THE PEACEFUL REVOLUTIONIST,
DEVOTED TO THE PRACTICAL DETAILS OF
Equitable Commerce.

JOSIAH WARREN,
PROPRIETOR.

Utopia, May, 1848.

VOLUME 2,
NUMBER 1.

This paper may be considered the continuation of the Peaceful Rev-
olutionist of 1833, of the "Gazette of Equitable Commerce" and of the
"Problem Solved" of 1846. It will be devoted to the description of the
practical details of Equitable Commerce as they HAVE BEEN or MAY be
worked out.

The principles of the subject are already published in an octavo pam-
phlet of about a hundred pages. That work, containing the theory, fol-
lowed by, and bound up with this detailing the practice, will constitut
a volume to which I would invite the attention of all who feel any in-
terest in the present condition and future destiny of society.

The Peaceful Revolutionist of 1833 was intended as a record of the prin-
ciples and practice of some portions of Equitable Commerce as far as
they had at that time been developed—The "Gazette of Equitable Com-
merce" of 1842 and "The Problem Solved" by Thos. Varney, had sim-
ilar objects in view; but not being sustained were discontinued. A prac-
tical embodiment of the whole subject is now in progress—the public mind
is every where waking to the realities of the social condition—almost every
possible wrong has been resorted to for the purpose of establishing
peace, plenty, order and harmony, yet none of these wrongs have worked
rightly—high hopes have been blasted, noble efforts have been fruit-
less, holy aspirations have been turned to unsubstantial visions, and unsub-
dued sympathy weeps over sufferings that still remain without remedy.
Remedy is now more loudly called for than at any former period—Remedy
is the demand of the age; Remedy will now be listened to, but it must be
REMEDY! Words alone will no longer supply the demand—Homes for the
homeless! food for the starving! clothing for the naked! EQUITY for all
must be features of any remedy that can claim attention. As Equitable
Commerce is peculiarly a subject of this character although it has for
twenty years failed to obtain a hearing, it is thought that while e-
normous sheets filled with worse than useless verbiage have fifty thou-
sand subscribers, perhaps, in these days of extraordinary enlightenment,
a paper devoted to the practical workings of such a remedy may possi-
bly obtain one thousand, at fifty cents per annum.

With all due deference to other judgments the position here assumed
is that

SOCIETY AND THE PLANS FOR ITS PRACTICAL REFORMATION
HAVE BEEN FOUNDED ON A FALSE BASIS [THAT OF COMBIN-
ATION.] That any successful remedy must be based on
INDIVIDUALITY; and that the evils heretofore suppos-
ed to be inherent in individuality of interests are not be-

2

yond the reach of remedy, but that this remedy is unknown to the public—that the benefits aimed at by communities and all kindred movements are attainable without violating the individuality of person or property. That new elements are wanting for the solution of the social problem, that it must be the business of a few pioneers to devote themselves to the development of these elements and to set them in a practical form before the public.

If our announcements seem strange or bold or if our positions appear presumptuous, these may be the least of the evils presented—The tosin of revolution is sounding through the whole breadth of society— a crisis has arrived in human institutions; and it may depend on a happy discovery or a fortunate effort to decide whether we are destined to be plunged into a series of bloody revolutions leading to anarchy and ending again in despotisms or to be peacefully led into Equitable and harmonious relations.

NOTE. To those who have not read the work entitled "Equitable Commerce" this paper will be nearly unintelligible. That work is principally devoted to the statement and illustration of principles — this, to their practical operations; and the reader, in order to form an estimate of the subject should be in possession of both The same plan of marginal references in that work for the purpose of pointing out the practical workings of the principles will be followed here, so that the reader can at any time turn to the illustrations of any particular point of the subject.

To James Bayliss,

You will no doubt be surprised, my dear friend, that after such a very long silence I address you a public letter, but I know you will appreciate and excuse my reasons—Our letters have generally been upon subjects of interest to the public, and why not make them public at once? and besides, I must address an INDIVIDUAL even while writing for the public or I cannot write understandingly — Language addressed to even two different minds cannot be exactly adapted to either, and perhaps it is this Individuality in the party addressed which explains the superior success of writings in the epistolary form. When we address one individual of our acquaintance, we are at liberty to adapt ourselves to his particular experience and modes of thought; and knowing his capacity for understanding and appreciating, the writer is more likely to do his subject justice than where he is doubtful of being candidly listened to and understood.

The remark is often made that "Equitable Commerce is perfectly correct and would produce all it aims at if people can be found with sufficient intelligence and virtue to understand and act upon its principles" — some such persons have already been found, — there must be many others and we are anxious to make their acquaintance. I shall, therefore, from time to time address Individually such of my acquaintance as I think capable of appreciating what I have to offer and through them may reach kindred spirits

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who could not be interested in any thing less than pure truth and perfect justice.

There are other advantages in addressing an *Individual* which may appear as we proceed, but there is a peculiar propriety in addressing you in particular at this time.

When we were driven from our enterprise in 1835 by the destructive sickness of our location in Tuscarawas, we promised ourselves that we would concentrate again as soon as practicable — The history of this long interval would occupy too much room at present, you already know something of it, and I will only add that it took a long time to repair damages; and when at last this was done and efforts were made to call attention to the subject, instead of being responded to, they fell like cold mildew back upon the heart, chilling it to its very centre — No response! No sympathy! No aid! No encouragement! The last surplus dollar was invested in a statement of the most prominent features of the subject and although admitted in private as true and fundamentally important, no public notice, no criticism could be obtained. Fifty copies were sent to fifty of the leading *Reform* papers, not one of which (to my knowledge) ever contained the first word of comment! A leading reform editor, after admitting in private that "it was the result of more wisdom than commonly falls to the lot of man" and after promising personally to review it and to procure other notices, never noticed it himself in his own periodical! and he is not the only editor devoted to reform who has made similar promises with the same result. It seemed as if there was no access to the public mind but by personal interviews, lectures &c., which, besides being too expensive for my resources was subject to many objections; and it appeared too, that every one who had either head or heart and who had not been ruined or discouraged by previous movements was engaged in some one of the new series of community or Fourierist enterprises just then springing up; and the dove, after having repeatedly gone forth without finding any resting place, returned with a resolution to watch and wait for the receding waters which would be sure to leave the fields unencumbered and even barren—In other words, I concluded to work silently upon the different parts of the subject till all had been practically tested—to place these on record as soon as possible that they might not be lost, to watch the decline of the enterprises then on foot which were sure to end in defeat and disappointment, and then perhaps simple *Equity* might obtain a hearing, provided it were not too late to offer it.

The anticipated period has arrived— A commencement is made of putting these parts together as a whole, and you, who acted so noble a part in one movement of 33 might reasonably expect the earliest report of progress.

Last May, just after having printed the theory of Equitable Commerce, seeing that almost every kind of reform enterprise had been so often defeated that the field was now comparatively open, I resolved to go forth once more, with the work in my hand, and endeavor to obtain a hearing. This time I succeeded: the public mind had made immense progress in consequence of the lectures and even the failures of the Communists and

4

Fourierists—They had scattered truths all on their way, many of which had sprung up and were thriving and fruitful— I went directly to the remains of the nearest Phalanx (the Clermont) which had recently dissolved, and almost the first greeting was, “Well, we have failed, just as you said we should, in just about the same time and from the same causes that you predicted when we were forming in Cincinnati; and if you had been a prophet you could not have foretold the result with greater accuracy”

Four families were disposed to try Equitable Commerce--A gentleman who had also been in the Phalanx was disposed to lay out his farm for a town, and sell it on these principles. Viz. To set a compensating price upon the land by the acre--lay it out in regular town lots--add the cost of the streets and alleys, together with all contingences of surveying &c. to the lots and let all these items constitute their PERMANENT price. NOT TO CHANGE WITH INCREASING "VALUE". The price per acre of the bottom land or town site was fixed at forty dollars. After adding the cost of the streets and alleys at this rate, together with contingences, the price of each quarter acre let is fifteen dollars: which is to be their permanent price till all are sold (the proprietor having given a bond to that effect) The four families procured very rough accommodations as near as possible to the premises, and commenced, in August, with the raw materials of the soil, to make themselves homes. Before Christmas, three of them were under the shelter of their own roofs, upon their own land, and the flood only, prevented the fourth—a printing office was built in the mean time. Now, perhaps there is nothing very remarkable about this unless it is that among all the loud professions in favor of benevolent reforms, a man could be found who was willing to sell his land on equitable terms! and that existing results could be attained with the means employed. Mr. Cubberley has made his own statement; which, no one who knows that gentleman will at all dispute. One citizen allows me to state that when he commenced his house he had but *forty five cents!* That he spent no other money on his building, which is a framed and boarded one, sixty one feet long, sixteen wide, one story high [not plastered,] has a good brick chimney. He has two lots fencèd in—owes at this time only about fifteen dollars and three days labor on the property, the whole, [excepting thirteen dollars] being the result of his and one son's labor since the commencement.

A brick house, thirty feet by sixteen, was built, of which I have not the particulars.

The fifth, was built by Mr. Prescott who permits me to state that all he had of what might be termed capital to commence with, was one hun dred and fifty dollars. That with this he purchased a horse, a cart and twenty dollars worth of implements for a brick yard—paid forty five dollars for three lots and commenced his house with the remainder! The house is of brick, 29 by 40 feet, two stories high—two chimneys—oven, brick cisterns &c.—not plastered; and the amount of his indebtedness on it is about 175 dollars, to be paid in money and labor. So, this is principally the result of his own labor, together with that of his two youthful sons, (either directly or by exchange) since August.

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Handbook of Economics

5

You and every other reader will, of course have your own thoughts on these statements; but I think they show what people can do, even without capital, when they work directly for themselves or for Equivalents, and are not defrauded of the proceeds of their labor.

Throughout the whole course of the practical developments of this subject, I have been thoroughly satisfied that it would never have the aid or co-operation of capitalists, until we could prove that we could do without them—until the working classes step out from under them; and then, they would fall into their proper position. In justice to the very few Robert Owens and William McClures it is necessary to discriminate between them and mere capitalists—they were men as well as capitalists, and we give them a nitch in our hearts by themselves.

Throughout the whole of our operations on the ground, every thing has been conducted so nearly upon the Individual basis that not one meeting for legislation has taken place. No Organisation, no indefinite delegated power, no "Constitutions" no "laws" nor "bye laws", "rules" or "regulations" but such as each individual makes for himself and his own business. No officers, no priests nor prophets have been resorted to—nothing of either kind has been in demand. We have had a few meetings, but they were for friendly conversation, for music, dancing or some other social and pleasant pastime. Not even a single lecture upon the principles upon which we were acting has been given on the premises! It was not necessary; for, [as a lady remarked yesterday,] "the subject once stated and understood, there is nothing left to talk about"— All is action after that.

I do not mean to be understood that all are of one mind! On the contrary, in a progressive state, there is and will be great diversity—the peculiarity of this movement is that there is no demand for conformity. We build on INDIVIDUALITY—Any difference between us confirms our position—Differences, therefore, like the admissible discords in music, are a part of our harmony! On this ground, how can we quarrel about mere differences! It is only when the rights of person or property are actually invaded that collisions would arise—these rights being clearly defined and sanctioned by public opinion, and temptations to encroachments being withdrawn, we may then consider our great problem practically solved. With regard to mere difference of opinion, taste, convenience, economy, equality or even right and wrong; good, bad, sanity and insanity—All the indefinite, and even the definite [to be perfectly harmonious] must be left to the supreme decision of each Individual, whenever he can take on himself the cost of his decisions; which, he cannot do while his interests or movements are "united" or combined with others—It is in Combination or close connection, only, that compromise and conformity are required—Peace, harmony, ease, security, happiness will be found only in INDIVIDUALITY.—

I tremble to hear that an attempt is about being made near you at Canton, to act on these principles—I doubt their success unless they have some one among them who has been drilled in the subtle and curious workings of the Cost principle and Individuality. Two failures

6

have already justified these fears: one in Philadelphia in 1823 and the other in Gray's Inn Roads, in London, "The Labor Exchange Bazaar", in 1834—A magnificent establishment, which, after exciting the highest expectations of its friends and the most terrible alarm to the money-oecuracy, from some unseen, some subtle causes, finally fell—crushing under its ruins many a noble heart, and extinguishing the last hope of many a weary worker in the good cause.

I have now by me, the letters of the conductor of the establishment in Philadelphia, which say, that in spite of all he could do to the contrary, his co-adjutors would combine, would Organise, would raise funds in partnership, therefore, must attempt to manage in partnership—Even two persons cannot drive one horse—he must be driven by an Individual—I attribute the particular causes of their failure to Combination.

You will recollect [if you were present.] what I said at Spring Hill, on reading the draft of the Gray's Inn Roads Institution, that "any one of three of its defects was sufficient to defeat it, and that it must fail": that these defects were, basing on Combination or partnership,—Mixing money and labor together instead of keeping them separate, and not having any arrangement for adapting the supply to the wants or demand? William Macy was present at that time, and since having conversed with several persons who were engaged in it, he has said, in the presence of others that "the causes of its failure appeared to be exactly what I had foretold—I am no prophet, it requires no prophet to foresee that twice two will make four, whether in Cincinnati, in England or in any other part of the world."

Mr. Owen thought he was doing me a piece of courteous justice when he said, at a public meeting in London, that "he got the ideas from me"; I appreciate the intention and honor him for his candor; but the above described features of that institution are no part of any movement ever conducted or proposed by me. With the best intentions, he had misconceived the Equitable Store or "Time Store" then in operation, which, in 1829 I endeavored to explain to him.

I have digested thus far to show the fatal tendency of errors or defects even while directed with the best intentions. They will creep into any movement where every step is not most thoroughly and leisurely studied, digested, and arranged in strict reference to first principles. Take the following as a specimen.

25) A. said to B., C., and D., "Let us take hold and make some bricks--We (all want them, and as no one has capital to pay for labor with, let each take pay in bricks, at their cost in labor, according to the labor that he has performed upon them". Now here was a proposal that each one thought, at the time, was in accordance with the proposed first principles. They thought that as each one was to receive in proportion to the labor he performed, that the individuality of interests was preserved. They proceeded to work--the very first step of laying out the brick yard elicited a diversity of opinion--who should decide? Who could, with propriety decide for all, when each was to take the bricks at what they might eventually cost, and the cost might be affected by the locality of

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the brick yard? Something was wrong here—What was it? All could not decide, any more than all could drive one horse—If the majority were to decide things of this kind, it would produce interminable legislation and this would be the only product of the movement—If an Individual should decide, he would violate the views of some, and it might be at their cost—What, then, is the right way? Is it not that The deciding power must be INDIVIDUAL, and that the Cost of the decision should FALL ON THE DECIDING POWER. The brick yard, then, must be the business of an Individual who should decide every thing at his own cost, and risk. The others should be at Liberty to take the bricks or not when they know their price and quality. If as they must take bricks for pay or the yard could not go on, it was necessary that the conductor of it should take on himself, Individually, the risk of setting the price of the bricks at some definite, Individual amount; and the others, running no risk, had no demand for legislation, no collisions of judgment, no right to a voice; and it was not until things stood in this position that the interests of the parties were really Individualised. But this was not done immediately, and not until several little discordant notes had been sounded. Each one assuming a part of the risk of the price of the bricks, was naturally on the look out to see that every thing was done to the best advantage [in his opinion] and no two, perhaps, had the same opinion with regard to any particular—Every one had a right to watch and criticise even the particular act that others walked in the yard, and this right was founded on his risk. As soon as one took the risk entirely on himself and became Individual, responsible that the bricks should be had at a certain definite, Individual amount, the whole foundation for all these collisions was swept away.

But, says R., "This brings us right back into Isolation—right back into old society!

A. True, it brings you back into the individuality of old society but not into the Cannibalism of old society—we must learn to discriminate, to Individualise our ideas. In a common society, the conductor of a brick yard is interested in screwing down the wages of his workmen to the lowest possible point—the more he oppresses them, the more money he gets in his pocket—But here, COST being made the limit of price, the conductor is not interested in grinding down wages and driving his fellow creatures like beasts—If he pays them equivalents, he makes the bricks pay him back again: and, obtaining only an equivalent for his labor, he is not directly interested in what the bricks cost, only to the extent that he may become one of the consumers; which, is too much to allow him to be totally indifferent, but not enough to tempt him to trouble all right and humanity under foot. And thus does the Cost principle neutralise the destructive collision of interests which is the root of the present alarming state of society.

Q. For the sake of argument, What guarantee have I that Cost will be made the limit of price, where every one is a Souv reign, and there is no power which rises above the Individual will?

A. This guarantee is found in the blessings that are naturally conse-

quent upon so acting; and the curses that, from all past experience are
sure to follow the present modes of action---*Consequences* will govern,
and they should be the only government of Mankind; these, falling
on each *Individual* according to his or her acts, would constitute the
true government of the world.

R. But each cannot assume all the cost of his acts—he is so mixed up
with others that he and they are often involved against their inclination?

A. True—the remedy is to INDIVIDUALISE.

I have said, in the prospectus, that there was a remedy for the evils
supposed to be inherent in individual interests which was unknown to
the public—the remedy alluded to is *Cost the limit price*, and the foregoing,
is one of the illustrations of its mode of action. I think it will also be
eventually seen that instead of annihilating Individuality, it is, of all oth-
ers, the most indispensable element of order, harmony and progress.

I am very much indebted, dear James, to the idea of Individuality
even for the *Liberty* it gives me of following my subject wherever it
leads, untrammelled by prescription or the authority of custom.

I had set out to illustrate the subtle, insidious manner in which errors
will creep in and throw us into wrong positions—I did not know that I
was going to explain a whole system of ethics within the scene of a
brick yard: but, we are compelled to live by breathing the atmosphere
whether we are exploring a dark corner in our own cellar or the great
mammoth cave of Kentucky: and principles which are necessary to harmo-
nise the movements of a village may give peace and happiness to a world.

I would return again to a word of admonitory caution to pioneers in
this movement. They will often find difficulties presenting themselves,
but, if they trust to some *Compromising expedient* for their solution, in-
stead of refering to to first principles already existing in nature, they
will only lay the foundation for new difficulties if not for their total de-
feat. Whenever they encounter any obstacle, or hear a note of discord,
they can probably trace it to some violation of the *Sovereignty of the In-
dividual*, or of *Equity in pecuniary affairs*, or of *Individuality* (by too
close connection or combination,) or in a disproportion of the supply and
the Demand.

I commenced this article with the intention of describing the princi-
pal features of our progress since our commencement here and of mak-
ing the *facts* and the theory explain each other—you will, therefore not be
surprised that I do not rigidly adhere to either; but now, another fact is
worth mentioning. Among eight persons who laid the bricks in the hou-
ses mentioned, there were three who never laid a brick before—their
teacher charged them only for the *Cost* of his labor while working with
them—he was not a professional brick layer and yet he could teach that
and several other branches of business. See “Equitable Commerce” page
78 on *Apprenticeships*.) This may in part account for what has been done
in so short a time, with such small means, and with so few persons.

If one's time was not wholly employed in shoe making, he could lay
bricks— when that work was all done, he could shingle roofs—The old
Barbarian custom of apprenticeships was exploded—The vulgar old saw

of “Jack of all trades &c. was set aside by good sense, and heads and
hands were employed according to the Demand.”

The truth is that these very persons who have been thus scooted at,
by the ignorant, are the very ones, above all others, upon whom the first
practical progress mainly depends. For in small circles, just beginning,
it is absolutely necessary, when one cannot find full employment in one
business, to turn to another; and in such beginnings, he is ten times a cit-
izen who can perform a citizen's part in ten different positions; and more
than this, when he is ready and willing to teach others to be as useful as
as himself; and these very geniuses are, above all others, the very ones
required for pioneers in the great work.

**SCIENCES:** It seems as if Music, if not one of the necessaries of life,
necessarily comes in immediately after getting roofs over our heads and
potatoes in the ground; but if the instruction in this valuable accomplish-
ment had required twenty five cents in *money*, from each learner, I
doubt whether a class could have been formed; but *labor is capital*
here! and, on the *Cost* principle, as teaching music is not so disrea-
ble or *Costly* a labor, either in the process nor in its contingences as
hard out door work the price per hour is less. A class was therefore
formed of all the youths and children, even those of nine years old being
able to pay for their instruction with four or five hours of their own la-
bor.

It has often been remarked that the scientific man would have no in-
ducement to exchange his labor Equitably with others; that he could not
live &c. I think it a poor compliment to those who devote themselves
to exploring, estimating and arranging the rich and promising truths
that every where surround us; to take it for granted that they would be
the last to perceive the exceeding beauty and sublime importance of
any truths which tend to elevate and ameliorate the condition of our race!
It is the ignorant, vulgar pretender who parades his books, mounts his
spectacles and sets up pompous claims to superiority among those as igno-
rant as himself—we have no demand for such aid.

“But even the true man of science must live” Certainly: but why
can he not live on equivalents as well as those who put his theories in-
practice! Take the following fact as an illustration.

At the end of the course of music lessons each pupil owed the teach-
er four hours labor, instead of two dollars, which would have been the
price on common principles. Two of the pupils with a horse and cart
procured as much wood for him, on the *Cost* principle, as, on common
principles, would have cost the teacher *four dollars!* The difference
between this and the common state of things, in this case is, that if the
teacher had required from each pupil, even one dollar in money for in-
struction, a class could not have been formed—the children would not
have had the instruction, and a music teacher could have found no busi-
ness here: but, in consequence of the Equivalent principle, both could
co-operate together for mutual advantage—cutting off the intervening
profit-making which has heretofore kept them assunder and preyed ap-
on both.

10

A class has been formed in the same manner for Dancing, as that for Music—Hitherto it has been impracticable on account of the expense, which would have been four or five dollars for each couple—now, it will be, for each person, three or four hours labor!

EQUITABLE RENTS. The printing office is a room 28 feet long by 16 wide; this and another one above it of the same size, in Mr Prescott's large brick house, are rented on the Cost principle—the whole cost of the house in labor and money being ascertained, and an estimate set up on the probable duration of the house—the years of its duration being divided into its cost, shows how much of the house is consumed each year. This, together with the cost of repairs, insurance and taxes, constitute the Equitable Rent; which, for the two rooms mentioned is seven dollars in money and sixty five hours labor per year—One room of similar size rents at this time in Cincinnati for twelve hundred dollars a year! This is the difference between Equity and Cannibalism!

Partly in consequence of the friendly feeling which begins to be felt towards our movement, Mr Prescott has procured, and is putting up a saw and grist mill, which he thinks will commence running by the first of June.

Three more houses have been erected, and five more families have moved upon the premises since the spring opened, and many more would have done so but for the want of house room; and six more houses are either already commenced or contemplated by six different persons.

No person has moved away since the commencement. —

Through mercy to you; I will add no more to this communication; excepting to urge you to notice that throughout all that has been described, no surrender of Individual Liberty has been required—that the absolute SOVEREIGNTY OF EVERY ONE, has been preserved inviolate.

Adieu for the present,

In esteem and affection, your's,

J. WARREN.

UTOPIA, CLERMONT CO., O. April 10, 1848.

Mr. Editor,

Here is a statement of simple facts that may be of some value to the readers of your paper.

Last July, when Mr. Jernegan had this town laid out, I thought I would buy a lot and get it fenced in last fall, and be gathering materials through the winter, for building on it in the spring. But the house that I then occupied was too bad to winter in: and, as I could not get any other near, I came to the conclusion that I must build one. Well, I began to look round to see where the means should come from—I found I had about thirty dollars in money, and about nine or ten dollars worth of shoe materials; (rather a small sum to think about building a house with,) but on enquiry of those who had the brick, lumber &c., I found that I could Exchange my labor for theirs: that is, to give my labor for theirs in bricks, lumber, hauling &c. Well, I accordingly set to work with what means I had.— the result is, I have now got a brick house, one story and

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a half high, sixteen by eighteen feet; and a small wooden addition which serves as a kitchen; and all the money I paid out was eleven dollars and eighty five cents.

All this is the result of Equitable Commerce.

A word to the Fourierists, who contemplate such great advantages in a Phalanx, Combination, United Interests &c.

I was in the Clermont Phalanx nearly three years, and paid in two hundred and seven dollars; and worked hard all the time, with not the best of eatables either: and at the end of the time I found myself rather badly situated—No money, no good clothes, no tools to commence work with, no any thing.

I borrowed twenty six dollars to commence my business with, and last July I paid all that and had thirty dollars left. I now have a house and lot, and all I owe on it, is two dollars and seventy nine cents in money, and about four days labor.

I feel now that I am a whole individual—not a piece of a mass, or of some body else, as I was in a combination.

E. G. CURBERLEY

## PROGRESS.

Straws are often better to show which way the wind blows than the most l.bored invention. I cannot give a better sign of progress, than that a store-o-crat in the neighborhood says we "must be stopped." I suppose he has heard of Calicoes being sold here on the Cost principle for eleven cents a yard similar in quality to those often sold for twenty cents. It seems that his public spirit has taken the alarm—he cannot permit the public to be so imposed upon; threatens us with law (for the protection of person and property!) on account of issuing Labor Notes as a circulating medium. Why, bless you, sir, this is nothing. In the first Equitable store in Cincinnati, I sold three barrels of the best rice, on the Cost principle for one and a half cents a pound, when the common price was eight cents! and several sempresses who were working hard for twenty five cents a day, saved the proceeds of seven and a half days labor in five minutes by purchasing thirty pounds; and many other transactions equal ly dangerous to "law and order" took place there; but the sun still rose as usual, notwithstanding that the labor notes were in use then as now.

I was prepared for hostility from the store-o-crats, but found none that was alarming—on the contrary, I met with two merchants whose hearts had not been destroyed by profit making, and who acknowledged that these were the only correct and Equitable principles; that the sooner they prevailed, the better for every one—that they almost hated themselves for the manner in which they were now compelled to get their living out of their customers”; and some of my best friends are now store keepers in New Harmony, and were so, during the two years and a half of the “Time Store” in that place. However, if we cannot get attention to the subject in any more pleasant way, I for one, should be glad of a little persecution, particularly from a source so evidently self-interested. One could bear this with the spirit of a martyr, when accompanied by

14

not ready to surrender it at the demand of every one who chooses to at-
ack it. He calls it "Warren's system", I never called it so--He calls
it "Equitable Exchange" thereby confining the subject to merely pecuni-
ary matters--The work is entitled Equitable Commerce and it is ex-
plained on the title page as extending to all the intercourse of Man-
kind. I would not be captious, or accuse him of design in that which may
be only the effect of 'imbecility'; but it does appear to me that the word
professes cannot be placed to the latter account--there must be no charge
of false professions standing against me unanswered.

In Cincinnati, in 1827 and 28 when, by placing my labor as merchant
on equal terms with his as clock maker, he saved about one third of his
previous expenditures for store goods, he and all others [I believe,) pro-
nounced the operation new. When his son, about 14 years old, learned
shoe making by paying 12 hours labor for instruction, instead of serving
ing the customary apprenticeship, and when he afterwards continued for
months to make shoes, which I sold for him out of the "Time Store" at
ordinary prices, these "developments" were pronounced new. And
when, in 1828 Mr Pickering and his two sons attended my school for in-
strumental music over the "Time store" on the corner of Fifth and Elm
streets in Cincinnati, in which, while some paid me ten dollars per quar-
ter, they, on the Equitable principle, paid for the same instruction, four-
teen hours of their own labor! If such developments as these and others
peculiar to Equitable Commerce were made before the eighteenth of
May 1827, then I was not the first to develope them, and the principal obsta-
cle to my freedom of speech and action on the subject will be removed.

I entitled my work "a new development of principles" because I wish-
ed to inform the despairing, that there were grounds unknown to them,
upon which they might rest a hope; but I did not consider any man the
originator of principles or truths--we only discover and develope
them. The idea of labor notes was suggested by Robert Owen in 1826
as a medium of exchange between Communities at New Harmony. I
stated this in the Peaceful Revolutionist of 1833, page 4.-- whether the
idea was ever developed before the "Time Store" of 1827, I know not.

A man must have a good memory and more than memory to be able
to trace his general conclusions back to all the minute "circumstances"
and reflections that have led to them; and in this view, originality amounts
to but very little, even if it were worth establishing--I think it high time
that these triles ceased to assume so much importance with those who
are acting the part of pioneers in the great work of Man's redemption
from error and suffering. The principal reasons that I can see for ma-
king this a subject at all, are, the necessity of replying to others when
they bronch it: and, that after having passed nearly a lifetime in
something like martyrdom for thinking and doing strange things, it is but
natural to wish to show our censors that we were all the time in the
right and they themselves were the insane, the visionary. Having done
this, we may consider the account settled and we can begin again anew,
if it is not too late; or, we can die, free from the affliction of having en-
tailed odium upon truth or upon our connections.

C

C

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I hope this is the only time that I shall feel called upon to say any
thing upon the subject. I would prefer to spend my time in a peaceful
and uninterrupted practical exhibition of the subject itself, which may
guarantee every one to judge of it according to its own intrinsic value, inde-
pendent of any merely personal considerations.

J. W

INFORMATION.

To those who may think of settling here, a few words may be useful;
yet as none have authorised me to speak for them, I act, as in all other
cases in the capacity of an Individual.

The price of the lots is already stated to be fifteen dollars; each con-
taining a quarter of an acre—as a general rule, one person cannot pur-
chase more than two lots—The reason for this must be obvious: the prin-
cipal security, however, against monopoly and speculation is that It
would be impossible to find a purchaser at an advanced price while other
lots of equal value can be had at COST.

[0 Mr. Lewis Masquirier and other "National Reformers" are invi-
ted to look at this.]

I would not advise any one to come to settle here without first making
himself acquainted with the objects and nature of the movement and with
the demand for his labor, the means of accommodation &c.

The owner has contracted to sell to any person who may be invi-
ted to settle, by some one who has already settled. This gives some
little exercise to the right of choosing our associates. There is no ad-
mission of members—No "Organisation", no Combination, no pledge to
enter into. To be prosperous and harmonious, every one must act Indi-
vidually in all respects; and when persons come, they should depend, as
in common society, on their conduct for admission into the confidence and
society of others. If there is any one exercise of Personal Liberty
more precious, more sacred than another, it is Freedom to choose our as-
sociates at all times; and it cannot reasonably be expected that because
we settle near others, that they must therefore take satisfaction in our
company! Where can we get a motive to reform or improve our man-
ners or modes of action if we can have all we wish without taking the
trouble! The only efficient and legitimate reforming agent we possess
in many cases is the Liberty to choose our associates at all times.—

in many cases is the Liberty to choose our associates at all times—
(This cannot be done in Combinations; and thus do they defeat one of
the principal objects of their formation.)

Those who may think it their duty to inculcate any particular beliefs
or Isms of any kind against the voluntary inclination of others, would
probably find themselves acting the part of disturbers, and be disagrea-
bly situated: I Would not therefore advise such persons to settle here.

There is no spare house room at present, not even sufficient for the
fit accommodation of a visitor; this will probably be remedied soon after
the saw mill commences running.

Farther information may be obtained from time to time through this
paper or by letter addressed to either of the following persons.

Mr. Thos. Vater Senr. Mrs. T. Vater, Mr. Daniel Prescott, Mrs.

25

16

Elizabeth Prescott, Mr. E. G. Cubberley, Mrs. Nancy Cubberley, Mr. Henry Lyon, Mrs. Almira Lyon—they have kindly permitted this reference—Letters should be addressed, UTOPIA, Rural P. O. Ohio

TO CORRESPONDENTS. One or two communications are unavoidably crouded out of this number—several interesting and important questions too, have been put, which I wished particularly to answer through the paper; for I think there is no way for dicussing this subject, so efficienct as in the form of question and answer; and in this form, particularly when questions are put in a candid and enquiring spirit, I would wish to meet the *uninitiated* with attention and courtesy.

Terms.

The design is to publish one number, of this paper on or about the first of each month; if, upon trial, there appears to be a prospect of its being sustained as a periodical; if not, it will be printed in a volume during the year and sent in that form to such as may have subscribed for it as a periodical. The price, to subscribers abroad will be FIFTY CENTS in ADVANCE for the year or for the volume—Six copies to one address for 2, 50—Twelve to one address for four dollars. The "Equitable" price is not yet fixed.

The postage must be pre-paid or letters may not be taken out of the office.

Those who feel sufficient interest in the subject to wish to know more of it, will please to send immediately, that I may know what arrangement to make.

Those who have not the work entitled Equitable Commerce, will require that, to make this intelligible. The price is, 30 cents single—Six copies for 1 50—Twelve copies for 2 40.

Address Ed. Peaceful Revolutionist, Utopia, Rural P. O. Clermont Co. O.
JOSIAH WARREN, Editor and publisher.

I make no apologies for the size of the sheet, for the type or the printing—I think that those who would require them, are not very desirable as pioneers in a reformation based on common sense. If I saw a house on fire it is most likely I should cry out to its inmates without hesitating to consider what tones would be prescribed in the schools of elocution. I love to contemplate the beautiful, but cannot afford to be whimsical; nor am I disposed to acknowledge an authority set up by capital, the direct tendency of which is to smother the voice of poverty and suffering because it cannot speak with "new type", "fine paper", "large sheet" etc. I refuse to follow any such lead; but rather intend to show at how cheap a rate the voice of improvement can be heard—Particulars relative to this will be given in the next number.

J. W.

(THE PEACEFUL REVOLUTIONIST--Extra.)

A brief outline
OF

EQUITABLE COMMERCE.

The first corner stone of Equitable Commerce is precisely that which "the builders have hitherto rejected"; it is INDIVIDUALITY... exactly the opposite of Combination, United interests, Partnerships &c. It is the disconnection, the disunion, the disentanglement of all interests and persons. INDIVIDUALITY is recognised as the great principle of order, progress and harmony. The study of Individuality prepares us to admit, and habitually to respect the SOVEREIGNTY OF EVERY INDIVIDUAL, over his or her person, time and property; which I understand to be the natural, the Equitable Liberty of Mankind, and which constitutes the second corner stone of Equitable Commerce. The INDIVIDUALISING of all interests makes this Liberty practicable; but it is impracticable in Combinations, United interests, Partnerships &c.

The best thinkers on social Reformation have perceived that the antagonism of interests must be neutralised, and that they must be made to Co-operate together, before any great good could be effected---They took it for granted that antagonism grew out of the individuality of interests and that therefore Individuality must be annihilated and the interests be "United". But experience has proved that Individuality cannot be annihilated, but the attempts have only produced confusion and disappointment---Unity of interests did make them co-operate--when they moved at all, they moved, certainly, in the same direction: but, like the wheels of Juggernaut, they have always crushed Persons in proportion to their progress.

We must find another solution to the Co-operation of interests—one which will not annihilate Liberty—that will not sacrifice persons to property. This solution is found in simple EQUITY. It is found in making COST the limit of price--If I am to have my supplies at what they may Cost, I am interested in co-operating to make them cost as little as possible: and on this ground, which is but simple Equity, is co-operation ensured; while, (the Sovereignty of each individual being strictly preserved) the action of each is kept within the sphere of his own Individuality, and no collision of persons can take place: and persons and personal Liberty are preserved inviolate, while property considerations become secondary and subordinate.

In "Equitable Commerce" Cost is entirely separated, disentangled from Value. The value or worth of a dose of medicine which saves a life, is equal to the value of the life saved... On this ground, ten thousand dollars would not, in some cases, pay for the medicine—but this is so false, so iniquitous, that civilised Capnibalism itself has not been able to carry out its own principles quite so far as this; and yet, false and iniquitous as it is, almost all the pecuniary commerce of the world has been, and still is conducted on this basis.

Cost is understood to be essentially, the degree of pain, or discomfort or sacrifice we incur in what we do or submit to. Anything, therefore, which

2

Costs an equal amount of discomfort or sacrifice as the labor in a bushel of corn or wheat, is considered an equivalent for the bushel of corn or wheat.—Cost for Cost, in equal quantities, is the basis of exchange, whether it is in prescribing for the sick, or mending clothes; at the wash tub or behind the counter; whether it is in raising food or in cooking food; in buying and selling land or buying and selling matches, whether in making laws or making shirts, the prices of all pursuits are set and limited by the Cost of the labor connected with the operation—Of course the hardest, the most disagreeable labor is the highest paid.

The Value, or worth of a thing being made the basis of its price is the root of all speulation, all the fluctuations in business, the scrambling for gain, the insecurity of person and property, the continuous round of bankruptcies and all the ruin, confusion and suffering arising from these causes.

Cost being made the limit of price, Value becomes common property. LAND, [in its natural state,) and all other natural wealth, like water in a river, has no price: and thus does simple Equity meet the common property idea half way; and the tendency of action on the Cost basis is to render labor a pleasure rather than a pain; at which point, (pain being the limit of price,) property would have no price and the common property design would be fully realised, without the sacrifice of persons.

Preserving the Sovereignty of every Individual at all times, all disturbing controversies on all subjects are immediately at an end. Profit making or the rivalries of trade being destroyed would neutralise the antagonism of Nations.—The quarrels between rulers for the privileges of governing would cease when the business of Society should become Individualised—taken out of their hands, then, if men deal Equitably with each other; there will be nothing left for rulers to do—they must cease to be, and their quarrels would cease to disturb the world: and all interests being made to Co-operate, the Universal Brotherhood of Man- kind would result of course.

At the root of all this lies only simple EQUITY: which itself seems capable of regulating and harmonising all the intercourse of mankind, from the most important transactions of Nations to the minute courts of private life.

The principles themselves teach us not to make any attempt to carry them out by combined, or political action; but, to respect the supreme right of every one to act according to the measure of his understanding; leaving him Free to make any application or no application of them according to his own Individual views, feelings and wants, provided all is done within the sphere of his own Individuality at his own Individual Cost.

The practical applications of these principles to EDUCATION, work out a problem of unspeakable magnificence and beauty; and, like the other features of Equitable Commerce, nothing short of the Practical exhibition can enable the public fully to understand or appreciate it.

The subject has been 21 years under study and practical experiment in detached parts; and a more public stand is now taken for putting them together, at UTOPIA, on the Ohio River, 40 miles above Cincinnati.

Ed. P. R. UTOPIA, Rural P. O., Ohio, JUNE. 1849