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## Building International Security

Peace in the world will be fragile and tenuous without a curb and eventually an end of the arms race. This is why the United States has embarked, with the Soviet Union, upon the difficult and complex negotiation to limit strategic arms. Our objectives are to prevent unchecked destabilizing competition in strategic armaments; to achieve reduction of these arms; to lessen further the likelihood of hasty decisions in time of crisis; and to ease the economic burden of the nuclear arms race.

The Vladivostok accord of last fall marked a major step toward achieving these goals. When the agreement in principle is translated into a treaty, agreed ceilings will be placed on strategic force levels for a ten-year period. This unprecedented step will slow the pace of new arms programs, especially those driven by fear of major deployments by the other side. And it will enhance prospects for international stability and for political accommodation in other areas.

The United States is actively engaged in other arms control negotiations. Together with the Soviet Union, we have made progress toward establishing a regime for peaceful nuclear explosions. And we have agreed to set a threshold on the underground testing of nuclear weapons. These are significant steps toward a verifiable comprehensive test ban.

In addition, the United States and the USSR have presented to the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament texts of a Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques. These techniques are still at a primitive stage of development, but man's mastery of environmental forces continues to advance. Misuse of this knowledge might open new avenues of military competition and wreak untold and irreversible harm upon all humanity. We urge the Conference to complete its consideration rapidly.

Another urgent task is a substantial reduction in the high levels of military forces now confronting each other in various parts of the world. The United States believes that the time has come to give new impetus to the negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions in Central Europe. The significance of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe depends importantly on whether we can achieve progress in this area. An agreement that enhances mutual security in Central Europe is feasible and essential. We will work toward this goal.

The world faces a paradox with respect to the proliferation of nuclear energy. Men have fashioned from the atom weapons which can in minutes end the civilization of centuries. Simultaneously, the atom is fast becoming a more and more essential source of energy. It is clear that the cost and eventual scarcity of oil and other fossil fuel will increasingly spread nuclear power around the world in the decades ahead.

But the spreading of nuclear power poses starkly the danger of proliferating nuclear weapons capabilities -- and the related risks of the theft of nuclear materials, blackmail by terrorists, accidents or the

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injection of the nuclear threat into regional political conflicts. Now is the time to act. If we fail to restrain nuclear proliferation future generations will live on a planet shadowed by nuclear catastrophe.

Over the past year, the United States has repeatedly urged new efforts among the supplier states to strengthen and standardize safeguards and controls on export of nuclear materials. We must not allow these safeguards to be eroded by commercial competition. We must ensure the broad availability of peaceful nuclear energy under safe, economical and reliable conditions.

The United States has intensified its efforts within the International Atomic Energy Agency and with other nations to broaden and strengthen international standards and safeguards and has proposed an international convention setting standards to protect the physical security of nuclear materials in use, storage or transfer.

The United States continues to urge the widest possible adherence to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the associated safeguard measures of the IAEA.

The greatest single danger of unrestrained nuclear proliferation resides in the spread under national control of reprocessing facilities for the atomic materials in nuclear power plants. The United States therefore proposes -- as a major step to reinforce all other measures -- the establishment of multinational regional nuclear fuel cycle centers. These centers would serve energy needs on a commercially sound basis and encourage regional energy cooperation. Their existence would reduce the incentive for small and inefficient reprocessing facilities, limit the possibility of diverting peaceful nuclear materials to national military use, and create a better framework for applying effective international safeguards.

We urge that groups of nations begin now to explore this concept and that all states support the IAEA's work in this field.

## Building Economic Well-Being

In the last two years, the world community has been reminded dramatically to what extent economic relations are an essential foundation of the international order. Economic conditions not only underpin every society's ability to achieve its national goals, but all national economies are sustained by the global economic system. The conduct of our economic affairs will therefore determine to an extraordinary degree whether our political relations will be based on cooperation or conflict.

It would be one of history's most tragic ironies if, at a time when we were putting behind us the tensions of the Cold War, we were to enter a new period of conflict between North and South, rich and poor. At the recently concluded Special Session, the United States called for an end to the sterile confrontation of the past. We stated that when the

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ancient dream of mankind -- a world without poverty -- becomes a
possibility, our moral convictions also make it a duty. And we emphasized
that only cooperation -- not extortion -- can achieve this goal.

The Special Session gives us ground for hope that -- at least for the
immediate future -- a choice has been made to turn away from confronta-
tion toward cooperation. The United States is proud to support the
final document which is the product of the arduous effort and dedication
of so many in this Chamber.

The United States considers the achievements of the Special Session a
beginning, not an end. As recommended by the final report, we must now
move forward in available forums to give reality and content to the
objectives on which we have agreed. In the difficult negotiations
ahead, my Government will participate energetically, in a cooperative
and conciliatory spirit.

Building for Justice

Beyond peace, security, and prosperity, lies a deeper universal aspira-
tion for dignity and equal opportunity. Mankind will never be spared
all the tragedies inherent in the cycle of life and death. But we do
have it in our power to eliminate or ease the burden of social tragedy
and of organized injustice.

The United States has therefore traditionally been an advocate of exten-
ing the reach of international law in international affairs. We have
offered our help to the victims of disease and natural disaster. We
have been a champion of liberty and a beacon to the oppressed. There
is no longer any dispute that international human rights are on the
agenda of international diplomacy.

The reach of international law must extend to the last frontiers of our
planet, the oceans. They are the common heritage of mankind, but they
can turn into arenas of conflict unless governed by law. They hold
untapped sources of energy, minerals and protein; their environmental
integrity is crucial to our survival.

The United States welcomed the United Nations mandate for a comprehensive
treaty governing the use of the oceans and their resources. Last month
in Montreal I set forth our approach to this negotiation and urged
that next year's session of the Law of the Sea Conference move matters
to a rapid and successful conclusion. No international negotiation is
more vital for long-term political and economic stability and the
prosperity of our globe.

International law must also come to grips with international terrorism.
Innumerable innocent lives have been lost as a consequence of the lack
of internationally accepted standards specifically designed to avert
unlawful and dangerous interference with civil aviation. The hijacking
of aircraft, the kidhapping and murder of innocent civilian victims
for presumed political gain remain a plague on civilized man. This

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remains one of the underdeveloped areas of international law which merits
the most urgent attention of this organization.

Compassion for our fellow men requires that we mobilize international
resources to combat the age-old scourges of mankind -- disease, famine,
and natural disaster. We are pleased that a concerted effort has been
undertaken by the World Health Organization and interested governments,
in response to our initiative at the last General Assembly, to control
schistosomiasis, a disease which afflicts and debilitates over 200
million people in 70 countries, and imposes a great human and economic cost

The great human rights must be recognized, respected, and given reality
in the affairs of nations. The earliest UN declarations, and the recent
Helsinki Conference, leave no doubt that these are matters of inter-
national concern. The United States will support these principles.
Throughout the world, in all continents, violations of human rights
must be opposed whether they are inflicted by one race upon another --
or upon members of the same race. Human rights must be cherished
regardless of race, sex or religion. There can be no double standard.

The UN Human Rights Commission has taken its first steps against gross
violations of human rights where serious and reliable allegations are
submitted by individuals. We support these steps. The organized con-
cern of the world community can be a potent weapon in the war against
degradation of human values.

One of the most persistent and serious problems is torture, a practice
which all nations should abhor. It is an absolute debasement of the
function of government when its overwhelming power is used, not for
people's welfare but as an instrument of their suffering.

The United States urges this Assembly to adopt the declaration of the
recent world congress on this issue in Geneva. In addition, we propose
that this General Assembly establish a group of experts, to be appointed
by the Secretary-General, to study the nature and extent of torture in
the world today and to report back to the next Assembly.

Mr. President,

This Organization was created in the belief that the universality of
the human race can be reflected in the conduct of international affairs.
This Chamber symbolizes the hope that mankind places in the force of
nations working together in the common interest, with reason, respon-
sibility and mutual respect.

The problems we face are complex and perilous. The sterile slogans of
yesterday, the solutions of the past, the dwelling upon old resentments
can only widen the gaps between us and allow the dangers to peace and
the well-being of our peoples to fester and grow.

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We have it in our power to prove to future generations that the last
c quarter of the Twentieth Century was not an era of violence and conflict,
but one of the creative epochs of world history.

My country's history, Mr. President, tells us that it is possible to
fashion unity while cherishing diversity; that common action is possible
despite the variety of races, interests and beliefs we see here in this
Chamber. Progress and peace and justice are attainable.

So we say to all peoples and governments: let us fashion together a
new world order. Let its arrangements be just. Let the new nations
help shape it and feel it is theirs. Let the old nations use their
strengths and skills for the benefit of all mankind. Let us all work
together to enrich the spirit and to ennoble mankind.

* * * * *

The Secretary
of State

[LC]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Statement

September 23, 1975

United Nations, N.Y.

Bureau of Public Affairs

Office of Media Services

THE UNITED STATES AND AFRICA:
STRENGTHENING THE RELATIONSHIP

Secretary Henry A. Kissinger at the dinner for the Foreign Ministers and U.N. Permanent Representatives from countries which are members of the Organization of African Unity.

Some 15 years ago Prime Minister Harold Macmillan added a new and durable phrase to the English language when, in speaking of Africa, he said, "The wind of change is blowing through the continent." When the 20th century opened, Western colonialism stood at its zenith. Today, only the barest vestiges of Western colonialism remain in Africa. Never before in history has so revolutionary a reversal occurred with such rapidity.

Morally and politically, the spread of national independence has already transformed world institutions and the nature of international affairs. Today we feel the winds of change blowing from Africa, and they will affect the course we set for generations to come.

The first official function at which I presided as Secretary of State 2 years ago was a luncheon here for the representatives of the Organization of African Unity. Since then the world has undergone continuing change—as much in Africa as anywhere else.

In Africa, the Portuguese African colonial empire has come to an end. The effects of that on southern Africa are being felt in Rhodesia, Namibia, and South Africa; and their full course has yet to be run.

Also of great importance, major changes have taken place in the international economy, as re-

flected in the recent Special Session [of the U.N. General Assembly]. The developing nations of Africa, Asia, and Latin America are claiming more control over their economic destiny and a greater share in global prosperity.

Africa continues to face enormous problems. The trials of economic development, exacerbated by the problems of the world economy and the exorbitant rises in the price of oil, continue to pose challenges for African nations, despite the progress they have made. The arbitrary boundaries established by the colonial powers left many African countries vulnerable to ethnic strife. Social change and development, as they succeed, challenge national unity and cultural identity far more profoundly than other nations have experienced. The job of nation-building in Africa is formidable indeed.

The people of this country wish you well, and offer you our help.

There is growing interest in America in African issues and African problems. Traditionally America has been dedicated to independence and self-determination and to the rights of man. We have been strong advocates of decolonization since the beginning of the postwar period. The special identification of black Americans with their African heritage intensifies our belief and our will to demonstrate that men of all races can live and prosper together.

Because of these ties, and with the economic interdependence of Africa and America becoming increasingly obvious, Americans owe it to ourselves and to Africa to define clearly and to state candidly our policy toward the continent of Africa.

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Therefore, today I would like to go beyond
the usual toast for occasions such as this and talk
with you informally about some of the important
issues in relations between the United States and
Africa.

America has three major concerns:

* That Africa attain prosperity for its people and become a strong participant in the economic order, an economic partner with a growing stake in the international system;

* That self-determination, racial justice, and human rights spread to all of Africa; and

* That the continent be free of great power rivalry or conflict.

The United States seeks neither military allies nor ideological confrontation in Africa. As Adlai Stevenson once said here at the United Nations, "Africa for the Africans *means* Africa for the Africans and not Africa as a hunting ground for alien ambitions."

## Economic Development

The people of Africa entered the era of in-
dependence with high aspirations. Economic
development has become both their highest
national goal and a symbol of their drive for a
more significant role in world affairs.

Much progress has been made. National in-
comes in Africa have risen rapidly in the last two
decades. Africa's overall trade has increased about
fourfold in the last 15 years.

But development hopes in Africa have too
often been crushed by the cycles of natural disas-
ters and the shocks of worldwide economic insta-
bility. No continent suffers so cruelly when crops
fail for lack of rain. No continent endures a heavier
burden when prices of primary commodities fluc-
tuate violently in response to shifts in the world
economy.

The United States has set as one of the funda-
mental goals of its foreign policy to help lay the
foundations for a new era of international coopera-
tion embracing developed and developing countries
in an open and durable international system. Africa
has an important role in this international system.
Our mutual success will determine the nature of
political and economic relations in the world over
the remainder of this century.

The United States offered a comprehensive
practical approach to economic development at the
Seventh Special Session. My government was

pleased that our suggestions formed the basis for a
highly significant consensus among the developed
and developing countries, which we hope will mark
the end of a period of fruitless confrontation and
misunderstanding.

Our major aims are:

* To make developing countries more secure against drastic economic difficulties arising from cyclical declines in export earnings and in food production;

* To accelerate economic growth by improving their access to capital, technology, and management skills;

* To provide special treatment to improve their opportunities in trading relations;

* To make commodity markets function more smoothly and beneficially for both producers and consumers; and

* To devote special attention to the urgent needs of the poorest countries.

Our proposals apply to all developing coun-
tries. But many of them are particularly appro-
priate to Africa:

* Sixteen of the world's twenty-five least developed countries are in Africa. Our bilateral assistance program is increasingly concentrated on the least developed. Above and beyond our emergency assistance to the Sahelian drought area, our regular aid appropriation for Africa this fiscal year reflects an increase of about 60 percent over last year.

* We expect African countries to benefit par-
ticularly from the Development Security Facility
which we propose to create in the International
Monetary Fund to counter drastic shortfalls in ex-
port earnings for economies which are particularly
dependent on a few, highly volatile primary
commodities.

* But stabilizing earnings is not enough. The United States supports measures to improve markets for individual commodities—including coffee, cocoa, and copper—which are so important to Africa.

* We also propose to double our bilateral assist-
ance to expand agricultural production.

* We will raise our proposed contribution to the African Development Fund to $25 million.

* In addition to the proposals we made to the United Nations, the United States has attempted to mobilize international support for a coordinated,

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long-term development program to provide basic
economic security for the Sahelian countries. We
have supported this effort already with massive
assistance of more than $100 million.

Trade and Investment

The key to sustaining development over the long run is expanded trade and investment. Growing exports of manufactured, as well as primary, products generate the foreign exchange needed to buy the imports to fuel further development. The United States provides a large and growing market for the products of African countries. Our trade with Africa had grown to about $8 billion in 1974, almost eight times its volume in 1960. The rapid implementation of the U.S. generalized system of preferences should spell even greater expansion in the years to come.

American private investment has been a valuable source of the capital, management, and technology that are essential to African development. Direct U.S. investment in Africa has increased more than four times since 1960.

We are encouraged by these striking increases in the magnitude and relative importance of trade and investment relationships between the United States and independent black Africa. We expect this trend to continue, and we will do what we can to assure that it does so.

Southern Africa

Economic progress is of utmost importance to Africa; but at the same time, the political challenges of the continent, particularly the issue of southern Africa, summon the urgent attention of the world community.

We believe that these problems can and must be solved. They should be solved peacefully. We are mindful of the Lusaka Manifesto [on Southern Africa, issued in April 1969 by 13 independent African states—Burundi, the Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zaire, and Zambia], which combines a commitment to human dignity and equality with a clear understanding of what is a realistic and hopeful approach to this profound challenge.

No problem is more complex than the racial issues in South Africa itself. My country's convictions on apartheid are well-known. It is contrary to all we believe in and stand for. The U.S. position has been longstanding and consistent. We note that

the wind of change continues to blow, inexorably. The signs of change that are visible in South Africa must be encouraged and accelerated. We are pleased to see the constructive measures taken by African governments to promote better relations and peaceful change. We believe change is inevitable, and efforts to promote a progressive and peaceful evolution will have our support.

The United States also continues to support the International Court of Justice's advisory opinion of 1971 affirming the General Assembly's 1966 decision which terminated the South African mandate over Namibia. The United States will take no steps that would legitimize South Africa's administration of the territory. We repeatedly have protested violations of the rights of black Namibians by the authorities there.

As I indicated in my address yesterday, we believe that all Namibians should be given the opportunity to express their views freely, and under U.N. supervision, on the political and constitutional structure of their country. We have expressed this view consistently to South Africa. We will continue to do so. We welcome public statements of South African leaders that they accept the principle of independence and self-determination for Namibia.

For the past decade, Rhodesia has been a major international issue. The maintenance by force of an illegal regime based on white supremacy is of deep concern to African governments and to my government. Over the past year, the United States has watched with sympathy the attempt to negotiate a peaceful solution in Rhodesia. We have noted, in particular, the statesmanlike efforts of the leaders of African countries—especially President Kaunda [of Zambia], Prime Minister Vorster [of South Africa], President Khama [of Botswana], President Nyerere [of Tanzania], and President Machel [of Mozambique]—to avert violence and bloodshed. We would encourage them to continue in their difficult task of bringing the parties together.

The United States intends to adhere scrupulously to the U.N.'s economic sanctions against Rhodesia. President Ford and his entire Administration continue to urge repeal of the Byrd Amendment [which allows the importation of chrome and certain other materials from Rhodesia] and expect this will be accomplished during the current session of the Congress.

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## Universality

The United Nations has tried in various ways to exert a positive influence on change in southern Africa. I should add, however, that we have opposed, and will continue to oppose, actions that are incompatible with the U.N. Charter. In particular, we will not retreat from our opposition to the expulsion of any member of the United Nations. We believe this would be contrary to the best interests and effectiveness of this Organization. Universality is a fundamental principle that we stand for in this body. The Charter's provisions for members' full exercise of their prerogatives are another. We do not believe that these principles can be ignored in one case and applied in another. This is why, despite our disapproval of South Africa's policies, we do not believe this Organization can afford to start down the path of excluding members because of criticism of their domestic policies.

## Former Portuguese Territories

Since we last sat down together, three more African nations—Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe, and Cape Verde—have become independent. We welcome them to the U.N. family and we look forward to establishing regular relations with them. We stand ready to assist in their economic development.

But I want to say a cautionary word about Angola. Events in Angola have taken a distressing turn, with widespread violence. We are most alarmed at the interference of extracontinental powers who do not wish Africa well, and whose involvement is inconsistent with the promise of true independence. We believe a fair and peaceful solution must be negotiated, giving all groups representing the Angolan people a fair role in its future.

## The Spirit of Cooperation

Twenty years ago there were only three independent African states. Today you comprise more than one-third of the membership of the United Nations. Africa's numbers and resources and the energies of its peoples have given Africa a strong and important role in world affairs.

We do not expect you to be in concert with us on all international issues. We ask only that, as we respect your interests, are mindful of your rights, and sympathize with your concerns, you give us the same consideration. Let us base our relations on mutual respect. Let us address our differences openly and as friends, in the recognition that only by cooperation can we achieve the aspirations of our peoples.

Let us be guided by the flexibility and the spirit of conciliation which were so evident during the Special Session. Let us replace the sterility of confrontation with the promise inherent in our collaboration. Let us search diligently for areas of agreement and strive to overcome any misunderstandings.

Strengthening the relationship between the United States and Africa is a major objective of American policy. We support your self-determination, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. We want to help you in your efforts to develop your economies and improve the well-being of your people. Like yours, our belief in racial justice is unalterable.

America has many ties to Africa and a deep commitment to its future.

It is my profound hope that this session of the General Assembly will be remembered as a time when we began to come together as truly united nations, a time when we earnestly searched for reasons to agree, a time when the interdependence of mankind began to be fully understood. The nations of Africa will have a major part in determining whether this will come to pass.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, U.S.A.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20520

POSTAGE AND FEES PAID
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
STA-501

Third Class Bulk Rt.

DINNER TOAST WITH FOREIGN MINISTER CH'IAO

September 28, 1975

Mr. Foreign Minister, (Madame Ch'Iao), Mr. Ambassador, Friends:

I always look forward to these dinner meetings with you, Mr. Foreign Minister. If my counting is correct, this is your seventh visit to the U. S. We are now even, since I have also been seven times to China. Unfortunately, it is difficult for us to reciprocate the lavish hospitality you accord visitors to Peking. We call this one-upmanship, a term which may defy translation.

(Optional, if you want more of a light touch) In the same vein, I have noted that on the eve of our bicentennial celebrations, you sent us a magnificent archeological exhibition, as if to demonstrate how short a period 200 years is, I am trying to think of some way to retaliate -- I mean reciprocate.)

More seriously, Mr. Foreign Minister, President Ford has asked me to say that he is looking forward to his visit to your country later this year. Similarly, I look forward to the visit I will make in a few weeks.

In my speech to the General Assembly, I was reflecting President Ford's views when I stressed the importance the United States attaches to its relationship with the People's Republic of China, our firm commitment to the Shanghai Communique, and our dedication to pursuing the process of normalization.

[LC]

As your speech on Friday demonstrated rather strikingly, our views are hardly identical. We have different positions on some international questions and on some important bilateral issues. However, the considerations that brought us together in a new relationship have not changed, and the differences that persist underline the need for mutual efforts to strengthen further the relationship so that it can stand the test of time and of a changing world.

It is in this spirit that President Ford and I hope that our continuing dialogue will help our two countries to find ways to bridge some of the differences and to sustain the momentum in our relationship.

It is also in this spirit that I propose a toast:

-- To the health of Chairman Mao Tse-Tung and Premier Chou En-Lai,

-- To the health of the Foreign Minister and Madame Ch'Iao, Ambassador Huang Hua, and other friends here tonight.

-- To the friendship between the American and Chinese peoples.

-- (Optional, Depending on the course of the evening's discussion)
To the continued progress which our mutual efforts can achieve in the normalization of relations between our two countries.

[LC]

# The Secretary of State

## Statement

### FURTHERING PEACE IN THE MIDDLE EAST

Secretary Henry A. Kissinger at the dinner for Heads of Delegations and the U.N. Permanent Representatives from countries which are members of the Arab League.

It was almost 2 years ago today that I first met as Secretary of State with the representatives of the Arab League here at the United Nations.

I remember saying then that I recognized that the situation in the Middle East was intolerable for the Arab nations; I pledged that the United States would involve itself actively in the search for a just and lasting peace.

And in the days that followed, in private meetings with some of you and with some of your predecessors—we remember with affection Umar Saqqaf [Saudi Arabian Minister of State for Foreign Affairs] whose passing grieved us all—I gave my personal promise to make a special effort to begin concrete steps toward peace.

While those talks were still going on, war broke out. The costs—political, economic, human—were tragically high.

Tonight I would like to reflect with you briefly on the distance that we, the United States and the people of the Middle East, have traveled together in these 2 years.

### The Middle East at a New Crossroads

For centuries, men have seen the Middle East as the crossroads of three continents. Long ago, when armies and caravans moved on foot, and when trade first began to move through the Suez

September 29, 1975
United Nations, N.Y.

Canal, that statement had strategic meaning.

Today the Middle East stands at a new crossroads—not only of geography but of issues and concerns that affect the lives of hundreds of millions of people in all corners of the world.

The Middle East today is an area where man-kind's effort to build a peaceful, equitable, and prosperous world will be tested.

Little did we know 2 years ago what our active involvement in the search for peace would mean in effort and anguish, nor to the relationship between the United States and the peoples and leaders of the Middle East.

I have made 11 trips to the Middle East, amounting in time to almost 1 week out of 6 over this 2-year period. And two Presidents of the United States have met with many of the area's chiefs of state, heads of government, and foreign ministers.

More important than these statistics has been the dramatic evidence of new policies, attitudes, and our ability to work together. Our political and economic ties have been restored; we have organized new efforts of collaboration for economic development; we have worked closely together in the diplomacy of Middle East peace.

There is no longer any doubt today of the United States' irrevocable commitment and active involvement in furthering peace and progress in the Middle East. The American people are conscious of this new approach and support it. Important changes have taken place in the American people's

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attitudes. This is irreversible—and of tremendous importance for the future.

The United States, when it approached this problem in 1973, did so with the philosophy of realism and evenhandedness. Both sides in the area would be called upon to contribute reciprocally to the process of settlement. We launched, as you know, the step-by-step approach, as the most promising avenue to implementation of Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338.

Therefore, first of all, it should be obvious that no interim agreement has been or can be an end in itself. The only durable solution is a just and comprehensive peace. The United States remains committed to that objective. Each step taken or to be taken by any country is intended to make that goal more achievable and is therefore a step for all. We have always intended that the step-by-step approach would merge at some point with discussion of an overall settlement.

Second, we recognize that peace in the Middle East is not divisible. Each nation and people which is party to the Arab-Israeli problem must find some fair satisfaction of its legitimate interests. It is in the nature of compromise that extreme solutions cannot be realized. It is in the nature of a lasting peace that partial solutions will not endure. The United States has no interest or purpose in dividing the Arab world. On the contrary, only a united Arab world can make a final peace. The United States is prepared to make the same effort for any Arab state that it has already made on behalf of some.

Third, it is in the nature of gradual movement toward peace that it must address all the key problems in a balanced way at each step. The questions of territory, borders, and military deployments cannot be dealt with unless at the same time the issues of political and economic settlement are given equal attention. If we are to move forward we must move evenhandedly on both sides of the equation.

Fourth, any step taken must be judged in the light of the alternatives that were faced. Each party has the right to judge the gains and compromises that are possible for it at any given stage as it accepts or rejects partial steps toward peace. I believe that the agreements reached have achieved Arab objectives as well as mutual objectives and have created conditions for further movement more effectively than any available alternative. They have been steps forward. No other methods

have worked. War would have been a futile step backward. At the end of such a conflict, we would all have found exactly the same problems which confront us today—and perhaps more, infinitely more, complicated conditions.

Last March, after the suspension of our negotiations, it was the governments in the area, on both sides, that pressed upon us that another, early, step toward peace must be the first priority. That is why we made a renewed effort to help Egypt and Israel achieve the interim agreement signed in Geneva September 4.

That agreement was not a peace agreement. It was taken to give further momentum toward peace. It was taken to accelerate the process of movement. It was taken in full understanding on all sides that steady progress toward peace must continue. The challenge now is to build on the progress that has been made.

President Ford has asked me to say to you here on his behalf that the United States remains just as energetically committed to progress now as it has been for the past 2 years. We will not rest until we have achieved the goal of a just and lasting peace—unless the parties themselves decide to abandon their effort.

What the next step will be of course will depend on the judgment of the parties to the negotiations. We have suggested several alternative procedures, and we are openminded. The object of our consultations in the days immediately ahead will be to determine how to proceed between Israel and Syria, if the parties desire; to begin considering how the negotiations for an overall settlement can be organized; and to refine our thinking on how the legitimate interests of the Palestinian people can be met in an overall peace.

To this effort we pledge our continued energies, and in this effort we count on continuing to work closely together with the leaders of the Arab nations.

## The Middle East and the World Economy

We and our friends in the Middle East, of course, have other common concerns beyond the Arab-Israeli conflict.

In the Middle East, as elsewhere in the world, the United States seeks to help build a durable framework of peace that will free the energies of peoples to pursue the great social, economic, and human objectives of mankind.

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Central to this is the global dialogue on the interdependence of the world economy, in which we and the Middle East countries are important participants. This dialogue is well begun.

The Middle East has a unique position and a unique responsibility. At a time when many countries, particularly developing countries, face problems of inflation and stagnation, slackening production and growing unemployment, balance-of-payments deficits, and great uncertainty about prospects for foreign borrowing and investment, the oil-producing countries of the Middle East have reaped great benefits from sharp increases in oil prices. But they have done so at a heavy cost to all other countries.

I want to express the appreciation of the American people to those Arab countries which at the recent OPEC [Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries] meeting tried to assert a sense of global responsibility.

Cooperation is a two-way street. The United States is willing to assist you in the achievement of your development goals, but we hope that you will in turn show understanding of the needs of the rest of the world. Inflation hurts us all. In your region it is exacerbated by manpower shortages, transportation bottlenecks, and other factors which impede the rapid achievement of impressive industrial and agricultural goals. We and other industrialized countries have cooperated and will continue to cooperate in meeting these extraordinary needs. We have made practical proposals before the Seventh Special Session [of the U.N. General Assembly]. We look forward to the forthcoming producer-consumer conference to work out these issues in a cooperative spirit.

We are natural partners, not adversaries. Consumers must have reliable access to oil supplies at reasonable prices. To invest their new oil wealth, the producers must become major participants in the global financial and economic system. And to convert their new wealth into goods, they must become major importers of our products. We are ready to cooperate with the countries of the Middle East in linking our economies on equitable terms.

Our interdependence is a fact, and the Middle East has a great responsibility in the global economy. Unilateral actions to advance national interests will serve no nation's interest if the results are to weaken the world economy. All of us must conduct our policies with the objective of fostering

global growth and stability. The United States has attempted to wield its power in this spirit.

## The United States and the Middle East

The important changes in our relations in recent years, which have brought our peoples and our governments closer together, are irreversible.

As old patterns of thought change and dramatic new events take place, it is not surprising that searching questions are asked and conflicting voices are heard. This is true today in the Arab world, and it is true in this country; for changes of perception never come easily or proceed smoothly. The present debate in the Middle East over the latest step toward peace has its counterpart today in my country. The American people are now increasingly conscious of both the complexities and importance of our interests and involvement in the Middle East.

The statesmanship and demonstrated commitment to peace of leaders in the Middle East have played an important, indeed a decisive, role in this process. The progress that has been achieved and the progress that will be made is due to their realization that Arab goals can best be achieved in the framework of U.S.-Arab cooperation, and not by confrontation. The United States will not shrink from its responsibilities-unless our efforts are rejected by the countries in the area.

I believe also that the discussion now going on in our Congress and in the country as a whole attests to the seriousness with which we approach our responsibilities. When the vote is taken in the Congress, it will be clear that we will not abandon our effort nor will we abandon those in the Middle East who have long sought our support. But neither will we interrupt our quest for peace, or cease our efforts to improve relations with the Arab world.

The end result, I am convinced, will be the forging of an even sounder foundation, based on national consensus, for U.S. relations with all of the countries in the Middle East. And I hope that the time will come soon when we who are assembled here will look back at this time as the period when we took the turn toward a final peace.

Therefore let us raise our glasses to cooperation between the United States and its Arab friends and to the fulfillment of the aspirations of the Arab nations, and of all nations, for peace, justice, and well-being.

In the unfathomable way of the Department of State, you will all find English copies of this toast on your table. (Laughter.) This is for the benefit of those who don't understand my accent. (Laughter.) Those of you don't understand English: I don't know what we can do for you. (Laughter.)

I must say I have read the report that some of the delegations in Vienna could not reach their capitals by telephone (laughter), so that I think the results show it too. (Laughter.) I'm thinking seriously of moving the next round of negotiations to Vienna. (Laughter.)

As delivered

P. back to DC

EMBARGOED FOR DELIVERY SCHEDULED FOR 9 P.M., EDT, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1975. NOT TO BE PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED, QUOTED FROM OR USED IN ANY WAY.

As prepared for delivery.

TOAST BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
AT THE DINNER FOR THE
HEADS OF DELEGATION AND PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVES
TO THE UNITED NATIONS OF MEMBER STATES OF THE ARAB LEAGUE
U. S. MISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS
SEPTEMBER 29, 1975

Excellencies, Members of Congress, Ladies and Gentlemen:

It is a pleasure to welcome you. Seeing so many relaxed and happy faces, I know that you must be delighted to be here, among friends, in quiet, peaceful New York -- far from the tensions and conflict and bitterness of Vienna. [LAUGHTER]

I am especially pleased by this opportunity to reciprocate at least in part the warm hospitality offered to me so often by several of the Arab countries represented here. My wife, Nancy, feels neglected when several months go by without my offering her an opportunity to visit the Middle East. So, for personal as well as high policy reasons, I am obliged to remain actively engaged in helping negotiate a settlement. [LAUGHTER]

It was almost two years ago today that I first met as Secretary of State with the representatives of the Arab League here at the United Nations.

And in the days that followed, in private meetings with some of you and with some of your predecessors -- we remember with affection Omar Saqqaf whose passing grieved us all -- I gave my personal promise to make a special effort to begin concrete steps toward peace.

While those talks were still going on, war broke out. The costs -- political, economic, and human -- were tragically high.

Tonight I would like to reflect with you briefly on the distance that we -- the United States and the people of the Middle East -- have traveled together in those two years.

-2-

For centuries, men have seen the Middle East as the crossroads of three continents. Long ago, when armies and caravans moved on foot, and when trade first began to move through the Suez Canal, that statement had strategic meaning.

Today the Middle East stands at a new crossroads -- not only of geography, but of issues and concerns that affect the lives of hundreds of millions of people in all corners of the world.

The Middle East today is an area where mankind's effort to build a peaceful, equitable, and prosperous world will be tested.

Little did we know two years ago what our active involvement in the search for peace would mean in effort and anguish, nor to the relationship between the United States and the peoples and leaders of the Middle East.

I have made eleven trips to the Middle East -- amounting in time to almost one week out of six over this two-year period. And two Presidents of the United States have met with many of the area's chiefs of state, heads of government, and foreign ministers.

More important than these statistics has been the dramatic evidence of new policies, attitudes and our ability to work together. Our political and economic ties have been restored; we have organized new efforts of collaboration for economic development; we have worked closely together in the diplomacy of Middle East peace.

There is no longer any doubt today of the United States' irrevocable commitment and active involvement in furthering peace and progress in the Middle East. The American people are conscious of this new approach, and support it. Important changes have taken place in the American people's attitudes. This is irreversible -- and of tremendous importance for the future.

The United States, when it approached this problem in 1973, did so with the philosophy of realism and even-handedness. Both sides in the area would be called upon to contribute reciprocally to the process of settlement. We launched, as you know, the step-by-step approach, as the most promising avenue to implementation of Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338.

Therefore, first of all, it should be obvious that no interim agreement has been or can be an end in itself. The only durable solution is a just and comprehensive peace. The United States remains committed to that objective. Each step taken or to be taken by any country is intended to make that goal more achievable and is therefore a step for all. We have always intended that the step-by-step approach would merge at some point with discussion of an over-all settlement.

-3-

Third, it is in the nature of gradual movement toward peace that it must address all the key problems in a balanced way at each step. The questions of territory, borders, and military deployments cannot be dealt with unless at the same time the issues of political and economic settlement are given equal attention. If we are to move forward we must move even-handedly on both sides of the equation.

Fourth, any step taken must be judged in the light of the alternatives that were faced. Each party has the right to judge the gains and compromises that are possible for it at any given stage as it accepts or rejects partial steps toward peace. I believe that the agreements reached have achieved Arab objectives as well as mutual objectives, and have created conditions for further movement more effectively than any available alternative. They have been steps forward. No other methods have worked. War would have been a futile step backward. At the end of such a conflict, we would all have found exactly the same problems which confront us today -- and perhaps ~~more~~ under infinitely more complicated conditions.

Last March, after the suspension of ~~our~~ negotiations, it was the governments in the area, on both sides, that pressed upon us that another, early, step toward peace must be the first priority. That is why we made a renewed effort to help Egypt and Israel achieve the interim agreement signed in Geneva September 4.

That agreement was not a peace agreement. It was ~~taken to give~~ momentum to further momentum towards peace. It was taken ~~to accelerate~~ in full understanding on all the process of movement. It was ~~taken~~ sides that steady progress toward peace must continue. The challenge now is to build on the progress that has been made.

President Ford has asked me to say to you here on his behalf that the United States remains just as energetically committed to progress now as it has been for the past two years. We will not rest until we have achieved the goal of a just and lasting peace -- unless the parties themselves decide to abandon their effort.

What the next step will be, ~~of course~~, will depend on the judgment of the parties to the negotiations. We have suggested several

-4-

alternative procedures, and we are open-minded. The object
of our consultations in the days immediately ahead will be to
determine how to proceed between Israel and Syria, if the parties
desire; to begin considering how the negotiations for an overall
settlement can be organized; and to refine our thinking on how
the legitimate interests of the Palestinian people can be met
in an overall peace SETTLEMENT.

---

In the Middle East, as elsewhere in the world, the United States
seeks to help build a durable framework of peace that will free
the energies of people to pursue the great social, economic
and human objectives of mankind.

The Middle East has a unique position and a unique responsibility. At a time when many countries, particularly developing countries, face problems of inflation and stagnation, slackening production and growing unemployment, balance of payments deficits and great uncertainty about prospects for foreign borrowing and investment, the oil producing countries of the Middle East have reaped great benefits from sharp increases in oil prices. But they have done so by means of a heavy cost to all other countries.

I want to express the appreciation of the American people to
those Arab countries which at the recent OPEC meeting tried to
assert a sense of global responsibility.

Cooperation is a two-way street. The United States is willing
to assist you in the achievement of your development goals but
we hope that you will in turn show understanding of the needs of
the rest of the world. Inflation hurts us all. In your region
it is exacerbated by manpower shortages, transportation bottle-
necks and other factors which impede the rapid achievement of
impressive industrial and agricultural goals. We and other
industrialized countries have cooperated and will continue to
cooperate in meeting these extraordinary needs. We have made
practical proposals before the Seventh Special Session. We look
forward to the forthcoming Producer-Consumer Conference to work
out these issues in a cooperative spirit.

-5-

Our interdependence is a fact, and the Middle East has a great responsibility in the global economy. Unilateral actions to advance national interests will serve no nation's interest if the result is to weaken the world economy. All of us must conduct our policies with the objective of fostering global growth and stability. The United States has attempted to wield its power in this spirit.

and will continue to attempt

As old patterns of thought change and dramatic new events take place, it is not surprising that searching questions are asked and conflicting voices are heard. This is true today in the Arab world, and it is true in this country, for changes of perception never come easily or proceed smoothly. The present debate in the Middle East over the latest step towards peace has its counterpart today in the country. The American people are now increasingly conscious of both the complexities and importance of our interests and involvement in the Middle East.

The statesmanship and demonstrated commitment to peace of leaders in the Middle East have played an important, indeed a decisive role in this process. The progress that has been achieved and the progress that will be made is due to their realization that Arab goals can best be achieved in the framework of United States-Arab cooperation and not by confrontation. The United States will not shrink from its responsibilities -- unless our efforts are rejected by the countries in the area.

I believe also that the discussion now going on in our Congress and in our country as a whole attests to the seriousness with which we approach our responsibilities. When the vote is taken in the Congress, it will be clear that we will not abandon our effort, nor will we abandon those in the Middle East who have long sought our support. Neither will we interrupt our quest for peace or cease our efforts to improve relations with the Arab world.

-6-

The end result, I am convinced, will be the forging of an
even sounder foundation, based on national consensus, for
relations with all of the countries in the Middle East. And
I hope that the time will come soon when we who are assembled
here will look back at this time as the period when we took
the turn towards a final peace.

Therefore, let us raise our glasses to cooperation between
the United States and its Arab friends, and to the fulfillment
of the aspirations of the Arab nations, and of all nations, for
peace, justice, and well-being.

* * * * *

[LC]

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

September 30, 1975

NO. 507

As Prepared for Delivery

TOAST BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
AT THE LUNCHEON IN HONOR OF THE
LATIN AMERICAN FOREIGN MINISTERS AND PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVES
TO THE UNITED NATIONS
CENTER FOR INTER-AMERICAN RELATIONS
NEW YORK
SEPTEMBER 30, 1975

This is the third year I have enjoyed the considerable honor as Secretary of State of the United States of meeting with you for lunch at this Center for Inter-American Relations.

I do so this time, as before, as an expression of the importance that we, the people of the United States, attach to our friendship with our fellow nations of the Western Hemisphere.

The Western Hemisphere has, for centuries, represented the hope of mankind. And so it does today. The United States is convinced that if we and our Latin American friends, with whom we have a tradition of political cooperation, can solve the pressing problems of the modern age, we can once again be a beacon to humanity.

It makes a difference to the people of the United States that the nations of the Hemisphere share a common heritage. We were born in the same struggle against foreign domination and colonial tyranny. We have a proud history of mutual support in time of trouble. We have a generation of successful practical experience with mechanisms of cooperation on our political and economic challenges.

Two years ago I suggested that we begin a dialogue for a more creative cooperation, on the basis of mutual respect, to meet the new challenges in this age. This was not a slogan, or a momentary shift of mood. Our purpose was, and must be, to transform the affairs of the nations of the Americas for the decades to come. The road ahead will be long. Deep-seated change is never easy. But the spirit which the nations of the Hemisphere have brought to the effort gives me great hope and gives us all a bright prospect.

Our initiative has had two objectives:

First, as I said at the outset two years ago, it was right that we should act side by side the bitterness of old political disputes. The proposal was a

For further information contact:

- 2 -

PR 507

way of saying that we must break with the mutually-misdirected monologues
which so often marred our relations in the past, and move forward, in a
new spirit, to address our common problems.

Second, our effort had to be inspired by a broader and positive vision of
the future of this Hemisphere. It was, and is, clear to all that the goals
we share in this era -- peace, prosperity, and justice -- call for a new
intensity of cooperation; hence our mutual effort will require regular and
candid consultation.

Let me touch on what we have done in these two areas since we met the first time:

First, to eliminate the political vestiges of the past:

-- We have modified the Rio Treaty to make it more responsive to the will of the majority. We have applied the modified principle to the issue of collective sanctions against Cuba, thereby removing a divisive issue from our agenda.

-- The United States and Panama have made good progress toward a modernized Canal Treaty which will accommodate the interests and aspirations of both countries. We have no doubt that these negotiations should proceed to a successful conclusion, based on justice and equality. I am convinced that the balanced treaty that we and Panama will achieve will be approved by the overwhelming majority of the American people.

-- Disputes over control of the seas are another traditional problem in our relations. We are beginning to make headway on this as well. The discussions that will begin shortly among interested governments can lead to a regional agreement on a regime for tuna fishing in the Eastern Pacific, and defuse what has been a longstanding and needless complication to Hemispheric cooperation.

-- At the same time, we wish to work with Latin America on the overall shape of the future international Law of the Sea. Two months ago in Montreal, I set forth a comprehensive U.S. position for the next phase of this crucial negotiation. We look forward to substantial and concrete progress at the next Law of the Seas session in March. This is a matter of fundamental political importance to the nations of this Hemisphere, and around the world.

-- Another important issue has been the rights and obligations of foreign investors in your economies: There are differing perspectives on this issue, naturally, arising from our respective interests and histories. These differences cannot be expected to disappear magically at the first attempt at a solution. But as I pointed out before the Seventh Special Session, the United States believes there are vast resources available in the channel of private investment, and our common aims should be to work out agreed principles of conduct, on the basis of sovereign equality, mutual respect and national dignity.

The United States is prepared to have intensive consultations on this

- 3 -

PR 507

subject within the OAS and to discuss the issue as well in international
forums. Meanwhile, we will deal with individual cases as they arise, in
the light of our complementary interest in increasing the flow of capital
and technology to Latin American through all available means. And the
United States will work with the attitude that we should not permit these
individual problems to disrupt our important overall relationships.

But beyond these specific steps forward, we are pleased at the remarkable
improvement on both sides in the spirit and tenor of our discussions.
In the many forums where our work together is carried out, and perhaps
most notably the OAS, it seems to me that the character of our deliberations
has markedly changed. Ritualistic invocation of empty abstractions has
given way to serious, informal, and frank discourse about concrete issues.
Ideological sloganeering has subsided; the overheated rhetoric of North-
South confrontation has diminished. Procedures have been adapted to solve
problems. We have thus been able to clarify our differences and find
realistic solutions where our interests converge.

Let me now turn to the second area of our common endeavor, our cooperation
for economic and social progress:

The dramatic evidence of our global economic interdependence in the past
two years has complicated our regional relationship. Many issues important
to that relationship, such as commodity agreements and access to markets,
be resolved effectively only in a global forum, in the context of the
recent discussion of relations between the developed and the developing
countries. We must find these solutions. We in the Western Hemisphere can
work to shape these new global arrangements so that they are responsive
to our common needs.

Latin America's needs and opportunities are unique in the developing world. By and large, your countries are among the most advanced of the developing world. But this higher stage of development has its own difficulties. Because you are more industrialized and have created more complex and more open economies, your countries are perhaps more vulnerable to fluctuations in export earnings, to sudden increases in the cost of imported intermediate goods, and to the ebb and flow of private capital.

The arbitrary oil price rises and the world recession have damaged the
economic prospects of every nation. The world community has shown some
awareness of the needs of the very poorest countries, and the industrialized
nations have put in place some emergency measures to meet those needs. It
is time now that the world community address itself to the problems of
development peculiar to Latin America, and that it enlarge the opportunities
for growth of the economies here in this Hemisphere which are embarked on
the experience of industrialization.

It was for these reasons that in our initiative at the Special Session I
stressed measures which are particularly relevant to Latin America:

I recommend creation of a $10 billion development security
facility within the International Monetary Fund, to address what is the

- 4 -

PR 507

single most historic impediment to Latin America's development efforts: the violent fluctuations in export earnings which have distorted and unbalanced even the best-laid of Latin America's development plans.

-- I also supported the creation of a regional Latin American safety net, to help cushion particular balance of payments emergencies within this Hemisphere.

-- I reiterated the importance of improved access to private capital markets and proposed an International Investment Trust. This is of particular importance for Latin America, since several nations of the Hemisphere are on the threshold of being active competitors for funds in capital markets, which would be of great benefit to the prospects for growth.

-- I also proposed the organization, on a case by case basis, of new methods of producer-consumer cooperation with respect to specific commodities. Because of its historic dependence on commodity exports, Latin America has been in the forefront of the effort to develop commodity arrangements. We are prepared to discuss these issues.

-- I was pleased to announce the forthcoming implementation of our Generalized Tariff Preferences scheme, which was designed from the beginning with Latin America's needs in mind.

The United States Government is gratified that these proposals were received in the Special Session in a serious and constructive way. We look forward to further discussions of the details. We are prepared to have special consultations with our Western Hemisphere partners before negotiations in wider forums.

These will be the attitudes and hopes we will bring to our relations with your countries in the months ahead. But we are more and more aware that no single policy can take into full account the rich complexity of Latin America and the Caribbean. However helpful the regional concept may be, it is in the end an abstraction. We do not conduct relations with abstractions. We conduct relations with distinct nations.

We will continue to do so in this Hemisphere, guided by the common challenge and the cooperative attitudes toward all which I have described. But we will not forget that each of your countries is different. Each is worthy of our respect and attention. Each has its own problems and its own national values and aspirations. I pledge to you our best efforts to try to understand, and to be as responsive as we can, to each distinctive set of national interests. We will not surrender to a single formula our desire for warm and productive relations with each nation in the Hemisphere.

Excellencies and Friends,

In this, the Western Hemisphere, we share a legacy from the past; we share the anguish of the present; we share a promise for the future. The world

- 5 -

PR 507

has entered a challenging era. But nowhere on this planet is there a better prospect that mankind can master the future than here among the family of American nations. We are diverse, and we cherish our identities; yet we share a common heritage and our destinies depend on our collaboration. The Americans are synonymous with hope. The dream that has inspired our peoples for five centuries must be rekindled by our generation. What we do here in the Western Hemisphere has a meaning not only for ourselves but for a world that needs some proof of what free peoples working together can accomplish. It is in our power to fashion a common vision for the future.

During the coming year, the nations of this Hemisphere will be celebrating the 150th anniversary of their first inter-American conference called by Simon Bolivar, and the 200th anniversary of the United States. There is no more fitting time than this to rededicate ourselves to the dream of the Americas.

Excellencies and friends, please join me in a toast to the peoples of the Western Hemisphere, and to our common future. May we strengthen our collaboration in the pursuit of a freer, more just and more generous world.

* * * * *

EMBARGOED FOR DELIVERY SCHEDULED FOR 2 P.M., EDT, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1975. NOT TO BE PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED, QUOTED FROM OR USED IN ANY WAY.

As prepared for delivery.

NEW YORK
SEPTEMBER 30, 1975

Excellencies, friends:

This is the third year I have enjoyed the considerable honor as Secretary of State of the United States of meeting with you for lunch at this Center for Inter-American Relations. SOME OF MY FRIENDS IN SECRETARY ROGER'S PARTY think that it is just about often enough that they are working hard to make sure that this comes true. (Laughter.) I do so this time, as before, as an expression of the importance that we, the people of the United States, attach to our friendship with our fellow nations of the Western Hemisphere. And I do so with some personal trepidation because I know I will be followed by one of the great orators of the Western Hemisphere, which is saying something.

-2-

First, as I said at the outset two years ago, it was right that we should put aside the bitterness of old political disputes. The proposal was a way of saying that we must break with the mutually-misdirected monologues which so often marred our relations in the past, and move forward, in a new spirit, to address our common problems.

Second, our effort had to be inspired by a broader and more positive vision of the future of this Hemisphere. It was, and is, clear to all that the goals we share in this era -- peace, prosperity, and justice -- call for a new intensity of cooperation; hence our mutual effort will require regular and candid consultation.

-- The United States and Panama have made good progress toward a modernized Canal Treaty which will accommodate the interests and aspirations of both countries. We have no doubt that these negotiations should proceed to a successful conclusion, based on justice and equality. We are determined to move forward. I am convinced that the balanced treaty that we and Panama will achieve will be approved by the overwhelming majority of the American people. And as to my contribution, I have promised Ambassador Bunker that I will suppress my natural instinct to speak to every issue at a moment's notice. (Laughter.)

-- Disputes over control of the sea are another traditional problem in our relations. We are beginning to make headway on this as well. The discussions that will begin shortly among interested governments can lead to a regional agreement on a regime for tuna fishing in the Eastern Pacific, and defuse what has been a longstanding and needless complication to Hemispheric cooperation.

-- At the same time, we wish to work with Latin America on the overall shape of the future international Law of the Sea. Two months ago in Montreal, I set forth a comprehensive U.S. UNITED STATES position for the next phase of this crucial negotiation. We look forward to substantial and concrete progress at the next

-3-

— Another important issue has been the rights and obligations of foreign investors in your economies: There are different perspectives on this issue, naturally, arising from our respective interests and histories. These differences cannot be expected to disappear magically at the first attempt at a solution. But as I pointed out before the Seventh Special Session, the United States believes there are vast resources available in the channel of private investment, and our common aim should be to work out agreed principles of conduct, on the basis of sovereign equality, mutual respect and national dignity.

The United States is prepared to have intensive consultations on this subject within the OAS and to discuss the issue as well in international forums. Meanwhile, we will deal with individual cases as they arise, in the light of our complementary interest in increasing the flow of capital and technology to Latin America through all available means. And the United States will work with the attitude that we should not permit these individual problems to disrupt our important overall relationships.

But beyond these specific steps forward, we are pleased at the remarkable improvement on both sides in the spirit and tenor of our discussions. In the many forums where our work together has carried out, and perhaps most notably the OAS, it seems to me that the character of our deliberations has markedly changed. Ritualistic invocation of empty abstractions has given way to serious, informal, and frank discourse about concrete issues. Ideological sloganeering has subsided; the overheated rhetoric of North-South confrontation has diminished. Procedures have been adapted to solve problems. We have thus been able to clarify our differences and find realistic solutions where our interests converge.

The dramatic evidence of our global economic interdependence in the past two years has complicated our regional relationship. Many issues important to that relationship, such as commodity agreements and access to markets, can be resolved effectively only in a global forum, in the context of the current discussion of relations between the developed and the developing countries. We must find these solutions. We in the Western Hemisphere can work to shape these new global arrangements so that they are responsive to our common needs.

-4-

BUT Latin America's needs and opportunities are unique in the developing world. By and large, your countries are among the most advanced of the developing world. But this higher stage of development has its own difficulties. Because you are more industrialized and have created more complex and more open economies, your countries are perhaps more vulnerable to fluctuations in export earnings, to sudden increases in the cost of imported intermediate goods, and to the ebb and flow of private capital.

The arbitrary oil price rises and the world recession have damaged the economic prospects of every nation. The world community has shown some awareness of the needs of the very poorest countries, and the industrialized nations have put in place some emergency measures to meet those needs. It is time now that the world community address itself to the problems of development peculiar to Latin America, and that it enlarge the opportunities for growth of the economies here in this Hemisphere which are embarked on the path of industrialization.

- I recommended creation of a $10 billion development security facility within the International Monetary Fund, to address what is the single most serious historic impediment to Latin America's development efforts: the violent fluctuations in export earnings which have distorted and unbalanced even the best-laid of Latin America's development plans.

-5-

-- I was pleased to announce the forthcoming implementa-
tion of our Generalized Tariff Preferences scheme, which was
designed from the beginning with Latin America's needs in mind.

The United States Government is gratified that these proposals
were received in the Special Session in a serious and constructive
MAYOR'S We look forward to further discussions of the details.
We are prepared to have special consultations with our Western
Hemisphere partners before/ negotiations in wider forums.

~~ANY~~ ON THESE SUBJECTS

These will be the attitudes and the hopes we will bring to our
relations with your countries in the months ahead. But we are
more and more aware that no single policy can take into full
account the rich complexity of Latin America and the Caribbean.
However helpful the regional concept may be, it is in the end
an abstraction. We do not conduct relations with abstractions.
We conduct relations with distinct nations.

We will continue to do so in this Hemisphere, guided by the
common challenge and the cooperative attitudes towards all which
I have described. But we will not forget that each of your
countries is different. Each is worthy of our respect and
attention. Each has its own problems and its own national values
and aspirations. I pledge to you our best efforts to try to
understand, and to be as responsive as we can, to each distinctive
set of national interests. We will not surrender to a single
formula our desire for warm and productive relations with each
nation in this Hemisphere.

Excellencies and Friends,

In this, the Western Hemisphere, we share a legacy from the past;
we share the anguish of the present; we share a promise for the
future. The world has entered a challenging era. But nowhere
on this planet is there a better prospect that mankind can master
the future than here among the family of American nations. We
are diverse, and we cherish our identities; yet we share a
common heritage and our destinies depend on our collaboration.
The Americas are synonymous with hope. The dream that has
inspired our peoples for five centuries must be rekindled by our
generation. What we do here in the Western Hemisphere has a
meaning not only for ourselves but for a world that needs some
proof of what free peoples working together can accomplish. It
is in our power to fashion a common vision for the future.

I hope
you
noticed
it.
(Laughter.)

REMARKS OF THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN RELATIONS OF COSTA RICA, DR. GONZALO J. FACIO, IN RESPONSE TO THE SPEECH OF SECRETARY OF STATE, DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER, AT THE CENTER FOR INTER-AMERICAN RELATIONS, NEW YORK, SEPTEMBER 30, 1975.

Secretary Kissinger, Mr. and Mrs. Louis Kissinger, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen:

In the name of my colleagues from Latin America and of the Heads of Missions here present, I thank you, Dr. Kissinger, for this invitation. I am very happy that your parents are honoring us with their presence. I know how proud they must feel to have such an outstanding son. (Applause.)

This luncheon has given us the opportunity to gather once more for an interchange of ideas, and especially to listen to one of the bright speeches that the Secretary of State always produces when he deals with Inter-American issues.

You have made, Mr. Secretary, very important suggestions, which invite us to meditate. Nevertheless, as we are meeting now in the year of the Bicentennial celebrations, let me deviate from a direct commentary of your speech. I would like to take this opportunity to express some thoughts that a new and recent reading of the Declaration of Independence has brought forth because there is no doubt that the importance of this great document transcends the events that took place in the historic 4th of July of 1776.

In writing the Declaration, the Founding Fathers reasserted their beliefs in the basic liberties and rights of men. Their ability to transcend and universalize its origin enabled them to bring forth the first nation in the world to embody the concept of human rights in the life and laws of a society.

Influenced by the philosophers of the enlightenment, especially of John Locke, the Founding Fathers were driven to reason that the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, were the patrimony of all mankind and not only of the English citizens.

It is important to point out that in this respect the philosopher Locke spoke about the rights of "Life, Liberty and Property," while Jefferson, feeling the sentiments of his people, thought it more appropriate to speak about the rights of "Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness."

This substitution of the right of property for the

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right to pursue happiness gave the Declaration its truly
revolutionary impulse.

It may be affirmed that the Declaration of
Independence is far more revolutionary in its philosophical
conception than most of the so-called documents of the
Far Left, because it has equipped modern political thought
with ideas to build a society where men could be both free
and happy.

This thrust for a better life, which the Declaration
of Independence called the pursuit of happiness, is the fabric
of the worldwide Revolution of Rising Expectations that we
are facing today, a revolutionary surge that overshadows
all other factors in the political life of the Latin
American Republics and of the rest of the Third World.

Those of us who follow the teachings of the
Declaration of Independence and that stand for the reform
of our obsolete social structures have been fighting to
carry on this Revolution of Rising Expectations within the
constitutional process of democracy. In this endeavor,
we naturally have asked for the wholehearted cooperation
of the United States -- not only because your great
country has illuminated the road of revolutionary democracy
for its own people but because it is clear to us that
unless the abysmal difference that now exists between
the standards of living of the industrialized and the under-
developed areas be radically diminished, there shall be
no real understanding among us. As Aristotle said: "Lasting
friendship only flourishes among equals."

The real challenge then that radical movements
present to the democratic ones is that of offering their
people a workable alternative to totalitarian revolution --
an alternative that, being revolutionary in the sense
that it has to break with economic and social structures
that impede progress, shall, at the same time, preserve
the values inherent to human dignity, which finds full
expression only in an atmosphere of freedom, as that
envisioned 199 years ago by the framers of the Declaration
of Independence.

The technical problems of economic and social
development that confront the people of the underdeveloped
areas have absorbed so much of the time of our governments
and citizens that the most vital dimension of this enterprise
has tended to be overlooked. This dimension is freedom,
respect for the rights of the individual, effective practice
of democracy, as the drafters of the Declaration of
Independence so clearly foresaw it.

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We risk failure if we continue to forget what is the ultimate goal of our Revolution. It is a movement against the scourge of hunger, disease and illiteracy. But this is only a means to attain a higher goal: that of achieving for the majority of our peoples the right to be heard and to be respected, and to become genuinely integrated into the life of their nation which now they merely inhabit but which is not really theirs.

Through this Century, free society has been over-defensive, demoralized by the infection of anxiety, staggering under the body blows of facism and communism. Free society will survive only if enough people believe deeply enough in its principles to die for it. Freedom must become, in Oliver Wendell Holmes' phrase, "a fighting faith."

During the War of Independence, freedom was a fighting faith which produced dynamism from communion in action. The exercise of democracy has quickened the sense of the value of the individual. And, in that exercise, the individual found a just and fruitful relation to the community.

We require today exactly such rededication to complete democratic ends so that the exercise of democracy can bring about a reconciliation between the individual and the community, a revival elan of democracy, a resurgence of the democratic faith such as the one that inspired the Declaration of Independence.

The study of your history during these two centuries of independence gives me faith that the United States shall provide persistent support to the men of this Continent who yearn to carve out a true democracy, where social progress is maintained in fruitful economic development that facilitates the cultural advance of our people.

What I trust then, in this Bicentennial Year, is that the United States will lead the American States, and the rest of the underdeveloped nations of the World, into a great adventure of the spirit, a great international partnership with joint responsibilities and mutual obligations.

Thank you.

The Secretary
of State

Statement

THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE:
OUR COMMON FUTURE

*Secretary Henry A. Kissinger at the luncheon for the Foreign Ministers and U.N. Permanent Representatives from Latin America, at the Center for Inter-American Relations.*

The Western Hemisphere has for centuries represented the hope of mankind. And so it does today. The United States is convinced that if we and our Latin American friends, with whom we have a tradition of political cooperation, can solve the pressing problems of the modern age we can once again be a beacon to humanity.

It makes a difference to the people of the United States that the nations of the hemisphere share a common heritage. We were born in the same struggle against foreign domination and colonial tyranny. We have a proud history of mutual support in time of trouble. We have a generation of successful practical experience with mechanisms of cooperation on our political and economic challenges.

Two years ago I suggested that we begin a dialogue for a more creative cooperation on the basis of mutual respect to meet the new challenges in this age. This was not a slogan or a momentary shift of mood. Our purpose was, and must be, to

September 30, 1975

New York, N.Y.

Bureau of Public Affairs

Office of Media Services

transform the affairs of the nations of the Americas for the decades to come. The road ahead will be long. Deep-seated change is never easy. But the spirit which the nations of the hemisphere have brought to the effort gives me great hope and gives us all a bright prospect.

*First*, as I said at the outset 2 years ago, it was right that we should put aside the bitterness of old political disputes. The proposal was a way of saying that we must break with the mutually misdirected monologues which so often marred our relations in the past and move forward in a new spirit to address our common problems.

*Second*, our effort had to be inspired by a broader and positive vision of the future of this hemisphere. It was, and is, clear to all that the goals we share in this era—peace, prosperity, and justice—call for a new intensity of cooperation; hence our mutual effort will require regular and candid consultation.

Let me touch on what we have done in these two areas since we met the first time.

*First, to eliminate the political vestiges of the past:*

* We have modified the Rio Treaty to make it more responsive to the will of the majority. We have applied the modified principle to the issue of collective sanctions against Cuba, thereby removing a divisive issue from our agenda.

* The United States and Panama have made good progress toward a modernized canal treaty

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(ii)

which will accommodate the interests and aspirations of both countries. We have no doubt that these negotiations should proceed to a successful conclusion based on justice and equality. I am convinced that the balanced treaty that we and Panama will achieve will be approved by the overwhelming majority of the American people.

* Disputes over control of the seas are another traditional problem in our relations. We are beginning to make headway on this as well. The discussions that will begin shortly among interested governments can lead to a regional agreement on a regime for tuna fishing in the eastern Pacific and defuse what has been a longstanding and needless complication to hemispheric cooperation.

* At the same time we wish to work with Latin America on the overall shape of the future international law of the sea. Two months ago in Montreal I set forth a comprehensive U.S. position for the next phase of this crucial negotiation. We look forward to substantial and concrete progress at the next law of the sea session in March. This is a matter of fundamental political importance to the nations of this hemisphere and around the world.

* Another important issue has been the rights and obligations of foreign investors in your economies. There are differing perspectives on this issue, naturally, arising from our respective interests and histories. These differences cannot be expected to disappear magically at the first attempt at a solution. But as I pointed out before the Seventh Special Session [of the U.N. General Assembly], the United States believes there are vast resources available in the channel of private investment and our common aims should be to work out agreed principles of conduct on the basis of sovereign equality, mutual respect, and national dignity. The United States is prepared to have intensive consultations on this subject within the OAS [Organization of American States] and to discuss the issue as well in international forums. Meanwhile, we will deal with individual cases as they arise, in the light of our complementary interest in increasing the flow of capital and technology to Latin America through all available means. And the United States will work with the attitude that we should not permit these individual problems to disrupt our important overall relationships.

are pleased at the remarkable improvement on both sides in the spirit and tenor of our discussions. In the many forums where our work together is carried out, and perhaps most notably the OAS, it seems to me that the character of our deliberations has markedly changed. Ritualistic invocation of empty abstractions has given way to serious, informal, and frank discourse about concrete issues. Ideological sloganeering has subsided; the overheated rhetoric of North-South confrontation has diminished. Procedures have been adapted to solve problems. We have thus been able to clarify our differences and find realistic solutions where our interests converge.

*Let me now turn to the second area of our common endeavor, our cooperation for economic and social progress:*

The dramatic evidence of our global economic interdependence in the past 2 years has complicated our regional relationship. Many issues important to that relationship, such as commodity agreements and access to markets, can be resolved effectively only in a global forum in the context of the current discussion of relations between the developed and the developing countries. We must find these solutions. We in the Western Hemisphere can work to shape these new global arrangements so that they are responsive to our common needs.

The arbitrary oil price rises and the world recession have damaged the economic prospects of every nation. The world community has shown some awareness of the needs of the very poorest countries, and the industrialized nations have put in place some emergency measures to meet those needs. It is time now that the world community address itself to the problems of development peculiar to Latin America and that it enlarge the opportunities for growth of the economies here in this hemisphere which are embarked on the experience of industrialization.

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* I recommended creation of a $10 billion development security facility within the International Monetary Fund to address what is the single most historic impediment to Latin America's development efforts: the violent fluctuations in export earnings which have distorted and unbalanced even the best laid of Latin America's development plans.

* I also supported the creation of a regional Latin American financial safety net to help cushion particular balance-of-payments emergencies within this hemisphere.

* I reiterated the importance of improved access to private capital markets and proposed an International Investment Trust. This is of particular importance for Latin America, since several nations of the hemisphere are on the threshold of being active competitors for funds in capital markets, which would be of great benefit to the prospects for growth.

* I also proposed the organization, on a case-by-case basis, of new methods of producer-consumer cooperation with respect to specific commodities. Because of its historic dependence on commodity exports, Latin America has been in the forefront of the effort to develop commodity arrangements. We are prepared to discuss these issues.

* I was pleased to announce the forthcoming implementation of our generalized tariff preferences scheme, which was designed from the beginning with Latin America's needs in mind.

The U.S. Government is gratified that these proposals were received in the Special Session in a serious and constructive way. We look forward to further discussions of the details. We are prepared to have special consultations with our Western Hemisphere partners before negotiations in wider forums.

We will continue to do so in this hemisphere, guided by the common challenge and the cooperative attitudes toward all which I have described. But we will not forget that each of your countries is different. Each is worthy of our respect and attention. Each has its own problems and its own national values and aspirations. I pledge to you our best efforts to try to understand, and to be as responsive as we can, to each distinctive set of national interests. We will not surrender to a single formula our desire for warm and productive relations with each nation in the hemisphere.

Excellencies and friends: In this, the Western Hemisphere, we share a legacy from the past; we share the anguish of the present; we share a promise for the future. The world has entered a challenging era. But nowhere on this planet is there a better prospect that mankind can master the future than here among the family of American nations. We are diverse, and we cherish our identities; yet we share a common heritage, and our destinies depend on our collaboration. The Americas are synonymous with hope. The dream that has inspired our peoples for 5 centuries must be rekindled by our generation. What we do here in the Western Hemisphere has a meaning not only for ourselves but for a world that needs some proof of what free peoples working together can accomplish. It is in our power to fashion a common vision for the future.

During the coming year, the nations of this hemisphere will be celebrating the 150th anniversary of their first inter-American conference, called by Simon Bolivar, and the 200th anniversary of the United States. There is no more fitting time than this to rededicate ourselves to the dream of the Americas.

Excellencies and friends, please join me in a toast to the peoples of the Western Hemisphere, and to our common future. May we strengthen our collaboration in the pursuit of a freer, more just, and more generous world.