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Lane Kirkland Memorial Service

According to Jewish mythology, God preserves the world despite its sinful character because of ten just men and women who, without claiming to be just, by their very existence on this earth vindicate humanity's aspirations to dignity and honor. Lane Kirkland was one of these. Humble, unassuming, dedicated, he did his duty as he saw it and not for personal accolades or advancement. The cause of freedom was his mission; social justice his cause; opposition to totalitarianism his vocation.

A product of the World War II generation, Lane never knew any ambiguity about his country's worth or about America's indispensable role in resisting totalitarianism. He emphatically rejected--indeed, he could not understand--the

SEP-21-1999 15:20

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tendency to use America's imperfections as an alibi for
withdrawal from the world. He thought the cause of freedom to
be indivisible, and he saw America as a beacon for the
oppressed. Lane thought America would, in the end, shrivel
into irrelevance if it failed to defend abroad the values for
which it stood at home. Though his actions were most visible
in the battle for freedom in Poland, they were equally
intense, if not so dramatic, in every part of the world within
reach of the American labor movement and of himself as an
individual.

I met Lane when, in the company of George Meany, he set
about instructing the Nixon Administration on the importance
of standing up to Communism. It was not what we were used to
hearing from his side of the then political barricades which,
at the time, generally castigated us for being too inflexible.

SEP-21-1999 15:20

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But it soon became apparent that we worked two sides of the
same street even when we differed as to tactical necessities.

Lane and I became close friends, as did our wives.

Thanksgiving dinners together were an annual ritual, and we met and talked many times in between. For Nancy and me, a family gathering was incomplete without the Kirklands.

Where national values were concerned, Lane was fiercely bipartisan in his support and in his scorn. Early in the Reagan Administration, I arranged a dinner between Lane and Jim Baker and Michael Deaver at which I heard the spokesmen of the "evil empire" being called to account for not living up to its rhetoric over Poland.

In 1983, President Reagan appointed Lane to the National Bipartisan Commission on Central America which I chaired. He became a principal in shaping a report containing the classic Kirkland philosophy, which also happened to coincide with

SEP-21-1999 15:20

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administration policy: tough opposition to totalitarianism in
the name of a forward-looking program calling for social
justice and democracy on the ground.

The report also provided the occasion for an act which,
in my mind, symbolized Lane Kirkland. In the course of the
drafting process, one of the commissioners strove for a
formula to salve his relationship with associates on the
outside likely to disapprove our consensus by inserting an
ambiguous footnote. I deployed complex arguments in
opposition. My academic eloquence proved in vain until, after
an hour, Lane looked up from his doodles and growled: "I
don't think you want to do a second-rate thing like this." It
turned out the recalcitrant did not.

Lane was a fierce opponent of the second-rate whose
friends were strengthened by his fortitude and sustained by
his capacity for matter-of-fact affection. He adored his

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5

wife, loved his country, and supported the oppressed because
that is what he thought the vocation of his country was.

I saw him for the last time three days before he died. I
had come to his home from the White House where President
Clinton had awarded the Medal of Freedom to President Ford and
To Lane was the symbol of America and others. As a recipient of the Medal himself, Lane wanted to
hear every detail, taking particular pleasure in the award to
Ford and to Evelyn Dubrow, a former official of the
International Ladies Garment Workers Union. Irena had warned
Lane that he was weak and getting weaker but, with extraordinary
willpower, he managed to aot almost as the Lane I had known by
now for three decades, fiercely guarded by his beloved long-
haired dachshund Melanie at his side on the bed. As I was
leaving, I permitted myself to express the hope that we might
(still) have Thanksgiving dinner together. "You know we all
need you," I said. "I am a fighter," Lane replied.

SEP-21-1999 13:08

KAI DC

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9/21/99-#3

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2
tendency to use America's imperfections as an alibi for
withdrawal from the world. He thought the cause of freedom to
be indivisible, and he saw America as a beacon for the
oppressed. Lane thought America would, in the end, shrivel
into irrelevance if it failed to defend abroad the values for
which it stood at home. Though his actions were most visible
in the battle for freedom in Poland, they were equally
intense, if not so dramatic, in every part of the world within
reach of the American labor movement and of himself as an
individual.

SEP-21-1999 13:08

KAI DC

212 753 7248

Where national values were concerned, Lane was fiercely
bipartisan in his support and in his scorn. Early in the
Reagan Administration, I arranged a dinner between Lane and
Jim Baker and Michael Deaver at which I heard the spokesmen of
the "evil empire" administration castigated for not living up
to its rhetoric over Poland.

SEP-21-1999 13:08

KAI DC

212 753 7248

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KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.05

[Y]

5

I saw him for the last time three days before he died. I
had come to his home from the White House where President
Clinton had awarded the Medal of Freedom to President Ford and
others. As a recipient of the Medal himself, Lane wanted to
hear every detail, taking particular pleasure in the award to
Ford and to Evelyn Dubrow, a former official of the
International Ladies Garment Workers Union. Irena had warned
me that he was weak and getting weaker but, with extraordinary
willpower, he managed to act almost as the Lane I had known by
now for three decades, fiercely guarded by his beloved long-
haired dachshund Melanie at his side on the bed. As I was
leaving, I permitted myself to express the hope that we might
still have Thanksgiving dinner together. "You know we all
need you," I said. "I am a fighter," Lane replied.

SEP-21-1999 13:08

KAI DC

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[Y]

6

He did not quite make it and yet he did. None of us
whose lives he touched will ever be quite the same. We will
all aim a little higher for having known him. It was an honor
to be his contemporary and a privilege to be his friend.

TOTAL P.06

SEP-21-1999 12:53

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9/21/99-#2

According to Jewish mythology, God preserves the world despite its sinful character because of ten just men and women who, without claiming to be just, by their very existence on this earth vindicate humanity's aspirations to dignity and honor. Lane Kirkland was one of these. Humble, unassuming, dedicated, he did his duty as he saw it and not for personal accolades or advancement. The cause of freedom was his mission; social justice his cause; opposition to totalitarianism his vocation. A product of the World War II generation, Lane never knew any ambiguity about his country's worth or about America's indispensable role in resisting totalitarianism. He emphatically rejected--indeed, he could not understand--the tendency to use America's imperfections as

SEP-21-1999 12:53

P.02/05

2

an alibi for withdrawal from the world. He thought the cause of freedom to be indivisible, and he saw America as a beacon for the oppressed. Lane thought America would, in the end, defend itself, value its shriveled into irrelevance if it failed to assert the relevance for which it stands. Though his actions were most visible in the battle for freedom in Poland, they were equally intense, if not so dramatic, in every part of the world within reach of the American labor movement and of himself as an individual.

I met Lane when, in the company of George Meany, he set about instructing the Nixon Administration on the importance of standing up to Communism. It was not what we were used to hearing from his side of the then political barricades which, at the time, generally castigated us for being too inflexible. But it soon became apparent that we worked two sides of the same street even when we differed as to tactical necessities.

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P.04/05

The report also provided the occasion for an act which,
in my mind, symbolized Lane Kirkland. In the course of the
drafting process, one of the commissioners strove for a
formula to salve his relationship with associates on the
outside likely to disapprove our consensus by inserting an
ambiguous footnote. I deployed complex arguments in
opposition. It proved in vain until, after an hour, Lane
looked up from his doodles and growled: "I don't think you
want to do a second-rate thing like this." It turned out the
recalcitrant did not.

Lane was a fierce opponent of the second-rate whose
friends were strengthened by his fortitude and sustained by
his capacity for matter-of-fact affection. He adored his
wife, loved his country, and supported the oppressed because
that is what his country meant to him.

SEP-21-1995 11:33

KHI DC

212 755 7248 P.01

9/21/99-#2

an alibi for withdrawal from the world. He thought the cause
of freedom to be indivisible, and he saw America as a beacon
for the oppressed. Lane thought America would, in the end,
shrivel into irrelevance if it failed to assert the relevance
of its values to the rest of the world. Though his actions
were most visible in the battle for freedom in Poland, they
were equally intense, if not so dramatic, in every part of the
world within reach of the American labor movement and of
himself as an individual.

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KHI DC

212 753 7248 P.03

[Y]

3
Lane and I became close friends, as did our wives.

Early in the Reagan Administration, I arranged a dinner
between Lane and Jim Baker and Michael Deaver at which I had
the rare opportunity of hearing the spokesmen of the "evil
empire" administration castigated for not living up to its
rhetoric over Poland.

In 1983, President Reagan appointed Lane to the National Bipartisan Commission on Central America which I chaired. He became a principal in shaping a report containing the classic Kirkland philosophy: tough opposition to totalitarianism in the name of a forward-looking program calling for social justice and democracy on the ground.

SEP-21-1999 11:33

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.04

[Y]

4

SEP-21-1995 11:54

KH1 DC

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[Y]

I saw him for the last time three days before he died. I had come to his home from the White House where President Clinton had awarded the Medal of Freedom to President Ford and others. Lane wanted to hear every detail, taking particular pleasure in the award to Ford and to a former organizer of the International Ladies Garment Workers' Union. Irena had warned me that he was weak and getting weaker but, with extraordinary willpower, he managed to act almost as the Lane I had known by now for three decades--so much so that, as I was leaving, I permitted myself to express the hope that we might still have Thanksgiving dinner together. "You know we all need you," I said. "I am a fighter," Lane replied.

TOTAL P.05

4 gevleed
by looked up from his doodles and saying to the recalcitrant:

"I don't think you want to do a second-rate thing like this."
recalcitrant
It turned out [the commissioner] didn't say

Lane was a fierce opponent of the second-rate, a loving
person whose friends were strengthened by his fortitude and
sustained by his capacity for pain.

I saw him for the last time three days before he died. I
had come to his home from the White House where President
Clinton had awarded the Medal of Freedom to President Ford and
others. Lane wanted to hear every detail, taking particular
pleasure in the award to Ford and to a former head of the
International Ladies Garment Workers' Union. Irena had warned
me that he was weak but, with extraordinary willpower, he
managed to present himself almost as the Lane I had known by

212 759 0041 P.05/06

KISSINGER ASSOCIATES

SEP-21-1999 10:16

SEP-20-1999 18:37

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.01

9/20/99

According to Jewish mythology, God preserves the word despite its sinful character on behalf of ten just men and women who, without themselves claiming to be just, exist at any one moment and thereby preserve humanity, dignity, and honor. Lane Kirkland was one of these. Humble, unassuming, dedicated, he did his duty as he saw for no personal accolades. The cause of freedom was his mission; social justice his cause; opposition to totalitarianism his vocation. Unlike many of those who shared his views on domestic and social policy, he did not view America's imperfections as an alibi for withdrawal from the world. He thought the cause of freedom indivisible and saw in America the beacon for the oppressed everywhere. His actions were most visible in the

SEP-20-1999 18:38

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.02

battle for freedom in Poland, but they were as intense, if not
so dramatic, in every part of the world which could be reached
by the American labor movement and by Lane as an individual.

I met Lane when, in the company of George Meany, he set
about to instruct the Nixon Administration on the importance
of standing up to Communism without compromise. It was not
what we usually heard from his side of the then political
barricades which, in general, considered us too inflexible.
But it soon became apparent that we worked the same side of
the street even when tactical necessities imposed different
measures.

We became close friends who looked forward to our annual
Thanksgiving dinners together and met and talked many times in
between. For us, a family gathering automatically included
the Kirklands.

SEP-20-1999 18:38

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.03

3

Early in the Reagan Administration, I arranged a dinner between Lane and Jim Baker and Michael Deaver and had the privilege of hearing the spokesman of the "evil empire" administration castigated for not living up to its rhetoric over Poland.

In 1983, President Reagan appointed Lane to the National Bipartisan Commission on Central America which I chaired. He was a principal force in shaping a report containing the classic Kirkland philosophy: tough opposition to totalitarianism in the name of a precise program reflecting social justice on the ground.

The report was also the occasion for a quintessential Kirkland act. When it was being drafted, one of the commissioners was trying to find a formula to salve his relationship to colleagues by an ambiguous footnote. I argued against it in vain for an hour until Lane ended the discussion

SEP-20-1999 18:38

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.04

[Y]

by looking up from his doodles and saying to the recalcitrant:
"I don't think you want to do a second-rate thing like this."
It turned out [the commissioner] didn't.

Lane was a fierce opponent of the second-rate, a loving
person whose friends were strengthened by his fortitude and
sustained by his matter-of-fact affection. He adored his
wife, loved his country, and supported the oppressed because
that is what his country meant to him.

I saw him for the last time three days before he died. I
had come [to his home] from the White House where President
Clinton had awarded the Medal of Freedom to President Ford and
others. Lane wanted to hear every detail, taking particular
pleasure in the award to Ford and to a former head of the
International Ladies Garment Workers' Union. Irena had warned
me that he was weak but, with extraordinary willpower, he
managed to present himself almost as the Lane I had known by

SEP-20-1999 18:38

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.05

[Y]

5

now for three decades--so much so that, when I left, I
permitted myself to hope that we might have Thanksgiving
dinner together. "You know we all need you," I said. "I am a
fighter," Lane replied.

He did not quite make it and yet he did. None of us
whose lives he touched will ever be quite the same. It was an
honor to be his contemporary and a privilege to be his friend.

TOTAL P.05