# Henry Kissinger: 'I Intended It to Be a Document of Reconciliation' [Ic]

Continued from I-1

**Q** Were you inhibited to any significant degree by documents that could not be made available?

A. Well, you know, I thought originally I might be. There certainly were a number of points I could have made more sharply, in which my illustrations could have been more compelling, but surprisingly little. Because it really is more a book about — I don't know whether there are many “inside” revelations — the way policy is made at a high level. But there is no “smash secret” that no one has yet seen.

**Q** Do you think there are any specific areas in which the contemporary record will be significantly altered by your book?

A. I think on almost all topics it will be much fuller and probably perceptions will be much different.

**Q** Do you think that on questions of foreign policy your book is more complete and accurate than Richard Nixon's?

A. Well, you see, we both wrote what we knew about it. Richard Nixon obviously would admit that mine is a more complete book than his is, because he devotes maybe 400 pages of his entire presidency to foreign affairs while I devote 1,500 pages to the first four years, so it would have to be much more complete.

Secondly, it's a different perspective. Nixon wrote about the decisions that he personally was involved in. With a president, inevitably — especially a president of his style — these happen at intervals. He was not concerned — and I mention this as one of his strengths — with the day-to-day management. I think I'm in a position to give a more complete picture of the various considerations that went into shaping the options before they were ready for his deliberation. And of course I conducted most of the negotiations and therefore my picture of those is much more complete.

**Q** On broad questions of foreign policy are you satisfied with his account?

A. On broad questions of foreign policy there's no significant difference. In two or three places in the book I have mentioned a difference in perspective between him and me on specific practical decisions, and it would be miraculous if this did not occur — or even in one or two places — of recollection of events. I think I have a more complete documentation than he does, but there's no major difference.

**Q** What would you say to people who have read the excerpts in Time magazine and are now asking

whether they should go out and buy the book?

A. The excerpts are different. First of all, there are vast areas of the book that the excerpts do not cover. They cover nothing about Europe, nothing about the details of any of the negotiations that I was involved in, nothing really about the Middle East except the Jordan crisis, very little about the organization of our government, nothing about many key events — even the India-Pakistan matter is very much truncated.

So I would say, if they want to get the flavor of a few high points, I think Time has done a superb job, a compassionate job.

**Q** Some technical questions about the writing of the book. How did you organize this project as you set about it initially?

A. For the first six months I didn't do any work on the book. I read any history or biography or memoirs that I could get my hands on, to get some sense — it may be ridiculous — but to get some sense of the technique with which memoirs are written. I tried to think about what worked and what didn't work. I tried to think about how I could most usefully approach it.

**Q** What did you conclude from that?

A. Well, I must say there are some memoirs that impressed me tremendously, like de Gaulle's and Macmillan's. At the risk of sounding megalomaniacal, I must say Churchill's actually did not impress me so much when I reread them. They had moved me very much when I first read them, but I think now it was the memory of the war. I thought they were an interesting collection of documents but reading them with a 30-year hindsight, I asked myself if somebody hadn't lived through the war, what would he learn about the war from Churchill's memoirs. In fact, compared to de Gaulle's, I thought Churchill's dated faster

**Q** Could this be explained by the rather clear emergence in the de Gaulle and Macmillan memoirs of the autobiographical personality as opposed to the statesmanlike tone of Churchill's?

A. I'll tell you what bothered me in the Churchill memoirs. It isn't the statesmanlike tone, which I like. What bothered me in the memoirs is that they did not seem to me to explain why he did what he did. He simply said, “This is what I did.” Just take a minor episode. I remember reading the part about moving the victorious army from Africa to Greece, where it was certain to be destroyed — something that has always puzzled me and which I had

"I have tried to write it so... it will stand up"

n't remembered how he had treated. Having read it again, I still was left with a question. He explains in great detail *how* he did it, and what orders he gave, and he prints many documents — but he does not explain *why* he did it.

Churchill was a great man, and a very great writer, and I'm not comparing myself to Churchill — I'm simply telling you my reflections as I reread the memoirs.

**Q** Were there any other memoirs that struck you as particularly successful?

A. I was rather interested, strangely enough, in Adenauer's, which I read in German and which I had always thought would be boring — and they were, sort of, but for a man in his 90s still to recreate his times is quite an accomplishment. Acheson's I thought were successful except they were written too long after the event so that they didn't have the sense of excitement or immediacy, nor did he know any more the relative significance of individual positions. But we don't really have many great American memoirs.

I read all the previous memoirs: Johnson, Eisenhower, Truman. They're all right.

But then: How did I proceed? At first I had a research staff of people who had worked with me in the government. I had three researchers, and then I hired somebody who doubled in brass for other matters — so you'd have to say three and a half re-

searchers. And occasionally I hired other people to do odd jobs, like going through the press of the period.

I started out having the research staff do big bibliographies, year by year by subject, of every significant document I had in my files, with little summaries. They spent three months on it, and it was a total waste — a total waste, because if it was interesting I wanted to read the document, and if it wasn't interesting — it sort of gave me a feel for what I had, but I just started over.

I then had them do research papers in which they would take key extracts from key documents by subject matter — Europe, whatever it was, by geographic area, by topic. I asked them to write connecting paragraphs and explain why these documents were so significant, and then to add a little bibliography of what documents they had rejected. And that turned out to be very, very helpful. This would produce huge books — maybe a thousand pages per year, per subject. But that I could read. I would then read those thousand pages, and annotate it, and then write from it.

I wrote the whole text in long-hand. I did not have anybody do even draft chapters.

**Q** When did you start writing?

A. I can tell you that exactly. I started writing on Dec. 1, 1977

**Q** When did you finish?

A. April 10, 1979. I had been reading

all of 1977. And then I started reading the materials just in terms of these chronologies — the research papers. For me to be able to write well, I have to be overflowing with material. In that respect I'm not a journalist. I can't take a limited amount of material and then write from it. I have to feel that I know everything that's relevant, even if I ignore two-thirds of it.

So I started writing Dec. 1. I would do a handwritten writing copy. That would be typed. Then Peter Rodman, my chief researcher, would go through it and make editorial comments — substantive comments. I would then rewrite it. After I had rewritten it, I would give it to Winston Lord, who was one of my chief aides. He criticized it largely for substance, and Bill Rogers, who became a principal aide later on, who has a very fine editorial hand, would read it. I would always consider their two comments together. After I had theirs, I rewrote it again, and then that version I would show to — it depended. I showed the India-Pakistan to Galbraith, for example, which he may well wish for disavow. I showed all of the chapters to Harold Evans, the editor of The Sunday Times of London, who is a *super* editor, simply to tell me with good horse sense whether I'd said what I wanted to say.

After getting all of these comments, I'd rewrite it again, and that was close to the final version.

**Q** Who was your editor at Little, Brown?

A. Ned Bradford. He read it off and on as it was going along, but at the moment that he might have been most helpful, he died.

**Q** Then essentially, the editing of the book that Little, Brown has published was done by you and your colleagues.

A. That's right. But they did an absolutely superior job of copy-editing.

**Q** What about cutting?

A. I did it, all of it. It's hard to believe, but I cut about 25 percent — mostly in documentation.

**Q** I gather that now you are going to be doing some promotional work for the book.

A. Well, not an extraordinary amount. I'm going to Europe, which is partly promotional and partly educational for me. That is. I'm going to Belgrade; that has nothing to do with promoting the book. I'm going to Rome; that has nothing to do with promoting the book. I'm going to Paris, which is 50 per cent promoting the book and 50 per cent not. Here, I do actually very little. I

will go two or three television shows, but that's about all.

**Q** How far along is volume two?

A. I've finished six chapters. But I'll go into really high gear with it as soon as I come back.

**Q** Will this be called — what? → The Years at State?

A. I suppose that would make sense. You know, I didn't want a jazzy title like *Power and Policy*, which is the sort of thing which they wanted. The question was, do you want to call it *Memoirs*, do you want to call it ... what? I don't think anyone is going to buy this book for its title, anyway.

**Q** How do you intend to treat Watergate in the second volume?

A. I can answer that very easily. I knew next to nothing about Watergate. In fact, I knew *nothing* about Watergate. My knowledge was that of a newspaper reader, amazingly enough, and I will explain why that was so. I will treat the impact of Watergate on the conduct of foreign policy and on the person of the president as I observed him.

**Q** Do you get much time, ordinarily, for reading for pleasure?

A. In office I was an illiterate, and that's one of the heavy prices you pay for being in office. I read no book while I was in office, except detective stories. Now, yes.

**Q** What do you like to read?

A. I like to read history, or philosophy, or biography, or thrillers. I do not like the ordinary novel. I like psychological thrillers; I don't like super-detectives.

But what I say about novels doesn't apply to everybody. I happen to be a great Mailer fan. I admire Mailer. I like some of his novels that no one else liked. I liked *The Deer Park*, for example, very much. I thought it showed unusual sensitivity. You know, he could have plowed the furrow of *The Naked and the Dead* for 25 years and been a wild success. While Hemingway really always wrote the same basic theme, Mailer has been willing to risk himself, and I respect that.

**Q** One last question: When did you first feel that you were really comfortable writing in English?

A. Very quickly. You have to remember I was working in a shaving-brush factory before the war, so I didn't think of myself as a writer. But, going to night school, I was comfortable with English within a year or two.

Jonathan Yardley is book editor of

The Washington Star

[LC]

BOOK REVIEW

White House Years. By Henry Kissinger. Little, Brown. 1521 page. $22.50

By Edwin M. Yoder, Jr.

# Kissinger: Remarkable Memoirs

At the risk of burdening Dr. Henry Kissinger with further incitement of the vanity about which he teases himself, it must be said that there is nothing in American diplomatic memorabilia quite like White House Years: the first volume of his long-awaited memoirs. None other, to my knowledge, so attractively blends self-revelation, vivid anecdote and strategic analysis, unless it is the distinguished memoirs of George F. Kennan, and Mr. Kennan was often at the periphery, not the center, of events. Those with the stamina to follow the former White House National Security Adviser (and later secretary of state) through this literary Long March have an education in store.

And education is needed, even about Dr. Kissinger. No one whose laurels range from being depicted on a newsmagazine cover as Superman to the Nobel peace prize is in danger of obscurity; yet the inner secrets of the Kissinger touch in diplomacy often seem to elude both admirers and detractors. And the latter have stalked Dr. Kissinger from every point of the political compass.

This book is an education not only about Dr. Kissinger and what made him tick, and about the curious chemistry of the Nixon-Kissinger partnership. It is an education in the organic problems that face a nation of great power and responsibility in an age when the threat of nuclear war, the speed of communication, the centrifugal forces of decolonization and the lethargy of modern bureaucratic government condition, sometimes handicap, every maneuver. A world that calculates intercontinental attack in minutes, and instantaneously watches televised events half a globe away, has need of new diplomatic instruments.

Thus Dr. Kissinger's rather ill-kept secret — aside from an essentially European sensibility, disciplined by training as a historian and strategist — was the unsentimental resolve with which he and President Nixon short-circuited the bloated and bureaucratic foreign policy machinery. This is the dominant note of White House Years. Not a single accomplishment of these years (Mr. Nixon's first term) was accomplished in a conventional or public manner: Not the first strategic arms agreement, nor the opening to China after 20 years of unremitting hostility, nor the first visit of an American president to Moscow, nor the Berlin agreements of 1971, nor the Vietnam peace settlement, nor the beginnings of a critical reversal of alignments in the Middle East that would ultimately make President Sadat a peacemaker with Israel; nor, to be sure, the controversial handling of the armed clash between India and Pakistan over the secession of Bangladesh.

Without exception, American policy in these instances was pursued by "secret" diplomacy through back channels concealed from the departmental officers formally responsible for U. S. policy — even, in most instances, the secretary of state — and managed from start to finish by President Nixon and by Dr. Kissinger and his brilliant but often overtaxed National Security Council staff.

Henry Kissinger is keenly aware of the liabilities of this short-circuit diplomacy. In fact, he does not in principle defend his own improvisations. "The State Department," he writes, perhaps laying ground for the next volume, covering the years when he was secretary of state, "should be the visible focus of our foreign policy; if the president has no confidence in his secretary of state he should replace him, no substitute a security adviser for him. If he does not trust the State Department, the president should enforce compliance with his directives, not circumvent it with the NSC machinery. Yet, while these postulates are beyond argument as a matter of theory, they are not easy to carry out."

The blatant but brilliant successful violation of these "postulates" recounted here was a remarkable degree the result of an accident of circumstance: that Richard Nixon, incurably suspicious of what he took to be the enmity of the permanent foreign policy bureaucracy, and in any event contempts of its con-

See REVIEW, H-2

H-2

THE WASHINGTON STAR

Sunday, October 28, 1979

LC

Books

# 'White House Years'
A Remarkable Work

Continued from H-1

ventional habits, happened to hire Dr. Kissinger as his "adviser" on national security.

By a mysterious alchemy involving two very different but complementary tempers, it flourished and the Kissinger role moved beyond the merely advisory. Dr. Kissinger was as often startled as the rest of us by the strange admixture of bravoada, pride, insecurity and audacity that was Richard M. Nixon. Yet for diplomatic purposes the Nixon who matered was, Dr. Kissinger assures us, a lonely man of exceptional strategic grasp and knowledge, free of commonplace illusions and complications, courageous and decisive (if restrictive) in crisis. To this partnership, Dr. Kissinger brought the temporal vestiges of an Old World boyhood. He had seen a civilized society plunge into barbarism; he had observed the world's contingencies and difficulties. He was by far the most well trained and training of the geopolitical school. He believed in that much-scorned test, the balance of power. "What made the Nixon administration so 'un-American,'" he writes, "was its attempt to establish a sense of proportion out of the welter of conflicting emotions and to adjust to a world fundamentally different from our historical perception. The impulses to lurch toward either isolationist or global intervention had to be cured by making judgments according to some more permanent conception of national interest... imperfect choices, partial fulfillment, the unsatisfying task of balance and maneuver, given confidence by our moral values but recognizing that they could be achieved only in stages and over a long period of time."

For example, there was the delicacy of initiating a new relationship with the mainland Chinese. It began with a conviction common to both Nixon and Kissinger that China would not remain isolated, and should not. The initiative ripened when armed clashes on the border rivers between Russia and China appeared likely to dwarf the old frictions (Taiwan, the issue of UN representation) that had been the contentious coin of U.S.-Peking relationships for two decades.

Here, as elsewhere, the attempt to nurture a new U.S. policy met with astonishing resistance. Academic Sinologists were convinced that China would never come to terms without a settlement of the Taiwan issue; Kremmlinologists trembled that any overture to Peking would "run" U. S. relations with the Soviet Union.

The State Department clung to its preoccupation with issues that were rapidly becoming small change.

The butt of secret diplomacy was, as often as not, William Rogers, an old Nixon friend haplessly installed as secretary of state. Dr. Kissinger did not esteem Mr. Rogers's strategic or tactical judgment, which was often reinforced by conventional State Department and press opinion. Yet for all his self-teasing acknowledgement of ego, Dr. Kissinger is a scrupulous man; and his memoirs are laced with regret that his relationship with Secretary Rogers occasionally sank to petty levels on both sides. "The procedures so painful to Rogers," he writes, "were clearly instigated by Nixon; it is equally evident that I nurtured them. Neither Rogers nor I mustered the grace to transcend an impasse that we should have recognized was not in the national interest." Mr. Rogers was not the only one who found himself startled by operations of which he hadn't known.

There were, of course, other liabilities for secret diplomacy. Since so much was deeply concealed from the rest of the government, the press and the public, the subtle drift of policy was often misapprehended. The more so, in fact, as "good policy depends on the patient accumulation of nuances."

The confusion was never more glaring than when all of Dr. Kissinger's back channels were humming with a secret effort to discourage India's dismemberment of Pakistan (with Soviet encouragement, by the way: "Moscow was acting through-out like a pyromaniac who wants credit for having called the fire department to the fire he has set"). A paramount consideration was the preservation of the secret Pakistani channel to Peking, whose existence could not be disclosed.

Dr. Kissinger does not restrain the impulse to score retrospective points off the editorialists and political critics who viewed his policies, on the subcontinent as elsewhere, from a blinkered vantage point. But secret diplomacy (Taiwan, the issue of UN representation) that had been the contentious coin of U.S.-Peking relationships for two decades.

If the strained and secretive convention of normal "democratic"

"Not a single accomplishment was accomplished in a conventional or public manner"

procedures in foreign policy forms the dominant theme of this book: there are many other qualities that will, I think, guarantee it permanent value. I have called it a sort of education. Its instructive value lies not only in the persuasive case that Dr. Kissinger makes for his policies, and not only in the vivid insights into the complexity of his troubled partner. Mr. Nixon.

There are, at every turn, penetrating character sketches, balanced and discerning though sometimes not lacking a caustic edge. There are anecdotes that delight and startle — Defense Secretary Melvin Laird, his coat pocket smoking from a hastily-stowed cigar during a papal audience with Paul VI, Mr. Nixon demonstrating the fiery properties of mao-tai at the White House and setting a table cloth on fire; Holdeman messaging Dr. Kissinger in Paris, from Camp David, to look less jolly in public encounters with Le Duc Tho; Mr. Nixon musing on the fitness of Thomas E. Dewey as a secret envoy to China — Mr. Dewey being, alas, some months dead. But let me give the immediate flavor:

"On one occasion (during the Moscow summit Brezhnev) brought along a toy cannon to the conference room, normally used for meetings of the Politburo. It refused to fire. Making it work preoccupied him far more than whatever profundities I might be uttering at the moment. Finally the contraction went off with a roar. Brezhnev strutted around the room like a prizefighter who has knocked out his opponent."

For collectors of lore about the Cambodian "incursion," there is this vignette: "In the late afternoon

Nixon invited John Mitchell to join Bebe Rebozo and me for a cruise on the presidential yacht down the Potomac. The tensions of the grim military planning were transformed into exaltation by the liquid refreshments, to the point of some patriotic awkwardness when it was decided that everyone should stand at attention while the *Sequoia* passed Mount Vernon — a feat not managed by everybody with equal success."

One could also glean from this book an anthology of keen maxims and observations, a red book of the sayings of Chairman Henry, as it were:

"To Nixon words were like billiard balls; what mattered was not the initial impact but the carom."

"A complex bureaucracy has an incentive to exaggerate technical complexity and minimize the scope of importance of political judgment."

"Later (speaking here of certain White House flunkies) it would become clear how little was the commitment to the future of such people without a past."

"One sometimes could not avoid the impression that to discuss international affairs with (a particularly urbane Italian) Foreign Minister was to risk boring him."

"The superpowers often behave like two heavily armed blind men, feeling their way around a room, each believing himself in mortal peril from the other whom he assumes to have perfect vision."

"In the combination of single-minded persistence and convoluted tactics the Israelis preserve in their

interlocutor only those last vestiges of sanity needed to sign the final document."

"Withdrawals (from Vietnam) would become like 'salted peanuts' to the American public; the more troops we withdrew, the more would be expected."

Which is to say that the penetrating substance of these memoirs is constantly leavened by a literary flair that a novelist might covet.

It is not idly that Dr. Kissinger permits himself a dig at "people without a past." Dr. Kissinger's own past afforded him an exceptional perspective on the American responsibility and his role as one of its protectors. These glimpses of Dr. Kissinger personal history are pertinent and eloquent:

"The principles of America's honor and America's responsibility were not empty phrases to me. I felt them powerfully. I had been born in Germany... six months before Hilter's attempted beerhall putsch... Until I emigrated to America, my family and I endured progressive osteاخ and discrimination. My father lost the teaching job for which he had worked all his life; the friends of my parents' youth shunned them. I was forced to attend a segregated school. Every walk in the street turned into an adventure

"Through this period America acquired a wondrous quality for me. When I was a boy it was a dream, an incredible place where tolerance was natural and personal freedom unchallenged. Even when I learned that America, too, had massive problems, I could never forget what an inspiration it had been to the victims of persecution, to my family, and to me during cruel and degrading years... I therefore have always had a special feeling for what America means, which native born citizens perhaps take for granted. I could not accept the self-hatred that took every imperfection as an excuse to deignate a precious experiment whose significance for the rest of the world had been part of my life."

I have reserved for last a brief consideration of what for many will be the controversial centerpiece of these memoirs — Dr. Kissinger's defense of the Nixon administration's (and his own) handling of the Vietnam analogy. And appropriately so, since this unwelcome task engaged so many of Dr. Kissinger's deepest emotions about the protection of this country's honor and credibility. It is almost a book in itself and its complexity makes it difficult to assess responsibly in less than essay length.

There is every likelihood that Vietnam, and the Nixon-Kissinger role in it, will be the subject of continuing debate for years; certainly it is unripe for detached historical

judgment. I will say only that from the point of view of one who was an early and persistent critic of the war (though not invariably of the Nixon-Kissinger strategy for disengagement, which seemed to me, for the most part, to make sense of difficult alternatives) Dr. Kissinger's defense of his Indochina policy is very powerful. It has sharply tempered my own retrospective judgment; and it will have to be reckoned with by serious historians and even by those who cannot yet think of the war without uncontested rage.

Perhaps the only serious weakness of Dr. Kissinger's treatment of this mortal agony is his failure to set the anti-war fever in its proper domestic political context — domestic politics is all but non-existent in this book, even as a backdrop. Mr. Nixon had, after all, promised a plan to extricate the nation from the war although he probably had none; unavoidably secret diplomacy gave his policy an ambiguous appearance at times; and all this, taken together with a disintegration of trust that had been before and with Mr. Nixon's personal political liabilities, created its own dynamic. Dr. Kissinger thinks the constantagitation for unilateral withdrawal was misguided and dangerous, and that domestic impatience played a large role in stiffening the North Vietnamese against a timely settlement. He makes a good case to that effect. But the subject will bear discriminating consideration, and will surely get it.

Those who most need Dr. Kissinger's corrective instruction about Vietnam and about other complexities of the dangerous world he dealt with are, alas, less likely than most of us to listen carefully. The propensity for defensive resistance was typically illustrated in the recent David Frost television interview; and that will probably be the usual pattern for those who insist on believing the myths about Vietnamization.

For the rest of us, happily, the Kissinger memoirs will constitute — I think it is not extravagant to say — a watershed in our understanding of the American diplomatic role which for eight years he did so much to shape, and I believe strengthen. Unfortunately, problems did not vanish when the left office; certainly there can be no fond illusion that any empires professor of geopolitics who speaks English with an intriguving central European accent can by that virtue alone recapture the magic touch chronicled here. There is only one Kissinger. But some of us are thankful that there is, at least, one. This brilliant book is an appropriate reminder that he has become a sort of national institution, and probably should be

Mr. Yoder is editorial page editor of The Washington Star.

700,000 WORDS IN LONGHAND ON
YELLOW LEGAL PADS: IT'S VOLUME
ONE OF THE KISSINGER MEMOIRS

In the den of his elegant duplex in Manhattan's River House, Henry A. Kissinger corrects the galley proofs of his memoirs. Volume I, covering his first four years in Richard Nixon's White House, will be published in the fall. Subsequent events, including the Watergate period, will be dealt with in a second volume. Kissinger, 56, has worked on the project for more than 15 months, encouraged by his wife, Nancy, and with Tyler, their beloved yellow Labrador, usually at his side. Recently the former Secretary of State interrupted his labors to talk with PEOPLE's Patricia Burstein.

**How many hours a day did you write?**

Well, on the days in which I wrote
—about five days a week—I would
write eight or 10 hours. I write in spurts.

**Are you more comfortable with the written or spoken word?**

The spoken word is easier. The written takes tremendous self-discipline, and I keep rewriting. I've rewritten every chapter five or six times.

**Your desk overlooks the East River. Were you distracted?**

No. The river is very consoling.
Nancy arranged the desk for the view.

**Did your wife read your manuscript?**

She read some chapters, not all of them. We discussed the material when I had a question of how to handle it.

**What are your writing habits?**

I use yellow legal pads. When I attempt to type, my mind isn't connected to the typing, it's connected to my hand. So I wrote about 700,000 words in longhand.

**How did you keep your weight down?**

I tried to do a lot of swimming and walking. I just didn't get up and have a soda or sandwich.

**Did you rely on documents or memory?**

The problem with writing contemporary history is that there are so many documents it is impossible to take account of them all. In fact I don't know them all. On the other hand, my memory tends to focus on some dramatic instance that meant a great deal to me.

It tends, at least in my case, to weed things out that struck me as less significant. So what I really needed was a combination of memory, notes I kept, plus documents to enable me to reconstruct what happened.

**Could you explain the meaning of "dramatic instance"?**

I may have had a two-hour conversation with someone in which there was a five-minute passage that I remember as being particularly dramatic. I may remember those five minutes as the dominant part, and have forgotten major elements of the rest. Thus if I wrote strictly from memory I would say in this conversation one thing happened, which would be true, but one-sided.

**Was the shift from memoranda to memoir-writing difficult?**

It's not a book of documents. It's my account, which I hope will be supported by documents with which I am familiar. This does not exclude that there are people who have other documents that would give a different perspective.

**How many documents are there?**

From that period, five to 10 million. I am familiar with only a small number.

**Do you worry about how people will react to your portrayal of them?**

Of course it's a problem. I have tried to be compassionate and to avoid gos sip. I've sought to bring the personalities into the problems they had to deal with. I've written about those things that affected decisions. I don't think it will be very wounding to people.

**Were there moments of euphoria while you were writing the book?**

There were some events I am describing, like the secret visit to China and the breakthrough in negotiations in Vietnam, which I remembered with great pleasure.

**What did you remember with great pain?**

Most of the Vietnam debate and the bitterness with which it was conducted.

**While you were writing, did you have any difficulties?**

The death of Nelson Rockefeller set

me back at least a month. It was a terrible shock. He was a man who had meant a great deal in my life.

**Were you upset by the book by William Shawcross—Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon and the Destruction of Cambodia? Did it affect your own writing?**

The book came out after I was all but finished. I think it's a one-sided polemic which is essentially untruthful. It's a shame he either misunderstands or

Photograph by Alfred Eisenstaedt

LC

24

PEOPLE MAGAZINE July 2, 1979

The Kissingers examine his manuscript. "I've written my memoirs as a narrative," he says. "It's not like Churchill."

misrepresents the problem. If Cambo-
dia had been as simple as he presents it,
we would have found the answer too. I
added one or two footnotes to my
manuscript, but I really did not change
it in any significant way as a result of
his book.

In reviewing your decisions, did you think
you might have acted differently?

You must remember this—if a seri-
ous person is conducting policy he will

have thought through the implications
of his actions when he took them. What-
ever mistakes he may have made the
first time he's likely to make again
when he thinks it through a second
time. It's not likely he'll change his mind
on too many things.

What do you hope will be the value of
your book?

That people in the future will see how
somebody in high office perceived his

choices, what he thought he knew and
on what basis he acted.

Will Tyler like your memoirs?

He is very understanding. He just
wants to make sure he gets mentioned
and has some good pictures of him-
self. But he wasn't born in the period I
am writing about. ☐

KATARDIN TIMES
MILLINOCKET, ME
W. 2,800

MAY 15 1979

New
England
Newslin

BUCKSHOT & BUTTERCUPS

[LC]

## #1
### SELLING OF A SECRETARY

The Boston publishing house of Little, Brown & Co., is scheduled to blossom out with the first volume (an exhausting 650,000 words) of Henry Kissinger's celebrated memoirs come autumn and the publication has been shrouded in typical, Henryesque secrecy. The secrecy, however, is now prompting questions of whether the publishers are actually guilty of suppression of the news. Little, Brown is a wholly-owned subsidiary of The New York Times, the nation's most vocal advocate of the peoples' right to know the truth, and because much of what the former Secretary of State would have to say about his times and life is being rationalized as legitimate news by a segment of the media. Little, Brown, on the other hand, is determined to prevent any leaks from happening. After all, they've forked over somewhere in the vicinity of $2 million to Kissinger to relate what he recalls. With $2 million at stake even a subsidiary of The New York Times can find a paragonable purpose in resorting to secrecy.

### CRISIS IMMINENT

A recent report in *Science News* quotes Lester E. Brown, president, Worldwatch Institute, that the world food outlook is becoming bleak and we may be in for extraordinarily hard times to come. The world population, says Brown, is literally exploding while growing soils are virtually declining in both productivity and availability. Brown doubts whether crop land expansions and yields can be increased fast enough to meet world demands.

### BOOZE & GAS MIXED

There were 209 fatal car crashes in Maine last year that snuffed out the lives of 242 people. Also in 1978, 26 people died in 26 motorcycle accidents. Of the 1,075 motorcycles involved in all motorcycle crashes (fatal and/or non-fatal) some 913 people were injured for an accident injury rate of 87.3 percent. Pretty amazing figures? Yes, but even more shocking is the news that 60% of the fatal auto accidents have been found to be alcohol related and of the 101 single vehicle rural fatalities, three-fourths were alcohol related. Moreover, nearly half of all motorcycle operators involved in fatal accidents during 1978 had been drinking prior to the crash. Medical and motor safety people have been telling folks for years that alcohol and gas can be a fatal combination. Unfortunately, some people learn the lesson too late.

### QUOTE OF NOTE I

One reader called the other day to say he was up in arms against the trend toward nature foods and a staunch advocate of the artificial and chemically laden mass marketing techniques. When pressed for an explanation he ventured that at his advanced age he could use all the preservatives he could get.

### HOW FREE IS FREE

Massachusetts lawmakers have devised a unique twist to "get even" with the media. They want to legally force investigative reporters to be licensed as private detectives and require any reporters covering that state's state house to file financial disclosure reports. It will be interesting to study the Massachusetts initiative

against the constitutional provisions of free speech and press. Here we go again, all to know how free is free?

### OLD SAW-NEW TWIST

A new twist to an old saw popped up in *The Wall Street Journal* from the pen of Franklin P. Jones that is certain to become an idiom of the times: "If at first you do succeed, try not to be insufferable."

### WOOD YOU BELIEVE!

At the University of Saskatchewan researchers have come up with a chemical process that will convert wood to a heavy black liquid substance that can actually be used in place of Bunker C. oil. It's a sulfurless substance that avoids the pollution problem and Saskatchewan's lush aspen forests are being eyed as a potential renewable energy resource. On, Saskatchewan!

### QUOTE OF NOTE II

The May number of *The Washington Monthly* refers to a recently released tape from the Nixon White House: "In case you're beginning to forget the flavor of the Nixon years, here on a recently released tape is the former President explaining to John Erlichman a statement he had just made to the White House press corps about the firing of A. Ernest Fitzgerald: 'I think I handled it in a way that is probably a good thing for us to do. You should probably have the most godawful gobbledygook answer prepared. Just put it out on executive privilege. Something that will allow us to do anything we want.'" Now, who or whom does that remind you of??

### PRICE OR POLLS

It has been brought to our attention that on the very day President Jimmy Carter visited New Hampshire last month (Apr. 25th) William Loeb's infamous Manchester Union Leader greeted him with this editorial: "An item in *The Kitchen Bazaar Sun* causes one to wonder at the extent of the drop-off of President Carter's popularity. The political polls show that Jimmy is off in the polls and the advertisement for a deluxe peanut butter machine - a Jimmy Carter Special - is marked: '60 percent off!' Off in the price, or off in the polls?"

### QUOTE OF NOTE III

'Drill Sgt. Willie Alexander of the United States Army was fined $2,672, busted to private and sentenced to six months in prison when a military jury convicted him of causing the heartstroke death of a young recruit on his first day of basic training. In commenting on his plight Alexander told the Honolulu Star-Advertiser: "There are some things you have to do to people in basic training that the public would frown on. That's probably why more people don't join the Army."

### PARTING SHOT

And then we heard the one about the father who reasoned with his young son that his fatherly experience had much more knowledge of the plights of being young than the son had knowledge of being old.

AUSTIN, TEXAS
AMERICAN STATESMAN
MORNING EDITION
D. 67,173 SUN. 110,325

JUN 24 1979

Eastwood denies uplift rumors

[Lc]

By AARON GOLD

"If I took away my squint lines, I'd lose my career," said Clint Eastwood on the telephone from his California home. East and West Coast reporters printed that the 49-year-old superstar had his face lifted after seeing the pictures Richard Avedon had taken of him for the July Look magazine. "It's just not true," continued the always honest and straightforward Eastwood. (At least he always has been in my dealings with him.) "Those stories even named a doctor who was supposed to have done the surgery! It sure would be bad for his business if people thought I had had a lift and saw me now. They'd accuse him of doing a lousy job."

"When the day comes that I need a face lift, I'll put a clothespin on the back of my head," he added with a slow chuckle. Until then, people may gaze upon Eastwood's old (and only) countenance in his current film, "Escape from Alcatraz," a movie based on the true story of three men who escaped from the Rock, the

Clint Eastwood

only unresolved case in the prison's history.

Few celebrities get the kind of treatment that former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger still gets. And he gets it in double doses when he's in Washington. At a party at Kramer Books for Richard Valeriani, author of "Travels with Henry," the press and VIPs practically smothered Kissinger with attention. "All the good stories are in your book," Kissinger told Valeriani. "The part I particularly like is where you say I'm intelligent and brilliant. The rest of the book is not necessarily accurate."

Kissinger, who reportedly received $1 million from Little, Brown for his memoirs, added "I'm up to 2,500 pages already and that only covers my Bar Mitzvah." Executives at Little, Brown report that the first volume of Kissinger's memoirs, "The White House Years," due out in October, will be a historical account of those years, not a collection of amusing anecdotes.

TICKER BITS: There's no truth to reports that Bob Dylan was baptized in Pat Boone's back yard, but he is taking Bible classes three days a week from the Church of God in Santa Monica, Calif. ... Dorothy Lamour is writing a book about Bob Hope, Bing Crosby, and herself during the good old days when they made all those "Road" pictures. It'll be titled "My Side of the Road" and will be scandal-free.

Aaron Gold is a columnist for the Chicago Tribune.

SACRAMENTO, CAL.
UNION
D. 92,530 SUN. 92,523

SEP 25 1979

[LC]

# Kissinger's memoirs
size up world leaders

## #5 Little Brown

NEW YORK (UPI) — In the first installment of his memoirs, Henry Kissinger says Richard Nixon, insecure and suspicious, deliberately chose William P. Rogers as his Secretary of State because of Rogers' ignorance of foreign policy.

Kissinger confirms what the State Department gradually learned during his eight years of ascendancy: from the beginning, it was planned that the "untrustworthy" State Department would be excluded from foreign policy making.

Kissinger quotes Nixon as describing Rogers a "one of the toughest, most cold-eyed, self-centered and ambitious men he had ever met."

According to Kissinger, in excerpts of his book "White House Years" in the current issue of Time magazine, Rogers' toughness would "give the Russians fits in negotiations and would also keep "the little boys in the State Department" in line.

Kissinger writes: "Few Secretaries of State can have been selected because of their Presidents' confidence in their ignorance of foreign policy."

It appears that Kissinger, while he was talking with other leaders and other members of the administration, also was making notes on their personalities for his memoirs. Some of them are brutal, some of them are kind, but all appear to be frank snapshots from a unique point of view:

"Nixon. "Meeting new people filled him with vague dread, especially if they were in a position to rebuff or contradict him...He had very little confidence in the State Department. Its personnel had no loyalty to him; the Foreign Service had disdained him as Vice-President and ignored him the moment he was out of office

"He felt it imperative to exclude the CIA from the formulation of policy; it was staffed by Ivy League liberals who, behind the facade of analytical objectivity, were usually pushing their preferences."

✓ Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko. "He was a survivor... the price of survival included being the butt of the crude jokes of whoever was the top Soviet leader.

"Gromyko's face would crease in smiles when he was the butt of this heavyhanded joshing. Only his eyes remained wary and slightly melancholy, like those of a beagle who has endured the inexplicable foibles of a dog, yet bent them to his own will."

✓ Soviet Ambassador Anatoli Dobrynin. "Dobrynin was free of the tendency toward petty chiseling by which the run-of-the-mill Soviet diplomat demonstrates his vigilance to his superiors: he understood that a reputation for reliability is an important asset in foreign policy."

✓ Soviet President Leonid Brezhnev. "No one reached the top of a Communist hierarchy except by ruthlessness. Yet the charm of the Chinese leaders obscured that quality, while Brezhnev's gruff heavy-handedness tended to emphasize it.

"The Chinese, even amid the greatest cordiality, kept their distance. Brezhnev, who had physical magnetism, crowded his interlocutor.

"He was a mixture of crudeness and warmth, at the same time brutal and engaging, cunning and disarmingly."

✓ Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin. Kissinger tells of Kosygin's fury when a Soviet airplane that was to carry the American party failed to start. Kissinger writes, "Kosygin stormed on the plane and said, 'Tell us what you want to do with our Minister of Aviation. If you want him shot on the tarmac, we will do so.'"

"He looked as if he might be serious. I attempted to ease his embarrassment by speaking of the wickedness of objects. When one dropped a coin, I said, it always rolled away, never toward one. Kosygin was not to be consoled by such transparent attempts to shift responsibility."

"This is not my experience,' he said, fixing me with a baleful glance. 'I have dropped coins which rolled toward me.'"

✓ Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai (Chou En-lai). "His command of facts, in particular his knowledge of American events and, for that matter, of my own background, was stunning...I had no illusions about the system that Zhou represented. Yet when Zhou died, I felt a great sadness."

✓ Chinese chairman Mao Zedung (Mao Tse-tung). "Tall and powerfully built for a Chinese, Mao fixed the visitor with a smile, both penetrating and subtle, mocking, warning by his bearing that there was no point in seeking to decieve this specialist in foibles and duplicity of man."

BOSTON SUNDAY GLOBE
BOSTON, MA.
S. 006,398

OCT 28 1979

New
England
NewsBP

Kissinger's memoir
perceptive, humane

[10]

WHITE HOUSE YEARS

By Henry Kissinger. Little, Brown.
1552 pp. $22.50.

By Margaret Manning

Henry Kissinger's memoir "White House Years" is an event, a very big piece of commerce, secretly produced, held back from the reviewing process until serial- ization was well underway and news sto- ries could not co-opt its contents.

This publishing promotional exploita-
tion is not, however, a reason to avoid the
book. Yes, it is incredibly long, but it is
almost entirely fascinating.

Lights will burn late in the chancelleries of the world over this one. Those greater and lesser souls who served as Kissinger's associates and antagonists will have to find out what he has to say about them. He is perceptive, humane and funny. And of course "White House Years" is an extended lesson in diplomacy — in statecraft, if you will. Kissinger was better prepared intellectually and psychologically for the eight years he spent with Presidents Nixon and Ford than any other man in the 20th century, not because he was well educated, a Harvard Product, and devious (all of which he was), but because he understood the process, and at the same time was devoted to the ideals and aspirations of this grand experiment, the United States of America.

I'm well aware that Kissinger critics,
who include close friends of mine, will
stomp off into the night shouting that my
sockets have blown. I'll just say read the
book.

There is plenty of plea bargaining in it,
but it's Kissinger's memoir, not Ho Chi
Minh's.

He dislikes writing about Vietnam,
particularly about the bombing of Cambo-
dia, the 1972 Christmas bombing of North
Vietnam, the assorted revolting episodes

of that tragic war, the pall of death and
loss. Kissinger is convincing, though,
when he says that it was impossible to
end the war abruptly in 1969 after Nixon
took office. He believed that simply pull-
ing out would destroy American credibi-
ity, particularly in Europe, and that was of
more importance to him than ... this is
where he puts one foot into purgatory ...
than the deaths of, tens of thousands.
Hundreds of thousands, when one consid-
ers what has happened since the war end-
ed.

It will be years before Kissinger's ver-
sion of history can be assessed in terms of
verifiable truth, and I have to admit that
from that point of view he has the advan-
tage of us all. Objectivity is for the future.
Either we accept, or try to accept, what he
is saying, given his massive ego, or wait
for 20 or more years before making a
judgment. When others, with other egos,
other prejudices, will come up with new
interpretations out of the wisdom of dis-
tance.

Apart from the controversial aspect of
the book there are literally thousands of
illuminating comments, assessments of
personal ties, guides to the mantrap of
international politics.

Kissinger is romantic — yes, romantic
— about the Chinese. He admires Chou
En-lai fervently and Mao with sympathy.
Not so the Soviets. Russia is duplicitous,
untrustworthy. Detente is simply another
word for a continuation of the balance of
power. Kissinger believes in power as the
only way to preserve the United States.
For this reason he has appeared at a fund
raising dinner for the tough-talking, recy-
cled isolationist John Connally, who has
intimated that if elected he would restore
Kissinger to eminence. That does give
pause

What has Kissinger to say about the
ruined President? Presumably far more
will be revealed in vol. II of "White House
Years." This book covers only the period
up until the second inauguration in 1973.

But in these pages Nixon is many
things, all complex and compulsive. He is
"restrained and powerful," secluded, shy

secretive, nervous, vulnerable, mean,
intelligent, tenacious. Kissinger feels a
certain sympathy for this tortured man,
but not true friendship. The American of
the 20th century he most admires is Dean
Acheson, who was as fastidious and even
as brilliant as Kissinger himself.

Other members of Nixon's administra-
tion:

Bob Haldeman's "comprehension of
the concept of sovereignty was not his
most highly developed attribute."

John Mitchell, "in spite of his gruff
pipe-smoking exterior and his later fate,
was a man of discretion and shrewdness."

John Ehrlichman was not "a naturally
tough man; he was, in fact, predisposed to
be gentle ... but he was ambitious ...
seized several opportunities to harass me...
in the Nixon White House he was in
time destroyed by the cult of the tough
guy and the corrosive single mentality that
helped to bring on the very nightmares it
feared most."

As is, evident, Kissinger writes not
only clearly but gracefully. His irony is
perhaps build in, spontaneous, but he
works on it. On small matters he is even
ironic about himself. Only rarely does he
give in to hyperbole, as: "He (Nixon) was
alone in his moment of triumph on a pin-
nacle that was soon to turn into a
precipice."

The book covers so much of our histo-
ry, so much about day to day operations of
government, and so many familiar names
that it is not reviewable in any normal
sense. Further books will be written
about this one, and the one to come.

I do have one strong exception, not in-
cluding personal doubts, unverifiable,
about Kissinger's account of our involve-
ment in Vietnam and Cambodia. That ex-
ception is to his repeated assertion that
single human beings have no demon-
strable effect upon their societies. He
himself is his own refutation. Mankind of
course is history, but history is also, and
often, individual men, individual people.

"White House Years" is the Book of the Month Club main selection for November. Small wonder.

Margaret Manning is book editor of
The Globe.

THE MORNING NEWS
PATerson, N.J.

11:00:01

SEP 25 1979

Kissinger's
1st memoirs
published

United Press International

NEW YORK — In the first installment of his memoirs, Henry Kissinger says Richard Nixon, insecure and suspicious, deliberately chose William P. Rogers as his Secretary of State because of Rogers' ignorance of foreign policy

Kissinger confirms what the State Department gradually learned during his eight years of ascendancy: from the beginning, it was planned that the "un-trustworthy" State Department would be excluded from foreign policy making.

According to Kissinger, in excerpts of his book "White House Years" in the current issue of Time magazine, Rogers' toughness would "give the Russians fits" in negotiations and would also keep "the little boys in the State Department" in line.

Kissinger writes: "Few Secretaries of State can have been selected because of their Presidents' confidence in their Ignorance of foreign policy."

—Nixon. "Meeting new people filled him with vague dread, especially if they were in a position to rebuff or contradict him...He had very little confidence in the State Department. Its personnel had no loyalty to him; the Foreign Service had disdained him as Vice-President and ignored him the moment he was out of office

LC

—Soviet Foreign Minister Andrel Gromyko. "He was a survivor...the price of survival included being the butt of the crude jokes of whoever was the top Soviet leader.

"Gromyko's face would crease in smiles when he was the butt of this heavyhanded joshing. Only his eyes remained wary and slightly melancholy, like those of the beagle who has endured the inexplicable foibles of his master, yet bent them to his own will."

—Soviet Ambassador Anatoll Dobrynin. "Dobrynin was free of the tendency toward petty chseling by which the run-of-the-mill Soviet diplomat demonstrates his vigilance to his superiors: he understood that a reputation for reliability is an important asset in foreign policy."

—Soviet President Leonid Brezhnev. "No one reached the top of a Communist hierarchy except by ruthlessness. Yet the charm of the Chinese leaders obscured that quality, while Brezhnev's gruff heavyhandedness tended to emphasize it.

"He was a mixture of crudeness and warmth, at the same time brutal and engaging, cunning and disarming."

—Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin. Kissinger tells of Kosygin's fury when a Soviet airplane that was to carry the American party failed to start. Kissinger writes, "Kosygin stormed on the plane and said, 'Tell us what you want to do with our Minister of Aviation' 'If you want him shot on the tarmac, we will do so.'"

"He looked as if he might be serious. I attempted to ease his embarrassment by speaking of the wickedness of objects. When one dropped a coin, I said, 'It always rolled away, never toward one. Kosygin was not to be consoled by such transparent attempts to shift responsibility."

"'This is not my experience,' he said, 'fixing me with a baleful glance. 'I have dropped coins which rolled toward me.'""

—Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai (Chou En-lai). "His command of facts, in particular his knowledge of American events and, for that matter, of my own background, was stunning...I had no illusions about the system that Zhou represented. Yet when Zhou died, I felt a great sadness."

—Chinese chairman Mao Zedung (Mao Tse-tung). "Tall and powerfully built for a Chinese, Mao fixed the visitor with a smile both penetrating and slightly mocking, warning by his bearing that there was no point in seeking to decieve this specialist in foibles and duplicity of man."

The Dallas Morning News

DALLAS, TEXAS

P. 259,569 SLN. 311,000

OCT 1 O 1979

NBC denies any Kissinger revisions [LC]

NEW YORK (AP) — NBC News says it will not allow former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger to amend or to add to his remarks in a forthcoming television interview, as interviewer David Frost has charged.

William Small, president of NBC News, said Kissinger was never given "any right to edit the interview or review any questions, and he hasn't asked for that."

Frost quit the project last week, saying the network "transgresses fundamental journalistic ethics." He had conducted two taping sessions with Kissinger as part of an extended interview, which will be broadcast at 9 p.m. Thursday on Channel 5.

Kissinger is in the second year of a 5-year contract with the network to make television specials and act as a consultant. His book, *White House Years*, will be published Oct. 23 by Little, Brown, and excerpts have appeared in *Time* magazine.

Frost said the network granted Kissinger the right to approve the show before it was broadcast and had given Kissinger a chance to expand upon his remarks about the bombing of Cambodia with a 10-minute monologue.

Frost, the British television personality who conducted interviews with former President Richard Nixon, refused to take part in a third taping session that was set for last Saturday.

Frost said the network wanted him to give Kissinger another chance to answer the same questions. He said NBC officials, whom he would not identify, promoted the added taping because Frost's questioning had been "too tough."

Small said the Saturday session was scheduled so Kissinger "could respond to some material that Frost was quoting from."

Small said the interview would be edited, but could not say whether a particularly tense line of questioning about Cambodia would be included.

LUFKIN, TEXAS
NEWS
D. 13,130 S. 14,479

OCT 5 1979

Thursday

## ABC NEWS SPECIAL REPORT

The memoirs of Henry A. Kissinger (illustrated), Secretary of State during some of the most turbulent years in American foreign policy, will be discussed with Dr. Kissinger by Emmy Award-winning interviewer David Frost in an NBC News Special Report.

Frost's interview with Kissinger will examine such topics as the ending of the Vietnam War, the controversies currently raging over United States policy in Cambodia, Kissinger's relationship with world leaders, including former President Nixon, the various crises in the Middle East, new strategic policies and the triangular balance of power engineered between Russia, China and the United States.

The first volume of the memoirs, 'White House Years,' to be published in October by Little-Brown & Co. deals with the years 1969-72.

9 p.m.-Ch. 2

THE CINCINNATI ENQUIRER

CINCINNATI, OHIO
D. 184,138 SUN. 287,113

SEP 30 1979

# Kissinger Tells Details Of Crisis In His Book [lc]

NEW YORK DAILY NEWS

NEW YORK—Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, in the first published excerpts of his memoirs, tells of an incipient Cuban missile crisis in 1970 in which the United States avoided “a dramatic confrontation” and obtained the withdrawal of Russian forces through “quiet diplomacy.”

The excerpts, from Kissinger's two-volume *White House Years*, give Kissinger's account of the crisis at Cienfuegos, where Kissinger, who was President Richard M. Nixon's national security adviser at the time, accuses the Soviets of “crude tricks” in trying to build a submarine base in violation of the agreement between President John F. Kennedy and Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev after the Cuban missile crisis of 1962.

"Rather than a dramatic confrontation on the order of 1962," Kissinger writes, "we considered that quiet diplomacy was best suited to giving the USSR an opportunity to withdraw without humiliation. We could not, of course, forget the deception that had been attempted. Nor would we be oblivious to the reality that Soviet restraint, when achieved, resulted only from our forcing of the issue and determined persistence."

THE RUSSIAN submarines would have been equipped with missiles capable of hitting targets in the United States.

The excerpts, published by *Time* magazine on Monday as part of its cover story, contain several interesting and intriguing Kissinger insights into the personalities of the times.

In one section, Kissinger tells of the inauguration of Nixon in January 1968—“a cold and windy day” on which outgoing President Lyndon B. Johnson “stood like a caged eagle, proud, dignified, never to be trifled with, his eyes fixed on distant heights that now he would never reach.”

Going back, Kissinger recalls how he was “sick at heart” after the late Gov. Nelson Rockefeller dropped out of the presidential race against Nixon and how “some

months after that depressing day,” with Nixon now President-elect, Nixon summoned him to the Pierre Hotel and eventually named him national security adviser.

"I did not know then that Nixon was painfully shy," Kissinger writes. "Meeting new people filled him with vague dread, especially if they were in a position to rebuff or contradict him." At the same time, Kissinger writes, the former President displayed "perceptiveness and knowledge" of foreign affairs "so at variance with my previous image of him."

Kissinger reports that the job of national security adviser was not actually offered at the Hotel Pierre meeting.

"THE NEXT day," he writes, "I received a phone call from (Nixon adviser) John Mitchell's office" and subsequently met with him.

"I found Mitchell seated behind his desk puffing a pipe... he came straight to the point: 'What have you decided about the national security job?'

"I did not know I had been offered it," Kissinger writes of his reply.

"Oh, Jesus Christ," said Mitchell, "he (Nixon) has screwed it up again."

Kissinger writes that Mitchell lumbered out of the room, returned in five minutes and told him that Nixon wanted to see him. The job was formally offered after Nixon, according to Kissinger, said that the Central Intelligence Agency was incompetent and that the State Department was untrustworthy.

Other Kissinger insights:

* Of Nixon: "Triumph seemed to bring no surcease to him. He withdrew into seclusion as if he himself were a spectator, not the principal. ... It was hard to avoid the impression that Nixon, who thrived on crisis, also craved disasters."

* Of the late Red Chinese leader Mao Tse-tung: "A 'colossus' who could be brutal in cutting to the heart of a problem."

* Of Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev: "Quintessentially Russian... a mixture of crudeness and warmth; at the same time brutal and engaging, cunning...

LAWRENCE, KANS.
JOURNAL-WORLD
D. 15,000

OCT 9 1979

Network says [c] Kissinger can't edit interview

NEW YORK (AP) — NBC News says it will not allow former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger to amend or add to his remarks in a forthcoming television interview, as interviewer David Frost has charged.

William Small, president of NBC News, said Monday that Kissinger was never given "any right to edit the interview or review any questions, and he hasn't asked for that."

Frost quit the project last week charging that the network "transgresses fundamental journalistic ethics." He had conducted two taping sessions with Kissinger as part of an extended interview that is to be broadcast at 9 p.m. CDT Thursday.

Frost claimed the network granted Kissinger the right to approve the show before it was broadcast and had given Kissinger a chance to expand upon his remarks about the bombing of Cambodia with a 10-minute monologue.

The British television personality, who conducted a series of interviews with former President Richard Nixon, refused to take part in a third taping sessions that was set for last Saturday.

Kissinger

Small said the Saturday session had been scheduled so Kissinger "could respond to some material that Frost was quoting from." However, the session was not held.

Kissinger is in the second year of a five-year contract with the network to make television specials and act as a consultant. His book, "White House Years," will be published Oct. 23 by Little, Brown, and excerpts have appeared in Time magazine.

NEW YORK TIMES
NEW YORK, NEW YORK
D. 846,132

[LC]

OCT 23 1979

New
England
Newslop

# Marketing Kissinger's Book Is a Fine Orchestration

By HERBERT MITGANG

Several days ago, former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger stood up before nearly 400 European journalists in Frankfurt and said, "Ich spreche keine sprache ohne akzent."

It was not quite as historic a moment as when John F. Kennedy stood up in Berlin's city hall in 1963 and said, "Ich bin ein Berliner," but Mr. Kissinger was in Germany not to impress a military ally but to sell something more personal — his book, "White House Years," which is officially published today.

Admitting that he spoke no language without an accent drew a big laugh from the largely German audience. They were so charmed, in fact, that for the next 50 minutes they failed to throw anything but softballs at him.

## Merchandising Campaign

The event was one of the few public appearances by Mr. Kissinger, but it was part of a carefully prepared merchandising plan that German booksellers called "Operation Kissinger."

The selling of Mr. Kissinger's book has been remarkably cool in a business that increasingly relies on ballyhoo.

All around the world, magazine and book publishers were ordered to time their publication simultaneously to achieve the maximum attention, protect first serial rights in condensed form, and obtain the most revenue. Book, magazine and syndication sales combined could bring in $3 million or $4 million.

## Praise for His Agent

It is little wonder that Mr. Kissinger remarked privately after the Frankfurt press conference that he had the highest regard for Marvin Josephson, president of International Creative Management, who had represented him in his negotiations for the coveted property. Mr. Kissinger described him as an unusual agent in a profession not necessarily known for its gentlemanly demeanor.

Standing at Mr. Kissinger's side, Olaf Paeschke, in charge of the Bertelsmann Group's trade-book publishing division, agreed. Bertelsmann, the huge conglomerate that published the

German edition, sponsored the press conference with Der Spiegel, the news magazine that serialized a small part of the book in three installments.

In the United States, "White House Years" was even more of a closed operation. At one point, the manuscript was kept in a vault of the Chase Manhattan Bank. Time Inc. made full use of its subsidiaries. First, Time magazine ran three installments, beginning with its Oct. 1 issue; after that, the reader could buy the book for $22.50 from Time Inc.'s Boston publishing house, Little, Brown and Company; and, at $17.95 for members, it is the November selection of the Book-of-the-Month Club, which is also wholly owned by Time Inc.

## Pressure on Club Is Denied

Rumors that Time Inc. had forced its club to take the book were untrue. Clifton Fadiman, the senior member of the editorial board, was permitted to read the Kissinger book alone in manuscript form and recommended it to his colleagues.

Despite the extraordinary security measures here and abroad to protect the property from leaking in advance

of serialization, there was one unexpected irritant that could not be contained — publication of another man's critical book. William Shawcross's "Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon and the Destruction of Cambodia," came out earlier this year from Simon and Schuster. It will be issued in paperback by Pocket Books in a week, taking advantage of the attention given to the Kissinger book.

The Shawcross book holds that Mr. Kissinger and President Richard M. Nixon were responsible for the decisions that led to the heavy bombing of Cambodia in secret during the Vietnam War. In Frankfurt, Mr. Kissinger denied in an interview that he had made changes in his own book to take into account the Shawcross criticism and described the British journalist's book as "a shoddy, outrageous work that is filled with inaccuracies."

[L.C.]

# Kissinger tells of 'missile crisis'

PAGE ONE

NEW YORK (UPI) — The newly published memoirs of Henry Kissinger tell of a second Cuban "missile crisis" that nearly occurred in 1970 over construction of a Soviet submarine base.

The memoirs, excerpted in this week's Time magazine, said the construction was photographed by a U.S. spy plane on Aug. 26, 1970, and, at the same time, a flotilla of Soviet ships was discovered heading toward Cuba.

Kissinger, at the time then President Richard

Nixon's national security adviser, said he had become puzzled earlier, on Aug. 4, when a Soviet official had asked the United States if the Kennedy-Khrushchev agreement on the 1962 missile crisis was still valid.

The reply was yes; the United States told Moscow the accord prohibiting placement of offense weapons or delivery systems in Cuba was still in force.

"Some three weeks later Kissinger discovered why the Russians were suddenly

so interested," Time said. Construction of a submarine base was observed on a small island off the southern port city of Cienfuegos, Kissinger said.

At about the same time, he said, a flotilla of Soviet ships, including some units normally used to service nuclear submarines, headed for the island.

Daily surveillance of the area was ordered and, on one occasion, MiG fighters were scrambled when a U.S. reconnaissance plane

photographed the site.

Kissinger said that when the Cuban incident was inadvertently disclosed by a Pentagon spokesman, he told President Nixon "that we had no choice now except to face the Soviets down, but in a manner that gave them a way out."

Kissinger said he called Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin and told him the United States viewed construction of the base with "utmost gravity" and would (continued on page twelve)

DALLAS, TX.
NEWS
D. 4,328

[LC]

SEP 24 1979

Kissinger

(continued from page one)

take whatever measures
were necessary to secure its
removal.

Dobrynin returned a few
days later with a com-
mitment that no base would
be built in Cuba and that
ballistic missile submarines
would never call there in an
operational capacity, he said
in the Time excerpt.

The episode published in
Time was taken from his
book, "Kissinger: The White
House Years," to be
published in October by
Little & Brown.

A sneak preview
of fall nonfiction

[L]C

HENRY KISSINGER'S side of the story. Inside dope on Warren Burger's Supreme Court. The first full-scale biographies of Somerset

Maugham and John Steinbeck. A train trip from Boston to the southern reaches of Argentina with the poetry of "The Great Railway Bazaar." And the author of Ernest Hemingway.

One for
the books

Henry Kisor / Book Editor

To repeat the favorite chestnut, there's something for everybody this fall and winter from American trade publishers' nonfiction

cornucopias. But their biggest offerings—that is, those with the largest publicity campaigns—seem more popular than scholarly, reflecting a growing concern for the bottom line. Presumably the more serious stuff increasingly is being left to the university presses, whose offerings will be discussed at a later date.

The most potential for both quality and popularity, as ever, lies with the new biographies. The Pulitzer prizewinner Ted Morgan, author of "On Becoming American," wrote Maugham (Simon & Schuster, Febru ary). Close behind in interest is Thomas Kiernan's The Intrepid Music: A Biography of John Steinbeck (Little, Brown, September). Another important literary biography, Richard Wright, by Addison Gayle Jr. (Double day, January), was written partly from FBI and CIA files.

There will be two important performer's memoirs: A Dance Autobiography, by Natalia Makarova (Knopf, September) and My Happy Life, by Arthur Rubinsteinii (Knopf, January).

William L. Shirer ("The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich") offers Gandhi: A Memoir (Simon & Schuster, January), drawn from his memories of the days in which Gandhi launched the great civil disobedience that led to the independence of India.

Two famous families come under biographical scrutiny this fall. The Windsor Story, by Charles V. Murphy and J. Bryan III (Morrow, October), examines those "tragically mismatched lovers," the Duke and Duchess of Windsor. Charmed Lives, by Michael Korda (Random House, November), relates the odyssey of flamboyant moviemaker Alexander Korda and his brothers from a Hungarian peasant village (Michael, author of "Power!") is Alexander's nephew.

Locally, we'll have Papa Bear's autobiography, Halas by Halas, as told to Gwen Morgan and Arthur Veysey (McGraw-Hill, October).

IN THE CATEGORY of current affairs, the obvious leader is Henry Kissinger's White House Years (Little, Brown, October), in which the former secretary of state either tells all or does not tell all about his role as Richard Nixon's national security adviser from 1968 to 1972. Another side of that era is examined in Thomas Powers' The Man Who Kept the Secrets: Richard Helms and the CIA (Knopf, October), surprisingly sympathetic to its subject.

Bob Woodward ("All the President's Men") has joined with fellow Washington Post staffer Scott Armstrong on The Brethren: The Supreme Court Under Chief Justice Warren E. Burger (Simon & Schuster, January), a book that reportedly tells how the court, with considerable infighting, made its landmark decisions of the last two decades.

Frances FitzGerald won a Pulitzer Prize and a National Book Award for her 1971 bestseller of Vietnam, "Fire in the Lake," and her America Revised (Little, Brown, October) is billed as a "polemic analysis" of the way American children learn about their country from schoolbooks.

John McPhee, one of the country's finest journalists, is bringing out another collection of New Yorker articles. Giving Good Weight (Farrar, Straus & Giroux, November), including his celebrated piece on Otto, the extraordinary chef whose anonymous establishment was

Turn to Next Page

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SUN-TIMES
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D 581,533 SUN. 682,043

JUL 1 1979

Taking an advance peek at fall nonfiction [LC]

A
Continued from Page 10

subject of a huge controversy in New
York last winter. Another grand New
Yorker career is celebrated in Janet Flan-
ner's World: Uncollected Writings, 1932-
1975, edited by Irving Drutman (Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich, November).

The Old Patagonian Express (Houghton
Mifflin, September) is novelist Paul Ther-
oux' second book of encounters and self-

discovery disguised as railroad travels, this time from Boston across the Midwest, down through Texas, Mexico, Central America and South America.

POPULAR HISTORY brings another
elegant Antonia Fraser study. Royal
Charles: Charles II and the Restoration
(Knopf, September).

Both the movie of "The Bridge on the
River Kwai" and Pierre Boulle's novel
were fictionalized versions of history.
The true story of what happened after
ward to the Allied prisoners of war who
built the bridge is related in Return from
the River Kwai by Joan and Clay Blair Jr.
(Simon & Schuster, September).

Two important critical studies lie

ahead. One is The Obstacle Race: The
Fortunes of Women Painters and their
Work (Farrar, Straus & Giroux, October),
by Germaine Greer, the author of that
feminist landmark, "The Female Eun-
uch." The other is Susan Sontag's Under
the Sign of Saturn (Farrar, Straus & Gir-
oux, January), the first new collection of
her essays on the arts, politics, film and
feminism since her famous 1969 book,
"Styles of Radical Will."

Finally, those Hemingway poems. 87
Poems. edited by Nicholas Gerogiannis
(Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, November)
contain 51 previously unpublished bits of
verse, much of it bawdy entertainment
written for his friends' amusement. Of
course this book is mostly a curiosity.

San Francisco Examiner
SAN FRANCISCO, CAL.
D. 175,189

SEP 24 1979

[L.C.]

# Kissinger's memoirs tell of Cuba crisis

Examiner News Services

NEW YORK — The newly published memoirs of former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger tell of a second Cuban missile crisis that nearly occurred in 1970 over construction of a Soviet submarine base.

The episode published in Time was taken from the 1,521-page book, "Kissinger: The White House Years," to be published in October by Little, Brown and Co. for $22.50.

Kissinger, at the time then-President Richard Nixon's national security adviser, said he had became puzzled earlier, on Aug. 4, when a Soviet official had asked the United States if the Kennedy-Khrushchev agreement on the 1962 missile crisis was still valid.

Kissinger said that when the Cuban incident was inadvertently disclosed by a Pentagon spokesman, he told Nixon "that we had no choice now except to face the Soviets down, but in a manner that gave them a way out."

Kissinger said he called Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin and told him the United States viewed construction of the base with "utmost gravity" and would take whatever measures were necessary to secure its removal.

Eventually the Soviets backed down, Kissinger said.

Dobrynin returned a few days later with a commitment that no base would be built in Cuba and that ballistic missile submarines would never call there in an operational capacity, he said in the Time excerpt.

Kissinger, who was presidential assistant for national security affairs from 1969 to 1972, the period covered in the memoir, also said the "strangest" period of the Nixon presidency was just after his landslide re-election in 1972.

"Triumph seemed to bring no surcease to him," wrote Kissinger of Nixon. "He withdrew into a seclusion even deeper and more impenetrable than in his years of struggle. Isolation had become almost a spiritual necessity to this withdrawn, lonely and tormented man. It was hard to avoid the impression that Nixon, who thrived on crisis, also craved disasters."

The available sections include few revelations, but they provide candid sketches of Nixon and other world leaders.

Of his former boss, Kissinger wrote: "Nixon hated to give direct orders, especially to those who might disagree with him...

"When he met subordination he sought to accomplish his objective without the offender's being aware of it." — leading to a fragmented administration "in which under pressure almost every member looked out for himself. In the sense of isolation this produced in Nixon, and the lack or cohesion among his team, lay one of the root causes of Watergate," Kissinger wrote.

SPRINGFIELD DAILY NEWS
10/22/79
# Kissinger Recalls Years Of Power [LC]

NEW YORK — "We met for the first time at a reception given by the president for heads of delegations at the United Nations in September, 1969.

"Gromyko walked up to me and said: 'You look just like Henry Kissinger.' And I replied: 'You look just like Richard Nixon.' — This took him a few seconds to hoist aboard, especially as his entourage was reluctant to laugh until he had given the signal. By the next year he had absorbed the style. When we discussed which entrance he should use for his White House meeting with Nixon, Gromyko said it did not make any difference; the guards would salute and let him through wherever he presented himself; who would stop the president?

"To make sure that everyone — especially his associates — understood that it was playtime, he gave a hearty laugh reminiscent of a street corner Santa Clause."

## Gromyko Expedited Policy

That was, as Kissinger writes, in 1969. After that he saw a good deal of Gromyko. In the interval between 1969 and 1972, Gromyko, as Soviet foreign minister, expedited Soviet policy which included sending vast material to Southeast Asia to underwrite a war of aggression against South Vietnam and to kill 50,000 Americans.

In the Middle East, the Soviets came close to triggering an explosion through the stimulation of Iraqi appetites. In South America, the Soviet Union did its best to satellize Chile. In Cuba, the Soviet Union triggered a crisis over Clenfuegos. And, of course, there were the routine things.

Then there was the summit in Moscow, in June of 1972. "During (that summit meeting) one of our Xerox machines broke down. Knowing the KGB's reputation for Orwellian ubiquity, I asked Gromyko during a meeting in the elegant St. Catherine's Hall "in the Kremlin" whether he could have some copies made for us if we held certain documents up to the chandelier. Gromyko replied, without missing a beat, that unfortunately the cameras were installed by the tsars; they were adequate for "photographing people" but, not documents."

It is a quite extraordinary experience to bridge high principle and diplomatic requirements. One must assume that at Nuremberg, diplomats cracked jokes with Goering. But there wasn't anyone around like Henry Kissinger to record the event — perhaps there wasn't anyone around (Churchill was not at Nuremberg) whose capacity for irony, and even whimsy, whose phenomenal memory for piquancies, caught all of those fleeting illuminations from the prisms that dance right through wars and summit meetings and diplomatic banquets and press conferences.

## Diplomat and Historian

A great deal happened in the years 1969 to 1976, but not the least was the emergence of the most acutely observant, agonizingly revealing social and diplomat-historian of the century. There is no apparent genealogical relation between the (brilliant, to be sure) dry dust Henry Kissinger who years ago wrote from Harvard and the various think-tanks learned books and monographs, and the author of "The White House Years."

This immense volume is at once trenchanter and grand; amused and amusing; in it are the suppurations of tragedy and the erotic joys of small diplomatic triumphs. Nothing is too subtle, too divine (the paradox of Chinese insularity and cosmopolitanism), or too trivial to notice (Chou En-lai took him to an opera, "the most stupefyingly boring three hours I ever spent. I forget the plot, but at the end, I think the girl falls in love with a tractor.")

## Henry's Self-Criticism

Although one can hardly have expected a book by Henry Kissinger denouncing the career of Henry Kissinger, his critics will be astonished at the frequency with which he criticizes his own judgment, or the frankness with which he reveals his own uses of guile.

But when he believes he was correct (Cambodia, for instance), one comes upon a juggernaut. His handling of the Vietnam quagmire, the pressures on the White House, the tergiversations of Nixon's aides — and indeed of Nixon himself — the erosion of authority, the cowardice of so many academic "leaders," — he writes about the operations of government of the people by the people and for the people in language which has an eternal meaning for those who wish to meditate on the prospects of democracy.

On completing the Vietnam chapters, one is left with the feeling that, in fact, one never wants, ever again, to discuss Vietnam with anyone who has not read this book. One might as well discuss a rainbow with the colorblind.

UNITED PRESS INTL.
SPEC.WASH.D.C.WIRE
NEW YORK. N.Y.
DAILY

SEP 23 1979

[LC]

A300

RA

AM-KISSINGER 9-23

NEW YORK (UPI) -- THE UNITED STATES WAS ALMOST INVOLVED IN A SECOND CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS IN 1970 OVER THE CONSTRUCTION OF A SOVIET SUBMARINE BASE, FORMER SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY KISSINGER SAID IN HIS MEMOIRS, EXCERPTED IN THIS WEEK'S EDITION OF TIME MAGAINE.

KISSINGER SAID THE INCIDENT IN THE SUMMER AND FALL OF 1970 BEGAN WHEN A SOVIET OFFICIAL ASKED THE UNITED STATES IF THE KENNEDY-KENNEDY PUSHCHEV AGREEMENT-ON THE 1962 MISSILE CRISIS WAS STILL VALID, TIME REPORTED.

ABOUT THREE WEEKS AFTER THE UNITED STATES TOLD MOSCOW THE ACCORD PROVIBITING PLACEMENT OF OFFENSE WEAPONS OR DELIVERY SYSTEMS IN CUBA WAS STILL IN FORCE, CONSTRUCTION OF A SUBMARINE BASE WAS OBSERVED ON A SMALL ISLAND OFF THE SOUTHERN PORT CITY OF CIENFUEGOS, KISSINGER SAID.

AT ABOUT THE SAME TIME SAID, A FLOTILLA OF SOVIET SHIPS, INCLUDING SOME UNITS NORMALLY USED TO SERVICE NUCLEAR SUBMARINES, HEADED FOR THE ISLAND.

DAILY SURVEILLANCE OF THE AREA WAS ORDERED AND, ON ONE OCCASION, MIG FIGHTERS WERE SCRAMBLED WHEN A U.S. RECONNAISANCE PLANE PHOTOGRAPHED THE SITE.

KISSINGER SAID WHEN THE CUBAN INCIDENT WAS INadvertENTLY DISCLOSED BY A PENTAGON SPOKASMAN, HE TOLD PRESIDENT NIXON TO CHALLENGE THE SOVIETS OVER THE ISSUE, BUT TO LEAVE THEM A FACT-SAVING WAY OUT OF THE SITUATION.

KISSINGER SAID HE CALLED SOVIET AMBASSADOR ANATOLY DOBEVNIN AND TOLD HIM THE UNITED STATES VIEWED CONSTRUCTION OF THE BASE WITH "LOWEST GRAVITY" AND WOULD TAKE WHATEVER MEASURES WERE NECESSARY TO SECURE ITS REMOVAL.

EVENTUALLY, THE SOVIETS BACKED DOWN, KISSINGER SAID.

DOBEVNIN RETURNED A FEW DAYS LATER WITH A COMMITMENT THAT NO BASE WOULD BE BUILT IN CUBA AND THAT BALLISTIC MISSILE SUBMARINES WOULD NEVER CALL THERE IN AN OPERATIONAL CAPACITY, HE SAID IN THE TIME EXCERPT.

THE EPISODE PUBLISHED IN TIME WAS TAKEN FROM HIS BOOK, "KISSINGER: THE WHITE HOUSE YEARS," TO BE PUBLISHED IN OCTOBER BY LITTLE & BROWN.

KISSINGER, WHO WAS PRESIDENTIAL ASSISTANT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS DURING 1968-1972, THE PERIOD COVERED IN THE MEMOIR, ALSO SAID THE "STRANGEST" PERIOD OF THE NIXON PRESIDENCY WAS JUST AFTER HIS LANDSLIDE RE-ELECTION IN 1972.

"AS HIS FOUR OF TRIUMPH APPROACHED, NIXON WITHDREW EVEN MORE," HE WROTE. "THIS RESENTMENTS, USUALLY SO WELL CONTROLLED, CAME INCREASINGLY TO THE SURFACE. IT WAS AS IF VICTORY WAS NOT AN OCCASION FOR RECONCILIATION BUT AN OPPORTUNITY TO SETTLE SCORES OF A LIFETIME."

HE SAID, AFTER THE ELECTION, NIXON "WITHDREW INTO A SECULSION EVEN DEEPER AND MORE IMPENETRABLE THAN IN HIS YEARS OF STRUGGLE. ISOLATION HAD BECOME ALMOST A SPIRITUAL NECESSITY TO THIS WITHDRAWN, LONELY AND TORMENTED MAN."

UPI 09-23 11:07 PED

GULF PORT, MISS.
SUN-HERALD
D. 36,250 SUN. 38,887

JUN 17 1979

TAYLOR JONES/THE CHARLESTON GAZETTE

Henry Kissinger

Kissinger to be published in fall

[LC]

By RUDY MAXA

THE WASHINGTON POST

WASHINGTON — Autumn belongs to Henry Kissinger, or at least that's what Time Inc. hopes.

In October its publishing subsidiary Little, Brown releases the first volume of Kissinger's memoirs, *The White House Years*. A month earlier, in September, *Time* magazine will excerpt the book, to be followed by newspaper syndication that *The New York Times* is handling.

For the past couple of years — behind the guarded, locked doors of Kissinger's plush offices in a downtown Washington office building — he has presided over a virtual memoir factory, as at least a half-dozen people labored to produce the work that will explain the recent history of the world as seen through the eyes of Henry Kissinger.

Working with Kissinger is William Hyland, a former CIA Kremlinologist, former chief of intelligence at the State Department and former deputy director of the National Security Council who stayed aboard the NSC during President Carter's first year and then retired after 25 years of government service.

Another helper, who was special assistant to Kissinger at the State Department and the NSC, is Peter Rodman, called by one familiar with Kissinger's operation his "wordsmith and notetaker."

Kissinger's personal secretary, Chris Vick, also joined him in the civilian world after working for him at the State Department.

Salaries for these employees, as well the pay for bodyguards and several other senior clerks and executive assistants, are paid from funds paid Kissinger by, among others, NBC, the investment banking firm of Goldman Sachs, Chase Manhattan and Little, Brown.

In addition, Time executives including Ralph Graves and Henry Grunwald commuted between New York and Washington to polish the manuscript and excerpts into final shape.

Kissinger steadfastly refuses to discuss his income, but he's said to have received about $1 million for his memoirs.

When he works in Washington, he occupies a high-backed brown leather chair that tradition permitted him to take with him when he left the government.

ODESSA, TEXAS
AMERICAN
D. 36,941 S. 39,050

OCT 1 1979

# Christmas bombings were Haig's idea, Henry Kissinger reports

NEW YORK (AP) — Henry Kissinger says the idea to use B-52 warplanes in the Christmas 1972 bombings of North Vietnam was Gen. Alexander Haig's, and Kissinger went along with it "first, with reluctance, later with conviction."

The bombings came during a stalemate in the peace talks with North Vietnam and "(former President Richard) Nixon, Haig and I met in the Oval Office on the morning of Dec. 14 (1972) to consider our course," the former secretary of state writes in

excerpts of his memoirs, "The White House Years," published inTime magazine.

Kissinger says each agreed some military response was necessary, but he urged using fighter-bombers over all of North Vietnam.

However, Haig — since retired from the military and now said to be considering a Republican presidential candidacy — successfully urged Nixon to use more powerful B-52 attacks, contending that "only a massive shock could get Hanoi" talking

again, Kissinger says.

"I went along with it — at first with slight reluctance, later with conviction. For Nixon and Haig were, I still believe, essentially right. We had only two choices: taking a massive, shocking step to end the war quickly, or letting matters drift."

Kissinger admits that during and after the bombings — which ended Dec. 30, the day new Paris peace talks were announced — he "did little to dampen" false speculation that he was in opposition.

"Though I acted mainly

by omission and partly through emotional exhaustion, it is one of the episodes of my public life in which I take no great pride." he writes.

In the memoirs, which are being excerpted by Time and will later be published by Time Inc. subsidiary Little Brown and Co., Kissinger says that after the ouster of Prince Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia, North Vietnam rejected a U.S. proposal to start talks to guarantee Cambodian neutrality.

[LC]

Honolulu Star-Bulletin
D. 113,541

SEP 24 1979

Kissinger Says Nixon
Image Is All Wrong [L]

NEW YORK (AP) — Henry Kissinger, who served Richard Nixon as national security adviser and secretary of state, says, "Nothing is more askew than the popular image of Nixon as an imperial president barking orders at cowed subordinates."

That view is contained in the first excerpts of Kissinger's memoirs; "Kissinger: White House Years," published today in Time magazine. Time owns the North American rights to excerpts from the book.

The 1,521-page book, to be published in October by Boston's Little Brown and Co. and sold at a price of $22.50, covers the period from Nixon's election as president in 1968 through his first term.

THE AVAILABLE sections include few revelations, but they provide candid sketches of Nixon and other world leaders.

Of his former boss, Kissinger wrote: "Nixon hated to give direct orders, especially to those who might disagree with him ...

"When he met insubordination he sought to accomplish his objective without the offender's being aware of it!" — leading to a fragmented administration "in which under pressure almost every member looked out for himself. In the sense of isolation this produced in Nixon, and the lack or cohesion among his team, lay one of the root causes of Watergate," Kissinger wrote.

Elsewhere, the shuttle diplomat concentrates on his specialty — U.S. foreign policy.

OF U.S.-SOVIET relations, Kissinger wrote: "The superpowers behave like two heavily armed blind men feeling their way around a room, each believing himself in mortal peril from the other, whom he assumes to have perfect vision ... Of course, over time even two armed blind men in a room can do enormous damage to each other, not to speak of the room."

He also detailed the diplomatic crisis of 1970 involving Soviet moves toward establishing a nuclear attack submarine base in Cuba — a rough parallel to the Carter administration's current dispute with Moscow over reports of a Soviet brigade on the Caribbean island.

Declaring that "in foreign policy, crude tricks are almost always self-

defeating," Kissinger emphasized that "quiet diplomacy" and the offer of a clear but dignified way out for the Soviets were the keys to resolving the crisis.

TWO YEARS LATER, visiting Moscow on a secret mission to prepare for a U.S.-Soviet summit, Kissinger found Soviet President Leonid Brezhnev a complicated man, according to the Time excerpts.

"While his remarks were being translated, he would restlessly bound up, walk around, engage in loud conversations with his colleagues or even leave the room without explanation and return."

At the summit, mention of Vietnam prompted an attack by Brezhnev.

"Suddenly the thought struck me that for all the bombast and rudeness, we were participants in a charade. While the tone was bellicose and the manner extremely rough, the Soviet leaders were speaking for the record, and when they had said enough to have a transcript to send to Hanoi, they would stop. And so it was."

BY CONTRAST, Kissinger described the Chinese diplomats he met as "meticulously reliable." Of Premier Chou En-lai, Kissinger said he was "one of the two or three most impressive men I have ever met."

The first meeting with the Chinese leader came in July 1971 when Kissinger, on an "information" trip to Asia, flew secretly from Pakistan to Peking to prepare for Nixon's historic visit.

Kissinger recalled that the first meeting went smoothly, but on the second day Chou raised objections and questioned the point of a presidential visit. Kissinger then launched into a point-by-point rebuttal, but Chou cut him short, saying the duck would get cold if they did not eat first.

After lunch, Kissinger said, Chou's geniality returned, and the Chinese leader suddenly, matter-of-factly suggested the summer of 1972 for the president's visit.

And of China's Chairman Mao Tse-tung, Kissinger said, "I have met no one, with the possible exception of deGaulle, who so distilled raw, concentrated will power."

LA TIMES BOOK REVIEW

7/29/79

[LC]

## book notes

# A place on the shelf for Dr. K.

by DICK LOCHTE

Wondering what Henry Kissinger's been up to since he lowered his profile? One answer will arrive Oct. 23, well timed for tricks or treats. It's "White House Years," Kissinger's "own account," according to Little, Brown, of the eight years he spent in the navigation room of the Ship of State. To flog these memoirs, Dr. K. will take part in an NBC-TV special all about himself as well as hit the interview shows along the author tour. Little, Brown plans on pumping $200,000 into an ad campaign for the $20 tome (Go get 'em ad reps!). Excerpts will appear in Time and in the N.Y. Times, and Book-of-the-Month Club has elected "Years" its November main selection.

Meanwhile, you'll want to save room on that same shelf for the two-volume paperback version of Richard Nixon's "Memoirs" (Warner: $2.95, per volume; he's, boxed). And if there's a spare half-left over, snap up Warner's reissue of his "Six Crises" ($2.95) with a new introduction by its author (about that sev-

Henry Kissinger

The San Diego Union
SAN DIEGO, CALIF.

D. 189,149 SUN. 310,911

OCT 9 1979

Bjorn Linn

TENSE EXCHANGE WITH FROST UP IN AIR

[L.C.]

Kissinger Interview To Go On

By ROBERT BLAIR KAISER

New York Times News Service

NEW YORK — NBC News is going ahead with plans to present its edited version of an interview with Henry A. Kissinger on Thursday, but the network will not give Kissinger an opportunity to amend his answers or deliver a monologue on his role in the bombing of Cambodia.

William Small, president of NBC News, said yesterday that he could not say whether a particularly tense exchange between David Frost, the interviewer, and Kissinger concerning the bombing would make the final cut for the program, which will be broadcast from 10 to 11 p.m. "But we never gave Dr. Kissinger any right to edit the interview or to review any questions," Small said, "and he hasn't asked for that."

Frost said over the weekend that he was given the strong impression Friday night by NBC producers that the network had given Kissinger these rights and that the former secretary of state had asked for them.

That is why, Frost said yesterday, he did not show up Saturday for another taping session with Kissinger. Instead, Frost said, he sent a letter to Nigel Ryan, an NBC vice president in charge of the program, saying he was leaving the project. In the letter, he charged that an NBC News agreement with Kissinger "transgresses fundamental journalistic ethics."

Frost said he had conducted two taping sessions with Kissinger, the first a 50-minute exchange Wednesday on Cambodia that was "tense, dramatic and testing, but not a shouting match."

"The reaction all over the building from those who were watching the taping was that this was exceptional television," he added. "Some people said, 'It'll never get on the air.' I thought they were joking."

Frost taped a 90-minute session with Kissinger on Thursday concerning "other global matters," and then, he said, agreed to a Saturday session with the former diplomat. According to Small, the Saturday session was set up so that Kissinger "could respond to some material that Frost was quoting from — apparently, Frost had a change of heart."

"After a discussion with NBC officials Friday evening," Frost said, "I began to see that they wanted me to give Dr. Kissinger a second opportunity to answer the same questions I'd already asked. That would have changed things. It is the way in which someone replies and makes their first response that matters. If there is a second chance to answer, both substance and quality may vary. That is the key issue."

Frost said NBC officials, whom he did not want to name, had told him he had been "too tough" with

Kissinger during the exchange on Cambodia.

Frost also said he understood NBC had been willing to grant Kissinger a chance to make his own 10-minute statement on Cambodia.

However, Small countered yesterday: "We never would have had Dr. Kissinger come in to make a 10-minute statement on anything he pleased. Nor did he ask to do that."

Frost insists NBC was giving Kissinger special treatment:

"I'm not the one to make a judgment about Dr. Kissinger's overall contract with NBC," a reference to Kissinger's beginning a five-year, $1 million contract last year to make television specials and work as a consultant for the network.

"Originally, I thought I could have conducted interviews with Dr. Kissinger just as if he were another public official. But it turned out to be more difficult than I'd first thought it to be."

Frost said he had prepared for more than three months for the encounter, employing others versed in United States policies on Cambodia during the Vietnam War to brief him on the Cambodian question. Among these, he said, were Leslie H. Gelb, a senior associate of the Carhegie Endowment for International Peace and a former State Department official; Walter H. Pincus, a Washington journalist and consultant to NBC News, and William Shawcross, author of "Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon and the Destruction of Cambodia."

—The program is timed to be near the Oct. 23 publication by Little, Brown of Kissinger's memoirs, "White House Years."

THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

Friday, November 2, 1979

[L.C.]

Kissinger
WAR &

In this book review, Henry Kissinger's memoirs are discussed by Monitor diplomatic correspondent Daniel Southerland in light of his own experience covering the wars in Vietnam, Cambodia, and Bangladesh. From this perspective, Southerland voices occasional skepticism — and in some places takes issue with Dr. Kissinger. Despite the criticisms he calls the 1,522-page White House Years (Boston: Little, Brown. $22.95) 'well worth reading.'

By Daniel Southerland
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Washington

I spent a good part of the four years described in Henry Kissinger's massive book of memoirs covering three of the wars he writes about — in Vietnam, Cambodia, and Bangladesh.

In none of those places did the United States, in the final crisis, at least, attain its desired ends.

In Vietnam, in my view, much more was involved in Saigon's troubles and ultimate downfall than the loss of American public support and the congressional restrictions in US assistance that Dr. Kissinger dwells on in his book. Corruption, disunity, and, above all, a chronic South Vietnamese dependence on the Americans rather than on their own leaders produced conditions that seemed to make an eventual rout of Saigon's Army inevitable.

The peace for which Dr. Kissinger shared a Nobel Peace Prize never materialized. The Vietnam "cease-fire" meant land-grabbing and intensified attacks from both sides. About the time Dr. Kissinger was receiving his peace prize, I recall watching South Vietnamese fighter planes flying daily bombing raids near Route 13 north of Saigon.

In Cambodia, it is true that, as the former adviser to President Nixon contends, the American and South Vietnamese invasion of 1970 bought considerable time both for the latter's Army and for the Americans as the US pursued their troop withdrawal from Vietnam. But the subsequent US bombing deep inside Cambodia, much of it based on faulty intelligence, contributed, along with North Vietnamese attacks, to the ruin of that country. I am not talking here about the earlier, secret bombing of Vietnamese bases just inside the Cambodian border with Vietnam which, in my view, had a much more limited effect on Cambodia.

Then there was the Indian-Pakistani war of 1971. From the perspective of East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, the Nixon-Kissinger "tilt" toward West Pakistan appeared to make little sense. The United States was seen to be siding with a brutal West Pakistani suppression of Bengali nationalists. But Dr. Kissinger argues in his book, "White House Years," that the US tilt, which included sailing an American aircraft carrier into the Bay of Bengal, caused the Soviet Union to restrain India, thus averting the destruction of West Pakistan and preserving the US opening to Pakistan's support, Communist China.

The Kissinger conclusion that Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was bent on crushing West Pakistan is apparently based largely on an intelligence report that is unavailable to the public. If that report was reliable, then the tilt makes more sense now than it did then from the perspective of the besieged East Pakistani capital, Dacca. It should be noted, however, that some scholars still have their doubts as to whether Mrs. Gandhi really intended,

once she had conquered the Pakistani Army in Bangladesh, to turn then to the west and dismember what was left of Pakistan.

A last point to be made from my experience in parts of Asia outside Indo-China: Mr. Kissinger contends that the credibility of the United States in the eyes of its friends in Asia and elsewhere depended on its steadfastness in Vietnam. But I would argue that, when it came to many Asians, the US had already suffered a grievous blow to its prestige, thanks precisely to its original involvement and subsequent persistence in the Vietnam war. At the least, many Asian friends of the United States harbored exceedingly ambiguous feelings about that involvement.

Selig S. Harrison, senior associate of the Carnegie Establishment for International Peace, asserts in his book "The Widening Gulf" that Japanese leaders "had viewed the deepening American embroilment in Vietnam as a damaging demonstration of reckless ineptitude fundamentally affecting their entire image of the United States."

At the same time, Mr. Harrison contends that the economic bonanza Japan enjoyed as a result of the war "was undoubtedly the determining reason for the studied dissemblance marking the Japanese response to the war."

Having laid out at the start some of the skepticism I developed from on-the-spot experience with the Nixon Kissinger approach to a good part of Asia, let me go on to say that "White House Years" is a book well worth reading.

For one thing, it is not just one book, it is half a dozen books wrapped into one: It is, among other things, a collection of deft sketches of the psychologies of a number of world leaders. It offers new insights into the decisionmaking, as well as the loneliness and vulnerability, of President Nixon. It is a book about executive branch battles with Congress and desperate White House attempts to enhance Mr. Nixon's public image. And it is a book about bitter bureaucratic infighting, with Mr. Nixon and his assistant, Henry Kissinger, invariably pitted against the State Department.

At one point, Secretary of State William P. Rogers is reported to have accused presidential assistant Kissinger of attempting to foment a crisis in the Middle East. At another point, during the 1970 Syrian invasion of Jordan, Mr. Kissinger favored a rapid, brutal escalation of American countermeasures in the region, including the deployment of naval forces. Mr. Rogers, on the other hand, advocates slow, measured escalation.

President Nixon agreed with Mr. Kissinger.

"In my view, what seems 'balanced' and 'safe' in a crisis is often the most risky," writes Mr. Kissinger in his memoirs. "Gradual escalation tempts the opponent to match every move; what is intended as a show of moderation may be interpreted as irresolution...."

And further: "Nixon and I held that if we wished to

DECATUR, ALA.
DECATUR, DAILY
D. 23,148

[Lc]

JUN 3 1979

# No single 'big book' sellers say this year

By HERBERT MITGANG
c. 1979 N.Y. Times News Service

LOS ANGELES — Wandering around the publishers' booths at the American Booksellers Association annual meeting here, a reporter asked — and was often asked — what's the big book you've spotted this year? For once, the responses made sense: there is none. No single book among the tens of thousands on display can speak for what the American public will be reading between now and 1980.

In fiction and in fact, there are many books and many tastes, from the raunchiest trash to the trendiest schemes to alter one's waistline or personality to scholarly works and even novels with redeeming literary value. More than ever, the big trend is variety of expression between covers.

At least one field, satire, is alive and well. With many publishers looking ahead to the 1980s to catch the signals of the generation after the Now generation, a new work will appear this fall in hardcover and trade paperback called "The 80's: A Look Back at the Tumultuous Decade, 1980-1989," written by a number of communications personalities and writers and edited by Tony Hendra, Christopher Cerf and Peter Elbling, for the Workman Publishing Co.

Here are some "major events" coming up:

* Movies: Hollywood's Saudi Arabian-owned 20th Century-Fox produced "Heaven Kuwait," "The Man in the Iron Mosque" and the first Islamic talkie, "The Hejaz Singer."

* New York: The World Trade Center acquired a third tower — with restaurant of its own called "Windows on the Third World."

**Cultural Policy:** In the tradition of the Egyptian King Tut exhibition, China's Great Wall was sent to the United States. The wall was erected across the New York landmark, Central Park.

**International Affairs:** The United Nations promoted an international year of the simultaneous organism during which the whole earth moved.

**Olympics:** Southern California introduced two events for Olympic competition — hot-tubbing and sharing-the-experience.

**Military Affairs:** The idol of the nearly all-black United States Army, Gen. Muhammad Ali, took the office of office as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

**Television:** Evelyn Wood developed the first speed television-watching course.

**Nixonian:** The Chinese government announced it had retained Richard M. Nixon as its special adviser for Vietnamese policy.

Among the biggest lines waiting for an autograph was the one in front of a novelist named G. Gordon Liddy (of Watergate fame) for his "thriller of flying and financing." "Out of Control," published by St. Martin's Press. Just before greeting the crowds, he went over to Tom McCormack, the com-

pany's president, and said, "Tom, I'm new at this business, so you just tell me what you want me to do and who to do it to — but, wait a minute, that's how I got into trouble in the first place."

Symbol hunters found several pairings of books that might not occur in the real world. VAAP, the Soviet copyright agency, had a booth next door to an exhibit of books from Germany. The curtain between them was made not of iron but cloth.

Pocket Books had a photograph of Franz Kafka ("The Basic Kafka") next to a photograph of a writer of somewhat least literary stature, Harold Robbins.

At the Little Brown display, two authors on opposite sides of the Vietnam War were side by side: Henry A. Kissinger ("White House Years") and Frances Fitzgerald ("America Revisited").

The oldest authors on the convention floor, if not in the country, turned up here to promote "Continuing the Good Life: Half a Century of Homesteading," from Schocken Books. Scott Nearing is 95 years old and his co-author and wife, Helen, is 75. Their book tells how to live off the land, which they have done for half a century, most recently on their farm in Maine.

Victor Temkin, who is president of the BJ Publishing group, the paperback houses encompassing Berkley and Jove, is a rabid baseball fan who gets the jitters if a few days pass without a chance to sit in a ballpark. He decided to get his baseball fix by seeing the Los Angeles Dodgers play the Cincinnati Reds. However, he told a few people, who told a few more people — and he wound up buying 450 tickets.

"It's really for a book we're publishing," Temkin said, winking, "called 'Nobody Asked Me But,' which includes pieces by the late JimmyCCannon, who was a great sports writer."

The follow-up to the Scarsdale Diet book was being talked up here. It's about an organization called Overeaters Anonymous. "That First Bite: Journal of a Compulsive Overeater," and is published by Pomerica Press. The author, in keeping with the rules of the noneating game, is anonymous: Karen R.

The most surprising book that this reporter found is called "Information Moscow," a businessman's guide that includes the telephone numbers and addresses of practically every government official and agency in Moscow, both Russian and international. Published by The Dime's Group of Palo Alto, Calif., it has a Russian editor over there to help in updating it twice a year.

Wendy Early, editor on the Palo Alto end, explained that the Russian government had not put out a telephone directory since 1975 and so this is where you can find the numbers of consulates and government offices. "We could not track down the number of the KGB — perhaps the next edition." But one can find a helpful tip under the word "jogging." "Quite acceptable in Moscow. The river embankments are suggested."

Children's Books Fall 1979, Pages 49 to 71

[LC]

### Book Review

rk Times

NOVEMBER 11, 1979

## Self-Portrait

### WHITE HOUSE YEARS

By Henry Kissinger.

Illustrated. 1,521 pp. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. $22.50.

By BARBARA W. TUCHMAN

In the last century, the historian Leopold von Ranke laid down the dictum that foreign relations were supreme among the influences that shape the history of nations. This may be arguable, but for the immediate past it is certainly maintainable. No one has been more deeply engaged at so influential a level in the conduct of foreign relations than former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, or gained so much public recognition of his role. He became a cult figure, a popular celebrity, the subject of countless full-length books, studies and analyses. Publication of his own version is thus something of a historical event.

With some relief I can report that it contains no more Metternich. Because Kissinger's doctoral dissertation and first published book, "A World Restored," dealt with Prince Metternich, the Austrian Foreign Minister, and the resettlement of Europe after the windstorm of Napoleon, everyone writing about Kissinger since then has made a comparison between them. Kissinger, writing about himself, does not mention Metternich — rightly, for the world he has had to deal with is so different in such absolute ways that a comparison is inapplicable. The differences are important: whatever their rivalries, the nations at the Congress of Vienna had a common outlook and a common goal — restoration of the status quo ante. Today, nations are split between two opposing ideologies, and the globe is dominated by two antagonistic superpowers locked in quarrel. Balance of power is inoperable; the third world has emerged to upset any balance; a new risk center exists in the Middle East; the industrial nations are in thrall to the oil of the undeveloped; nuclear weaponry overshadows all.

In such a world, Kissinger's task as he saw it on taking office in the Administration of Richard M. Nixon in January 1969 was to end the Vietnam War, manage a "global rivalry" and nuclear-arms race with the Soviet Union, reinvigorate alliance with the European democracies and integrate the new nations into a "new world equilibrium."

How well did he succeed in his mission? He himself offers no overall assessment — perhaps because he has allowed himself no time for reflec-

*Continued on Page 34*

Barbara W. Tuchman is the author of "The Guns of August," "Stilwell and the American Experience in China" and, most recently, "A Distant Mirror: The Calamitous 14th Century."

Mordecai Richler on Daniel Fuchs's stories, David Bromwich on a life of W. H. Auden

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Kissinger

*Continued from Page 1*

tion. To make ready for publica-
tion a text of 1,476 pages in two
and a half years since leaving
office is an Olympic feat leaving
little room for philosophy. Kiss-
singer has been in such a hurry
to vindicate his management of
complex and turbulent events
that he seems not to have let a
day elapse between doing and
writing or removed himself in
any way to gain perspective.
The book is all record, no as-
sessment. He has written too
much too soon.

The plunge into writing seems
to carry on a habit and a condi-
tion of his office. Its pressures
did not allow time to think, to
examine a problem on all sides
and a course of action in all its
consequences. This is undoubt-
edly a fault of the system rather
than of character; public life, as
Kissinger acknowledges, "is a
continual struggle to rescue an
element of choice from the pres-
sure of circumstance." Surely
that is all the more reason, once
released from the pressure, to
have taken time for thought.

What we have is an im-
mensely long and superfluously
detailed account of virtually
every message, meeting, jour-
ney, negotiation and conversa-
tion in the 50 months from Kis-
singer's appointment in Novem-
ber 1968 to the signing of peace
with North Vietnam at the end
of President Nixon's first term
in January 1973. We do not need
all the aide-memoires and the
daily comings and goings of
Egon Bahr, Vladimir Semenov
and dozens of other secondary
intermediaries to understand
what was going on; indeed, the
picture would be clearer if Kis-
singer had taken the trouble to
strain out the insignificant and
condense his tale as a whole.
Since by training he knows bet-
ter than to confuse setting down
the total record with writing his-
tory, one must assume that the
record — in his version — was
what he wanted, and I have no
doubt that specialists in strate-
gic arms, the U.S.S.R., NATO,
China, Chile, the Middle East,
India and Pakistan, and Viet-
nam will be mining it for years.

It is enlivened (in spots) by
small revelations, vivid scenes
and portraits, and glimpses of
the often astonishing mechanics
of official life. For example, out
of the blue in August 1969 a

Henry Kissinger.

lunch what would be the United
States reaction to a Soviet at-
tack on Chinese nuclear facili-
ties. Mr. Nixon's speechwriting
staff had a specialist for every
tone the President wished to
adopt. In 1969 China had only
one ambassador serving abroad
— in Cairo. Through names pre-
sented privately by Kissinger to
Ambassador Anatoly I. Dobry-
nin, the release of 550 out of 800
hardship cases of Soviet Jews
was obtained over a period of
time. On a Presidential journey,
every member of the official
party is given a little book list-
ing every event and movement
timed to the minute, together
with charts showing where
everyone is to stand. All these
are surprises, at least to this re-
viewer.

There are sparkles amid the
long stretches: the "thrill" of
the first summit visit when, as
the plane door opened on arrival
in Brussels, "we were bathed in
the arc lights of television," a
red carpet and honor guard
were on hand, and the King of
the Belgians waited at the foot
of the ramp; the papal audi-
ence, during which smoke sud-
denly poured from the garments
of Secretary of Defense Melvin
Laird (in response to Kissin-
ger's suggestion that he dispose
of his cigar, he had concealed it
alive in his suit pocket). There
are incisive small history les-
sons introducing, among others,
the problems of Pakistan and of
Poland. There are gems of
quotation, as when Dean Ache-
son, asked why a meeting of
senior advisers lasted so long,
replied, "We are all old and we
are all eloquent."

The author is less good at pro-
fundities when he attempts

invariably swells into the sen-
tentious, not to say banal, and
he sounds less like himself than
Gerald R. Ford. On the "agony
of Vietnam" he sees his role as
"helping my adopted country
heal its wounds, preserve its
faith and . . . rededicate itself to
the great tasks of construction
awaiting it." Or, on the end of
the war, he hopes Americans
will "close ranks" and the peo-
ples of Indochina "perhaps at-
tain at long last the future of
tranquility, security and
progress . . . worthy of their sac-
rifices." Coming from the sar-
donic gentleman who once, on
being thanked by an effusive
wellwisher for "saving the
world," is reputed to have re-
plied, "You're welcome," this is
pure hype on a level with cam-
paign rhetoric, as if he were
running for office. Perhaps he
is.

Perhaps that explains his
hurry to bring out the book, in
good time to make its impres-
sion before November 1980.
Could it be that this tremendous
tome is a campaign document
designed to exhibit the author as
the most knowledgeable, ex-
perienced and expert, the ine-
lectuable, the only possible Sec-
retary of State under the next
Republican President? I cannot
believe that his eye is on Capitol
Hill. The Senate has no scope for
the summiteer, for shuttle di-
plomacy, for the commuter
from Tel Aviv to Peking to Mos-
cow to Bonn, the guest at Cheq-
uers and the Elysee. I imagine it
is to this life of the Air Force
One jet set that he wants to re-
turn.

That would explain why — for
the sake of dignity — Kissinger
as a personality, the phenome-
non of Super-K, the swinger, the
media's delight, is missing from
this book. Beyond some rather
stilted references to "my
warped sense of humor," no
hint comes through, yet the at-
tention showered upon him
must be a factor in the record.
"Power is an aphrodisiac," Kis-
singer himself has said (though
not in this book), and although
popularity is a different thing, it
reinforces power. Kissinger's
explanation of his popularity
with the press is that because its
members disliked President
Nixon they tended to give credit
to favorable developments for
"more admired associates . . .
and I became the beneficiary of
this state of affairs." Clearly
more than that was at work; a
distinct personality made itself

[LC]

exercise, although they find virtually no expression here.

How did the sudden blossoming of this pudgy professor into the rose of the Nixon Administration affect American foreign policy? I would speculate that it enhanced his belief, already embedded intellectually, in his own powers of manipulation and hence in over-reliance on personal negotiation. It may have nurtured fantasies of omnipotence. Although his text is impersonal, that is not from modesty. The illustrations tell a different story. Out of 65 photographs, Kissinger himself appears in 63, 28 of them in the company of Mr. Nixon, as if to assure posterity of his close and constant access to the President. And it seems that he even needed to reassure himself. Apropos of the low protocol rank of his office, which seated him far below the salt at official dinners, "I spent much time calculating the distance separating me from the Presidential person and the odds on my reaching my car before the Presidential limousine pulled out." Who can envy the life of officialdom weighed down by these concerns?

If there is a key to Kissinger's concept of a minister for foreign affairs, it lies in this sentence: "My approach was strategic and geopolitical; I attempted to relate events to each other, to create incentives and pressures in one part of the world to influence events in another." Here is the activist, the great manipulator, convinced that he can pull the strings that will make the nations, like puppets, play out his scenario. No matter how often they evade or refuse, he pursues his objective with unwerving persistence and intensity. Geopolitical is his favorite word, applied to every problem in every region — and it is, in this outsider's opinion, the explanation of American mistakes. Our approach is too geopolitical and not sufficiently local. If we had paid more attention to the history of Vietnamese nationalism or to the internal stresses in Iran, we could not (one hopes) have invested our policy and support in regimes lacking a valid mandate from their own people. Geopolitical, as Kissinger uses it, is just another word for cold war. It means combating the machinations of Communism wherever

nent is divided and disparate, not solid, and the combat will be lost if we are not more sophisticated about conducting it in local terms.

Kissinger's activism was risky because it set in motion reactions and consequences that could not be controlled or even at times foreseen, as happened in Cambodia and Chile. He had been warned that it would be a mistake to try to solve the problem of North Vietnamese presence in Cambodia by force and that it would be wiser, as a State Department official put it, "to wait on events, saying little." Had this counsel been followed, Cambodia would have been spared untold agony and Kissinger a stain that will not wash away.

Because the North Vietnamese were unquestionably the first to violate the neutrality of Cambodia — as the Germans were of Belgium in 1914 — the current controversy about American violation is a false issue. American guilt lay in extending the war to a nonparticipating land and people and in requiring our Air Force deliberately to falsify the record. Kissinger's strained defense — on the ground that it was necessary to keep silent in order not to force the necessity of a protest on Prince Norodom Sihanouk or provoke North Vietnam to retaliation — is not impressive. Keeping silent is one thing; extreme precautions of secrecy (which Kissinger omits to mention), to the point of transgressing our own military code, are quite another:

Equally, the justification on the ground that American soldiers were being killed by North Vietnamese based in Cambodia seems inappropriately indignant. Kissinger fulminates about an "unprovoked offensive killing 400 Americans a week" and the "outrage of a dishonorable and bloody offensive." Is an offensive supposed to be bloodless? Is there something peculiarly shocking about killing enemy soldiers in war? When it comes to "dishonorable," I cannot follow Kissinger's thinking at all.

He talks a lot about honor in these pages. American honor and American innocence are terms that recur as often as "realities" and "realpolitik," with which they consort oddly

[L]C

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edge of some global design.”
One fails to comprehend why
containment of Communism is
described as innocence. Else-
where he says we entered the
war out of “naïve idealism,”
which sounds strange coming
from Henry Kissinger, the un-
sentimental dealer in hard real-
ities. Why is he trying in this
book to make himself appear
something he is not, to wear a
Roman toga, as it were, over a
coat of mail? Perhaps, with an
eye on office, it is to legitimize
himself with those on the right.

The vicious tyranny that has
descended upon Chile, with the
assistance of the United States,
belongs to the period after this
book closes in January 1973 and
presumably will be dealt with in
Kissinger's next volume. Here
he includes a chapter on the
decision by the so-called 40
Committee, of which he was
chairman, to authorize expend-
itures by the Central Intelli-
gence Agency to influence the
Chilean elections of 1970. Here
we come to an outright instance
of American illegality in a cold-
war cause, even if in the first in-
stance it was ineffectual.

With copper and ITT in the
background, Kissinger eschews
reference to American inno-
cence and concentrates instead
on making a fervent case of the
danger represented by Salvador
Allende, who is credited with
the "patent intention" to ac-
complish the transition to Com-
munism. His predicted electoral
victory (by a plurality but mi-
nority vote) would establish an-
other Castro in the Western
hemisphere. He "would soon be
inciting anti-American policies,
attacking hemisphere solidari-
ty, making common cause with
Cuba, and sooner or later estab-
lishing close relations with the
Soviet Union," with profound ef-
fect "against fundamental
American national interests."

If such was the case — and
Kissinger can be very persuas-
ive — a legitimate question
arises. In the national interest,
was it not an American duty to
do what it could to fend off a sec-
ond Communist state in Latin
America? The answer, in this
case, must be no, for whatever
the threat, Allende's approach-
ing presidency was to be ac-
complished by constitutional
means. For the United States to
interfere in the domestic affairs
of a neighboring state in an at-
tempt to thwart their legitimate
operation is intangible.

in a private letter to vote for
Grover Cleveland, and on this
being leaked to the press the
Ambassador's recall was de-
manded for interference in
American politics. I do not be-
lieve that international rela-
tions can be guided by morality,
but I believe in obeying as far as
possible the rules we have
worked out for the social order,
otherwise society slides back
into anarchy — which is as dan-
gerous for the right wing as for
the left.

In Nixon circles, Kissinger
was an ambivalent figure, sus-
pect on the right for friendship
with Nelson A. Rockefeller, a
Harvard background, entree in
Georgetown and flexibility on
Russia. Yet, as agent of a Presi-
dent farther to the right than
any since McKinley, he accom-
plished progress in important
areas: in China, in the Middle
East, even in détente with Rus-
sia and in the Stygian labyrinths
of strategic-arms limitation.

One thing that the overwhelm-
ing detail of the book succeeds
in demonstrating is the breadth
of subject matter Kissinger
dealt with, the unrelenting hard
work it demanded and the fierce
schedule he maintained. Japa-
nese textiles, Common Market,
Ostpolitik, ABM's and MIRV's,
Palestinian hijacking, Soviet
submarines in Cuba; Soviet mis-
siles in Egypt, channels to
China, Nixon to Rumania, Pol-
ish riots, crisis in Jordan, war in
Pakistan, summit in Moscow,
the Year of Europe, the death of
Nasser, visit to the Shah, and
through it all, secret and subse-
quently formal conferences in
Paris with the North Vietnam-
ese. It was no job for a self-
doubter, which Kissinger is any-
thing but. All this seemed to him
to require his personal pres-
ence. He was continually in mo-
tion, talking, traveling, which
may not have been the most
creative use of his time. Once,
in the years before prominence,
when a colleague asked him
what he thought of Secretary of
State John Foster Dulles, he
thought for a moment and re-
plied, "He travels too much."

Kissinger did contribute crea-
tive policy to the Middle East in
his rejection of that dream of
never-never land, the "compre-
hensive" solution. He under-
stood that disengagement be-
tween Israel and Egypt had no
chance of success if it had to be

volve ourselves" in the attempt. He preferred to try for an interim agreement to break the impasse and open the way to further advances. Thus originated the step-by-step process, to be dramatized by the Kissinger shuttle in the next term, that eventually achieved progress where none had been registered for 30 years.

In the end, however, although Russia and the Middle East may be more important for the future, it is Vietnam that is the test of the man and the statesman, and of his mark on American history. The necessity of American withdrawal having already been acknowledged by both candidates in 1968, the effort to negotiate terms that would save our face occupied Kissinger from the day he took office. The difficulty was that the Administration was bent on negotiating a withdrawal that would not look like deserting Saigon, that would not destroy the confidence of other peoples in America, that would "offer a fair and equitable settlement to all," in short, that would make America look good — all of which was a contradiction in terms with the fact of withdrawal. Under domestic protest, withdrawal had already begun while negotiations were under way, which amounted to a signal to Hanoi that it did not have to meet American terms. A beligerent does not have to negotiate "fair and equitable" terms with an enemy on his way out who has given up the goal of victory.

Throughout the interminable talks with the North Vietnamese in Paris, Kissinger kept rediscovering that Hanoi did not want a compromise settlement, that Hanoi "had no intention of withdrawing its own forces" from the South, that Hanoi "would be satisfied only with

victory," that, in short, good terms from our point of view were unobtainable. The only bargaining lever left to us was to make continuation of the war a greater risk to Hanoi than a settlement would be, Hence the bombing and the offensive against North Vietnamese sanctuaries in Cambodia. Military action was not pursuit of a military solution but an argument by force that would bring Hanoi to an agreement to leave Saigon in place and allow the United States to depart looking strong.

The failure of creative policy was the failure to consider that confidence in America meanwhile was not being furthered by the spectacle of our military impotence in a guerrilla war in Asia. A great role in foreign affairs could have been played by an adviser who could have brought us to a withdrawal on the basis that we had done all we could or ought to do for Saigon and that its ultimate survival depended on itself, or otherwise would be valueless, as indeed it proved. Kissinger lacked the imagination and, doubtless, the influence for that solution. In the end, Christmas bombing and all, after four years' talk at a cost of 19,000 more American lives and untold more lives and destruction in Vietnam, the terms obtained were no better than might have been obtained at the start. The four years of additional death and devastation were a waste.

Kissinger acknowledges none of this. Even less does he understand the domestic dissent of the time, although it is a constant theme in the book and clearly the factor that most deeply disturbed him. He treats it as a perverse opposition that, by encouraging Hanoi to stall, frustrated his negotiations. He quotes The Wall Street Journal statement that "Americans

want an acceptable exit from Indochina, not a deeper entrapment" and The New York Times statement that bitter experience had "exhausted the credulity of the American people and Congress" and The Milwaukee Journal statement that "If [the South Vietnamese] can't stand on their own feet now it is too late. The U.S. can no longer stand the internal frustrations and disruptions that the bloody, tragic and immoral war is costing," but he does not absorb the message. His comment is that the national debate was "engulfed in mass passion," not that it was telling him something he should have listened to. Apropos of the Congressional vote to terminate action in Cambodia that finally blocked the Executive in 1973, he writes that Cambodia was the victim of "the breakdown of our democratic political process," when in fact what was taking place was the functioning, not the breakdown, of that process. It is unsafe to have high office filled by someone who does not know the difference.

Kissinger complains that "we faced a constant credibility gap at home" and that he could have succeeded "if the public had trusted our goals," but he never traces any connection between the public's lack of trust and the acts and policies of the Administration he represented. He has no inkling of the concomitant damage: that the cost of playing tough may come too high; that a foreign policy that alienates one's countrymen and causes dislike and distrust of government is not worth what it might gain against the adversary; that a nation's strength lies ultimately in its self-esteem and confidence in what is right; and that whatever damages these damages the nation. ■

## Vivante

*Continued from Page 15*

The strengths and weaknesses of New Yorker stories generally. The dangers here are those of precociousness and attenuation, and a too-uniform tastefulness. In "Of Love and Friendship," a man with a passion for studying

scription of lichens, then in-tones: "How did nature manage to be so unerringly tasteful?" Nature, as portrayed in "Run to the Waterfall," is unerringly tasteful, and this strikes me as sentimental and untrue.

But having duly noted the perils of exquisiteness, it is important to reiterate how fine a writer Mr. Vivante is, how ex-

sion left by so many of these stories is best captured by the author himself when speaking of his mother's letters: "'Reading them,' one critic wrote, 'it occurred to me that many of us ought to throw away the pen, which in our hands is a hoe and in hers a little April branch.' "

Mr. Vivante speaks very softly. Where everyone else is

"An American this is a very book." —Gord

The incredible story Illinois, where the f are taught in bars, gambling dens, and whose people survive, poverty, and

TALE OF A ALL-NIGHT BY TOLSTOY
ELIN SO

Brooklyn, Illinois (a.k.a. Lovejoy)
St. Louis, was catapulted into a
when the town's new black poli-
killed one of his black deputies.
interviews and first-hand obser-
black community, Elin Schoen
unforgettable profile of a town
few Americans have seen and,
fewer could have understood.

"Just when we need a truly gift
along comes one: welcome, Eli

"Elin Schoen's chronicle is full
ofions and explosive events. It

The

BOSTON, MA 02106
34 BEACHON ST.
WILLIAM GUTHRIE LITTLE, BROWN & CO.

November 10, 1979

## EDITORIAL

### THE PAST RECAPTURED

Absent from all the current public clamor about Henry Kissinger, his best seller, his paperback and overseas rights, his television consulting, his dispute with William Shawcross, etc., is any serious discussion of how a man such as Kissinger rose to his present eminence as a scholar-policy maker. Now, however, Prof. Sigmund Diamond, in an account that begins on this page, reports on a newly discovered Federal Bureau of Investigation document that provides a disturbing behind-the-scenes glimpse at the making of a Presidential confidant. Diamond's account of Kissinger's curious relations with the Bureau is as illuminating of the values and assumptions that have guided this man as they are shocking. At the end of his article, Professor Diamond raises disturbing questions about Kissinger's activities during the cold-war period. When we put these questions to Kissinger, he declined to confirm or deny, saying, "The implication of these questions is ridiculous and contemptible."

We can think of no scholar better suited to raise the questions than Sigmund Diamond, Giddings Professor of Sociology and professor of history at Columbia University, who is not only a scholar of the cold war but one of its victims. In a review of *Education and Politics at Harvard*, a book by Seymour Martin Lipset and David Riesman, that appeared in *The New York Review of Books*, April 28, 1977, Diamond told of being offered an appointment by Harvard in 1954, and of Harvard's subsequent withdrawal of the offer for political reasons. The questions Diamond posed in his review about the relations between Harvard and the F.B.I. were discussed in an exchange of letters between him and McGeorge Bundy, former Harvard dean; Clark Kerr, chairman of the Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, which sponsored the Lipset-Riesman book; Lipset and others.

KENNEDY VS. CARTER ON HEALTH CARE
Toby Cohen

CENTRAL AMERICAN DOMINOES
Stephen Kinzer

MOZAMBIQUE
Stephen Talbot

NORMAN PODHORETZ
Robert Lekachman

MARY MCCARTHY
Richard Lingeman

'PEEPING TOM'
Nora Sayre

## THE INFORMANT

### KISSINGER AND THE F.B.I.

SIGMUND DIAMOND

In chapter seven of his new book, *White House Years*, called "The Agony of Vietnam," Henry Kissinger writes of his and President Nixon's outrage over leaks to the press, from within the Government, of information about air strikes in Cambodia. "The conviction that such leaks were needlessly jeopardizing American lives, which I shared," he writes, "caused the President to consult the Attorney General and the Director of the FBI about remedial measures. J. Edgar Hoover recommended wiretaps. . . . The Attorney General affirmed their legality. Nixon ordered them carried out on the basis of explicit criteria of which access to or unauthorized use of classified information was the principal one. I went along with what I had no reason to doubt was legal and established practice in these circumstances, pursued, so we were told, with greater energy and fewer safeguards in previous Administrations."

Subsequently, Kissinger says, his views on wiretapping changed. In a recent interview in *Time*, for example, he said, "I believe now that the more stringent safeguards applied to national security wiretapping since that time reflect an even more fundamental national interest." Even the account in his memoirs suggests that Kissinger's acquiescence in wiretapping was a one-time expediency, impelled by concern for saving American lives and the arguments of J. Edgar Hoover, John Mitchell and the President that the taps were "legal and established practice."

But a document from the files of the Federal Bureau of Investigation gives reason to believe that Kissinger was not a neophyte in the secret scrutiny of his associates. Nor, on the earlier occasion, did he have the assurance of Hoover, Mitchell

*(Continued on Page 466)*

466

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November 10, 1979

[LC]

mary-school enrollment has tripled to more than 1.4 million and literacy classes are being established in factories, communal villages and other workplaces. New schools, teacher crash-training courses, on-the-job training programs and adult literacy classes proliferate—even if the “school” may be in some cases no more than a blackboard under a tree with a teen-age teacher. In the rural areas, a million people have moved into about 1,000 communal villages, and while they vary tremendously in their levels of development, they have made social services and agricultural machinery more available to the traditionally scattered and isolated peasants who previously labored on Portuguese plantations or led a precarious existence based on subsistence-level farming.

For a one-party state, there is a remarkable degree of frank and open discussion of problems. Letters to the editor of *Tempo*, Mozambique's weekly news magazine, are lively and frequently critical. More important, worker participation in factory decision making and grass-roots democracy in villages and neighborhood committees are actively encouraged. Of course, there is always the danger of Frelimo becoming an authoritarian elite purporting to speak for “the people,” but to the traveler the overall impression is of an entire country in motion, of a people asserting themselves.

Ultimately, the fate of Mozambique's experiment in socialism is inextricably bound up with the outcome of the war in Zimbabwe and the struggle for majority rule in South Africa. In the meantime, it will strive to overcome its economic disabilities while pursuing a foreign policy of delicate ambivalence—e.g., supporting South Africa's liberation movement, the African National Congress, on the one hand, and continuing to provide South Africa with power from the huge Cabora Bassa dam and allowing Mozambican migrant workers to labor in the South African gold mines on the other.

"These are hard times to work in Mozambique," an official of the state-owned fishing company acknowledged. "We have so many problems of production, the difficulties we have inherited from colonialism, and now the war in Zimbabwe. But we know where we want to go and we are trying our best to get there." ☐

# Kissinger

*(Continued From Front Cover)*

and Nixon as to the legality of his action. The document, acquired in connection with research I am doing on the relations between the F.B.I. and universities before and during the McCarthy period, states that Kissinger volunteered information to the F.B.I. that he had obtained by opening another person's mail when he was a member of the Harvard University faculty in the 1950s.* The F.B.I. report follows, reprinted in its entirety.

*Tampering with the mails is punishable by a fine of up to $2,000, or imprisonment up to five years (18 U.S. Code, Sec. 1702); there is a five-year statute of limitations that would have run out in 1958.

TO: DIRECTOR, FBI DATE: July 15, 1953
ATTN: Central Research Division

FROM: SAC [Special Agent in Charge], Boston (100-0)

SUBJECT: HARVARD UNIVERSITY, Cambridge, Mass.
HARVARD SUMMER SCHOOL OF
ARTS AND SCIENCES AND OF
EDUCATION
INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR

July 6 - August 26, 1953

Information Concerning

On Friday morning, July 10, 1953 the Boston Division was in receipt of a telephonic communication from HENRY ALFRED KISSINGER who identified himself as a teacher at Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

Mr. KISSINGER stated he had information of interest to this Bureau and requested an agent contact him that afternoon.

SA [name blacked out] of the Boston Division interviewed KISSINGER at 1:45 p.m. on July 10, 1953 and obtained the following information:

HENRY ALFRED KISSINGER is a teaching-fellow in Government at Harvard University as well as Executive Director of the Summer School, International Seminar and Editor of "Confluence", an international forum. KISSINGER, who has his office at 10 Weld Hall, Harvard University and who resides at 59 Frost Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts, stated the Harvard Summer School, International Seminar, has been set up through private sources to provide an opportunity for individuals from abroad to discuss the nature of present-day problems with their contemporaries with other Europeans and Asian countries and in the United States.

Office Memorandum • UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT

FROM: AC BOSTON (100-0) ATTN: CENTRAL RESEARCH DIVISION

RE: HARVARD UNIVERSITY, HARVARD SUMMER SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES AND OF EDUCATION INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR
July 6 - August 26, 1953
Information Concerning

SA [name blacked out] of the Boston Division interviewed KISSINGER at 7:30 p.m. on July 10, 1953 and obtained the following information:

HENRY ALFRED KISSINGER is a teaching-fellow in Government at Harvard University as well as Executive Director of the Harvard Summer School, International Seminar and Editor of "Confluence", an international forum. KISSINGER, who has his office at 10 Weld Hall, Harvard University and who resides at 59 Frost Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts, stated the Harvard Summer School, International Seminar, has been set up through private sources to provide an opportunity for individuals from abroad to discuss the nature of present-day problems with their contemporaries with other Europeans and Asian countries and in the United States.

The Harvard International Seminar assumes all the expenses of its participants including transportation to and from their homes, room, board, tuition, and an adequate weekly allowance for personal expenses.

The program has three parts:

A. It gives its participants an opportunity to become acquainted with various aspects of American life.

End of 1 (1)
JTF/86

08 SEP 8 1953

SECURITY INFORMATION - CONFIDENTIAL

79 APR 13/64

November 10, 1979

The Nation.

467

ature of present-day problems with their contemporaries with [sic] other European and Asian countries and in the United States.

The Harvard International Seminar assumes all the expenses of its participants including transportation to and from their homes, room, board, tuition, and an adequate allowance for personal expenses.

The program has three parts:

B. It has a formal academic program in which approximately ten members work on cooperative projects of contemporary interest under the general supervision of a faculty member.

C. As many participants as possible are given an opportunity to speak to an American audience on some aspect of their own country.

KISSINGER made available literature relating to the International Seminar, a copy of which is forwarded to the Bureau as an enclosure to this letter.

He stated that approximately 40 persons from various foreign countries, who, in general, are employed in positions on a policy-making level, are invited by the International Seminar. He stated these persons are highly placed economically and politically in their own nation and that through them the International Seminar hopes to place American policy in a favorable light in these foreign nations.

KISSINGER stated he has jurisdiction in the naming of these individuals to attend the Seminar.

On July 10, 1953 there arrived at his office approximately 40 letters addressed to all individuals slated to appear at the Seminar. These letters were postmarked Providence, Rhode Island and dated 6:30 p.m., July 9, 1953. According to KISSINGER, all the letters gave evidence they had been typed on the same typewriter. He opened one such letter addressed to [name blacked out] who, as of July 10, 1953 had not appeared at the Seminar session. Enclosed in an inner envelope was an eight-page flyer captioned, "A Few Grains of Truth". The flyer, in general, was highly critical of the American atom bomb project and set out what purported to represent the shame and anguish of the American population on American preparation for war.

The flyer advocated, "There is no other way but for each firmly to resolve that life must be dedicated to peaceful endeavor. . . ."

KISSINGER stated he did not know how the unknown individual or individuals who had forwarded these flyers to members of the Seminar had obtained the list of its members.

He stated, however, that five general sources could have had information on the identity of the participants of the Seminar. He listed these as:

Norman Birnbaum, Blair Clark, Ramsey Clark, Fred Cook, Terrence Des Pres, E.L. Doctorow, Richard Falk, Jules Feiffer, Tom Ferguson & Joel Rogers, Frances FitzGerald, James Goodman & Dorothy Samuels, Philip Green, Christopher Hitchens, Leonard Kriegel, Penny Lernoux, Sanford Levinson, Carey McWilliams, Aryeh Neier, Marcel Ophuls, Nora Sayre, Robert Sherrill, Calvin Trillin, Kurt Vonnegut, Alan Wolfe write it.

John Alcorn, Marshall Arisman, Tony Auth, Seymour Chwast, Robert Grossman, Frances Jetter, Ed Koren, David Levine, Lou Myers, Ed Sorel illustrate it.

Victor Navasky edits it.

We've changed the face of *The Nation*. The new *Nation* is something to see.

Why is today's *Nation*, from editorial to the arts, wiser and wittier than anything in the field? The answer is in the people who write it, illustrate it, and edit it.

Join them. Say "yes" to our enticing offer in the coupon.

## The Nation.

72 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10011

YES! Send me six months (24 issues) of *The Nation* at the low introductory rate of $9.95. I understand I may cancel at any time and receive a prompt refund for all undelivered copies.

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468

The Nation.

November 10, 1979

1. Newspapers who were given a news release and who will receive [sic], perhaps, 40 such subsequent news releases in the weeks to come.

2. Guest speakers who are to address the participants.

3. Those people asked to extend hospitality to the participants and to provide weekend relaxation for them.

4. Former Governor ROBERT BRADFORD of Massachusetts who suggested the names of several guest speakers.

5. Members of the staff of the Harvard "Crimson", student undergraduate daily newspaper at Harvard College.

KISSINGER stated that the flyer on the surface appears to be well written and no doubt will cause some discussion in meetings of the Seminar. He stated that he intends to show no alarm, whatsoever, concerning the article and will "play it down" in his discussions.

He stated he will not refute the article inasmuch as to do so would increase its importance through giving it a second hearing. He promised to provide to the Boston Division any additional information at similar attempts to provide this type of literature to participants in the Seminar.

KISSINGER identified himself as an individual who is strongly sympathetic to the FBI and added he is now employed as a Consultant to the U.S. Army and is a former CIC [Counter-Intelligence Corps] Agent who, approximately in mid August, 1953, will engage in a two-week tour of duty for his CIC detachment.

Boston will retain two copies of the flyer, "A Few Grains of Truth" and will enclose two additional copies for perusal by the Central Research Division at the Bureau.

KISSINGER noted that four copies of the flyer had been enclosed in the letter to the Seminar participant and presumed that the person who wrote the letters meant the Seminar participant to distribute the flyer.

Boston will take no additional action in this matter unless called back by KISSINGER. Steps will be taken, however, to make KISSINGER a Confidential Source of this Division.

- RUC

Written in longhand at the end of the memorandum is the notation "Being handled separately" followed by an undecipherable initial. Appended to the memorandum is the flyer that Kissinger obtained from the envelope the F.B.I. agent reported he had opened.

Some questions remain.

Did Kissinger succeed in determining who leaked the names of the seminar participants? If so, did he inform the F.B.I.? Did Kissinger serve as a "Confidential Source" and, if so, when did this relationship terminate? Did Kissinger, as in the episode discussed in the memorandum, prefer to work voluntarily?

Efforts to answer these questions have so far failed; the F.B.I. has not provided all the documents I have requested concerning its relations with colleges and universities, including Harvard, during the McCarthy period.

Still other questions remain. Did Kissinger's students, for example, know that in speaking to him they were speaking to a "former" counterintelligence "agent" still engaged in intelligence activity? Did Kissinger's colleagues on the Harvard faculty know it? Did the authorities at Harvard University know it? If so, did they approve of his activities, or was it a matter over which they had no control?

Answers to these questions, and to others more important, might be provided by the documents in Harvard's own archives but, grudging as the F.B.I. is in disclosing what is in its files, Harvard is even more grudging—and there is no Freedom of Information Act to permit even limited access to its documents. Despite a number of requests from scholars for permission to look at the Harvard documents from the McCarthy period, Harvard has refused to make an exception to its established policy that administrative records are closed for a period of fifty years after their creation. In his letter rejecting the appeal of those who had requested permission to use the Harvard archives, President Derek Bok wrote, "There does not appear to be much which can be gained by granting an exception at this time. The records will remain intact, and future historians of Harvard and higher education will have access to them when fifty years have elapsed. Whatever can be learned from the events of the 1950's will then be available to society, with the perspective that only the passage of time can provide."

The official announcement of President Bok's decision was made in *The Harvard Gazette* of December 9, 1977, the very day on which, in an impressive public ceremony, Harvard opened the papers of A. Lawrence Lowell on the Sacco-Vanzetti case—fifty years after their execution. ☐

Ponte's libretto can't fulfill. When Don Ottavio (Kenneth Riegel) stands and sings "Dalla sua pace" while being rowed through a canal, or Donna Elvira (Kiri Te Kanawa) traverses miles of corridors singing "Mi tardi," you may well wonder where they're going, and why. Paradoxically, instead of making the action more concrete, the realistic strategy makes it more abstracted and diffuse. Further, the performers must now measure up as both opera stars and movie stars, and here one runs up against the blunt fact that Raimondi's Don is remarkably unattractive. No matter how wonderfully he sings, when the world's greatest seducer is made up to look like a Fellini grotesque, you wonder what the women see in him. And the camera cannot hide the fact that the wonderful Teresa Berganza is much too old to be playing the peasant girl Zerlina.

**OBSESSIVE PURSUIT:** Nonetheless, "Don Giovanni," under the musical direction of Lorin Maazel, remains a melodic feast. José Van Dam's Leporello, Kiri Te Kanawa and the gravely handsome Edda Moser are in top form, and if Raimondi lacks charm, he has a bitter power consistent with Losey's view of the opera. This is a harsh, rather chilly "Don Giovanni," and it presents a Don who gets little enjoyment from his obsessive pursuit of pleasure. The masked revelers at his party could be figures from Goya or Ensor: portents of an approaching social apocalypse. Losey uses a quote from the socialist Antonio Gramsci as the film's epigraph: "... the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appears." You can't warm to Losey's Mozart as you could to Bergman's exuberantly theatrical "The Magic Flute"—nor should you. Bergman had an emotional fix on Mozart arising from his love for music; Losey's take is more intellectual and political. His is a movie of stately beauty and musical grace. It demands respect, but it rarely touches the heart.

DAVID ANSEN

Te Kanawa, Raimondi: A grim skluttire

BOOKS

Kissinger with Chou En-lai: A rare moment of boyish awe

UP

KISSINGER'S MEMOIRS

WHITE HOUSE YEARS. By Henry Kissinger.
1,521 pages. Little, Brown. $22.50.

"Among Kissinger's qualities are charm and persuasiveness," one of his harshest critics, William Shawcross, has written. "Kissinger is a true diplomat; he can make anyone feel grateful and flattered." The first volume of his memoirs confirms this. It covers the period from 1969, when he joined Richard Nixon's White House staff as national-security adviser, to the signing of the Vietnam peace agreement in January 1973. One approaches it as a chore, like most tomes by statesmen. But "White House Years," immensely long and detailed, is quite remarkably readable—even, or perhaps especially, in those passages (about Cambodia, about the covert U.S. intervention in Chile, about the character of protesters against the Vietnam War) where one most strongly doubts or disagrees with the author's version of events.

Anyone has to feel grateful for a book that sounds as if it may have been written by an individual—vain, more than a little malicious, contemptuous of his colleagues (including his President)—instead of by a committee of speechwriters and concocters of position papers. And we are flattered by glimpses of friction among the great—at the negotiating table in Paris, at the Moscow summit, at the drafting of a joint statement announcing Nixon's visit to China and, not least, in the White House itself.

Nixon and Kissinger were determined
that foreign policy should be run from the
White House, bypassing Secretary of State
William Rogers and Defense Secretary
Melvin Laird. Rogers was a pushover, but
Laird provokes some of Kissinger's saltiest

prose: "He was a politician to the core . . . In crises he was redoubtable. In the run-up to them he produced a blizzard of memoranda that would make it next to impossible to determine either his real intentions or—what was more important to him—his precise recommendation." Always sarcastic about Laird, Kissinger never fails to pay him tribute as a master maneuverer.

Kissinger writes best about his specialty,
negotiating—whether with Le Duc Tho in
Paris or with our unexpectedly refractory
ally, Nguyen Van Thieu, in Saigon, when a
peace settlement that had seemed "at
hand" nearly collapsed. Unquestionably
his best chapter, however, has less to do
with hard bargaining than with a Marco
Polo-like adventure. On the eve of his first
secret trip to China to prepare a diplomatic
opening between the two countries, Kis-
singer records, he had difficulty sleeping—
the only time this happened to him during
the years of power he so thoroughly en-
joyed. His first meeting with Chou En-lai,
"urbane, infinitely patient, extraordinarily
intelligent, subtle," is unusually moving.
One can't help liking Kissinger at this
moment when he is so clearly, almost boy-
ishly, in awe of a superior personality.

PETTINESS: He is, in contrast, lethal on the
subject of his boss. He repeatedly pays
ritual tribute to Nixon's courage before
highlighting his pettiness. On the China
trip: "Having made the decisions without
executive or Congressional consultation,
Nixon had left himself quite naked should
anything go wrong; in such lonely decisions
he was extremely courageous. But in his
complicated personality high motives ...
warred with less lofty considerations. He

NEWSWEEK/NOVEMBER 12, 1979

[LC]

BOOKS

was eager to be known as the first American
leader to visit Peking; he therefore request-
ed me periodically to change the venue of
my own visit to any other place in China."

Nixon is sometimes portrayed as bad-
tempered to the point of near-craziness,
"given to grandiloquent statements on
which he did not insist once their implica-
tions became clear to him. The fear that
unwary visitors would take the President
literally was, indeed, one of the reasons why
Haldeman controlled access to him so so-
licitously." It was routine, according to
Kissinger, to wait at least 24 hours before
carrying out one of Nixon's directives deliv-
ered in anger. We are told that Nixon
behaved in China less suavely than the
author of this book. "This is a great wall,"
said Nixon at the Great Wall of China.
Marco Polo, visiting Hangchow in the thir-
teenth century, considered it the most beau-
tiful city in the world: "One fancies oneself
to be in Paradise." Nixon told Chou En-lai
that it "looks like a postcard."

**REFUGEE:** This first volume of Kissinger's memoirs gives me an uneasy feeling. I get a strong impression that he feels the democratic process doesn't work and must be circumvented if international order is to be achieved and maintained. To be sure, he says otherwise. As a refugee from Nazi Germany, he is indignant at the "self-doubt and self-distrust" shown by the protesters against the Vietnam War in the late '60s. They didn't realize how lucky they were to be a part of this country, as Kissinger assures us he did.

But he records with satisfaction the re-
ceipt of a Dag Hammarskjöld quotation
from William Safire: "The most dangerous
of all moral dilemmas: When we are obliged
to conceal truth in order to help the truth be
victorious." Secretary of State Rogers, in-
trusive senators, bureaucrats in general,
organizers of public protests—all of these
recognizable members of the American
democracy are enemies who get in Kis-
singer's way when he is trying to do his job.
He may be right. Democracy is messy and
inefficient. But before we sign him on again
we should be clear about what he stands for:
he believes in secret government, and he
was enormously successful at it.

**INFURIATING BOOK:** Kissinger's certainty about the correctness of his decisions amounts to hubris. It is unlucky for him that at this moment in the tragic history of Cambodia, he should be publishing a volume of memoirs containing the sentence, "Cambodia was *not* a moral issue." He insists that there were no Cambodians in or near the "sanctuaries" he bombed, and so, in effect, he never bombed Cambodia at all. This argument was always weirdly implausible, and Kissinger's washing his hands of post-1970 developments in that country is abhorrent. The veiled references to "revisionist" history and "malicious lore" refer to William Shawcross's "Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon and the Destruction of Cambodia," a brilliant book that appears in paperback this week (*Pocket Books, $2.50*) and should be read in conjunction with Kissinger's chapters on the same subject.

"White House Years" is an infuriating, absolutely necessary book. "I was at peace with myself, neither elated nor sad," says its author in conclusion. I would like to read a review of it by Joseph Heller's Dr. Bruce Gold, infatuated with hatred of Kissinger; and we must await the corrections of historians. For the time being, I sit fooled, entertained, happy. Dr. Henry Kissinger seems to me to have told something that fairly closely resembles the truth.

WALTER CLEMONS

Courtesy the Mansell Collection

Charles II: A secret melancholic

A NEW LOOK
AT CHARLES II

ROYAL CHARLES: CHARLES II AND THE RES-
TORATION. By Antonia Fraser. 524 pages.
Knopf. $16.95.

Despite our national fascination with Brit-
ish royalty, I suspect only two of that
country's monarchs—Elizabeth I and
Charles II—would seem worth talking to
for ten minutes today. Affectionate admir-
ation for Elizabeth has descended unbroken
from the time of her death, but Charles's
reputation has had a rougher road, largely
because until this century it has been in the
hands of the Whig historians who arose in
opposition to his reign. Yet he has never
lacked admirers. Curiously, considering his
notoriety as a lewd and lazy dissembler,
Victoria thought Charles one of the most
attractive of her predecessors. The image of
the "Merry Monarch" may never be dis-

lodged, but in this full-dress revisionist
biography Antonia Fraser tries—I think
persuasively—to do precisely that.

Her point is that although Charles was a
wit who enjoyed the company of women
and rogues, he was at his core a melancholy
man. Certainly he had reason to be. Born in
1630, he was 12 when the English civil war
began, 19 when his father lost his head.
Such experiences proved, for the future
King, effective education, as did his flight
and exile in France and Belgium, his en-
forced poverty and his humiliation by the
Scots who crowned him King and then let
him know that in Scotland kirk was King.
When, at the invitation of Parliament,
Charles returned as King in 1660, he had no
more power than Parliament would give
him. Yet when he died in bed 25 years later,
Charles had such absolute control of the
government that the crown passed to his
brother James without any of the turmoil
that James's Catholicism might have been
expected to provoke.

**PENSIONER:** Such a concentration of power in the crown—the greatest in memory— would have been impossible had not Charles determined from the start that stability must be returned to the country and legitimacy to the monarchy. Restrained in his vengeance against those who had killed his father, he declined to persecute any man for his religion. Alone among the Stuart kings, he proved capable of learning from the past. Because the horrors of the past were what he hoped to avoid, he avoided the confrontations that might have revived them. "Charles II had decided to run before the storm," Fraser writes, "whenever that storm, if faced, was likely to buffet the royal vessel beyond repair." Thus, when it became evident that he could not govern with Parliament, he governed without it. When it became evident that he could not govern without money, he became a pensioner of France. When Louis XIV protested that Charles was not earning his money—that he was not helping France in its wars against the Dutch or, as he had promised, returned England to Catholicism—Charles simply shrugged: the Protestant Parliament would have done even less.

If Charles was no stranger to lies and
procrastination, he turned those flaws to
good account. More important, he treated
his subjects with graciousness and a light-
ness of spirit uncommon in kings, yet entire-
ly suited to the age. Like them, he loved the
sea and the theater. Scientifically inquisitive
and of a practical turn of mind, he founded
the Royal Society and the observatory at
Greenwich. His love for his mistresses did
not prevent him from remaining resolutely
loyal to his barren wife, and probably repre-
sented not so much personal debauchery as
it did the laxity common in his court. And of
course he was a wit. A King who could say,
upon his restoration, that it must have been
his fault he had been so long returning
because he had not met with anyone who
had not wished for his return, is a King not

112

NEWSWEEK/NOVEMBER 12, 1979

...R1

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 31

Danny Kaye hugging Henry Kissinger, by Lucian Perkins—The Washington Post

By Donnie Radcliffe

They lionized him for eight years running, made him the toast of two administrations and last night they were at it again.

Henry Kissinger, the secret swinger who went on to become secretary of State, was back among his social roots.

The excuse was the second publication party in less than a week for Kissinger's new book, "White House Years." Longtime friends with Kissinger from their days together on Nelson Rockefeller's bandwagon, Tom

# Memoirs of a Dinner Guest

## Kissinger Recalls The Swinging Salad Days

and Joan Braden, gave the party at their Chevy Chase home.

It was "Henry's list," according to Joan Braden, who drew from it to reach into Kissinger's social as well as political past. Not that the two were necessarily distinct.

Or as Kissinger himself puts it in his book: "Everyone at the higher levels of government meets constantly in the interminable conferences by which government runs itself; they then encounter the same people in the evening together with a sprinkling of senior journalists, socially adept and powerful members of Congress and

See KISSINGER, B4, Col. 1

naval operations, president and chief of a Milwaukee vote more time to security issues.

these resignation be-
Dec. 31, will remain
Medical Buildings as
and retain his seat
directors.

nts to "play a more
the national debate
and American se-
the critical years

retired late in 1974
ty with the Navy,
in October 1977.

lie "Pops" Stargell,
ies' Most Valuable
inducted into a Hall
f the Men's Fashion
nerica.

ar-old captain of the
world champion Pitts-
 received the associa-
tional award for ac-
visibility and a per-
others seek to em-

also presented Am-
wards, or "Adams,"
t Monday in New
yton, author of "The
er horror tales; Mal-
lisher of Forbes mag-

Lynda Maudlin, left, and Kimberly Stanley with their winning pumpkins, by James M. Thresher—The Washington Post

azine; NBC reporter Richard Valeriani; actors George Segal and Hal Linden, Sen. John W. Warner of Virginia, tennis star Arthur Ashe, and Allied Stores President Thomas M. Macioce.

Stargell shares his award, the as-
sociation's highest, with past winners
Henry Fonda, Benny Goodman and
Douglas Fairbanks Jr.

You asked for it, you got it: perma-
nent lipstick.

Nancy DePippo, a student at Essex

Community College in Lawrence, Mass., used lipstick from a "Kiss" makeup kit last weekend to dress up her face for a Halloween party, giving herself a red mouth, red eyes and red cheeks. After the party she discovered she couldn't wash the makeup off, even with mineral oil, soap and water, and nail-polish remover. Finally, a girl friend scrubbed peroxide onto her face, leaving her skin "really wrecked."

"The dermatologist said it won't go away until the top layer of skin wears

ing double takes. I plan to go to
school tomorrow, but if people stare
I'll just stay home."

The makeup kit, named for the rock
group Kiss, is made by Remco Toys,
Inc. A spokesman for the company
said the makeup is "FDA approved"
and will remain on the market.

The American Institute of Archi-
tects conducted its annual pumpkin-
carving contest yesterday at noon in
the AIA courtyard in front of Oetagon
House to celebrate design excellence
in architecture, to promote public
awareness of architectural design and
to have a little fun.

Fifteen AIA staff members, half of them architects, participated in the contest. Winners included Lynda Maudlin, graphics designer, who said her carved entry was a replica of the AT&T tower in New York; Kimberly Stanley and Rich Martini of the AIA student chapters, who won in the "Most Holes" category, and Jim Ellison, the AIA's administrator of education and professional development, whose pumpkin had a huge mustache much like his own.

Five members of the AIA research
department claimed the most unique
entry, "Solar Pumpkins." which, they
said, had a passive heating system,
making it the only entry that could
cook itself.

—Liz Nakahara

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een sizes?

KISSINGER, From B1

the few members of the permanent
Washington Establishment."

All these categories were repre-
sented last night plus one for comic
relief — Danny Kaye whose piercing
whistle near the end of the party
alerted those going on to Joseph Al-
sop's dinner party for Kissinger that
time was running out.

"I was a baby when I came here," Kissinger insisted not too convincingly. "I didn't know a thing about social life in Washington."

It didn't take him long to find out,
of course. And after one or two per-
missible gaffs, like holding up an Al-
sop dinner party an hour and a half
("Would you recommend that to a
new man in Washington?" Kissinger
asked, arching his eyebrows), the
then-new national security adviser to
the then-new president quickly be-
came a Georgetown hostess' dream.

"Those were the days," recalled Margot Hahn, one discerning hostess who could spot a good dinner guest when she saw one, "when not many people around were quick or funny. They ate on plates divided into three sections, you know."

For Kissinger, unlike others in the

Dinner Guest Memoirs

Nixon administration, going to parties
was no sacrifice at all.

"I generally liked the people. I
didn't do it as a strategy. These peo-
ple became personal friends of mine."

Much to the chagrin of the aloof,
unsociable Nixon White House whose
habits in those early days were not
unlike the first months of the Carter
administration, Kissinger said, "Many
similarities. Both had semi-siege men-
talities."

Then one night almost exactly 10
years ago a young Washington Post
reporter asked Kissinger at a party
if he was a swinger.

"Look,' I told her, 'I can't admit
that I'm a swinger without getting
into trouble. I can't admit that I'm not
a swinger, so why don't we say I'm a
secret swinger?'"

It still cracks up Nancy Kissinger,
who married him in 1974.

"Henry's so square," she said. "He's
always been square."

Fellow author Herman Wouk told
Kissinger that swinging certainly
wasn't something he knew about but
that anyway, Kissinger had joined the
literary world now.

"I've found," Kissinger replied,

thinking of his second volume of
White House memoirs due to be pub-
lished in 1981, "that the next book is
really a psychic effort."

The present book was also some-
what of a physical effort (it weighs
four pounds) for several in the crowd
of nearly 100 who brought along
copies to be signed. When Kissinger
saw the one TV correspondent Marvin
Kalb held out, he told him to give it
to someone.

"I signed one for you today. I said
'To Marvin Kalb, who thinks he
understands this period better.' In
fact," Kissinger told Danish Ambas-
dor Otto Rose Borch, "I was going
to call my book 'Kalb.' Kalb called
his book 'Kissinger.'"

Replied Kalb: "I reviewed mine

this afternoon after reading yours
and yours isn't a bad rewrite."

Others from "Henry's list" last
night included the Carter administra-
tion's special Mideast envoy Robert
Strauss ("Kissinger is like sinus—I've
had it forever"); the ambassadors of
Great Britain, Israel, Sweden and Ja-
pan; World Bank President Robert
McNamara; former CIA director Rich-
ard Helms; former Federal Reserve
Board chairman Arthur Burns; AFL-
CIO secretary-treasurer Lane Kirk-
land; Evangeline Bruce; Ambassador
Ellsworth Bunker; Ambassador Carol
Laise; NBC's David Brinkley; colum-
nist Rowland Evans, and New Re-
public publisher Martin Peretz.

"I was in an international relations
class Kissinger taught at Harvard,"
said Peretz. "I always remembered
that one of his rules of international
politics was that the party everybody
thinks is crazy has the greatest ad-
vantage."

[LC]

## 'Shy' Man

work and my future, jealousy of other composers."

His career began in childhood, when "my parents noticed that I was playing the piano better than my older sister, and that when I had learned a piece I did not want to play it over and over again but would wander around the keyboard composing something of my own."

They got him a new teacher, who introduced him to the music of Debussy and Ravel ("it bowled me over") before he knew any of the older classics. He did not get to Beethoven and Schubert until his later years, after his taste had settled on modern music and jazz, and his view of them is unconventional: "I think Beethoven's Ninth is a big bore, and I'm not even sure it's a work of art. I hear the har-

Ned Rorem, by Fred Sweets

niceties and complexities of international diplomacy that have meant the death and destruction of a people ..."

Said Baez: "We just have to take our Red Cross and say, 'Here we come.' It's risky, but I don't think they want to shoot at us."

Forty-five minutes before Kennedy took the floor, Chip Carter breezed in, smiling, relaxed, natty in suit coat and bright blue shirt, a Carter/Mondale button on his lapel. He was there as the guest of Baez.

"When someone said Chip Carter was here," said Carol Shapiro, in whose house the party was held, "I thought they were joking."

And what would Chip say to Teddy, Chip's father's impending rival?

"Well, I might say 'hello' if he comes through," said Chip Carter with a grin. "This isn't a political event."

But on a day when ambassador-at-large Dick Clark, the former senator from Iowa, resigned his administration post as coordinator of refugee affairs to go to work for Kennedy, politics was bound to be in the air. Clark got a terse note from Carter that read, "Fritz (Mondale) had reported to me your pledge to remain neutral in the political campaign and to devote your efforts to assisting refugees and other suffering people. I consider this work to be of transcendent

take? I guess I'll do whatever Teddy thinks is helpful."

There was an interesting mixture of society and professional and not-so-prominent political, with a sprinkling of the superprominent. The nation was $125 a person, so not many of the guests were actually from relief organizations for Southeast Asian refugees. (Many people simply sent in donations and did not attend the party, according to one organizer.)

"They're talking about Kennedy and the amount of press coverage here and how unusual it is," said Jennifer Phillips, who was there with her husband, Laughlin Phillips, director of the Phillips Collection. "Joan Baez hasn't been a big star in years."

But she was a star last night. Everyone from socialites to an Israeli colonel came by to clasp her hand, hug her, tell her to "keep it up."

"We support her wholeheartedly," said Chip Carter. (The President) thinks her work will change world opinion and help us to proceed." (Currently the Vietnamese-backed Cambodian government is resisting international efforts to bring in food to the starving and sick Cambodians.)

"We're going to go in (to Cambodia) under the pretext that they will let us." Carter continued "We hope they will change their minds. I can't say we'll go in without their permission."

**Economic diary** / Oct. 15-Oct. 19

October 15

Toward a credit crunch
in 1980's first quarter

The economy may already be reeling
under the impact of the sharp escala-
tion of interest rates engineered by the
Federal Reserve, but the real pain will
probably not occur until the first quar-
ter of next year.

That pain will come in the form of a
good old credit crunch—a genuine
shortage of lendable funds that will
force the banking system to an actual
rationing of credit. Such a crunch is
precisely what the Fed has in mind,
according to Leif H. Olsen, senior vice-
president and chief economist for Citi-
bank. "I do not believe that it is possi-
ble for the Federal Reserve to avoid a
credit crunch and still retain the credi-

in the dollar and the higher interest
rates now available in New York. On
some estimates, in fact, foreigners
bought some $30 billion in U. S. securi-
ties last week. And when those
purchases are paid for, those institu-
tions that sold the securities will
increase their bank deposits, giving
U. S. banks more money to lend.

But the flood of liquidity released by
Fed Chairman Paul A. Volcker's pro-
gram will probably ebb soon.

* Once the Fed is convinced that the banking system has absorbed the immediate shock of the higher reserve requirements, it will move to rein in the growth in bank reserves. A reasonable expectation is that it will provide the banks with only enough reserves to allow the money supply to grow by 4% from now until January's end. This is a sharp slowdown from the prevailing 9% growth rate of the last 12 months.

* The cash position of the U. S. Treasury—in surplus for the last few weeks—will now swing into deficit. This means that a large supply of new U. S. government debt—including federal agency issues—will soon begin to hit the market. This debt will probably cause severe problems in the financial markets.

The problems will arise for two
reasons. The Federal Reserve, in an
attempt to stay within the lowered
targets for the growth of the money
supply and bank reserves, will not buy
its normal fraction of the new govern-
ment issues. At the same time, the
commercial banks will probably be
dumping Treasury issues to accommo-
date business-loan demand.

It is these conditions that will
produce a genuine, full-fledged crunch
late this year and early next year.
Historically, the key manifestation of
such a crunch is an attempt by the
Treasury to sell its debt to the public
rather than to the commercial banks or
the Federal Reserve. That is yet to
happen despite higher interest rates.
But it will happen later this year; when it
does, the Fed's tight-money policy will
really begin to draw blood.

October 16

A prime hitting 15¼%,
little relief before 1981

For how long will interest rates stay in
the stratosphere? One economist
whose answer merits attention is Lacy
H. Hunt, senior vice-president and

economist for Philadelphia's Fidelity
Bank, who has had an excellent record
in interest-rate forecasting over the last
couple of years. Here is Hunt's rate
outlook:

*   Short-term rates continue to rise through the first quarter of next year, with the prime peaking after New Year's day at 15¼%. Short rates then continue high all through 1980, with the prime still averaging 13% in the first quarter of 1981. Only the second quarter of 1981 will bring any real relief, with the prime dipping below 12%.

*   Long-term rates stay high as far as the eye—or at least Hunt's economic model—can see. The bellwether AA utility rate for new issues, which has averaged 9.81%, for example, rises to 11% this quarter, then stays at more than 10.5% through mid-1982.

October 17

Older cities will suffer
if a recession strikes

With state and local budget surpluses
drying up in the wake of tax-cut fever
dramatized by California's Proposition
13, America's older distressed cities
could be in for very hard times if a
serious recession materializes by early
next year.

For one thing, general revenue-shar-
ing is scheduled to expire in fiscal 1981.
For another, the federal government's
fiscal 1980 budget already reflects
many cuts in grant-in-aid programs for
cities. But more important, according
to Princeton University's Richard P.
Nathan, writing in the latest issue of
*Transaction/SOCIETY*, is the astonishing
decline in the federal government's
urban commitment.

Nathan notes that the Carter Admin-
istration's total urban program an-
nounced in March, 1978, was estimated
to cost $13.6 billion in new budget
authority for the 1979 and 1980 fiscal
years. By January, 1979, the Adminis-
tration—"in part responding to con-
gressional defeats"—slashed the au-
thorization figure to $4.9 billion. And in
subsequent budget revisions for fiscal
1980, the requested budget authority
for its overall urban program has been
further pared to just $2.5 billion—a
mere 18% "of what was originally
proposed and so loudly trumpeted just
one year earlier."

Says Nathan: "Assuming there is a
recession, with rising unemployment,
lowered local tax receipts, and simulta-

Monetarist Meltzer: He wants the Fed to announce targets—and meet them.

T. Mike Fichtner

bility of its anti-inflationary policy,"
Olsen says. The Fed's aim, he adds, is
"to change expectations in the market-
place," and that cannot be done unless
business is disabused of the notion that
it can borrow as much, raise prices as
much, or build inventories as much as
usual.

Many economists now warn busi-
nessmen not to be fooled by signs that
credit—albeit expensive credit—is
available at the moment. Right now the
banking system is flooded with liquidity.
For one thing, the Federal Reserve is
always generous in supplying reserves
to the banking system in the wake of an
increase in reserve requirements. For
another, foreign money is rushing into
the U. S. because of the improvement

20

BUSINESS WEEK: November 5, 1979

ECONOMIC DIARY

Cuba, suggests that the nation still hankers for all-or-nothing solutions and may find it virtually impossible to walk the dual track that Kissinger lays out.

The other difficulty, in public perceptions of Kissinger's grand design, is that his concern is mainly with great-power relationships; other values and the interests of smaller powers are subordinate. Kissinger makes a persuasive case that the U. S. "tilt" toward Pakistan, in its 1971 war with India, helped thwart the expansion of Soviet influence on the subcontinent and ultimately served the cause of peace in the region, despite the revulsion in this country against the atrocities of Pakistani troops. But what was accomplished in 1970 by U. S. bombing and ground attacks in Cambodia, even in a narrow military sense? Here, despite Kissinger's arguments, the grand design blurs. Kissinger admits that it was a sudden impulse of Nixon that sent U. S. troops against North Vietnamese sanctuaries, many of them in remote areas along the entire 600-mi. border between South Vietnam and Cambodia, instead of confining the attacks to the border salients near Saigon, where the military justification for the U. S. incursions was strongest.

The decision was an example of a recurring problem, as Kissinger saw it:

"to keep [Nixon's] courage from turning into recklessness and [his] firmness into bravado." That, in turn, was a facet of the strange, complex relationship between the two men that, more than anything, serves as the book's unifying thread. The relationship was oblique yet intense, compounded of mutual admiration and diffidence, loyalty and reserve. Kissinger admired Nixon's "unsentimental grasp of international affairs." When the chips were down—and on the big issues—he insists, Nixon made the right decisions and acted boldly.

"I doubt whether the rapprochement [with China] could have occurred with the same decisiveness in any other President," Kissinger writes. But against such moments of greatness, Kissinger narrates a counterpoint of Nixonian pettiness, dithering, and insecurity. After a day of state visits in Brussels and London, Kissinger recalls, "Nixon desperately wanted to be told how well he had done. As he would do on so many other occasions, he asked me to recount his conspicuous role in the day's events over and over again."

What the two men shared, on such occasions, was an acute sense of history and their own self-conscious role in it. Such an awareness pervades *White House Years*. Kissinger pauses, regularly,

to view himself from a spectator's vantage point, as a player in a drama. Occasionally he becomes the omniscient 19th century novelist—or the modern New Journalist—who is privy to the inner thoughts of each actor on the scene. In a purple passage, Kissinger recounts his meeting with Nixon after the breakthrough in the Vietnam peace talks: "We spoke to each other in nearly affectionate terms, like veterans of bitter battles at a last reunion, even though we both sensed somehow that too much had happened between us to make the rest of the journey together."

Kissinger's preferred posture at such moments is that of the world-weary statesman: without illusion yet not without hope; keenly aware of the historical ironies, ambiguities, and potential for tragedy in his situation; impelled to act, yet poignantly conscious of the limits of choice. Thus, at the end of the Vietnam negotiations, he sees lying ahead "the chance to shape events, to build a new world. I was grateful for the opportunity I had enjoyed to help prepare the ground. And I was at peace with myself, neither elated nor sad."

—John Pearson

John Pearson is a Senior writer on international affairs for this magazine. ■

Bayerische Landesbank
announces with pleasure the opening
of its Representative Office
in New York

Bayerische Landesbank
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New York, N.Y. 10022, Telephone: (212) 888-0670/0679
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International Banking with Bavarian Drive and Friendliness

BUSINESS WEEK: November 5, 1979 19

encouragement to invest in the retail
sector. And giving an unequal advantage
to capital-intensive enterprises would
put retailers at a significant disadvan-
tage in competing for the investment
dollar.

In fact, 97% of food-service operators
are small business people, many of
whom have found previous reforms, such
as the asset depreciation range, complex
and difficult to use.

As necessary providers of jobs, partic-
ularly for women, youth, minorities, and
the unskilled, the food-service industry
believes that investment incentives
should be spread throughout the econo-
my and that our industry, being labor-
rather than capital-intensive, is in a
unique position to translate those incen-
tives into useful and productive work for
greater numbers of people far faster
than [could be done in] any other areas
of investment.

A. Kolbet Schrichte

Corporate Secretary

National Restaurant Assn.

Washington

Assessment design

Your article "How to spot the hotshots"
(Management, Oct. 8) was extremely
superficial.

There are two major firms doing
perhaps 90% of the assessment-center
business in the world today, and neither
of them is mentioned.

The innovations and the various areas
in which the techniques have been
applied have been many, and the issues
surrounding the use of the techniques
are too complex to be summed up by
saying that "the test, now widely used,
takes 4½ hours." Your article was singu-
larly unimpressive regarding available
data and breadth of coverage on what is
thought of by many people as a major
development in the field of human
resources.

Cabot L. Jaffee

President

Assessment Designs Inc.

Winter Park, Fla.

Economic sanctions

I salute you for your excellent editorial
“A faulted foreign policy” (Sept. 24).
You have hit the nail on the head
regarding both our problem and its
possible solution.

It has always perplexed me that we do
not use economic sanctions against the
Soviet Union as we do so freely with our
supposed allies—i.e., Turkey, South
Africa, Rhodesia, and whichever other

friend happens to displease us at the
moment.

Barbara Gunnarson

London

Greece, Turkey, and NATO

In reference to "The race to reduce Ankara-Athens friction" (International outlook, Oct. 1), Greece has repeatedly and categorically stated that it will not attempt to exclude Turkey from EC membership. However, it should be noted that although Greece's good intention is manifest, Turkey has not exactly followed the same path insofar as Greece's reintegration into the military wing of NATO is concerned.

Turkey has exercised its veto, seeking
to accomplish a settlement of its outra-
geous claims in the Aegean (continental
shelf, air space, etc.) by using NATO.

The net result of all this is that the
American taxpayer is called upon to
salvage Turkey's insolvency by extend-
ing billions of dollars in grants and other
forms of economic and military assist-
ance, while the southeastern flank of
NATO is weakening.

John G. Nicholas

President

Greek-American Lawyers Assn.

Flushing, N.Y.

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Books

## Henry Kissinger: The artful diplomat

The sheer size—1,521 pages—of Henry Kissinger's *White House Years* may intimidate all but the most resolute of readers. That would be a pity, because Kissinger's account of his four years as White House adviser to Richard Nixon is an extraordinary volume: part historical record, part graduate seminar on the design of global politics and the realities of power, part *apologia* for the role that Kissinger played in dramatic events and controversial decisions—from the 1972 Christmas bombing of Hanoi to the wiretapping of his own aides. But what makes the book a rarity, among memoirs

Pope, wreathed in smoke rising from the pocket where Laird had secreted a lit cigar; Kissinger, foot-in-mouth, being coolly put down by the “colossus,” Charles de Gaulle; South Vietnamese President Thieu desperately maneuvering, throughout the long peace talks, to avoid the abandonment by the U. S. that he foresees, more clearly than the Americans, as the eventual outcome of the nightmare in Southeast Asia.

The gems in this rich lode are the capsule profiles—deft, perceptive, sharp-edged, sometimes wicked—of the statesmen and politicians, friends and foes, that Kissinger has dealt with. One whom Kissinger warily admires, Soviet Ambassador to the U. S. Anatoly Dobrynin, has “smiling, watchful eyes and the bluff confident manner of one who has taken the measure of his share of senior American officials in his day.” Kissinger could say much the same of himself, sans bluffness, as he holds his yardstick

up to numerous foreigners as well as Americans.

Here, for example, is former Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was hanged this year by the military junta that posed him: “Elegant, eloquent, subtle, Bhutto ... was not above playing a demagogic anti-American tune when it served his domestic purpose. The legacy of distrust engendered by his flamboyant demeanor and occasionally cynical conduct haunted Bhutto within our government throughout his political life. I found him brilliant, charming, of global stature in his perceptions ... He did not suffer fools gladly.

Since he had many to contend with, this provided him with more than the ordinary share of enemies.”

And here is Aldo Moro, the former Italian Prime Minister who was assassinated last year: “Moro was clearly the most formidable [Italian leader]. He was as intelligent as he was taciturn; he had a reputation for superb intelligence. My only evidence for this was the Byzantine complexity of his sentence structure. But then I had a soporific effect on him; more often than not he fell asleep in meetings with me; I considered it a success to keep him awake.”

Kissinger's deadly irony leaves McGeorge Bundy, like T. S. Eliot's Prufrock, “formulated, and sprawling on a pin.” Of his Harvard colleague—and predecessor as White House national

security adviser under Presidents Kennedy and Johnson—Kissinger says: “I admired his brilliance even when he put it, too frequently, at the service of ideas that were more fashionable than substantial. ... Had he lived in a less revolutionary period ... Bundy would have moved through the high offices of government until his experience matched his brilliance and his judgment equaled his self-confidence.”

Framing such observations, and providing a conceptual matrix for Kissinger's own actions in the events he describes, are his basic ideas on foreign policy. He outlines them in a chapter entitled, somewhat coyly, “The Convictions of an Apprentice Statesman” and in shorter essays that are scattered throughout the book.

Kissinger, of course, was no apprentice in foreign affairs when he joined the Nixon Administration. In the 1950s his writings on nuclear strategy had earned him some renown as a Dr. Strangelove. His concept of the kind of global equilibrium that is indispensable to peace traces back even further—to his Harvard doctoral dissertation on Metternich and Castlereagh, the 19th century statesmen who restored the European balance that Napoleon had destroyed. Genuine negotiation with revolutionary

### White House Years

By Henry Kissinger

Little, Brown ■ 1,521 pp. ■ $22.50

powers such as the Soviet Union and China—as with Napoleonic France—is possible, Kissinger maintains, only when there is a willingness to accept limited gains within an equilibrium of powers, rather than an effort to subvert the world order.

Most Americans would probably now agree that Nixon and Kissinger were right in their perception in 1971 that China had reached such a point of willingness. The jury is still out on whether the kind of detente they sought with the Soviets is possible. One problem is that Kissinger's underlying message, as he concedes, is uncongenial to Americans, who generally prefer to “solve” problems and forget them. What Kissinger seems to be saying is not only that the road to coexistence with the Soviets is a very long one but also that the road may never lead to a definitive settlement between the two powers.

“For as far ahead as we can see,” Kissinger argues, “America’s task will be to recreate and maintain the two pillars of our policy . . . a willingness to confront Soviet expansionism and a simultaneous readiness to mark out a cooperative future.” The current confused debate over the U. S.-Soviet Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty, and its possible scuttling because of a largely symbolic dispute over Russian troops in

Kissinger and Nixon: A strange, complex relationship.

of American statesmen, is the unexpected talent as storyteller that the many-faceted Kissinger displays. He is able to recount, at times, a gathering crisis—such as the shoot-out between Jordan's King Hussein and the Palestinian guerrillas—in the rhythm of a well-paced drama: the early signals of trouble, the moves and responses of the protagonists, the dinner-jacketed strategists, the crisis and denouement.

Of course, much of the intractable material that Kissinger deals with would defeat the narrative powers of even a Dickens or a Dostoyevsky. But Kissinger's account is enlivened by set-piece vignettes and built on recurring themes, modulating from farcical to poignant and even tragic: Defense Secretary Melvin Laird at an audience with the

14 BUSINESS WEEK: November 5, 1979

BOOKS

THE WASHINGTON POST

Friday, October 26, 1979

D7

isn't scratching their backs she is mashing their feet. It's revolting to see these hulks, naked from the waist up, barefooted, moaning and groaning while Mommy scratches and massages.

Is it possible the boys will turn into homosexuals?—Appalled in Tucson.

Dear Tucson:

The scene you described is gross, to say the least, but it will not turn the boys into homosexuals. Sexual preferences are established well before the teen years—some authorities say within the first three or four years of life.

I agree it's the pits—but you can't tell people how to behave in their own home. You could, however, pull a bar of medicinal soap out of your purse and say, "This did Uncle Herb a world of good when he had the itch."

Dear Ann Landers:

Be a friend to the mailmen, please. Heaven knows they are good friends of yours. Print these DON'TS for your readers:

1. Don't stop your car on the other side of a busy street and motion for the mailman to run across and get your letter.

2. Don't let your German shepherd

or Doberman pinscher sit unleashed on the porch and announce, "Don't worry ... he doesn't bite."

3. Don't buy one of these pretty, impractical slim mailboxes and say, "He can get in all the mail if he really tries."—E.M. Newsday, L.I.

Dear Readers:

If anyone sees himself in the column today, please take the hint.

Dear Ann Landers:

Our child is a hemophiliac. This blood condition makes a person extremely vulnerable to brusing. He often looks as if he has black eyes.

Strangers stop us on the street and ask, "What happened to the poor child?" We don't feel like discussing his problem with people we don't know. What's more, we don't want the boy to feel he is "different." What should we say?—R.C.

Dear R.C.

Simply say, "The boy has hemophilia." Be very matter-of-fact. Show no sign of distress or annoyance. If the stranger asks any further questions, ignore him and move on.

© 1979 Field Enterprises, Inc.

not in Lima). During that time, bus company earnings have declined by about 50 percent, industry sources say, and more than 150 companies that used to serve smaller communities have gone out of business.

Whatever the long-term need for renewed rail passenger service, a revival of intercity buses offers more short-term energy conservation and speedier improvement in intercity public transportation. Buses can already go where cars can, on the nation's magnificent highway network; trains, in contrast, cannot properly be utilized until extensive and ex-

More than 60 percent of bus passengers are 55 or older, or under 18 years of age. More than 60 percent are women, again a greater percentage than for rail, air or auto. And the 88 percent of bus riders on personal or family trips — rather than expense-account travel — actually exceeds the 84 percent of private auto passengers traveling for personal reasons.

Nearly a third of all bus passengers live in small communities or rural areas; about a third of all bus trips begin or end in rural areas. Yet, just such areas have suffered most from the decade of decline in bus service;

the past 10 years, and another 1,000 are now threatened). If the subsidy is approved, the industry will seek about $15 million the first year, compared to $70 million in Federal subsidies recently awarded five regional airlines serving only a few communities.

These relatively modest proposals could produce an important contribution to energy conservation, and in the decade to come, unlike the one just past, demand is likely to rise for widespread and efficient public transportation — bus as well as rail, in the nation's smaller communities as well as in its crowded urban corridors.

WASHINGTON, Oct. 26 — Henry Kissinger has written a four-pound book (1,521 pages) at a little over $5 a pound, which is in keeping with the inflationary trend of these days, but the view here is that it is the most remarkable insider's political memoir of our time.

That is really a rather modest compliment, for most books written by or for our highest officials usually make more money than sense, and are almost as deficient in historical perspective as they are in literary distinction.

Kissinger's "White House Years" is unusual in several respects. He wrote it himself — an original idea in this town. It is written in clear and muscular English prose — maybe because he began, as a German immigrant boy, with respect for the English language and mastered its grammar, poetry and even its subtle wit.

Also, Kissinger almost avoided — but not entirely — the temptation of most high officials and their ghosts to try to prove that they never made a mistake, or if they did, it was somebody else's fault. His explanation of the bombing of Cambodia, which contributed to the unbearable tragedy of that silent and amiable people and their children, has not convinced even his most devoted friends.

But that is only one part of Kissinger's report on his White House years. He has been almost recklessly frank in reporting, with the utmost precision, the problems placed before our country while he was in the White House; the tangles and dilemmas and even the mistakes.

His story of the anatomy of this book is interesting. When Kissinger left the State Department after the election of President Carter, he went to Acapulco with a footlocker, full of books. "You have to remember," he told me, "that I hadn't read an unclassified serious book for eight years."

In the footlocker, he had most of the Presidential memoirs, beginning with General Grant's, which, he still regards as the best. Also the memoirs of

WASHINGTON

Hearing It
From
Henry

By James Reston

Churchill, de Gaulle, Adenauer, former Secretary of State, Acheson and the books of the British Prime Ministers Eden and Macmillan.

"You understand," he said, "I'm not comparing myself to these people. I was merely looking for models. Macmillan impressed me very much, but the one who probably influenced me the most was de Gaulle." He was a good model because he defines and because he had a conceptual framework, a larger purpose and a gift of explaining how the particular problem of the day related to his philosophy and his goals."

In 1977 Kissinger spent six weeks in Acapulco with his footlocker, full of books. He lived in Puerto Marques in a house, owned by former President Aleman of Mexico. He agrees that this was not an unbearable hardship.

He had a staff of four researchers. They collected all the documents by subject and by year and these he read, "about 12-15 hours a day" from March until December of 1977. He then prepared a bibliography of the important documents, and by July began writing little essays on people — and these vignettes remain among the real gems of his book. In December of 1977, after a bit of a struggle to get the whole book in focus, he began writing chapters.

"I wrote about a chapter a week," he says, "and rewrote them four or

five times. I would do one chapter in long-hand, then Peter Rodman, who was my chief researcher, would check it for accuracy and another researcher, who was an expert on that particular subject, would doublecheck it."

Then Kissinger would send a finished chapter to two of his former State Department aides, Winston Lord and Bill Rogers, the former Latin American expert at State, and he would rewrite the chapter again, and I submit this version to outside objective scholars. "Whatever anybody thinks about the decisions made in Kissinger's White House years, this is probably the most serious attempt ever made to explain the decision-making process, good or bad, and to illuminate the interplay of politics, personalities, the press, and even of accident on final decisions." In this sense, it is a remarkable achievement of reducing unbelievable diversity to some kind of entity that can be understood by a careful reader.

"The turmoil of the first term," bad was it was, was a debate about national policy and America's role in the world.

The turmoil of the second term was the personal struggle of Richard Nixon and really had no relationship to the policy we were trying to pursue. A popular complaint is that nobody really knows what's going on in Washington, or how officials here reach decisions about things that affect people's lives. Well, Kissinger has given about the best description of the process possible. If you can hold all 1,500 pages of it, it may break your back, and if you read it carefully, it may break your heart, but it is worth risking both

[L]

TIME: "Publisher's Letter"
(for next Monday's edition, Sept. 17)

In addition to its coverage of the week's news, TIME in recent years has been giving its readers a bonus: excerpts from many books of international consequence. In the past 18 months, for example, Anwar Sadat and Theodore H. White have appeared in TIME's pages.

But never before has TIME offered an exerpt comparable in importance or scope to the one that will run in 3 parts beginning next week: Henry Kissinger's long-awaited memoirs. TIME's readers will be the first in the United States to receive a serialization of the book.

White House Years covers the period from Kissinger's summons to the White House as Richard Nixon's Assistant for National Security Affairs after the November, 1968 election, to the end of Nixon's first term, which coincided roughly with the signing of the Vietnam peace treaty. A second volume now being written will recount the period from January 1973 to January 1977, during most of which Kissinger was Secretary of State. Of all the memoirs that have issued from public figures in the last decade, none can match this one for its descriptions of the intricate relationship between a President and his top security adviser, how foreign policy was made and how diplomacy was carried out in this supersonic age.

By almost any measure, White House Years is a big book. It took 30 months in the writing, and its sheer size helps explain why--1521 pages, close to 3/4 of a million words. Little Brown, the TIME Inc. subsidiary that owns the North American rights to the book, plans a publication date of October 23 and an initial press run of 225,000 copies, an exceptionally large number for a first edition of any hard cover book. Price: $22.50.

White House Years has stirred extraordinary world-wide interest. In serialization or book form, it will appear in 17 languages besides English: Arabic, Chinese, Dutch, Finnish, French, German, Greek, Hebrew, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Norwegian, Portuguese, Serbo-Croatian, Spanish, Swedish and Turkish. Eventually hundreds of foreign magazines and newspapers will carry excerpts, including France's *L'Express*, West Germany's *Der Spiegel*, Finland's *Helsinki Sanomat*, Japan's *Yomiuri Shimbun*, and Israel's *Ma'ariv* and *Yediot Aharonoth*.

[L]

-2-

Portions of the book will appear in Spanish-language news-
papers in Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Dominican
Republic, Mexico, Puerto Rico, Spain, Uruguay, and Venezuela.
There will be both French and English-language versions in
Canada, and Chinese versions not only in Taipei and Hong
Kong but also in San Francisco's *China Times*.

TIME's excerpts will describe the end of America's
involvement in Vietnam and the beginning of its relations
with the Communist government in China, how the U.S. groped
towards detente with the Soviet Union and coped with crises
in the Middle East, Cuba, and the Indian subcontinent. We
will also present a gallery of famous figures (including
Nixon, Mao, and Leonid Brezhnev) as limned by Kissinger, his
insights into the statesman's craft and his thoughts on the
philosophy that underpins his entire approach to foreign
policy.

White House Years will obviously be required reading
for all serious students of foreign affairs. We are con-
fident that TIME's readers will find it a compelling and
certainly controversial account of a turbulent era in US history.

SEPTEMBER 24, 1979

Vol. 114 No. 13

TIME

THE WEEKLY NEWSMAGAZINE

[10]

## A Letter from the Publisher

In addition to its coverage of the week's news, TIME in recent years has been giving its readers a bonus: excerpts from major books of international consequence—the memoirs of Anwar Sadat and Theodore H. White, a study of Chiang Ching (Mme. Mao Tse-tung). But never before has TIME offered an excerpt comparable in importance or scope to the one that will run in three parts beginning next week: Henry Kissinger's long awaited memoirs. TIME's readers will be the first in the U.S. to receive a serialization of the book.

White House Years covers the period from Kissinger's summons to the White House as Richard Nixon's Assistant for National Security Affairs after the November 1968 election to the signing of the Viet Nam peace treaty in January 1973. A second volume, now being written, will recount the period to January 1977, during most of which Kissinger was Secretary of State. Of all the memoirs that have issued from public figures in the past decade, none can match this one, with its description of how foreign policy was made and diplomacy carried out in this supersonic age.

By almost any measure, White House Years is a big book. Thirty months in the writing, it runs 1,521 pages, close to three-quarters of a million words. Little, Brown, the Time Inc. subsidiary that owns North American rights to the book, plans a publication date of Oct. 23 and a first edition of 225,000 copies,

an exceptionally large number. The price: $22.50.

White House Years has stirred extraordinary worldwide interest. In serialization or book form, it will appear in 17 languages* besides English. Eventually, hundreds of foreign publications will carry excerpts. There will be French and English versions in Canada, and Chinese versions not only in Taipei and Hong Kong, but also in San Francisco.

TIME's excerpts will describe the end of America's involvement in Viet Nam and the beginning of its relations with the Communist government in China; how the U.S. groped toward détente with the Soviet Union and coped with crises in the Middle East, Cuba and the Indian subcontinent. We will also present a gallery of famous figures as limned by Kissinger, his insights into the statesman's craft and the philosophy that underpins his entire approach to foreign policy.

White House Years will obviously be required reading for all serious students of modern foreign affairs. We are confident TIME's readers will find it a compelling—and certainly controversial—account

of a turbulent era in U.S. history.

*Arabic, Chinese, Dutch, Finnish, French, German, Greek, Hebrew, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Norwegian, Portuguese, Serbo-Croatian, Spanish, Swedish and Turkish.

## Index

Cover: Photograph by Enrico Ferorelli.

60

Cover: Onstage, Tenor Luciano Pavarotti captivates the cognoscenti and on TV he wows the masses. With his Rabelaisian bulk and brio, the *primissimo tenore* is a welcome throwback to opera's Golden Age. See MUSIC.

28

World: Corruption and military abuses stir anger in the Philippines, where Marcos rules by martial law.

► Worries in Israel over Begin's failing health. ► You've all heard of Venda? Well, it became "independent" last week.

14

Democrats: With broad hints that he is running, Ted Kennedy galvanizes supporters throughout the country. He would like to push Carter out of the race, but the President vows to fight to the last delegate. See NATION.

18

### Nation

The flap over Soviets, in Cuba goes on, with some big questions still unanswered. ► A "new" Ronald Reagan grooms for 1980.

47

### Essay

It has been a bad year for dictatorships —and for the U.S., which often supported them. Where did we go wrong?

49

### Behavior

Undaunted by critics of his race-and-IQ theories, Arthur Jen sen has written a new book defending the accuracy of IQ tests.

55

### Education

What is 671 times 402? One-third of American 13-year-olds can't figure it out, says a new study of math skills.

56

### Press

Roy Larsen, whose gift for marketing and spotting talent helped make Time Inc. a publishing giant, dies at 80.

57

### Science

When did life begin? Are there precursors in meteorites and on Jupiter? A Ceylon-born expert has some new answers.

59

### Art

An exhibition of 17th century Venetian painting at London's National Gallery makes a neglected period come alive.

68

Economy & Business High inflation and changing demographics spell trouble for pension plans.

► Chrysler maps a recovery program.

73

### Sport

Tracy Austin takes time off from high school to become the youngest American champion in the history of tennis.

77

### Medicine

A family's cancers are linked to a genetic flaw. ► The travels of a champion hospital addict are chronicled.

► Is Valium risky?

86

### Television

Johnny Carson and NBC take their feud to court. ► The new season continues with *Lydia, Trapper John* and *Paris*.

5 Letters

5 American Scene

76 People

81 Books

85 Milestones

TIME (ISSN 0040-781X) is published weekly at the subscription price of $31 per year, by Time Inc., 541 N. Fairbanks Court, Chicago, Ill. 60611. Principal office: Rockefeller Center, New York, N.Y. 10020. James R. Shepley, President; Winston Fowlkes, Treasurer; Charles B. Bear, Secretary. Second class postage paid at Chicago, Ill., and at additional mailing offices. Vol. 114 No. 13. © 1979 Time Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without written permission is prohibited.

TIME, SEPTEMBER 24, 1979

3

David Frost quits
Kissinger interview

New York (AP)—Television personality David Frost has quit as NBC's interviewer of former secretary of state Henry Kissinger in a dispute over editorial control.

William Small, president of NBC News, said Sunday that Mr. Frost notified the network he believed "fundamental journalistic ethics" were violated by certain NBC decisions about the interviews.

Mr. Kissinger, who last year signed a five-year contract worth $1 million to provide occasional services to the network, was interviewed by Mr. Frost for a television special to be aired Thursday. The program, which still is scheduled to appear, was to coincide with publication of Mr. Kissinger's memoirs, "White House Years."

In a letter to the network last week after completing two of three scheduled interviews for the program, Mr. Frost said he was quitting because NBC had agreed to let Mr. Kissinger retroactively edit and clarify statements he made during the interviews.

Mr. Frost wrote: "In effect, Dr. Kissinger is to be allowed a second opportunity to answer questions first put to him three days earlier, a clear breach of our understanding to each other and to the press that—in accordance with normal journalistic practice—we would not reveal questions to Dr. Kissinger in advance of the interview."

In a telephone interview at his Washington home, Mr. Small said Mr. Frost was wrong and that "at no time were NBC journalistic principles compromised."

Neither Mr. Frost nor Mr. Kissinger could be reached for comment on the matter.

[L]

# Kissinger: Nixon 'Withdrew' After '72 Win

By Lee Lescaze

Washington Post Staff Writer

NEW YORK, Sept. 23—Former secretary of state Henry A. Kissinger writes that the "strangest period" in Richard M. Nixon's 5½-year presidency followed Nixons landslide re-election in November 1972.

"Triumph seemed to be no surcease to him," Kissinger says in the first installment of his memoirs published in Time magazine for Monday. "He withdrew into a seclusion even deeper and more impenetrable than in his years of struggle. Isolation had become almost a spiritual necessity to this withdrawn, lonely and tormented man."

Kissinger served first as Nixon's national security affairs adviser in the White House and later succeeded William Rogers as secretary of state for Nixon and Nixon's successor, Gerald R. Ford, in 1974.

"On the evidence of a Time summary of the installment, the first part of Kissinger's memoirs, beginning in 1968 and ending with the Vietnam peace treaty of January 1973, contains no foreign policy revelations."

Kissinger has been working on his memoirs since he left office. A second volume covering the second Nixon administration and the Ford administration is in preparation. Publishing sources have said that Atlantic Little Brown paid Kissinger a $2 million advance.

The first Time installment presents personal observations of Soviet leader Leonid I. Brezhnev and now-deceased Chinese leaders Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai as well as Nixon.

It recounts generally familiar details of the opening to China that began with Kissinger's secret trip to Peking and culminated with Nixon's Shanghai Communique of 1972. It describes the successful avoidance of a Soviet-American crisis when Moscow began constructing a submarine base at Cienfuegos in Cuba, in 1970.

The Time summary does not mention more controversial subjects. It contains nothing on the secret bombing of Cambodia, begun in 1969, or the Nixon-Kissinger "Vietnam policy."

There are also puzzling aspects that may result from the material being a summary of what is an excerpt of a book. Kissinger's representative arranged this way of making some of the material public in an attempt to satisfy those who have bought the various rights to publication.

For example, Brezhnev is described as difficult to deal with in part because "while you were being most persuasive, he could be concentrating not on your remarks but on forcing food on you."

However, only Chou, whom Kissinger praises as "one of the two or three most impressive men I have ever met," cuts off conversation by pressing food upon Kissinger.

Kissinger's description of the post-1972 election time as the strangest

period of Nixon's presidency is also somewhat puzzling in light of later events.

Kissinger's comments about Nixon's character are similar to private remarks he made at a banquet in Ottawa in 1975 that became public only because a microphone had been left on inadvertently. Then, Kissinger called Nixon an "odd, artificial and unpleasant man."

Kissinger praises Nixon for his efforts "for a revolution in American foreign policy so that it would overcome the disastrous oscillations between overcommitment and isolation." Nixon, he says, "saw before him a vista of promise to which few statesmen have been blessed to aspire, a new international order that would reduce lingering enmities, strengthen friendships—and give hope to emerging nations."

Nixon told Kissinger to use the words "direct, honest, strong... fatalistic" in describing the American president to Brezhnev when they met to plan the 1972 Soviet-American summit.

He also told Kissinger to tell the Soviet leader he was not subject to political pressure because he faced a reelection campaign.

The Time summary contrasts the Chinese favorably with Brezhnev. Kissinger says Brezhnev's "hands were perpetually in motion: twisting his watch; flicking ashes from his ever-present cigarette... clanging his cigarette holder against an ash tray. He could not keep still. While his remarks were being translated he

Mao, who was 76 when Kissinger met him, struck Kissinger as "warning by his bearing that there was no point in seeking to deceive this specialist in the folibles and duplicity of man."

"I have met no one, with the possible exception of Charles de Gaulle, who so distilled raw, concentrated willpower... he dominated the room, not by the pomp that in most states confers a degree of majesty on leaders, but by exuding in almost tangible form the overwhelming drive to prevail," Kissinger said.

Kissinger describes the State Department, which he later headed, in unflattering terms in the one mention it gets the summary. Secretary of State William Rogers gave Nixon and Kissinger a list of proposed amendments to the Shanghai Communique "as numerous as they were trivial," Kissinger says. Nixon was enraged and said "he would do something about the State Department at the first opportunity," the excerpt says.

The summary relates some of what Kissinger calls the absurd lengths that White House advance men went to in efforts to make Nixon look good.

In 1972, an advance man decided that the tan furniture in Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's office would not flatter Nixon and was about to order the office redecorated in blue.

[L]

New York Times, Oct. 23, 1979

By HERBERT MITGANG

## Merchandising Campaign

The event was one of the few public appearances by Mr. Kissinger, but it was part of a carefully prepared merchandising plan that German book-sellers called "Operation Kissinger."

## Praise for His Agent

## Pressure on Club Is Denied

Kissinger Calls
Cambodia First
Nixon Decision

Continued From A-1

Vietnamese border, and there were
few civilians living there.

The bombing decision was made at an Oval Office meeting on Sunday afternoon, March 16. Defense Secretary Melvin Laird advocated the attacks. Secretary of State William Rogers opposed them on the grounds that they would provoke too much opposition in Congress. At that meeting, Rogers finally agreed to a B-52 strike on the area that presumably contained the Communist headquarters.

Kissinger explains that the Cambodian bombings were kept secret as a device to protect Cambodian leader Prince Norodom Sihanouk, who, he maintains, was giving his tacit consent to the American actions.

"We saw no sense in announcing what Cambodia encouraged and North Vietnam accepted," writes Kissinger, adding that the bombing was kept secret because to announce it publicly might force an embarrassed Cambodian government to demand that it stop.

Kissinger discloses for the first time that the United States attempted to negotiate the neutrality of Cambodia, but that this was rejected by chief Hanoi negotiator Le Duc Tho during an April 1970 session with Kissinger in Paris. According to Kissinger's account, Tho emphasized that "it was his people's destiny not merely to take over South Vietnam but to dominate the whole of Indochina."

The former national security adviser rebuts in his memoirs what he calls "the folklore" that the U.S. war effort in Cambodia, and particularly the effort to root out Vietnamese sanctuaries there, are responsible for the disasters that came to that country after the war.

Kissinger says that that "myth survives even today when the Vietnamese... with barely a whimper of world protest have finally fulfilled the ambition of conquering the whole of Indochina."

Kissinger says that when Cambodian Prime Minister Lon Nol seized

power from the country's mercurial leader Prince Sihanouk in March, both the United States and Hanoi were taken by surprise.

By the middle of April, he maintains, before the United States had taken any significant action, Sihanouk had irrevocably joined forces with the Communists. Furthermore, he says, the United States had not at that point begun to arm the government of Lon Nol.

However, the United States, in Kissinger's view, was confronted with the danger that with Sihanouk in the Communist camp, the fall of Lon Nol would confront the United States with a situation in which all of Cambodia would effectively be transformed into a Communist base from which attacks could be launched against American troops.

Thus, he adds, "We were being driven toward support of Lon Nol, hesitantly, reluctantly, in response to circumstances in Cambodia that we could neither forecast nor control."

By the middle of April, says Kissinger, the North Vietnamese were embarked on a plan to expand their Cambodian sanctuaries into a single "liberated zone."

Nixon, after much discussion

among his advisers, sided with the arguments of Vice President Spiro Agnew and ordered an invasion of the sanctuary areas, using American troops. But Kissinger reveals that an even more drastic response was briefly considered and then, to Kissinger's regret, dropped by Nixon.

At one point, shortly after the decision to make the Cambodian incursion, the president invited Kissinger to Camp David. While Nixon swam, he told Kissinger, strolling by the side of the pool, that he was considering "going for broke," and bombing North Vietnam and mining Haiphong harbor simultaneously with moving into Cambodia.

Kissinger says he urged against such a course of action, but in his memoirs he admits his regret that Nixon's idea was not considered more seriously. "The bane of our military actions in Vietnam throughout was their hesitancy and inconclusiveness," he writes.

Finally on April 28, Operation Total Victory was launched against both major Cambodian base areas, the so-called Parrot's Beak and the Fishhook area bordering on South Vietnam, a military measure that Kissinger credits with delaying the Communist takeover of Cambodia by several years.

American troops advance across a Cambodian flat in the early 1970s.

[LC]

[LC]

Tuesday, October 23, 1979

THE WASHINGTON POST

...R

# Publishers Putting Up $5 Million for Kissinger Memoirs

By James L. Rowe Jr.

Washington Post Staff Writer

EW YORK, Oct. 22—Former secretary of state Henry Kissinger's mem-
probably the most sought-after
script of the decade, will bring
former Nixon administration offi-
es much as $5 million.

the memoirs, which formally go on
in bookstores Tuesday, represent
of the most lucrative properties
publishing history.

the giant media conglomerate
Inc., however, the venture repre-
sents one of the largest amounts
by an American publisher.
The Time subsidiaries—Time maga-
publisher Little, Brown & Co.
Book-of-the-Month Club—bought
all important North American
s. All told, sources estimate, the
Time subsidiaries spent close to
cillion.

Kissinger owns the worldwide book
serialization rights—the memoirs
appear in 17 languages. Foreign

publication will bring the former
secretary of state another $2 million
or more, it is estimated.

All contracts in the United States
were signed before Kissinger had put
so much as a word on paper, accord-
ing to his agent, Marvin Josephson.
Neither Josephson, nor any other
principals, will confirm exactly the
amounts Kissinger is getting.

They decline also to say how ad-
vance sales to bookstores are going.
Little, Brown has printed 225,000 cop-
ies, although executive vice president
Joseph Consolino refused to confirm
the figure. The Book-of-the-Month
club has printed 200,000 copies. Offi-
cials there said early returns are en-
couraging but that it is too soon to get
a firm fix.

The recoup their investments. both
Book-of-the-Month and Little, Brown
are putting high price tags on the 1-
521-page volume, which must become
a huge best seller to make money.
Publishing sources said that at the

very least, all of the books now in
print would have to be sold for there
to be a profit.

Little, Brown has priced the volume
at $22.50.

Book-of-the-Month, which acquired
rights to the book before the club was
bought by Time in late 1977, will
charge its 1.75 million members $17.95
for the book, the highest price it has
ever set for a single-volume main se-
lection.

The club far exceeded the $85,000 it
usually guarantees an author and pub-
lisher for a main selection, but it is
not known by how much.

More than a dozen publishers
wanted the Kissinger book. Both
Newsweek and Time sought serializa-
tion rights and Book-of-the-Month
Club and Literary Guild wanted the
volume.

"Let's face it," said one publishing
source. "Kissinger is charming, con-
troversial and brilliant and was at the
center of one of the most controver-
sial administrations in American his-

tory. It was a seller's market from the
start."

Josephson, who heads up one of the
largest talent agencies in the nation,
personally handles only two clients:
Steve McQueen, the actor, and Kis-
singer.

And "he drove the best bargain
ever without a manuscript or even an
outline," said Ralph Graves, editorial
director of Time magazine, which
bought the right to serialize 35,000
words of the 750,000-word book, for an
estimated $450,000 to $500,000.

Time ran the excerpts in three con-
secutive issues, starting Oct. 1.

Kissinger caused a stir late last
year, when he decided he could not
contain his memoirs in one volume
and decided to write two books—one
covering his years as Nixon's national
security affairs adviser, the other his
tenure as secretary of state.

Both Little, Brown and Book-of-the-
Month Club—which operate at arm's
length as independent subsidiaries—

renegotiated with little problem, says
Josephson.

"It was November 1978 when his
publisher accepted the fact that there
would be two books," recalled Book-
of-the-Month Club president Edward
Fitzgerald. "I changed the contract
from one book to two books and im-
proved the terms, but they were no-
where near as much as double the
original contract."

Time magazine held off, waiting to
see whether it wanted to use its rights
to reprint 35,000 words from one or
both books.

"Once we saw the first volume, we
decided to take them all from Volume
I," said Graves. Graves said he ex-
pects to sit down with Josephson in
the next few weeks to discuss seriali-
zation of the second volume—which
probably won't be published until
mid-1981.

Time will also benefit from a cor-
porate point of view, at least—from
the serialization in the magazine.

"Time could never have hoped to re-
coup its investment in serialization
rights from street sales. But it is a
hell of a lot of advertising for Little,
Brown and Book-of-the-Month Club,"
one publishing industry official said.

Book-of-the-Month Club's Fitzgerald
said, "We're waiting on the response to
print more" than the 200,000 copies al-
ready in print. The biggest seller the
club has had in recent times was Alex-
ander Solzhenitsyn's "Gulag Archipel-
ago," which sold 350,000 copies.

Little, Brown has printed 225,000
copies of the Kissinger memoirs, al-
though executive vice president Con-
solino refused to confirm that figure.

The Times of London is counting on
Kissinger as well.

Great Britain's largest and most in-
fluential paper has been on strike for
nearly a year. It finally settled with
its printers Sunday.

One of the first features it will bal-
lyhoo when it resumes publication
next month is the memoirs of Henry
Kissinger.