NOV 29 1993

DR. KONRAD HENKEL

November 18, 1993

It was only after my birthday, having returned
from London and USA to Duesseldorf, that I found
your book "White House Years" together with the
Taschenbuch by Friedrich Kind. Both are very pre-
cious gifts for me and I want to thank you very
much. They will have a special place in our
library.

My trip to the US was very interesting for me,
especially our laboratory at Amchem in Ambler
where we bought a small but successful company.

We received a lot of letters from our guests and
friends who attended the dinner on October 24.
Most of them had never met you personally. They
told us that they felt very lucky to have had this
chance.

Gabriele and I send our best wishes to you and
Nancy.

NATIONAL
SOCCER
HALL of FAME®

5-11 FORD AVENUE, ONEONTA, NY 13820 PHONE 607-432-3351
FAX 607-433-2377

May 10, 1993

MAY 17 1993

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
350 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10022

Dear Henry:

As you may know, Pelé has just been elected to the United States Soccer Hall of Fame along with Dennis Long of St. Louis and John Nanoski of Philadelphia. We invite you to join the Hall of Fame Honor Delegation which will be comprised of those closest the inductee (family, friends and other dignitaries) at the ceremony. We have invited Prof. Mazzei to act as Head of this Delegation. The Installation Ceremony will be held midday on Saturday, June 12th at the National Soccer Hall of Fame's Wright National Soccer Campus in Oneonta, NY.

It is a privilege to host the Hall of Famers each year. Pelé's induction is a special honor and we congratulate the United States Soccer Federation for electing him. His inclusion confirms the important contribution he and the NASL made to the growth of soccer in America and is bringing attention to the sport's history and the Hall of Famers.

To add to the excitement 300+ million people in 70 countries will see the Hall of Fame inductions in Oneonta. A clip from the ceremony will be broadcast the following day on both ABC-TV and Sports Channel in conjunction with the USA vs Germany and Brazil vs England US Cup '93 matches.

There are a number of airlines (Delta, US Air, American etc..) with service between New York and Albany which could allow a day trip on Saturday June 12th. There is also an airport in Oneonta which can accommodate corporate jets. The Hall can have a driver pick you up and return you to the whichever airport you choose. Will Lunn is your contact at the Hall.

Once more the magic of Pelé gives a major boost to soccer in the United States. We realize this is short notice but still hope that you will be able to participate in the Honor Delegation and join us for the celebration.

"Representing All of Soccer in America"

NATIONAL BOARD

WERNER FRICKER

ROBERT R. HERMANN

LAMAR HUNT

H. WARD LAY

D. K. LIFGREN

GEORGE STRAWBRIDGE, Jr.

GEORGE R. WACKENHUT

BRIAN R. WRIGHT

WALTER A. BAHR
Liason United States
Soccer Federation

MICKEY COCHRAN
Liason National Soccer
Coaches Association

MAR 0 4 1993

TSgt Kevin L. Harp
731 East 900 North
Layton, UT 84041

HENRY KISSINGER
TWENTY SIXTH FLOOR
350 PARK AVENUE
NEW YORK, NY 10022

3 FEB 93

Dear Sir,

Chief Master Sergeant Gary T. Holman is retiring from the United
States Air Force after thirty years of active duty service to our
country. CMSgt, Holman is currently assigned to 388th Fighter Wing
at Hill AFB Ut.. CMSgt Holman is the 388th Maintenance Squadron
First Sergeant.

To add to his retirement ceremony (to be held in June) we plan
to read and present to him congratulatory letters from
distinguished persons. Would you please recognize CMSgt Holman by
sending a letter or other recognition to the above address for
presentation at his retirement ceremony.

Thank you for taking the time to recognize a truely dedicated
and professional man.

BUNDESREPUBLIK DEUTSCHLAND
DER BUNDESKANZLER

Bonn, den 14. Mai 1993

Herrn
Henry A. Kissinger
350 Park Avenue, 26th Floor
New York, N.Y. 10022

USA

Lieber Herr Kissinger,

zu Ihrem 70. Geburtstag gratuliere ich Ihnen sehr herzlich.

Während Ihrer Amtszeit im Weißen Haus und im Außenministerium haben Sie sich erfolgreich dafür eingesetzt, die Konfrontation zu überwinden und den Frieden in der Welt zu sichern. An verantwortlicher Stelle haben Sie zur zukunftsgewandten Gestaltung der internationalen Politik beigetragen und den transatlantischen Beziehungen entscheidende Impulse gegeben.

Auch heute findet Ihr politisches Urteil weltweit Beachtung. Gerade für uns Deutsche war es wichtig, Sie in den entscheidenden Monaten nach dem Fall der Mauer bei unseren Bemühungen um eine Überwindung der deutschen Teilung auf unserer Seite zu wissen. Sie sind Deutschland, dem Land Ihrer Herkunft, verbunden geblieben und zu einem Förderer der deutsch-amerikanischen Freundschaft geworden. Hierfür danke ich Ihnen ganz besonders.

Bonn, den 14. Mai 1993

USA

Lieber Herr Kissinger,

...

Translation

The Federal Republic of Germany
The Federal Chancellor

Bonn, 14 May 1993

Dear Mr Kissinger,

Please accept my warm congratulations on your 70th birthday.

During your time in the White House and at the State Department you successfully committed yourself to ending confrontation and securing peace in the world. From your responsible position you helped to shape future-oriented international policy and gave transatlantic relations a decisive boost.

To this day your political assessments are respected the world over. For us Germans it was important, in particular, to know that in the decisive months after the fall of the Berlin wall you were on our side in our endeavours to overcome the division of Germany. You have retained a fondness for Germany, your country of origin, and have become a champion of German-American friendship. For this I thank you most sincerely.

Today, following the end of the East-West conflict, Europe and America are facing new challenges which we can master only if we act together. In this situation it is good to know that we can build on close German-American cooperation.

Mr Henry A. Kissinger
350 Park Avenue, 26th Floor
New York, NY 10022
USA

05-10-93 02:35PM

10/05 '93 12:54

852 838 3315

TO KAI

H. CHEONG LEEN CO

P003

001/002

香港公民協會
HONGKONG CIVIC ASSOCIATION

G. P. O. BOX 920
503 YIP FUNG BUILDING
2-8 D'AGUILAR STREET
HONG KONG

香港郵政信箱920號
香港德輔立街2-8號
業警火警503室

TEL: 5225584

電話: 6260474

FAX:

國文傳真：(852) 8770451

MAY 10 1993

10 May 1993

Mr. Henry A. Kissinger
Suite 1021
1800 K Street, N. W.
Washington D.C. 20006
U S A

Original by Airmail

Copy by Fax

Dear Henry:

You no doubt had a productive discussion with our Governor,
Chris Pattan, when you met him in New York recently.

You were perfectly right to tell the media afterwards that MFN for
China should be renewed unconditionally, and moreover we should now look
ahead to stop keeping this matter going as an annual exercise. It is
not beneficial in the long run to American, Chinese and Hong Kong
interests.

US business has over $7 billion and over $5 billion invested in
Hong Kong and China respectively. MFN withdrawal would cost US
consumers an estimated $14 billion. China has stated, repeatedly, that
it would retaliate to a conditioning of its MFN trading status. If this
were to happen, US exports to China worth about $8 billion, and over
150,000 US jobs associated with such exports, would also be put at risk.

In the longer term, US strategic interests would also be affected.
A cooperative China in the UN Security Council is important for the
preservation of world peace and stability. Moreover, the China market
is potentially a lucrative market for US products. By about 2010,
China's economy is expected to be larger than that of the US. MFN
withdrawal or conditionally would likely penalise US companies and
leave the market free to America's competitors at a time when China's
demand for imported goods is expected to undergo a major expansion.

...to be cont'd...

05-10-93 02:35PM

93 12:54

☎852 838 3315

TO KAI

H. CHEONG LEEN CO

P004

☑ 002/002

G. P. O. BOX 920
503 YIP FUNG BUILDING
2-B D'AGUILAR STREET
HONG KONG

香港郵政信箱920號
香港德輔街2-8號
業豐大廈503室

TEL: 5225584

電郵: 5260474

FAX:
國文傳真：(852) 8770451

- 2 -

Revoking or conditioning China's MFN would damage Hong Kong's
economic future at a politically sensitive time. China is Hong Kong's
largest trading partner, and 70% of China's exports to the US and nearly
30% of US exports to China pass through Hong Kong. An economic impact
of assessment recently completed by the Hong Kong Government estimated
that loss of MFN might halve Hong Kong's GDP growth and cause 2.5% of
its workers to lose their jobs. It would also undermine business
confidence in Hong Kong and the overall economic viability of the place.

Free and open trade produces economic progress, which in turn
nourishes the development of a free and open society. Hong Kong is
playing an important role in this process. It is a catalyst to China's
economic development. Over 60% of overseas investment in China comes
from or through Hong Kong. Hong Kong has become a centre for the
financial, technical and marketing services needed by China's
industries. Dampening the economic development of China would be a
major setback to Hong Kong and would harm the economic growth of this
region, one of the fastest growing areas in the world and one which can
become a powerful locomotive for the international economy.

Anything you can do to highlight to the decision makers in the US
at this time the common interests of the United States, China and Hong
Kong will be valuable and beneficial.

Best wishes to you and Nancy.

Sincerely,

Hilton Cheong-Lee
Chairman

Herald INTERNATIONAL
Published With The New York Times and The Washington Post

181 AVENUE CHARLES DE GAULLE 92521 NEUILLY CEDEX FRANCE TEL. (1) 46 37 93 01

Lee W. Huebner has been serving as Publisher of the International Herald Tribune since June, 1979. He came to Paris from New York, where he was Vice President and Director of Whitney Communications Company, then one of the three parent companies of the IHT.

A native of Sheboygan, Wisconsin, Mr. Huebner received his B.A. degree from Northwestern University and his M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from Harvard University, finishing his work in history there in 1968. His doctoral dissertation dealt with the rise of the mass media and its impact on political philosophy. He was a founder and president of the Ripon Society Inc., a political research organization. From 1969 to 1973, he was part of the White House writing and research staff, serving as Special Assistant to the President.

During his tenure in Paris, the IHT has become the world's only newspaper with a truly global presence, opening eight new printing sites in a period of seven years. In 1980, the Trib became the first newspaper in history to print simultaneously on opposite sides of the world when it launched its Asian satellite edition -- which is now printed in Hong Kong, Singapore and Tokyo. A Western Hemisphere edition is printed in New York. The newspaper also prints today in seven European locations -- Paris, London, Zurich, The Hague, Marseilles, Rome and Frankfurt -- and is actively studying several additional printsites.

The IHT, then known as the Paris Herald, was founded in Paris by James Gordon Bennett, Jr. in 1887. It marked its 100th anniversary with a series of celebrations around the world in 1987. Its paid circulation has grown by 60 percent over the past 12 years and now exceeds 200,000 copies per day, primarily among governmental, business and professional leaders in 164 countries.

In that same 12 year period, its advertising revenues have multiplied fourfold, while the size of its own staff of full-time journalists has been doubled. Total revenues for the company are approximately $100 million per year. The IHT's profit has increased year over year during each of the past six years and during ten of the twelve years since 1980.

Once a paper primarily for Americans living and traveling abroad, the IHT today is read by decision makers of all nationalities who share an international outlook and a need for reliable international news. Approximately two-thirds of its current readership is non-American.

In a 1992 poll of people listed in "Who's Who on the Continent of Europe" (virtually all of them non-Americans living in non-English speaking countries), the IHT scored higher than any other publication when respondents were asked to name "the best newspaper in the world."

The IHT is a French company which is now owned jointly by the The New York Times and The Washington Post.

Mr. Huebner is a member of the Board of Trustees of the American University in Paris and of the American Chamber of Commerce in France, where he serves as President. He is also vice chairman of the European Council of American Chambers of Commerce. He was awarded the Legion of Honor by the French government in 1989.

INTERNATIONAL HERALD TRIBUNE S.A. CAPITAL 1200 000 F. R.C.S. - NANTERRE B 732 021126-00022 - APE 5.120

LEE WILLIAM HUEBNER

Business Address:
International Herald Tribune
181, avenue Charles de Gaulle
92521 Neuilly Cedex
France

Home Address:
3, rue Lalo
75116 Paris
France

Telephone:
46 37 93 01

Telephone:
45 00 42 83

Fax:
47 45 53 21

Married:
Berna C. Gorenstein

Born:
Sheboygan, Wisconsin
October 23, 1940

Children:
Charles Robert Huebner
Born: March 27, 1979
David William Huebner
Born: January 12, 1982

Present Position

International Herald Tribune. Paris, France.
Publisher: June 1979 to present

Past Positions and Affiliations

Whitney Communications Corporation, New York City

Vice President and Director: 1975-1979

Assistant to the President: 1974-1975

Whitcom Investment Company, New York City

General Partner: 1975-1979

The Oil Daily, Inc., New York City

Chairman: 1979

Publisher: 1977-1978

Chesapeake Publishing Corporation, Elkton, Maryland

The White House. Washington D.C.

Special Assistant to the President and Associate Director, White House

Writing and Research Staff: February 1973 to February 1974

Deputy Special Assistant to the President: 1971-1973

Staff Assistant to the President: 1969-1971

The Ripon Society. Cambridge, Massachusetts

President: 1967-1969

Vice President: 1966-1967

National Governing Board: 1962-

Founding Member: 1962

Harvard University. Cambridge, Massachusetts

Teaching Fellow in American History: 1964-1968

Director of Debate: 1967-1969

Resident Tutor, Dunster House: 1965-1968

Director and Instructor, National High School Institute in Speech, Northwestern
University: Summers 1963-1966, 1968.

Director of Debate, Boston College: 1963-1964.

Lecturer, Civil Service Commission, Executive Seminar Center: 1970-1974.

New Leadership Fund, Board of Directors: 1977-1979.

Vocational Foundation Inc., New York City. Board of Directors: 1977-1985.

American Newspaper Publishers Association, Committee on Government Affairs:
1980-1987.

Current Affiliations

American Chamber of Commerce in France, Board of Directors: 1980-. President: 1991-.

European Council of American Chambers of Commerce, Vice-Chairman: 1992-.

American University of Paris, Board of Trustees, 1985-. Vice-Chairman: 1991-.

Northwestern University, College of Arts and Sciences, Visiting Committee, 1990-.

International Advisory Board, Sing Tao Newspaper Holdings, Ltd., Hong Kong, 1980-.

Sabre Foundation, Boston, Massachusetts, Board of Directors: 1980-.

Council on Foreign Relations, Member: 1980-.

Presidential Classroom for Young Americans, Advisory Committee: 1986-.

Center for Economic Policy Research, London, Advisory Council: 1992-.

Public Member, U.S. Delegation to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe, Helsinki: 1992.

Chevalier de la Légion d'Honneur, France, 1989.

Northwestern University, Alumni Merit Award, 1990.

Education

Ph.D., Harvard University, 1968. Field: History. Dissertation Topic: "The Discovery of Propaganda: Changing Attitudes Toward Public Communication in America: 1900-1930."

M.A., Harvard University, 1963. Woodrow Wilson Fellow.

B.A., Northwestern University, June 1962 (with highest honors). Phi Beta Kappa
Prize at graduation (for ranking first among graduates from College of Liberal
Arts). Phi Beta Kappa (election in junior year).

National Merit Scholar; National Honor Society Scholar; Student Government.

Intercollegiate Debate at Northwestern University for four years. First place
speaker at annual National Championship Debate Tournament, 1962.

Educated in the Sheboygan, Wisconsin public schools.

Publications

"The Republican Party: 1959-1972," an essay in *The History of American Political Parties* (4 volumes), Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., editor. (Chelsea House Publishers, New York, 1973).

Essays in *Four Great Americans*, (Doubleday and Co., New York, 1972).

Editor, *The Politics of Moderation*. The Ripon Papers, 1963-1968 (National Press, Washington, 1968).

Essays in *The Front Page* (International Herald Tribune, Paris, 1980 and 1992).

Articles and reviews concerning recent American history and politics in various
publications, (including *The New Leader*, the *American Historical Review*, the
*Journal of the American Forensic Association*, the *Black Politician*, *The
Washington Post*, the *Ripon Forum*, the *Harvard Review*.)

Languages: German and French

Fax émis par :

A4->A4

Pg: 2

Herald
INTERNATIONAL
Cribune
Published With The New York Times and The Washington Post

181 AVENUE CHARLES DE GAULLE 92521 NEUILLY CEDEX FRANCE TEL. 46 37 93 00 TELEX: 612 718

Lee W. Huebner was appointed as Publisher of the International Herald Tribune in June of 1979. He came to Paris from New York, where he was Vice President and Director of Whitney Communications Company, then one of the three parent companies of the IHT.

Once a paper primarily for Americans abroad, the IHT today is read by decision makers of all nationalities who share an international outlook and a need for reliable international news. Approximately two-thirds of its current readership is non-American. In a 1992 poll of people listed in "Who's Who on the Continent of Europe," the IHT was ranked first when respondents were asked to name "the best newspaper in the world." The IHT is a French company which is now owned jointly by the The New York Times and The Washington Post.

Mr. Huebner is a member of the Board of Trustees of the American University in Paris and of the American Chamber of Commerce in France, where he served as President from 1991 to 1993. He is also Vice Chairman of the European Council of American Chambers of Commerce. He serves on the International Advisory Board of Sing Tao Newspapers in Hong Kong and on the Advisory Council of the Centre for Economic Policy Research in London. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and was awarded the Legion of Honor by the French government in 1989.

INTERNATIONAL HERALD TRIBUNE SA CAPITAL 1200000 F.R.C.C. - NANTERRE B 732 021126-00022 - APE 5120

No 011/93.MC.UN

PERMANENT MISSION OF CAMBODIA
TO THE UNITED NATIONS

MAR 19 1993

The Hon'able DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER
Washington, DC.

Dear Sir,

That is very kind of you to express, in your letter dated March 10, 1993, your readiness to meet with Prime Minister Hun Sen of the State of Cambodia during his intended visit to the United States.

I regret to inform you that the visit could unfortunately not take place as expected. The Prime Minister's schedule does not permit him to go out during this crucial time when the electoral campaign is approaching. However the visit will be taking place lateron.

Thanking you very much for your kind gesture with respect to the State of Cambodia, I remain

Yours very respectfully
New York, March 18, 1993

OUCH BORITH
Ambassador
Chargé d'affaires

SPEECH BY THE FOREIGN SECRETARY, MR DOUGLAS HURD,

# 'THE POWER OF COMMENT - GOVERNMENT AND THE MEDIA'

## THE OPEN COVENANT

Openness has its limits. President Wilson, when he advocated 'open covenants openly arrived at', was too intelligent not to know that if they were too openly negotiated they would never be arrived at. Nicholson describes how Wilson:

> 'when it came to negotiate the peace treaties in Paris, shut himself up in his study with Clemenceau and Lloyd George, the door being guarded by one American marine carrying side arms and bayonet, while another marine paced up and down in front of the windows that opened onto a garden terrace.'

## THE MEDIA AS ACTORS

My next observation concerns the way the media now makes, as well as reports, the news in foreign affairs. For centuries tragedies have happened around the world. The Indian Subcontinent has flooded and millions died. Atrocities have been committed, but gone unreported. Dictators have suppressed their people without the facts being known to any except the specialist.

Now the media bestride the world, wielding a searchlight. Immediately after the Second World War the BBC had only 3 foreign correspondents, in Paris, Berlin and Washington. Now they have over 140, in a bewildering variety of places.

But the searchlight of media coverage is not the even and regular sweep of a lighthouse. It is patchy, dwelling on some rocks only briefly, on others at length. It is determined partly by editorial guidance, but also by practical questions of getting men on the spot, having the money and the technology to beam reports back to London. It is inevitably selective. In that selectiveness, the media are actors as well as spectators in foreign affairs. We see little on our screens of the tragedies in Liberia, in Angola, and in Sudan. They feature little in debate in the House, they feature little in the editorials of our papers, they bother British citizens only occasionally. If it costs more to maintain a correspondent in southern Sudan than in Bosnia then the world will know less of the fighting there - and care less. This will have nothing to do with the relative savagery of the two conflicts. The public debate is run not by events, but by the coverage of events.

That coverage of course varies from country to country. The Russian media and Russian diplomacy are today overwhelmingly concerned with disorder and suffering in the former Soviet Union of which the British public are barely aware. But out of these or other disorders might conceivably come a disaster which would suddenly concern us all. So governments and the UN cannot confine themselves to events in today's headlines. They have to wrestle also with the unlit tragedies. And after all, those killed in Africa or the former Soviet Union are just as dead, those bereaved just as shattered.

There is a further important point. The camera is an actor. Cameras provoke their subjects to perform differently. A Croat or Serb militiaman, or the victim of an atrocity in Sarajevo, unused to the media glare, acts before the camera's inviting gaze. We have all seen in many parts of the world the partisan loosening off his ammunition in a frenzied response to sniper fire, showing off his skills to the camera of which he is conscious, though the viewer is not. There is a principle of physics known as the Heisenberg Uncertainty Principle, which says that you can never be precise about the behaviour of atoms, partly because the process of observing them changes their behaviour. The cameraman is no different. There is nothing corrupt about the relationship between the cameraman and the amateur actor, provided that the viewer realises that what he is seeing is inevitably to some extent contrived.

## BOSNIA AND THE MEDIA

I would like to apply some of these thoughts more closely to Bosnia. Bosnia has been selected by Europeans from among the world's tragedies for television coverage. That is natural, for it is a European tragedy - so long as we realise that several other bloodier tragedies are being played elsewhere in the world without an audience. I recall vividly meeting a Russian colonel in Sarajevo last summer. At lunch in the UN mess he was particularly gloomy and I assumed the horrors of Bosnia were the cause. 'You should understand' he said, 'that compared to Nagorno-Karabakh, Bosnia is an example of civilisation'.

Within Bosnia, Sarajevo was selected for television coverage. Until recently, when attention has switched to the Muslim enclave in Mostar, other areas received only occasional coverage. There are good reasons for this. But just as Bosnia is only one of the world's tragedies, so Sarajevo is only part of Bosnia's tragedy. Round Sarajevo the Bosnian Serbs, inspired and helped from Belgrade, have harassed and bombarded a city in the hands of the Bosnian Government. A final assault on Sarajevo has been frequently predicted in the headlines, but it has never happened because that is not the tactic of the Bosnian Serbs. There is no doubt of the suffering of the city. For every incident in the tragedy there are at least two explanations. But of mangled limbs, hideous deprivation, ruined lives there is no doubt.

But not only in Sarajevo. British troops are saving lives in Central Bosnia, they are preventing massacres of Bosnian Croats by Bosnian Muslims and vice versa. The Bosnian Serbs carry the main responsibility, which is why economic sanctions are directed against Serbia and its allies. But there are realities beyond the eye of the camera. In recent weeks the main change in the military map of Bosnia has been the capture by the Bosnian Muslims of territory from the Croats. As a result large numbers of Croats now find themselves in enclaves in central Bosnia surrounded by Muslim-held land. This change, virtually unreported because the journalists are mostly in Sarajevo, is part of that reality with which the parties and the diplomats have to reckon.

Indeed the viewer or reader, particularly perhaps in the United States, must have been puzzled by events in Mostar. After months in which the war had been presented overwhelmingly in terms of a Serb siege of Sarajevo and other Muslim towns, here suddenly was a battle between Croats and Muslims. No Serbs to be seen. But the tragedy of Mostar had been building for months. What was new was not the tragedy, but the coverage of the tragedy.

Journalists become interventionists - not all but most. This is not at all surprising. It is a human reaction to what they see and report. Faced daily with the peculiar horrors of civil war in the twentieth century they feel that anything must be better than this daily experience. Most of those who report for the BBC, the Times, the Independent, the Guardian, have been all in different ways enthusiasts for pushing military intervention in Bosnia, whether by air or on the ground. They are founder members of the 'something must be done' school.

But nothing more clearly separates the commentator from those who carry the responsibility for decision. We have agreed in NATO on a concept of operations for air strikes, if necessary.

I can imagine circumstances in the next few weeks in which air strikes might be justified, might be agreed, might be launched. That will be a matter for the judgement of those in NATO and the UN who will be responsible for giving the orders, creating the risks, bearing the consequences. But suppose that, as urged by many in the media and opposition, we had launched air strikes without making that judgement, as a measure of our indignation and determination to resist aggression. Suppose that the result was not to help the effort for peace but to destroy it. Suppose that the result was not the saving of little girls like Irma, but the maiming of many other little girls. Suppose that the result was the halting of the humanitarian airlift to Sarajevo, which supplies the city with at least part of its necessary supplies - and of course the ending of all evacuation of casualties. Suppose that the result was retaliation against British and other UN troops within range of artillery, so that after many had been killed all had to be withdrawn. Who would be the first to denounce the lack of judgement, the failure to foresee, the recklessness of a disastrous misadventure? No prizes for the answer. And I would add that no real blame would attach to the critics who then switched position. That is their profession. Ministers and those who advise them have a different profession.

Or let us take the argument a stage further. Suppose that NATO or the UN had deployed an army, not to keep Bosnians alive by escorting humanitarian convoys, but to impose peace and justice by military force, realising that it was empty pretence to believe this could be done from the air. Suppose that such an army had been mustered. Suppose that, with much fighting, it imposed its will on the Bosnian Serbs and Bosnian Croats, and perhaps beyond, on Croatia and Serbia themselves. Suppose that it then found itself compelled to remain at risk and with steadily mounting casualties for months or years, to prevent a fresh outbreak of civil war, who would be the first then to make comparisons with Vietnam, with Northern Ireland, with Somalia? Who, as the casualties grew, would interview weeping and angry relatives, denounce the foolish lack of foresight, and the crass ignorance of history in entangling ourselves again in the Balkans? Again, no prizes for the answer. Again, no criticism of the profession. But those who argue from outside government that 'something must be done' are in a different position from those who actually have to take the decision and then impose the consequences of those decisions on others.

This is not the time to analyse Western policy in Yugoslavia. I would add a word only. Ours in Britain is not a pacifist Government. We showed that in the liberation of Kuwait. If we had seen a moment or a way during these last two years by which the horrors in the former Yugoslavia could have been quickly and decisively stopped by military action I believe we would have favoured that action. We support the decision by NATO to make possible air strikes in certain circumstances - having put a similar proposition to the US Administration in early May. Next to the French we have the largest number of Western troops in Bosnia, saving Bosnian lives. But we have not been and are not willing to begin some form of military intervention which we judge useless or worse, simply because of day by day pressures from the media - pressures which I repeat are understandable, perhaps inevitable. We are no different here from other Governments. Perhaps we have been somewhat clearer in public, less willing to let illusions and unreality mislead those on the ground. I would rather be faced with that criticism than with the opposite - the criticism that we have abdicated our judgement to the commentators, or that we have raised false hopes in pursuit of an impressive soundbite.

## CONCLUSION

The relationship between those who do and those who comment on what is done, or should be done, is complex. But it has to be understood.

Those who do, need those who report and comment because in a democracy it is through the medium of the reporter and commentator that the people learn and judge. The reporter and commentator have a different angle of vision and different preconception from those who have to decide and act. It is no use the Minister or the serving officer assuming that reporters will see his problem his way. They will see it their way and report accordingly. It is no use resisting this or resenting it, but equally it would be wrong to be seduced by the apparent lure of favourable press comment. The relationship will be fruitful provided each side recognises the difference between the professions. The general should not fancy himself as a commentator or the commentator as a general or a Cabinet Minister. If we each keep reasonable self confidence in our own profession, then we shall do very well together.

ENDS