in literature and art. Whoever reflects on 'man' in general, on his inner needs and longings,

reflects on 'man' in General, on his inner needs and longings, of a immense being, especially in literature and art. Whoever he writes, 'lights a my tendency to delve into the depths of Chapter VIII,' "Man, this Man," "...the Party."

*Captive Mind*, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1923. See especially artist in Communist countries, by Essefaw Nifoss, *The Great Intensity*, particularly as it affects the creative

7. This aspect of the Communist Weltanschauung is depicted with *Communist France*, b. 341.

milliers de militants d'une région." *Physiologie du Barr* hommes, due ce soient les deux camarades de son groupe ou les échafaud, au chef, du a droit, de vie et de mort, aux autres il faut compter. Chaque 'reasonable', communique et, à son épreuve une pression efficace. On est une force avec l'adoucité de la force instantanée, la vie qu'elle exerce, sur pression & bruitance, mettant en prame les messages, interbrevets, traitent avec eux -- directement ou non -- de façon d'un bonheur plus grand que les minutes ou les moments communique est important, ses dirigeants disposent l'Etat, le 'démocratie bonheur, dont on barricipe. R'ou le Cl. Rosai: "Je barri' en outre, est comme un état dûs society, not even the highest or most powerful, can have" of total responsibility which no member of an articulated

3

[r]

4

[LC]

is accused of bourgeois sentimentality... What is not expressed does not exist. Therefore if one forbids men to explore the depths of human nature, one destroys in them the urge to make such explorations; and the depths in themselves slowly become unreal." (p. 215. Emphasis in original).

Cf. also Koestler recounting the well-known Malraux anecdote: "For the pressure of that [Communist] environment seems almost irresistible -- slow and steady like soil erosion, or the action of the tides.... It cuts man off from his metaphysical roots, from religious experience, from the 'oceanic feeling' in all its forms. Cosmic awareness is replaced by social vigilance, perception of the absolute by brain-acrobatics. The result is a gradual dehydration of the soul, a spiritual dearth more frightening than the famine.... At a Writers' Congress in Moscow, after listening to countless speeches promising universal happiness in a brave new world, André Malraux asked suddenly: 'And what about the child run over by a tram car?' There was a pained silence; then somebody said, amidst general approbation: 'In a perfect, planned socialist transport system there will be no accidents.'" (The Invisible Writing, pp. 157-58.)

8. Cf.: "Harry Pollitt it was, I think who said, 'Every Communist in a capitalist society is a capitalist at heart.'

[LC]

5

This wasn't a matter of benevolent tolerance, it was a warning to all comrades to beware of the non-Communist fifth column within themselves. When a Communist is disturbed by the voice of his conscience he remembers the words of Pollitt and drowns it." Bob Darke, *Cockney Communist*, New York, The John Day Co., 1953, p. 17.

9. It is this concept which is reflected rather picturesquely by Mao Tse-tung in a discussion of the Cheng Feng movement (a bolshevization campaign of the Communist Party of China in the early Forties): "If the reasoning is good, if it is to the point, it can be effective. The first method in reasoning is to give the patients a powerful stimulus, yell at them 'you're sick!' so the patients will have a fright and break out in an over-all sweat; then, they can be carefully treated." *A Documentary History of Chinese Communism* by Conrad Brandt, Benjamin Schwartz and John K. Fairbank, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1952, p. 396.

10. With one great exception, these methods have always been confined to Party members, even in the Soviet Union and in the countries of Eastern Europe where the Communist Parties are in power. That exception has been in the practice of the Communist Party of China in recent years. That Party has extended the methods, with appropriate variations, beyond

has extended the methods, with appropriate variations, beyond
the Communist Party of China in recent years. That party
are in power. That exception has been in the practice of
the countries of Eastern Europe where the Communist Parties
confined to Party members, even in the Soviet Union and in
10. With one great exception, these methods have always been
Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1925, p. 396.
by Conrad Brandt, Benjamin Schwartz and John K. Fairbank,
fully treated." A Documentary History of Chinese Communies
and break out in an over-all sweat; then, they can be care-
at them, you're sick; so the patients will have a right
reasoning is to give the patients a powerful medicine, well
to the point, it can be effective. The first method in
in the early Forties): "If the reasoning is good, if it is
(a polerevitization campaign of the Communist Party of China
by Mao Tse-tung in a discussion of the Chinese Feng movement
9. It is this concept which is reflected rather picturefully
York, The John Day Co., 1923, p. 17.
of Politt and drowns it." Bop Darke, Cookney Communies, New
turped by the voice of his conscience he remembers the words
fifth column within themselves. When a Communist is dis-
warning to all comrades to beware of the non-Communist
This wasn't a matter of benevolent tolerance, it was a

NOTES - Chapter 3 - The Mechanism of Presses

?

[n]

6

[LC]

the Party membership. This rather remarkable innovation in Communist practice has, to my knowledge, been previously remarked for what it is only by Douglas Hyde: "Communist indoctrination classes, during the course of which a man's whole approach to life is turned upside down and the way prepared for the acceptance of a new philosophy, are almost as old as the Communist party itself. But they were always confined to party members and sympathizers. That is broadly true even of Russia. But in China the Communists...have undertaken a process of indoctrination." Douglas Hyde, "Mao: New Prophet of World Communism," America, March 19, 1955, pp. 641-642. This innovation is, of course, the process translated by Edward Hunter as "brainwashing," and described first by him in Brainwashing in Red China (New York, Vanguard Press, 1951).

11. The extreme importance of this factor as an element in the pressure the Party exerts on the individual is hard to appreciate unless it has been experienced; and very few books on Communism concern themselves with the content of day-to-day activity on any level. Two books, however, both by rank and filers, do give a vivid impression of this aspect of the life of a Communist: Angela Calomiris, Red Masquerade (Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Co., 1950) and Bob Darke,

(Buffalo), J. B. Rippinott Co., 1920) and Bob Darko, the life of a Communist: Angela Calomire, Red Masquerade and fliers, go give a vivid impression of this aspect of activity on any level. Two books, however, both by rank Communist concern themselves with the content of day-to-day debate unless it has been experienced; and very few books on pressure the party exerts on the individual is hard to appre-

ii. The extreme importance of this factor as an element in the 1921)

him in Brainwashing in Red China (New York, Amsard Press, by Edward Hunter as "Brainwashing," and described first by 642. This innovation is, of course, the process translated Prophet of World Communism," America, March 19, 1922, pp. 641-642, a process of indoctrination." Douglas Hyde, "Mao: New the enormous task of trying to put the whole of their vast population through true even of Russia." But in China the Communists...have under-

continued to party members and sympathisers. That is clearly as old as the Communist party itself. But they were always prepared for the acceptance of a new philosophy, are almost whole approach to life is turned inside out and the way doctrine classes, during the course of which a man's marked for what it is only by Douglas Hyde: "Communist in-

Communist practice has, to my knowledge, been brevionally re-

the party membership. This rather remarkable innovation in

the party membership. This is rather remarkable innovation in

9

[n]

7

[LC]

**Cockney Communist** (New York, The John Day Co., 1953). In the latter see particularly Chapter 7, pp. 125-145. There is also, from an earlier period, a good description of this aspect of the rank-and-filer's life in Benjamin Gitlow, **I Confess** (New York, E. P. Dutton & Co., 1940), pp. 288 ff.
And for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, see Merle Fainsod: "The life of the Party member is ordinarily a busy and demanding one. As a member of an élite group, he is privileged, but he is also duty-bound. At work he is expected to set an example of devotion; his so-called leisure hours are filled with extra-curricular Party duties and assignments. A recent Soviet émigré who had formerly been a Party member said: 'You have to attend meetings, pay dues, go to the Party School, study the short course of the history of the Party, study the works of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin, read the Party newspapers, explain the decisions of the Party to non-Party people, take part in putting up wall newspapers, at the time of election you have to be an agitator,...'" *How Russia Is Ruled*, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1953, p. 199.

12. Cf. Rossi: "Le parti tend à créer chez ses membres un automatisme de réactions qui sont pour lui une indispensable garantie d'homogénéité et de cohésion. Il ne s'agit point d'un automatisme banal, car le parti ne peut et ne veut pas

d'un automatisme panel', car le barii ne peut et ne veut pas
Garantie d'homogénéité et de copéation. If ne s'agit point
automatisme de réactions duquel pour lui une indiscutable
13. Cf. Rosai: "Le barii tend à creer chez see memptree nu
Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1933, b. 196.

You have to be an agitator...." *How Bureaus Is Bureaus*,
bart in butting up wall newababers, at the time of election
exclaim the dec識ons of the Party to non-Party people, take
works of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin, read the Party newababers,
study the short course of the history of the Party, study the
'You have to attend meetings, pay dues, go to the Party School',
recent Soviet *emigre* who had formerly been a Party member said:
tilled with extra-curricular Party duties and assignments. A
to set an example of devotion; his so-called telfaure hours are
privileged, but he is also duty-pound. At work he is expected
and demanding one. As a member of an elite group, he is
Fainson: "The life of the Party member is ordinarily a busy
And for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, see Merle
Confess (New York, E. B. Dutton & Co., 1940), bp. 588 ff.
spect of the rank-and-file, a life in Benjamin Gittow, I
the afoa, from an earlier period, a good description of this
the latter see particularly Chapter 7, bp. 152-142. There
Cockney Communies (New York, The John Day Co., 1933). In

NOTE2 - Chapter 3 - The Mechanism of Pressure

7

[r]

[LC]

8

détruire la volonté d'action, ni l'intelligence qui la guide et l'anime. Mais intelligence et conscience ne sont valables qu'à un certain degré: il en faut juste autant que l'exigent, dans chaque situation, les buts que le parti se propose. C'est un automatisme qui doit gagner les centres supérieurs de l'homme, s'adapter à leur fonctionnement pour mieux les subordonner, en employant les ressources d'une psychologie et d'une pédagogie averties pour obtenir un parfait dressage avec un maximum de rendement." Physiologie du Parti Communiste Francais, pp. 298-299; emphasis in original.

13. This lack of shame before the Party, this complete acceptance of its dictates, no matter how they might seem to dishonor the person, has its classic expression for the Russian Communist leader in Arthur Koestler's *Darkness at Noon* (London, Jonathan Cape, 1944). See the prison-tapped debate between the Czarist officer and Rubashov:

"Smiling to himself, he [Rubashov] tapped with his pince-nez:

I AM CAPITULATING.

He waited curiously for the effect.

For a long while nothing came; No. 402 was silenced.

His answer came a whole minute later:

I'D RATHER HAND...

Rubashov smiled. He tapped:

Kupashev smiled. He tabbed:

I'D RATHER HAND...

For a long while nothing came; No. 405 was silenced.

I AM CAPITULATING.

"Smiling to himself," he \Kupashev\ tabbed with his bicee-nes:

the Cigaret officer and Kupashev:

Jonathan Cabe, 1944). See the prison-tabbed debate between
military leader in Arthur Koestler's *Darkness at Noon* (London,
the prison), has its classic expression for the Russian Com-
of its dictates, no matter how they might seem to diabolical

13. The lack of shame before the party, this complete acceptance
of the Party Communicate Frenchman's, pp. 398-399; subhead in original.

partit pressage avec un maximum de rendement." *Physiologie
bactériologie et d'mme beagogie averties pour optent à un
miam les anpordomner*, en employant les reasons d'mme
anbentienne de l'homme, s'adapter à leur fonctionnement pour
brobose. C'est nu antomatisme d'ut doit gagner les centres
l'exigent, dans chaque situation, les puts d'une se partit à
avalees d'une certain degre: il en faut Juste autant d'une
Gurde et l'anime. Mais intelligence et conscience n' sont
aucune la olouie d'action, ni l'intelligence d'une

barbitur pressage avec un maximum de rendement." *Physiologie
bactériologie et d'mme beagogie averties pour optent à un
miam les anpordomner*, en employant les reasons d'mme
anbentienne de l'homme, s'adapter à leur fonctionnement pour
brobose. C'est nu antomatisme d'ut doit gagner les centres
l'exigent, dans chaque situation, les puts d'une se partit à
avalees d'une certain degre: il en faut Juste autant d'une
Gurde et l'anime. Mais intelligence et conscience n' sont
aucune la olouie d'action, ni l'intelligence d'une

8

[il]

If the peculiar lack of shame before the party in Rupas-
No. 403 did not answer any more." (bb. 198-199)

WE HAVEN'T RENEWED DECENCY BY REVISING, he tapped back.

No. 403 to Rupashev, a question. Rupashev shrugged his shoulders:

SOMETHING YOUR KIND WILL NEAR UNDERSTAND, answered
became the knocking in the wall.

WHAT IS DECENCY? asked Rupashev, comfortably placing
HONOUR IN DECENCY -- NOT USELESSNESS.
No. 403 answered this time longer and more sharply:

HONOUR IS TO BE USED WITHOUT AMOUNT.

Rupashev answered just as quickly:

HONOUR IS TO LIVE AND DIE FOR ONE'S BETTER.

No. 403 tapped quickly and precisely:

OUR IDEAS OF HONOUR Differ.

He felt contented and peaceful. He tapped:

Rupashev lay on his pack, his face-noses in his hand.

SPARK OF HONOUR FELT?

I WAS INCLINED TO CONSIDER YOU AN EXCEPTION. HAVE YOU NO
Instead, the tapping sign souped up, as it were, reafirmed:

He had expected an outbreak of anger from No. 403.

EACH ACCORDING TO HIS KIND.

NOTES - Chapter 3 - The Mechanism of Pressures

[r]

[lc]

10

Communist country, Richard Wright has given its parallel in a disciplinary trial of the Communist Party of the United States, in the Negro South Side of Chicago:

"This trial began in a quiet, informal manner. The com-rades acted like a group of neighbours sitting in judgment upon one of their kind who had stolen a chicken. Anybody could ask and get the floor. There was absolute freedom of speech. Yet the meeting had an amazingly formal structure of its own, a structure that went as deep as the desire of men to live together.

"A member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party rose and gave a description of the world situation. He spoke without emotion and piled up hard facts. He painted a horrible but masterful picture of Fascism's aggression in Germany, Italy, and Japan....

"The next speaker discussed the role of the Soviet Union as the world's lone workers' state -- how the Soviet Union was hemmed in by enemies, how the Soviet Union was trying to industrialize itself, what sacrifices it was making to help workers of the world to steer a path toward peace through the idea of collective security....

"Finally a speaker came forward and spoke of Chicago's South Side, its Negro population, their suffering and handicaps,

"Finally a speaker came forward and spoke of Chicago's
the ideas of collective security....

workers of the world to steer a bath toward peace through
industrialize itself, what sacrifices it was making to help
was hemmed in by enemies, how the Soviet Union was trying to
as the world's lone workers' state -- how the Soviet Union

"The next speaker discussed the role of the Soviet Union
and Japan....

put material picture of Facism's aggression in Germany, Italy,
without emotion and billed up hard facts. He painted a horrible
rose and gave a description of the world situation. He spoke

"A member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party
men to live together.

of its own, a structure that went as deep as the desire of
speech. Yet the meeting had an amazingly formal structure
could ask and get the floor. There was absolute freedom of
upon one of their kind who had stolen a chicken. And people
races acted like a group of neighbours sitting in judgment

"This trial began in a ducrè, informal manner. The com-
States, in the Negro South Side of Chicago:

in a disciplinary trial of the Communist Party of the United
Communist country, Richard Wright has given its parallel

10

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[LC]

11

linking all that also to the world struggle. Then still another speaker followed and described the tasks of the Communist Party of the South Side. At last, the world, the national, and the local pictures had been fused into one overwhelming drama of moral struggle in which everybody in the hall was participating. This presentation had lasted for more than three hours, but it had enthroned a new sense of reality in the hearts of those present, a sense of man on earth. With the exception of the church and its myths and legends, there is no agency in the world so capable of making men feel the earth and the people upon it as the Communist Party.

"Toward evening the direct charges against Ross were made, not by the leaders of the Party, but by Ross's friends, those who knew him best! It was crushing. Ross wilted. His emotions could not withstand the weight of the moral pressure. No one was terrorized into giving information against him. They gave it willingly, citing dates, conversations, scenes. The black mass of Ross's wrongdoing emerged slowly and irrefutably.

"The moment came for Ross to defend himself. I had been told that he had arranged for friends to testify on his behalf, but he called upon no one. He stood, trembling; he tried to talk and his words would not come. The hall was as still

to talk and his words would not come. The hall was as still
as if he called upon no one. He stood, trembling; he tried
told that he had arranged for friends to testify on his pe-
stand.

"The moment came for Ross to defend himself. I had been
irresistably.

The black mass of Ross's wrongdoing emerged slowly and
They gave it willingly, citing dates, conversations, scenes.
No one was terrorized into giving information against him.

None could not withstand the weight of the moral pressure,
who knew him best! It was crushing. Ross whiteed. His amo-
not by the leaders of the Party, but by Ross's friends, those

"Toward evening the direct charges against Ross were made,
men feel the earth and the people upon it as the Communist Party.

Legends, there is no agency in the world so capable of making
earth. With the exception of the church and itsCCC Church and
of reality in the hearts of those present, a sense of man on
for more than three hours, put it had enthroned a new sense
the hall was participating. This presentation had lasted
overwhelmingly dramatic of moral struggle in which everybody in
nationalist, and the local pictures had been fused into one
militant Party of the South Side. At last, the world, the
another speaker followed and described the tasks of the Com-
linking all that else to the world struggle. Then still

11

12

[LC]

as death. Guilt was written in every pore of his black
skin. His hands shook. He held on to the edge of the table
to keep on his feet. His personality, his sense of himself,
had been obliterated. Yet he could not have been so humbled
unless he had shared and accepted the vision that had crushed
him, the common vision that bound us all together.

"'Comrades,' he said in a low, charged voice, 'I'm guilty of all the charges, all of them.'

"His voice broke in a sob. No one prodded him. No one tortured him. No one threatened him. He was free to go out of the hall and never see another Communist. But he did not want to. He could not....

"It was not a fear of the Communist Party that had made him confess, but a fear of the punishment that he would exact of himself that made him tell of his wrongdoings. The Communists had talked to him until they had given him new eyes with which to see his own crime. And then they sat back and listened to him tell how he had erred. He was one with all the members there, regardless of race or colour; his heart was theirs and their hearts were his; and when a man reaches that state of kinship with others, that degree of oneness, or when a trial has made him kin, after he has been sundered from them by wrongdoing, then he must rise and say, out of a sense of the deepest morality in the world: 'I'm guilty. Forgive me!'"

*The God That Failed*, ed., Richard Crossman, (New York: Harcourt Books, 1949), London, Hamish Hamilton, 1950, pp. 159-161. 154-157.

Hammerstein-Mень 1939, bd. 120-124, 12A-127

The God That Failed, ed., Richard Crossman (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1944). deebest morality in the world: 'I'm Guilty.' Forgive me!'... wrongdoing, then he must rise and say, out of a sense of the has made him kin, after he has been annulled from them by kinship with others, that degree of oneness, or when a trial their hearts were his; and when a man reaches that state of there, regardless of race or colour; life heart was there and him tell how he had erred. He was one with all the members to see his own crime. And then they sat back and listened to had talked to him until they had given him new eyes with which of himself that made him tell of his wrongdoings. The Communists him contest, but a fear of the humiliation that he would exact "It was not a fear of the Communist Party that had made want to. He could not...."

of the half and never see another Communist. But he did not tortured him. No one threatened him. He was free to go out "His voice broke in a sob. No onebrooded him. No one of all the charges, all of them."

"Comrades', he said in a low, charged voice, 'I'm Guilty him', the common vision that pound us all together. unless he had shared and accepted the vision that had crushed had been opitiated. Yet he could not have been so mangled to keep on his feet. His personality, his sense of himself, skin. His hands aook. He held out to the edge of the table as death. Guilt was written in every pore of his back

13

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4. PHILOSOPHICAL PRESSURE: MARXISM-LENINISM

A consciously held system of ideas plays a much greater part in the dynamics of the Communist personality than the character of the of the contemporary Western personality in general.

While the deepening of our understanding of the psychological springs of action in Communist man, is of great value, the emphasis on unconscious motivation as primary can at best be fruitful in areas and periods where no strong ideational system prevails -- as in the West of the past few decades, particularly in the urban centers and among the "enlightened" middle classes. The Communist, however, exists in an entirely different atmosphere. The assignment of a secondary role to his consciously held theoretical outlook can lead to serious misunderstanding of the Communist personality as well as to disastrous misjudgment of the appeals of Communism.¹

In microcosm as in macrocosm, in the individual Communist as in the Communist movement, the homogeneous body of Marxist-Leninist doctrine gives shape and cohesion to the structure, operating on every level from the most abstruse to the most practical. Sufficiently flexible to enable the leadership to find a rationalization for every expediency, it nevertheless compels them to fit each new development in action or in theory

compels them to fit each new development in action or in theory
find a rationalisation for every exigency, it nevertheless
practical. Sufficiently flexible to enable the leadership to
operate on every level from the most abstract to the most
lenient doctrine gives shape and coherence to the structure,
as in the Communist movement, the homogeneous body of Marx-
In microcosm as in macrocosm, in the individual Communist
as to disastrous misjudgment of the masses of Communists.
serious misunderstanding of the Communist personality as well
role to play consciously held theoretical outlook can lead to
entirely different atmosphere. The assignment of a secondary
tightened" middle classes. The Communist, however, exists in an
decades, particularly in the urban centers and among the "em-
identical system prevails -- as in the West of the past few
can at best be fruitful in areas and periods where no strong
is of great value,激发 on unconscious motivation as primary
springs of action (ideological motivation) in human nature (gen-
While the deepening of our understanding of the psychological
understanding of the contemporary Western personality in general,
part in the dynamics of the Communist personality than as
A consciously held system of ideas plays a much greater

4. PHILOSOPHICAL PRESSURE: MARXISM-FEMINISM

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4 - 2

into the accepted theoretical corpus. This very necessity,
which is dictated by the bent and training of their own think-
ing, limits the degree to which expediency or pure personal-power
motivations guide even the very top international leadership.²

At every stage of the development of the movement, every
new idea, every departure from previous practice, no matter how
sharp, has been presented as the unfolding of potentialities
present in the theory from the beginning.³ Lenin launched the
doctrines which are the peculiar hallmark of Communism with a
strict insistence that he was simply working out the original
implications of Marxism, which had been debased by the Social
Democrats of the late 19th century. Likewise, Stalin and his
opponents in the titanic struggle of 1923-1929 propounded their
ideas within the context of Marxism-Leninism; indeed, the valid-
ity of the respective positions in terms of Marxism-Leninism
was made the issue in that struggle.

It is true that, since the period of the Great Purge and
the launching of the Popular Front, the content of inner dis-
cussion has been largely concealed from public view, but the
conclusion of that top discussion -- the published basic docu-
ments of the movement -- bear indelibly the marks of the Marx-
ist-Leninist method. Stalin's Report to the 18th Party Congress
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1938, Malenkov's

of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1933, Malenkov, a
ist-Feminist method. Stalin's Report to the 18th Party Congress
ment of the movement -- bear in mind the marks of the Marx-
conclusion of that top discussion -- the published basic docu-
casion has been largely concealed from public view, but the
the launching of the Popular Front, the content of inner dis-
It is true that, since the period of the Great Purge and
was made the issue in that struggle.

ity of the respective positions in terms of Marxism-Feminism
ideas within the context of Marxism-Feminism; indeed, the valid-
obITUJUJU the citantic struggle of 1933-1939 probounded their
Democrats of the late 18th century. Likewise, Stalin and his
implications of Marxism, which had been depased by the social
strictures insistence that he was simply working out the original
doctrines which are the basic hallmark of Communism with a
present in the theory from the beginning.³ Stalin launched the
sharp, has been presented as the unfolding of potentialities
new ideas, every departure from previous practice, no matter how
At every stage of the development of the movement, every
motivations guide even the very top international leadership.⁵
ing, limits the degree to which adequacy or pure personal-bone-
which is dictated by the pent and training of their own think-
into the accepted theoretical corpus. This very necessity,
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4 - 5

4 - 5

4 - 3

[Lc]

to the 19th in 1952, and Khrushchev's to the 20th in 1956 are formed in the mode of thought of Marxism-Leninism as surely as are similar statements of the Twenties. All that is different is a certain semantic camouflage -- the utilization, for example, of words like "peace," "peace-loving states," "aggressor" -- and the omission of the dialectical considerations which have led to the conclusions. The one must be translated, the other supplied, by the reader if the meaning and intent of these documents is to be grasped. Without this labor, he will come to the conclusion, along with the pundits and the journalists of the Thirties or the Fifties, that "Stalin has given up the idea of the world expansion of Communism and is concentrating on Russia," or that "Khrushchev is a typical administrator and business man, whose Marxism is only a ritualistic remnant."⁴

From the international leadership down through the entire cadre, the Communist cannot be understood without a knowledge of the theoretical doctrines he holds. The explicitness of consciousness, the precision of understanding, differ from level to level. As it is conditioned at the top by possession of power and the peculiar national circumstances in which that power is exercised, so it is often conditioned at the bottom by other factors.

Undoubtedly there are many Communists in comparatively

[c]

4 - 4

important positions who would find it impossible to carry on
even a relatively simple Marxist-Leninist theoretical discussion
on philosophical or economic questions. Undoubtedly many of
them see themselves as "practical men" and even look with con-
siderable scepticism on the emphasis the movement constantly
puts on theory. But the least "theoretical" among them looks
at the world through the same categories and acts in it with
the same methodology as the most "theoretically developed"Com-
munist. His understanding of the attitudes he holds may be
shallow. To him they may seem to be simply common sense, to
the casual observer but a set of prejudices; yet analysis will
show that they are far from a random collection of commonsense
beliefs and prejudices. They have the special quality of being
logically and mutually interrelated -- over-simplifications, per-
haps, but still reflections of the complex intellectual system
of Marxism-Leninism. The Communist stenographer who unhesitating-
ly steals confidential papers from the files of her employer may
not be versed in Marxist-Leninist moral theory, but her moral
principles are firmly based upon it. The trade-union organizer
who pulls a suicidal strike for political reasons may never have
studied *What Is To Be Done?* or be able to carry on polemics
against "spontaneity" or "economism," but Lenin's principle of
the "subordination of trade-union consciousness to political

the " Coordination of trade-union consciousness to political
against "abomance" or "economism", put Renin's principle of
studied *What Is To Be Done* or be able to carry on politics
who but a radical strike for political reasons may never have
principles are firmly based upon it. The trade-union organiser
not be versed in Marxist-Communist moral theory, but her moral
ity attains confidential papers from the files of her employer may
of Marxism-Communism. The Communist stenographer who unseating-
plane, put still reflections of the complex intellectual system
logically and mutually interrelated -- over-amplifications, per-
pelite and prejudices. They have the special quality of being
show that they are far from a random collection of common sense
the causal operator put a set of prejudices; yet analysis will
illuminate. To him they may seem to be simply common sense, to
communists. His understanding of the attitudes he holds may be
the same methodology as the most "theoretically developed" Com-
at the world through the same categories and acts in it with
but on theory. But the least "theoretical" among them looks
siderable asceticism on the excuse the movement constantly
then see themselves as "practical men", and even look with con-
on bibliographical or economic questions. Undoubtedly many of
even a relatively simple Marxist-Communist theoretical discussion
important positions who would find it impossible to carry on

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4 - 5

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consciousness" determines his every-day activity.

For the Communist, life takes place in terms of the categories of Marxism-Leninism as surely as the normal eye sees in terms of color or the monochromatic in lights and shades. For the fully developed, well-trained Communist, there is no conceivable area of life, of action, even of speculation, in which the judicious use of Marxist-Leninist theory cannot quickly yield certainties and clarities which fit with precision into the well-ordered pattern of his total outlook.⁵ That is why the Communist leader will not hesitate to tell a physicist that the principle of indeterminancy represents unclear thinking and imperfect science, or to instruct the novelist in the principles of his craft. It is also why the physicist or the novelist, if he is a good Communist, will take these judgments more seriously than he would those of leaders in his own profession.

## A Closed Material Universe

The accepted universality of Marxism-Leninism, and the ordered rationality of existence which for the Communists results therefrom, makes his world a sure, well-mapped place, as much a contrast to the world of the non-Communist Western mid-century mind as are the ordered gardens of England to the spaces of a virgin continent.

But a universe to be mappable must be finite, limited.

of a virgin continent.

century mind as are the ordered gardens of England to the spaces
much a contrast to the world of the non-Communist Western mid-
west therefrom, makes his world a pure, well-mapped place, as
ordered rationality of existence which for the Communists re-

## A Closed Material Universe

a Good Communist, will take these judgments more seriously than
craft. It is also why the physicist or the novelist, if he is
science, or to instruct the novelist in the principles of his
of indeterminacy represents nuclear thinking and imperfect
leader will not hesitate to tell a physicist that the principle
ordered pattern of his total outlook.² That is why the Communist
certainties and clarities which fit with precision into the well-
the judicious use of Marxist-Leninist theory cannot quickly yield
certainable area of life, of action, even of speculation, in which
the fully developed, well-trained Communist, there is no con-
terms of color or the monocromatic in light and shade. For
stories of Marxism-Leninism as surely as the normal eye sees in

For the Communist, life takes place in terms of the care-
conscientiousness, determines his everyday activity.

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4 - 6

[wc]

This is indeed the first characteristic of the Marxist-Leninist universe. Despite its formal claims to unlimitedness and freedom, dialectical materialism is the philosophy of a closed universe. "Its infinity," someone has said, "is a tame infinity." There is nothing unknowable, only "that which is not yet known." What is not knowable in Marxist-Leninist categories, what cannot be transformed through theory materialized in practice from "the thing in itself" to "the thing for us" simply does not exist -- or, more exactly, exists only as a mental phantasm, a socially produced distortion of the real. For "all that is real is rational"; and the truly rational is subject to the confirmation of practice. For the Communist, what he cannot act upon is neither rational nor real.⁶

I well remember the great sureness which I felt when I began to accept Marxism-Leninism. It was not a feeling of dogmatic certainty, in the sense that I felt I knew the answers to every possible question or that I had accepted an authority which could give them to me. Rather it was the vision of the correlation of all aspects of experience, each with each, the certainty that an answer could be found to every meaningful question and that everything which did not fit could be dismissed as meaningless, unreal. Whole realms could be dismissed as unsubstantial vaporings without weakening the architecture of one's

substantial vaporizing without weakening the architecture of one's
as meaningless, unreal. Whole resumes could be dismissed as un-
discussion and that everything which did not fit could be dismissed
certainty that an answer could be found to every meaningful
correlation of all aspects of experience, each with each, the
which could give them to me. Rather it was the vision of the
every possible question or that I had accepted an authority
matic certainty, in the sense that I felt I knew the answers to
began to accept Marxism-Leninism. It was not a feeling of de-
I well remember the great awareness which I felt when I
cannot act upon its neither rational nor real.

to the confirmation of practice. For the Communist, what he
that is real is rational; and the truly rational is subject
phantasm, a socially produced distortion of the real. For "all
does not exist -- or, more exactly, exists only as a mental
tice from "the thing in itself" to "the thing for us" simply
what cannot be transformed through theory materialised in prac-
known." What is not knowable in Marxist-Leninist categories,
ity." There is nothing un knowable, only "that which is not yet
universe. "Its infinity," someone has said, "is a same inqui-
freedom, dialectical materialism is the philosophy of a closed
ist universe. Despite its formal claims to unlimitedness and
This is indeed the first characteristic of the Marxist-Lenin-

4 - 6

[n]

[LC]

4 - 7

view of life. That this was achieved through denying the
existence of the richest areas of human experience, the ideal
and the spiritual, seemed unimportant at the time in comparison
with the lifting of doubt and anxiety that accompanied it. Cer-
tainly the specific and rather intellectual form that this took
in my case is not typical; but the essential content of it has
been expressed to me by dozens of Communists of widely varying
levels of intellectual background.

Universally, the loss of this security which arises from
the possession of a limited and known universe presents a major
problem to those who break with the Party. Even for the least
intellectually interested, this is not simply a question of
friends, associates, habits; it is the loss of a way of thinking
which makes it comparatively easy to find answers to everything;
the simple moral problems of everyday life; how to vote in a
trade-union meeting; what to think about the latest newspaper
headline. Life for the Communist contains no mystery, and the
fight back to the acceptance of the glorious human fate of liv-
ing with mystery is difficult indeed.

Life and Thought as Control: The Unity of Theory and Practice

The Marxist-Leninist universe is not only a limited and know-
able universe; it is a controllable universe. There is no valid
mode of knowing but "science" -- not science understood as the

mode of knowing put "science", -- not science understood as the
spole universe; it is a controllable universe. There is no valid
The Marxist-Communist universe is not only a limited and know-
life and thought as control: The Unity of Theory and Practice
ing with mystery is difficult indeed.

tight back to the acceptance of the glorious human fate of liv-
 headline. Life for the Communist contains no mystery, and the
craft-union meeting: what to think about the latest newspaper
the simple moral problems of everyday life; how to vote in a
which makes it comparatively easy to find answers to everything;
friends, associates,CBD; it is the loss of a way of thinking
intellectually interested, this is not simply a question of
problem to those who break with the Party. Even for the least
the possession of a limited and known universe presents a major
Universally, the loss of this security which arises from
levels of intellectual background.

been expressed to me by dozens of Communists of widely varying
in my case is not typical; but the essential content of it has
surely the specific and rather intellectual form that this took
with the lifting of doubt and anxiety that accompanied it. Cer-
and the spiritual, seemed unimportant at the time in comparison
existence of the richest areas of human experience, the ideal
view of life. That this was achieved through denying the

4 - 7

[LC]

4 - 8

knowledge of regularities in phenomena; but science regarded,
within the limits it has reached at any time, as absolute
truth (the Hegelian "relative absolute"). Such knowledge gives
power. What does not give power, what is not "confirmed by
practice," is false. "If what our practice confirms is the sole,
ultimate and objective truth, then from this must follow the
recognition that the only path to this truth is the path of
science, which holds the materialist point of view."⁷ "The
question whether objective truth is an attribute of human
thought -- is not a theoretical but a **practical** question. Man
must prove the truth, i.e. the reality and power, the 'this-
sidedness' of his thinking in practice."⁸

The denial of significance to non-material and non-scientific
categories is characteristic not only of Marxist-Leninists but
also of other materialists and positivists of many varieties.
The thorough-going intensity, however, with which the Communist
absorbs these beliefs and lives by them, in a way that is very
rare in the modern world, distinguishes him from these others.
And this seems to be integrally connected with the concept of
thought and life as control. Pragmatists and instrumentalists,
it is true, also tend to reduce the content of thought to its
practical and instrumental effects; but the role of control,
of practice, in Marxist-Leninist theory is both greater and less

of practice¹, in Marxist-Communist theory is both greater and less
practical and instrumental effects; put the role of control,
it is true, also tend to reduce the content of thought to its
thought and life as control. Pragmatists and instrumentalists,
And this seems to be integrally connected with the concept of
rare in the modern world, distinguishing him from these others.
appears these beliefs and lives by them, in a way that is very
The thorough-going intensity, however, with which the Communist
also of other materialists and positivists of many varieties.
categories is characteristic not only of Marxist-Communists but
The denial of significance to non-material and non-scientific
aspects¹, of his thinking in practice.²
must prove the truth, i.e. the reality and power, the 'this-
thought -- is not a theoretical but a practical question. Man
question whether objective truth is an attribute of human
science, which holds the materialist point of view.³ The
recognition that the only path to this truth is the bath of
ultimate and objective truth, then from this must follow the
practice,

> "It what our practice confirms is the sole,
> power. What does not give power, what is not "confirmed by
> truth (the Hegelian "relative apsolute"). Such knowledge gives
> within the limits it has reached at any time, as apsolute
> knowledge of regularities in phenomena; but science regarded
> as science is science, and not as science is science.

4-8

[fc]

4 - 9

[LC]

than in pragmatism-instrumentalism. More, because control over
existence is not simply a goal of thought but its essential
being; less, because theory is not reducible to practice, but
indissolubly united with it in a relationship where neither exists
without the other, where each determines the other, permitting
independent validity neither to abstract theory nor to empirical
practice. It is a strange marriage of rationalism and empiricism,
this unity of theory and practice which forms the intellectual
mode of existence of the Communist.⁹

A great deal more could be said about the philosophical
foundations of Marxism-Leninism but that is beyond the scope of
this book. On the philosophical level, as on the ethical, the
social, the economic and the political, all that can be done is
to indicate those aspects of Communist theory which are central
and which form the intellectual mould of the Communist personal-
ity. These are the nodes around which Communist teaching, for-
mal and informal, is organized. Unfortunately for the student
who has not had the dubious privilege of undergoing Communist
training, the Marxist-Leninist literature itself, in its
copiousness, gives little guide to these nodal points so well
understood by Communist leaders and teachers. All that can be
done here is to give some indications which may help to enrich
the reader's comprehension.

the reader's comprehension.

done here is to give some indications which may help to enrich
understood by Communist readers and teachers. All that can be
coherent, gives little guide to these modal points so well
trained, the Marxist-Leninist literature itself, in its
who has not had the advantage of undergoing Communist
mat and informal, is organised. Unfortunately for the student
ity. These are the nodes around which Communist teaching, for-
and which form the intellectual mould of the Communist personal-
to indicate those aspects of Communist theory which are central
social, the economic and the political, all that can be done is
take root. On the philosophical level, as on the ethical, the
foundations of Marxism-Leninism put that is beyond the scope of
A great deal more could be said about the philosophical
mode of existence of the Communist.⁹

the unity of theory and practice which forms the intellectual
practice. It is a strange marriage of rationalism and empiricism,
independent validity neither to abstract theory nor to empirical
without the other, where each determines the other, permitting
indisputably united with it in a relationship where neither exists
being; less, because theory is not reducible to practice, put
existence is not simply a goal of thought but its essential
than in pragmatism-instrumentalism. More, because control over

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Moral Theory

It has already been shown in passing how the moral theory of Marxism-Leninism operates in practice to identify the good with the interests of the revolution, which are in turn identical with the decisions of the Party. Lenin states it quite clearly: "We repudiate all morality that is taken outside of human, class concepts... We say that our morality is entirely subordinated to the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat. Our morality is deduced from the class struggle of the proletariat... is subordinated to the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat... When people talk to us about morality we say: For the Communist, morality consists entirely of compact united discipline and conscious mass struggle against the exploiters."¹⁰

This is one of the few statements in the classic literature on Communist ethics; but the oral tradition, which is more copious, is equally clear and distinct. Moral ideas have no independent status. "Good," "right," "justice" have meaning only in relation to a specific social situation; and in class society that social situation is the class struggle. Therefore there is not and cannot be any over-all system of morality; there is only class morality. When some young comrade, raising an objection to a piece of deception or arguing in a class about moral questions, uses the words "right" or "good," the inevitable,

moral questions, use the words "right," or "good," the invectivabile,
an objection to a piece of deception or arguing in a class about
there is only class morality. When some young comrade, raising
there is not and cannot be any over-all system of morality;
society that social situation is the class struggle. Therefore
only in relation to a specific social situation; and in class
independent status. "Good," "right," "justice," have meaning
corporate, is equally clear and distinct. Moral ideas have no
on Communist ethics; but the oral tradition, which is more
this is one of the few statements in the classed literature
discipline and consciousness mass struggle against the exploiters."10
For the Communist, morality completes entirely of compact united
brotherist... When people talk to us about morality we say:
is subordinated to the interests of the class struggle of the
morality is deduced from the class struggle of the brotherist...
to the interests of the class struggle of the brotherist. Our
concepts... We say that our morality is entirely subordinated
"We rebrutate all morality that is taken outside of human, class
with the decisions of the party." Lenin states it quite clearly:
with the interests of the revolution, which are in turn identical
of Marxian-Marxian operates in practice to identify the good
It has already been shown in passing how the moral theory

Moral Theory

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the standard answer is: "'Right? Good?' as Lenin used to say, ʻfor what class?ʻ"

For the individual Communist, moral questions are thus reduced to a calculus: "Will this act help or hurt the Revolution -- the Party?"¹¹ It is a calculus in which he has the aid of the pronouncements of the Party on many questions; but even in the minor ones where he does not have this assistance, he is spared all the difficulties that attend the attempt to live a moral life. Again the principle of limitation. The dark responsibility of those who, by conscious thought or through childhood training, feel at least dimly in every act of significance their freedom to do right or wrong, is not the Communist's.

Freedom, like right, good, and justice, has no independent being. It is but "the recognition of necessity." With the knowledge Marxism-Leninism gives of the character of necessity, all that the Communist has to do to make a "moral" choice is to exercise his intellectual judgment. "Freedom of the will...means nothing but the capacity to make decisions with real knowledge of the subject. Therefore the *freer* a man's judgment is in relation to a definite question, with so much the greater necessity is the content of this judgment determined; while the uncertainty, founded on ignorance, which seems to make an arbitrary choice among many different and conflicting possible decisions,

choice among many different and conflicting possible decisions, all of which seem to make an arbitrary decision of this judgment determined; while the most serious is the content of this judgment, with so much the greater necessity of the subject. Therefore the free man's judgment is in nothing but the capacity to make decisions with real knowledge exercise his intellectual judgment. "Freedom of the will...means all that the Communist has to do to make a "moral" choice is to know the character of necessity, being. It is put "the recognition of necessity." With the freedom, like right, good, and justice, has no independent to do right or wrong, is not the Communist's.

feel at least dimly in every act of significance their freedom those who, by conscious thought or through childhood training, again the principle of limitation. The dark reasonability of all the difficulties that attend the attempt to live a moral life. minor ones where he does not have this assistance, he is spared pronouncements of the Party on many questions; but even in the Party?" It is a calculus in which he has the aid of the quced to a calculus: "Will this act help or hurt the Revolution -- For the individual Communist, moral questions are thus re-

'for what class?'"

the standard answer is: "Right? Good," as Remin need to say.

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shows by this precisely that it is not free, that it is con-
trolled by the very object it should itself control. Freedom
therefore consists in the control over ourselves and over ex-
ternal nature..."¹²

Freedom is control. Right action is also control, for it
is action based on knowledge of necessity. If it is action which
goes against necessity, then in the long run it is bound to fail
to control. It is wrong, evil, immoral. It would be a mistake
to conclude from this, however, that the Communist position is
simply the pragmatic one that the good is what succeeds, that
right is might. Just as Marxist dialectics insists that it is
necessary to grasp simultaneously the concepts, "all that is
rational is real" and "all that is real is rational," if the
true unity of the theoretical and practical aspects of existence
is to be achieved -- so also in the moral sphere. "Right is might"
must be integrally conceived with "might is right." The individ-
ual Communist believes that what he does for the proletarian revo-
lution is right because the proletarian revolution is fated to
be victorious; and that it will be victorious because what is
done to bring it about is right. There is no dilemma, therefore,
between the "inevitability of socialism" and the duty to act to
bring it about.

prizing it about.

between the "inevitability of socialism" and the duty to act to
done to bring it about is right. There is no dilemma, therefore,
be victorious; and that it will be victorious because what is
in itself is right because the proletarian revolution is based to
radical Communism believes that what he does for the proletarian revo-
nation must be integrally conceived with "might is right." The
individ-
iate to be achieved -- so also in the moral sphere. "Right is might"
true unity of the theoretical and practical aspects of existence
rational is real" and "all that is real is rational." If the
necessarily to grasp simultaneously the concepts, "all that is
right is right, that as Marxist dialectics insinuates that it is
simply the pragmatic one that the good is what succeeds, that
to conclude from this, however, that the Communist position is
to control. It is wrong, "evil," immoral. It would be a mistake
goes against necessity, then in the long run it is pounds to fall
its action based on knowledge of necessity. If it is action which
Freedom is control. Right action is also control, for it
ternal nature..."

IS
therefore constitutes in the control over ourselves and over ex-
trolled by the very object it should itself control. Freedom
shows by this precisely that it is not free, that it is con-

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## Historical Materialism

"Freedom is the recognition of necessity," and Necessity operating in society is called History. As the natural sciences interpreted in the dialectical manner make up the positive content of dialectical materialism, exhibiting the laws of necessity in nature, so historical materialism makes up its content and exhibits its laws in society.

For the historical materialist, there are no accidents. In human society, in economic development, in political struggle, the dialectical laws of history act with all the inexorability of the laws of nature. The only difference is the form of the dialectical interplay. In society one of the elements is human consciousness. The elaborate "superstructure" created through it -- legal, political, religious, aesthetic, and philosophical -- reflects the way in which consciousness is determined by the material conditions of its existence and in reflex action in turn affects these conditions. Interpretation of any individual situation, therefore, must take into account the action of consciousness and its constructs.

But this is not fundamental. Although consciousness and its ideological superstructure play their part, and a necessary part, in the working out of history, history is determined in its essence by the material conditions of men's existence --

its essence by the material conditions of men's existence -
bar's, in the working out of history, history is determined in
its ideological superstructure lay their bar', and a necessarily
But this is not fundamental. Although consciousness and
consciousness and its constructs.

situation, therefore, must take into account the action of
turn affects these conditions. Interpretation of any individual
material conditions of its existence and in reflex action in
reflects the way in which consciousness is determined by the
it -- legal, political, religious, aesthetic, and philosophical --
consciousness. The elaborate "understructure" created through
dialectical interplay. In society one of the elements of human
of the laws of nature. The only difference is the form of the
the dialectical laws of history act with all the inexactability
in human society, in economic development, in political struggle.
For the historical materialist, there are no accidents.

and exhibits its laws in society.
ity in nature, so historical materialism makes up its content
ment of dialectical materialism, exhibiting the laws of neces-
interpreted in the dialectical manner make up the positive cou-
operating in society is called History. As the natural sciences
"Freedom is the recognition of necessity," and Necessity
Historical Materialism

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the way in which they produce. "The mode of production in material life determines the general character of the social, political and spiritual processes of life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but, on the contrary, their social existence determines their consciousness."¹³

Therefore, the real causes of social phenomena are not to be found in consciousness or in the ideological "superstructure" -- not in ideas, or ideals, or the conscious intentions of men. In whatever ideological guise men may act out the drama of history, for whatever reasons they may think they act, they are impelled by the laws of development of "the material mode of production." They may be completely unconscious of these causes, or dimly conscious, or -- with the coming of the proletariat on the stage of history -- they may, as Marxists, understand them. In this last case, and this last case only, are they truly free, because they recognize the necessity which moves them and they accept it. It is this recognition and acceptance (only possible, it is true, once society has reached the stage of the emergence of the proletariat, and easier for the proletarian than for others to reach), not the physical fact of being a proletarian, which gives freedom and power.

So it is that whatever may happen -- defeat or victory or long-continued tension -- in small events or in large, the

long-continued tension -- in small events or in large, the
So it is that whatever may happen -- defeat or victory or
gives freedom and power.

reason), not the physical fact of being a proletarian, which
let us, and easier for the proletarian than for others to
once society has reached the stage of the emergence of the bro-
It is this recognition and acceptance (only possible, it is true,
they recognise the necessity which moves them and they accept it.
last case, and this last case only, are they truly free, because
of history -- they may, as Marxists, understand them. In this
conscience, or -- with the coming of the proletariat on the stage
They may be completely unconscious of these causes, or dimly
by the laws of development of "the material mode of production."

for whatever reasons they may think they act, they are impelled
whatever ideological brutes men may act out the drams of history,
not in ideas, or ideals, or the conscious intentions of men. In
found in consciousness or in the ideological "amb structure." --

Therefore, the real causes of social phenomena are not to be
contrary, their social existence determines their consciousness."[3]
consciousness of men that determines their existence, put, on the
political and spiritual processes of life. It is not the con-
material life determines the general character of the social,
the way in which they produce. "The mode of production in

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Communist is possessed of a confidence in ultimate victory which permeates his whole being. The arrogance sometimes displayed by Communists in discussions with others and by the Soviet leaders in their international pronouncements, is not the result of fundamental lack of self-confidence, which some claim; it is bad-mannered impatience with backward persons who don't seem to understand the most obvious truths. "As is well known, stones are good to eat."

Defeats and setbacks may be due to unavoidable circumstances of the ebb and flow of development, or they may be due to imperfect understanding of the laws of history -- "lack of clarity" -- but they never impinge on the certainty that these laws are, in general, understood and, being understood, make the Communist invincible.

That invincibility seems to him of the same order of certainty as the daily rising of the sun -- based on the same kind of understanding of the underlying laws that govern visible phenomena. Are not changes in "the mode of production" the moving forces of history? Can "the mode of production" long remain unchanged if there is disharmony between its two components, if the "relations of production" (the forms of human social organization) are inadequate to the demands of new and powerful "forces of production" (the means of production and the technological level

production" (the means of production and the technological level are inadequate to the demands of new and powerful "forces of production" (the forms of human social organization) there is disharmony between its two components, if the "reality" can "the mode of production" long remain unchanged if Are not changed in "the mode of production" the moving forces of understanding of the underlying laws that govern visible phenomena. is the daily rising of the ann -- passed on the same kind of

That invincibility seems to him of the same order of certain invincible.

General, understood and, being understood, make the Communist
but they never impinge on the certainty that these laws are, in
tact understanding of the laws of history -- "lack of clarity" --
of the epp and flow of development, or they may be due to imper-

Defeats and setbacks may be due to unavoidable circumstances
well known, stones are good to eat."

who don't seem to understand the most obvious truths. "As is
some claim: it is bad-mannered impatience with backward persons
not the result of fundamental lack of self-confidence, which
the Soviet readers in their international pronouncements, is
displayed by Communists in discussions with others and by
which benates his whole being." The arrogance sometimes
Communist is possessed of a confidence in ultimate victory

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of men)? Will not antiquated relations of production, systems of organization based on obsolete productive forces, certainly be "burst asunder" by the power of new and progressive forces of production?

It has happened before to slave society, to feudal society, and it is happening before his eyes to capitalist society. Capitalist relations of production are fetters upon the modern forces of production. These fetters must be thrown off. And this can only come about through the action of men associated with the new forces of production, the proletariat, in struggle against other men associated with the old relations of production, the capitalist class. As it is put in Communist schools: "The Ford plant will not rise and march on Wall Street, but the Ford workers will rise against the men of Wall Street. And, whatever their motivations, in whatever political forms the struggle occurs, however justified their grievances and violent their indignations, the fundamental forces moving them and the guarantee of their victory arise from the power of the new forces of production."

The class struggle and the messianic role of the proletariat are but reflections of "the material transformation of the economic conditions of production which can be determined with the precision of natural science..."¹⁴ He who stands with the proletariat, who accepts the class struggle as the dominating

petariat, who accepts the class struggle as the dominating
precoton of natural science..."¹⁴ He who stands with the pro-
nomic conditions of production which can be determined with the
are put reflections of "the material transformation of the eco-
The class struggle and the measuring role of the proletariat
victory arises from the power of the new forces of production."
the fundamental forces moving them and the guarantee of their
however justified their grievances and violent their indignations,
their motivations, in whatever political forms the struggle occurs.
workers will rise against the men of Wall Street. And, whatever
Ford plant will not rise and march on Wall Street, but the Ford
the capitalist class. As it is but in Communist schools: "The
against other men associated with the old relations of production,
with the new forces of production, the proletariat, in struggle
this can only come spout through the action of men associated
forces of production. These letters must be thrown off. And
Capitalist relations of production are letters upon the modern
and it is happening before his eyes to capitalist society.

It has happened before to slave society, to feudal society,
of production?

be "pursuant member," by the power of new and progressive forces
of organization based on obsolete productive forces, certainly
of men)? Will not antidated relations of production, systems

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form of history, places himself on the side of the forces whose
triumph can be determined "with the precision of natural science."

## The Theory of the Party

It would seem that the certain power of the forces of production would deny any role to conscious planned activity. Moving glacier-like in their appointed way until their mighty force, expressed by the proletariat, sets off the avalanche of social revolution, they would scarcely appear to depend at all on consciousness. But although the material productive forces, expressing themselves in the modern instance through the action of the proletariat, are the decisive forces of history, the very certainty of this "natural" process demands, by a turn of Marxist dialectics, the most conscious of conscious human activity -- the activity of the Communist party.

The necessity of the underlying forces can only be expressed
through men -- and men as they are, that is, men who act through
their consciousness. Consciousness of injury, of oppression, of
immediate ways of resisting that oppression, however, is not enough.
Yet this sort of consciousness, "trade-union consciousness," is all
that the spontaneous development of the class struggle will gener-
ate in the mind of the proletariat. Marxist revolutionary con-
sciousness, socialist consciousness "can arise only on the basis
of profound scientific knowledge... The vehicles of science are

of profound scientific knowledge... The vehicles of science are
science, socialist consciousness "can arise only on the basis
of the mind of the proletarian. Marxist revolutionary con-
that the spontaneous development of the class struggle will gener-
Yet this sort of consciousness," trade-union consciousness, "is all
immediate ways of relating that oppression, however, is not enough.
their consciousness. Consciousness of injury, of oppression, of
through men -- and men as they are, that is, men who act through
The necessity of the underlying forces can only be expressed
the Communist party.

the most conscious of conscious human activity -- the activity of
of this "natural" process demands, by a turn of Marxist dialectics,
proletariat, are the decisive forces of history, the very certainty
ing themselves in the modern instance through the action of the
actionness. But although the material productive forces, expres-
expressed by the proletariat, sets off the avalanche of social
Glacier-like in their appointed way until their mighty force,
tion would deny any role to conscious planned activity. Moving

It would seem that the certain power of the forces of produc-
**The Theory of the Party**

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not the proletariat, but the <u>bourgeois intelligentsia...</u> Thus,
socialist consciousness is something introduced into the prole-
tarian class struggle from without...and not something that
arose within it spontaneously..."<sup>15</sup> While economic conditions
bring into existence the proletariat as a force which can revo-
lutionize society, it is only the understanding of those condi-
tions and of that possibility which can make the possibility
actuality. "Without a revolutionary theory there can be no
revolutionary movement."<sup>16</sup>

But how are the two prerequisites -- a potentially revolu-
tionary class without revolutionary consciousness and the revo-
lutionary theory in the minds of "bourgeois intellectuals" like
Marx and Lenin -- to be linked, to be fused, into the necessary
unity of theory and practice? That linkage, that fusion, can
only be brought about by an organization of men who understand
revolutionary theory, men who, by that understanding, gain
material force from the proletariat, and lead the proletariat
to the seizure of power. "...the victory of the proletarian
revolution, the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat,
is impossible without a revolutionary party of the proletariat...
a party of the new type, a Marxist-Leninist party, a party of
social revolution, a party capable of preparing the proletariat
for decisive battles against the bourgeoisie and of organizing

for decisive parties against the Bourgeois and of organizing
social revolution, a party capable of preparing the proletariat
a party of the new type, a Marxist-Revolutionary party, a party of
is impossible without a revolutionary party of the proletariat...
revolution, the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat,
to the seizure of power. "...the victory of the proletariat
material force from the proletariat, and lead the proletariat
revolutionary theory, man who, by that understanding, gain
only be brought about by an organization of men who understand
unity of theory and practice? That linkage, that fusion, can
Marx and Lenin -- to be linked, to be fused, into the necessary
revolutionary theory in the minds of "bourgeois ideologists" like
revolutionary class without revolutionary consciousness and the revolu-
tionary class alone.
But how are the two preresidencies -- a potentially revolu-
revolutionary movement."

If
actuality. "Without a revolutionary theory there can be no
tions and of that possibility which can make the possibility
institute society, it is only the understanding of those condi-
itions into existence the proletariat as a force which can revo-
arose within it spontaneously."¹² While economic conditions
tarian class struggle from without... and not something that
socialist consciousness is something introduced into the brole-
not the proletariat, put the "bourgeois ideologists"... Times,

12

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the victory of the proletarian revolution..."¹⁷

A materialist sacrament, the visible sign of things in-
visible, the Party concentrates all the Communist's devotion.
The concept of the Party is the unifying concept in his mind.
Through it the metaphysical, the moral and the social aspects
of his thought are focussed upon his activity. It is the in-
dispensable meeting place where thought, belief, and emotion
are unified with action; and it is the living repository of
that Necessity and History which vindicate the meaning and
certainty of his existence.

With the concept of the Party we complete the survey of
the general concepts of the ideology of the Communist. Derived
from these, however, are a set of operational concepts and
analyses which guide the Party's action and mediate theory to
practice. For convenience, they can be subdivided into two
groupings. The first has to do with the arena of activity,
with analyses of society subordinate to and derived from the
basic theories of historical materialism -- outstandingly, the
central dogmas of economics and politics: the theory of value,
with its derivatives, and the theory of the state with the
associated theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The
second, Marxist-Leninist strategy and tactics, is operational

second, Marxist-Communist strategy and tactics, is operational
associated theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The
with its derivatives, and the theory of the state with the
central dogma of economics and politics: the theory of value,
basic theories of historical materialism -- outstripping, the
with analyses of society subordinate to and derived from the
groupings. The first has to do with the areas of activity,
practice. For convenience, they can be subdivided into two
analyses which guide the Party's action and mediate theory to
from these, however, are a set of operational concepts and
the general concepts of the ideology of the Communist. Derived
With the concept of the Party we complete the survey of
certainty of his existence.

that Necessity and History which vindicate the meaning and
are unified with action; and it is the living repository of
disembowelable meeting place where thought, belief, and emotion
of his thought are focused upon his activity. It is the im-
through it the metaphysical, the moral and the social aspects
The concept of the Party is the unifying concept in his mind.
visible, the Party concentrates all the Communist's devotion.
V materialist sacrament, the visible sign of things in-
the victory of the proletarian revolution..."[7]

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in a stricter sense, derived from the concept of the Party
and directly linked with action.

## Economic Theory

The complex of ideas -- value, surplus value, exploitation, capitalist crisis -- which since Marx's day has been so powerful an element in the socialist mind, is brought to an apocalyptic point in the Communist outlook. The function of political economy in the Communist world-view is far removed from that of economic science as usually understood today. Its function is much more that of a cosmological birth-and-death myth. It does not explain the movement of prices on the market or any such humdrum phenomena. Instead, it pretends to exhibit the unfolding of the inner characteristics of commodity production, which bring capitalism to birth, develop its power, and condemn it to death. Here the general movement of the forces of History, which govern all human existence and all societies, is manifested for this society, for capitalism. Armed with this myth, the Communist "understands" not only how capitalism is formally doomed by History because of the "contradictions between its productive forces and its relations of production," but how materially, innately, it is fated to die by the very character of its particular existence.

A few simple elements express this vision and are so deeply

A few simple elements express this vision and are so deeply
of its particular existence.

materially, *invariably*, it is faced to die by the very character
productive forces and its relations of production," but how
doomed by History because of the "contradictions between its
Communist "understanding" not only how capitalism is formally
for this society, for capitalism. Armed with this myth, the
which govern all human existence and all societies, is manifested
death. Here the general movement of the forces of History,
prizing capitalism to birth, develop its power, and condemn it to
ing of the inner characteristics of commodity production, which
innumerable phenomena. Instead, it pretends to exhibit the unold-
not explain the movement of prices on the market or any such
much more that of a cosmological birth-and-death myth. It does
economic science as usually understood today. Its function is
only in the Communist world-view to be removed from that of
point in the Communist outlook. The function of political econ-
an element in the socialist mind, is brought to an abysmal
capitalist creates -- which since Marx's day has been so powerf ul
The complex of ideas -- value, surplus value, exploitation,

Economic Theory

in a stricter sense, derived from the concept of the party

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indoctrinated by Communist teaching that (even if the complexities of the theory are not remembered) they remain fundamental to the consciousness of every developed Communist.

The value of commodities represents the socially necessary labor incorporated in them. In capitalist production, labor itself is a commodity and receives only what is necessary to maintain and reproduce it. The difference between the value the workers add to the social product and the value they receive is surplus value, the social toll extracted by the capitalist class. This exploitation is the central social feature of capitalism. It is not the result of the character of members of the class, it is implicit in the system.

Exploitation is integral to capitalism. But this would be no reason why capitalism should not continue to exist indefinitely. Injustice of itself does not doom a society; only material force can change the world. From exploitation, however, arises dialectically the certain fate of capitalism, the capitalist crisis.

Marx's reasoning and analysis in deriving his theory of crisis from the theories of value and surplus value are not unsubtle nor without ingenuity. But in the Communist *mythos*, the detailed arguments are forgotten; the picture is stark and clear. The capitalists absorb a greater and greater share of the results of production. As the "absolute and relative

the results of production. As the "apex of relative
clear." The capitalists absorb a greater and greater share of
the detailed arguments are forgotten; the picture is stark and
unsaademic nor without ingenuity. But in the *Communist matho*.

critics from the theories of value and surplus value are not
Marx's reasoning and analysis in deriving his theory of
flectically the certain late of capitalism, the capitalist criti-
can change the world. From exploitation, however, arises dis-
injustice of itself does not dooms a society; only material force
no reason why capitalism should not continue to exist indefinitely.
Exploitation is integral to capitalism. But this would be
it is implicit in the system.

It is not the result of the character of members of the class,
but the exploitation is the central social feature of capitalism.
Surplus value, the social toll extracted by the capitalist class,
workers add to the social product and the value they receive is
maintain and reproduce it. The difference between the value the
itself is a commodity and receives only what is necessary to
labor incorporated in them. In capitalist production, labor

The value of commodities represents the socially necessary
to the coexistence of every developed Communist:

ties of the theory are not remembered; they remain fundamental
inocruinated by Communist teaching that (even if the complex-

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