Dr. Fritz Kraemer on Elitism: Look for Men and Women of Excellence !

Page 1 of 10

Amanda Henry

From: Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann [hubertushoffmann@gmx.de]

Sent: Saturday, September 27, 2003 11:32 AM

To: ahenry@kmaglobal.com

Subject: Dr. Fritz Kraemer on Elitism: Look for Men and Women of Excellence !

Sehr geehrter Dr. Kissinger,

sicherlich haben Sie bereits vom Tod Ihres Mentors Dr. Fritz Kraemer am 8. September
gehört, der am

8. Oktober in Arlington begraben wird.

Meinen Nachruf und seine wie immer klaren und brillianten Überlegungen "On Elitism" sende
ich Ihnen

mit den besten Grüßen. Unten finden Sie auch eines der letzten Bilder, daß ich im
vergangenen Jahr

bei der Amtseinführung des Inspektor Generals Joe Schmitz ( ein guter Freund von mir)
aufgenommen

hatte. Wir haben damals "Old Fritz" ins Pentagon eingeladen, was ihn sichtlich freute und an
alte

Zeiten erinnerte.

Oft hat Dr. Kraemer über Sie gesprochen. Nie schlecht, wie über einen verlorenen Sohn, fair
aber

hart, manchmal zu hart. Eine Aussöhnung war – obwohl oft angeregt – überhaupt nicht
möglich.

Es hat mich auch sehr berührt, daß Sie ihn einmal anrufen und er mit dem Satz auflegte: "
Henry,
how dare you call me !".

Einen Hauptgrund für seine sture Haltung finden Sie im Nachruf. Im Kern verlangte er gerade
von

Ihnen, da er Sie für einen der Begabtesten hielt, mehr - sicherlich zu viel - als von anderen
weniger

Begnadeten. Das schimmert auch in seinen Analyse "On Elitism" durch. Insofern war die sture
und harte Ablehnung im Innersten Ausdruck von Bewunderung und Liebe , die fast
zwangsläufig

in das Gegenteil umschlug, als Sie Ihrem Meister nicht in dessen absolute und spartanische
Welt

folgten.( Das Thema Schlesinger wurde nie erwähnt und war nicht wichtig).

Seit zwei Jahren schreibe ich Fritz Kraemers "Aphorismen zur Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik",
die erst jetzt erscheinen können.

Mit dem von mir gegründeten und allein als non-profit news service finanzierten
www.worldsecuritynetwork.com möchte ich – auch im Geiste von Fritz Kraemer- einen
kleinen Diskussionsbeitrag leisten. Er geht derzeit an 25.000 Empfänger in der Info-

10/1/2003

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Elite( Journalisten, Abgeordnete, YPO, Harvard , Atlantik-Brücke usa) in der ganzen Welt.

Ihnen, sehr geehrter Herr Dr. Kissinger, mein herzliches Beileid und Mitgefühl zum Tod
Ihres Mentors, der Ihnen so viel bedeutet hat.

Mit besten Grüßen

Ihr

Hubertus Hoffmann

-----Ursprüngliche Nachricht-----

Von: Worldsecuritynetwork Newsletter [mailto:newsletter@worldsecuritynetwork.com]

Gesendet: Freitag, 19. September 2003 12:52

An: All Authors

Betreff: Dr. Fritz Kraemer on Elitism: Look for Men and Women of Excellence !

World Security
Network Newsletter

"Networking a Safer World"

Washington D.C. September 19, 2003

Dear All Authors,

At the age of 95, one of the last Prussians passed away on September 8 in Washington DC: Fritz Kraemer, retired colonel and geo-strategic advisor to the Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army for over 30 years, an influential advisor to a number of different Secretaries of Defense, German emigré with two PhDs and one monocle, a freedom fighter, combating "provocative weakness" and fighting for "peace through strength". The Pentagon's "éminence grise" is to be put to rest with Full Military Honors at the Arlington National Cemetery on October 8.

Throughout his long life, Fritz Kraemer acted as a dedicated "talent scout" and it was in this missionary-like role that he "discovered" and encouraged young people – like myself since

1979 – and held them in his thrall during numerous night-time meetings. His sonorous voice would resound as he preached his creeds to us, often swinging his stick (with a built-in rapier) wildly in the

Worldsecuritynetwork.com Founder Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann:
"Thank you, Dr. Fritz Kraemer !"

10/1/2003

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air:

* You must believe in and fight for the "absolute values"! It is important to follow a code of honor.

* Show physical courage, take risks!

* Temperament, enthusiasm, reliability and imagination are important factors for the personality, for success and for the cause. The value of the IQ, on the other hand, is overestimated.

* There is less danger of people causing harm to themselves and others through arrogance and pride than through a lack of pride and a sense of inferiority.

* It is important to state your opinion as you see it and stand up for it, rather than saying what you think your superior would like to hear.

* Don't allow "brilliant fools" to seduce you and lead you astray!

* Character counts, not position and title.

* Don't ever ask "What's in it for me?" Instead, ask "What is good for my country?"

* The crucial faults of countless modern politicians are their latent superficiality, their incurable lack of receptivity to the transcendental and the metaphysical, their lack of inner cultivation and their bad taste in employees.

* One of the major problems of our time is provincialism in foreign policy (which Fritz Kraemer aptly termed the "include me out" mentality).

* In our modern, egalitarian democracies, you always need a small, determined minority, an elite, to put ideals into practice. Democracies don't want high-flyers, but regular people, who are just the same as anyone else.

* If you meet someone who truly excels – a rare event – then encourage them, foster them and give them lasting support in every way!

* The willingness to assume responsibility is an intrinsic criterion of any true elite. It is not about rewards or privileges, but about being willing to take on greater burdens and serious responsibility, in contrast to the average citizen, according to the old saying "noblesse oblige".

* Loneliness is the price of excellence.

* Read Shakespeare! This is the only way to think up new and more creative ideas than the 50,000 people in front of you.

* Intellectuals have always preached that everything is relative and there are no absolute values. According to them, a brilliant person can analyze and understand every problem. This relativism has caused complete confusion, uncertainty and disorientation. The result is a spiritual emptiness; everything is possible, and yet nothing is.

* Only semi-brilliant people can afford to be impressed with their own brilliance. Truly brilliant people know that brilliance is worthless.

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* The worst thing about a loss of faith is not the fact that someone has stopped believing but that they are ready to believe anything.

* There can be no diplomacy without the threat of power behind it. Nothing works without power.

* If you look at it objectively, plain violence and raw power are necessary to check wild, untamed fanatics.

* The lesson we must learn from the Second World War is: War is started by "provocative weakness", the lack of a credible deterrent and a balance of power.

After many hours of listening to our mentor, Fritz Kraemer – sometimes until 4 am in the morning – we felt as though an almost metaphysical power was flowing through our veins.

He left a very deep personal impression, forming the minds of his followers, through the strict look in his piercing eyes, his precise choice of words, the force of his dark, intense voice, the clarity of his thoughts, his incorruptibility, the modesty of his almost monk-like way of life, his universal knowledge accumulated from around the world in 95 years of first-hand experience.

But he will also be remembered for the encouragement he gave us young men, our characters still unformed, and for his endearing, courteous manner.

Fritz Kraemer gave power and inner stability and gave others the courage to follow his ideals.

When he was 17, Henry Kissinger was thoroughly enthralled by Dr. Fritz Kraemer, who took him with him into the 84th U.S. Infantry Division and made a strong impression on his mind. When Henry Kissinger was made U.S. Secretary of State under President Ford, their friendship was broken off. Why? In Kraemer's view: Kissinger's policy was "always flexible and open ", whereas his true convictions were "always absolute"; he always strived for recognition and popularity; this prevented Henry Kissinger from standing for a policy that was in accordance with his conscience.

Alexander Haig also has this geo-strategist at the Potomac to thank for his political career up to Secretary of State. When Kissinger was looking for a military assistant, his mentor put down his name as the only candidate on the list for this post, sent it to the Secretary of Defense and wrote a very heart-felt letter of recommendation to Kissinger. Kraemer had noted the brilliance of the late Major Alexander Haig years before in the Pentagon.

When I spoke to him of the Worldsecuritynetwork.com project again some months ago, he encouraged me to further extend this non-profit newsletter on security and foreign policy for the international information elite.

Worldsecuritynetwork is imbued with some of Col. Fritz Kraemer's spirit – and of this we are proud. In his honor, we publish today - for the first time - Kraemer's ideas "On Elitism".

Thank you, Dr. Kraemer!

Good bye, Col. Fritz Kraemer!

10/1/2003

Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann
Founder and Publisher
Worldsecuritynetwork.com

On Elitism: Look for Men and Women of Excellence ! written by: Fritz Kraemer

- Fritz Kraemer calls for a mission to bear heavier burdens and make greater sacrifices for the cause -

I am calling for an elite on which we can draw, even in a democratic society, to fill important positions not only in government, but also in business, education, and many other fields. Changing my terminology, but not my meaning, I might simply say that, however democratic we might happen to be, we should always at least look for men and women of excellence when choosing people for key functions in the political, economic, academic, or even religious spheres.

While in our modern age – in the U.S. as well as in Europe – the word elite is suspect, everybody is calling for "excellence." But only lip service is being paid to this lofty concept. "Excellence" in Latin means to stand out, but we do not really look for genuinely outstanding people who are "taller" than the average. There is, on the contrary, a desire for sameness, for comfortable mediocrity, for conformity, which is inherently intolerant of any kind of superiority. This alone is a great obstacle to the selection of the non-medioyre.

Something else, however, is - in practice - even more important: those who have to pick others

and who, by chance, are sincerely trying to find the best, the most "excellent," do not know any longer what criteria to apply in their search. In an age of facts and figures - in which, moreover, ethical values are no longer considered absolute but merely relative - men find it difficult to base their judgment regarding candidates for office, or for jobs, on intangible, non-quantifiable personality traits such as strength of character, fortitude, conscientiousness.

Not in theory, perhaps, but certainly in practice, modern society looks at labels and paper credentials rather than at substance. In the Civil Service, for example, it has become a custom to admit only Ph.D.s to the more important positions, although individuals who never had the time or money to acquire such a degree may actually be infinitely better qualified. Due to the vicissitudes of my life, I obtained two doctorates, and this "academic record" has unduly facilitated my government career. In reality, of course, they do not show at all who I am and who I am not; they are not even a sign of intellectual prowess, because they might well have been bestowed by a mediocre faculty on an equally

Typically Kraemer: Encouraging the Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, swinging a stick with his sonorous voice: "No provocative weakness, please !" at the reception for the new appointed Inspector General Joe Schmitz in the Pentagon again in 2002.

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mediocre student. A double Ph.D. may mean little more, in fact, than a nicely patented nobody.

We also accept a former Ambassador to Bangkok or Moscow as a prestigious authority on Thailand or the Russia, even if his ever repeated anecdotes and stories of "personal experiences" reveal him as irretrievably superficial. And a professor of Political Science from Harvard, Princeton, Yale, etc., will be quoted as a certified expert almost regardless of the true quality of his writings and teachings. Thus, *looking for excellence has degenerated into asking for individuals with easily discernible license plates*.

In the purely political field, especially in the selection and election of candidates, there is an additional problem for the voting public. The speeches and other utterances of candidates are ghost-written and carefully concocted, *the real personalities are hidden behind a veil of pure imagery; there is little visible spontaneity and much staging*. Reviewing the current Democratic and Republican presidential candidates, for example, I would not dare to say, with any degree of certainty, what and who these men really are and what convictions, if any, they hold in their heart of hearts; although – in contrast to the general public, which cannot remember even the recent past.

*We are facing a very real growing danger that the American people will get so bored, or apathetic, or cynical and disgusted with the artificiality and hollowness of "politics" that they will simply refuse to participate!* In our 1992 national election only 37.3% of the eligible voters actually took the trouble of going to the polls, which means that almost 2/3 of the electorate did not find it worth their while to cast a ballot. If the normal, "legitimate" but dehydrated, politicians can no longer move or attract people, they are leaving a void, an ever more yawning gap which will be filled, inevitably, by demagogues speaking fiery words with shining eyes; and the masses – feeling empty, unled and disoriented – will turn to the false prophets with their seemingly inspired and therefore rather inspiring messages.

My fear regarding the inner corrosion of the very "successful" politician (President, Senator, Representative, Governor, etc.) is not, by the way, that during a long career of compromising and sailing with the wind he will lose his aggressiveness, cleverness or even the capability to command, but that – to quote a formula I have used for many year now – *he will leave part of his soul on every rung of the ladder leading him to the top*. The harsh school of the upward struggle may, in fact, have made him a master tactician but the *Holy Fire, the inner passion, the vision has gone, had to go*, in a world of make-believe and ghost writers, of continuous accommodation to public opinion polls, of dependence on such non-events as "caucuses" in Iowa in which only a tiny fraction of the voters take part anyway. It seems revealing to me that the word "emotional" has assumed a pejorative meaning, as if deep convictions could actually be held in some nicely abstract, coolly detached fashion, "untainted" by very strong feelings of the individual holding such convictions.

My ultimate reason, however, for postulating the necessity of an elite is the observation that in control *everyday reality the ideal of an egalitarian society has quite simply led to a loss of quality*. Since, for example, virtually everyone now is going to high school, the demands made on *high school* students had to be lowered, inevitably, to such an extent that the business world as well as colleges complain bitterly about the number of high school graduates needing remedial courses in reading and orthography, to say nothing of history and geography. And since *college education* has become a mass enterprise, very many can obtain an academic degree today who formerly would have had to be satisfied with a high school certificate. I do admit that the "classical" high school curriculum of my youth – nine years of Latin (every day of the six-day week) and six years of Greek (every day of the six-day week), plus one modern foreign language in addition to mathematics, physics, chemistry, geography and history – is no longer feasible, although it did accustom me and my classmates to become acquainted, very early in life, with subjects (Greek, Latin) of no visible "practical" value

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which, however, broadened my vision greatly and opened windows to distant landscapes.

Yet, even today, one could certainly demand that a high school student taking Spanish or French as his one foreign language has to learn the grammar of that language, instead of acquiring merely a basic and primitive vocabulary. One could likewise demand of a college graduate in Political Science a knowledge of world history in general outlines and an awareness of internal developments of a few key countries in some depth, and such a graduate should also be expected to have a very precise idea of where on the map Indonesia, Nigeria, Honduras, or Bolivia are located. As regards professional diplomats, would it be unjust to ask that henceforth they must be well grounded in international law and demonstrate familiarity with global political and economic trends? One might even insist that a professor of Comparative Government be well acquainted with the actual constitutions of perhaps a dozen important nations and that a priest or pastor have some knowledge of Hebrew and Greek enabling him to look, an occasion, at the original text of the Bible. In other words, one could, without becoming undemocratic, raise the level of requirements for students as well as for teachers and professors, etc., and thus eliminate the very large and clogging numbers of those who are "making it" through the educational system only because that system is geared to mass production rather than to the development of any personal excellence, to some specialties rather than to the acquisition of a broader understanding of even their own general field of endeavor.

Personally, I do not consider a formal education a necessary pre-condition for genuine achievement. Eric Hoffer, a bona fide dockyard worker until his 65th year who never went to college, had a far deeper grasp of historico-political reality than most learned professors. His book, "The True Believer," shows an extraordinary breadth of knowledge and a depth of insight into history, past and current, which I for one can only admire and envy. Hoffer's dictum: "Where the yearning for freedom destroys order, the yearning for order will destroy freedom," is a splendid, pithy formulation of a basic truth that very few of the learned ones could have produced. If I suggest a more demanding educational system aiming at "excellence" rather than mass delivery of graduates to society, it is only because I am aware of the fact that our society simply will not talentscout for the untutored genius who cannot present some paper credentials, some formal card of admission. All I can realistically propose, therefore, is to make that plastic card more substantial and more intrinsically meaningful.

(I have fewer misgivings concerning our excellence in the natural, i.e., exact sciences [mathematics, atomic physics, electronics, etc.] than in the field of political and social "sciences" which are by no means exact and where superficiality, lack of knowledge, even fakery cannot so easily be found out and shown up. A political columnist, a political candidate or office-holder, a professor of political science may have a long record of wrong predictions and of faulty analyses and of eloquent but ill informed views, especially an foreign affairs, and he may very well survive as a respected oracle. An engineer on the other hand, whose design for a bridge is faulty, a mathematician or physicist whose equations do not equate will soon lose prestige and professional standing.)

That there is an objective contradiction between "excellence" and mass education is either not understood or, for ideological reasons, not admitted. The facts, however, are very clear. I once asked a young professor Kissinger (Political Science): "How many especially gifted students have you discovered this year?" His answer: "There are about 500 students in the class I teach and 120 in the Seminar I conduct; it is impossible to seek out individuals." It is,

10/1/2003

indeed, an "impossible" situation since one
cannot effectively guide, help, assist, encourage
whole assemblages of people to achieve
superior qualities of mind and character; one
has to pay attention to individuals.

Henry Kissinger (left), the talent, with his scout and mentor Dr. Fritz Kraemer in 1945 als soldiers in the 84th U.S. Infantry Division in Germany again, their Heimat until 1938: "Always Flexible and Open" vs. "Always Absolute".

## Pay attention to individuals?

Modern educators, whatever they may loudly proclaim, _actually_ cling to a childlike faith that, with the right method of instruction you can make virtually any "normal" group of students quite proficient in practically any subject. I remember a spirited discussion with faculty members of a renowned institute of higher learning where the professors heatedly bore down on a chance remark of mine that my own "gifts" were strictly limited to the so-called humanities, while from high school days on I had proven strikingly inept in natural sciences. They insisted that "everybody," myself included, could do very well indeed in mathematics, physics, etc., if taught in the proper fashion. This professional belief assumes implicitly that, in the ultimate analysis, people are not too different in their natural giftedness and that it is all lastly a question of presenting a subject to them in a paedagogically "correct" manner. This is absurd. A young Italian peasant with a splendid natural voice who cannot even read music may be trained at a conservatory and, finally, become a leading opera singer; but ten years or more at that same conservatory will not make a singer of him who did not have such natural (if untrained) voice in the first place. Similarly, you can teach historical facts but you cannot teach a sense of history to those who do not possess a natural inner musicality for history. Nor can you teach psychological understanding of people and peoples to those not endowed with vibrating antennae for intangibles and imponderables that are outside and beyond the facts and figures zone.

An individual with an innate potential for excellence in foreign or military affairs may be totally ungifted in business. A business genius, on the other hand, may have no inner affinity whatever for the peculiar realities prevailing in international relations and in matters of national Defense. To recognize that talents are very unjustly distributed among human beings (and that the natural aptitudes of individuals differ from person to person) is, perhaps, anti-egalitarian, but it is certainly realistic.

*How can young men and women even strive for excellence* – be it only within the parameters of their own special giftedness – if the huge and soulless education-manufacturing plants make the students feel that all that is expected of them is an effort to obtain credit points, work more or less diligently for an upcoming test and, finally, get some degree (preferably from a big-name institution). In fact, in such an atmosphere an originally independent and highly endowed personality will be discouraged rather than permitted to develop in depth, because profundity and higher ethical aspirations would simply not fit the purpose of that costly education: to achieve visible, practical results.

(I have not yet read a recent book by Allan Bloom, professor of political philosophy at the University of Chicago, "The Closing of the American Mind," subtitle, "How Higher Education has Failed Democracy and Impoverished the Souls of Today's Students," but the "impoverishment of the soul" part does sound quite remarkable coming from a man who has actually observed the system from within for decades.)

It is entirely possible that no preaching on my part, or on the part of anybody else, will change the existing educational situation and that high schools and colleges will continue to be swamped and smothered by having to serve too many.

*Yet, there are two things each of us can do in his own circle of family and friends.*

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FIRST. We can teach our own children that "success" as such is by no means a hallmark of excellence and that they do not have to prove their worth by collecting high grades and impressive degrees at college or by climbing to prestigious positions later in life. When my son went off to college, I warned him that he might get straight "As" simply by writing papers cleverly reflecting a professor's pet views, while he might get "Cs" (and less) as a result of expressing original and well-conceived but "unpopular" ideas. I assured him that he would never have to bend and bow, and sacrifice his convictions and his soul out of a feeling that his father would expect him to "show something," i.e., a fine-looking paper record, for money spent on the son's education. "If your academic record is far less than splendid, even if you fail," I told him, "you will always be received by your father with pride and approval, provided you can answer 'Yes' to two questions: 'Did you work hard? Did you stand up for your convictions?' " I have reasons to believe that it would be most helpful, especially to the more promising of the younger generation, if their parents (grandparents, uncles, etc.) would let them start out in the world with no doubt whatever that character and self-discipline, rather than showy "report cards," are expected of them.

SECOND. We can teach our children that, while everyone has to earn a living, material riches are a rather minor reward to strive for. According to a person's value system and individual nature, political power, inner independence, a life of contemplation, active missionary work for a cause, fulfillment as an artist, challenging historic or scientific research may be – even from a most egotistical point of view – infinitely more desirable than an existence earnestly geared to the making of money. We have come to a point today where people who are not innately money-directed feel a kind of moral obligation, nevertheless, to be successful financially, just to show to themselves and to the world that they are no laggards.

*With high income becoming a measuring rod of a person's worth and social prestige, why should anyone voluntarily choose such materialistically unrewarding careers as civil or military service to the nation?*

What normal, prudent father in this day and age would actually advise a son or daughter to dedicate his or her life to a cause rather than to the eminently practical and sensible goal of receiving maximum pay and very tangible remuneration for decades of work? How can we dare to direct those gifted and promising youngsters toward professions and occupations which clearly demand very considerable personal sacrifices for but modest rewards? What answer does one give to the brilliant man or woman who wants to get out of the military or of an important position in government so as to provide (at last!) better for himself and his long suffering family by making "some real money" in business? How, in other words, can one recruit and retain individuals of excellence for public service? The age-old answer to these questions is a rather simple one: Noblesse Oblige. Please do note that I am not recommending this adage for public preaching but that I am referring to it as something we should teach our children within the family. And this is the meaning of the noblesse oblige shorthand message!

*Any average person may, indeed, think primarily of himself and his clan but human beings are differently endowed by God (or by chance) and if you, my son or daughter happen to be particularly well endowed, if you truly belong to the excellent ones, then you do have a special obligation – nay, a mission – to bear heavier burdens and make greater sacrifices for a cause, e.g., good government, than the common herd.*

I recognize, of course, the arrogance involved in such an elitist approach. Yet, it is an arrogance which does not demand privileges and rights for the elite, but imposes on it abnegation and duties.

*My quarrel with egalitarianism is not that it denies special privileges to all and sundry, but that it does*

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not admit the existence of special duties for SOME.

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10/1/2003

TRANSLATION - jw

OCT 01 2003

Saturday, September 27, 2003

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

Surely you have already heard of the death of your mentor, Dr. Fritz Kraemer, on September 8th, who will be buried October 8th in Arlington.

I send with best regards the obituary I've written and his reflections "On Elitism," clear and brilliant as ever. Below you will also find one of the last photos, taken this past year at the induction of Inspector General Joe Schmitz (a good friend of mine). We invited "Old Fritz" to the Pentagon, which obviously delighted him and reminded him of old times.

Dr. Kraemer spoke of you often. Never badly, like a prodigal son, fair but stern, sometimes too stern. A reconciliation was - although often encouraged - not at all possible.

I was deeply affected as well by the fact that you once called him, and he imposed the sentence: "Henry, how dare you call me!"

A main reason for his stubborn behavior can be found in the obituary. In a nutshell, since he considered you one of the most gifted, he demanded more of you - certainly too much -than he did of other less blessed. This is also evident in his analysis "On Elitism." To that extent, the stubborn and stern rejection was at heart an expression of admiration and love that almost automatically turned into the contrary when you didn't follow your master in the absolute and spartan world of his. (The subject of Schlesinger was never mentioned and was not important.)

For two years I have been writing Fritz Kraemer's "Aphorisms on Foreign and Security Policy," which have just been published.

With World Security Network, which I have founded and solely financed as a nonprofit news service, I would like to make a small contribution to discussion, also in the spirit of Fritz Kraemer. Currently it goes to 25,000 people in the information elite (journalists, delegates, YPO, Harvard, Atlantik-Brücke) worldwide.

My deepest sympathy and condolences on the death of your mentor, who meant so much to you.

Attachment 1 - 9/19/03 obituary written by Hoffmann

Attachment 2 - Kraemer's "On Elitism: Look for Men & Women of Excellence!"

World Security
Network

Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann

Founder and Publisher

World Security Network

Dr. Hoffmann has worked as advisor in the European Parliament (Office of Prof. Hans-Gert Poettering), the German Bundestag (Parl. State Secretary of Defense Peter Kurt Wuerzbach MP) and the U.S. Senate (Sam Nunn, Gary Hart) in defense affairs for many years. He was Research Fellow at CSIS, Georgetown University. He worked as a journalist in the White House Press Corps, as Editor in ZDF, the largest TV station in Europe, and managing director of large German media companies. Dr. Hoffmann holds a PH.D in Political Science with "summa cum laude" (Prof. Karl Dietrich Bracher, University of Bonn, Germany) and is lawyer as well. Dr. Hoffmann is reserve officer in the German Army (Field Artillery).

Dr. Hoffmann has from 1979 to 1983 supported NATO's Two Track Decision to deploy medium range nuclear weapons in Europe combined with mutual arms reductions (SS-20) on the Russian side which put him on the target list of RAF, the German terrorist organization. He supported the Mudahedin from 1985-1990 against the Russian invasion of Afghanistan, visiting them in the mountains in 1985 and writing the Afghanistan report for the European Parliament. In 1992 he was Chairman of the Eesti Committee Report (asked by its President Tunne Kelam) about the Future of the "Baltic Hanseatic Region" (Oblast Kaliningrad; Lithuania; Latvia, Estonia) which helped to create stable democratic states in the Baltics.

He is now a successful independent investor in many companies, including General Capital Group specialized in MBO/I, and OBOs in Germany.

In 1981 his home town Goslar/Harz awarded him its "Förderpreis" for journalistic merits (Laudatio: General Johannes Steinhoff).

In October 2000 he was awarded the "Federal Cross of Merit" for "innovative business ideas" by German President Johannes Rau in Schloss Bellevue (Berlin). In 2002 Fürst Ferdinand von Bismarck awarded Dr. Hoffmann the "Bismarck Medal with Golden Oak Leaves" in Friedrichsruh.

Dr. Hoffmann is author of two standard books about nuclear weapons ("Atomkrieg-Atomfrieden, Technik, Strategie, Abrüstung" 1980; "Die Atompartner. Washington - Bonn und die Modernisierung der taktischen Kernwaffen", 1986).

Member of YPO (Rhine Chapter) and IISS (London). Young Atlantic Leader 1992 (Atlantik-Brücke).

Articles by Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann

http://www.internationalsecuritymedianetwork.com/_dsp/dsp_authorBio.cfm?authID=12

10/1/2003

The Iron Mentor Of The Pentagon

Page 2 of 14

to the National Security Council—in the Executive Office Building, Kraemer has exhorted the officers of the U.S. government, and the military officers who serve it, to standards which are increasingly rare in, and, indeed, are often mocked in, contemporary society. The standards, simply put, are intensely moral: a code of honor, duty and patriotism quite similar to that which Prussian officers lived by. Moreover, Kraemer is a strong Christian in the metaphysical sense that he believes there is a moral order in the universe and that benevolent and satanic forces are at work.

He would curse the moment this article was conceived because one tenent of his code holds that any government servant violates his integrity by allowing personal publicity. Yet Kraemer has worked his will, and profoundly influenced the lives and decisions of many, including Kissinger, the late General Creighton Abrams; General Vernon Walters, now Deputy Director of the C.I.A.; Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger; Former Secretary of the Army Robert Froehlke; Helmut Sonnenfeldt, counselor to Secretary Kissinger; General Alexander Haig Jr., Supreme Allied Commander, Europe—to name a few. One could add "Army officers by the hundreds."

Nor did he shrink from his dramatic, direct admonitions, when he sat in the Oval Office of President Richard Nixon in late October, 1972, to discuss the rather touchy phase of Vietnam disengagement.

Kraemer has never trembled before the mighty. When Hitler ascended to power in 1933, Kraemer, a principled Lutheran, exiled himself to protest the rule of "this Bohemian barbarian." Later Kraemer came to America and, with doctorates in the law and political science, labored as a woodcutter in New Hampshire... During World War II as a monocled buck private, looking like Erich Von Stroheim, he guided a green infantry recruit named Henry Kissinger in response to an admiring letter Kissinger had written him. Later Kraemer, then occupation officer at Oberammergau, overheard neo-Nazis boasting how they would return to power, seized one by the throat and forced him to discard his symbolic "Edelweiss" boutonniere. After the war, Kraemer continued to counsel Kissinger through his hours of personal and professional travail... exhorting him to stand firm against America's enemies... thundering recently that "Henry does not come to me for advice, he comes for *absolution*!"

In his small office at the Pentagon, where he has worked 27 years, Kraemer reads 200-300 cables a day and all the important daily papers, underlining and marking key passages, with variously colored pencils, according to significance. At 67, he remains duty-bound at his desk, never removing his monocle or his jacket. He refuses promotion beyond his GS-15 grade, which, with his seniority, pays $36,000 a year. He delights in lecuring, without notes, on a strategic look at the world, for the benefit of White House and Pentagon specialists alike, displaying an incredibly detailed knowledge of geography and political movement. Though of medium height, his stocky body rises like a giant's when he shouts his impassioned speeches or demands—as he has to assembled prides of generals and admirals—that his audience answer questions about history and politics. On his 65th birthday, Kraemer's friends presented him with a splended Wilkinson Sword to signify his sense of valor and concern for American security.

The inscription: Strategist, Scholar, Counselor, Patriot.

"Kraemer was one of the most significant and profound influences on me," says Kissinger, who is not known for his idealism. "Kraemer and I are always going to be friends."

Secretary Schlesinger says, "Kraemer is a seminal influence here. He makes people think at a time when many people don't want to."

"The intelligent have listened to him," says a high-ranking official in the intelligence community, as it is euphemistically called. "The stupid haven't. He is unique. He declares what is fundamentally right, and makes it a rule of his life and conduct."

http://www.maebrussell.com/Articles%20and%20Notes/Kraemer%20-%20Iron%20Mento... 10/2/2003

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Says former Secretary of the Army Robert Froehlke: "Fritz is fantastic as a global strategist. I utilized him quite a bit because he's a highly intelligent person who gave me an excellent reading on what was going on in the world. He's a showman and he plays it to the hilt. Fritz has pizzazz. In classified meetings, he was great."

Dr. Walter Judd, the implacable and longtime foe of Communism, says: "Kraemer believes in chivalry. He would give his life for his values. He believes a gentleman should only be afraid of hurting other people. He has a realization of Communism's diabolical character, especially in that it denies that man is anything more than an animal. He sees Communism as a cancer, a collection of malignant cells which rejected order, and never fail to move relentlessly, a metastasis."

And Sonnenfeldt, also an exile from Nazi Germany who was befriended by Kraemer, says: "Several generations of officers and civilians have sat at Fritz's feet and received his views, insights and warnings. He's been a fixed point. It's a tribute to our system that an unconventional individual like Fritz has a place in our society. He's declined promotions and awards. He's known by hundreds of people, but he's not a public personality."

## The Bitter Past

To understand Kraemer is to have some understanding of German life in Kaiser Wilhelm II's last years; the ruin and gloom Germany suffered from World War I; the turmoil, creative ferment and ultimate self-destruction of the Weimar Republic; and Hitler.

The Germany Kraemer was born to, July, 3, 1908, was a class-structured, orderly society wherein verboten was an essential. Bismark, Germany's great unifier, was gone, and so was the "old" Kaiser, Wilhelm I. The new Kaiser, Wilhelm II, gifted, but erratic, self-conscious about his withered arm, was to blunder his country into a horrible war. He boasted of Germany's "mailed fist" and "shining armor."

When Kraemer was a boy, Germany was prosperous, but authoritarian. Kaiser Wilhelm II was the dominant image. Obedience held over individualism. A son was subservient to the father.

Kraemer's father was a Prussian, a lawyer and civil servant (state prosecutor) who settled in Essen. He was untitled, but maintained an aristocratic lifestyle, and had his two sons tutored. His loyalty to the Kaiser easily led him to serve as a colonel in World War I. Kraemer's mother came from an upper-class family which became wealthy from the manufacture of paraffin and chemical dyes.

An event occurred in Kraemer's otherwise well-ordered boyhood which was unusual in contemporary German society and must have affected a lad of six. His parents divorced. His mother became the dominant influence, especially with his father away at war.

She also was a bit unusual, having schooled in England, and indulged in the luxury of having British friends. As a fraulein and as a Frau, she was a dynamic person, and cultured; she had traveled to Iceland, Egypt and Syria. Her friends and acquaintances represented a spectrum, unusual, too, in German society. Later she was to run a children's home on the family estate near Wiesbaden, an estate which even in Nazi times took in Christian and Jewish children alike.

So when Kraemer was 16, he was sent off to England for schooling, and later studied at the London School of Economics. He came back to take a Doctor of Laws degree from the University of Frankfurt. Though Germany had suffered crushing poverty and incredible inflation in the early '20s, young Kraemer had known no want.

Kraemer's father was a stern monarchist; Fritz Kraemer was more moderate in his

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political notions. He identified with the *Deutschnationalen* movement, Prussia-Germany's old Conservatives, who strained to keep order in the Republic they regarded as the Reich.

After imperial Germany was crushed in the bitter military defeat which took two million soldiers' lives, a parliamentary democracy emerged. But Spartakus rebels (who became Communists) waged war in the streets against government troops. Kraemer's hometown was occupied by Communists who retreated only after a shelling from pro-government Freikorps artillery.

Torn by the Versailles treaty, horrendous inflation and feckless Weimar government, Germany also suffered the assassinations of government and political leaders. But people still cheered parades of officers resplendent in imperial-style uniforms, showing a yearning for the authoritarian good old days. In Munich, an embittered young corporal joined the *Deutsche Arbeiter-Partei* in 1920. His name was Adolf Hitler.

Within three years, Hitler's force of 6,000 storm troopers waved swastika banners and demanded vengeance for the Versailles betrayal. But after Hitler's Munich beer hall putsch failed, he was sent to a comfortable prison cell for 264 days.

Kraemer was alternately in British, German and Swiss boarding schools while the Weimar suffered its early agony. From his father, he heard contemptuous remarks about that "miserable Bohemian corporal." Every incident, however minor, concerning the Nazis was blown up in the Berlin press. The Prussians despised Hitlerian disorder. (Thirty years later, in a meeting of U.S. Senators and other dignitaries in a Washington hotel, and angry militant rose in the back of the room and screamed at the speaker. The room half-emptied before Kraemer, then in his late 50s, rushed from the audience to the troublemaker, seized him by the lapels, and shouted in his face, in thunderous voice: "YOU THINK YOU KNOW EVERYTHING, DON'T YOU? YOU DON'T KNOW ANYTHING, DO YOU?" The agitator backed down, Kraemer said that room was much like the Weimar—lacking in courage.)

Weimar avoided responsibility. Berlin society became incredibly permissive, outdoing even Paris. The government, military, religion, standards and values—all were ridiculed, Kraemer recalls, by "rich people wearing diamonds in their hair, not knowing they were applauding their ultimate end." Radical chic, long before Leonard Bernstein. Intellectuals, press, artists and opinion makers were nihilistic, unbelieving, profane.

This, on top of disillusionment over the peace treaty, made Hitler possible. The return of massive unemployment and hard times made him a certainty. The aged war hero, President Von Hindenburg, was unable to bring order as bitter street fighting continued between Communists and Nazis. Then came the world depression; 2.5 million Germans were unemployed in the bad winter of 1928-29.

In the 1930 election, Hitler's party captured 107 seats where it had won only 12 in the 1928 Reichstag. When the Brown-shirted Nazi deputies entered the chamber some delegates laughed.

"I could not laugh," Kraemer once screamed at an audience. "Hitler did it legally because nobody was willing to put his life at stake and fight him. I could not bear this, and I had to leave my country."

The once obscure, despised Bohemian corporal now had 6.5 million German votes to show his power. The goose-step, raised-arm salute, swastikas, headshrouding helmets and vicious, violent anti-Semetism had arrived. In 1932, Hitler, as appointed Councilor of Brunswick, became a German citizen, and thus eligible to become president.

Kraemer was already a bitter witness to the fact that aristocratic conservatives in his German Nationalist Party had lain down with Hitler, the cheap revolutionary. In 1931, Hitler met with that party's leader, Alfred Hugenberg, in a conclave of the Right, which Kraemer regarded as an opportunistic move to crush Bolshevism.

So Kraemer, in 1933, with a Doctor of Laws degree in hand, left for the University of

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Rome for more study. He would not live in Germany again for 12 years. He put aside his hopes to serve in the upper echelons of the German Civil Service, took his doctorate in political science in 1934, and went to work at the Comparative International Law Institute at the League of Nations.

Happily Kraemer resumed a romance of several years standing with an attractive young student, Britta Bjökander, daughter of a Swedish businessman. Later in 1933, Kraemer and Britta came home to Wiesbaden, but briefly, just for their wedding ceremony.

Back in Rome, they lived frugally because the League of Nations wasn't always able to meet its payroll. But Hitler, rebuilding the Germany military, had also signed the Axis agreement with Mussolini. Again Kraemer felt penned in. He thought of moving to England, perhaps even America. When Britta became pregnant, he sent her to London so their child would be born a British citizen. A son, Sven, was born, Feb. 3, 1938, in London.

A year later, with Europe in crisis, Kraemer thought it best that his wife, a Swedish citizen, should visit Kraemer's mother at the Wiesbaden estate to say-goodbye before war broke out, and to get funds for their resettlement in England.

Mother and child were in Wiesbaden when Hitler invaded Poland, Sept. 1, 1939. The calamity was compounded: the Germans denied them exit visas because Kraemer's mother was unpopular with the Nazis for taking in Jewish youngsters, as well as Christian, into her children's home.

Hearing of their plight, Kraemer became desperate. His brother, Dr. William Kraemer, had already been interned in London, as visiting Germans were rounded up. The British were now viewing Fritz Kraemer, with his Prussian accent and monocle, with considerable suspicion. Kraemer was forced to make a decision. He could return to Germany, present himself to the military and swear a personal oath to Hitler. He could remain in England and hope the British would develop a more tolerant attitude. He could sail to the U.S. and start a new life.

He had already appealed to the Swedish and British crowns to intervene on behalf of his Swedish-born wife, and British-born son. But the Swedes said Britta's citizenship had been canceled, and the British would have no part of such an extraordinary move—trying to make a deal with a Germany already at war.

"My father and mother were there and my wife and son, also," Kraemer says. "I could have gone back. I knew one day the allies would shell and bomb Germany and my family would be there. BUT NAZIISM WAS ETHICALLY WRONG FOR GERMANY, THE U.S. AND THE WORLD! THIS WAS NOT TO BE A CHARMING TEA PARTY! I HAD TO STAY WITH THE SIDE THAT WAS RIGHT!"

Kraemer scraped together what money he had left, sold some family jewels, and departed for the United States, sailing on a German passport. His knowledge of the U.S. was scant. He knew two of his mother's friends in New York City, but they couldn't help him find a job. Kraemer heard about farm work in New England, and headed to New Hampshire. He alternated as a potato-picker in summer, and as a woodcutter in winter.

At the same time, in the Washington Heights section of upper-Manhattan in New York City, young Heinz Kissinger was an awkward high school student, fearful of other boys; he worked in a shaving brush factory to help support his family. His father, a schoolmaster in Furth, Germany, had fled with his family two years before.

Kraemer, isolated and lonely, was befriended by a gentleman farmer who puzzled over why such a well-educated man should be a farm laborer. He sent Kraemer to Washington to do some research for him at the Library of Congress. Kraemer instantly liked Washington, and was thrilled to get a job at the Library of Congress at $50 a month. Through new contacts, showing unusual tolerance toward this German visitor in a Washington which was in total war with Germany, Kraemer also landed a proctor's job in a dormitory at American University. He was putting his head to work again.

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In 1943, at age 34, Kraemer was drafted, as an alien, into the United States Army. On Feb. 26, 1943, an apprehensive lad who was studying bookkeeping at City College of New York, was also drafted into the Army, and after basic training, was lucky enough to be put into Army Special Training School, a kind of college for bright recruits.

But as the buildup for D-Day, the invasion of Europe, progressed, A.S.T.P. students and older recruits like Kraemer were put into the 84th infantry division, and grouped in the loveliness of Camp Claiborne, Louisiana, where mud was shoveled as freely as coal into a boiler.

The U.S. Army had no trouble handling a recruit like Kissinger, but private Kraemer, with his monocle, was something to behold. One day in camp, Kraemer was assigned to paint the entrance to a lean-to building. An officer came by and noticed that Kraemer had dripped paint all over the floor. "What's wrong here?" the officer demanded. Kraemer saluted, and said: "The brush is not suitable for this job, sir." The officer grabbed the brush and began painting, but soon splattered paint on his own uniform. Flustered, and puzzled by Kraemer's accent, the officer asked, "What did you do before you came into the Army?" Kraemer, deadpan, said: "I worked at the League of Nations, sir." The officer said, "I guess that's why we're here now."

There were times when he was put into a German uniform and called on to bark commands in guttural German to add realism to the simulated battle conditions in an infiltration course. Machine gun bullets whizzed as fiercely as Kraemer's harsh diction. One day, as he was barking out commands in German from a platform, Genaeral Alexander R. Bolling approached him, and asked: "What are you doing, soldier?" Kraemer replied: "Making German battle noises, sir." In the ensuing conversation, Bolling was impressed, and had him reassigned to headquarters company. Later, Kraemer, in no more than a private's best pressed G.I. garb, stood like General George S. Patton before assembled recruits and lectured on the evils of Naziism, and how we would all storm Hitler's fortress and crush this evil monster. One recruit who was especially impressed with Kraemer's tirade was Kissinger.

"I had virtually no education at that time," Kissinger explains, "and was in awe of Kraemer. I wrote him a note, and one day when we were on maneuvers, he arrived in a command car, driven, I believe, by a first lieutenant. We talked and he told me how important it was for me to serve in the infantry this way."

Kraemer and Kissinger met again in an enlisted men's club, conversed intensely in German, with Kraemer probing Kissinger's plans for after the war. Kissinger only wanted to resume his college studies in bookkeeping. Kraemer declared Kissinger was too bright, too imaginative to be a bookkeeper and aroused an interest in Kissinger in politics. A tutorial relationship followed, with Kraemer introducing Kissinger to books by Spengler (*Decline of the West*), and Dostoevsky, among others. The two men became like father and son, professor and student.

The 84th Division landed in France after D-Day in the pursuit phase of the war. Though trained as riflemen, Kraemer and Kissinger were both in intelligence units. As the fighting got tougher in November, 1944, Kissinger told a friend that the most he could suffer would be the loss of a leg; certainly he could not bear to be blinded.

When the Battle of the Bulge erupted in mid-December both Kissinger and Kraemer were rushed into service interrogating Nazi troops posing as Americans. After the Bulge was broken, Kissinger distinguished himself in Hanover where he helped root out Nazi and Gestapo officers; later, outraged, he secured aid for the inmates of a concentration camp he had been led to.

Kraemer also had some fine hours. Finding himself the only American soldier in a Rhineland city he shrieked at the local officials that they must surrender and they—taking note of his gun as well as the commanding manner so many found persuasive before and

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after—did his bidding. For this exploit, Kraemer was awarded the bronze star and a battlefield commission.

The 84th then sat for 10 days waiting on orders for the Russians to take Berlin. But Kraemer had another duty in his ruined homeland: he had to find his wife and child, whom he feared to be dead or missing. As the war ended he sent a message to the Commander of the U.S. Third Army, Gen. George S. Patton, asking that Britta and Sven be sought.

The news came back for the man who had made the most brutal of choices, leaving his family hostage for the sake of high principle.

Within days a loud knock came on the door at the Kraemers' Wiesbaden estate. Sven answered the door and saw an American officer who asked in German, "Where is Frau Kraemer?" (who was quite well and nearby). Sven a bit wary after months of privation and bombing replied, "Who are you?"

The officer said simply, "I am your father."

After returning to his unit, Kraemer was assigned to Counter Intelligence Corps (C.I.C.) School at Oberammergau in Bavaria. There, he and Kissinger worked at first on the de-Nazification program, and then on the chore of identifying and analyzing Soviet and Communist influence in Western Europe, especially in labor unions.

"It was at Oberammergau that the really close relationship between them devalued," a friend who was also there recalls. "Henry wasn't fully formed yet. Kraemer was. What Kraemer had begun back in Louisiana with Henry was really intensified that fall in 1945. It was then that he gave Henry the motivation which eventually got him to Harvard."

Kraemer's family was with him at Oberammergau and then came to the U.S. when he was assigned to Fort Riley, Kansas, in Oct., 1947. In a few months, he left the Army to take a job in Washington with the National Resources Board in the same Executive Office Building where Sven, who works for Kissinger on the National Security Council, now has his office. Kraemer was then 40, and about to begin a career at the Pentagon which would take him through his working years.

## Kissinger's Progress

While Kissinger was settling in at Harvard, and preparing himself for a career which would make him part of the Eastern Establishment (with Nelson Rockefeller) and leagues beyond (with Richard Nixon), Kraemer lived in his chosen role as dutiful civil servant.

Kraemer's roars and memos reverberated from the ceilings and walls of military confines. Kissinger's performance was for both academic and military audiences. Quiet and cool, Kissinger was writing and lecturing, and was exposed to new important influences. Outwardly, he seemed contained, but when the going got tough, Kissinger needed Kraemer to talk to and to listen to. He was ambitious and occupied with achieving academic promotion as well as scholarly excellence. Kissinger was also concerned with affairs of the heart, including his long relationship with Ann Fleischer, like himself, a refugee from Germany. Even after they were married in 1949, Kissinger still went to Kraemer with his most personal problems.

The strong, first impact on Kissinger's unformed mind had been Kraemer's. And Kissinger never got over the remarkable truth that while he had been forced to leave Nazi Germany because he was Jewish, Kraemer, a conservative Protestant, had elected to do so on high principle.

So he poured out his feelings and troubles to Kraemer, and then listened as Kraemer made him consider alternatives before thundering his admonitions to him. ("He comes for

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absolution!")

The visits in Kraemer's home in Northwest Washington were almost tutorial. Always, Kraemer urged Kissinger to be strong, to be vanquished by no tyranny of the moment and by no mortal being, including a woman. What Kraemer pronounced then would likely be translated today as "hawkish" (on military-political affairs) and "chauvinistic," when it came to women. The conversations were in German.

Kraemer was *detached* and conservative. Kissinger, especially after he published and became consultant to Rockefeller, was involved and ostensibly conservative. Eventually, Kissinger was to help make, and actually make, decisions of critical importance to the U.S. and the world. But Kraemer never gave way to Kissinger. Both men shared a sense of tragedy, and without saying it, knew the consequences of bad leadership.

Kissinger had kept his ties to the military, of course. He was a recognized hard-liner in the Cold War, and as early as 1951 became a consultant to the Army's Operations Research Office in Washington. A year later, he was performing the same chore for the Psychological Strategy Board of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. He also lectured at military schools, and kept his reserve commission as a lieutenant colonel in Military Intelligence.

Kraemer, came down on the side of the punishing reaction to any audacity by the Communists. He favored a military response when the Hungarian Freedom Fighters were fighting the tanks in the streets of Budapest. He urged that the Berlin Wall be torn down before the last brick was in place. Always, in Indochina, Kraemer believed the U.S. must carry the fight to the Communists in the interest of freedom. Kraemer was later upset with the temerity shown by the U.S. when the North Koreans captured the Pueblo.

As Kissinger's world broadened, he relied less and less on Kraemer for directive doses, though he was always impressed by what Kraemer declared. Kraemer's hold was still secure, however, when it came to major decisions by Kissinger, and these included his marital problems, his eventual divorce, and signing on with the Nixon administration in 1968.

Nixon had offered Kissinger the National Security Council job, despite Kissinger's almost cruel utterances about Nixon and his fitness to be President. Kissinger was overjoyed with the offer, but wanted to make sure. Rockefeller and a dozen of Kissinger's Harvard colleagues, most of whom voted against Noxon, strongly urged him to take the post. Finally, Kissinger went to Kraemer.

I once asked Kraemer what he told Kissinger, and the reconstruction went this way: "I told him that in his personal interest, he should not take the job. It was too hard, too thankless, and he would be worn to pieces. Then I told him that he must put his personal interest aside, and take it for the country because he was the most qualified man for it. It was his duty."

Barnard Collier, in a New York Times article, reported a different kind of advice for Kraemer on this question. "You are not going to be able to make foreign policy," Collier reported Kraemer as telling Kissinger. "You will not be the engineer, but at best, the brakeman on the train. The right will call you the Jew who lost us Southeast Asia; the left will call you a traitor to the cause. Don't take the job."

For a congenital pessimist, Kraemer was actually pleased with Kissinger's performance in the opening years of the Nixon administration. He shared Kissinger's performance in the opening years of the Nixon administration. He shared Kissinger's view that North Korea should be punished with an air strike for shooting down a U. S. Navy reconnaissance (EC-121) over the Sea of Japan in April, 1969 — a recommendation not followed by Nixon. He approved Kissinger's hard-line agreement on the use of U. S. troops in the Cambodian invasion, 1970, and the mining and bombing of Haiphong in the spring of 1972. Kraemer disapproved of the new approaches to Communist China and the Soviet Union, and let Kissinger know this. He warned Kissinger on the limits of personal diplomacy, and of the

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deviousness of Communist diplomacy through history.

Dr. Kraemer's Recommended Reading List

According to Dr. Kraemer, the only way to obtain from reading an image of the corrosiveness of society is to read comparative history. He also feels one must also observe and experience this corrosiveness, say, as Eric Hoffer has. Says Kraemer: "There is extraordinary danger in reading, alone, because any list is incredibly superficial. But, with great hesitancy, I submit this miserable menu."

*History of Europe in the Nineteenth Century*, by Benedetto Croce (anti-Fascist philosopher).

*Revolt of the Masses*, by Ortega Y'Gasset.

*The Blowing up of the Parthenon*, by Salvador de Madariaga.

*Federalist Papers No. 9*, by Alexander Hamilton.

*Federalist Papers No. 10*, by James Madison.

*Reflections on the Revolution in France*, by Edmund Burke.

*Democracy in America*, by Alexis de Toqueville.

The "Great Inquisitor" chapter from *The Brothers Karamazov*, by Dostoevsky, and the author's political writings.

*The Revolution of Nihilism*, by Hermann Rauschning, and *The Redemption of Democracy*, by the same author.

*Politics, Ethics*, by Aristotle.

*The Image: Or What Happened to the American Dream?*, by Daniel Boorstin.

*Conservatism from John Adams to Churchill*, by Peter Vierick, and *Metapolitics, From the Romantics to Hitler*, by the same author.

*The True Believer*, and *Working and Thinking at the Waterfront*, by Eric Hoffer.

As for diversionary reading, Kraemer says, "it's boring."

In early October, 1972, I wrote a newspaper column about the Kraemer-Kissinger relationship. President Nixon read it in the Baltimore Sun and summoned Kraemer to the White House. According to a third person in that Oval Office meeting, within five minutes, Kraemer was sitting erect in his chair, lecturing the President on the need to be firm with the

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Communists in the final negotiations on Vietnam. Kissinger had urged Kraemer to speak in a low voice to the President. Kraemer had replied that he could always speak in a low voice, if he chose, and still get his point across.

"Kraemer is abstractly idealistic," Kissinger once told me. "He leaves little room for options. There are times when we see more of each other, and that is usually when he is convinced I have been acting less than perfect. I listen to him, knowing that if I can only accomplish 20 per cent of what should be done, I am fortunate."

The closing months of the U. S. involvement in Vietnam were so nerve-wracking to Kissinger that he felt the need to seek out Kraemer again. That period was a physical and mental ordeal to Kissinger who negotiated tirelessly for four years with North Vietnam's Le Duc Tho. Kissinger was suffering from severe jet fatigue when he awoke at 2 a.m. on Oct. 26th, 1972, with the news that Le Duc Tho had broken his word and revealed certain details of the Nixon administration's cease-fire proposals.

Shortly before this dismaying development, Kraemer had been worried about Kissinger caving in before the charming North Vietnamese emissary. But an American official, who had helped arrange 15 secret meetings between Kissinger and Le Duc Tho, assured Kraemer that Kissinger had indeed been tough. In fact, when Le Duc Tho talked approvingly of Democratic candidate George McGovern's promises, as spelled out in a pee-wee try at negotiating by Pierre Salinger, Kissinger fumed at Le Duc Tho. He produced polls predicting the Nixon landslide, and acidly remarked that it was too bad that a totalitarian regime couldn't understand American elections.

This bit of intelligence lifted Kraemer. When Kissinger came to see him several days later, he was low and depressed but Kraemer was ready to help. Kissinger had complained that if he couldn't secure the agreements, he would fall into the same fate as Walter Rostow, his predecessor, when the Johnson administration failed on Vietnam. Rostow was exiled from the Eastern Establishment, and banished to a teaching post in Texas.

Kraemer bucked him up, quoting Talleyrand's advice to a young diplomat: "Pas de zèle!" (Don't be too eager!)

In mid-December, 1972, the agreement was ashes, and the Nixon administration was about to unleash the awful bombing of Hanoi, a move Kissinger urged, though Nixon got the blame for it. Kissinger and Kraemer lunched, and Henry lamented the way matters had turned out. Kraemer told him to feel no guilt, it was Hanoi that had sinned. "Now you and Le Duc Tho can bargain realistically," Kraemer declared. "You have the measure of each other. You are no longer charmed by him!"

Just as Kissinger sometimes pours his heart out ot Kraemer, so Kraemer sometimes must vent his feelings about Kissinger. By 1973, Kraemer became disturbed with Kissinger's ambivalence, his telling one person what he wanted to hear and another just the opposite, with what he sensed was Kissinger on a giant ego trip. Moreover, he thought Kissinger was increasingly taking a soft line on the Communists. According to Dr. Walter Judd, Kraemer now feels Kissinger "fails to understand the capability of Communists to play dirty tricks in diplomacy, and this makes Fritz terribly disappointed in Kissinger."

Judd says that at one point, Kraemer was so disillusioned with the man he nourished intellectually that he resolved not to go to his swearing-in ceremony as Secretary of State. But Kraemer and his whole family were there, nonetheless.

"Kraemer is a patriot and a tough Prussian," says Judd. "He knows that Kissinger is still psychologically under the spell of the Nazi Gestapo, and this makes him insecure. Kissinger still looks over his shoulder to make sure he isn't being followed, or isn't being criticized."

Though doubting the strength of Kissinger's character these days, Kraemer feels compassion for him, explaining that Kissinger suffered so much as a child in Germany. Another friend of Kraemer assesses their present relationship this way:

"Kraemer is a patriot who believes in God. Kissinger is an opportunist who is an

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agnostic, maybe an atheist. Kraemer knows Kissinger is out of control now, but because Kraemer believes in metaphysics, a moral order, he still has hopes for Kissinger. It's a fascinating situation."

## Spartan Life

Kraemer's day begins at 8 a.m. when he arrives at the Pentagon in the used Cadillac convertible he bought for $900, saying, "It will last until I die." His breakfast has been sparse. If he eats lunch at his desk, as is likely, it will be an apple or one sandwich. His small office is lined with filing cabinets and stacks of newspapers. The lights above glare down on his simple desk and the bare floor. He won't have a rug or carpeting. Very spartan. A scriptural passage is fixed on his "In" basket so that if his eyes wander, he will be admonished.

From Matthew: Jesus said, "Come unto me all ye who labor and are heavy-laden and I will give you rest."

He has no aides or staff, just a secretary. Kraemer wants to be independent, but not alone. He frequently confers with Army officers, and receives younger officers who want the Kraemer treatment of advice.

Kraemer is an institution unto himself at the Pentagon. Though he reports to the Director of Army Staff, he doesn't have to. Kraemer sees his long days and tedious work as duty, though he doesn't really have a duty. He is a man whose work is sought after, whether it be in written reports or personally delivered analysis. Ask him about any spot in the world, and you get an instant rundown of the political, historical, economic and military situation, with a bit of lecture on what should be done tossed in.

Some senior officers call him, "Fritz," to his face, a shortcoming he dismisses because of his hierarchical sense that there are levels of intelligence. Thus he is not offended by such gross familiarity. The intelligent others address him as "Dr. Kraemer." His fear is to be portrayed merely as an eccentric, and thus not to be believed.

But he is both eccentric and highly credible. He knows he communicates well. He is marvelous at capsuling, and can quote political, military and literary figures at will and has knowledge of 12 languages.

He is dramatic, but not a show-off or one who pushes for recognition or advancement. Kraemer calls himself an "elitist" in the sense that he has a code, and isn't surprised or bothered if others don't. He is a terribly strong man, and the strength comes through when he talks to you and the eyes meet.

His greatest sorrows at the Pentagon were to see officers "sell out" during the Vietnam period. When and where he could, Kraemer tried to influence officers for a firm policy in Vietnam, and elsewhere.

His own preferences in leadership led him to encourage and help a young colonel named Alexander Haig Jr., because he perceived in Haig a man who also believed in values. Conversely, Kraemer's private estimate, in charity, was to proclaim former Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara a fool.

The work continues when he gets home. His wife, Britta, keeps a good Italian kitchen from the days in Rome and Geneva. But Kraemer eats sparingly. Soon he is at work reading or searching through his basement office, another cave of books, magazines and newspapers, but an orderly place.

There is no viewing of TV in Kraemer's modest house—verboten. Nor does he attend theater, movies or concerts, though once he had a liking for detective and comedy films. For

Page 12 of 14

recreation Kraemer likes to take walks with his wife, following a charted course, and using
a swagger stick as a pointer and warner to feisty dogs.

When friends come to dinner, the evening quickly turns to intense conversation. Kraemer's mind never rests, indeed, ideas ricochet through his head day and night, sometimes spoiling his sleep. He suffers some from hypertension, though his family and friends say he remarkably robust. A visitor recalls how Kraemer, to show how a man past 65 could remain vital, removed his shirt at the dinner table, revealing a manly torso, and then flexed his muscles like a prizefighter. Mrs. Kraemer was nonplussed. The meal continued and Kraemer put his shirt back on. He insists on doing deep knee-bends, though the "cracks" can easily be heard after the 14th bend.

He sometimes stops at a friend's house on the way home from work for a straight
bourbon and conversation, with the best intentions to be home for dinner. But the visit can
run to well into the night. His friends claim that no matter how intense the conversation
becomes, he is almost too discreet about revealing information he regards as confidential.
When he allows the talk to become personal, he remains gruff but betrays sentimentality,
even tenderness.

His wife is a Lutheran churchwoman, and though Kraemer is deeply religious, he doesn't attend regularly. His own speeches in churches, synagogues and at Pentagon prayer meetings usually turn into lectures. The moral code, honor, the absolute necessity for values—he hammers at them time and again.

For vacation, he and his wife like to travel to Europe, not just to relax or watch scenery, but also to engage in even more discussion with like-minded friends, always in search of the truth, but often only achieving verisimilitude. The Kraemers refuse to visit Sweden, Britta's home country, because of the secular values there.

The party Kraemer's closest friends gave for him July 3, 1973, the occasion of his 65th birthday, was a *fait accompli*, or else he would have stopped it. Several generals and senior officers invited some 35 men and women who were and are deeply involved in Kraemer's life. Kissinger and Haig were in San Clemente, and could only send telegrams of greetings. The officers who knew about the party in advance were all too frightened to tell Kraemer about it.

It was held at Ft. McNair, with Mrs. Kraemer, their daughter Madeleine and Sven present. So were Herman Kahn, and other global strategists, ambassadors, generals and secretaries who came to love Kraemer, authoritarianism and all.

After the introductions and a few short speeches, the change of pace was provided by Lt. Gen. Ed Rowney, senior military officer at the SALT talks, who played Kraemer's favorite songs on the harmonica. Then, one by one, a book of tributes to Kraemer were read aloud. Kraemer listened to them stoically, his head bowing formally after each was read.

The time came for Kraemer's response. The audience was hushed, as he extended his deepest gratitude, and then he cut loose with a strong Kraemer speech, again, as though even his friends had to be reminded and convinced. But this evening had touched him deeply. "A man doesn't cry on a night like this," Kraemer shouted, swallowing all his tears.

Meanwhile in San Clemente, the great tutor's great pupil Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger employed the high art of ambiguity, pleasing his President of the moment.

## The Vigilant Voice of Dr. Kraemer

Kraemer is in great demand as a speaker, but does it for free. He insists that he is

Page 13 of 14

introduced only as "Dr. Kraemer," and quickly tells his audience:

"If what I say makes sense, you will agree. If not, do not be bamboozled by titles of doctorates or a lengthy description of my carrer. A taxi driver can tell if a man is making sense or not!"

No notes, but the speech is formal, direct and loud, punctuated with fierce gestures and thundering admonitions.

Though Kraemer blasts away with emphatic declarations; privately, he is a moderate man, not given to impetuosity, Politically, he is Centrist. He believes, almost as an article of faith, that a strong, courageous Center can thwart extremists, Left and Right. He despises the soft bourgeoisie Center as mindlessly self-indulgent.

"Remember, radicals, whether Fascist or Communist, will drive out the less radical! The wild-eyed ones win! Listen to what Eric Hoffer says: 'Where freedom destroys order, the YEARNING for order will DESTROY freedom!'

"Permissiveness is the road to totalitarianism! The bourgeoisie demanded order in the Weimar, and I see those signs here. The educated classes are permissive. The intellectuals are almost all on the left here, and constantly talk down values. If someone shoots and the policeman shoots back and becomes the victim, it is his fault. If intellectuals believe this, who will stop murderer?

"The Chinese are old, and consider their interpretation of the Communist gospel as superior to that of the Russian louts. If I were a Communist—God forbid!—I would be a Maoist because it is more logical and brilliant. Mao took the countryside because he knew the city workers were the elite, and he would have no solid base."

"This problem of everybody doing what he wants is totally out of hand. Look at Ethiopia: absolute anarchy. If there is a power vacuum in the world, there will be world anarchy! If we will not play the role of world Policeman, fires will break out everywhere, and we will have world anarchy."

"Man is not logical, but psychological. A man will fight for a woman's honor in a non-logical way. It is the same with nationalism. Arab nationalism grows out of them being violated by successive rule by the Turks, the British and French. Now they have rising expectations. The Arabs expected we would do more for them than we can possibly do with regard to Israel."

You must understand the metaphysical and the Love of the Lord. When everything was desperate, when Europe was in the hands of the barbarians, and when England seemed to be

Page 14 of 14

crushed, THE LORD WILLED IT DIFFERENTLY! ENGLAND WAS SAVED!

"But God also makes us free and we must will our own destiny. We do not believe with Islam that we must surrender to the Will of God. We believe we should choose between GOOD AND EVIL, AND MUST! God will only save those who will save themselves. There are tanks and planes and the spirit, but the spirit will be STRONGER THAN ALL!"

***

To a group of officers: "When was NATO established gentlemen, and why? NATO was organized because of the Soviet takeover of Czechoslovakia and the Berlin Blockade! NATO was an answer, not a cause! We acted defensively.

"Did we win the Berlin BLOCKADE? I WANT A LOUD VOICE FROM YOU! No, we did not. What territory did we lose? We lost EAST BERLIN! It had a four-power government before the blockade!"

***

"I am an old-fashioned man. I believe the civil servant must not be opportunistic or seek publicity. If he does, it is the beginning of corruption. It is my duty to work here in the Pentagon. I do things for the cause and for no other reason.

"Today, many in government are forced to choose between getting ahead by going with the times, or holding to their principles. There is only one course: go like a battleship, cut the waves, be a symbol of non-corruption.

"In the Weimar Republic, there was oversophistication, relativism, and a lack of commitment to personal and religious values. It was totally free and permissive. I think permissiveness is horrible, every individual thinking he can do what he wants to.

"We are a bland society, easily swayed by the communications axis between Washington and New York. If you want to read of decadence, look to the arts and leisure section of the Sunday New York Times. It was the same with the Weimar. And that man with the Cadillac, the secretaries and the wall-to-wall carpeting, he is insulated from the reality. He is the affluent bourgeoisie. In Germany, the consequence was Hitler.

"I sit in this fortress of exalted brooding—and that is Churchill's phrase, not mine—called the Pentagon, and do what I can. I withdraw more and more because I can't stand predictable conversations.

"We are a healthier society than Weimer Germany. Our younger people are far less cynical and are an extraordinary treasure. We have not lost a great war or suffered economically the way the Weimar people did. But there is a dangerous corrosion of values in America, and that causes vacuum.

"The people will soon look for a man of absolute values, one who is not boring. What qualities will this saviour have? Strength, oratorical talents, perhaps a pseudo-inspirational articulation. We must be careful about this man. The bourgeoisie is desparate for leadership."

Nick Thimmesch is a columnist
with the Los Angeles Times Syndicate.

Home

DATE

NOV 0 5 2003

CORR. FILE Kraemer, Fritz

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FRITZ KRAEMER

FRITZ KRAEMER, who has died at Washington, DC, aged 95, was a refugee from Nazi Germany who became chief civilian adviser to successive US Army Chiefs of Staff and Secretaries of the Army; for much of the Cold War, he wielded an influence out of all proportion to the relatively junior formal position that he held.

Kraemer's role was to teach the American politico-military elite how to think geostrategically and historically. Most senior officers believed that the way of winning wars through superior firepower, underpinned by prodigious levels of industrial production. By contrast, Kraemer sought to remind them of the unquantifiable, even irrational, factors that governed the outcomes of conflict - such as culture, ideology and psychology.

In his formal and informal seminars at service staff colleges and at the Pentagon, Kraemer found a ready audience amongst the more unconventional officers. His circle of admirers included such Army Chiefs of Staff such as Gen Creighton Abrams; Gen Alexander Haig, whom Kraemer met as a young Major; and other luminaries of the Cold War such as Lt Gen Vernon Walters, later Ambassador to the UN and to West Germany; Lt Gen Edward Rowny, later chief strategic arms negotiator; and Maj Gen Edward Lansdale, a founding father of U.S. counterinsurgency and reputedly the model for Graham Greene's Quiet American.

The appeal of Kraemer owed much to the rigour of his thought, but also to his dramatic appearance. With his monocle, riding crop and strong German accent, Kraemer's Willhelminera style was already outmoded during his student days in Weimar Germany - let alone amongst the strait-laced bureaucrats of the post-war Pentagon. Inevitably, he acquired the soubriquet of "the Prussian".

In fact, Fritz Gustav Anton Kraemer was born a Rhinelander, at Essen, on 3 July 1908. His father was a state prosecutor and his mother the daughter of Ruhr industrialists, and young Fritz was educated at Berlin's Arndt Gymnasium, the LSE, and Geneva and Berlin Universities. Later, whilst studying for the first of his two doctorates, at Frankfurt University, he could be spotted kayaking on the Maio sic river, wearing the scantiest of black bathing trunks and his trademark monocle - with the pennant of the Imperial Navy fluttering on the stern in the rainy breeze.

Kraemer was known to take this to even more daring lengths. He would pile solo into both Bolshevik and Nazi thugs in inter-war street brawls, carrying the standard of the Hohenzollerns (the Maltese cross was the antithesis of the anti-Christian Hakenkreuz, or Swastika, of the Nazis). Inevitably, he would come out bloodied. But as a pre-Bismarckian conservative of profound Lutheran faith, he regarded both G-dless Communism and Hitlerism as two sides of the same coin.

Kraemer left Germany in 1933 to work for the League of Nations in Rome, where he wrote eight books on international law. In 1939 he fled to the United States, leaving behind his Swedish wife, Britta Bjorkander (whom he married in 1933) and an infant son. In 1943, he was

drafted into the US Army. One day, his commanding officer, Maj Gen Alexander Bolling of the 84th "Railsplitter" Division came upon Pvt Kraemer dressed in Wehrmacht uniform at an exercise in Louisiana, where he was shouting commands in German.

"What are you doing, soldier?" inquired Bolling. "Making German battle noises, Sir". They struck up a conversation and Pvt Kraemer was soon assigned to his headquarters. When a new detachment arrived Kraemer told Bolling, "we've got 2800 new intellectuals in this division. Permit me to address them; otherwise, they will not understand why they are here". One of them was a German-Jewish refugee called Heinz Kissinger, and the young private rapidly became his protégé; it was almost, at times, a father-son relationship.

After fighting in the Battle of the Bulge, Kraemer was captured by the defenders of Geilenkirchen. He nonetheless persuaded the German commanding officer that Allied victory was inevitable and the town duly surrendered. For this, he won a Bronze Star and a battlefield commission. But Kraemer was best known for outperforming the Russian champions in Cossack dance when the 84th met the Red Army at the Elbe; he remained a top-drawer tango dancer until well into his 80s.

Kraemer was also reunited with his family; his young son, Sven Kraemer, was the only boy in that small Rhineland village whose father survived the war. He inherited the family tradition of public service, and subsequently enjoyed a distinguished career on the National Security Council staffs of four presidents and ten national security advisers - a 16 year unbeaten record. A daughter was also born after the war. **must keep this paragraph DG.**

In 1947, the "old Spartan", as he dubbed himself, returned to America and from 1951 until his retirement in 1978 worked in his small office at the Pentagon. But Kraemer was no cold-hearted advocate of Realpolitik. For him, the moral aspect of the struggle against communism and Nazism was crucial; it was the neglect of this dimension of the Cold War which partly precipitated the breach with Kissinger, who in 1969 had been appointed National Security Adviser by President Richard Nixon.

After the break-down of the near-monolithic anti-communist consensus over Viet Nam, Nixon and Kissinger believed that the American public would no longer tolerate the same level of overseas commitments and began a policy of de-Atente with the Soviets - as embodied by the SALT I and ABM Treaties of 1972. Kraemer disagreed with Nixon's and Kissinger's pessimistic assessment of American grassroots opinion. He believed that the problem lay, rather, with the country's intellectuals, who had succumbed to the same kind of cowardice as their predecessors in Weimar Germany.

Kraemer soon came to the attention of Kissinger's main bureaucratic rival, the Defence Secretary, James Schlesinger, who urged a tougher public line on the Soviets. But when Schlesinger was sacked by President Gerald Ford in 1975, Kraemer contended that Kissinger was partly responsible. The two men did not speak for 28 years until 2002, when Kissinger rang Kraemer. Subsequently, the family invited Kissinger to deliver a eulogy at Kraemer's funeral service.

Kraemer continued to be a formidable presence in Washington until his 90s. At a packed seminar at a State Department auditorium, a young official asked him "isn't diplomacy the answer?" Kraemer whipped out his ceremonial dagger that he had captured off a German officer. "You clearly have never walked down a dark wharf at night and heard footsteps behind you", suggested Kraemer pointing the implement ever closer to his now-terrified questioner. "You have seen by your reaction that fine diplomatic words don't really help in a dangerous world".

**Henry Kissinger writes:** Fritz Kraemer was the greatest single influence of my formative years. We met in 1944 in Camp Claiborne, Louisiana. We were both privates in the 84th division. We were both refugees from Germany, I by necessity, Kraemer by choice. He was 36 years of age; I nineteen. He had two Phd degrees. I had two years of night college in accounting. Kraemer spoke to us in German uniform with such passion and erudition and on the moral and political stakes of the war that it was as if he were addressing each of us personally. For the first time in my life - and perhaps the only one - I wrote to a speaker how much he had moved me. A few days Kraemer invited me to have dinner with him at the enlisted men's club at which he questioned me about my views and spoke to me about his values. Out of this encounter grew a relationship that changed my life.

After the 84th reached Europe, Kraemer arranged to have me transferred to the intelligence section. We worked together and after work, we walked the streets of battle scarred towns at night during total blackouts while Kramer spoke of history and post-war challenges in his stentorian voice - sometimes in German, tempting nervous sentries. Kraemer awakened my interest in political philosophy, inspiring my undergraduate and graduate theses.

Kraemer's values were absolute. Like the ancient prophets, he made no concessions to human frailty or to historic evolution; he treated intermediate solutions as derogation from eternal principle. And therein lay the source of our later estrangement. For the prophet, there can be no gap between conception and implementation; the policymaker must build the necessary from the possible. The prophet thinks in terms of crusades; the policy maker hedges against the possibility of human fallibility. Kramer could not accept this distinction - but he will remain to me a beacon that, amidst the turmoil of the moment, guides us to the transcendental.

DATE NOV 06 2003

CORR. FILE

Kraemer, Fritz ✓

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Jesse Theresa Stephanie

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HENRY A. KISSINGER

November 17, 2003

Dear Mr. Rowny:

Many thanks for your kind words about my eulogy for Fritz Kraemer, a copy of which I have enclosed as you requested. I appreciated your sending me a copy of your own piece on Kraemer which I read with interest. And although I had already seen Bob Bartley's op-ed from the November 3rd issue of the *Wall Street* Journal, I appreciated your pointing it out.

It was impressive hearing about your grandson's tour in Iraq and wonderful to learn of his safe return home.

With thanks for your thoughtful letter,

Enclosure

The Honorable
Edward L. Rowny
International Negotiating Consultant
2700 Calvert Street, NW
Washington, DC 20008

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR • 350 PARK AVENUE • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 • (212) 759-7919
FACSIMILE (212) 759-0042

Eulogy for Fritz Kraemer

By Henry A. Kissinger

October 8, 2003

Fritz Kraemer was the greatest single influence of my formative years, and his inspiration remained with me even during the last thirty years when he would not speak to me.

We met in 1944 in Camp Claiborne, Louisiana. We were both privates in the 84th Infantry Division. I served in G Company of the 335th Regiment, Kraemer in the G-2 section of division headquarters. We were both refugees from Germany, I by necessity, Kraemer by choice. He was thirty-six years of age; I nineteen. He had two Ph. D. degrees. I had two years of night college in accounting.

When I first saw Kraemer, he was dressed in a German uniform, wore a monocle, and carried a riding crop. The occasion was a speech to the regiment in which I was serving. The subject was the moral and political stakes of the war, and the Commanding General thought Kraemer's outfit would endow his presentation with verisimilitude. Kraemer spoke with passion, erudition, and overwhelming force, as if he were addressing each member of the regiment individually. For the first time in my life—and perhaps the only one—at least I can recall no other such occurrence—I wrote to a speaker how much he had moved me. A few days later Kraemer came to where my company was training. Now the uniform was American, but he still wore the monocle around his neck and continued to carry his riding crop. He invited me to have dinner with him at the enlisted men's club at which he questioned me about my views and spoke to me about his values.

Out of this encounter grew a relationship that changed my life. After the division reached Europe, Kraemer arranged to have me transferred to the G-2 section. We worked together and, after work, we walked the streets of battle scarred towns at night during total blackouts while Kraemer spoke of history and postwar challenges in his stentorian voice—sometimes in German, tempting nervous sentries. Over the next decades Kraemer shaped my reading and thinking, influenced my choice of college, awakened my interest in political philosophy and history, inspired both my undergraduate and graduate theses, and became an integral and indispensable part of my life. He was always there to discuss my concerns; he never talked of his own needs to me, and I doubt to anyone else, as if such an admission would derogate from his mission.

Kraemer dedicated his life to fighting against the triumph of the expedient over the principled. "Intellectuals," Kraemer once said, "have always preached that everything is relative and that there are no absolute values... The result is spiritual emptiness. Everything is possible and therefore nothing is." "The worst

2

thing about a loss of faith is not the fact that someone has stopped believing but
that they are ready to believe anything."

Kraemer fought his battle not so much by seeking to influence policymakers--
though on occasion he had that opportunity--but by giving lectures and above all
by discovering in young people qualities they did not always know they
possessed. He would then devote an enormous amount of his time on
encouraging them towards a life of duty and honor. He lived an ascetic, nearly
monastic existence. His learning matched his commitment. For decades he
spent much of his day clipping newspaper articles from all over the world,
marking significant passages, and filing them by major categories--a one-man,
handmade internet. He asked nothing for himself. He refused all promotions
beyond civil service grades.

Kraemer's values were absolute. Like the ancient prophets, he made no concessions to human frailty or to historic evolution; he treated intermediate solutions as derogation from principle.

And therein lay the source of our later estrangement. When I became part of the
world of policymaking, I entered the realm of the contingent. For the prophet,
there can be no gap between conception and implementation; the policymaker
must build the necessary from the possible. For the prophet, values are eternal,
independent of time. For the policymaker, absolute values must be approached
in stages, each of which is by definition imperfect. The prophet thinks in terms of
crusades; the policymaker hedges against the possibility of human fallibility. The
policymaker, if he wants to avoid stagnation, needs the prophet's inspiration, but
he cannot live by all the prophet's prescriptions in the short term; he must leave
something to history.

Kraemer could not accept this distinction. And so we did not speak for thirty
years. He felt he needed to make a demonstration--even a personal sacrifice--to
vindicate the absoluteness of his convictions. It was not personal. During the
decades of silence, he never spoke of me except with respect nor I of him with
anything but devotion.

As Kraemer enters the realm of eternity, and I approach it, I want to thank his
children, Sven and Madeleine, for allowing me this occasion of reconciliation with
an extraordinary man who will be part of my life as long as I draw breath.
Kraemer will remain to me, as to so many in this room whose lives he touched, a
symbol of commitment and dedication, a beacon that, amidst the turmoil of the
moment, guides us to the transcendental.

МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЙ
УНИВЕРСИТЕТ
(в Москве)

Россия, 125040, Москва, Ленинградский пр-т, 17
Тел.: (095) 251-3805. Тел./Факс: (095) 250-4049
http://www.interun.ru E-mail: rectorat@interun.ru

INTERNATIONAL
UNIVERSITY
(in Moscow)

17, Leningradsky Prospect, Moscow, 125040, Russia
Tel.: (095) 251-3805. Tel./Fax: (095) 250-4049
http://www.interun.ru E-mail: rectorat@interun.ru

May 27, 2003

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger,
Chairman
Kissinger Associates, Inc.
Suite 1021
1800 K Street, NW
Washington, DC 20006 USA
Telefax (212) 753-7248

MAY 27 2003

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

The administration, faculty and students of the International University in Moscow kindly ask you to accept our congratulations on your 80th anniversary. We always remember your support of President Bush's effort in establishing our University in 1991 – the first private university in the Soviet Union and then in Russia.

We are very grateful for your contribution in establishing our university. We are proud to inform you that our university has achieved an important role in the system of higher education in Russia and has gained prestigious reputation in other countries for the past eleven years of its effective activities.

With warm regards for your good work, health and success.

Looking forward to our future cooperation.

Sincerely yours,

On behalf of the International University in Moscow.

Gavriil H. Popov

President

Sergey N. Krasavchenko

Rector

Page 1 of 2

Jessee Incao

MAY 2 2 2003

From: Krauel, Torsten [krauel@welt.de]
Sent: Thursday, May 22, 2003 10:52 AM
To: 'Jessee Incao'
Subject: AW: John Bentes

Dear Jessee Incao,

I just tried to phone him but his voicemail is still activated, so I just send you a mail which you might be able to
forward to him? That would be really kind of you and helping us a lot.

Follows text:

Dear John Bentes,

Good to know you have safely made it to Berlin. Joerg Eigendorf and I will moderate the debate at the Axel Springer Company tomorrow. To be ready for that rare event, which is a great honor for us to take part in, I would like to settle some topics and details.

1) Our CEO Dr. Mathias Doepfner will greet Dr. Kissinger and you and will be introducing Dr. Kissinger to the participants, leaving after that. Considering his timetable is extremely tight tomorrow, he asked me to enquire about the exact arrival time at Axel Springer Haus so that he might leave his desk when Dr. Kissinger is entering the building. If you already know the precise time – 16.00 or 16.15 –, just let me know. I'll be waiting in the lobby from 16.00. In case you would want to phone me after 16.00, my cellphone number is 0171/266 9288

2) Dr. Doepfner would like to get a hint as to by what form or title he is to address Dr. Kissinger. He would also like to know if Dr. Kissinger prefers him (and the participants) to speak German or English. Finally, he would like to include a short reference in his remarks regarding Dr. Kissinger's itinerary tomorrow. I understand Dr. Kissinger will be addressing an Arthur Burns fellowship alumni reunion in the evening?

3) What topic would be the main point of interest for Dr. Kissinger to discuss with the panel? German-American relations and the "Gang of Four"? The state of mind of Germany (was the "German Way" just a political phrase for consumption by the voters, or is it kind of a self classification younger Germans would accept)? The perspective of Germany's economic reforms?

Since there are only three quarters of an hour's worth of time, we might tend to limit the number of topics to two from our side. Assuming that Dr. Kissinger will himself ask some questions, it might just be worthwhile to know an item preferred by him as a starter.

4) We suppose you will be present at tomorrow's debate, of course. If not, just let me know so that our staff knows how to arrange seats at the table properly.

Thanks for your kind cooperation, and sorry to bother you with these details.

Senior correspondent, DIE WELT
2591-71758
0171/266 9288
krauel@welt.de

5/22/2003

2012

SEP 10 2003

ONE LIBERTY PLAZA | 34TH FLOOR NEW YORK, NY | 10006-1415 | T (646)587-5410 | F (646)587-5363 | NYC2012.COM
THE OLYMPIC GAMES IN THE WORLD'S SECOND HOME™
JAY KRIEGEL, Executive Director JKRIEGEL@NYC2012.COM

September 8, 2003

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates
350 Park Avenue, 22nd Floor
New York, NY 10022

Dear Henry:

Good to see you at the Marks' house.

I'm sorry that Karl-Heinz Huba is pursing you so aggressively to come to Germany. He runs the most influential European Olympic newsletter and is an important Olympic voice. Since I hope to visit with him at some point, if you plan to go, perhaps I can join you.

Sounds like you have extensive travel plans this fall - Russia, China and otherwise.

Russia is especially important, with Moscow competing against us. Since they are unlikely to win, the question is what the three IOC members from Russia will do when Moscow is dropped off the list. Vitaly Smirnov is the most powerful Russian IOC member. It would be most helpful if you could call him while you are in Moscow. Possibly visit with him. (I can send you his contact information. I believe that he is close to Mayor Luzhkov.)

And with the Beijing Games of 2008, China's role in the Olympic Movement is growing.

If your office could advise me of your travel plans, I can send you a brief memo in advance of each trip about the key IOC members and contact information.

Thanks for all your support.

We're very encouraged by our conversations with numerous IOC members this summer at various international meetings and sports competitions.

NYC2012

NYC2012

501 MADISON AVENUE | 13TH FLOOR | NEW YORK, NY | 10022-5617 | T(212)371-5999 | F(212)371-7097

JAY L. KRIEGEL
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
JKRIEGEL@NYC2012.COM

December 3, 2002

Dear Henry:

I am reluctant to "congratulate" you on this new appointment, but it is
certainly yet another tribute to your stature.

I guess we will be seeing less of you on Park Avenue and in Connecticut.
But hopefully, the Annual Wurst Dinner will not be interrupted. Invite
the whole Commission, if necessary!

I don't know if you saw Samaranch's very positive statements about New
York's bid last week (attached). It got tremendous press. At Hoge and
Lacey's party, you suggested that you would invite him to visit New York
at some point to meet with us (including the Mayor). While we know you
will be very busy, we hope that it can still be arranged some time next
year.

Also, perhaps some time over the next few months, Dan and I can come
by for an hour to consult on our international Olympic strategy.

But for now Kathryn and I wish you the best with this heavy new
responsibility.

Take care of yourself.

Hoping to see you soon,

Jay L. Kriegel
Executive Director

DEC 0 6 2002

NYC2012

WWW.NYC2012.COM

The Hindu : Bush supports PM's initiative

Page 1 of 2

MAY 1 2 2003

Jessee Incao

From: Ambassador Robert D. Blackwill [rdbdelhi@yahoo.com]

Sent: Sunday, May 11, 2003 10:15 AM

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Subject: The Hindu : Bush supports PM's initiative

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Sunday, May 11, 2003

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Bush supports PM's initiative

By Sridhar Krishnaswami

WASHINGTON MAY 10. In what is being held out as yet
another proof of the deepening of the relations with India,
the United States President, George W. Bush, met India's
National Security Adviser, Brajesh Mishra, at the White
House on Thursday.

During the brief meeting, Mr. Bush is said to have been
supportive of the recent steps taken by the Prime Minister,
Atal Behari Vajpayee, in the context of the relations with
Pakistan. Mr. Bush also expressed interest in the ongoing
dialogue between the two countries and the deepening of
the friendship.

It is being pointed out here that Mr. Bush did not "drop by"
the meeting between Mr. Mishra and his counterpart,
Condoleezza Rice. Rather, Mr. Mishra was "taken" to the
Oval Office to see the President.

"I conveyed the greetings of the Prime Minister to President
Bush and reminded him of the invitation that is pending...

"He did say some supportive things of the initiatives taken

Stories in this Section

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* Bush supports PM's initiative

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* Arrested journalist has Hizb links: police

* Maleeha Lodhi's name on the list?

* GSAT-2 orbit further raised

* IT official surrenders

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The Hindu : U.S. willing to 'give a push' to ties with India

Page 2 of 2

According to a State Department spokesman, Gen. Powell told Mr. Mishra that the administration was "very pleased" with some of the developments in India and Pakistan over the last several weeks and the willingness of the two countries to look at other possibilities for easing the tensions apart from what had already been put in place.

"The Secretary expressed that this morning to the Indian National Security Adviser... they had a very good meeting today of a broad range of issues in U.S.-India relations, but also of questions of India's relations with Pakistan," the spokesman, Richard Boucher, said.

To a question on the kind of role the U.S. was playing vis-a-vis India and Pakistan and if there could be a contradiction in New Delhi's stance, Mr. Mishra maintained that one would have to make a distinction between the role played by the U.S. and others in the "prevention of conflict" between India and Pakistan versus the bilateral dialogue between India and Pakistan in the solution of the Kashmir problem.

"Unless you have that distinction in mind, you will not understand what is going on between the U.S. and India and other countries," Mr. Mishra said. "It is their legitimate interest," he said of the U.S. and others who wished to see the prevention of conflict between India and Pakistan.

Also there was the caution against "mixing up" India-U.S. relations with that of India-Pakistan relations. There are, for instance, differences between Washington and New Delhi over the role assigned to Pakistan in the global war against terrorism. Here, India and the U.S. "agree to disagree", but the bottom line is the agreement by the two countries for the deepening of their relationship.

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5/12/2003

JAN. 10. 2003 5:36PM

THE WEEKLY STANDARD

NO. 820

P. 2

PREVIEW: North Korea Goes South

1/10/03 4:46 PM

the weekly
Standard

North Korea Goes South

ADVANCE COPY from the January 20, 2003 issue: The crisis in North Korea and the collapse of the two-war standard.

by William Kristol & Robert Kagan

01/20/2003, Volume 008, Issue 18

READING THE AVALANCHE of op-ed articles on U.S. policy toward North Korea, especially from liberals noted for their dovishness on the subject of Iraq, you can't tell whether our leading foreign policy experts are dumb or dishonest. Why, they ask in feigned puzzlement, is President Bush not threatening military action against North Korea?

We generously offer to unlock this perplexing riddle. President Bush plans to invade Iraq sometime in the next two months and has neither the desire nor, unfortunately, the military capability to fight two wars at once. Therefore, he is stalling on the Korean crisis, hoping to find some way to buy time and slow Pyongyang down. Then, in a few months, after the Iraq operation is complete, he can turn his attention to North Korea.

As it happens, we don't agree with the administration's course. The North Korean crisis is real and it is serious, and the United States probably does not have the luxury of time. Given North Korea's potential capabilities to develop nuclear weapons, six months or even three months could dramatically affect our national security and the overall stability of East Asia. There's a big difference between having one or two nuclear weapons, and having a nuclear assembly line up and running. The possibility that Japan, and perhaps even Taiwan, might respond to North Korea's actions by producing their own nuclear weapons, thus spurring an East Asian nuclear arms race to match the South Asian nuclear arms race between India and Pakistan, is something that should send chills up the spine of any sensible American strategist. As is, of course, the possibility of a North Korean regime sufficiently well endowed with nukes so as to be able to sell and spread them beyond East Asia.

Nor do we agree with the manner in which the Bush administration has conducted its stalling operation. Bush officials have been flirting with the idea of offering North Korea a promise that the United States would never attack it. That is a terrible idea. The words of the government of the United States mean something. To promise not to attack someone who is holding a gun to your head and demanding such a promise is more than a symbolic act reminiscent of appeasement. It is appeasement. And in the nuclear age it is a particularly bad idea. What will the lesson be to other would-be North Koreans? If you want an American promise against attack, build some nukes. It is one thing for the administration to engage in a diplomatic dance of the seven veils to buy time. It is another thing to start giving away the store.

What's more, it is a mistake for the Bush administration to take the military option off the table in the present crisis. As Dennis Ross notes in the Washington Post, keeping open the possibility of military action could induce China and Russia to use their considerable leverage against Pyongyang. Ross is right to point out that the worldwide focus on Iraq has come solely in response to the threat of American military action. It might well take a

http://www.weeklystandard.com/Utilities/printer preview.asp?Id Article=2094&R=759E281DD

Page 1 of 2

JAN. 10. 2003 5:37PM

THE WEEKLY STANDARD

NO. 820

P. 3

1/10/03 4:46 PM

similar threat to get the "international community," and especially Beijing and Moscow, to bear down hard on Kim Jong Il.

But while we are unhappy with the Bush administration's present North Korea policy, we sympathize with the administration's plight. As Ross--almost alone among Bush's critics--is honest enough to admit, one can't start brandishing the threat of force without ultimately being prepared to carry it out. Kim Jong Il will know if we're not serious. And China and Russia would need to be persuaded that we could and would go to war in North Korea if all else failed--just as they have been largely convinced in Iraq.

Could the United States credibly make such a threat? Unfortunately, it's a far more dubious proposition than it should be. The reason it's a dubious proposition is that we as a nation have failed miserably over the past decade and a half to prepare ourselves for the present world crisis. We have not prepared ourselves psychologically, and we have most assuredly not prepared ourselves militarily. Cuts in our defense budget over the past decade have left the American military with inadequate forces to fight two wars simultaneously. The army divisions necessary to invade and occupy Iraq are, essentially, all the army divisions we have available for major actions. Should military conflict in North Korea escalate, the American ability to respond as flexibly and as decisively as we would want would be in question.

What is amazing, and depressing, is that the strategic predicament in which the United States currently finds itself—with simultaneous crises in the Persian Gulf and on the Korean peninsula—is precisely the one everyone imagined could arise. From the end of the first Bush administration through the Clinton era, our military posture was supposedly based on a "two-war" standard, derived from the evident possibility that crises in the Persian Gulf and in Korea could erupt simultaneously. The only problem was, successive administrations, Republican and Democratic, and successive Congresses, led by Republicans and Democrats, refused to provide our military the funds necessary to be ready to fight two wars simultaneously. Throughout the 1990s political support for defense spending was scant. What political will existed was undermined, in part, by a coterie of defense experts who counseled starving the Pentagon even further to force it to carry out a "revolution in military affairs"—to cut force levels and eliminate weapons systems. They argued that the present era was a time of "strategic pause," that the United States faced a period of about 20 years when no threat would require large-scale military action. Not a very sound prediction, as it turned out.

Even the present administration has largely failed to address the problem. The proposed defense budget increase this year is a pitiful $14 billion. The administration is using its political capital to propose hundreds of billions of dollars in tax cuts. Surely we can afford the necessary tens of billions for defense. After all, whatever the merits of the tax package, what's really bad for the economy is collapsing international security.

It's not just military capacity this nation lacks right now, however. It's an adequate sense of the seriousness of the present world crisis. It seems odd to suggest, after September 11, 2001, that the United States has still not awakened to the real challenges of this dangerous era. But we fear that is the truth. Right now not just the administration but Congress and the foreign policy establishment and the nation are all having great difficulty managing two crises at once. But it is entirely possible that we haven't seen the end of troubles. There have been periods in the past when the world was confronted by multiplying crises—the 1930s, for instance, when every year seemed to bring fresh aggression from the "rogue" states of that era, Germany, Italy, and Japan. Today it is just as easy to imagine new crises—involving Iran, India and Pakistan, China and Taiwan—as it was to imagine the present confrontations with Iraq and North Korea. Are we ready? The answer, we're afraid, is no.

--Robert Kagan and William Kristol

© Copyright 2002, News Corporation, Weekly Standard, All Rights Reserved.

http://www.weeklystandard.com/Utilities/printerpreview.asp?idArticle=2094&R=759E281DD

Page 2 of 2

To: Henry Kissinger

From: PNAC

03/28/03 10:10am

PROJECT FOR THE
NEW AMERICAN CENTURY

DIRECTORS

WILLIAM KRISTOL, CHAIRMAN

BRUCE P. JACKSON

ROBERT KAGAN

GARY SCHMITT, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR

March 28, 2003

MEMORANDUM TO: OPINION LEADERS

FROM: WILLIAM KRISTOL

SUJECT: Second Statement on Post-War Iraq

Attached is a follow-on statement to the bipartisan statement released last week on America's post-Iraq policy. As with the statement of March 19, this statement is signed by former administration officials and foreign policy experts from both parties. Among its key points:

* Consistent with security requirements, our goal should be to progressively transfer authority to those Iraqis committed to building a democratic Iraq as soon as possible;

* As this nation's most important transatlantic institution, NATO should assume a prominent role in post-war Iraq;

* Administration of post-war Iraq should include not only Americans but also officials from other coalition states;

* The administration should seek a UN Security Council resolution that: endorses its efforts to establish a civilian administration in Iraq, welcomes the deployment of security and stabilization forces by NATO allies, and lifts economic sanctions currently imposed on Iraq.

The original statement on post-war Iraq can be found on the Project's website at http://www.newamericancentury.org under the section "Letters and Statements."

1150 17TH STREET NW, SUITE 510, WASHINGTON, DC 20036 • (202) 293-4983 FAX (202) 293-4572

MAR-28-2003 13:09

93%

P.01

To: Henry Kissinger

From: PNAC

03/28/03 10:10am

We write in strong support of efforts by Prime Minister Tony Blair to "get America and Europe working again together as partners and not as rivals." While some seem determined to create an ever deeper divide between the United States and Europe, and others seem indifferent to the long-term survival of the transatlantic partnership, we believe it is essential, even in the midst of war, to begin building a new era of transatlantic cooperation.

The place to begin is post-war Iraq. There should be no question of our common determination to help the Iraqi people establish a peaceful, stable, united, prosperous, and democratic Iraq free of weapons of mass destruction. We must help build an Iraq that is governed by a pluralistic system representative of all Iraqis and fully committed to the rule of law, the rights of all its citizens, and the betterment of all its people. Such an Iraq will be a force for regional stability rather than conflict and participate in the democratic development of the region.

The Iraqi people committed to a democratic future must be fully involved in this process in order for it to succeed. Consistent with security requirements, our goal should be to progressively transfer authority as soon as possible to enable Iraqis to control their own destiny. Millions of Iraqis are untainted by service to the Ba'athist dictatorship and are committed to the establishment of democratic institutions. It is these Iraqis - not Americans, Europeans or international bureaucrats - who should make political and economic decisions on behalf of Iraq.

Building a stable, peaceful and democratic Iraq is an immense task. It must be a cooperative effort that involves international organizations - UN relief agencies, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and other appropriate bodies - that can contribute the talent and resources necessary for success. It is therefore essential that these organizations be involved in planning now to ensure timely allocation of resources.

Of particular concern, the effort to rebuild Iraq should strengthen, not weaken transatlantic ties. The most important transatlantic institution is NATO, and the Alliance should assume a prominent role in post-war Iraq. Given NATO's capabilities and expertise, it should become integrally involved as soon as possible in the post-war effort. In particular, NATO should actively support efforts to secure and destroy all of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction stockpiles and production facilities (a task that should unite the United States, Canada and all European allies committed to peace and non-proliferation), ensure peace and stability are maintained in postwar Iraq, and assist in the rebuilding of Iraq's infrastructure and the delivery of humanitarian relief. The Atlantic Alliance has pledged to confront the new threats of the 21st century. No current challenge is more important than that of building a peaceful, unified and democratic Iraq without weapons of mass destruction on NATO's own borders.

Administration of post-war Iraq should from the beginning include not only Americans but officials from those countries committed to our goals in Iraq. Bringing

MAR-28-2003 13:10

P.02

To: Henry Kissinger

From: PNAC

06/04/03 9:03am PST pg 1 of 2

JUN 04 2003

DIRECTORS

WILLIAM KRISTOL, CHAIRMAN

BRUCE P. JACKSON

ROBERT KAGAN

LEWIS E. LEHRMAN

MARK GERSON

June 4, 2003

FROM: WILLIAM KRISTOL

SUBJECT: President Bush's Meeting with Chinese President Hu

President Bush has had an impressive and successful trip to Europe and the Middle East. But the president's June 1 meeting with President Hu Jintao of China, as described in an unnamed senior administration official's "background" briefing, makes one wonder if the bureaucracy has seized control of China policy from a preoccupied president, vice president and national security adviser. (The entire briefing is available at the White House website, http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2003/06/20030601-4.html). Here are the highlights:

**Human Rights.** The president apparently did not devote much, if any, time to discussing China's human rights abuses during the meeting with President Hu. In response to questions about Tibet, Falun Gong and human rights generally, the briefer mentioned only Tibet - and then only to say "the issue didn't come up directly because we have been raising it with the Chinese already."

**Non-proliferation.** President Bush apparently discussed Iran with President Hu without mentioning the sanctions the U.S. imposed in late May on NORINCO, a Chinese state-owned conglomerate that aided the Iranian government agency that develops and manufactures ballistic missiles. "There was no specific mention of the NORINCO sanctions. The president did bring up his concerns about Iran, stating very clearly that Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons presents a grave threat that China and the U.S. have to work together to address." At which point a journalist asked "Was there any response from President Hu on that?" Answer: "Not much, really."

**North Korea.** The president apparently did not forcefully urge the Chinese to put economic pressure on the North Korean regime to abandon its nuclear program. "The conversation did not go as far as economic sanctions." Instead, President Bush "believes and continues to say to the Chinese that we think you have a lot of influence over North Korea.... President Hu did not respond one way or the other."

JUN-04-2003 12:03

93/

P.01

To: Henry Kissinger

From: PNAC

06/04/03 9:03am PST pg 2 of 2

2

**SARS.** Mr. Bush "specifically praised" President Hu's handling of the SARS outbreak and President Hu's "willingness to become transparent on the issue." This lets China off the hook far too easily for a cover-up that has cost lives around the world.

**Taiwan.** Most important, perhaps, the president appears to have stepped back from his earlier robust support for democratic Taiwan. The briefer says the president told Hu Jintao "we don't support independence" for Taiwan. Such a statement recalls President Clinton's 1998 China trip when Mr. Clinton publicly moved the U.S. closer than ever before toward China's position on Taiwan. Previously, the Bush Administration had seemed to reject the Clinton position, which seemed to rule out Taiwan existing separately from China. At the very least, the United States should say that future relations between Taiwan and China should be determined by the people of China and Taiwan. This has been said many times in the past. There should be no question about Washington's determination to allow the democratic people of Taiwan to choose their own future.

Finally, the briefer stated that the U.S. will "help Taiwan to the extent possible defend itself." This is a weakening of the president's previous pledge in 2001 to do "whatever it took to help Taiwan defend herself," and sends a dangerous signal to Beijing.

No doubt some senior administration officials believe that the new Chinese leadership presents an opportunity to move U.S.-China relations in a more positive direction. Whether or not that is a realistic expectation given the fact that China remains a one-party dictatorship, it is certainly true that real progress in U.S.-China relations is unlikely if the president is less than forceful and candid with his Chinese counterpart on issues of importance to the United States.

It is time for senior officials to re-engage seriously on China policy, lest progress toward the defense of American interests and principles in the Middle East be accompanied by a dangerous retreat in East Asia.

JUN-04-2003 12:03

93/4

P.02

HENRY A. KISSINGER

September 8, 2003

Dear Bill:

I thought you might like to have an inscribed copy of
my new book, CRISIS: The Anatomy of Two Major
Foreign Policy Crises.

Enclosure

Mr. Bill Kristol
THE WEEKLY STANDARD
1150 17th Street, NW
Suite 505
Washington, DC 20036

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR • 350 PARK AVENUE • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 • (212) 759
FACSIMILE (212) 759-0042

Page 2 of 8

Thursday, September 11, 2003

Yassir Arafat's plot to get rid of his so-called "Palestinian Prime Minister", Mahmoud Abbas, has caused further deterioration in the Middle East crises that previously threatened the realization of the "Road Map".

The dove of peace is already on the butcher's block.

The unbelievable and cruel paradox is that the butcher who brandishes the axe is the very man who some years ago was awarded the most prestigious peace prize in the world: The Nobel Peace Prize.

I am sorry to ascertain that, unfortunately, all the warnings that led to my resignation from the Norwegian Nobel Committee in 1994 have come true.

Arafat is not a peace loving pacifist but a war-monger and a butcher, an ill fortune, both for his own people and for his neighbors.

I have since that time received many requests to take action in order to make the Norwegian Nobel Committee reverse its award and deprive that unworthy terrorist, Arafat, of the Nobel Peace Prize.

Unfortunately, however, Dr. Alfred Bernhard Nobel explicitly prohibited this line of action in the Statutes of the Nobel Foundation.

However, the present betrayal of the Nobel Peace Prize and its purposes is this time so extreme and so cynical that the Norwegian Nobel Committee is forced, out of consideration for political decency and for its own reputation, to find a way to distance itself from its award of 1994.

The only way to obtain this is by publicly deploring the 1994 award of the Nobel Peace Prize to Arafat.

I hereby urgently ask the Norwegian Nobel Committee and its Chairman to do so.

KAARE KRISTIANSEN

Former Norwegian Nobel Committee Member;
Past President, Norwegian Parliament;
Former Norwegian Minister of Oil and Energy;
Founding Chairman, Jerusalem Embassy Initiative,
Root & Branch Association, Ltd.

Oslo, Norway

Thursday, September 11, 2003

9/16/2003

Page 4 of 8

Rabbi Dr. Shear Yashuv Cohen

Chief Rabbi of Haifa

**********

JERUSALEM EMBASSY INITIATIVE MUSLIM CHAIR:

Sheikh Professor Abdul Hadi Palazzi

Resident Professor of Middle East Studies,
Research Institute for Anthropological Sciences, Rome;
Secretary General, Italian Muslim Association;
Imam***, Italian Islamic Community (*** Shafi School of Islamic Jurisprudence);
Rome Khalifa (Representative), Tariqah al-Qadiriyyah (Qadiriyyah Sufi Order);
Muslim Chair, Islam-Israel Fellowship (established 1996),
Root & Branch Association, Ltd.;
Ph.D. in Islamic Sciences (1987),
conferred on Sheikh Palazzi by the Institute for Islamic Studies
and Research (Naples) by appointment of the former Grand Mufti
of Saudi Arabia, SHAYKH ABDUL AZIZ IBN BAZ;
Ijazzah (authorization to teach) for Qu'ranic exegesis (1987),
conferred on Sheikh Palazzi by SHAYKH ISMA'IL AL-AZHARI,
University of al-Azhar as-Sharif, Cairo, Egypt;
Ijazzah (authorization to teach) for Islamic Law (1986),
conferred on Sheikh Palazzi by SHAYKH HUSAYN AL-HUSAYNI AL KHALWATI,
University of al-Azhar as-Sharif, Cairo, Egypt;
Degree in Islamic Sciences (1986),
conferred on Sheikh Palazzi by the University of al-Azhar as-Sharif,
Cairo, Egypt;
M.A. (1984), conferred on Sheikh Palazzi by the Faculty of Philosophy,
University of Rome, Rome, Italy

**********

JERUSALEM EMBASSY INITIATIVE ISRAEL CHAIR:

Mr. Samson Krupnick

Yakir Yerushaliyim (Jerusalem Prize Winner)
Board Member and Treasurer, Root & Branch Association, Ltd.;
Board Chairman, Encyclopedia Talmudica;
Former Board Chairman, Shaare Zedek Hospital;

9/16/2003

Page 7 of 8

Mr. Samson Giat

Past President,
Yemenite Jewish Federation of America;
Past U.S. National President,
SAREL (Volunteers for Israel)

Pastor Kenneth Rawson

Bible Students Congregation of New Brunswick

THE BIBLE SAYS

And Melchizedek king of Salem brought forth bread and wine; and he was a priest of G-d the Most High. And he [Melchizedek] blessed him [Avram], and said: "Blessed be Avram of G-d Most High, Maker of heaven and earth; and blessed be G-d Most High, who has delivered your enemies into your hand". And he [Avram] gave him [Melchizedek] a tenth of all.

[Bereshit/Genesis 14:18-20]

David was thirty years old when he began to reign, and he reigned forty years. In Hebron he reigned over Judah seven years and six months; and in **Jerusalem** he reigned thirty and three years over all Israel and Judah. And the king and his men went to **Jerusalem** against the Jebusites, the inhabitants of the land, who spoke to David, saying: "Except you take away the blind and the lame, you shall not come in hither"; thinking, "David cannot come in hither". Nevertheless David took the stronghold of **Zion**; the same is the city of David. And David said on that day: "Whosoever smites the Jebusites, and gets up to the gutter, and [takes away] the lame and the blind, that are hated of David's soul...". Wherefore they say: "There are the blind and the lame; he cannot come into the house". And David dwelt in the stronghold, and called it the city of David. And David built round about from Millo and inward. And David waxed greater and greater; for the Lord, the G-d of hosts, was with him. And Hiram king of Tyre sent messengers to David, and cedar trees and carpenters, and masons; and they built David a house. And David perceived that the Lord had established him king over Israel, and that He had exalted his kingdom for His People Israel's sake.

[II Samuel 5:4-13]

9/16/2003

Page 8 of 8

"The word that Isaiah, the son of Amoz saw concerning Judah and Jerusalem. And it shall come to pass in the End of Days, that the mountain of the Lord's House shall be established as the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills; and all nations shall flow to it. And many peoples shall go and say: "Come you, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the House of the G-d of Jacob; and he [The King Messiah] will teach us of His [G-d's] ways, and we will walk in His paths". For out of Zion shall go forth the Torah, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem. And he [The King Messiah] shall judge between the nations, and shall decide for many peoples; and they shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war anymore. O House of Jacob, come you, and let us walk in the light of the Lord"

[Isaiah 2:1-5]

And it shall come to pass, that every one who is left of all the nations which came against Jerusalem [during the Wars of Gog and Magog] shall go up from year to year to worship the King, the Lord of hosts, and to keep the Feast of Sukkot [Tabernacles]. And it shall be, that whose of the families of the earth goes not up to Jerusalem to worship the King, the Lord of hosts, upon them there shall be no rain. And if the family of Egypt go not up, and come not, they shall have no overflow [of the Nile]; there shall be the plague, wherewith the Lord will smite the nations which go not up to keep the Feast of Sukkot [Tabernacles]. This shall be the punishment of Egypt, and the punishment of all the nations which go not up to keep the Feast of Sukkot [Tabernacles]. In that day shall there be upon the bells of the horses: Holy unto the Lord; and the pots in the Lord's house shall be like the basins before the altar. Yes, every pot in Jerusalem and in Judah shall be holy to the Lord of hosts; and all they who sacrifice shall come and take of them, and seethe therein; and in that day there shall be no more a trafficker in the house of the Lord of hosts.

[Zechariah 14:16-21]

A song of ascents; of David. I rejoiced when they said to me: "Let us go up to the House [Temple] of the Lord". Our feet are standing within your gates, O Jerusalem. Jerusalem, which is built as a city that is compact together; whither the tribes [Twelve Tribes of Israel] went up, even the tribes of the Lord, as a testimony to Israel, to give thanks to the name of the Lord. For there [in the Temple] were set thrones for judgment, the thrones of the house of David. Pray for the peace of Jerusalem; may they prosper who love you. Peace be within your walls, and prosperity within your palaces. For my brethren and companions' sakes, I will now say: "Peace be within you". For the sake of the House [Temple] of the Lord our G-d I will seek your good.

[Tehillim/Psalm 122]

9/16/2003

SEP 24 2003

INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR CRITICAL
THINKING, INC.

A Nonprofit Research Institute

408 ½ State Street
Greensboro, NC 27405
Tel.: (336) 707-8866
Fax: (336) 294-0904

Dr. Gerhard M. Kroiss
2 Andrew Paul Way
Greensboro, NC 27410

September 16, 2003

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Kissinger McLarty Associates
350 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10022

Dear Henry:

I am just reading your book on diplomacy: Excellent, but incomplete in one
important aspect. It was not only a dissolution of balances or shared values that led
to both world wars in their specific form. Your explanation might be sufficient to
explain that two wars took place, but it does not really explain their irrational
character. However, the specific form—of especially the second war—had a
profound impact on the image that mankind had of itself. Freud now seemed to be
right with his *Aggressionstriebe*. I think, however, that he is part of the problem,
another expression of a general slippery slope towards archaic irrationality. I also
believe that Americans—the only ones who might be able to ward off anomie—are
mentally and psychologically poorly equipped to meet the challenges that are to
come. The slippery slope is not over yet. Its direct continuation is Islamic
fundamentalism. However, Americans are slipping, too. No technical know-how
will be sufficient to ward off this off; it just will prolong the process—such as
Bismarck did with his acrobatics. And then someone might drop the ball.

What is necessary? We essentially need an inoculation against irrationality—on a mass basis. But no new program is needed; a traditional and ideologically neutral one just would need to be rewritten. I mean mathematics. The problem in this country is that mathematics is not used to develop trust in one's own reasoning abilities. It is just used to impart knowledge and technical skills—and fails even in this respect.

Now, let me do with you a little microhistory: I have added information on a very successful schoolbook author of the 18th and 19th century, namely, Lacroix. The man is better than anything today. He reasons naturally and achieves technical results. Lacroix's works are an exercise in relaxed, elegant rationality. The French books had many German translations. Then there was the German revolution of 1848. After the restoration of the traditional regimes, his books were regarded as suspicious and replaced by technical books such as Dienger's or the utterly exact ones of Dedekind and similar authors. Rationality was intentionally replaced by tribal (nationalistic) "thinking" or emoting. Mathematics became either technical or formal, that is, authoritarian. German mathematicians of this era are overdeveloped in one area (mathematics) and underdeveloped in another (rationality, political reasoning). American mathematicians were trained in this German tradition. I have added an excerpt from a book on Hilbert mentioning this and the title page of a book by Osgood (Harvard), who received his doctorate in Germany.

To obviate the potential impression that I am a mathematics fan, who sees this subject as a cure-all, let me give you a short CV: I am German, born in 1945 in Altstädten, Allgäu. I have a B.S. in psychology (minor: math) and a Master's in Counseling (both summa cum laude) from two American Overseas Programs, into which Anna Freud, the daughter of Sigmund, helped me to be accepted. I was in private practice talking to normal crazy clients and hypernormal CEOs in a straight-forward relaxed way, rubbing off my rationality onto them. My friends Karl Popper and Paul Feyerabend convinced me to get a doctorate in the USA at an advanced age in order to establish the above institute. They said they were too old for that. They were right; after two years into my doctoral program in counseling, they both dropped dead in 1994. I graduated in 1998 with magna cum laude, two years later than planned. I was lucky to have gotten my Ph.D. at all. Michael Scriven intervened and saved my dissertation, which the department had resisted.

Since then, I have been putting my own money into my institute because I had no connections. I also want to expand it internationally; first to Germany.

2

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LACROIX, S (ylvestre) F (rançois) (1765-1843)

### Essais sur l'enseignement en général et sur celui des mathématiques en particulier.

Paris, Courcier, An XIV - 1805, in-8, VIII, pt. obstruction dans une feuille de la table des matières + 390 p., partiellement non coupé, étiquette de libraire 'Chez G.A. Grieshammer...Leipzig', brochure d'attente, coiffe denudée. Première édition de ce classique pédagogique.

Ouvrage sur la culture des mathématiques pendant le 18e siècle, et de leur influence sur la marche de l'esprit humain dans cet intervalle, la manière de les enseigner, la méthode, l'analyse du cours ... à l'Ecole Centrale des Quatre Nations. Avec les programmes des cours de 1802/1803 à l'université de Jéna et à celle de Gottingue, le plan proposé pour un cours de bibliographie, etc. En 1838 parut la 4e et dernière édition. Le «Dictionary of Scientific Biography (DSB)» loue cet ouvrage du mathématicien distingué doyen de la Faculté des Sciences: His «Essais sur l'enseignement», a pedagogical classic, display his acute psychological penetration, rich erudition, liberal cast of mind, and broad conception of education. For more than half a century, through his writings and lectures, Lacroix thus contributed to an era of renewal and expansion in the exact sciences and to the training of numerous 19th century mathematicians. He was an outstanding representative of the textbook revolution, his publications were spectacularly successful (see Boyer, Hist. of math. p. 521 ff.). Poggendorff I/1340 (ne donne pas ce titre); Dictionary of Scientific Biography VII/549-551; Quérard IV/378-9.

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9/16/03

Die Anfangsgründe

der

Algebra,

von
S. F. Lacroix

aus dem Französischen übersetzt, nach der zwölfsten verbesserten
und vermehrten Ausgabe,

von
D. J. P. Gruson,

Königl. Preuss. Gesetzen Hofrath, ordentlichem Mitglied von der mathematischen Klasse der Königl. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Berlin, Professor an der Berliner Universität, bei dem Königl. Cadetten-Europ., bei der Bauakademie, und Oberlehrer der Mathematik und Physik bei dem französischen Gymnasium u. s. w.

Berlin,
Verlag von Düncker und Humblot.

1821.

Lehrbuch
der

Wahrscheinlichkeitsrechnung

von

S. F. Lacroix

431

Aus dem Französischen übersetzt
und
mit Zusätzen und Erläuterungen vermehrt

von
Dr. E. S. Ungeri

Erfurt, 1818.
G. A. Keysers Buchhandlung.

S. F. Lacroix

Anleitung
zur ebenen und sphärischen

Trigonometrie

und zur
Anwendung der Algebra auf die Geometrie.

Uebersetzt und mit erläuternden Anmerkungen versehen

vö
Dr. Ludwig Adeler,
Professor an der Universität zu Berlin.

Mit sechs Kupfertafeln.

Zweite verbesserte Ausgabe.

Berlin,
Verlag von Duncker und Humblot.

1837.

Handbuch
der
Differential-
und
Integral-Rechnung

von
S. F. Lacroix.

Nach der vierten verbesserten und vermehrten Original-Ausgabe
(1828) aus dem Französischen übersetzt, und mit einigen
Anmerkungen versehen

von
Dr. Fr. Baumann.

Erster Theil.
Differential-Rechnung.

Berlin, 1830.
gedruckt und verlegt bei S. Reimer.

Hilbert

1895

another great mathematician had joined the tradition. Hilbert was too different from the bent, dignified Heinrich Weber whom he replaced and the tall, commanding Klein. "I still remember vividly," wrote Otto Blumenthal, then a student in his second semester, "the strange impression I received of the medium-sized, quick, unpretentiously dressed man with a reddish beard, who did not look at all like a professor."

Klein's reputation drew students to Göttingen from all over the world, but particularly from the United States. The *Bulletin* of the newly founded American Mathematical Society regularly listed the courses of lectures to be given in Göttingen, and at one time the Americans at the University were sufficient in number and wealth to have their own letterhead: *The American Colony of Göttingen*. "There are about a dozen... in our lectures," a young Englishwoman named Grace Chisholm (later Mrs. W. H. Young) wrote to her former classmates at Cambridge. "We are a motley crew: five are Americans, one a Swiss-French, one a Hungarian, and one an Italian. This leaves a very small residuum of German blood."

The center of mathematical life was the third floor of the Auditoriumhaus. Here Klein had established a reading room, the Lesezimmer, which was entirely different from any other mathematical library in existence at that time. Books were on open shelves and the students could go directly to them. Klein had also established on the third floor what was to become almost his signature: a tremendous collection of mathematical models housed in a corridor where the students gathered before lectures. Although not in actuality a room, it was always referred to as the Room of the Mathematical Models.

Klein's lectures were deservedly recognized as classics. It was his custom often to arrive as much as an hour before the students in order to check the encyclopedic list of references which he had had his assistant prepare. At the same time he smoothed out any roughness of expression or thought which might still remain in his manuscript. Before he began his lecture, he had mapped out in his mind an arrangement of formulas, diagrams and citations. Nothing put on the blackboard during the lecture ever had to be erased. At the conclusion the board contained a perfect summary of the presentation, every square inch being appropriately filled and logically ordered.

It was Klein's theory that students should work out proofs for themselves. He gave them only a general sketch of the method. The result was that a student had to spend at least four hours outside class for every hour spent in class if he wished to master the material. Klein's forte was the

comprehensive view. "He possessed the ability to see the unifying idea in far apart problems and knew the art of explaining this insight by example and by the necessary details," a student has said. In the selection of his subjects, Klein pursued a characteristically noble plan: "to gain in the course of time a complete view of the whole field of modern mathematics."

In contrast, Hilbert delivered his lectures slowly and "without focus" according to Blumenthal, and with many repetitions "to make sure everyone understood him." It was his custom to review the material he had covered in the previous lecture, a gymnasium-like technique dained by the other professors. Yet his lectures, so different from Klein's, were shortly to seem to many of the students more impressive because of their so full of "the most beautiful insights."

In a well-prepared lecture by Hilbert the sentences followed one after another, and often he was tripped up by details. Sometimes, without any general, and especially mentioning the fact, he would develop one of his own ideas sporadically in front of the class. Then his lectures would be even farther the perfection of Klein's and exhibit the rough edges, the false start sometimes misdirected intensity of discovery itself.

In the eight and a half years of teaching at Königsberg, Hilbert had repeated a single subject "with the one small exception" of a one course on determinants. In Göttingen now he was easily able to choose subjects to adjust to Klein's wishes. The first semester he lectured on algebra, minants and elliptic functions and conducted a seminar with Klein on Wednesday morning on real functions.

Although Hilbert had accepted the professorship in Göttingen alacrity, there were two aspects of the new situation that bothered Käthe: was not happy. The society in Göttingen, while more scientifically stimulating for him, lacked the warmth to which she had been accustomed in Königsberg. Carefully observed distinctions of rank cut the profile off from the docents and advanced students. In spite of Klein's kind maintenance with the Hilberts, as he did with everyone else, a close distance. Mrs. Klein (granddaughter of the philosopher Hegel) was a quiet woman, not the kind who likes to gather people around her. Klein house at 3 Wilhelm Weber Strasse, big, square and impressive, was a bust of Jupiter on the stairs that led to Klein's study, looked already the institute it was eventually to become. For Hilbert "comradeship" and "human solidarity" were essential to scientific production. Like Käthe, he found the atmosphere at Göttingen distinctly cool.

48

PROOFS AND REFUTATIONS

mathematics, there is no history of mathematics proper. Any formalist
would basically agree with Russell's 'romantically' put but seriously
meant remark, according to which Boole's *Laws of Thought* (1854) was
'the first book ever written on mathematics'.¹ Formalism denies the
status of mathematics to most of what has been commonly understood
to be mathematics, and can say nothing about its growth. None of
the 'creative' periods and hardly any of the 'critical' periods of
mathematical theories would be admitted into the formalist heaven,
where mathematical theories dwell like the seraphim, purged of all the
impurities of earthly uncertainty. Formalists, though, usually leave
open a small back door for fallen angels: if it turns out that for some
'mixtures of mathematics and something else' we can find formal
systems 'which include them in a certain sense', then they too may be
admitted (Curry [1951], pp. 56-7). On those terms Newton had to wait
four centuries until Peano, Russell, and Quine helped him into heaven
by formalising the Calculus. Dirac is more fortunate: Schwartz saved
his soul during his lifetime. Perhaps we should mention here the
paradoxical plight of the metamathematician: by formalist, or even by
deductivist, standards, he is not an honest mathematician. Dieudonné
talks about 'the absolute necessity imposed on any mathematician who
cares for intellectual integrity' (my italics) to present his reasonings in
axiomatic form ([1939], p. 225).

Under the present dominance of formalism, one is tempted to paraphrase Kant: the history of mathematics, lacking the guidance of philosophy, has become *blind*, while the philosophy of mathematics, turning its back on the most intriguing phenomena in the history of mathematics, has become *empty*.

'Formalism' is a bulwark of logical positivist philosophy. According to logical positivism, a statement is meaningful only if it is either 'tautological' or empirical. Since informal mathematics is neither 'tautological' nor empirical, it must be meaningless, sheer nonsense.¹

¹ Russell [1901]. The essay was republished as chapter 5 of Russell's [1918], under the title 'Mathematics and the Metaphysicians'. In the 1953 Penguin edition the quotation can be found on p. 74. In the preface of his [1918] Russell says of the essay: 'Its tone is partly explained by the fact that the editor begged me to make the article "as romantic as possible".'

² According to Turquette, Gödelian sentences are meaningless ([1950], p. 129). Turquette argues against Copi who claims that since they are a *priori* *truths* but not analytic, they refute the analytic theory of a *priori* ([1949] and [1950]). Neither of them notices that the peculiar status of Gödelian sentences from this point of view is that these theorems are theorems of informal mathematics, and that in fact they are discussing the status of informal mathematics in a particular case.

2

INTRODUCTION

ness of logical positivism have been detrimental to the history
of mathematics.

pose of these essays is to approach some problems of the
*history of mathematics*. I use the word 'methodology' in a sense
of mathematics' 'heuristic'¹ and Popper's 'logic of dis-
*or situational logic'.² The recent expropriation of the term
*logy of mathematics' to serve as a synonym for 'meta-
*ics' has undoubtedly a formalist touch. It indicates that in
*philosophy of mathematics* there is no proper place for
*logy qua logic of discovery*.³ According to formalists, mathe-
*is identical with formalised mathematics. But what can one

suppose this, e.g. by Tarski [1930a] and Tarski [1930b]. In the first paper Tarski
states 'deductive sciences' explicitly as a shorthand for 'formalised deductive
math': 'Formalised deductive disciplines form the field of research of meta-
roughly in the same sense in which spatial entities form the field of research
This sensible formulation is given an intriguing imperialist twist in the
'deductive disciplines constitute the subject-matter of the methodo-
logical investigations are confined in consequence to the discussion of
deductive disciplines.' The innovation is that while the first formulation
the subject matter of metamathematics is the formalised deductive disciplines,
formulation states that the subject-matter of metamathematics is confined
deductive disciplines only because non-formalised deductive sciences are
math objects for scientific investigation at all. This implies that the pre-history of
deduction cannot be the subject-matter of a scientific investigation - unlike
history of a zoological species, which can be the subject-matter of a very
theory of evolution. Nobody will doubt that some problems about a mathe-
theory can only be approached after it has been formalised, just as some problems
human beings (say concerning their anatomy) can only be approached after their
but few will infer from this that human beings are 'suitable for scientific investi-
only when they are 'presented in "dead" form', and that biological investiga-
tions are confined in consequence to the discussion of dead human beings - although, I
should not be surprised if some enthusiastic pupil of Vesalius in those glorious days of
*logy with the analysis of dead bodies.

In the preface of his [1941] Tarski enlarges on his negative attitude towards the
history of any sort of methodology other than formal systems: 'A course in the
theory of empirical sciences... must be largely confined to evaluations and
results of tentative gropings and unsuccessful efforts.' The reason is that empirical
mathematicians are unscientific: for Tarski defines a scientific theory 'as a system of asserted
axioms arranged according to certain rules' (ibid.).

3

IRAQ

# Iraq: The Path To Democracy

On July 13th Iraq took the first step toward representative government with the establishment of the Iraq Governing Council. The 25-person Council is broadly representative. It was selected after nationwide consultations with Iraqis. The Council is already at work.

* The Council's powers include:

> Naming interim Ministers for each ministry, overseeing their performance and requiring testimony from them.

> Preparing policy initiatives for CPA.

> Organizing itself and forming commissions.

  * The Council has already formed committees on agenda, rules and procedures, and Baathist crimes against humanity.

  * The Council has also met several times in plenary session

> Naming representatives to international organizations and conferences. The Council will appoint the heads of Iraqi missions abroad.

  * The Council has appointed a delegation to attend the Security Council session in New York this week.

> Playing a budgetary role. The 2004 budget will be subject to the approval of the Council. The Council will be able to consider amendments to the 2003 emergency budget.

> Proposing policies on Iraq's national security, including reform of the armed forces, police and courts.

To maintain momentum, CPA will involve Iraqi public opinion in the process of developing a constitution. The Governing Council will take the immediate lead.

The Council may appoint a Preparatory Constitutional Commission to recommend a process for drafting and approving a new constitution.

* One option is for regional assemblies to elect delegates to a constitutional convention.

* The constitution would pave the way to national elections and a new sovereign Iraqi government.

Quality of Life in Iraq

Under Saddam's regime, electrical power, sanitation and health care suffered from chronic neglect. Saddam used access to power, water and other services as tools of oppressions, deliberately limiting supplies to certain populations.

The Coalition is making considerable progress in restoring vital services to all Iraqis and rebuilding
the country's economy -- all toward establishing a stable foundation for lasting security and
democracy in Iraq.

* There is no food crisis in Iraq -- sufficient food stocks are in Iraq or en route.

1.2 million metric tons of food has entered Iraq; another 2.2 million metric tons will arrive by the end of October.

* The Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) continues to purchase local harvests, including 450,000 metric tons of Iraqi wheat and more than 300,000 metric tons of Iraqi barley.

* The public health system continues to improve.

* Basic health care services have been restored to: 90% in the North, 80% in the South and 75% in Baghdad.

* A $210 million (U.S.) budget has been approved for the Iraqi Ministry of Health through October, which includes funding for pharmaceutical supplies and equipment, basic health care services, medical equipment, power generators for hospitals. (Saddam's regime spent only $13 million for health care in 2002.)

* Despite looting and sabotage, efforts to restore power in Iraq are proceeding.

* Power in Baghdad is generally available 3 hours on/3 hours off.

* Power in Basra is generally available for 18 hours per day.

* 39,000 Iraqi electrical workers are back on the job.

* $294 million (U.S.) is budgeted through December for electrical improvements.

* Efforts continue nationally to improve the fresh water supply and sanitation services.

* Much of Iraq has been restored to pre-war conditions.

* The CPA is funding $700,000 worth of sewage system work currently underway in Baghdad; international organizations are funding an additional $500,000 worth of work.

* $73 million is budgeted through December for water and sewer improvements.

Security & Force Protection

Coalition forces continue robust security patrols and military operations throughout Iraq, including joint patrols with Iraqi police and the formation of a new Iraqi civil defense corps.

* Coalition forces continue to take the offensive against Iraqi dead-enders who are targeting the sites and symbols of the Coalition's reconstruction and stabilization successes.

* More than 8,200 tons of ammunition has been seized throughout Iraq -- much of which was stored by the Hussein regime in hospitals, schools and mosques.

* 148,000 U.S. service members and more than 13,000 Coalition troops are serving in Iraq.

* The Coalition is applying constant pressure to the enemy through offensive military operations, disruption of former Ba'athist leadership and terrorists. Recent Operations:

> **Operation Soda Mountain (ended July 17).**

  * U.S. forces conducted 141 raids resulting in 611 individuals captured, including 62 former regime leaders.

  * Captured: 4,297 mortar rounds, 1,346 rocket-propelled grenades and 635 other weapons.

  * U.S. deaths: None.

> **Operation Sidewinder (ended July 7)**

  * U.S. forces detained 282 individuals and seized included 96 AK-47 rifles, 3 heavy machine guns, 217 rocket-propelled grenades, 33 grenades, 200 60mm-mortar rounds, and other military equipment, documents, weapons and ammunition.

  * U.S. deaths: None.

> **Operation Desert Scorpion**

  * U.S. forces conducted 6 raids and captured 29 detainees.

  * Captured: $8 million (U.S.), millions of Iraqi dinar, and a large sum of British pounds, British sterling and Euro.

  * The 1st Armored Division in Baghdad conducted 7 raids and captured 9 detainees.

* The 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment set up traffic control points and recovered **2 rocket propelled grenade launchers, 1 rocket and 2 grenades.**

* U.S. deaths: None.

*Operation Ivy Serpent*

* Coalition forces conducted **27 raids**, captured **226 detainees**, **800 82-mm mortar rounds**, **50 AK-47s**, **26 rocket-propelled grenades** and **3 hand grenades**. Six of the detainees are former regime loyalist leaders.

* U.S. deaths: None.

* The Coalition is working with Iraqis to improve internal security throughout the country.

* An Iraqi civil defense corps is being raised in the next 45 days to assist U.S. and Coalition forces establishing security across Iraq.

> The **Iraqi Militia Force** will help U.S. and Coalition forces in rooting out Saddam loyalists who have been attacking American forces and obstructing reconstruction efforts.

> **4,000** Iraqi militiamen will be trained in the next **8 weeks**. They will train under U.S. troops, and work under U.S. command in regions around the country.

> **500** Basra River police have been patrolling since June 19.

* A new Iraqi army and Iraqi police forces are being trained and equipped by the Coalition.

* **12,000** Iraqis will be trained this year for the new Iraqi army; **40,000** in two years.

* **58 of 89** Iraqi cities have hired police forces: **34,000** Iraqis have been hired and trained; **30,000** are currently patrolling with Coalition forces. The Coalition's goal is to train up to 61,000 Iraqi police officers.

* The Coalition Provisional Authority has hired more than **1,000** Iraqis to guard **87** key facilities in Baghdad.

Mass Graves in Iraq

Mass gravesites have been identified in Iraq, providing further evidence of the former regime's atrocities. The Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) is working to help grieving families search for lost relatives and preserve evidence for future prosecutions against the perpetrators by the new Iraqi government.

* 102 mass graves have been found.

* Estimates indicate that 300,000 victims of Saddam's regime may be buried in mass graves throughout Iraq.

The CPA is working with Coalition members, international organizations, nongovernmental organizations and local Iraqi leaders to implement the following measures:

* **Step One: Public Awareness and Site Assessment**

  * The CPA has initiated a media campaign and is working with local and religious leaders to explain to the public why it is necessary to preserve the grave sites.

  * A team of U.S. forensic experts has arrived to assess the sites and determine security needs. They will work with other Coalition assessment teams.

* **Step Two: Security and Support**

  * At sites such as al Hillah where extensive digging has already begun, the CPA will deploy humanitarian response teams. The teams will work with local leaders to coordinate an orderly digging process; encourage detailed examinations of personal effects; assist in implementation of a system to keep records of identified remains; implement a process for providing death certificates and conducting witness interviews; and facilitate documentation of information found at the sites.

  * Military at these sites will help inform the families of the importance of careful exhumation, and provide them with water, shade, plastic bags, gloves and masks.

  * At sites that have not been subject to extensive digging, the CPA will hire local Iraqis to guard the graves, and deploy humanitarian response teams to meet with families who appear at the site to explain the problems with uncoordinated exhumation and inform them of the CPA's plans to assist in identification and reburial of remains.

  * Forensic investigative teams from the Coalition will follow the assessment teams to conduct exhumations of gravesites. They will be coordinated out of the CPA offices and will hire and train local Iraqis to help.

* **Step Three: Identification**

  * The CPA will work with existing Iraqi organizations to establish an Iraqi Committee on Missing Persons (ICMP), which will collect the records of Iraqis who have disappeared and compile a national database to integrate the information with findings of the forensic investigative teams. In connection with ICMP, the CPA will create a national outreach program for families.

* **Step Four: Prosecution**

  * Prosecution of crimes against humanity committed by the former regime will be conducted through an Iraqi-led process assisted and supported by the international community as needed.

# Myths and Facts about the Coalition in Iraq

**Myth:** Iraqi clerics and protesters opposing the U.S. reflect the widespread resentment among Iraqis toward the Coalition's presence in their country.

**Fact:** With Saddam Hussein's removal, Iraqis are now free to speak their minds, voice dissent and protest openly -- acts that would have earned jail sentences and torture just months ago. While thousands may protest, more than 25 million people are liberated from the rule of Saddam Hussein, and most Iraqis are helping the U.S. and Coalition rebuild their country. Thousands have become new Iraqi army service members, civil defense militiamen, policemen and electrical workers. In increasing numbers, they are also helping Coalition forces locate and capture former regime members and their weapons.

**Myth:** Why doesn't the U.S. acknowledge the need for international help in securing and rebuilding Iraq? And why do American troops outnumber those from other Coalition members?

**Facts:** The Coalition force in Iraq is an international force. There are 19 countries on the ground and 37 countries that have pledged almost $3 billion in reconstruction assistance to the Iraqis. The U.S. has the majority of forces in Iraq because it is the world's great power right now, and with great power comes great responsibility. The U.S. has the fundamental responsibility for winning the peace in Iraq and will continue to commit the forces necessary to get the job done.

**Myth:** Recent reports say that the U.S. doesn't have adequate troop strength in Iraq.

**Fact:** There are currently 148,000 U.S. service members and more than 13,000 Coalition troops are serving in Iraq. Not only did elements of this force defeat Saddam's army in a number of weeks, they are now helping with internal security and reconstruction.

Rather than looking at numbers, it's helpful to look at results. The force in Iraq continues to be effective at applying pressure to the remnants of the former Iraqi regime. U.S. troops are conducting operations against enemy dead-ends. Recent operations -- including Soda Mountain, Sidewinder, Desert Scorpion and Ivy Serpent -- have included 190 raids resulting in the capture of 1100 detainees, the seizure of 4,500 mortar rounds, 1600 rocket-propelled grenades, more than 1,500 rounds of ammunition and thousands of other weapons and military equipment. In addition, more than 8,000 tons of Iraqi ordnance have been secured or destroyed since the end of major combat operations.

**Myth:** The Coalition has yet to find evidence of WMD in Iraq. Evidence of Saddam's WMD ambitions will probably never be found.

**Fact:** There is currently a large team of 1,500 people who have begun operations in Iraq to uncover WMD evidence. It will take time and patience to uncover weapons that Saddam and his regime have had years to hide. Iraq is a large country that developed complex methods of denial and deception tactics to mislead the international community and U.N. inspectors about the nature of their weapons programs. But there has never been any doubt -- among U.S. officials or the United Nations, which passed 17 resolutions calling for accountability with regard to Saddam's weapons -- that the former Iraqi regime had an aggressive WMD program.

**Myth:** A CSIS report released July 17 was highly critical of the U.S. effort in Iraq, and made a number of recommendations that should be implemented immediately.

**Fact:** The CSIS was fair in characterizing the immensity of the challenge facing the Coalition Provisional Authority in rebuilding a country suffering from the effects of 35 years of oppression and neglect. It also said the upcoming months were crucial, and that full reconstruction would take a number of years. For the most part, CPA leaders agree with this assessment. First, the U.S. is already implementing many of the CSIS recommendations, such as working hard to provide security, electricity, running water, sanitation and food. It is widely understand that rebuilding Iraq is a long-term process. It's clear that given the size of the task, the Coalition will be in Iraq going to be there for a while, possibly a number of years.

The CSIS report was also positive with regard to U.S. efforts. An excerpt:

"Eleven days in Iraq left indelible images in our minds...fathers escorting young girls to school; young men waiting in long lines everywhere jobs are announced; young kids flashing the thumbs-up sign; retained Iraqi police officers directing traffic; 19 year-old American soldiers...chatting on street corners with Iraqi children; the pride and professionalism of Iraqi members of newly established town councils; [and]...the sincere efforts of civilians to forge ahead...

"As we traveled throughout the country, it was impossible not be impressed by the character and drive of the coalition forces, the dedication and enthusiasm of the CPA, the weary endurance of the Iraqi people, and the enormity of the opportunities, challenges, and risks before them all [Page 9, www.csis.org]."

**Myth:** Saddam's remaining supporters are launching coordinated attacks across Iraq.

**Fact:** Eighty-five percent of the attacks against the coalition since June 1st have been in a small area between Baghdad and Tikrit. This is the area of Saddam's traditional tribal and political support, where remnants of the old regime regrouping in squad-level attacks against our soldiers. But they present no strategic threat to the Coalition, and there is no evidence of command-and-control coordination of these attacks.

**Myth:** The U.S. is getting drawn into a drawn-out guerrilla war in Iraq.

**Fact:** The Saddam hold-outs are not guerrillas, they are dead-enders, and they don't have the support of the Iraqi people. Additionally, they are no match for the Coalition forces in Iraq who number more than 140,000 and are conducting on-going and effective operations against Hussein regime criminals. Their attacks have not held up progress in Iraq.

Coalition Provisional Authority
Baghdad, Iraq

Achieving the Vision to Restore
Full Sovereignty to the Iraqi People

(An Overview)

Working Document of July 21, 2003

Introduction

This progressive plan is an overview of the strategy necessary for early restoration of full sovereignty to the Iraqi people. The strategy is driven by more detailed action plans (e.g., plans for the New Iraqi Army, the police, restoring electrical power, etc.).

Our strategy has four principal objectives or 'core foundations':

*   **Security** - establishing a secure and safe environment

*   **Essential services** - restoring basic services to an acceptable standard

*   **Economy** - creating the conditions for economic growth

*   **Governance** - enabling the transition to transparent and inclusive democratic governance

These objectives are intertwined: none can be pursued in isolation. Political and economic progress depends in part on security, but should itself help to create a safer environment.

L. Paul Bremer, Administrator
Coalition Provisional Authority

Summary

Now that Saddam Hussein's regime has been removed, the Iraqi people have the
opportunity to realize the President's vision of a stable, prosperous and democratic
Iraq. The Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), in close partnership with the
Iraqi Governing Council, the United Nations, and the international community,
has a key role to play in the next stage of rebuilding Iraq.

This document describes the CPA's strategy for carrying out its role in this
historic process. While the CPA remains the legally sovereign power in Iraq, we
now have a significant partner in the Governing Council (GC) of the Interim
Administration. That Council represents the voice of the Iraqi people to the CPA,
and to the world. Together the CPA and the GC will forge a partnership that will
guide the nation forward in its transformation.

This document is designed to direct the work of the CPA and the coalition
militaries in a flexible manner that recognizes the need to retain the support of the
Iraqi people in all that we do, knowing that their support is vital to our success. It
is also aimed at the international community whose political and financial backing
will be essential if our overall objectives are to be achieved. The plan recognizes
the need for further planning in coordination with the GC as the process of
rebuilding Iraq evolves. While full economic recovery will take years, the
economic reform program provides a vision of a future of freedom and prosperity
towards which we and the GC will work in the short term.

The plan describes key action steps within the various core elements that
determine the CPA's priorities in the short, medium and long-term. From this, we
can review what we have achieved and where we need to adjust. Finally, the plan
will assist us and the Governing Council to allocate our resources and those of
Iraq. It will also assist in attracting critical resources and capabilities from the
international community.

The CPA Vision

After decades of a ruthless dictatorship, the Iraqi people can at last control their
destiny and establish the conditions for a free and stable future. With the
international community, the CPA will help the Iraqi people achieve the
President's and Prime Minister's vision for Iraq - a free Iraq governed by a
representative government chosen through democratic elections. At the core of
this new Iraq is the development of a democratic, accountable, and self-governing
civil society respectful of human rights and freedom of expression. The future
prosperity of Iraq's citizens depends on the use of Iraqi resources to foster the
development of a market-based economy. This needs to be done in a manner that
is economically, socially and environmentally sustainable for the long term benefit
of all Iraqi people. Furthermore, our goal is an Iraq at peace with itself and its
neighbors, once again able to play a responsible role in the international
community. The Coalition is firmly committed to the future of Iraq. The CPA
succeeds when Iraq succeeds. Hence we will stay as long as necessary, and not a
day longer. But we will not leave until we have succeeded in carrying out the
President's and Prime Minister's vision. Our foundation of authority is firmly
embedded in international law and in accord with United Nations Security Council
Resolution 1483.

The Mission

The CPA will work with the Iraqi people and the Iraqi Interim Administration to establish the conditions for a free, sovereign, democratically-elected representative government. We want to work with Iraqis to establish an Iraq that uses its resources for the benefit of its people. It should be an Iraq that is stable, united, prosperous, at peace with its neighbors and able to take its rightful place as a responsible member of the region and the international community. This Iraq must be free of weapons of mass destruction and terrorists.

The End-State

The ultimate goal is a unified and stable, democratic Iraq that: provides effective and representative government for the Iraqi people; is underpinned by new and protected freedoms for all Iraqis and a growing market economy; is able to defend itself but no longer poses a threat to its neighbors or international security.

# ACHIEVING THE VISION
## Taking Forward the CPA Strategic Plan for Iraq

### Goal

The primary goal of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) is the early restoration of full sovereignty to the Iraqi people. We seek:

> "a unified and stable, democratic Iraq that provides effective and representative government for the Iraqi people; is underpinned by new and protected freedoms and a growing market economy; is able to defend itself but no longer poses a threat to its neighbors or international security."

A major step towards that goal was taken on 13 July, with the establishment of a Governing Council of 25 Iraqis representing all major strands of Iraqi society. The Council will have substantial powers. It will appoint Iraqi Ministers and approve budgets. It will be consulted on all major policy issues and on our planning for the transfer of power to a sovereign Iraqi government.

### Strategy

* Effective and fair justice systems

* Respect for the rule of law and human rights

* Creation of a vibrant civil society.

## Information

Strengthening the media is essential for the development of healthy democracy in Iraq. This will require legislation to protect free speech as well as to regulate broadcasting and promote responsible journalism. Professional bodies have a role to play in setting journalistic standards.

The transitional administration in Iraq must ensure that our policies are communicated accurately and effectively at all times to the Iraqi people. The CPA's communications strategy is designed to get our message out in an honest, clear and timely way – and then to take account of the responses of the Iraqi people, including their expression through the media.

## Resources

It is difficult at this point to quantify the external assistance needed to support Iraq's transition to representative government and a market economy. Eastern European experience suggests that a substantial international commitment will be needed. But Iraq starts the process at a lower level of economic and political development. Its energy resources have been badly mismanaged for decades, leaving the country unable from its own resources at present to provide an acceptable living standard for its people.

Clearly, the United States and the international community and institutions must take the lead. Only a co-ordinated international effort can bring prosperity and stability to the Iraqi people and contribute to a lasting peace in the Middle East.

Planning

Our planning, which is a dynamic and iterative process, involves:

* An unprecedented joint civilian and military CPA/CJTF7 planning process to produce a joint strategic plan – the military contribute vitally to all key objectives

* A comprehensive and evolving plan for the short, medium and longer term, but

* Necessary flexibility to change, and to learn from experience.

Attached charts give further details of the sectoral plans being taken forward in military and Ministerial plans.

<table><thead><tr><th>State 1: Aug - Oct 03</th><th>State 2: Nov 03 - Jan 04</th><th>State 3: Feb 04 onwards</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>2. Recruit vet, train and employ local Iraqi police on joint patrols. Joint manning of local police stations. (CJTF-7) (&gt;30,000 police on duty)</td><td>2. Transfer responsibility for local law enforcement to local Iraqi police. (CJTF-7) (38,000 police on duty)</td><td>2. Transfer national planning oversight responsibility to Iraqi government. (CPA) (67,000 police on duty)</td></tr><tr><td>3. Develop police training curriculum. (CPA/MOI)</td><td>3. Transfer responsibility for law enforcement planning and oversight to CPA MOI, Ministry of Justice (MOJ). (CJTF-7)<br>4. Begin establishing civilian oversight of police. (CPA/MOI)<br>5. Begin police training at national level training center. (MOI)</td><td>3. Establish civilian policy review board. (CPA/MOI)<br>4. Revise police training and continue training at national level training center. (CPA/MOI)</td></tr></tbody></table>

## Develop Iraqi Security Forces Which are Effective in Protecting the Society and Constitutional Order, Respect Human Rights, and are Responsive to Civilian Control

<table><tbody><tr><td>1. Conduct De-Ba'athification of security forces.</td><td>1. NIA Bns 2-4 trained and deployed.</td><td>1. NIA Bns 5-9 trained and deployed.</td></tr><tr><td>2. Establish and begin training New Iraqi Army (NIA), Facility Protection Service (FPS).</td><td>2. Long-term acquisition programs and logistical support activities established.</td><td>2. Training increasingly shifted to Iraqis.</td></tr><tr><td>3. Iraq Civil Defense Corps (ICDC). First cohort, 8 Bns.</td><td>3. Specialized and logistical units, armor, air and naval components.</td><td>3. ICDC folded into FPS, phased out or other disposition.</td></tr></tbody></table>

Security - 2

<table><thead><tr><th>State 1: Aug - Oct 03</th><th>State 2: Nov 03 - Jan 04</th><th>State 3: Feb 04 onwards</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>4. Establish systematic stipend and pension payments (Iraqi military and Kurdish PeshMerga).<br>5. Obtain Foreign Military Financing/International Military Education and training (FMF/IMET) allocation for FY 2004 (U.S.) + other coalition professional military education (PME) training support commitments.</td><td>4. FPS fully certified by MOI.<br>5. Second cohort (5 Bns), third cohort, (5 Bns) ICDC deployed.<br>6. Decision on future of ICDC<br>7. Decision on future of paramilitaries (PeshMerga, Badr Corps).<br>8. Begin IMET, other PME.</td><td>4. Stipends, job inventory, training for ex- paramilitaries (PeshMerga, Badr Corps).<br>5. FMF- financed imports of arms begin.</td></tr></tbody></table>

## Develop Iraqi Military and National Security Oversight Mechanisms to Ensure Civilian Control

<table><tr><td>1. Vetting system in place and tested.</td><td>1. Begin training for national security positions</td><td>1. MNDS within ministry budget.</td></tr><tr><td>2. NIA Establishing Order, Disciplinary Order issued.</td><td>2. Advisory commissions report.</td><td>2. Budget allocations and national security policy guidance originating from the Governing Council and NSC.</td></tr><tr><td>3. Establish control over Military Industrial Companies (MIC) assets and personnel.</td><td>3. Implement decisions on MIC/SOE (State Owned Enterprises).</td><td>3. IOM DOL job matching continues.</td></tr></table>

Security - 3

<table><thead><tr><th>State 1: Aug - Oct 03</th><th>State 2: Nov 03 - Jan 04</th><th>State 3: Feb 04 onwards</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>4. Initial decisions on MIC/SOE plan to establish/restart local defense industry.</td><td>4. Plans made for integration of most military support into civil economy and in conjunction with other ministries.</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>5. Brief Governing Council (GC) on initiatives.</td><td>5. GC approves FY 2004 (Iraqi) budget.</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>6. Ministry Advisory Teams (Iraqis) appointed.</td><td>6. GC approves MOD plains for NIA senior staff.</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>7. Prepare and approve FY 2004 budget.</td><td>7. IOM/DOL job matching program begins.</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>8. International Organization of Migration (IOM)/Department of Labor (DOL) registration for employment transition program.</td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

## Border Security

1. Re-establish Iraqi Border Guard. (CJTF-7)
2. Recruit, vet and train and employ Iraqi border guards jointly at border crossing sites (CJTF-7) (9 of 30 sites manned by Iraqis)

1. Transition border guard responsibility to CPA/MOI.
2. Establish national administration of border guard, customs. (CPA/MOI) (still 9 of 30 sites manned by Iraqis)

1. Transition border guard responsibility to Iraqis. (CPA/MOI).
2. Continue to conduct reconnaissance, surveillance of border. (CJTF-7) (all sites manned by Iraqis)

Security - 4

**Vision for Governance:** To support Iraq's transition to a representative form of government by supporting transparent electoral processes, strengthening political institutions, increasing the effectiveness of elected officials, and promoting the rule of law.

GOVERNANCE

<table><thead><tr><th>Short Term</th><th>Medium Term</th><th>Longer Term</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="3"><strong>Civic Education/Civil Society</strong></td></tr><tr><td>1. Civic education programs promoting electoral participation and democratic ideals:<ul><li>Set requirements for foundations of democracy.</li></ul></td><td>1. Training and educational programs to support constitutional reforms and elections on:<ul><li>Civic rights.</li><li>Respect for Human Rights.</li><li>Voter registration and participation.</li></ul></td><td><ul><li>Civic education program on constitutional referendum - promoting voter participation and constitutional legitimacy.</li><li>Civic education program on participation in elections.</li></ul></td></tr><tr><td>2. Development of issue based civic organizations.</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td colspan="3"><strong>Free and Independent Media</strong></td></tr><tr><td>1. Support independent media:<ul><li>Micro lending to new media outlets.</li><li>Draft media law.</li><li>Media Commission.</li><li>Startup a spectrum and content management regulatory body.</li><li>Ethics training for journalists.</li></ul></td><td><ul><li>Media training.</li><li>Promote media associations and a code of conduct.</li><li>Administrative bodies to arbitrate libel disputes.</li></ul></td><td><ul><li>Viable, free and independent media.</li></ul></td></tr></tbody></table>

Governance - 1

<table><thead><tr><th>Short Term</th><th>Medium Term</th><th>Longer Term</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="3"><strong>Political Party/Association Development - Develop sustainable political movements</strong></td></tr><tr><td>1. Support political movements:<ul><li>Engage international NGOs.</li><li>Set up democracy support centers for training and party organization, and message.</li><li>Promote local and regional party organizations that support national political movements.</li></ul></td><td><ul><li>Coalition building among parties.</li><li>Party participation in constitutional referendum.</li></ul></td><td><ul><li>Training on electoral techniques.</li><li>Political caucuses/conventions to select candidates.</li><li>Election monitoring.</li></ul></td></tr><tr><td colspan="3"><strong>Expanding Political Participation - Providing women and youth with necessary skills</strong></td></tr><tr><td>1. Establish exchange programs.</td><td rowspan="3"><ul><li>Providing public speaking and leadership training to women and youth.</li><li>Assisting advocacy groups with a focus on women and youth.</li><li>Promoting participation of women and youth in the constitutional process.</li></ul></td><td rowspan="3"><ul><li>Political training for women and youth candidates.</li></ul></td></tr><tr><td>2. Leadership training.</td></tr><tr><td>3. Civic advocacy training.</td></tr></tbody></table>

Governance - 3