something's

 alleged at-
polized for
saying that
religious occa-

to the White
had reached
of any rift
ers — at the

vival, and for
ith. It also can
ews briefing in
rter asked Kis-
on a particular
would presume
he replied.

as perceived by
id if he shows up
presented to him
tely nobody.

eads
ion
ey

a meeting of the PUSH
Friday, Mr. Jackson an-
ced that Thomas N.
job had changed from
president to executive
president of PUSH. Mr.
Mr. said Todd would be
more involved in nation-
grams.

ON DAVIS, a former administrative assistant to Rep. Mikva (D-Ill.), was ed executive director of organization. Other ap- plements included those ofard Thomas as national etor of special projects and Rev. Otis Moss as Midwest president.

odd, a Northwestern Uni-
sity law professor, criti-
cized Redmond and said PUSH
I step up its efforts to have
ousted.

He was renominated on a floodtide of Republicans cross-
over votes, many of which appear to have been votes both for
Hanrahan and against the mayor's organization.

Hanrahan in fact, hints at leading a whole new movement
in which Daley might play a role, but not a major one.

"There is a rising tide of political independence. You found it in Republicans who voted for me, voted for a principle. Any political figure would be foolish to ignore it," Hanrahan said.

"Look what I did in River Forest—Republican River Forest, for Lord sakes," he said.

Hanrahan's new-found independence is manifested even
more clearly when he discusses other party leaders.
His reactions to them range from acidic disdain to a will-

Edward V. Hanrahan

Prodigal making up his own rules

ingness to forgive that suggests noblesse oblige.

HANRAHAN REFUSED TO SAY whether he would support Democratic gubernatorial candidate Dan Walker, who

Clear way
for airline
fare hikes

A new page
in history?

Kathi Dayton, 17, of Stevens-
ville, Mont., is the first girl
nominated to be a page in
the U.S. House. The Senate
has four girl pages. (AP)

Fastest rustlers

BELEM, Brazil (AP) — A band of rustlers has been stealing cattle near the mouth of the Amazon River and carrying them off to secret slaughterhouses in speedboats, rangers' association charged.

Woman, 55,
girl, 11,
are slain

A South Side woman and her
11-year-old granddaughter
were shot to death early Satur-
day, apparently during a rob-
bery.

The victims, Mrs. Mary Jen-

Hint secret
journey to

By Larry S. Finley

Top presidential aide Henry Kissinger has made a secret trip to Moscow to pave the way for President Nixon's May summit meeting with Soviet leaders, according to the Rev. Paul Lindstrom, chairman of the Remember the Pueblo Committee.

The secret talks, according
to Mr. Lindstrom, were held
sometime last week when Kis-
singer was reported by the
White House to be vacationing
in seclusion in Acapulco, Mexi-
co.

White House officials denied
Mr. Lindstrom's claim.

But Mr. Lindstrom said, "We have learned this information from an impeccable source. We believe it to be true beyond any shadow of a doubt."

Kissinger

Rev. Lindstrom

Mr. Lindstrom declined to
identify the source.

WORD of the secret trip is
being held up, according to the
Prospect Heights minister, so
that it can be released at a
strategic time to boost the pre-
stige of West German Chan-
cellor Willy Brandt, whose
fragile political control in
Germany would be strength-
ened by a reduction of tensions

WHILE in Moscow, Kissinger reportedly had preliminary talks with Soviet leaders on the possibility of reduction of offensive and defensive weapons.

President Nixon said in Februa-
ry that he hoped to reach
an agreement with the Soviets

Moscow

between the Soviet bloc and
the Western nations.

Kissinger made the trip to Moscow in a Soviet jet, according to Mr. Lindstrom. He was picked up in Mexico City sometime last week after the Soviet plane stopped off in Cuba, he said.

Kissinger was seen again in
Washington on Monday. On
Tuesday, he had private talks
with Egon Bahr, Brandt's
close adviser. The talks report-
edly were about Mr. Nixon's
May visit.

Kissinger

4/1/72

Chicago Daily News

Chicago Daily News

For Hanrahan, there is no doubt that he will keep his new constituency of suburban Republican homeowners, who responded so favorably to the rough talk about the "disgusting animals" — mostly black — who are "ravaging" society through crime and violence.

"They know where I stand and I know where they stand.
They are with us to stay," he said.

on arms limitations
visits there in May.

"I can report," the President said in his annual foreign policy report. "that a consensus is developing in the United States for a comprehensive limitation on nuclear missiles."

Mr. Lindstrom said that his
sources told him that another
subject touched upon was the
Soviet's growing navy and
fleet of Soviet missile-firing
submarines.

Washington sources have
speculated that the President
also will seek some kind of
limitation on the production of
Soviet subs capable of firing
nuclear missiles.

KISSINGER made a secret
trip to Peking last year to
range for Mr. Nixon's histor-
ical summit talks in the People's
Republic of China in February.

Let's unravel the
puzzle

Paris: And find
'little places' to eat

London: Visit sites
of U.S. Revolution

Page 9

One of the most dramatic
what the Republicans who loved Hanrahan in March decided
to do in November.

If Carey is unable to lure them back, he is waist deep in
political trouble and sinking.

# Swingier Image Of Kissinger Is Widespread

Complied by Our Latin America Staff

Henry Kissinger's off-duty reputation as a fun-loving bachelor extends even to Prensa Latina, the semi-official Cuban news agency.

A Prensa Latina dispatch from Mexico City reporting on Kissinger's recent vacation in Acapulco, begins:

"Henry Kissinger, President Nixon's swinging right-hand man, is having a ball in Acapulco.

"The smile that pierced the bamboo curtain is winning the hearts of American girls vacationing at Mexico's top sun spot.

"The United States," says the Prensa Latina correspondent, "has no problems in Mexico, and Kissinger is enjoying himself immensely, acquiring a healthy tan and laughing more than ever."

It quotes the Mexico City daily Excelsior as saying that Kissinger's visit here "has shown how he earned his playboy image. Kissinger is enjoying himself, and he's always accompanied by attractive blondes."

Apart from the blondes, said Prensa Latina, "Kissinger has two things on his mind: swimming and sailing.

"About a hundred plain-clothes police and army men have spun a tight security ring around Nixon's special advisor," reported Prensa Latina. "But breaking that net is no problem for blondes ... Kissinger came to relax, and he's having fun."

Cuban exile rumors had it, without any apparent foundation in fact, that Kissinger had gone to Mexico to do more than relax. They suggested he was secretly attempting to do a little fence-mending for the Nixon Administration with the Castro government.

One rumor, that found its way into print in Washington and prompted a White House denial was that Kissinger had met in Acapulco, with Joaquin Hernandez Armas, Cuban ambassador to Mexico. Another suggested Kissinger may even have gone to Cuba. There is no evidence to support any such speculation.

NEWS BRIEFS

JACKSON & CURTIS

INCORPORATED

# Off-Year Col

By DON BOHNING

Herald Latin America Staff

The die is cast for weathervane off-year Colombian elections April 16, the outcome of which will play a critical role in the future political course of the South American country.

It could well portend the return to power in 1974, through the electoral process, of an aging ex-dictator thrown out of office by the Colombian military in 1957.

Conversely, the April 16 voting could signal the beginning of the end of the Colombian establishment's hold over the country as exercised through the traditional Liberal and Conservative parties.

And, finally, the election outcome and how it is viewed by the nominally apolitical Colombian military could provide the catalyst to end the largest surviving multi-party democracy in Latin America and eventually put one more country under direct rule of the generals.

COLOMBIANS will elect representatives to 922 municipal councils, 22 state assemblies and four territorial legislatures when they vote at mid-month.

The elections will be the first free of the National Front ground rules which went into effect in 1958 and under which the Liberal and Conservative parties have alternated the presidency and divided all offices below it.

The unique agreement worked reasonably well in resolving then-existing political problems and cooling passions of an undeclared civil war, but Colombians have since become increasingly disillusioned with both traditional politics and politicians.

Their disillusionment has

Ex-Dictator Gustavo Ro
... populist movement

tination of the National
Front.

Alberto Lleras Camargo, a

“M

5

Columbus Dispatch 4/4/72

# Nixon Aide To Meet With Japanese

TOKYO (AP) — Henry A. Kissinger, President Nixon's adviser on national security affairs, will meet soon with Prime Minister Eisaku Sato and four men who are campaigning to succeed him, sources said Tuesday.

Kissinger will visit Japan April 15-18 at the invitation of the Japan-U.S. Economic Council, a private organization.

Officials said they also expect him to meet with members of the government to review U.S.-Japanese relations, which have been strained by economic differences and Nixon's announcement of a change in China policy without advising Sato.

Sato, 71, has said he will not seek re-election when his fourth two-year term expires in October.

REACHING FOR ONE—A marula fruit on tree in Kruger Africa. (AP)

Elephants are not the only marulacoholics in Kruger Park this time of year. Monkeys, baboons and warthogs relish the fruit and Venda tribesmen in the area indulge in the potent pleasure of the plain green berry.

Get

# Trade Winds

Cleveland Amory

Advertisement of the Week—from
Brig. Gen. R. S. Macrum of Acton,
Maine, who found it in the Portland
Press-Herald:

WANTED
EXPERIENCED
BOTTOM ROUGHER
Steady Work

Excellent piece rates and fringe benefits
Apply in person
Songo Shoe Co.

Soft sell?

Travel Note—as spotted by Mrs. David Bortin in the *Daily Pioneer* of Walnut Creek, California:

AIR TRAVEL

London: Europe: Far East: Hong Kong:
Australia.
We offer low fares one war

First-class, we presume, two wars.

Personal Note—located by Bernita Salisbury of Salt Lake City in the *Carthage* (S.D.) *News*:

Senior Citizens of Fedora will meet Friday at 1:30 p.m., with a pot-luck lunch. All persons over 20 years of age are eligible....

But, the point is, can they vote?

How would you like to be Vice President of Public Affairs and official "spokesman" for the troubled McGraw-Hill Book Company? First, the Clifford Irving case; second, Chief Red Fox, the wooden Indian; and, finally, the editor who took money for not one but two authors. There must be better jobs.

However, when we lunched with Ted Weber, who is V.P. of P.A. and S. for M-H, we found him not only generous toward all guilty parties but positively genial toward the world in general. He did, however, order dry vermouth on the rocks.

We suggested that didn't seem enough. He smiled. "Well, the cumulative effect is," he paused. "Well, you can't duck it, I suppose. I was surprised by the first and surprised by the second and surprised by the third. But you can get used to anything—even surprises. The situation with Stewart [Robert S. Stewart] is tough, though. He's a brilliant guy, and it's an isolated piece of bad judgment."

When, we wanted to know, did he first get the Hughes news? "It came drop by drop," he said, "like Chinese torture. The first indication I had that

it was going to be something out of the ordinary was that afternoon the Hughes Tool Company completely denied the whole thing. When I got home to Connecticut after work, my wife was on the phone and there was a whole pile of messages beside her.

"At first, we all stood firm. After all, the Hughes people's reaction hadn't been unexpected. The way they had always protected Hughes's privacy, we hardly expected confirmation. And Hughes himself, according to our information from Irving, had not taken his people here into his confidence.

"Almost immediately thereafter, however, we began gathering all the material we had—the handwritten letters, the cancelled checks, etc. And we had direct confrontations with Cliff—we demanded detailed chronologies of his meetings with Hughes. He was very convincing, you know. He was also—well, now that I look back on it, funny. I remember him saying after the Hughes telephone interview that he himself wouldn't mind meeting with the press, but he wanted to meet with only three of them. 'I don't want to make a circus out of this,' he told us.

"Then," Mr. Weber continued, "there was the afternoon we got the tip that there was something wrong with the Swiss bank accounts. By that evening we had two of our people on planes to Zurich. We've stopped saying it, because it sounds self-serving, but it was our complaint to the Swiss police that really started the whole thing.

"The thing was that damned manuscript was so compelling! So many people who read it vouched for it. We had a nine-page, handwritten letter from Hughes. Nine pages!" Mr. Weber took a swallow from his drink. "I can't forget those handwriting experts—we were sitting with our lawyers the day they went back on us. They had close to a month after they said it was the handwriting of Howard Hughes, and then they hand-delivered a message reversing themselves.

"But," Mr. Weber went on, "if there's one real message from all of this from the public relations standpoint, it's tell the truth. I also want to say there was never a time, day or night, week or weekend, when I couldn't within minutes reach Harold McGraw or Shelton Fisher [McGraw-Hill president and executive vice president]. Remember, our concern was with a number of audiences—the business and financial communities, our own employees, our authors. We've got eight thousand authors, and it's a close relationship. We

didn't want to look as if we were just abandoning an author."

Mr. Weber smiled. "There were also some funny things. I had a call from two men at the Detroit airport. They said that three months ago they had frozen Howard Hughes's body and they wanted the money to come to New York to tell us where it was. I also got a letter from an occultist who said that Howard Hughes was really Henry Kissinger and the money had been split between Kissinger and Mayor Yorty."

What, we wanted to know, would happen next? "I understand," he said, "Cliff is trying to peddle the book of his story." Would McGraw-Hill, we asked, be interested?

"No," he said. Did they discuss it? "It was discussed," he said, "but you can say it was a very brief discussion."

Mr. Weber's second crisis broke when McGraw-Hill was served with papers about the memoirs of Chief Red Fox by the daughter of James McGregor, who wrote *The Wounded Knee Massacre*. Apparently dissatisfied with Chief Red Fox's explanation—"I bought the material in the presence of Alfred Standing Bear and Martin Red Bear"—McGraw-Hill has agreed to pay a flat sum license fee to add an additional fee and a credit line if the book goes into another edition.

McGraw-Hill's crisis Number Three was over editor Stewart's accepting $1,700 from Alfred Kantor, author of *The Book of Alfred Kantor*, and his collaborator, John Wykert. "The tragic thing," Mr. Weber told us, "is that this is a great book. Nobody would have to pay us to take a book like that."

What steps, we asked in conclusion, had McGraw-Hill taken to prevent these things from happening again? "Look," Mr. Weber said, "if we set up an absolutely foolproof mechanism for the prevention of being hoaxed by an autobiography of an eccentric billionaire recluse or the memoirs of a one hundred-year-old Indian or even editorial poor judgment and applied that mechanism to every book we published, we'd be out of business. I like what Harold McGraw said. He was asked what he would do to prevent this from happening again. 'Did Caesar,' he asked, 'search Brutus for a dagger?' "□

SOLUTION OF LAST WEEK'S
KINGSLEY DOUBLE-CROSTIC (No. 1982)

HOWARD KOCH:
THE PANIC BROADCAST

The earth is our home and we would do well to cherish it. As the astronauts were flying back from the sterile wasteland of the moon, they looked upon our world, clothed in its bluish atmosphere, and found it incredibly beautiful.

SR/APRIL 8, 1972

5

NUMBERS, PLEASE!

ATTACH LABEL HERE

The numbers and letters on the label that brings Saturday Review your way each week may not mean much to you at first glance. But they are essential in helping our Subscription Department quickly identify your records.
That is why it is important to include your address label whenever you write Saturday Review about your subscription.

CHANGE OF ADDRESS

Please let us know at least four weeks before you plan to move. For fastest service, clip or paste your current mailing address in space provided, fill in your name and address, and mail to Saturday Review's Subscriber Service Division.

NEW OR RENEWAL SUBSCRIPTION

Check here to enter or extend your
subscription

One year $12.00

Two years $20.00

Three years $25.00

Outside U.S. and Canada, add $3 per year

New subscription

Payment enclosed

Renewal

Bill me

NAME

ADDRESS

CITY

STATE

ZIP

Saturday Review

SUBSCRIBER SERVICE DIVISION
380 Madison Ave., New York, N.Y. 10017

PHOTOGRAPHIC AND ART CREDITS:

p. 23 Richard Alcorn/Bettmann Archive;

pp. 25, 27 Bettmann Archive;

pp. 31-34, 37 Dan Budnick;

pp. 38-39 Library of Congress;

p. 46 UPI/Bettmann Archive;

pp. 51-53 Fred Maroon;

p. 58 Anthony Di Gesu;

p. 59 UPI;

p. 62 New York Daily News;

p. 63 Wide World;

p. 70 Steve Schapiro, Black Star

CARTOON CREDITS:

Mort Gerberg, Stan Hunt, Henry R. Martin

Top of My Head

Goodman Ace

Where, Oh Where Has My Little War Gone?

There was this dream in which I was in Washington, D.C., and went to the Pentagon to find out how the war was going. After all, as a citizen and taxpayer, I own a piece of the rockets that are still being dropped on Vietnam.

Before dozing off, I had been riffling through *The New York Times* to find the day's war story, grumbling why hasn't it been on the first page lately. Finally, on page nine there it was—one column, adjacent to a seven-column Bonwit Teller ad describing blue cotton and acetate blouses to go with matching slacks in polyester. The war headline was: "U.S. Bombs North 8th Day in a Row." So I dreamed my way into the Pentagon to find out why the war wasn't front-page news anymore.

As I entered the building, I asked the receptionist where I could find out about the war, and she directed me to the Secretary of Small Wars to Protect the Right of All People Anywhere in the World to Choose Their Own Government. Or, as it was listed in Pentagon lexicon: SSWPRAPAWCTOG. pronounced, "sswprapawctog."

I was ushered into the office of the beribboned Secretary of Small Wars. He was polite but irritable. On his desk was a stack of newspapers this high. "You think you have trouble finding war news!" he said. "How do you think I feel when I read all these front pages and have to search through every page to find even a little mention of the war? Look at this paper. A foreign correspondent wrote about 'the theater of war in Indochina,' and some stupid editor put it on the amusements page."

"Well, sir, the war has slackened quite a bit, and—"

"I know what you're going to say. There were only five Americans killed this week."

"I was not—repeat not—going to say 'only.'"

"But what about the thirteen hundred North Vietnamese we killed? Isn't that a lovely figure for page one? But where is it? Page nine. Where, oh where has my little war gone?"

"I wanted to ask you about that. It says in this story that U.S. B-52 bombers pounded South Vietnam south of the DMZ. Isn't that hitting below the belt?"

"Nobody's perfect, you know. Now, if you'll excuse me, I've got a small war to carry on here, if I can find it. Good day."

"There's one front page story on the war in this morning's paper about Prince Sihanouk, who used to be Chief

of State of Cambodia. He visited Chou En-lai and sat in the same brown armchair that President Nixon had sat in, it says, and Chou promised North Vietnam full support by China 'until total victory.'"

"Damn it, I tried to warn the President before he went to China that he was making a big—well, 'No comment' is my answer to that. It shouldn't ever have got on the front page, should never even have been printed. There are too many stories being printed that undermine the thinking of Americans. If I had my way, all the news—repeat all—would have to come from the White House. Period! Good day, sir."

That woke me up out of my dream. But I turned over, pondering how it would be if all news came from the White House, and then dozed off into the second chapter. I was leaving the Pentagon and hailed a taxi to take me to the airport. The driver turned on his radio, and I heard:

"Hi, there! This is your President coming to you from the Square Room of the White House with all the daily news that's fit to hear. The temperature here in Washington is seventy-two. And speaking of seventy-two, I am glad it's the year, as my banker friends tell me, the economy is holding steady. Employment is also holding steady. Unemployment is holding steady, too, but thanks to our economic game plan it is not growing.

"Which reminds me of a funny story. As you know, your President has been boning up for his trip to Russia. Well, Dr. Kissinger suggested, as a gag, when I sit at the banquet table in Russia, I pull out my chopsticks and start eating with them. But, as you all know, your President reveres the office of the Presidency and would never do an undignified thing like that.

"As you know, your President enjoys a good gag. But if I use my chopsticks, it could affect our delicate talks. If they don't have a sense of humor like mine, the Russians might see red. Ha-ha.

"Well, I see by the old clock on the wall I have time for just one more. A Bob Hope writer sent me a one-liner to use when I rise from the table. He suggests I say: 'I can't believe I ate the whole thing. I can't believe I ate the whole thing.' I might be tempted to use that one, depending on whether Kosygin is in a good mood. This is your President wishing you a good day. Tune in tomorrow for more of the important news that makes our country so great." ☐

SR/APRIL 8, 1972

6

know something about the running of
cities. We asked them to tell us if we
were doing something that we
shouldn't do or if we weren't doing
something that we should do.

We've had some recom-

taxes. But there's no way out.

Our expenses are going up.

One thing that has rubbed me the
wrong way, because it seems so un-
fair, is to have people say that I'm
favoring the fat cats, meaning the

what those problems are and not in-
dulge in easy criticism.

I think we know the dimensions of
our problems and responsibilities.
We're doing everything we can to
meet them.

Rumors Fly Around the World
Whenever Kissinger Leaves Town
By Hal Evening News 4/8/72

By PETER LISAGOR

Chicago Daily News Service

WASHINGTON — Henry Kissinger, described somewhat extrava-
gantly as the most powerful No. 2 man in recent American history, was
a keen student of the abstractions of power before he signed on as
the chief agent and theoretician of President Nixon's foreign policy.

At Harvard, he wrote learned
essays on the manipulative talents of
Bismarck and the wily designs of
Metternich, and one must assume
that he didn't jettison his academic
research when he got a taste of the
real thing in the Nixon White House.

As a result of his secret mission
to Peking and his many secret talks
with North Vietnamese delegates in
Paris, Kissinger has become more
than a private adviser to the Presi-
dent, and he has absolutely no
passion for that anonymity once
thought to be a cherished charac-
teristic of the White House staff.

SO, NOT surprisingly, when he
dropped out of sight recently to rest
a few days in Acapulco, the rumors
sped throughout the hemisphere that
he was cooking up another detente,
this time with an agent of Fidel
Castro, one of the few wholly in-
hospitable and ostracized Com-
munist leaders left in the world, so
far as Washington is concerned.

The White House was quick to
deny the rumors, but like most
denials here nowadays, the alleged
Castro contact fell within the range
of probabilities in the anything-is-
possible world fashioned by the
President and Kissinger. And then
came the announcement that Kiss-
inger will visit Japan this month on
what the White House describes as
"an unofficial visit," a category of
travel of interest only to protocol of-
ficers.

Kissinger will confer with the
Japanese prime minister and foreign
minister and other officials, as befits
a presidential agent.

THAT KISSINGER would be in-
vited in his own right to Tokyo

HENRY KISSINGER

A student of power.

testifies to the Japanese recognition
of the realities of power here.

For the Japanese authorities
don't especially approve of the pro-
fessor, tending to blame him in part
for the abrupt turn in U. S. policy
toward Peking, which was politically
offensive and unsettling to them. But
power overrides pique in the
chancellories of the world.

A meeting with Kissinger is priz-
ed second only to an appointment
with the President among resident
diplomats in this capital, a fact
which is its own commentary on the
relative importance accorded
Secretary of State William P. Rogers
in the foreign affairs establishment
here. His celebrity status is remark-

ed every time he ventures out on the
town, usually with a picture of some
attractive doll on his arm.

KISSINGER manages, through
the art of self-depreciation, to keep a
sense of perspective on both his
power and influence and his
carefully nurtured reputation as "a
swinger."

He once commented that it wasn't
a bad thing to be known as a swinger.
"It means you can sit next to
a beautiful woman at dinner and
bore her to tears — and she will
think something's wrong with her,"
he said.

He sometimes makes similar
jokes about his alleged attachments
to certain historic figures. Once he
apologized for being unable to accept
an invitation to dinner, saying that
the date conflicted with "a very
personal and religious occasion to
him — Bismarck's birthday."

A couple of years after he came
to the White House, when talk of his
"differences" with Rogers had
reached one of its periodic peaks, he
began a long denial of any rift by
saying that "when I last spoke to
Secretary Rogers — at the inaugural
..."

HUMOR serves some men as a
tool of survival, and for others it is a
weapon for turning aside the truth. It
also can be used to divert critics.

For example, at a news briefing
in China on the Shanghai com-
munique, a reporter asked Kissinger
a question about the Chinese attitude
on a particular point.

"My megalomania is not such
that I would presume to speak for
the Peoples Republic of China," he
replied.

The humor aside, Kissinger's in-
fluence as perceived by foreign
leaders is indisputably immense.
And if he shows up one day smoking
a pure Havana cigar, presented to
him personally by Fidel, it will
surprise absolutely nobody.

["id?", "to the Treasury's files; and\nas would be started up anew\ncountry in default.", "while the defaulting country\nwould be started up anew\nfor a loss of direct aid from\nthe United States, and\nthe United States would\nrefuse to lend money to\nthe United States, and\nthe United States would\nrefuse to lend money

## Opposes Pay Raise
For Legislators

Herald Traveler Editor:

Is appalled and enraged to learn
so-called representatives and
on Beacon Hill have raised their
Yes. I know it's for next term,
but can bet they all hope to be

do they think the money is
from? Already they have im-
the heaviest tax burden ever on
cens of this state. And for this
would be rewarded?

ider, too, that no one forces them
this job — they compete for it,
more, for most of them, this is
part-time job. Don't you think
is adequate pay for part-time
Note also the junks. Recently
ntatives left our cold and snow-
ny Florida, to study the election
es there. They could have learned
needed to know by correspond-
d newspapers.

The contrast with the New
ire Legislature and how it serves
ple. They have concern for the
they represent. They have just
to levy a sales or income tax.

these so-called representatives
con Hill realize that they are
ing this state with their extra-
until they comprehend that peo-
business are leaving this state as
they can, until they understand
ery extravagance means clothes
backs and food from our mouths,
little hope for this Common-

ks as if the taxpayer will be the
America's resources, to be ex-

M.M. BOMMER

## Cartoon on Target

Herald Traveler Editor:

C 至极的不孝
rations on Jim Dobbins' car-
derfully
who oppose capital punishment but
ge abortion-on-demand. Non-vio-
lent hallmark of the truly human.
les Manson lives, should an un-
d of human parents be subject
to, with no legal protection and for
of convenience?

JOSEPH J. REILLY

Executive Director
Massachusetts Catholic Conference

## Norfolk Jail

### In Sad Condition

To the Herald Traveler Editor:

Recently I visited one of our state's
so-called correctional institutions—the
Norfolk County Jail in Dedham. After a
guided tour of the antiquated structure
by Norfolk County Sheriff Charles
Hedges, I was thoroughly convinced that
its very existence is a mockery of true
justice.

Built in 1817 and "modernized" in
1870 the bleak and crusty edifice is more
like a museum piece than a true 20th
Century correctional institution. Housed
within its tired walls are over 100 human
beings—men who for the most part are
serving time for a variety of mis-
demoeans.

Funds to make necessary repairs lie
frozen in our state's cumbersome county
government system. While the population
of the jail increases, the budgeted funds
to run the institution have been cut by
the Norfolk County Commissioners. The
Massachusetts Legislature is also in-
active on the matter—as prison reform
takes a back seat to “more pressing”
political considerations.

The sole bright spot of my visit to the
Dedham County Jail was my deeply
favorable opinion of Sheriff Hedges. Al-
though he has been severely restricted
by meager county and state funding, he
has managed to keep the majority of his
inmates "believers" in his system.

With less than three years to go in his
present term as sheriff, Mr. Hedges told
me of his unsuccessful struggle since
1960 to either get a new jail, or to
procure funds to renovate the existing
structure.

I left the jail with a feeling of re-
morse for dedicated prison officials, the
inmates and their relatives. I also won-
der if the voters of Norfolk County, and
of the entire State of Massachusetts
realize that these deplorable conditions
are the result of political inefficiency and
total voter apathy.

This continued apathy has borne its
tragic fruits recently in many prisons
throughout the Bay State.

EDWARD F. SHEEHAN

East Weymouth

be, adopt the title. It's the latest thing.

IT'S ALSO one of the oldest. Popu-
lism is not so much a remedy for the
country's distemper as a measure of it.
The worse the times, the stronger the
populist appeal. The slogans, symbols
and pseudosolutions may change from
time to time, but the essential resent-
ment that fuels it remains the same.

of welfare chieftains and luke rich being
told that he ought to support George
McGovern's guaranteed annual subsidy!

The liberals out to court George
Wallace's constituency don't seem to
realize that what they would dismiss as
the froth of the Wallace appeal is its
embitered heart.

Populism is more art than science;

it was directed against a class as an
popular as the rich.

Those now urging American politi-
cians to take on a little populism need
to be reminded of the emotions insepar-
able from it. Edmund Muskie may have
been impolitic, but he was not entirely
wrong when he said that the returns in
Florida showed that people could bow
to their worst instincts.

John Chamberlain

# The 'Law of the Sea'

Herbert Klein, the White House Direc-
tor of Communications, gave an account-
ing recently in New York City of his fact-
finding trip to Latin America. Much of
his talk, made to a group assembled by
the National Strategy Information Cen-
ter, explored various interpretations of
the "law of the sea," which can hardly
be made uniform as long as some coun-
tries front on big open oceans and others
face each other across narrow waters.

Ecuador, for example, has been pick-
ing up U.S. tuna fishing boats for invad-
ing the 200-mile limit which the Pacific
Ocean nations in Latin America claim as
their exclusive domain. Klein, who
comes from San Diego, the home of
many U.S. tuna boats, seemed to wince
when he said he understood the feelings of
the Ecuadorians about the 200-mile
offshore claim.

"They feel that they have a law," he
said, "and they want to protect it." But
he added, quickly, the 200-mile law
wouldn't do at all for the Mediterranean,
or for the Caribbean, where many mari-
time nations are almost in sight of each
other.

KLEIN HINTED at a compromise
interpretation of the "law of the sea"
that would make it apply only to station-
ary natural resources such as offshore
oil. The tuna, he said, was an " interna-
tional fish." But even the oil limitation
won't do if you look at East Asia, where,
as I heard it said during a recent trip to
Japan and Taiwan, the potential riches
of the China Sea would, if linked to a 200-
mile standard, precipitate the next war.

Red China, Nationalist China and
Japan are all busy asserting claim to
Islands and adjacent waters in or near

the Ryuku chain. The Filipinos, with
offshore claims of their own, might get
into the act. For that matter, if oil were
ever discovered to the north of Japan,
there would be a natural controversy,
over interpretations of the 200-mile limit
with Soviet Russia.

The extreme cynics were saying that
American bankers want to work out a
deal with big international oil companies
and the Red Chinese for exploring and
exploiting offshore East Asian oil. But if
this was in Nixon's or Kissinger's mind
while the Peking trip was being planned,
it is a secret that didn't get any mention.

RED CHINA has assured Chile and
Argentina that it backs their territorial
sea rights. In doing this, Peking noted
that Taiwan, which is only some 90 miles
from the Chinese mainland, would come
within the 200-mile interpretation of the
"law of the sea." How the law would
apply to Hong Kong, a British crown coly-
ony, or to the Falkland Islands off
the coast of Argentina, or how it would af-
fect two other Red Chinese friends,
Guyana and Cuba, is a mystery.

Key West is just about the same
distance from Havana as Taipei, the
capital of Taiwan, is from the Red
Chinese coastal city of Amoy and
Guyana's presumptive claims to offshore
rights would quarrel with the similar
claims of Trinidad.

There's no way of settling offshore
rights save on a region-by-region basis,
with compromises hammered out in con-
ventions established by intricate trading.
An international convention allows all the
nations to use such narrow waters as the
Dardanelles, but Egypt tried to close the
Strait of Tiran leading to the Israeli port

of Eilat on the ground that the Gulf of
Eilat constituted an "internal". Arab
lake.

The Dutch, the West Germans, the
British and the Norwegians have man-
aged to parcel out the North Sea gas and
oil resources without flying at each
others' throats. But can anyone visualize
the Red Chinese, the Japanese and the
Republic of China on Taiwan sitting
down to determine the ownership of oil
under the East China Sea?

SOVIET RUSSIA, which wants to fish
everywhere and use the narrow waters
of the Gulf of Finland, the Baltic, the
Black Sea, the Mediterranean, the Red
Sea and the Sea of Japan without inhibi-
tion or prejudice, would be vastly penal-
ized by any interpretation of the "law of
the sea" based on generalized mileage.
So it isn't likely that maritime issues
will ever be settled within the confines of
the UN Security Council, where both Red
China and the Soviets have vetoes.

If Herbert Klein couldn't offer any
precision when talking about Latin
American claims to offshore territorial
rights, he did use words more meticu-
lously than either Henry Kissinger or
Richard Nixon when referring to our
defense treaty with Taiwan. He said that
no agreement had been reached with
Peking that prejudiced our "treaty alli-
ance with any other area."

The word "area" would legitimatize
the Taiwan treaty where the Nixon
Kissinger use of the word "province," or
the phrase "integral part of China," had
made critics wonder if a treaty made
with "part" of a country could have any
validity in international law.

The law needs amending. Unparable laws have not control. In passing the Congress left the states own tougher standards. Of four clear air laws since 1963 and three enacted since 1965. It is way beautification pros a less deadly form of

ases, Washington has a set minimum standards only the citizens of the land — in this case Min-Zens of other states as affected by the fallout — in and Michigan.

Through the states also have immediate duty to pro- pri- zens and their own the air above it" by even they so desire.

It to violate the Consti- have an obligation to on- constitution says specif- fiers not delegated to the Constitution, nor the states, are reserved vely, or to the people." we can find nothing from looking out for the its people.

ly located in areas the over. Henry is super- transport for Dearborn. ence, he would have it was, the prices paid properties smack of aid $24,950-for a house 6,000, and Miss Keane property she had bought

involved, from what is so far. But as a matter a rusty file would be

Unsettled by 'Nixon Shocks'

Keroy-Oates Rolmen

Will Japan Reject New U.S. Advances?

By MARK GAYN
Free Press-Chicago News Service

HONG KONG, — Japan, which only six months ago felt alone and neglected, now finds herself with two suitors — and the feeling is heady.

It is true that Henry A. Kissinger, due here on April 15 for a three-day stay, cannot exactly be described as a suitor. But he is coming here to assure the Japanese that the United States still is their staunch friend and ally, and that President Nixon's visit to Peking was good for Japan as well.

What is as important psychologically is that Kissinger's visit comes on the heels of a sojourn by the Soviet foreign minister, Andrei Gromyko. The Russian made every effort to make the Japanese feel desired, and the glow remains.

Though he will come to please and reassure, Kissinger will not have an easy time in Japan. The crowded schedule allows for meetings not only with government leaders, but also with noted in- tel- lectuals. The only thing these two groups have in common is the saying one hears frequently in Japan: "Dr. Kissinger distrusts Japan, and we, the Japanese, distrust Dr. Kissinger."

Last year, the President's adviser on foreign policy allowed himself to be critical of Japan's present policies and future course at "off the record" press meetings.

There were the usual "leaks" and his views, spread on Tokyo's front pages, produced a tre- mendous shock. Japan's opinion makers now are convinced that Kissinger dislikes Japan, and that he has infected the President with his biases.

Kissinger's problem will be even deeper than that. Japan and the United States are still bound by solid ties of trade and national interest. But the honeymoon, begun under the reign of Gen. Doug- las MacArthur, ended several years ago, and it was only the booming trade and the fog of pieties that helped to conceal the growing differences.

What made the Japanese painfully aware

of these differences was the series of so-called "Nixon shocks" in 1971. Suddenly the Japanese saw the United States, not as a benevolent and generous patron; but as a tough and selfish ogre.

The Japanese textile industry was told to limit its exports to the United States — or else. The "Nixon surcharge" cut deeply into both sales and profits. The hardest blow of all was Kissinger's secret journey to Peking — and then the President's.

Today, the Japanese are convinced the Ameri- cans radically changed their foreign policy in Asia without first consulting their staunchest allies.

Kissinger's visit to Japan may thus require even more suppleness than he needed on his two so- journs in Peking.

Observers expect him to assure the Japanese that close bonds with them are still one of the pillars of U.S. foreign policy — as trade with them is a pillar of American commerce. He is likely to assure the Japanese that the U.S.—China detente can only bring about the kind of peace that Japan also desires.

Kissinger

Gromyko

Rival suitors

Perhaps the harshest thing he might say to his- hosts will be that Japan had better do something about her high-tariff, restrictionist policy.

As they talk to Kissinger, the Japanese will still have in the backs of their minds Gromyko's visit to Tokyo. If Kissinger gave the Japanese last July a sense of isolation, Gromyko helped them to be rid of it. The feeling in Tokyo now is that Japan, too, has foreign policy options and she, too, can- play one power against another to promote her national ends.

The Soviet romancing of Japan is still on. The word has been given to Tokyo — unofficially — that once Prime Minister Eisaku Sato resigns in the next few months, his successor should come to Moscow—and "he will not regret it."

The Russians have also suggested that while they are not willing to return the four small Japa- nese islands they seized at the end of World War II, there is no reason why these islands could not be developed jointly. Moscow is saying, in effect, you give your cash and know-how, and we'll give the islands.

The Japanese are being very hard-nosed about all such offers. Oddly, it is not the government, but- Japan's big business that is holding back. This is especially true of the billion-dollar deal for the de- velopment of the Tyumen oil and natural gas fields in Western Siberia. The Russians are anx- ious, but the Japanese have been skeptical.

Next month, a Japanese mission is to go to Tyu- men to see just how much the Russians them- selves have done to develop the fields, and what the prospects are for piping the natural gas all across Siberia to the Pacific Coast, where it can be moved to Japan.

In Tokyo, as in Peking, one sees now an intric- ate game of power politics in which the new alignments in Asia are being shaped. Their form will not be defined for years, but their future shape will be affected by such men as Kissinger and Gromyko.

Detroit free press 4/10/75

San Francisco Chronicle

Xero= Peter Rolman

Wednesday, April 5, 1972

ing up the war?

TO THE EDITOR

ge Vavuris, "that the ver-
are a vindication of the
system of jurispru-
But it was not the system
of jurisprudence that was respons-
ible to the Soledad Brothers'
rather, it was the result
less efforts of thousands
working to publicly ex-
political nature of this
similar trials. It was not
ago that the American
of jurisprudence pro-
to the world that "black
no rights that the white
ound to respect." (Dred
sion.)

more, the nature of our
system cannot be viewed
from the nature of our
a whole. The United
founded on the slave
ack people ripped from
the soil, on the genocide
adian peoples...; it is
the principle of exploita-
an by man; and it is
by a violent, repressive
inery of which the pris-
san an integral part.

to sell Alcatraz while he was in
residence there.

Nevertheless, Russia was paid
$7 million 1867 dollars, a sum
roughly five times greater than
"the natives" will get, in terms of
the 1972 dollar's purchasing pow-
er. Alaska's oil alone is worth un-
told billions...

CHARLES C. REN.

Sebastopol.

Responsibility

Editor — I congratulate you for
being one of the few U.S. publica-
tions to editorially put the onus
for practically all of the killing in
Ulster on the IRA. Many Ameri-
cans believe extremist Protestants
are equally responsible despite the
fact that the IRA has admitted to
most bombings, and bombings
cease whenever the IRA has a
truce.

Because of the strong emotional
ties to Great Britain (nurtured over
the years), economic benefits in
the union with Britain, and a
strong antipathy to the Republic, I
doubt if Ulster's Protestants will

Royce Brier

Kissinger and
The Japanese

DR. HENRY KISSINGER, President Nixon's for-
eign affairs arranger, is said to be about to visit
Japan to mend some fences, if he isn't already there.
No use trying to trace his journeys in these days of
overnight jetting around the globe. Though he is so-
cially gregarious, in matters touching his job he is to
say the least, reticent.

There are some American
fences to mend in Japan, all right,
and they will tax the Kissinger
ingenuity.

Elizabeth Pond, a Christian
Science Monitor reporter assigned
to Tokyo, writes that some seg-
ments of Japanese politicians are
convinced Kissinger is unsym-
pathetic with the current Japanese position, and does
not understand them. Miss Pond herself seems a lit-
tle overwhelmed in making a survey of the various
levels of Japanese opinion, and it is understandable.
Undertaking to say what a large, energetic and com-
petent people thinks is highly complex, and subject
to fluctuating emphases here and there.

IN GENERAL, some of the Japanese political fac-
tions, including the Liberal - Democratic Party of
Prime Minister Sato, were "shocked" and annoyed in
varying degrees by Mr. Nixon's Peking move, of
which they had no warning.

Some political leaders aver the Nixon Adminis-
tration had persuaded Japan to hold aloof from Pe-
king, so to speak, and they felt betrayed and resent-
ful of the President's Peking demarche.

This, added to serious and stubborn American -
Japanese trade and territorial problems, like Okina-
wa, resulted in a "change" in the Japanese attitude
toward the United States as a patron of the Japanese
world position for the present historical cycle.

MORE THAN TWENTY YEARS later, the 1951
San Francisco Conference may seem somewhat
less promising than it did at the time. But that has
ever been the way of peace treaties — time and
change tend to twist them out of their original
shapes, begetting unforeseen difficulties, sometimes
hostility or even warfare.

American-Japanese relations have not, and can-
not soon, approach this parlous state, but Americans
would do well to give them continuing thought.

For instance, it now seems questionable if a
wholly disarmed Japan was a wise move for either
signatory. Renunciation of war for all time was an
emotional act rooted in total defeat after a failed
aggression. It was not rooted in historical reality or
the lessons of human experience.

It left Japan in a supplicative posture, wholly
dependent on American armed protection. It was a
strained posture for any proud and sensitive people.
True, the United States acquiesced in this solution in
its own vital interest, security in the western Pacific
won at great sacrifice. It was inimical to rational
international relations.

Nor can it last forever, defying the first law of
nature, self-preservation. That is the kind of world
we have, and it would be prudent to adapt to it, lest
it stealthily presents us with deepening problems be-
vond our control.

Kissinger
Calls Off
Japan Trip

By KAREN ELLIOTT
Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON—Dr. Henry Kissinger, President Nixon's national security adviser, postponed Tuesday a trip to Japan but the White House denied that the move indicates a growing concern with the war in South Vietnam.

Kissinger was scheduled to fly to Tokyo Saturday for three days of discussions with Japanese leaders but decided Tuesday morning to delay the trip until May in

order to keep a vigil on developments in South Vietnam.

"His decision for a delay does not reflect a change in the attitude (about the war) we have expressed publicly," presidential press secretary Ronald Ziegler said. "Dr. Kissinger just felt that at this stage he would remain and continue his responsibilities."

The White House has said publicly that it is concerned about the fighting around the

demilitarized zone and in South Vietnam but insisted a crisis atmosphere does not prevail.

While the White House denied any change in its official attitude, a second squadron of nearly 20 B-52 bombers were ordered to Southeast Asia from the United States and the Pentagon discontinued its daily briefings on U.S. military activities in Vietnam.

Dr. Kissinger, who chairs the Washington special ac-

tion group (WASG), a crisis panel made up of diplomatic and military strategists, will hold another meeting Wednesday, Ziegler said. WASG met for nearly an hour Tuesday as it has almost daily since the Easter offensive began.

"Dr. Kissinger will continue to keep the President informed," Ziegler said.

The White House has attempted to keep a low profile on Nixon's diplomatic and military move and insisted

that the WASG meetings are routine.

Ziegler said the decision to postpone the trip was Dr. Kissinger's although he did discuss it with President Nixon.

The announcement was made in Japan at noon and simultaneously in Washington at 10 p.m. Tuesday.

Kissinger had accepted a long-standing invitation from Yoshizane Iwasa, chairman of the Japanese-United States economic council and also chairman of Japan's

largest bank.

The trip had been labeled an "unofficial" visit but it provided the White House an opportunity to do some fence mending with the Japanese. The President's visit to China caused considerable apprehension in Japan and visibly irritated Japanese leaders.

Kissinger was also scheduled to confer with Premier Eisaku Sato, Foreign Minister Takeo Fukuoka and other officials on a wide range of issues, the White House said.

n-m beauty page

There are so many wonderful, worthwhile things to do. Today's woman has neither time nor interest in spending hours on beauty care. It must be minutes! So, here are ten good solutions to beauty in minutes! Cosmetics

Several minutes with Clinique. The new blue Clinique Beauty Emergency Masque takes a minute to spread across your damp face. Takes 30 seconds to two minutes to set, depending on your skin type. One minute to massage into your skin. Seconds to rinse off. And, of course, it's hypoallergenic, fragrance-free. For dry skin, use it once a week. More oil, more often! 7.50.

Five seconds with Rochas fragrance. Femme or Madame Rochas... to spread a little beauty around wherever you go. More beautiful still... knowing that, right now, with a 2-ounce Perfume de Toilette Spray, you'll receive a gift of Body Creme in the matching fragrance. Fragrance plus creme, 6.50 the set.

Two minutes with Germaine Monteil. One minute with her Facial Sluffing Cream, at night after cleansing and before your night cream, helps clear away dry flaky skin to reveal the fresh skin beneath. Instant Pore Minimizer goes on under moisturizer in the morning to help further refine your complexion. Each

Two minutes with Kent of London. As grandmother said - nightly brushing helps keep hair beautiful. It's important to use the right brush too - a really good one. Kent of London makes one of the finest ... has since 1777. A good, firm grip handle and real bristle that, with proper care, will last you for years 27.50.

Wednesday, April 12, 1972 The Dallas Morning News 3D

CHICAGO SUN-TIMES, Thurs., Apr. 13, 1972

110

KUP'S COLUMN

KUPCINET

HOLLYWOOD—The kibitzers in the film colony are saying this has been a banner year for movies—all its superstars flopped on TV. . . . Henry Kissinger was among the “no-shows” at the Academy Awards. He had a date to accompany Jill St. John to the gala, but a last-minute summons from President Nixon had him flying to Florida instead of Hollywood. Somehow, the President thinks Vietnam is more important than Oscar. . . . Joey Heatherton quietly obtained a divorce from football star Lance Rentzel, then took off for Budapest and a role opposite Richard Burton in “Bluebeard.”

NEWS OF STRIKES DOMINATED the papers here this week—the continuing baseball strike; the threatened strike of 2,200 employes at Hollywood Park racetrack, and a possible strike by stagehands that threatened the Oscar telecast. . . . Chicago attorney Sid Korshak got out of a sickbed to settle the racetrack threat, which enabled Hollywood Park to open its season on time Wednesday. . . . Sports authorities report the baseball owner who has been most adamant in refusing to budge on the strike is Gussie Busch of St. Louis.

ONE OF THE BEST STORIES about the making of “The Godfather” concerns Al Pacino, who emerges as a star. While Pacino was negotiating for the role, he signed with MGM to appear in “The Gang That Couldn’t Shoot Straight,” a film that eventually bombed. MGM notified Pacino that shooting in its film would conflict with the shooting schedule of “The Godfather,” which resulted in a tug-of-war between Paramount Pictures and MGM for Pacino’s services. Al knew “The Godfather” had success written all over it so he retained attorneys to abrogate his MGM contract. They finally did—at a cost of $50,000 for legal fees. Pacino’s Paramount salary to do “The Godfather” was $35,000—so he started the movie $15,000 in the red. Paramount eventually sweetened his movie fee so he came out of the film with some money. But more important, he became a star.

BOB HOPE EMCEED A DINNER here the other night and found himself seated on the dais between Rabbi Edgar Magnin and James Cardinal McIntyre. “I feel,” quipped Hope, “like a bookend between the Old and New Testaments.” . . . Hollywood veteran to newcomer: “If you think Hollywood is dull now, wait until your family comes out. . . . Shirley Temple Black will get the full 90-minute treatment from Dick Cavett on his May 5 show, during which she’ll reminisce and show clips of her days as Hollywood’s ranking child star.”

AL PACINO

DON'T COUNT PLAYWRIGHT Paddy Chayefsky, who won an Oscar Monday, among the admirers of today's youth. Quoth Paddy: "First of all, the young get older every day. Secondly, youth invariably is wrong." Apparently Paddy doesn't trust anyone under 30. . . . Former Chicagoan Haskell Wexler will directTwiggy in her next movie, "Gotta Sing, Gotta Dance."

IF HIS FAMILY BACK IN Glencoe was surprised to see young Fred Karger in the finale of the Oscar telecast Monday, this is what happened: Fred, a student at the U. of Denver, received permission to visit backstage to contact the stars for a benefit at the university. While he was in the midst of talking to Debbie Reynolds, the call came backstage for "everybody onstage for the tribute to Charlie Chaplin," the scene that closed the show. Fred just followed the stars onstage and shook Chaplin's hand. (He'll be a big man on campus.)

ROBIN MOORE, AUTHOR of "The French Connection," which won the Oscar for best picture, is working on a screen treatment of "The Happy Hooker," which he wrote in conjunc-

Discrimination against a white person because he associates with blacks could be a violation of the federal civil rights law, the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals decided Wednesday.

The ruling came in the case of a criminal defense attorney, Joseph L. Dombrowski, seeking to rent office space in the Brunswick Bldg., 69 W. Washington.

He charged in legal actions, including a $1.85-million damage suit, that Arthur Rubloff and Co., a renting agency, turned him down because many of his legal clients are black.

The agency replied that the building had trouble with cer-

tain clients of defense lawyers, regardless of their colors.

U.S. District Court Judge James B. Parsons found in Dombrowski's favor on Dec. 17. Parsons declared that practice of criminal law is a re- spectable profession and

## Coal ban rule

Circuit Court Judge Natha M. Cohen on Wednesday rule unconstitutional a regulation proposed by the Illinois Pollution Control Board that would ban solid fuels in residential and commercial buildings.

Steven Klein, assistant IPCB chairman David Currie immediately announced the

## One of the words

There is a best in every field.

A taste that through genius or even accident is achieved and never surpassed.

In cheeses there are many great tastes. In Bourbon

in Distillers Corp./At Louisville in Kentucky © 1972.

An Editorial

U.S. Alone for Freedom

IF EVER THE UNITED NATIONS WAS
EXPOSED AS A USELESS, GUTLESS, IM-
MORAL ORGANIZATION, IT IS AT THIS
VERY MOMENT. Have you heard one single
word from any member of the United Nations
protesting the naked, brutal invasion of South
Vietnam by North Vietnam forces, backed up by
tanks supplied by members of the United Na-
tions, Russia and Red China? You have NOT.
You will NOT hear a single word of protest
from the UN against this absolutely undispu-
able breach of international law and treaties.

It is perfectly ridiculous for the United
States to contribute ONE FURTHER CENT to
the United Nations. Furthermore, the United
Nations should be kicked out of the United
States and left to wander where it will.

Have you heard one single word of support for the U.S. from any one of our so-called allies throughout the world or criticism against the invasion of South Vietnam by North Vietnam? You have NOT. We should cease all foreign aid to any nation that does not now come to our support and protest this naked aggression by North Vietnam.

What to do now about U.S. senators and representatives such as Muskie, McGovern, Kennedy, McCloskey and Humphrey who, when their nation is involved in a war, make statements clearly and very evidently helping the enemy? Never in the history of the United States have we had such a disgraceful sight as seeing elected representatives of the people clearly giving aid and comfort to the enemies of freedom.

Have you heard one word of protest from Senator Kennedy, from Senator Muskie, Senator McGovern, Senator Humphrey or Congressman McCloskey or Congressman Harrington of Massachusetts, who has just returned from Vietnam, in protest against the invasion by North Vietnam

AN EDITORIAL

Gls Help Bolster
S. Viet Outposts

SAIGON (UPI)—A North
Vietnamese force estimated at
7,500 men surrounded and
attacked the South Vietnamese
combat base Bastogne yester-
day, posing an imminent threat
to the old imperial capital of
Hue and to the northernmost

around Bastogne at three
regiments of 2,500 men each.

The North Vietnamese
launched five ground assaults
and maintained a heavy mortar
barrage against Bastogne yes-
terday but failed to take it. They
have cut off both air and

WILLIAM HERMAN (left) presents William Loeb, publisher of the Manchester Union Leader and New Hampshire Sunday News, with an honorary membership to the Weare Junior Historical Society. The group is preparing a history of the Pine Tree Riot in observ-

MV Director
Releases List
Of Revocations

CONCORD — Director of
Motor Vehicles Frederick N.
Clarke Jr. has released the
following list of 72 drivers
license revocations and 18
suspensions issued by his office
during the past week:

DRIVING WHILE INTOXICATED — Dennis E. Aldrich 58, West Lebanon; Oscar J. Audette, 64, Northbridge, Mass.; Joseph Edward Brown, 55, Greenland; John Gerald Caza, 37, Kittery, Maine; Richard J. Chretien, 38, Goffstown; Thomas Clark, 21, Silk Farm Rd., Concord; Addison C. Collins, 50, Coventry, R. I.; Edmond Couture, 69, Stratford,

Gilman Sa
Really Not

By D. FRANK O'NEIL

CONCORD — Is this trip
necessary?

DRED Commissioner George
T. Gilman feels his coming
three-week tour of Europe is
important to New Hampshire's
industrial development and he
firmly denies it is a "junket."

"What happens if you don't
go?" he was asked.

"In that case New Hampshire
would be giving up a chance to
present its case to European

and
of
Bri-
eral

coun-
bus-

Gil-
whol
cost,
regi
finan
ingl
Engl
The
invol
As
Reg
aside
for e
state
offic
the
Brita
erlan
Co

The
invol-
cost,
Regi-
aside
for e
state
offic
the
Brita-
erlan
Co

AN

ed from Page One)

erson to represent
shire.

was reminded that
been some criticism
and that it has been
some as a "junket."
ridiculous," said the
al. "Anyone who calls
doesn't know what
g about."

## Promotion

a regional promotion
prove beneficial to
the six New England
said.

pointed out that some
es have already won
acts with European
result of a similar
last year.

about New Hamp-
was asked.

ill working on some
acts we made," he
made 180 contacts
some good pros-

that they hope to
on the possibility
known as "cross-
between foreign and
and that there is
od prospect in this
as New Hampshire

sized that he and
the only two whose
be financed, but
at their wives will
in Europe "for a
days." They will
own way," he
add.

## Their Own

Gilman stated,
working they will
own."

assioner said that
and Dunlap won't
her on the three-

## An Editorial

# U.S. Alone for Freedom

(Continued from Page One)

and the attack on South Vietnam? You have
NOT.

These senators and congressmen have a
one-way sense of morality — it is wrong for
their own country to protect a small country
from invasion but it is not wrong for the North
Vietnamese, backed by Chinese and Russian
Communist tanks and supplies, to break the
peace and invade South Vietnam. That's all
right, you understand.

WHAT KIND OF GUTLESS, AND CON-
FUSED SENATORS AND CONGRESSMEN
THESE ARE!

When the United Nations is removed from
the United States perhaps these congressmen
and senators will go WITH the United Nations
They have no more morality than snakes in a
muddy marsh.

At the top of the back page today we print
a vigorous article by William Randolph Hearst
Jr., editor-in-chief of the Hearst Newspapers.
Mr. Hearst comments along the same lines as to
the breakdown in morality on the part of the
United Nations and the ABSOLUTE FAT-
HEADEDNESS of certain senators and congress-
men. Be sure to read Mr. Hearst's article.

This newspaper recommends that President
Nixon realize, first of all, that he has been mis-
led by Dr. Kissinger and that this mistaken ap-
pointment should be sent back to Harvard, or
wherever he wants to go, and the foreign policy
of the United States be freed from his blunder-
ing and sinister presence.

Mr. Nixon went, hat in hand, almost obse-
quiously fawning over the blood-stained Chinese
leaders. Apparently he thought he was going to

soften them up. THEY GAVE HIM TWO PARTS. HE GAVE THEM TAIWAN. Now they have given him their answer as to what think of him by supplying massive amounts of tanks and other weapons to the North Vietnamese so they could launch their invasion of South Vietnam.

Mr. Nixon's would-be Russian hosts are
this thing up to their armpits, too. They have
also supplied tanks and other munitions, not
mention MIG planes, to the North Vietnamese
aid them in their invasion.

MR. NIXON, OF COURSE, IF HE HAS ANY BRAINS, WOULD IMMEDIATELY ANNOUNCE THE CANCELLATION OF HIS TRATTATIONS WITH RUSSIA, TO SOVIET RUSSIA.

ALMOST SIMULTANEOUSLY MR. NIXON ON WOULD TELL NORTH VIETNAM HE INTENDS TO ELIMINATE ONE OF THE MAJOR CITIES FROM THE FACE OF THE EARTH IF THEY DON'T IMMEDIATELY STOP THEIR INVASION AND WITHDRAW.

If Mr. Nixon would take such a firm vigorous stand he would then find the Chinese Communists and the Russian Communists — who respect force and, ONLY force — much easier deal with.

This would be especially true if Mr. Nixon announced a massive rearmament of this nation, so we could once again have a military superiority which would be impressive to our foes.

President Nixon's and Dr. Kissinger's attempt to negotiate peace from such a position of weakness is obviously now in shambles and proven failure, as is evidenced by the invasion by North Vietnam of South Vietnam.

MR. NIXON SHOULD HAVE LEARNED BY NOW THAT THE NATIONS OF THE WORLD HAVE NO RESPECT FOR WEAKNESS AND THAT THE COURSE HE AND DR. KISSINGER HAVE EMBARKED ON TO DETERMINE WHICH CAN BRING NOTHING BUT DISASTER AND SURRENDER TO THE UNITED STATES.

MANCHESTER (N. H.) UNION LEADER — Wedn

80 g.

NYT 4/13/72

# 'I Decided to Love' Kissinger

By HENRY KAMM
Special to The New York Times

PARIS, April 12—A noted French author, journalist and filmmaker has written a book about her unrequited love for Henry Kissinger that will go on sale next week.

In her book, Danielle Hunebelle—49 years old, tall, slim and elegant—explains that she would not have written it had not President Nixon's adviser on national security "betrayed" the "sacred character of friendship."

The betrayal, in Miss Hunebelle's account, consisted in Dr. Kissinger's avoiding her while he was here last July on the way home from his first, secret mission to China and dining instead with Margaret Osmer, an associate television producer for the Columbia Broadcasting System.

"And I cannot forgive," Miss Hunebelle says.

In the 242 pages of her book, published by the reputable firm of Gallimard, Miss Hunebelle describes her passionate, but apparently plac tonic, attachment to Dr. Kissinger and attempts a psychological study of the man.

## Tells of Candidness

The author first met Dr. Kissinger in November, 1969, when she interviewed him for a profile in the French magazine Réalités. Miss Hunebelle, in her account, said their relationship deepened when she produced a documentary on Dr. Kissinger for French television the following year.

Miss Hunebelle portrays Dr. Kissinger as fond of her and unusually candid in their discussions but intent on avoiding a deeper emotional rapport because of his position.

"But I am romantic enough to wait for three years," the author quotes Dr. Kissinger as telling her. "From that moment on, realizing that one of us had to take the initiative or we would never get out of the impasse, giving up the hope of understanding him, I decided to love him."

Her love led Miss Hunebelle to write many letters to Dr. Kissinger, make a number of trans-Atlantic telephone calls and attempt to see him on her frequent trips to the United States. Her book records few replies or invitations from Dr. Kissinger.

"I think it is desirable that our relations become more distant," Miss Hunebelle says Dr. Kissinger told her at one meeting.

## Crashes in Dismay

Her disappointment during Dr. Kissinger's visit here was aggravated by the fact that Miss Osmer is accused by Miss Hunebelle of having deceived her by producing a television documentary on Dr. Kissinger after her own film. Miss Hunebelle became so distraught that she lost control of her car on her way back from the airport, where Dr. Kissinger had avoided her.

She escaped badly shocked but unhurt and in the two weeks that followed wrote the book. Its title is, in English, "Dear Henry," and it is dedicated "Pour Henry." Its cover, a painting in the Norman Rockwell style, shows Dr. Kissinger, barefoot and in blue-striped pajamas, picking up a bottle of milk, a newspaper and his mail from the stoop of his house. The inside of the cover features a photograph of Miss Hunebelle with President Nixon and Dr.

Kissinger in the Oval Room of the White House.

A spokesman for Gallimard said that no American publication of the book had yet been arranged.

Miss Hunebelle, unmarried and the mother of two teenage daughters, has published two novels and a collection of her reportages from all over the world. A former actress, she has produced many television documentaries, including one for American television, "The Negroes Are Coming," in 1968.

Meanwhile, back in Washington, Mr. Kissinger was unavailable for comment. But there was speculation that he might have something to say once he read the book. Then

THE WASHINGTON POST

D2

Friday, April 14, 1972

SCENE

# An Account of a Lopsided Love for 'Dear Henry' Kissinger

KISSINGER, From D1

his morning paper, milk
bottle and mail.)

He invites her one evening to a very official soiree, which she elaborately prepares for by having her hair done, wearing her Paris gown and making herself up. She says, "I found decidedly I could rival Sophia Loren or Greta Garbo, but Kissinger, when asked at the door 'Is this lady with you?' replied 'No, she's not with me' ... without a word, without a look, he vanished."

His defense for his behavior that night was, "I've been the victim of my wife's blackmail for 14 years and I can't stand pressure, above all from another woman."

Although she was "heart-
sick," she allows herself to

be betrayed again and again
until the final showdown.

When Henry stands her
up at Paris' Orly Airport
(unknown to her at the
time, he had been making
arrangements for Nixon's
trip to China) that same
night he further insults her
by taking a rival CBS fe-
male producer (Margaret
Osmer) to dinner. A de-
liberate slap in the face.

Poor Danielle is left to
copy film and travels to
Cuba, Japan and again the
U.S. to do a successful TV
film on a French worker's
"dream society." But she
keeps one hand ready to
clip out Henry's photo-
graphs in newspapers from
all over the world.

She knows she has lost.
She has even tried to so-
llicit herself as his biograph-
er. Attempts to have Kis-
singer agree to let CBA buy

her film on him were re-
jected on grounds that it
was not timely. Later, CBS
did their own film and made
him look, she felt, artifi-
cial.

But she has her memories
for what they are worth, and
her newspaper clippings. At
the end of the book she
takes out a picture she car-
ries in her wallet, ready to
rip it up — but stops her-
self: "I brought it to my
lips and left a kiss upon it."

This sentimental love
story brings out the silliness
in Miss Hunebelle, who is
otherwise a serious and
very intelligent journalist
who was a war correspond-
ent for France Soir, has
written for Le Monde, pro-
duced and directed many
films, did the first TV film
ever made in Vietnam, is
the author of two novels and
the unmarried, liberated

mother of two grown daugh-
ters.

She admits, "I put myself
in the position of a stupid
girl to improve the light cast
on Henry. This book is a
labor of love. Women can
appreciate it, not mén.
Everything in it is subtle,
very amusing, unthinkable."

Other politicians opinions of Kissinger are recorded, too. Former Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara once said of Henry at a cocktail party, "Henry is, above all, a short man, and that complicates him—intellectually, physically, sexually and so forth." Kissinger said of McNamara, "He has no

political judgment at all. On
the other hand, he has rare
human qualities."

The man he admires most
is Nelson Rockefeller, "for
his artistic intuition, his as-
surance, the way he fends
off people he doesn't really
need. He gets right down to
the brass tacks. Like a wom-
an, he has the courage to fol-
low his hunches."

The book is chock full of
Kissinger's own insights.
For example, "It's true that
I'm energetic. I'm driving,
but I'm much less ambitious
than people look. Look at
what I did in 1968: I didn't
support one candidate or an-

other, I'm independent, I
even vote Democrat more
often than Republican ..."

Kissinger seems unshaken
by his boss. "I don't have
any built-in power, no bu-
reaucracy under my orders.
My power is the President's
confidence. I don't have to
fight to get my way. I just
have to keep the President's
confidence. Now, Nixon
knows and Laird, too, hence
the Pentagon, that I always
present the alternatives ob-
jectively and honestly ..."

Kissinger was traveling
with the President in Cana-
last night and could not be
reached for comment.

Although the book has
been translated into English,
it has not been sold to any
English-language publisher
yet.

Danielle Hunebelle won't
have that to worry about. If
the book does not bleed at
the seams with love for dear
Henry, then at least it is a

first-rate public relations job
for herself. She lets you
know exactly who she is and
what her achievements are
without the slightest modes-
ty. And anyway, as she says,
"It's not easy for a foreigner,
much less a female foreign-
er to get her name known in
a country like America."

The 'New' Sweater-Girl Look

Reuter

FLORENCE, Italy—The
sweater girl is back in style,
but this time she doesn't
wear a bra.

The 1970's sweater girl, as
outlined in three days of
collections of autumn-winter
ready-to-wear and boutique
clothes at the Pitti Palace
here, is dainty rather than
sexey, even though she
doesn't bother to wear a
bra.

She likes cashmere pull-
overs that stop just above
the waist, and have a waistband
of ribbing, in big hound's
tooth woven checks or min-
ute jacquards. Underneath
goes a white shirt, with
sometimes a bit of lace edg-
ing at the collar and cuffs.

With these she wears
baggy camel or grey and
white checked trousers in
the morning, and a pleated
knee-length skirt in the aft-
ernoon. On her head is a
knitted skating cap with a
yarn pompom.

Knitwear designer Mirsa's
all-over sweater look com-
bined brown calf loafers,
ribbed golf stockings, a Jac-
quard polo coat, pink stock-
ing cap, a pink skirt, and a
pullover with a woven cor-
sage of peach blossoms.

Another head-to-foot kni-
ted ensemble, by Missoni,

Fashions

was all in grey, and illus-
trates the careful coordina-
tion of ensembles in many a
collection.

Mallana gave a new twist
to his knitwear with a weave
called terrycloth. The tow-
elling effect alternated with
a flat jersey surface to cre-
ate a shadowy plaid effect.

Gherardini's Prince of
Wales prints came in camel
on white, and were printed
on leather for skirts and
short jackets worn over a
turtle-neck rust sweaters
and knit golf stockings. In
stead of a handbag, the
model wore a matching
leather rucksack strapped to
her back.

Milena Mosele's handsome

collection included his and
hers sweaters with knit
patches—dots, narrow
stripes and tiny jacquards—
worked into a plaid effect in
sober color contrasts like
camel with white. Her eve-
ning sweater-dresses had
sexy halter tops or bared
backs.

Short matching white car-
digans had puffed sleeves in
white eiderdown. Likely to
become a fad: knitted skat-
ing caps, rolled over to
make a brim, with a big
scatter pin at one side. They
were shown in both daytime
and evening variations.

When the models slipped
off their skating caps, their
hair style had all but disap-
peared, the hair being short
all over and lacquered fla-
like Ingrid Bergman's "For
Whom the Bell Tolls"

H. R. HARRIS

Famous Life Saver Suits

The Life Saver Suit ... classic good looks plus versatility ... light weight fabrics to carry you from spring into summer. Linen or shantung textured rayon, cotton or cotton blends. Solids and open checks in a colorful array of spring shades. At all Harris stores, misses sizes. Master Charge, Central

Cooking pleasures
start here

With a solid cherry
cutting board and roll-
ing pin, both from
Appalachiana "Grand-
father Eagle" cutting
boards: 8" x 12", 4.50;
16" x 16", 8.50. The
rolling pin (a pleasure
"in hand") is 23" long,
4.00.

CHICAGO DAILY NEWS, Thursday, April 26, 1972

5

Insight

# Why U.S. shuns Paris talks

By Milt Freudenberg

Daily News Foreign Service

PARIS — The United States doesn't intend to return to weekly Vietnam talks, regardless of battlefield events, unless private negotiations also resume.

American officials lost faith in the usefulness of the Thursday sessions last year, but continued them as a cover for the secret meetings of White House aide Henry A. Kissinger and Le Duc Tho.

Tho is the Hanoi politburo member whom Kissinger says is essential to real negotiations. He doesn't attend the formal meetings at the Majestic Hotel, leaving that to Xuan Thuy, a foreign ministry official.

Thuy and Madame Nguyen Thi Binh, head of the Viet Cong delegation, have demanded resumption of the Thursday talks. If these sessions are resumed and the United States stops its "escalation of the war of destruction" against North Vietnam, Thuy said Le Duc Tho would return to Paris for more secret talks.

But, as Defense Sec. Melvin R. Laird told senators this week, Washington rejects both of Hanoi's conditions as long as the North Vietnamese military offensive continues in South Vietnam.

U.S. OFFICIALS GAVE UP on the Majestic Hotel meetings because the other side was using them to mislead public opinion and interfered in the U.S. political campaign, insiders said. They add that there has been no essential change in the Communist position since the first Paris meetings between Thuy and Ambassador W. Averell Harriman May 13, 1968.

Hanoi and the Viet Cong's Provisional Revolutionary Government consistently have demanded total American withdrawal plus removal of the South Vietnam government now headed by President Nguyen Van Thieu.

Last summer, some American newsmen and senators were led to believe that Hanoi would settle for a limited military agreement — U.S. forces withdraw in return for release of American prisoners in Communist hands.

Kissinger made such a proposal May 31, but later re-

Henry Kissinger

The real principals in a touchy game

revealed that the North Vietnamese said that any proposal that did not include political elements could not even be negotiated.

"We were being pressed by sincere Americans at least to answer a proposal which we were already dealing with," Kissinger complained. "The resulting division (in the United States) made the other side believe that the negotiations were a form more of psychological warfare than of negotiations."

THE WEEKLY PARIS TALKS WERE LAUNCHED in the heat of the 1968 U.S. presidential campaign. President Lyndon B. Johnson withdrew from the campaign and halted U.S. bombing of North Vietnam, which had continued since 1965.

Hanoi said then it was beginning the talks in return for unconditional halting of U.S. bombing. The United States

said Hanoi had agreed to certain conditions. The Communists denied this.

The agreed conditions, according to the United States, were participation of the Saigon government on the American side, halting of North Vietnamese crossings on the demilitarized zone and of attacks on major South Vietnamese cities.

The United States also said the agreement on halting the bombing was worded to cover "acts involving the use of force." This meant U.S. reconnaissance flights could continue.

Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge met with Thuy, the Viet Cong and Saigon delegates for the first official plenary session Jan. 25, 1969, soon after President Nixon's inauguration. Lodge also held secret talks with Thuy and Le Duc Tho. Lodge's deputy Philip Habib met privately with two Hanoi deputies.

Kissinger also took part in six private meetings in 1969 and 1970.

THE LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH of North Vietnamese President Ho Chi Minh Sept. 3, 1969, was credited with freezing the dialog for months.

After Lodge resigned in late 1969, Habib became acting chief U.S. negotiator. Thuy refused to meet with him, saying the U.S. had "downgraded" the talks. But Kissinger and Tho met privately during the Habib period.

Ambassador David Bruce was named chief negotiator in the summer of 1970. The other side was formulating its basic position, first in 10 points, then in 8, with clarifications.

In October, Mr. Nixon proposed a five-point solution including a settlement that would reflect the "political realities" in South Vietnam, a cease-fire, all-Indochina conference, exchange of prisoners and negotiated withdrawal of American forces.

The war had spread into Cambodia in April, 1970. South Vietnam tried its strike into Laos in February, 1971.

Bruce, who had one private meeting with Thuy, resigned

Turn to Page 6, Column 1

Le Duc Tho

["meetings at the Majestic Hotel, leaving that to Xuan\nYen, a foreign ministry official.", "Ambassador Nguyen Thanh and Madame Nguyen Thanh Binh, head of the Viet\nEugene delegation, have demanded resumption of the Thungs\ntalks. If these sessions are resumed and the United\nas stops its \"escalation of the war of destruction\"\nfirst North Vietnam, Thuy said Le Due Tho would return\nparts for more secret talks.", "as Defense Sec. Melvin R. Laird told senators this\n, Washington rejects both of Hanoi's conditions as long\nthe North Vietnamese military offensive continues in\nNorth Vietnam.", "5. OFFICIALS GAVE UP on the Majestic Hotel meet-\ning because the other side was using them to mislead pub-\nlishers said. They add that there has been no essential\ngage in the Communist position since the first Paris meet-\ning between Thuy and Ambassador W. Averell Hartman\n13, 1968.", "Hanol and the Viet Cong's Provisional Revolutionary Gov-\nernment consistently have demanded total American with-\nital plus removal of the South Vietnam government now\nled by President Nguyen Van Thie.", "last summer, some American newsmen and senators\nled to believe that Hanoi would settle for a limited\nagreement — U.S. forces withdraw in return for\nuse of American prisoners in Communist hands.", "Kissinger made such a proposal May 31, but later re-", "Henry Kissinger", "Le Due Tho", "The red principals in a touchy game", "revealed that the North Vietnamese said that any proposal\nthat did not include political elements could not even be\nnegotiated.", "\"We were being pressed by sincere Americans at least to\nanswer a proposal which we were already dealing with.\"\nKissinger complained. \"The resulting division (in the United\nStates) made the other side believe that the negotiations were\na form more of psychological warfare than of negotiations.\"", "THE WEEKLY PARIS TALKS WERE LAUNCHED in the\nbeat of the 1968 U.S. presidential campaign. President Ly-\ndon B. Johnson withdrew from the campaign and halted\nU.S. bombing of North Vietnam, which had continued since\n1965.", "Hanol said then it was beginning the talks in return for\nunconditional halting of U.S. bombing. The United States", "Ambassador Nguyen Thanh Binh met with the North\nCong and Saigon delegates for the first official plenary ses-\nsion Jan. 27, 1969, soon after President Nixon's inauguration.\nLodge also held secret talks with Thuy and Le Due Tho.\nLodge's deputy Philip Habib met privately with two Hanoi\ndeputies.", "Kissinger also took part in six private meetings in 1969\nand 1970.", "THE LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH of North Vietnamese\nPresident Ho Chi Minh Sept. 3, 1969, was credited with freez-\ning the dialog for months.\nAfter Lodge resigned in late 1969, Habib became actinic.", "Ambassador David Bruce was named chief negotiator in\nthe summer of 1970. The other side was formulating its\nposition, first in 10 points, then in 8, with clarifications.", "In October, Mr. Nixon proposed a five-point solution In-\ncluding a settlement that would reflect the \"political reali-\nties\" in South Vietnam, a cease-fire, all-indochina confer-\nence, exchange of prisoners and negotiated withdrawal of\nAmerican forces.", "The war had spread into Cambodia in April, 1970. South\nVietnam tried its strike into Laos in February, 1971.", "Bruce, who had one private meeting with Thuy, resigned", "from Page 6, Column 1", "GOLDEN'S\nYes, longer\nyet milder", "longer\nlength-\nmilder\ntaste", "M. G. H. M. H. H. M. H. H. M. H. H.

An Editorial

Phony Fireworks

Having figured out President Nixon as well as this newspaper has, we rather suspected the recent strikes near Hanoi and Haiphong were just another of his little "operations" and didn't really mean anything. Now, from columnist Paul Scott, in an article at the top of our back page today, we learn that they were exactly that.

United States pilots were under strict orders not to bomb the strategic port and docking facilities of Haiphong or the Soviet bloc vessels in the inland harbor and river that connect the port with the Gulf of Tonkin.

Thus, the only major North Vietnamese port facilities, now handling 15 Soviet bloc ships

AN EDITORIAL

Page 10

An Editorial

# Phony Fireworks

*(Continued from Page One)*

every three days, were put off limits to American pilots. And the damage about which the Soviets are complaining apparently came from parts of antiaircraft shells and rockets fired at American aircraft by North Vietnamese gunners.

Even these strikes would not have been allowed except that President Nixon received a report that several high-ranking military officers planned to resign with a public protest against the INSANITY of no action being taken to destroy the vast stockpiles of Russian Communist supplies in the Haiphong-Hanoi area, SUPPLIES WHICH ARE BEING USED TO SUPPORT THE NORTH VIETNAMESE INVASION OF SOUTH VIETNAM.

Dr. Kissinger, the Harvard jackass, was against any such action on the grounds that it might cause the Russians to cancel President Nixon's visit to Moscow. Of course, the President should have canceled the visit himself, and canceled Dr. Kissinger at the same time.

It doesn't seem to DAWN on either the President or Dr. Kissinger that they will get no concessions from the Russians, that you cannot deal with the Russians. They don't seem to UNDERSTAND that the Communists don't make deals with anyone unless their opponents have overwhelming armed strength and the courage to use it.

Since the United States does not have that overwhelming strength and has given no indication that it would have the guts to use it if it did, the Russians will give President Nixon and Dr. Kissinger absolutely NOTHING of any value. IN TURN, THEY WILL EXTRACT A GOOD MANY CONCESSIONS WORTH A GREAT DEAL TO THE RUSSIANS.

While everybody was watching this move in Vietnam, Dr. Kissinger was making a SECRET VISIT to the SOVIET EMBASSY. This was only discovered by the State Department in a routine report of visitors received by the Russians.

In the opinion of this newspaper, there never has been a more dangerous person in the United States government than Dr. Henry Kissinger.

KISSINGER MUST GO.

William Loeb, Publisher

UPI-106

(KISSINGER)

WASHINGTON--THE WHITE HOUSE, APPARENTLY STUNNED BY COMPLAINTS THAT IT LIED ABOUT PRESIDENTIAL ADVISER HENRY A. KISSINGER'S WHEREABOUTS, TODAY SAID IT WOULD REFUSE TO GIVE NEWSMEN ANY INFORMATION ON THE NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER'S SCHEDULE.

"I'M JUST NOT GOING TO PROVIDE INFORMATION ON DR. KISSINGER'S SCHEDULE FROM HERE," DEPUTY PRESS SECRETARY GERALD L. WARREN TOLD THE REGULAR WHITE HOUSE BRIEFING.

PRESS SECRETARY RONALD L. ZIEGLER HAD DECLINED TO SAY WHERE KISSINGER WAS WHEN ASKED ON MONDAY. BUT IT DID NOT BECOME CLEAR UNTIL TODAY THAT THE REFUSAL WAS A MATTER OF POLICY.

KISSINGER MADE A SECRET TRIP TO THE SOVIET UNION APRIL 20-23 AT A TIME WHEN THE WHITE HOUSE HAD ANNOUNCED HE WAS AT CAMP DAVID CONFERRING WITH THE PRESIDENTSM

THE WHITE HOUSE OFFICE WAS CLEARLY ANNOYED BY REPORTS WHICH DESCRIBED THEIR EFFORT TO MASK KISSINGER'S WHEREABOUTS AS LYING.

WHILE KISSINGER WAS IN MOSCOW, WHITE HOUSE SPOKESMEN VOLUNTEERED THE ERRONEOUS INFORMATION THAT HE WAS AT CAMP DAVID. THEY DID NOT WAIT FOR QUESTIONS.

5/2-GE139P

UPI-107

BY WILLIAM P. BUNDY

THE VIEW FROM JAPAN

Because of the flare-up of the Viet-
nam war, Dr. Kissinger has post-
oned the visit to Japan he was
scheduled to make last week, ostensi-
bly on the invitation of leading Japa-
nese businessmen. It now appears that
the trip will be rescheduled in the
near future, hopefully before the
President's trip to Moscow.

Having just come from several days
in Japan, I am convinced that the Kis-
singer visit is of critical importance.
Japanese leaders are in a quiet fer-
ment, in which concern about Ameri-
can policy is very nearly uppermost.
Above all, they ask: what kind of a
world does the U.S. visualize?

At the moment such guidance as
reaches Japan from Washington is
both vague and verbally loaded, the
key phrase being "balance of power."
Over and over, Japanese cite a single
sentence from President Nixon to the
effect that the world's affairs are now
to be ordered by the interaction of
five great centers of power balancing
each other off. The five, of course, are
the U.S., Soviet Union, China, West-
ern Europe, and Japan—all, as the
Japanese understand it, on a par and
independent from each other

AN ACUTE PROBLEM

Bluntly, such a concept scares
thoughtful Japanese. As one of them
put it: "The more you talk about bal-
ance of power, the more it means to
us that we have to have power." By
that of course, he referred to much
enlarged conventional forces—and
perhaps soon a nuclear capability.
And therein lies an acute problem.
Japanese accept with pride their
standing as the third economic power
of the world; they cannot come to
grips with what a real military capa-
bility outside their borders would be
and most recoil from the idea in a
deeply rooted psychological way. I,
for one, think they are entirely right
in this reaction—and that the loose
statements of Secretary Laird in partic-
ular have done much harm in the last
year. Nothing could be more impor-
tant than for Dr. Kissinger to straight-
en out just what the President does
mean on this point. I hope and pray
that it is confined to a modest pro-
gressive increase in Japan's conven-
tional forces for defense at home.

But with this must go reassurance
that American policy still puts, as I
believe it does, first priority on a close
relationship, essentially a partnership,

with Japan, and that it views the U.S.
relationships with both Western Eu-
rope and Japan in very different terms
from U.S. relations, however im-
proved, with China or Russia. Japa-
nese do not feel they alone have the
cards to play great-power politics on
a global basis and the thought of do-
ing so on their own genuinely disturbs
them. Moreover, as they see it, a poli-
cy of significant thrust or maneuver is
neither in their style, nor consistent
with their worldwide economic ties.

ADOLESCENT GIANT

In sum, the Japan that many Amer-
icans have come to regard as a power-
ful, purposeful and selfish nation
looms much frailer and more diffident
when one is there and studies Japa-
nese comment. Not that the power
and the selfishness are absent: Japan
was lamentably slow to grasp the
worldwide implications of its new eco-
nomic status and today does not take
in what its growing trade and aid
mean in Southeast Asia. In some re-
spects, it is a stumbling adolescent
giant, which only vaguely sees the
role it must play in the world econo-
my and can constructively play in
Asia. It is a truism that Japanese are
not sensitive to others or to the reac-
tions they arouse and are incredibly
clannish abroad.

But this only increases the desper-
ate need for effective communication
between the United States and Japan.
Part of the problem over the past year
may have been inevitable in a time of
transition both for American policy in
Asia and for American economic poli-
cy. Part of it may lie in the impreci-
sion of the phrase "balance of power."
A limited common-sense application of
the concept would make a lot of sense
to Japanese—for example, in the idea
that their relations with both China
and Russia could benefit from being
approached in parallel.

It has been a rough year in Ameri-
can-Japanese dealings. Yet the scars
of last summer's rapid decisions might
now be accepted by Japanese as una-
voidable if they were accompanied
by a sense of a new over-all view of
Asia and the world economy on the
part of the U.S. Dr. Kissinger may not,
indeed should not, have pat answers
on this, but he could do a lot just by
clarifying what he and the President
do *not* mean. He will find, above all,
how much American views still count
in Japan.

INTERNATIONAL

and on Christmas Day he was ready to
leave. His departure, however, was un-
expectedly delayed. En route to Havana
airport, the 30-year-old free-lance writer
was arrested by Cuban security police
and jailed on charges of espionage.

"I was frightened to death," McDon-
ald recalled last week in New York. His
fear was understandable. No sooner had
he been arrested than he was taken to
the detention center of the Cuban De-
partment of State Security, located out-
side Havana. There, he was photo-
graphed and fingerprinted and thrown
into an 8- by 10-foot cell. Kept in solitary
confinement for the next seven weeks,
McDonald was provided with only a
hard wooden bed, a cold-water shower
and a hole in the floor for a toilet. With
no books to read, he spent his time pac-
ing the floor, covering by his own calcu-
lations 10 miles a day. He was permit-
ted to leave his cell only for
interrogation sessions that occurred ev-
ery other day.

**Facade:** McDonald's interrogator was a police lieutenant who accused him of being a CIA agent and told him to confess or face 30 years' imprisonment. "I insisted I was a writer, not a spy," McDonald recalled last week. "But he replied that I was lying and my writing was only a façade. He said if I told the truth they would go easy on me. But I insisted on my innocence." After three weeks of this routine, McDonald's interrogation was suddenly discontinued. "I knew they must be deciding my fate," he says.

Abruptly, on the 50th day after his ar-
rest, McDonald was summoned by his
interrogator. "He began by asking me
how I felt and if I wanted anything,"
McDonald recounted. "I told him I want-
ed my freedom. 'Anything else?' the lieu-
tenant asked. 'Yogurt,' I said, because I
really love yogurt. At that, my interro-
gator smiled for the first time since I had
known him. And that very day I was
transferred to a larger cell, complete
with a regular bed and a toilet—and yo-
gurt twice a day." On the 85th day, Mc-
Donald was told that the charges against
him had been dropped and that he was
to be released, although his notes would
be confiscated. A week later, 30 pounds
lighter than when he entered jail, he
was placed on a plane to Madrid.

Despite his ordeal, McDonald made it clear last week that he felt no bitterness toward the Cubans. "My views about the successes and problems of the Cuban revolution have not been altered by my imprisonment," he told NEWSWEEK. "There have been a lot of distortions about Cuba under Castro. I'd like to correct this imbalance." In trying to right the balance, however, McDonald seems curiously ready to accept one undeniable and unlovely aspect of contemporary Cuba illustrated by his own experience—the fact that, in the name of the revolution, the Castro regime does not hesitate to trample on individual freedom and persecute the innocent.

Newsweek, May 1, 1972

46

... through inventiveness in life insurance to protect people who make businesses go.

In an unsure business world, Continental life insurance helps reduce the impact of loss of valuable people. Through key man insurance, retirement plans for owners and employees, stock-buy-out and partnership agreements which include disability protection, there is security for persons and families, and promise of continuity for businesses.

And your independent agent provides this business-related life insurance on the same "serve you first" basis as his personal and family plans.

There's a better life in an unsure world with more kinds of life, disability income, retirement and group insurance from inventive Continental, the No. 1 choice of insurance pros.

CONTINENTAL ASSURANCE Co.

A PART OF CNA FINANCIAL CORPORATION

THE WAR IN INDOCHINA

the Administration took a reading of U.S. and North Vietnamese reactions to the strikes, U.S. B-52s and fighter bombers swung back into action with massive raids in the southern panhandle of North Vietnam and on that country's second biggest port, Thanh Hoa.

For all the pressure that the U.S. was applying, moreover, the Communists remained uncomfortably effective at bloodying Saigon's forces on the ground. The gravest enemy threat by far continued to be around the provincial capital of An Loc and along Route 13 leading to Saigon. From Route 13, NEWSWEEK'S Ron Moreau reported:

All week long, South Vietnamese airborne troops and remnants of the largely shattered ARVN Fifth Division held on to An Loc, time and again repelling the Communists who have laid the town to siege. But while the successful defense of An Loc has certainly been a boost for South Vietnamese morale, in the long run it could turn into a Pyrrhic victory. With ARVN troops tied down in the defense of the town, bands of Communists have been moving through the jungles and rubber plantations along Route 13, pressing ever closer to Saigon itself. Without equivocation, the senior U.S. adviser to the 21st ARVN Division, Col. J. Ross Franklin, acknowledged how serious the danger was. "The enemy," he told me, "does have the capability to move on Saigon."

Already, the Communists have moved perilously close. While ARVN forces were still trying to move up Route 13 last week, North Vietnamese troops slipped around them and attacked the district headquarters of Ben Cat, only 20 miles from Saigon. Surprised by the attack on their rear, ARVN artillery gunners swung their howitzers around hurriedly to fire on the enemy. But the results were tragic. The first rounds fell short and struck the sleeping village of My Phuoc, killing eight civilians. And even while the ARVN were trying to regroup, Hanoi's forces were opening yet another front in the west. Late in the week, the Communists overran ARVN troops trying to hold Highway 1 inside Cambodia, shredding a South Vietnamese ranger battalion in the process and reportedly seizing a 50-mile stretch of the road. This gave them one more potential route into Saigon and posed yet another challenge to the beleaguered ARVN.

For all the potential gravity of the enemy thrusts around Saigon, the Communists had yet to take and hold any significant town in the area. But the same was not true in central South Vietnam where North Vietnamese troops scored one of their most dramatic successes last week. In what some Americans on-scene described as a rout, the Communists captured the district capital of Hoai An in Binh Dinh Province and sent the ARVN scurrying away in panic

(Continued on Page 52)

NIXON'S SECRET
BOMBING SURVEY

Even some of Richard Nixon's closest aides were puzzled by his sudden resumption of massive bombing of North Vietnam. For the dubious effectiveness of bombing as a strategic policy in Indochina was indicated to Mr. Nixon in the early days of his Presidency. Immediately after his Inauguration, the President instructed his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger, to undertake a thorough review of U.S. military policy in Vietnam. The result was National Security Study Memorandum No. 1, a 548-page document that, like all such reports, is classified "Secret." This week, Sen. Mike Gravel of Alaska, who last year helped make the Pentagon papers public, plans to read NSSM 1 into the Congressional Record. Below, NEWSWEEK publishes for the first time excerpts from NSSM 1's appraisal of the effectiveness of U.S. bombing of North Vietnam during the Johnson Administration.

The study is a prime example of Kissinger's exhaustive attention to detail. Calling on the resources of the State Department, the Defense Department and the Central Intelligence Agency, he posed more than two dozen searching, even scholarly, questions about the conduct of the war. And, like the stern professor he once was, Kissinger often tossed back the answers for more rigorous thought. But despite the monumental investment of time and energy, the resulting paper seemed curiously ill-suited to the Administration's policy purposes. Indeed, as high White House officials have privately admitted, NSSM 1 revealed a disturbing number of differences in how the various agencies saw the U.S. role in Indochina.

On the question of bombing, the disagreements were clear. While admitting that the bombing had plainly not "paralysed" Hanoi, the State Department under William Rogers emphasized the cumulative strain on North Vietnam of the long aerial bombardment. Melvin Laird's Pentagon analysts pointed out that, despite all the adverse effects on the North Vietnamese people—including an estimated 52,000 civilian casualties—the bombing only seemed to have rallied the people behind Hanoi. CIA Director Richard Helms and his staff took the most unequivocal stand of all, asserting that “the air war did not seriously affect the flow of men and supplies to Communist forces in Laos and South Vietnam. Nor did it significantly erode North Vietnam's military defense capability or Hanoi's determination to persist in the war.”

On one point, however, opinion was unanimous: Soviet and Chinese aid had been crucial in helping Hanoi weather the bombing. And in that respect, NSSM

I may have had a significant impact on Mr. Nixon's thinking when, two weeks ago, he ordered resumption of the bombing of North Vietnam. Given the strong evidence that bombing had been of limited military value in Vietnam, the President presumably did not cherish the belief that he could defeat the North Vietnamese with his Air Force. Instead, his current aerial assault on North Vietnam seems designed primarily to serve diplomatic and psychological purposes.

NSSM 1, which reached Mr. Nixon's desk early in 1969, read, in part, as follows:

> What is the evidence on the scale of effect of B-52 attacks in producing Viet Cong/North Vietnamese Army casualties? In disrupting VC/NVA operations? How valid are estimates of overall effect?

**STATE DEPARTMENT:** Although POW and [defector] statements and captured documents attest to significant casualties resulting from specific missions, the available evidence is insufficient for a confident estimate of the over-all scale of these casualties. There is little evidence to suggest that these [missions] have succeeded in inflicting a scale of losses on the VC/NVA sufficient to significantly disrupt tactical operations or to force the Communists to alter their basic strategy for South Vietnam... [However,] MACV operational reports have repeatedly noted that tactical air support air strikes in South Vietnam have disrupted Communist combat plans...

**CIA:** The few existing studies and the available raw intelligence make it clear that B-52 strikes do account for a substantial number of casualties, have effectively disrupted VC/NVA operations, and have a strong adverse psychological impact on enemy troops. Unfortunately, [it is] impossible to arrive at any quantitative measurement of the effect of B-52 strikes that can be regarded with confidence. Recent [studies by the Joint Chiefs of Staff] would indicate a kill ratio of .74 per sortie, or an implied [kill] rate of 1,300 per month during 1968. Thus ... B-52 attacks in South Vietnam may have accounted for ... 16,000 enemy

Kissinger, Rogers (left): Probing

50

Newsweek

THE WAR IN INDOCHINA

Gōksin Sipahioglu

ARVN artillery lays down a barrage south of An Loc: New battlefronts and more murderous combat

The Miscalculation Is Mutual

The American destroyer Higbee had just finished pumping shells into North Vietnamese coastal artillery batteries when the three jets appeared off its port bow. Someone hollered "MIG!", but by the time that chilling cry rang out, the enemy planes had already screamed over the ship. "Before we could swivel our guns around," recalled a young gunner's mate, "the bombs went off and flames started coming through the hatches." With portions of its superstructure mangled and its aft gun turret ripped off its mount and pitched into the sea, the Higbee lay helpless in the water, the victim of a totally unexpected kind of assault. The attack on the Higbee marked the first time that Hanoi had sent its Soviet-built MIG's into action against U.S. ships in the Gulf of Tonkin—and thus constituted yet another escalation in the rekindled fighting in Indochina.

All this marked the re-emergence of a painfully familiar pattern. Once again, each step-up of the war by one side served only to stimulate a corresponding turn of the screw by the other. "Both sides appear to be letting things get a bit out of hand," muttered one U.S. official in Saigon. "God only knows where it will end."

There was, in fact, no end in sight as the Communist offensive churned into its fourth week. Spilling over into the populous coastal areas of South Vietnam, the ferocious ground fighting threatened to engulf the capital of Saigon itself (map, page 52). Inevitably, casualties soared on both sides; according to the latest weekly report, 1,002 South Vietnamese soldiers lost their lives during the seven days ending on April 15. That was the largest number since the 1968 Tet offensive; and during the same period an estimated 7,000 Communists were killed in action. With the Communist forces pressing the battle throughout the south, the Nixon Administration

continued to unleash a deadly barrage of air strikes on both sides of the Demilitarized Zone—despite strong indications in a hitherto unpublished National Security Study memorandum that air power in Indochina has been of limited value (box, page 50).

Few U.S. ground troops, of course, were involved in the fighting—and hence American casualties were relatively low; only twelve Americans were killed in the week ending April 15. But there was no denying that the U.S. was in danger of getting sucked deeper into the Vietnamese quagmire at a time when the public had come to believe that the U.S. role in the war was ending. And nothing underscored American vulnerability more than the attacks on the 40-ship U.S. task force in the Gulf of Tonkin.

In the heaviest sea combat of the war, the Navy felt the sting of continued Communist assaults, not only by the MIG's that lashed out at the Higbee but

in attacks by North Vietnamese torpedo boats and in bombardment by coastal gun batteries. And while Navy gunners shot down one MIG and sank three PT-boats, the U.S. took some punishing blows in return. Eight warships were struck by enemy fire and the guided-missile frigate Worden inadvertently was hit by two missiles fired by American planes. All told, the U.S. lost two sailors killed and twenty wounded, and had three ships knocked off the line. Even more alarming was the discovery that the Communists had introduced still another new weapon into the war—a ship-to-ship missile fired at the destroyer Benjamin Stoddert. The Stoddert was not hit, but U.S. officials feared that the missile might have been a Russian-manufactured Styx, the type that Egypt used to attack and sink the Israeli destroyer Elath in 1967.

**Jubilant:** The unprecedented Communist attacks in the Gulf of Tonkin were widely viewed as retaliation for the Nixon Administration's decision to practice some escalation of its own in North Vietnam with its series of raids on Hanof and Haiphong two weekends ago. In those attacks, an armada of some 200 U.S. planes, including seventeen B-52 bombers, rained explosives on petroleum storage depots, warehouses and truck parks and jubilant American officials claimed a notable success. Pilots returning from the raids, said U.S. military spokesmen, reported "major damage with many fires and secondary explosions."

But again, neither the dramatic strikes deep into North Vietnam nor the continued heavy bombing of Communist positions in the south were achieved without cost. In the three weeks of the current offensive, sixteen U.S. planes and twenty helicopters have been lost, with nine crewmen killed, eleven wounded and 42 missing. And more losses were virtually inevitable. For after a two-day lull in the bombing of the north while

UPI

ARVN dead litter An Loc street

Newsweek, May 1, 1972

49

[dead] and a like number of wounded during 1968 ... B-52 strikes undoubtedly disrupt VC/NVA operations ... These losses may be critical in regard to specific military operations but do not represent a significant burden in terms of the enemy's over-all resupply capabilities.

**DEFENSE:** Hard evidence on the effectiveness of the ARC LIGHT (B-52 bombing) program is difficult to find. Certainly some strikes are highly effective. Some are clearly wasted. The majority have an undetermined impact ... [The] Office of the Secretary of Defense estimates of enemy killed by ARC LIGHT are much lower than those of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

### What effect is the Laotian interdiction bombing having (a) in reducing the capacity of the enemy logistic system? (b) in destroying matériel in transit?

**STATE:** While the present emphasis on [bombing] choke points continues to hamper the enemy's ability to move supplies, truck movement in the Laotian panhandle is at the same high level this January [1969] as it was last January [when the bombing was less intense], suggesting ... the Allied effort is only taxing the Communist flow of matériel. As long as the Communists wish to pay this price, they can continue to move matériel south.

**CIA:** The experience of four years of observing the effects of bombing make it clear that the capacity of [the Laotian supply] routes cannot be reduced by bombing to a level that imposes a meaningful restraint to the enemy's ability to resupply his forces in South Vietnam.

**DEFENSE:** In spite of evidence that aerial attacks reduced the flow of enemy supplies to very low levels ... intelligence reports indicate that the enemy ... has pushed through sufficient tonnages to provide the bulk of his external supply requirements.

### With regard to the bombing of North Vietnam, what evidence was there on the significance of the principal strains imposed on [North Vietnam]?

**STATE:** In theory, there was an upper limit to North Vietnam's capacity simultaneously to continue the defense of the north and the big-unit war in the south. The bombing undoubtedly pushed Hanoi closer to that limit, but it was not possible to determine precisely (1) where the

limit lay, and (2) how far from it Hanoi was at any given time ... What did become clear during the course of the bombing was that the North Vietnamese had not been paralyzed ... Nevertheless, in retrospect, it appears that by late 1967 and early 1968, the strains caused by the bombing were having a cumulative effect [and] ... peace negotiations were essential to Hanoi, at least for a "pause of calm," if not a permanent peace settlement.

**CIA:** The major effects of the bombing of North Vietnam were extensive damage to the transport network, widespread economic disruption, greatly increased manpower requirements and the problems of maintaining the morale of the people in the face of personal hardships and deprivation. Hanoi was able to cope effectively with each of these strains, so that the air war did not seriously affect the flow of men and supplies to Communist forces in Laos and South Vietnam. Nor did it significantly erode North Vietnam's military defense capability or [its] determination to persist in the war.

**DEFENSE:** The bombing undoubtedly had adverse effects on the people of North Vietnam ... Food was rationed and consumer goods were scarce; and air-raid warnings disrupted the lives of the populace and forced many to leave their homes. Moreover, it has been estimated that approximately 52,000 civilians were killed in North Vietnam by U.S. airstrikes. Still, there is no evidence to suggest that these hardships reduced to a critical level North Vietnam's willingness or resolve to continue the conflict. On the contrary, the bombing actually may have hardened the attitude of the people and rallied them behind the government's programs.

### To what extent did Chinese and Soviet aid relieve pressure on Hanoi?

**STATE:** The degree of relief provided by Soviet and Chinese aid cannot be quantified, but its importance is suggested by the fact that, whereas the bombing destroyed capital stock, military facilities and current production in North Vietnam worth nearly $500 million, Soviet and Chinese aid during this period was nearly $2.9 billion, nearly six times as much. This high rate of foreign aid, coupled with the relatively low requirements of North Vietnam itself and of NVA/VC forces in the South, goes a long way toward explaining Hanoi's ability to withstand the bombing.

**CIA:** Without Communist aid ... the Vietnamese Communists would have been unable to sustain the war in both South and North Vietnam on anything like the levels actually engaged in during the past three years.

**DEFENSE:** Soviet and Chinese aid to North Vietnam has provided nearly all of the matériel required to carry on the war against SVN; North Vietnam's contribu-

tion has been chiefly the over-all direction of the war and the input of troops to do the fighting ... Without such aid, North Vietnam long since would have been forced to reduce the scope of fighting in South Vietnam to the guerrilla-warfare level.

### What are current views on the proportion of war-essential imports that could come into North Vietnam over the rail or road lines from China, even if all imports by sea were denied and a strong effort even made to interdict ground transport?

**STATE:** We ... believe that interdiction of Haiphong and heavy attacks on the rail lines from China would over time prevent North Vietnam from receiving sufficient economic and military aid to continue the war effort ... On the other hand, one important point should be kept in mind. The North Vietnamese surprised many observers, and confounded many predictions, by holding the north together and simultaneously sending ever-increasing amounts of supplies and personnel into the south during three and one-half years of bombing ... With this experience in mind, there is little reason to believe that new bombing will accomplish what previous bombings failed to do, unless it is conducted with much greater intensity and readiness to defy criticism and risk of escalation.

**CIA:** All of the war-essential imports could be brought into North Vietnam over rail lines or roads from China in the event that imports by sea were successfully denied ... Almost four years of air war in North Vietnam have shown—as did the Korean War—that, although air strikes will destroy transport facilities, equipment, and supplies, they cannot successfully interdict the flow of supplies because much of the damage can frequently be repaired within hours.

**DEFENSE:** [In order to interdict road and rail transport from China] the air campaign would be conducted in such a manner as to be free of the militarily confining constraints which have characterized the conduct of the war in the north in the past. The concept would preclude attacks on population as a target but would accept high risks of civilian casualties in order to achieve destruction of war-supporting targets.

Helms

Laird

Department of Defense

U.S. B-52: Just how effective?

May 1, 1972

51

THE WAR IN INDOCHINA

(Continued from Page 50)

and disorder. After more than a week of heavy Communist shelling, the ARVN command made the decision to abandon Hoai An and concentrate on protecting more vital towns on Highway 1. But when the North Vietnamese opened fire on the ARVN retreating from Hoai An, pandemonium broke out. "The ARVN broke and ran," an American adviser told NEWSWEEK's Alex Shimkin. "People started throwing weapons down; they were running helter-skelter. The armored personnel carriers which were supposed to stay with the troops just started barreling out and outran the infantry."

**Danger:** The Communists' push into Binh Dinh had implications far beyond the seizure of one district capital. It marked their first thrust into the populous valleys and lowlands of central South Vietnam—one that could shatter the already flimsy government hold over tens of thousands of civilians. Moreover, senior American officials in the region feared that the Hoai An attack—and the North Vietnamese seizure of four strategic fire bases in the region over the past two weeks—might signal the start of the long-awaited Communist offensive in the central highlands to the west. If so, South Vietnamese units defending such key cities as Pleiku and Kontum could be in grave danger. The Communists control the most important supply route in the area, Route 19 leading from the port of Qui Nhon. "We need 200 truckloads of food and ammunition a day from Qui Nhon," said John

Paul Vann, the ranking U.S. adviser in the area. "We're not getting them now."

The military picture was not totally bleak for South Vietnam's forces, however. In the northernmost provinces of the country, the Communist assaults slowed down considerably in the face of continuing U.S. air attacks and strong South Vietnamese resistance. Fire Base Bastogne, which blocks the Communists' route toward the ancient capital of Hué, continued to withstand constant North Vietnamese attacks. And although there were reports last week that Hanoi had begun to move another division—the last of its thirteen "home divisions"—across the Demilitarized Zone, the ARVN had finally begun to take the offensive in some areas south of the DMZ. From the Quang Tri area, NEWSWEEK'S Tony Clifton reported:

Lt. Col. Ngo Minh Huong of the ARVN Fifth Rangers is fighting a small war of his own, pushing slowly to drive the Communists out of the flat, sandy ground they hold north of Quang Tri city. Draped with necklaces bearing Buddhas, boar's teeth and cabalistic signs, the diminutive Huong knows the North Vietnamese quite well. In fact, he talks to them most days. "We intercept their radio and they cut in on ours," Huong told me. "The other day, I got a Communist who told me we were lackeys of President Nixon. I told him: 'You're wrong. You're the people with pictures of Mao on your walls; I haven't got a picture of Nixon in my house'."

Despite his flamboyant appearance, Huong is a serious commander who has successfully overrun a number of Communist positions and taken several prisoners. And he remains impressed by the Communists' dedication to their struggle. "One prisoner told me his group didn't have the strength to attack but as they had not been told to withdraw, they were staying and fighting. That's what they do—stay and die."

That summation of the Communists' position was not altogether accurate of course. It was true that the North Vietnamese offensive, which has been spearheaded by a staggering total of some 500 Soviet-made tanks, has bogged down after its initial successes. "Look at what they haven't done," insisted one U.S. official in Saigon. "They haven't taken Quang Tri, they haven't taken Hué, they haven't taken anything of significance." But at the same time, the North Vietnamese have shown a greater ability to conduct sustained major attacks than U.S. analysts had expected. And, in the view of the Pentagon, they still have enough supplies and matériel for at least two or three more weeks of all-out combat—a painfully long period of time for the thinly stretched ARVN. Thus, it was hardly surprising that signs of apprehension and uneasiness were beginning to crop up throughout South Vietnam last week. People began to hoard food, and peasants painted over the yellow-and-red government flags on their houses. Worse yet, the stress and strain were not limited to civilians alone. Army desertions soared, and in some areas soldiers reportedly took to carrying small blue flags in their pockets—to signal the Communists that they wanted to defect.

Such omens as these hardly bolstered the position of South Vietnam's President Nguyen Van Thieu. But while undermining Thieu is one of Hanoi's primary goals, the North Vietnamese have only a minimal chance of achieving that objective as long as the U.S. continues to support Thieu with its military might. And so North Vietnam has concurrently stepped up its psychological warfare campaign against the U.S. boycott of the Paris peace talks. Obviously eager to bargain at a time when its troops are wreaking havoc in the South Vietnamese countryside, Hanoi last week again called for a resumption of negotiations—and even went to the extent of making it clear that the talks could start again despite continued U.S. bombing in the north. But Washington made it just as clear that the U.S. would refuse to negotiate without prior assurance that Hanoi was prepared to cool off its offensive in the south. In short, Hanoi was probably going to be no more successful at bludgeoning America into giving up the fight than the U.S. has been at pounding the North Vietnamese into submission. And that shared miscalculation seemed to presage even more bloodshed and more torment for everyone concerned.

Feng & Berkovitz

The escalating battle: MIG attacks at sea, havoc in the countryside

Newsweek, May 1, 1972

52

NNNN

AMS 46

INDOCHINA - KISSINGER

WASHINGTON, MAY 2, REUTER - THE WHITE HOUSE TODAY CLAMPED
A LID OF SECRECY ON THE MOVEMENTS OF HENRY KISSINGER,
PRESIDENT NIXONS NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER, LEADING TO
SPECULATION THAT HE MIGHT HAVE FLOWN TO PARIS FOR SECRET
TALKS ON THE VIETNAM WAR.

KISSINGER HAS FREQUENTLY CARRIED OUT UNDERCOVER
MISSIONS FOR THE PRESIDENT, THE MOST RECENT BEING HIS SECRET
TRIP TO MOSCOW FOR TALKS WITH SOVIET LEADERS. THAT TRIP,
LIKE HIS EARLIER MISSION TO PEKING TO PAVE THE WAY FOR MR.
NIXONS CHINA VISIT, WAS NOT ANNOUNCED UNTIL IT HAD BEEN COMPLETED.

BETWEEN 1969 AND 1971 KISSINGER ALSO HAD SECRET TALKS
IN PARIS ON THE VIETNAM WAR WITH NORTH VIETNAM NEGOTIATOR LE
DUC THOS, A TOP MEMBER OF THE POLITBURO IN HANOI.

THO RECENTLY RETURNED TO PARIS AND IS EXPECTED TO
RESUME SECRET TALKS. WHITE HOUSE SPOKESMAN RONALD ZIEGLER SAID
HE WOULD NO LONGER PROVIDE ANY INFORMATION ON KISSINGERS
MOVEMENTS.

DEPUTY SPOKESMAN JERRY WARREN PRESSED TO DICLOSE
THE WHEREABOUTS OF KISSINGER REPEATEDLY DECLARED: "I
LILL NOT GIVE DR. KISSINGERS SCHEDULE."

ASKED ABOUT A TOKYO REPORT THAT KISSINGER WAS ABOUT TO
LEAVE FOR JAPAN ON A VISIT THAT HAD BEEN SCHEDULED EARLIER,
LARREN MERELY RECALLED IT HAD BEEN ANNOUNCED THE RESCHEDULED
TRIP WOULD TAKE PLACE IN EARLY MAY. HE SAID NO NEW DATE HAD
BEEN SET.

IN PARIS THE UNITED STATES AND NORTH VIETNAMESE
DELEGATIONS DECLINED TO COMMENT THAT KISSINGER MIGHT HAVE ARRIVED
IN PARIS.

"WE DO NOT COMMENT ON SECRET TALKS," AN AMERICAN OFFICIAL
SAID.

"SORRY, WE HAVE NOTHING TO SAY ON THIS SUBJECT," A HANOI
OFFICIAL SAID.

REUTER AH/PL 1556

Sketchy reports from

Kissinger hints at softer
line on war, fruitful talks

By Charles W. Bailey

Staff Correspondent

Washington, D.C.

While President Nixon was delivering a generally hard-line speech on Vietnam Wednesday night, his chief foreign-policy adviser was portraying the military and diplomatic situation in far less belligerent — and far more subtle — terms.

Analysis

The contract between the televised presidential address and the comments of Henry A. Kissinger, Mr. Nixon's assistant for national security affairs, led to speculation here Thursday that:

■ Kissinger's secret trip to Moscow last weekend may have produced some new understandings between United States and Soviet leaders about possible ways to negotiate an end to the Vietnam fighting.

■ Mr. Nixon may not try to force North Vietnam to give up all of the South Vietnamese territory it has seized in its current "invasion" — at least not as a pre-condition to further substantive negotiation in the Paris peace talks.

■ The President may have received signals that North Vietnam is now interested in serious negotiation, rather than the mere propaganda exchanges that characterized the Paris talks before Mr. Nixon suspended them in late March.

■ Kissinger's meetings in Moscow with Leonid Brezhnev, chief of the Soviet Communist Party, apparently not only made clear that the President's May visit to the Soviet Union is still "on the tracks," but also indicated that agreements on a number of specific U.S.-Soviet issues can be expected during that visit.

Kissinger continued on page 4A

of the shells landed with the city.

It was not immediate clear how many North Vietnamese were participating in the attack, but the divisions of about 10,100 men each have been identified in the vicinity of demilitarized zone.

Besides the 3rd Division which has about 10,100 men, the Saigon government also has two marines and a Rarotonga group — each with about 3,500 men — operating the vicinity of Quang Tri.

The number of North Vietnamese tanks in the tack was not known. South Vietnamese commanders said that the troops had knocked eight.

At 8:30 a.m. yesterday 2½ hours after the attack had begun — the 3rd Division declared a tactical emergency, which is a normal that a unit believes that it is about to be overcome and gives it the highest priority for air strike and artillery fire.

However, American the field said that weather was "very bad" for flying and that virtually no born in close support of government troops.

Fighting

Continued on page 4A

Inside news

Foreign

West German Chancellor Willy Brandt narrowly defeated an attempt to quast him when his opposition in Parliament lost a no-confidence vote by two votes. His opponents announced a new challenge. Page 2A.

The Vietnam peace talks resumed in Paris, France, with a fruitless session but with a firmer prospect than ever before of secret talks between the United States and North Vietnam. Hanoi's spokesman said there probably will be private meetings when Le Duc Tho, secret negotiator in the past, returns to the conference later. Page 2A.

Local

A requirement that 5 feet, 8 inches tall ice/Commission. The month after a new f i r s t p a r t m e n t b e s t s h o u r . P a g e 1 B .

A volunteer fund returned contributions against a radio ann
Neighbor-to-Neighbor