THE STRUGGLE OF THE ELITES

The time has come to do some re-thinking of our attitude toward
the problem of underdeveloped nations and, indeed, to the even more basic que-
stion of the real cause for the so-called social unrest resulting from injustice
which we have accepted as the principal reason for the continued spread of the
communist doctrine. Our present analysis of these problems has led us to fun-
damental errors of approach which are not arresting the disturbing spread of
communism and which have established goals for our society which it very pos-
sibly cannot meet and which could result in Western economic despair and fru-
stration. The great rallying cry of many Western governments and of the social
revolutionaries among us, that the only solution to communist encroachment is
to eliminate poverty and want from the world, particularly in the under-deve-
loped countries, is, in my judgment, the twentieth century tinkle of the Fied
Fiper which may well lead us to disaster.

All of these programs and these magnificent turns of phrase that
are generated simply do not go to the fundamental cause of our inability to deve-
lop societies capable of facing the communist onslaught. The battle in the world
is not the struggle of the proletariat of Marx to establish the rule of the masses,
for that is simply Leninist pap developed to dupe the socially conscious elite
throughout the world. The real battle is between two elites, one confident of vic-
tory and based on an atheistic disregard for the dignity of man and the other, an
old, confused, ever weakening and much too small Western Christian elite with
its roots in divine soil, but today in fast decay. In order to see what must be done
to achieve victory, we must examine the status and condition of this Western elite.
Certainly, we are talking here of the sociological elite which today exists in the
West and not hereditary elites which rarely exist, as a practical matter, in the
modern world. We refer to those persons in each of our societies who by their
leadership tend to move that society in all its broad aspects.

Unquestionably, the communists have understood our society much
better than we ourselves. They clearly see that all societies by their very nature
are moved by a relatively small group compared to the total number in that soci-
ty. The concept of hierarchy is not medieval or political reaction, it is merely
an acceptance of the human condition. Communism has come to power in almost
every recorded instance when the leadership group of the society under attack
either disintegrates as a result of its own inadequacy thus creating a vacuum, or
when the leadership group itself supports and welcomes the communist victory,
obviously well disguised.

This latter occurred in Cuba where the leadership elite of the na-
tion was the principal support of Fidel Castro prior to his assumption of power.
There, a leadership group that had become aware of its own corruption and of
the necessity of establishing strong public morality, reached a stage of deep
frustration resulting from its inability to unite effectively to oust corruption and
immorality from public life. Within the Cuban process of 1955-57 democratic
victory was assured if that elite had united behind the leadership of one man or
group of men from among many available whose record and background all knew
and could have confidence in. It was the measure of the venality, selfishness and
lack of vision of this group that such a unity was not attained. At this juncture

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appeared an unknown factor, a person who showed courage and perseverance and who said he intended to do all those things that the elite knew had to be done. What they could not find among themselves, they purportedly found in Castro. Castro and his communists knew perfectly well that the Cuban masses were not discontent, indeed, the workers supported Batista until the end. They saw their opportunity in the disarray and disgust of the elite and used it to their advantage. When you can convince those who run a society to support you and turn the leadership of that society over to you, it makes little difference what the masses think or feel. The Cuban case, in our judgment, is an example of what corruption, immorality and decadence can do to an elite group which, in its confusion and frustration, grasps for any indication of strength and determination as a solution to the national problem. The Cuban Revolution was not a revolution of the masses resulting from the discontent of hunger and poverty, it was a betrayal of the elite in a society which had generated plenty but which had decayed morally and spiritually. The victory of Castro has merely served to establish a new elite, much smaller and thus better policed than the old one, which rules by terror and by the awakening in the normally docile masses of those base appetites that are benign in a civilized Christian society. Thus, the communist dictatorship once installed, imposes a strict hierarchical principle and seeks support from the masses in the human urge to keep the status one has achieved whether merited or not. The spark that may oust it will not be the physical deprivation of the Cuban people, but the indomitable love of liberty and decency which that people possesses.

Obviously, in other circumstances the opportunity of supplanting and replacing a national elite can come from a constant pressure from below. This process is a slow one and of necessity a violent one. As the ruling elite becomes more disillusioned, immoral and lacking in principle or doctrine, it becomes progressively less able to withstand this pressure and a disintegration and vacuum takes place. This process is the final step which occurs if the elite does not of its own choice, unknowingly, call in the communists to do what they themselves have been unable to do.

A close study of the internal situation of many Western nations, developed and under-developed, shows that the Cuban situation cannot be considered an isolated case. Why are we facing such a grave crisis of leadership in Western society today? In our judgment, primarily because the elite has lost sight of its own duties and obligations and has no doctrine by which it can claim legitimacy. The enemy is constantly stressing the differences in wealth between the classes, the poverty and hunger which still exists, the lack of public morals which over a period of time has created serious inroads in the thinking of men of good faith everywhere. Indeed, even the teachings of the modern Catholic Church, taken out of their context by many Catholics and misunderstood by others, have served to depress, dishearten and increase a sense of guilt on the part of the leadership of our Western societies that finds no redemption. The members of our leadership groups are becoming convinced that it is immoral and unjust to form a part of an elite and that they represent an outmoded and oppressing force. This feeling of guilt and reticence is certainly increased by the pronouncements of the governments of the developed Western nations, particularly the United States, when referring to the problem of fighting communism in the underdeveloped countries.

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One receives from these statements of policy a picture of starving masses being subjugated by a very few that represent the privileged elite. The issue is then presented that in order to avoid communism, this starving mass must be removed from want; if this is not done Communist victory is a certainty. The fate of the elite, which is responsible for this situation, is irrelevant and as it represents the dead hand of the past, its disappearance cannot be mourned. Political democracy and economic justice seem to follow from the destruction of the existing hierarchy.

This type of thinking and this policy is leading us to the edge of an abyss from which we may not emerge for generations. It is a trend of thought totally inconsistent with a proper appraisal of the essence of man and of his needs. If our Western Christian order is to survive and reach new levels of dignity we must acknowledge and accept the basic necessity for hierarchy in society. It must be realized that only to the degree that we develop a responsible, courageous, imaginative and intelligent leadership group in our society, shall we be able to meet successfully the challenge of the vigorous, unprincipled elite of the enemy. If our society has failed and is failing, it is because those forces that move it, that stamp it with its image, have not lived up to their obligations and have become brittle and atrophied.

The Western world must focus on the crisis of the elite and not the crisis of the masses. If we can solve the former, the latter will fall into proper perspective. A healthy elite can contribute heavily to solving the problem of the masses and toward creating the feeling of justice in the masses which is essential to an acceptable coexistence. Merited leadership is not resented by those who are led. This certainly is an axiom repeatedly proven throughout history.

Certainly, in the countries we are most familiar with, Latin America, the basic problem is one of crisis of the elite. Here, the leadership group has tended to forget the responsibilities of leadership and has stressed its perquisites. Leadership once attained through courage, imagination and pioneering spirit has tended to become a privilege and not an obligation. In many nations of the hemisphere little effort has been made to broaden the base of leadership by making it possible for hitherto untapped human values to rise in the scale of hierarchy. It is important to make it clear, however, that we must be exceedingly cautious in generalizing and that each country must be analysed separately. In spite of this, it is possible to make certain valid generalizations. Not sufficient stress has been placed on developing sound leadership nor in providing opportunity for new indigenous leadership groups to express their ability within the established hierarchy. This has been the principal failure of our modern Latin American society and it is in not appraising it as such that we have diverted our effort, aided and abetted by the propaganda of our enemies.

No one will question today the obligation of society to provide a basic minimum of worldly goods to all the inhabitants, consistent with the customs and way of life of the society in which they live. That, however, is only the material aspect of the problem and, unfortunately, many of us and of our governments have insisted on only this side of the issue. This obligation must be interpreted only as a cornerstone from which the initiative, courage, imagination and intelligence of leadership can rise. We must insist that society be so organized that those with ability in every field tend to rise in the hierarchy of that

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activity and that political power then be exercised by the apex of these many hierarchies. Obviously, this would be utopia, but it is essential to work toward an ideal if any progress is ever to be made and once the ideal has been fixed, each society can plot its particular courses toward the goal.

Unfortunately, we in the Anglo-Saxon countries and, particularly, in the United States, have tended to forget this ideal which has been buried in our traditions and which has found full expression in our way of life and our political organization. Our societies have concluded that a full-fledged political representative democracy provides the most adequate guarantee that our ablest human values govern, in a nation whose standards of education, of living in general, and social organization provide the opportunity for the most capable to reach the top and give the majority a sound basis upon which to choose the 'best'. It has not always been so, and a brief glance at the history of the evolution of political democracy in both England and the United States will show that our present systems are the result of a continuing recognition on the part of our elites of the goal we were seeking. Democracy in the United States today is not what it was a hundred years ago when it was still an underdeveloped country. The indirect process of electing Senators and the President, the many restrictions upon suffrage repeatedly upheld by the Supreme Court of its day and the evolution of labor legislation and the interpretation of this legislation by the courts are clear examples. It is the proof of the responsibility of our elites that the process of evolution was not seriously interrupted although this evolution was accomplished even amongst us only by perseverance and courage.

We must accept the basic principle of any human organization that it is led and governed by an elite. Our basic aim must be to make that elite vigorous and responsible and to insist that its privileges be only commensurate to its degree of responsibility. Indeed, its privileges must pale before the burden of its task. This elite must also be based on a system which permits easy access to its ranks on the basis of true equality of opportunity. We must not in any case be led into the error of condemning the elite merely because it is an elite, although clearly we must struggle in many cases to rejuvenate and reinvigorate.

The example of the Alliance for Progress program announced by the United States and the general expression of policy by this country toward Latin America, are a case in point. As has been indicated, in this area of the world we face in many cases an outmoded and inoperative elite which stresses only its privileges and has forgotten its responsibilities. The expressions of policy from the United States, however, do not stress the necessity to strengthen the elite and to broaden its base so that the best in the people can rise to the top. The measures being insisted upon are not designed to broaden the base of the elite by giving truly equal opportunity to all. Rather there is a continuing, indirect attack on the concept of an elite which, if carried to its logical conclusion, can only serve to destroy our concept of civilization in this vital area. The United States and its present policy makers attack the privileged classes because they have permitted misery and poverty and any and all avenues are explored that will permit the direct transmission from the United States of material plenty to the down-trodden masses. This is viewed as an end in itself. This policy is the result of a mistaken notion that it is this appeal of material plenty which attracts the masses to communism.

The United States should rather be pressing and insisting upon the leadership groups that they must rise to their responsibilities and perform

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as true elites. Its policy should be designed to instill courage and vigor into the hierarchy and to create the necessary tendency of evolution to broaden the base of the elite. This latter can be done only if the necessary conditions of equality of opportunity are created for all. Some will insist there is no difference, because this latter presupposes a certain level of material prosperity among the people.

We insist that it is just this difference of aim which is important. One aim emphasizes the rising of the masses in the context of a class struggle whereas the other emphasizes the rejuvenation of an elite within a hierarchical concept of rights and duties which is consistent with our Western traditions. United States policy would be interpreted very differently if it was clearly designed to permit the best human raw material to rise to the top in a harmonious society based on social justice and not obviously tailored to a mistaken conception of the appeal of the communist enemy.

The appeal of our enemy is clearly not the material benefit that he offers, because the results of his effort in this regard have not been impressive, to say the least. He does, however, offer to a new elite the reins of power and he also provides for the masses, which in many areas have lived for centuries within rigid societies, a doctrine clearly spelling out the rights and duties of all. This sense of security and certainty has great appeal to aborigine masses, whereas the opportunity for a new elite is a very great incentive to excellent human values being repressed by a brittle leadership based only on tradition and not merit. Communism finds strength in youth, in Latin America largely because youth has despaired of entering the existing hierarchy at a just level consistent with its ability. They interpret communism not as a revolt of the masses, but as a doctrine of elite which will give them their chance. While the communist is working vigorously on this new elite, we are toiling to satisfy insatiable material demands of the masses which are kept in turmoil by the propaganda of our enemy. At the same time, we are demoralizing and attacking destructively the existing hierarchy. This is a morass of quick-sand which can well drag us under and create the basis of frustration which can destroy our civilization. The failure of the effort, which must fail, will antagonize the masses, providing the new elite with the spark needed to destroy the old order and our world will have suffered a grave defeat only because we have failed to properly interpret the basic nature of all human society.

It is necessary to state clearly that this is no apologia for the backward, stunted and incredibly irresponsible leadership groups in Latin America or anywhere else. In most cases they have done a miserable job and we must not permit the present situation to continue. What we are suggesting is that the measure of our success will be the extent to which we can force the existing hierarchy to broaden its base and to instill in it a true feeling of responsibility. In many nations the trend is already in this direction. This trend must be stimulated and helped and wherever an elite clearly indicates its will to evolve and rejuvenate, we must come to its support openly and with vigor. It is not the purpose of these notes to indicate in detail the educational, social and economic programs most apt to stimulate this process, but these will be more easily developed if we keep clearly in mind the objective we seek. We must set the goal and prod and convince others to continue to seek it. Patience is warranted where we have attained agreement on the road we must travel.

Julio E. Nuñez

argentaria

S. A. DE FINANZAS

TELEFONO: 33-8213 - DIREC. TELEG.ARGENTARIA - TELEX B.A. 397 ARGENTEC

25 DE MAYO 192
CORDOBA

RECONQUISTA 134
BUENOS AIRES

AV. ESPAÑA 1248
MENDÓZA

October 22, 1962.

Mr. Henry Kissinger
Harvard University
Center for International Affairs
6 Divinity Ave.
Cambridge 36, Mass.

Dear Henry,

Just a brief note to say that I will be in New York for about two weeks from about November 12. I do hope that you will be in New York or Washington during that period as I am especially interested in seeing you and talking to you about the general situation in this part of the world.

It is certainly depressing to see the continuing errors in our approach to this problem. Somehow we simply must learn that policy has a dimension of time. Would it not be feasible to develop indices of national evolution in every aspect and then applying them to the advanced western nations at each stage of their political development, come up with some indications of what we rightfully can ask of the fledgling democracies of the world? Here in Argentina they have a more advanced "democratic" system than in the United States with none of the safeguards or protections that we have found necessary. It is absurd and now they are beginning to pay the price.

Well, please let me know where I can call you to arrange a meeting sometime between November 12 and 27th. I look forward to seeing you.

Best regards,

JEN/ih