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INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

RABBI SCHINDLER: Ladies and gentlemen, won't you take your seats, please, so that we can begin our more formal proceedings?

My friends: It is a privilege which I greatly appreciate to serve as Chairman for this occasion through which the organized American Jewish community, through the Presidents Conference, seeks to express its appreciation to the distinguished Secretary of State for the United States, Dr. Henry Kissinger. (Applause)

This audience befits our honoree. Even after a lifetime of attending meetings of all sorts, and meetings are the badge of our tribe, I cannot recall a more notable assemblage of American Jews. Nearly every single American Jewish community is represented here by its foremost leadership, by its President or Chairman right here on this elevation, and by its officers in this audience.

I regret to think what would happen to American Jewish life (expression in Hebrew) if some calamity were to strike and obliterate us all. I suppose others equally effective and wise would very quickly take our place. That is why I regret to think what would happen.

Be that as it may, my friends, it would be political suicide for me even to begin to make a single introduction. Quite literally, and this is not a Rabbinic hyperbole, this is not an extravagant exaggeration -- literally every single man and woman in this room deserves such a distinction. Your collective presence here today is a greater tribute to Dr. Kissinger than anything any of us will have to say in faltering words of praise.

I do regret that Mrs. Kissinger could not be (here) with our guest of honor. She intended to be here.

I am also very regretful that his parents could not be here. We invited them to come here, but their strength, their state of health, does not permit them too much strength, and so they could not be with us.

To steal a line from our guest of honor, some of you will remember it: (Expression in Hebrew)

They might have enjoyed seeing him in our midst. After all, they might have worried a bit about some of the company which he has been keeping of late, and I refer to those Egyptian bellydancers. (Laughter)

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My friends, given such an impressive audience it is but
little wonder that our first speaker really requires no
introduction. Actually, there is a second reason why our
speaker needs no introduction. He didn't show up. I
speak of our very close friend and associate Max Fischer,
who worked so closely with Dr. Kissinger these many years.
I know that he did his utmost, his everything, to change
plans, made many, many months ago to be here today. He
couldn't, alas, but he did send a message, and he asked me
to ask our immediate past Chairman, Rabbi Israel Miller,
to offer this message on his behalf.

Rabbi Miller. (Applause)

RABBI MILLER: Thank you, Alex.

Mr. Secretary, dear friends, Mr. Ambassador: I am pleased
to speak not only on behalf of Max, but as the leader over
a period of two years of Secretary Kissinger's seminar on
the off-the-record trials and tribulations of a peripatetic
statesman, subtitled Middle East Prospectives and Challenges.
The professor gave the lecture to the participants. Many
of them here asked proper and improper questions and made
relevant and irrelevant comments, and Max Fischer and I
took the attendance and prepared the summary for the press.
I also had the dubiously envious task of reporting back
to the Presidents Conference and to the Jewish community.

I speak for myself. I know I speak for you when I say
that the experience is one which we cherish and for which
we are grateful.

Today I would like to take just a minute to share with the
seminar participants an incident which as to date remained
unreported. Max and I were in the Secretary's sanctum
for a really off-the-record talk when Dr. Kissinger said
"I have something to show you." He disappeared into his
sanctum sanctorum and returned with a small piece of Israeli
marble inscribed with his initials in Hebrew (Hebrew
expression) and two words (Hebrew expression). He smilingly
explained that it was a gag gift from the newspaper people,
the other seminar group who had been shuttled and briefed
in a seemingly endless series of back and forth journeys,
and who told him that it was unearthed in an archeological
dig.

I hope, Mr. Secretary, that you won't get a gag gift today.
But seriously, despite the fact that our briefings were
in Washington, (Hebrew expression) your words, you were with

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us in our deliberations. We are happy that you are here
now so that we can personally say thank you.

My fellow communique writer, Max Fischer, who is out of
the country on business asked me to convey his thanks,
as Alex has said, and he has put his sentiments into words
in a "Dear Henry" communique which I am pleased to share
with you:

"My congratulations to you, Henry, on this wonderful occasion, a tribute by the Presidents Conference. As I think back over the last eight years of our association, I am reminded of the great contribution you made to this country as National Security Advisor to the President and Secretary of State. All of us feel it a great honor in your having been selected for the highest post in government ever obtained by an American of Jewish descent. However, most importantly, I have had the occasion to observe and spend time with you and marvel at your approach to world peace and making this world community of ours a better place to live. You have made a tremendous start toward this great objective, especially as we find the world relatively peaceful at the present time.

"I need not comment on what you have accomplished in relationships with Russia, China and many other areas of the world because history will record this. But I especially want to talk about what you have done as far as the American Jewish community and Israel is concerned.

"I must mention that as Secretary of State you created an openness to the Jewish community which they have never had since Israel was established. Though there have been differences of opinion, one must say that the hours you spent with the leadership of the Jewish community was precedent setting and indicated your willingness and desire to accept input which we never had before. I firmly believe that your feelings of sensitivity to Israel have had a great deal to do with strengthening the bonds between Israel and America. Even though there have been times of tension and unhappiness, above all, when one looks at it, the relationships are stronger, and you had a great part to play in it in the last eight years.

"There is no question that the Middle East settlements have brought about a tranquility which never existed before, and you must have the credit for this great accomplishment. Upon this settlement rests our hopes for the future for peace in the Middle East.

"In conclusion, Henry, I particularly have found you to be a man with great sensitivity and a heart with understanding

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for the Jewish people. Over the period of these many
years I have grown to admire and respect you. I know you
will be missed, but your influence will remain forever.
In my opinion, history will record you as the greatest
Secretary of State we have ever had and will also show
that the Jewish people in Israel never had a better friend.

"I hope I will have the opportunity to say a few words about
you on another occasion, but in the meantime please accept
my very best wishes for the future." And it is signed, "Max."

Thank you. (Applause)

RABBI SCHINDLER: Thank you very much for your own words
and for the words which you brought us from Max Fischer.

This was meant to be originally an intimate luncheon. You
see the intimacy was expanded somewhat. We didn't want to
have a head table. We wanted to be all part of one family.
But the security detail dictated otherwise and insisted
that Dr. Kissinger be seated here. As a consequence we
are just a little bit off center, and I must confess that
as I approach this podium, standing at the edge of several
steps, a touch of vertigo seizes me and I am afraid I
will tumble over and forward. I mean to forewarn Dr. Kissinger,
Professor Kissinger, and it occurs to me that if he should
succumb to this dizziness and actually tumble down, it
will be the first time in 25 years of teaching that he
has ever descended to the level of his audience. (Laughter)

Now I delight very much in presenting to you Israel's
emissary to the United States. Ambassadors are supposed
to be the eyes and ears of states. Simcha Dinitz is also
Israel's mouth, a forceful spokesman for her need and good and
honor.

Our very good friend, Ambassador Dinitz. (Applause)

AMBASSADOR DINITZ: Thank you very much, Alex.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary, distinguished audience,
Presidents in the audience: I don't know why you fore-
warned us about all this vertigo. I feel quite comfortable
standing on this platform.

Before I start my brief informal remarks, I was instructed
by my Prime Minister and my Foreign Minister to convey
to the Secretary the best wishes on this occasion. They
will have other opportunities to relate to him directly
their sentiments on the eve of his departure, but they have
asked me not to forget to use this opportunity, too, to thank
him for what he has done in the past and to wish him a

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successful future and continued contributions to the cause
of peace to this great country and to Israel. (Applause)

It is not easy, my friends, to try, in a brief few
moments, to summarize either the role of the Secretary of
State in his relations to Israel over our long and intensive
personal acquaintance and work that span now over a period
of three and a half years. And I will not presume on you,
of course, neither am I qualified, to evaluate or to assess
the role of the Secretary of State in general.

Many books have been written and articles were written and
many more will be written -- I suspect that at least one
of them will be written by our guest of honor himself --
assessing the role, the great role, that the Secretary has
played in international universal politics and international
relations, as the chief officer of the President in the field
of foreign affairs.

But I will be amiss if I don't take some minutes of your
time for a few remarks concerning the Secretary's
attitude, thoughts, and actions regarding Israel and the
Mid-East.

The Secretary believes in power -- power for the sake of
the preservation of freedom. And he believes in this not
only for his own country, but I trust that he believes in
it -- I know he believes in it -- for all the outposts of
democracy wherever they are. And I believe he knows
and professes that democracy and freedom can be just as
vulnerable and just as strong as the strength of its
smallest link.

It is therefore that throughout the years of the many delibera-
tions that we had there was one point over which we never
had disagreement, and this is that Israel must be strong.
It must be strong to defend itself; it must be strong to
deter war; and it must be strong to negotiate for peace.
Because the same motive that I know guided the Secretary
with regard to his own country, that all negotiations must
be done from a position of strength, also guided him in his
relations to Israel.

And, as a result of this, when we say today that Israel has
never had a stronger defense posture in all its history than
it has today, it was because Israel has received from the
United States in the last three years more economic and
military aid than in all the 25 preceding years of its
existence. (Applause)

And, my friends, in this Secretary Kissinger had a major
role to play.

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And secondly, as a statesman, Dr. Kissinger believed in negotiations and accommodations. But it is from him that I learned that accommodations, if done from a point of weakness, can lead to capitulation. And compromises, if they are not based on the protection of the vital interests of the negotiating country, can lead to surrender.

And therefore I believe the Secretary saw in any process of negotiation a must that Israel will never be asked to sacrifice what it considers to be the vital interests for its own security and survival.

And I say this because we might have had arguments in the past, and we did. And I will be dishonest to myself and not doing a good service to the Secretary if I will try to depict the picture as if there were total harmony and agreement all the time. After all, some of our neighbors might complain about a statement like this.

But let me assure you that when these arguments were made, and when these discussion took place, it never touched on the very core and the basis of what I believe was, is and must continue to be the basis of relations between our two countries.

And I can assure you that Dr. Kissinger saw in Israel, not only as an historian and a Jew, a fulfillment of an age-old dream of the renaissance of Jewish independence, of in-gathering of exiles, of building in Israel a decent society, where people will be proud not only to die for but to live for. He also saw in Israel an extended arm of the same principles of freedom and democracy professed by this great country.

And I remember an incident on the day or the night of the Entebbe operation when our boys were still at the Uganda airport, I was instructed by the Prime Minister to convey to the President and the Secretary of State the fact that the operation was taking place.

I called the Secretary while our boys were still in the Entebbe airport. But when we knew that the operation was successful, I reached him in New York, and I related the news to him. And his reaction to me enthusiastically was, this is a great day for Israel. It is a great day for the Jews. And it is a great day for democracy.

I think these three components have guided him in doing what he has done as an American Secretary of State to promote Israel's security and peace and stability in the Middle East.

I have always said, my friends, that we had difficult hours of negotiations. But it is also from him that we learned that when was it easy for the Jews?

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I remember one time his telling me when we had a diffi-
cult argument, and when some people were blaming
us for intransigence, he said, "The Jews have not survived
5,000 years because they were soft."

And then I knew that this man understands that there are
times when Israel cannot accept everything that is proposed
to her even by its friends. Because, after all, we are
still the only country on the face of the globe today which
still fights for its every existence and acceptance in the
region.

Therefore, when we assess the totality of the picuture, we
must gloss over the tactical differences and look at the
strategical outcome. And in this, my friends, when we look
at this, and we see that 38 months after the Yom Kippur War,
Israel is stronger than ever. War is less likely than ever.
The Russian influence in the Middle East is on the decline.
And the prospects for peace are there, if the sincerity and
the good will of our neighbors will know to capitalize
on them in negotiations with Israel.

And if we arrived at these results 38 months after the Yom
Kippur War, we cannot ignore the major role that the
Secretary of State of the United States, Dr. Henry Kissinger,
had in bringing it about. (Applause)

I hope that Israel's association with Dr. Kissinger will not
end as he temporarily steps out of office. And I hope that
we will all, as individuals and as a country, continue to
draw not only from his vast knowledge but from his great
influence, wisdom, and ability to shape things in the future.

I wish the Secretary many fruitful years on behalf of his
country and in friendship to ours. And I can assure him
that we will continue to regard him maybe as a unique
historical phenomena in the great and continuing relation-
ship and friendship between the State of Israel and the
United States of America.

Thank you, very much. (Applause)

THE CHAIRMAN: Thank you, Ambassador Dinitz. Your words
assuredly confirm my vote that you are indeed the most
eloquent spokesman of your nation.

I, too, have a "Dear Henry" letter to read. This one comes
from the White House.

"Dear Henry,

"I was delighted to learn of the luncheon in your honor hosted
by the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish
Organizations.

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"I know that as a nation, we will always be staunch in our support for Israel and its security. We all want a lasting peace which will benefit all the peoples of the Middle East.

"No one knows better than I your devotion to this cause. Our accomplishments in that area of the world -- and I believe they are significant -- are in very large measure a tribute to your skills as a diplomat and your tenacity as a negotiator. Your tireless efforts have paved the way for future progress.

"Please convey my warmest good wishes to all those who will be with you on this happy occasion.

"Sincerely, Gerry Ford." (Applause)

And now, my friends, if you will permit me, for a few brief minutes, to step out of my role as Chairman, as it were, I would like to say some words of substance, giving voice to the sentiments of the American Jewish community, even as Ambassador Dinitz spoke for the State of Israel.

Why do we, as a Conference of Presidents, meet to honor Secretary of State Kissinger?

We honor him because he honored this Conference with his confidence. He did not remain aloof from our community. He taught us. He shared with us his perceptions of the problem and the need. His door was open to us. He always listened, and oft times he helped.

We honor him because, together with all other Americans, we assuredly appreciate Dr. Kissinger for his manifold attainments. The facts speak for themselves and they require no further adornment.

He is the foremost political scientist of our time.

He has been a mentor of a generation of leaders -- men and women from many lands who now occupy places of power.

He has been the impelling force of America's foreign policy for the past eight years.

He is already adjudged among the foremost to have held the high office of Secretary of State in all of American history. And at a time of convulsive change, at a time of cataclysmic instability, he held effective power in this land. He was our most respected authority.

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What a great land, this land, America. What a bounteous
land -- a land of infinite endowment! As Dr. Kissinger,
himself, has often said: "It could only happen here.
Only here could a Jewish immigrant, a refugee from
Hitlerism, rise to such heights and carry the mantle once
worn and borne by Jefferson and Madison."

The tenure of a man with a background such as Kissinger
is a testimony to the greatness and the vitality
and the continuing strength of the American idea.

And it is a credit, as well, to the Jewish people -- a
people which continues to bring forth men and women
of brilliance and of genius, and of creativity in
every field of endeavor.

We hold Dr. Kissinger in esteem also because of what
he sought to achieve in the Middle East.

Of course his diplomacy there was controversial,
and it continues to be so. Yet no one has demon-
strated (at least to my satisfaction) that the
endeavor to work out a comprehensive peace plan
immediately after the Yom Kippur War, would have ended
in anything other than total disaster -- and no one
can deny, as Ambassador Dinitz so eloquently put it,
that the step-by-step approach did achieve considerable
success.

Israel was given desperately needed time to reshore
her strength. Those resources which were required
by her to do so, were provided by our land, by America,
and in no small measure due to the efforts of the
Secretary of State.

And if, today, a glimmering of peace, however
uncertain, gleams -- it is due not to some quixotic
scheme recklessly if righteously pursued, but rather,
to that stability and balance which Kissinger so
painstakingly sustained.

Only the future will render the final judgment.
Until then, let the judgments of the present mellow.

Lastly, we render our regard to Henry Kissinger
because we sense in his debt a commitment to Israel
and to the Jewish people. No human being can probe
the innermost recesses of another man's heart; but
we do have the right to feel (and this at least is
my feeling) that while Dr. Kissinger always saw
Israel objectively, he never saw it as a thing apart.

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He may have been objective, but he was never detached.

"How can I, as a Jew, do anything to betray my people?"
Many of us have heard him say these words, and these
words were not lightly spoken.

Be that as it may (phrase in Hebrew) certainly he did
not choose this road. For many years, the destiny of
the Jewish people worked its way through him. He
was the vessel through which our faith perceptively
flowed. Such a vessel must be valued.

And so we thank Dr. Kissinger, and we acknowledge
his aspirations and his attainments. May our
appreciation, as we express it, ease that moment of
parting which must be difficult for him -- even though
assuredly there must also be a part of him which
senses a release, a gladness to be "rid of us" as
well. Let's admit it, we were at times exasperating.

Even as we will continue to be exasperating, we can
be no otherwise.

Perhaps, Dr. Kissinger, you will remember us with
exasperation tinged with affection.

We wish you well, Dr. Kissinger. May you have many
more years of life and health and creative endeavor
for your sake, and for the sake of that cause which
binds us in familiar and sacred union.

And now I call on the loyal and diligent and able
professional leader of the Presidents Conference,
Yehuda Hellman, to add some substance to our words of
gratitude, by making a presentation to Dr. Kissinger --
to which our honored guests will then respond. (Applause)

MR. YEHUDI HELLMAN: Thank you very much, Rabbi Schindler,  
my very good friends.

The moment is now here, and we would like to make
a presentation to Dr. Kissinger. I will share with
you a secret, in telling you that most probably it
wasn't very easy to decide what kind of a gift we
should present Dr. Kissinger with.

But we have made a decision, and I hope that you will
all agree.

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In keeping fully with the spirit of this occasion,
and in keeping with the spirit of who we really are
and what we represent, we have decided to present
Dr. Kissinger with an Encyclopedia Judaica. I
hope you agree. (Applause)

Within the pages of these sixteen volumes, of which
only one volume we have here (Dr. Kissinger's
Security people didn't agree that we have all the
volumes here, so we will mail it to his home.)
But within these pages is embodied the history of the
civilization of the Jewish People.

And with this presentation also go our common, enjoined
hopes and aspirations for the glorious history
and future of the Jewish People.

Dr. Kissinger. (Standing ovation)

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REMARKS BY THE SECRETARY

Rabbi Schindler, Rabbi Miller, Ambassador Dinitz, Mr. Hellman, I would like to express, first of all, my appreciation for the thoughtfulness of the Presidents Organization in insuring that every speaker here would have an accent. (Laughter)

I have had, as you can see, in recent years the opportunity that every Jewish mother dreams for her son, to do something for the peace of the world and never miss a meal. (Laughter)

So, as I am eating myself out of this job, I want to express my profound appreciation for the fact of this meeting, for the words that have been spoken, and for the genuine warmth of the atmosphere.

I have dealt with the Presidents Organization throughout my term as Secretary of State, and I need not tell you that they are composed of a rugged group of individualists, united only by a wary suspiciousness of all forms of government. (Laughter)

I have had also the privilege of dealing with the Israeli Ambassador, who is the Ambassador of the only country in the world where the representative in Washington can be criticized for having too close a relationship with the Secretary of State. (Laughter)

Now, as I understand it, the Ambassador has been accused, at the risk of his political career -- I would think correctly -- as being a friend of mine.

All I can tell you is, I don't know how he treats his opponents. (Laughter)

I have learned from him, and from the Presidents Organization, the wisdom of a remark made to me once by Abba Eban in what I thought was a joking way. "We Israelis and Jews consider objectivity a hundred percent agreement with our point of view." (Laughter)

I thought my friend, Abba Eban, was joking when he made that remark. (Laughter) I realized later that he was threatening me. (Laughter)

I was handed, yesterday, a speech which my associates thought it would be appropriate for me to read to this distinguished group. I will leave that assignment to my successor. (Laughter)

You and I have gone through a great deal together in recent years, and I thought that if this meeting made any sense, it

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would be if I spoke to you from the heart about some of
the considerations on my mind.

We have had, of necessity, a very complicated relationship.
From my point of view, probably no criticism has hurt me
more than if it came from this community. And probably from
your point of view, it was especially painful if disagreements
occurred between the Jewish community and the first Jewish
Secretary of State in American history.

I like to believe, with my friend Simcha, that the disagreements
never went to the heart of our relationship, that they
usually concerned tactics by which to achieve fundamentally
agreed objectives.

But I thought it was important for the future of Israel and
for the future of the Jewish people, that the actions that the
United States Government took were not seen to be the result
of a special, personal relationship, but that the support we
gave Israel reflected not my personal preferences alone, but
the basic national interests of the United States, transcending
the accident of who might be in office at any particular period.

I have never forgotten that thirteen members of my family died
in concentration camps, nor could I ever fail to remember what it
was like to live in Nazi Germany as a member of a persecuted
minority.

I believe, however, that the relationship of Israel to the
United States transcends these personal considerations. I
do not believe that it is compatible with the moral conscience
of mankind to permit Israel to suffer in the Middle East a
ghetto existence that has been suffered by Jews in many
individual countries throughout their history.

The support for a free and democratic Israel in the Middle
East is a moral necessity of our period, to be pursued by
every administration, and with a claim to the support of all
freedom-loving people all over the world.

So, we begin in our concerns with the moral and the human
dimension.

Beyond that, any nation has a right to live in security, and
not to be dependent for its survival on the good will of its
neighbors. It must be a basic principle of American policy
that Israel must be strong enough so that its decisions are
made by free choice, and are not imposed on it by a combination of
outside factors or by its neighbors.

And therefore, it must be a principle of American policy that
Israel must always be strong enough to defend itself, and that

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the United States must see to it that Israel is strong enough, because only then can a peace that is negotiated be lasting, and only then can peace be perceived to be just.

I have believed that an effort must be made to advance the prospects of peace in the Middle East. And no people can have a greater interest in it than those who for thousands of years have been subjected to the arbitrary will of many host countries-- for a nation that in its existence has never known recognition and acceptance by its immediate neighbors.

Historians will have to judge the methods that were appropriate. But that the relations between countries, divided by distrust, and suffering for a generation, could not be repaired easily and quickly, that the attempt to solve everything at once involved the risk of catastrophe, as well as the prospects of success, can never be overlooked.

The difference between statesmen and those who observe from the outside is that there are some experiments that statesmen cannot try, because the consequences of their failure would be too profound.

I believe now that there are some prospects for peace in the Middle East. The influence of hostile outside powers is less than at any time in decades. The influence of radical elements within the Middle East has been reduced. But it is an effort that requires patience and wisdom, and above all a profound understanding for the dilemma of a people like Israel, which cannot afford to make a mistake, and which cannot entrust itself simply to abstract declarations of good will. Because if a mistake is made, it is likely to be irrevocable.

Rabbi Schindler pointed out that maybe I am glad to be rid of this group, but I do not believe I will ever be rid of this group. (Laughter and Applause) And frankly, I do not want ever to be rid of this group, though I may retract this in a few months. (Laughter)

The problems of security and of peace in the Middle East will be with us for as long as we can see. I will remain dedicated, as a friend of Israel, and as a friend of this group, for as long as I live. And I want you to know that this meeting has meant a great deal to me. Throughout their history, Jews have been saying to themselves, "Next year in Jerusalem."

I would like to think that sometime soon, we can say this in its deepest sense, in an Israel that is secure, that is accepted, that is at peace. And it will always mean a great deal to me to have worked with this group, and with my friends in Israel, to

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achieve this objective.

Thank you. (Applause)

* * * * *

THE CHAIRMAN: My friends, no words need be spoken, because what we have felt cannot be captured by words. It belongs to that realm of the intimate which cannot be encompassed by earthbound language.

We have sought our brother and we have found him, and we are profoundly grateful for this experience.

Courtesy demands that our speaker leave first. When he does, and without further benefit of clergy, this beautiful meeting stands adjourned.

Thank you. (Applause)

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INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

MR. BURGESS: Mrs. Kissinger, Mr. Secretary, Excellencies, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen: My name is Carter Burgess and I am running for FPA. (Applause)

I greatly appreciate and acknowledge your support.

FPA especially welcomes Secretary and Mrs. Kissinger back to their home community tonight, and we also welcome each of you and thank you all for coming.

Your dinner Chairman has requested that I start the program.

We all know that Secretary and Mrs. Kissinger are being feted and acclaimed abroad and the United Nations flags on display in the Silver Corridor outside have marked their distinguished service to the world.

The flags of the 50 States behind us here on the stage mark their service to the nation and the honor we extend this evening for the sharing, during these important years, of substance and presence with Americans in their communities from sea to shining sea.

I have three important tasks now.

First, to thank our Dinner Committee for these arrangements and for this large audience they have helped to invite. As in the instance of the importance of the nation's foreign policy being bipartisan, I am pleased to record for this evening's event that it is bipartisan in its attendance, and many have come from long distances to be here. This, Mr. Secretary, is bipartisanship with a geographical spread.

The collective generosity of all has made it possible to accord this salute to the Kissingers and will also enable FPA, in the Kissinger tradition, to better carry into the future its past sixty years of public service of being the leader in citizen education in world affairs.

Next, I wish to introduce certain members of this evening's Presentation Committee.

The Dinner Chairman will, in a moment, introduce the presentor members of the Committee.

Each of the persons I will introduce are very active in many parts of the nation and here in New York in the work of

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widening understanding and interest of many, many Americans
of all ages in foreign policy and in world affairs.

In a way, each person symbolizes, as well, the appreciation
of all for the significant example Secretary Kissinger has set
by his numerous journeys, presentations and direct discussions
with Americans in their home communities. We all appreciate
the wider interest in foreign affairs he has helped us achieve
in our Association and in the efforts of the councils and
community world affairs organizations throughout our land.

We are all a part of the quest for peace, economic happiness
and friendship amongst the people of the world.

Now for the introductions.

First, a lady who is a professor of political science,
directs the Institute of World Affairs in Milwaukee
and handles, as a volunteer, the statewide coordination in
Wisconsin of FPA'a Great Decisions educational program in
foreign policy: Dr. Carol Edler Baumann. (Applause)

Next, a lady who is an active member of FPA'a Board of
Directors who also chairs the OTR Luncheon Series, with over
1,000 members in the New York community, and this, I might
say, is perhaps the most active single foreign policy discussion
group in America: Mrs. Doris C. Halaby. (Applause)

Now, an educator of renown who has ably served his nation as
Ambassador to Sweden and who continues his interest in
foreign policy by his active work on FPA's Board and through
a number of corporate and foundation directorships: The
Honorable Jerome H. Holland. (Applause)

Statesman, soldier and man of diplomacy who now continues his
public duty and importantly serves as Chairman of the active
and productive World Affairs Council of Boston: The Honorable
Henry Cabot Lodge. (Applause)

A world banker, active participant in civic endeavors, who
has given many years of leadership and service to FPA and
now serves this organization as its Vice Chairman: Walter
H. Page. (Applause)

Finally, a man who has a distinguished education in international
studies, who has held important jobs in government and who now
directs perhaps the largest and most active world affairs
organization in the nation, the Chicago Council on Foreign

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Relations. Importantly, at this time and for this program, he is President of the National Council of Community World Affairs Organizations and therefore represents many of those organizations in America where Secretary Kissinger has appeared over the past four years: I give you Dr. John E. Rielly. (Applause)

Now that wonderful time has come for me to turn the podium over to your dinner Chairman.

When this event and this award became a reality, FPA's Board immediately decided that the man I am about to introduce was the most appropriate person to do these honors. He accepted with immediate pleasure.

He is a man who has given more than a half century of leadership and performance to the nation's foreign policy. A professional diplomat who has served throughout the world and with memorable distinction in each assignment.

A good friend of FPA and whose advice and effort continues to be sought by leaders whenever matters of international significance are at hand.

It gives FPA and myself pleasure to introduce one of America's first Career Ambassadors and a diplomat among warriors, who now serves as Honorary Chairman of Corning Glass International: The Honorable Robert D. Murphy. (Applause)

AMBASSADOR MURPHY: Thank you very much, Carter Burgess.

It has been a long time since 1942 in North Africa, and my affection for Carter Burgess has grown through the years.

I would like to extend a very warm greeting to the Secretary of State, and to Mrs. Kissinger, and to our very many friends.

This is an assignment which I very deeply am honored to have. I was just thinking of a little story, which I don't know is apropos at the moment, but we were discussing it at dinner in connection with the wines we were having.

Years ago when I happened to be on the staff of the Embassy in Paris, a friend came from Chicago. He had been invited down to Bordeaux for dinner. He had never been to France before, and he didn't know Bordeaux. And there is a rather strict formality in some of the Bordeaux wine families. He was invited to a very formal dinner, 24 people, and he said

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he was quite uncomfortable. He didn't know what to do, and
the butler stood in back of him with his white glove and
whispered in his ear, "St. Estephe 1915, St. Emilion 1921."
He said he didn't know what to do so I made the sign of the
cross each time. (Laughter)

Mr. Chairman, we all believe in the importance of
America's interest and understanding of the world and of our
nation's foreign policy. Together we are all in the warmest
appreciation of the many efforts our distinguished Secretary
of State Kissinger has undertaken to give importance,
meaning and understanding to this need.

So, at this time I know our guests would like the opportunity
to meet their neighbors from New York City, the Secretary's
parents.

May I request, please, that Mr. and Mrs. Louis Kissinger stand
and receive our greeting of appreciation. (Applause)
As you all know, there is an old and well tested expression:
"Cherchez la femme". It is apt in present circumstances,
so that I ask the lady who is devoted to the Secretary and
who shares these important years of work and travel with him
to stand in receipt of our thanks and our admiration: Mrs.
Henry A. Kissinger. (Applause)

I would like now to invite Secretary Kissinger please
to come to his table and join with me and the Presentation
Committee on this stage, if he will. (Applause)

Mr. Secretary, of course you will always be Your Excellency.
We are delighted to have you with us. Your popularity is
proven by the enormous crush of friends this evening, and
your comments and pleasantries through the years and
especially in times of crisis are invariably comforting.

I like especially what you said way back in nineteen hundred
and sixty-nine: "There cannot be a crisis next week. My
schedule is already full." (Laughter and applause)

It is now time, ladies and gentlemen, for me to introduce
three persons who will make presentations to honor you.

First, I would like to introduce a diplomat who has had a long
and important career in our Foreign Service. He presently
heads the Department's American desk, better known as the
Bureau of Public Affairs. He is shortly to become the Director
of the United States Information Service.

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It gives me pleasure to introduce from this Presentation Committee Ambassador John E. Reinhardt. (Applause)

AMBASSADOR REINHARDT: Despite His Excellency, Ambassador Murphy's connecting me with two bureaucracies, I should make clear at the outset that I am not speaking this evening under instructions.

In the words of Flip Wilson: What Secretary Kissinger hears in the next few minutes is what Secretary Kissinger gets. (Laughter)

This is not a position to which he is accustomed. I should add, however, that I am very conscious that today is January the 11th and I am perfectly capable of subtracting 11 from 20 and getting the correct remainder.

Many of you here will realize that for Bob Hope and Bing Crosby it was "The Road to Rio". For Henry Kissinger, it has been "The Road to New York, to Dallas, to Chicago, to Los Angeles, to Phoenix," for a total of 33 American cities in the last two years.

Tonight we will recount the highlights of some of these trips. We of the State Department's Public Affairs Bureau planned what we have come to know as incredible road shows.

We would like you to join us as we travel once again on one of these trips and relive some of the more precious moments.

(Slide was shown)

Our sentimental journey begins in the airports of America. For the State Department advance teams, at this point, preparations are over. The event has begun.

(Slide)

Not unexpectedly, security on these trips is tight. (Laughter) We often wondered whether the Secret Service was protecting the Secretary from potential troublemakers or from the Washington press corps. (Laughter)

(Slide)

Once off the plane there was always a welcoming party of local officials and press.

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6

Accompanied here by Bob Funseth, the Spokesman of the Depart-
ment, the Secretary is being asked what he thinks of a
Congressional Resolution to repeal the native-born requirement
for United States Presidency. (Laughter and applause)

The Secretary said that he considers the Congressman who
proposed it to be one of the leading statesmen of this era.
(Laughter) He added that he would gladly campaign for the
Congressman's reelection. (Laughter)

The road show continued in the form of a motorcade. Upon
arrival, usually at a hotel, crowds gathered, helicopters
whirled overhead, and policemen threw up barricades.

(Slide)

I am pictured here consulting with the Secretary -- (Laughter and applause)--probably on the best route to follow to avoid crowds. Or maybe we are just looking for his luggage which some aide has invariably lost. (Laughter)

Understandably, the Secretary always found time for well-wishers. At times, he caught sight of not-so-well wishers.

(Slide)

Here we see a group of demonstrators.

On second thought, I would correct myself and say that
apparently this is actually one of the Secretary's Harvard
seminars. (Laughter)

Inside the hotels there was always a luncheon. Sometimes
the food was good. (Laughter)

(Slide)

Sometimes, it was best to move on to the next course.

(Slide)

At each stop on the Secretary's journeys across America, his
most important task was to talk with people. He did this
in various ways through carefully prepared forums.

The Secretary always made a point to address major foreign
policy issues. Often his most important statements of policy
were made before these American audiences.

(Slide)

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Although the Secretary was amply covered by local and national media during his speeches, he always took advantage of what he came to call leadership meetings to listen and understand the sentiments of the local community. These meetings were attended by local community leaders, civic leaders, labor and minority representatives and regional media representatives. Important to the objective of these meetings was that they were off-the-record. This allowed the Secretary a chance for a frank and a candid discussion of views.

(Slide)

Often, the Secretary spent a great deal of time just listening. As you can see in this picture, he is talking. For some strange reason, we couldn't find any pictures of him speechless. (Laughter)

I should point out that the Secretary sometimes made every effort to adapt to local customs and to protocol. At the end of a speech in Texas, the Secretary adopted this look.

(Slide)

Would you believe that he was doing his Lone Ranger impression long before Governor Carter caught on? (Laughter)

Sometimes the cowboy image gave way to more contemporary pursuits.

(Slide)

In this case, the Secretary was demonstrating not only his impressive pitching arm but also his remarkable proclivity for facial gymnastics.

Neither was the Secretary limited to baseball. He also loved basketball. (Laughter)

(Slide)

Here he models a uniform given to him by the Harlem Globetrotters. The Secretary was heard to say at this point, "What do you mean I've fouled out as of January the 20th?" (Laughter)

As with every popular baseball and basketball star, the Secretary always found time for his fans.

(Slide)

PR#5

This young admirer asked for his autograph. Often the Secretary also found time to be kissed on the forehead by little old ladies and, in some cases, by not-so-little old ladies.

We did have a slide to show you of one of the Secretary's younger and more attractive female admirers, but she refused to let us show it. She said something about writing her memoirs after she retired from her Capitol Hill typing job. (Laughter)

There were other moments too, like the time the Secretary traveled to Los Angeles and had to play second fiddle to a case of beer. That was the trip when the Secret Service brought Coors beer back in the trunk of the Secretary's limousine. It was the beer that made the headlines the next day -- not the Secretary.

Needless to say, these trips were exciting, and often the Secretary just hated to go.

(Slide)

Here he is the last on the plane for the final goodbye.

All in all, accompanying Secretary Kissinger on these trips has been great fun -- sometimes. It was also for a cause to which we were all deeply committed, for we realized that the Secretary's remarks, formal and informal, formed a compendium of American foreign policy developed during the last two years, three years.

The Public Affairs Bureau of the State Department will remember these trips for years to come, and we are delighted that we were able to support Secretary Kissinger on these trips to what he has called the heartland of America.

At this time, Mr. Secretary, we would like to express our appreciation by presenting to you a plaque upon which some of these shots have been recorded for your permanent collection. (Applause)

We hope, sir, that you will appreciate these moments recorded here, the serious ones, as well as the non-serious ones. But above all else, we realize that we have participated in the making of history in a manner that is unprecedented in American foreign policy.

Thank you very much. (Applause)

AMBASSADOR MURPHY: Thank you so much, Ambassador Reinhardt.

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9

Now, ladies and gentlemen, I wish to present a leading member of the fourth estate who I understand has logged more miles with the Secretary, both here and abroad, than any other world correspondent.

He is a leading member of the National Broadcasting Company and presently serves as President of the State Department Correspondents Association. Additionally, this presentor has also participated for a number of years with NBC in the launching of the Foreign Policy Association's Great Decisions program.

As we understand it, Mr. Secretary, as you have ranged the world with this gentleman, he and his colleagues have kept you from becoming lonely on these many journeys.

So, I am pleased to introduce now for the second presentation, Mr. Richard Valeriani. (Applause)

MR. VALERIANI: Thank you, Ambassador Murphy.

This is the serious part of the program.

Mr. Secretary, Mrs. Kissinger, ladies and gentlemen: Now you all know the difference between dinner at the FPA and luncheon at the National Press Club: no bellydancer. (Laughter)

It is enlightening for a Washington reporter -- I should say this to Carter Burgess -- to come here tonight and see the Secretary of State receive a reward for going all over the country and making speeches. I say enlightening because we thought all this time he was trying to get out of town.

I think it is also noble, Carter, to make this presentation to the Secretary tonight because, as he himself has pointed out, his speeches were about as well reported as the collected words of Millard Fillmore. You would have done better, Mr. Secretary, if you had leaked them a day in advance to *The New York Times*.

Now, as you know, I went on most of those trips and you frequently complained that you never saw anything on NBC nightly news, and I think I should explain to you why.

For example, there was the time you went to Dallas, and there was a four-alarm fire that day in Brooklyn. (Laughter)

And then on your trip to Phoenix, we just happened that night to have a very interesting story about a dancing bear that was learning to play basketball. (Laughter)

And on your trip to Cincinnati you will remember we had a long feature ready to go that night on a girl bowler who just had

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a sex change. (Laughter)

It is good of the FPA to take note of your speeches.

Now, I guess it will strike some of you as somewhat curious
that Henry Kissinger should receive an award for his speech-
making ability, but I want to tell you that Henry Kissinger
has been so successful in Washington that after Jimmy Carter
was elected and the Carter people came to town they thought
that it was a constitutional requirement that a National
Security Affairs Advisor at the White House speak with a
foreign accent. This is the real story of why Brzezinski
was appointed. (Laughter)

Do you all know that Henry Kissinger has a brother who speaks
English without the trace of an accent? His name is Walter.
He came to this country at the same time. Somebody once
asked Walter Kissinger why that was. He said, "I am the
brother who listens." (Laughter)

Before I make the presentation, I would like to tell you one
more story which, as the Secretary himself is fond of saying,
has the added virtue of being true.

When a foreign head of state goes to the White House, there
is always a picture of the President and that foreign visitor
in the Oval Office, and usually the camermen are invited in,
the photographers and some reporters, and the President feels
compelled on that occasion to make some small talk.

So, with Golda Meir on a state visit or official visit in
Washington there was the ritual picture in the Oval Office.
We were invited in, and President Nixon felt obliged to make
some small talk with Mrs. Meir, and he said, "Madame Prime
Minister, do you know that you and I had something in common?"
And Mrs. Meir, going along with the ritual said, "Well, Mr.
President, what is that?" And Mr. Nixon said, "We both have
Jewish Foreign Ministers." And Golda Meir replied, "Yes,
Mr. President, but mine speaks English without an accent."
(Laughter)

Mr. Secretary, somebody else is sitting, going to be sitting,
in the Oval Office for at least the next four years, so I
would like to present this to you to keep you in touch during
that period. But before I do, I would like to say this will
be presented on behalf of the State Department Correspondents
Association, and I would like to ask you on behalf of the
Washington correspondents as you go forth to write your
memoirs: Be good to us. Be wise with us. (Laughter)

PR#5

The gift is a book to the Secretary. It is "Between Two Agents: America's Role in the Technotronic Era," by Zbigniew Brzezinski. (Laughter and Applause)

AMBASSADOR MURPHY: Thank you very much, Mr. Valeriani.

Now, ladies and gentlemen, it is time for the Foreign Policy Association's Great Decisions Award.

So, I would like to invite the Secretary and the entire Presentation Committee, if they would, to stand together in the center of the stage here, please.

After I read the brief citation set forth by the Foreign Policy Association's Board of Directors, I am going to ask Doris Halaby and Walter Page to hand the award to Secretary Kissinger with the admiration and best wishes of us all.
(Applause)

AMBASSADOR MURPHY: I might just add that the award is in a style which honors the Secretary and in a form which Mrs. Kissinger may use in their home. That was the idea.

I now would like to read the citation:

The Foreign Policy Association presents the Great Decisions Award to Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger.

For exceptional efforts, in many journeys across our nation, to present and discuss world realities personally with Americans in their communities from coast to coast; to make vivid the meaning and importance of United States foreign policy to the survival, security and well-being of our people and our way of life; and to call forth from our citizens their understanding, their talents and their energies for this nation's continuing work of leadership and friendly relations among nations.

So, Mr. Secretary, this is our presentation to you, and I will be very grateful if you would take the podium. (Applause)

* * * *

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REMARKS BY THE SECRETARY

Mr. Burgess, Mr. Murphy, members of the Committee, former Ambassador Reinhardt, (laughter) Mr. Valeriani, ladies and gentlemen: I would like to say, first of all, that my parents agree with every friendly word that has been said about me this evening. (Laughter)

I was, of course, extremely touched by the remarks of Ambassador Reinhardt nine days before the change of Administration. (Laughter) It reminded me of a remark that was made shortly after the election when it was said about my staff they won't have Kissinger to kick them around anymore. (Laughter)

On the other hand, when you hear about the treatment of my staff you ought to remember that I am, after all, holding an office once occupied by Thomas Jefferson who was, after all, an owner of slaves. (Laughter)

This is a time in which there is a great deal of retrospection and people keep asking me, keep inquiring, whether I would do it all over again. My answer is yes, I would do it all over again. The problem is no one has asked me. (Laughter)

It is true that Cyrus Vance has said that there will always be a place for me in the Department of State, but it is cold in the basement in the winter, and the only consolation that I will have is that I can go there to look at my portrait which, I am told, will be hung in there at least until we get back in 1981. (Applause)

I had occasion to say yesterday, and with such a large audience I cannot forego the opportunity to repeat it today, that I have been called many things in my office. I have been called indispensable and a miracle worker. I know because I never forget anything that I say. (Laughter)

I appreciated particularly that Ambassador Murphy agreed to preside over these proceedings. I do not think that the average American understands the ambivalent relationship between the Foreign Service and the Secretary of State. The Foreign Service is the most dedicated, slightly supercilious, devoted and able group of professionals that serves any nation.

From the point of view of the Secretary of State, there is only one problem. They are opposed to what they call lateral entry, and deep down they are convinced that if it were not for this

PR#5

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unfortunate device whereby people are moved in sideways from
the outside, no Secretary of State would really have been
qualified to join the Foreign Service. (Laughter) This
accounts for the combination of deference, slight feeling of
superiority, and exhausting bureaucratic procedures founded
on superior knowledge and dedication, which is the hallmark
of the Foreign Service.

Almost every Secretary of State has entered the Department
convinced that he would break through this awesome machinery
that he found in place and every Secretary of State sooner or
later has been conquered by this group of outstanding
professionals, specialists, in presenting options that contain
no choices -- (laughter and applause) -- always prepared to re-
write their papers as long as the change is confined to
punctuation and who yet, in a marvelous, mysterious and devoted
way carry out the business of our government.

Since I have been Secretary of State I have been present when
the bodies of three Foreign Service Officers were returned.
In each case they had been the victims of assassination
and in each case a large number of volunteers stepped forward,
without being requested, to take their place. I believe
this symbolizes what this country owes to this extraordinary
group of men and women. (Applause)

I have harassed them because I believe and still do that they
are the ablest group of people that any government has ever
assembled and because I believe it was my duty to make them
perform at their top performance. (Applause) I have been
rewarded, as all my predecessors have before me and as my
successors without question will be, by men and women who
served their country and not a party, who worked for peace and
not for an individual. And I hope that the non-partisan,
professional character of our Foreign Service will always be
recognized and will always be preserved. I want to take this
opportunity, in what is my last public appearance as Secretary
of State, to pay tribute to this remarkable group that has
never been more important in our country's history as our
foreign policy becomes more complicated, as the decisions grow
more complex. (Applause)

We must have a group of men and women who represent continuity.
We cannot pretend to ourselves that the foreign policy of a
great nation can change every four or eight years and that
pretense itself is a factor of instability
in the world. We must have with all the tactical alterations
that are inevitable a large element of continuity that is

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required, a great degree of technical knowledge, and I know
that my successor, Mr. Vance, whom I admire and who deserves
our support, will find in the Foreign Service a dedicated,
able, and brilliant instrument in the conduct of our foreign
policy.

I would like also to say that Ambassador Murphy represents the
best qualities in the Foreign Service. (Applause)

I have been Secretary of State during an extremely turbulent
period in our history. Its surface manifestations were the war
in Vietnam, the tragedy of Watergate, and the disputes between
the Executive and the Legislative branches of our government,
which on too many occasions paralyzed action and confused other
nations. But in its deeper sense, we were going through a
period of transition. For the first time in our history
the United States has had to conduct foreign policy the same
way less favored nations had to conduct it in all their
experience.

Throughout most of our history we could pursue one of
several strands: either an assertion that our moral principles
were automatically applicable in every part of the world --
or a belief that we could stand apart from the rest of the
world and wait till the crisis occurred and overwhelm it with
resources -- or else we acted as if our domestic experience
could be applied automatically on a global scale.

As long as the United States was protected by two great oceans,
as long as our resources were infinite in relation to the
problems with which we had to deal, we could choose any one of these
approaches and generally be successful. But, today, we face
the dilemmas that other nations have experienced throughout
their history. Today we must choose among our priorities.
We cannot do everything simultaneously. Today the nature of
the world we imagine will determine importantly the kind of
world which we are able to build.

It is the dilemma of the policy maker that at the time that
he must act he does not have the knowledge on which to base
such action. When he has the knowledge, it is usually too
late to affect events. A great deal, therefore, depends on
judgment, on confidence -- psychological confidence on the part
of the policy makers and confidence between the policy makers
and the public.

The United States for the last decade has consumed itself in a
civil strife which is bound to have the most profound
consequences on our international affairs.

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While I was Secretary of State I constantly preached the
importance of a non-partisan approach to foreign policy.
Now that I leave office I want to reiterate this need.
The new Administration must be given an opportunity to
conduct its policies without the bitterness and rancor,
without the strife between the branches of our government
that have been so characteristic of the last decade.

Now, if I am correct in the needs for our foreign policy,
this Association has played a crucial and honorable role.

I have traveled, as Ambassador Reinhardt has pointed out, to
35 cities in this country to speak, to meet with leaders, to
exchange ideas, and to explain what we were trying to do.
All of these trips have been taken under the auspices of the
various world affairs councils, and I am particularly moved
that so many who have heard me in cities across the country
have done me the honor of coming here tonight, probably in
order to find out for how many minutes I can go without
placing a verb. (Laughter)

Nothing is more important than to give our public a correct
appreciation of the foreign policy issues that they confront.
The simplifiers, the people who believe that there are some
easy slogans that produce final answers, are as pernicious as
those who profess total indifference to the problems of foreign
policy.

We must face the fact that, for as far ahead as we can see,
the peace of our citizens and the well-being of our citizens
depends crucially on our performance in international affairs.
And, for as far ahead as we can see, the peace of the world
and the well-being of the world is inseparable from the American
performance.

Ours is a tremendous responsibility. The world has become
interdependent, but, alone among the free nations, we are
capable of giving expression to that interdependence on a global
scale. The world's security can no longer be divided, but,
alone among the free nations of the world, we can form
a global conception of security. Therefore, freedom and
prosperity everywhere depend on the sophistication of our
policy and the depth of our commitment and no group has
done more to bring about the informed non-partisan citizenship
than this group that is meeting here this evening.

As idealists, as perfectionists, we constantly come to debate
our faults, but, for somebody who came to this country as
a young man, I can never forget what America has meant to

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people who were not born to freedom.

When I came here in 1938 I was asked to write an essay at
George Washington High School here in this city about what
it meant to be an American. I wrote that, of course, I
missed being separated from the people with whom I had grown
up and from the places that were familiar to me. But then
I thought that this was a country where one could walk
across the street with one's head erect, and therefore it was
all worthwhile.

What America means to the rest of the world is the hope for
people everywhere that they shall be able to walk with their
heads erect, and our responsibility as Americans is always
to make sure that our purposes transcend our differences.

I have tried to make a contribution to this, and your organizations
have organized the meetings, and beyond this have contributed to
the education and commitment of the American people.

And, therefore, I would like to take this opportunity to thank
you from the bottom of my heart. (Standing ovation)

* * * *

AMBASSADOR MURPHY: Mr. Secretary, I know I speak for every
one of your friends in this group in terms of admiration. Thank
you for a very thrilling and inspiring talk. (Applause)

I know that so many of our friends here view your, what I
shall call temporary departure from the Department of State
and the government of Washington because I feel confident in the
not too distant future, and I hope it will happen, that you will
resume that activity. But, in any event, for the time being
I join with all your friends here in deepest gratitude for
your words of inspiration and for all that you have done in
behalf of the nation and of ourselves.

Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary. And save us another
speaking date, will you?

Draft Remarks - Congressional Reception

1/12/76

I want to thank you for the warmth of your welcome
tonight. I hope it is because of what I have done over the past
eight years -- and not because I only have eight days left.

It's a little difficult to say farewell to a group as
delightfully diverse as this one. Having so recently spoken
before the National Press Club, I have already used most of
my best lines about "outrageous individualists" and "admiration
tinged with exasperation".

Of course, I cannot expect that the work I have done will
be properly evaluated until years have passed, and provided
the necessary perspective. When that time comes, I think it
is not at all unlikely that a statue of me will be placed in
Lafayette Park -- at which time I will finally be accorded equal
treatment by both hawks and doves.

- 2 -

But I do want to try to lay to rest tonight some of the
outrageous stories that have circulated about my ego. I would
like to set the record straight. How could I be anything but
modest, when every night I get down on my knees and pray
to God for guidance and wisdom? Then, just to preserve our
relationship, I ask him if there is anything I can do for him.

And I'd like to dispose of another rumor tonight -- I
will not become the President of CBS. They have a provision
in their corporate charter which forbids foreign-born citizens
from becoming President.

Another silly rumor I'd like to end today is the one
about my demanding total devotion from my staff. I want it
known that I meet on a regular and equal basis with my
principal associates for a free and unfettered exchange of

- 3 -

views -- and as soon as I have finished talking, they are
allowed to get off their knees and join me at the table.

It's particularly appropriate to have a function in
honor of the Congress in these rooms. As many of you know,
Congress appropriated funds for the building, including these
rooms, but not one nickel for furnishings. That we had to do
ourselves, with the cooperation of many public spirited citizens.

I only wish the same philosophy had motivated the
Congress when it came to some of the more substantive
legislation on foreign affairs -- just the basics, without the
ornamentation.

I am delighted that Cy Vance could be here with us
tonight to meet with you. Cy has been a total gentleman about
this transition period -- and he has reassured me that there
will always be a place for me in the Department. True, the

- 4 -

basement is cold in the winter and full of exhaust fumes in
the summer, but there is one consolation: I will be able to
spend a lot of time admiring my official portrait -- since I
understand they intend to hang it there.

I also want to announce tonight that in response to
pressure from the *National Enquirer*, and a flurry of letters
from the Archivist of the United States, I am reluctantly
turning over 3,000 bags of my personal garbage to the Archives.
The transfer will be made as soon as Eagleburger finishes
screening it for material that should properly be in the
State Department. I am sure he will find we already have most
of it.

One think I have most appreciated about the Congress
is the courtly charm with which they receive officials of the
Executive Branch. In return, Executive Branch officials

- 5 -

are naturally expected to behave with a certain deference
toward the Congress; they are expected to exhibit a deep and
sincere conviction that each member of the Congress is a
serious, hardworking, disinterested public servant, at least
their equal, if not their superior, on the intellectual level,
and thoroughly motivated by the highest principles, and the
deepest attachment to our Republic.

I think I have done rather well in that respect. And
I'm sure it's going to be extremely difficult for me as a
private citizen to speak or act in any other way toward the
Congress.

But I am genuinely touched, and honored, that so many
of you would come here to be with us tonight. I have had my
trying moments with the Congress -- and I expect that many

- 6 -

of you feel you have had some fairly trying moments with me.

Partly that is because the times themselves have been trying.

But it also reflects the fact that we represent institutions which have important, but wholly different, roles in American life.

How much less healthy it would be for there to be an absolute lack of tension between those institutions.

As a body, you represent the strengths, the foibles, the passions, the aspirations, and the fundamental decency of the American people at a given moment in time. You have within you the flint and the factories of New England, the polish and possessiveness of Wall Street, the toil and pride of our farms, the brawling and pioneering spirit of the west, the color and diversity of the Pacific Coast -- the wisdom of our universities, the intellectual and philosophical consolation of

- 7 -

our religions. All -- or almost all -- that is America is
in the Congress.

Because you are all these things, and because foreign
policy cannot be formulated or executed -- much less
financed -- without your cooperation and support, America's
foreign policy is unique in the world. In no other country
is the parliamentary body so intimately involved in foreign
policy decisions. In no other country does a group of men
and women elected directly by the people have such access
to the foreign policy process. And although this has
occasionally made me nostalgic for other countries, it is
basically a tremendous strength.

For it means, simply, that the magnificent system
of checks and balances devised by the family fathers extends

- 8 -

to those vital areas of foreign policy and national security
where it is perhaps most important. And although I personally
might have preferred not to have been checked and balanced
quite so often, the Congress and the Executive have I believe
regained a healthy balance in their relationship.

I was going to ask at this point that you treat my
successor as you did me. But on reflection, I think he
deserves better than that.

And I believe, in all frankness, that the Congress,
having reestablished a strong role in foreign policy, must
devise organizational means of expressing itself with clarity
and consistency. I do not suggest a return to the days of
15 or 20 years ago, when a few key committee chairmen and
leadership figures were consulted by a President or Secretary
of State, gave their views, and were able in turn to give an

- 9 -

assurance that they could bring along the Congress on a given
issue. Those days are gone forever, since the post-war
foreign policy consensus of which they were a function is also
gone forever.

But I believe that having come through the traumas of
recent years with the soundness of our Constitutional system
and principles tested and proved worthy once again, we must
find a new consensus. We are in fact well on the way to our
doing so. And I believe that that consensus -- as did the
previous one -- must inevitably produce its own method for
Congressional-Executive interchange on sensitive foreign policy
issues.

It has of course been suggested to me that with two-
thirds of the Congress as well as the White House in the hands
of Democrats, such an interchange will perhaps be achieved with

- 10 -

more facility than it has been in recent years.

Some of you may remember a famous hearing during
the investigations of communists in the entertainment industry
in the late Forties. One of the great men of Hollywood --
Gary Cooper -- was on the stand. He mentioned that he had
occasionally visited meetings of people who he later learned
were, to say the least, sympathetic to the communist cause.
A committee member inquired as to the nature of those dis-
cussions. Cooper, with the wry wit he wore so well, said
something like, "Well, it was suggested, for example, that
the country might run more efficiently if some way were found
to dispense with the Congress".

I have occasionally, as I rode back to the Department
from some encounter on the Hill, thought that the individual
who first voiced those sentiments was a brilliant theoretician.

- 11 -

But ours has been an honorable combat. I have admired your
character, your integrity, your persistence and -- I will
admit it -- your jealous guarding of the Congressional role in
foreign affairs. And I have envied your skills as compromisers,
conciliators, and composers of differences. With no ill will
whatsoever toward my successor, I hope you will continue to
be as cantankerous, individualistic, suspicious, shrewd, and
questioning in the years ahead -- and as fair, wise, worldly,
and protective of your vision of the national interest. He will
benefit, if you are -- and so will the American people.

DIPLOMATIC CORPS

January 13, 1977

Ladies and Gentlemen of the Diplomatic Corps:

I am deeply honored by this ceremony, and by the
characteristically gracious remarks of Ambassador Sevilla-Sacasa.

I might object to his remarks about me as too flattering --
but who am I, a soon-to-be unemployed diplomat, to argue
with the Dean-For-Life of the Washington Diplomatic Corps.

But Guillermo's impact on the Washington scene just keeps
growing. In fact, I understand that *Dossier* magazine will carry
a centerfold photograph of him next month.

When I first came to Washington the *Harvard Lampoon* carried
a centerfold photo of me, and it was later reprinted in the national
news magazines. It was, of course, a composite photo. They
used somebody else's head.

-2-

The large turnout tonight is particularly impressive and touching in view of the miserable weather we have been having this month, and the paralysis and chaos into which our transportation system has been thrown. Once again, Washington has proved President Kennedy's characterization of it as a town of southern efficiency and northern charm.

I understand that for the foreign services of some of the countries represented here tonight, Washington is a hardship post because of its winters; while for other countries, it's a hardship post because of the summers.

I fully expect the American Foreign Service Association to propose that American Foreign Service Officers stationed in Washington receive their own hardship allowances.

In November 1973, shortly after taking office, I held a
reception for the Diplomatic Corps at the Department of State.
At that time I already held a high opinion of the quality of the
Washington Diplomatic Corps. Now that I am about to leave
this office I must say that my regard for you has increased
even more. I now realize what incredibly eloquent, persuasive
and brilliant diplomats you are -- for day after day, your
State Department counterparts -- the country directors, office
directors, and regional assistant secretaries -- have come to
me with memoranda on bilateral relations which invariably
recommend total American capitulation to your respective
demands and requests.

-4-

In the years since I came to office in Washington all
of our nations have witnessed fundamental changes in the
international structure. The security, the wellbeing and
the dignity of the peoples of our nations have all experienced
new dimensions of threat, of challenge, and of opportunity.

And, perhaps most significantly, we have all come to a
new awareness that the destinies of all our nations are
inextricably linked.

My nation has sought to engage these new realities
constructively, and in cooperation with others. And we have
had to do so in ways which departed from the previous pattern
of America's experience with the world. Our inclination

-5-

to alternate between involvement and isolation, between pragmatism and idealism; our habits of applying lessons learned domestically to international situations; our conviction that any problem anywhere can be successfully overwhelmed with resources -- none of these attitudes quite fit the new era we have entered and with which we all must cope for as far ahead as we can see.

All of our nations are now part of a world of many centers of power and contending ideologies; a collection of 150-some nations sharing no agreed legal or moral assumptions; an economic system in which the prosperity of all is intertwined; and a time when the tasks of keeping peace and building prosperity can be recognized as never-ending.

-6-

You here have been witness to the American society's
efforts to understand the complexities of this time and to
grapple with its central issues. We have gone through
a trying decade. But I believe -- and I think that an
objective foreign observer would have to agree with me -- that
America has emerged from this period with resilience and strength
and the sense that our institutions and people can withstand the
sternest tests and renew our democracy's processes in ways
that can not only survive, but succeed in the years ahead.

America has made its decision. It stands ready to engage
the world actively and cooperatively for the betterment of all
peoples.

-7-

This is the cardinal task of our time. And you here
today will be central actors in this effort. For just
as the challenges we face are long-term -- even permanent --
their solutions cannot be accomplished by quick or easy
decisions. They will require serious professional engagement;
they will require all of the traditional skills and all of the
creative ingenuity that the world of diplomacy can bring to
bear on them. It will be a time, in sum, that will test
those of you who have chosen this career as never before.

I must say at this point that I believe the Foreign Service of
the United States is responding to these challenges in ways
that should give their countrymen whom they represent
cause for confidence in the ability of us all to summon the

-8-

will and the wisdom to master the future. They have provided
a marvelous target for my jokes over the years. But they
have won my affection and my admiration for their superb
work.

And let me take this opportunity to say that your governments
have every reason for pride and confidence in the work which
you of this diplomatic corps have done. I have followed
carefully the course of your efforts here. I have worked closely
on crucial issues with many of you. I have visited many of your
homelands and talked with high officials of your governments.
Thus I am able I believe to say with conviction and with
accuracy that you are serving in the finest tradition of the
diplomatist. For you have pursued your nations' interest

-9-

with great determination and skill -- and you have sought
the broader vision of humanity's interests which must inform
all our efforts if we are to master the challenge of tomorrow.

The association I have had with you has been important
to me. We have been in contention at times; more often
we have worked in cooperation. But always, I feel, we have
encountered each other in the spirit of colleagues working
for a better world of peace, progress, and justice. I appreciate
the experiences we have had together and the education you have
given me.

Earlier in my career as Secretary of State, I developed
the habit of threatening to resign. Now, as I approach the

1/13/77

THE SECRETARY OF STATE
REMARKS
ZAHEDI DINNER
114177

Nancy and I have had the great pleasure of enjoying Iran's unmatched hospitality often -- both here and in Iran. Ardeshir, this time you have outdone yourself, not only in your hospitality, but your kind comments. What your caviar has done for my waistline, your remarks have done for my ego.

I am pleased that you have managed to find time in your travels to get back to your official post here for this occasion.

I understand you returned only a few days ago from the Rose Bowl. Why were you there -- was it for sale?

One of my greatest regrets at my impending departure is the loss of my access to official US aircraft for getting around the country and the world. I hope to prevail on Ardeshir to loan me one of the Shah's F-14s.

-2-

On the other hand, I don't regret my loss of access to the
classified briefings I used to read every morning. Who needs
them, when you can read the *Style* section of the *Post* and
learn all about Ardeshir's overt activities.

By now everyone knows what a magnificent success Ardeshir
has been in Washington's social life. Along with that other
social superpower, Alex Orfila, he has given us all a new view
of the Third World. While his caviar has added extra pounds to
the bodies of his guests, he has kept himself in such excellent
trim, that I suspect it's all part of a plot to be the first
centerfold for *Dossier*.

Ardeshir has been a successful matchmaker. He has
become a famous, non-secret swinger, easily eclipsing my
own reputation. What may not be generally known, however,

-3-

is that I inspired Ardeshir to become what he is today. It was
when an Iranian belly dancer settled into my lap in Tehran in
1972 that Ardeshir decided to volunteer for overseas duty.

But beneath his carefree and even lecherous exterior,
Ardeshir is a man of deep seriousness, of penetrating
intelligence. He is one who has not only a perceptive under-
standing of the American people and their society, but also
holds the respect and confidence of leaders in Washington.
He has done a superb job. He has strengthened and advanced
the important relationship between Iran and the United States.

That relationship is one of the success stories of postwar
diplomacy. Tonight we are in the closing days of the sixth
American Administration since the end of World War II to
participate in this friendship with Iran. The fact that three of
those Administrations have been Republican, and three

-4-

Democratic, reflects the bipartisan support for US-Iranian relations in this country.

I am confident that this relationship will remain close in the coming years. We have had, and will have, our differences, but our relations are based upon a broad range of shared concerns about the same international problems, and shared hopes for the same solutions. There is no surer ground on which to build a steadfast friendship.

Together we have forged an extraordinary number of links between our two countries. We meet often to discuss our joint political concerns and goals. We have institutionalized, through our joint commission, efforts to expand our cooperation. During 1975 our trade reached some $4 billion. On defense issues, we meet regularly in the context of the Central Treaty Organization,

-5-

and cooperate closely on a large number of defense projects.

Each of us has thousands of citizens living in the other's country, including more than 20,000 Iranian students in the United States.

We in the United States have had the high honor of working, over the past six Administrations, with a wise and far-sighted partner -- His Imperial Majesty, the Shahanshah. Under his guidance Iran has made Americans know that today Iran is a powerful country within the Middle East, and a major world economic power. But no less important -- although too little known here -- are the contributions of the Shahanshah and the Shahbanou to social reform within Iran.

-6-

I want to take this opportunity to say how much I
personally have benefitted from the wide ranging talks
I have had with the Shah. He is a man of vision and a man
of action. He is one of the most perceptive and far-seeing
world statesmen I have met.

And I want as well to express my most sincere thanks
to the Shah and the Shahbanou for the extraordinary courtesy
they have shown me during my visits to Iran. I shall never
forget the warmth of their hospitality.

Ladies and Gentlemen:

I would like to propose a toast:

-- to His Imperial Majesty, the Shahanshah;

-- to the continuing friendship between our two peoples;

-- to continuing cooperation between our two governments;

-- and to our very good friend and remarkable host,

Ambassador Zahedi.

Opening Remarks for Dinner with Ambassador Zahedi

My friend Ardeshir and I have a great deal in common.

Among other things, we both basically prefer the imperial

style of life.

But we also have our differences. For example, ever
since I saw -- on my last trip to Iran -- exactly where caviar
comes from and how it is harvested, I no longer have the same
keen appreciation of the final product.

Secondly, rumors to the contrary notwithstanding, I
could never hope to match Ardeshir in his eye for beautiful
women.

And thirdly, I still regard both the Secretary of the
Treasury and the Saudi Arabian Oil Minister as worthy human
beings.

- 2 -

But Nancy and I are honored that you brought together
so many of our old acquaintances here tonight, Mr. Ambassador:

-- Martin Agronsky, who I used to think was a superb
commentator and analyst

-- Walter Cronkite, to whom I presented the March of Dimes
Award in New York some months ago; I made a very elaborate
speech of praise on that occasion, and Walter simply sat and nodded
with each encomium

-- and Jack Javits and Abe Ribicoff, with whom I have had
frequent and erudite discussions of the virtues of Arab
civilization and culture

-- Daniel Boorstin, and the magnificent institution which he
heads, and which will now become something of a home away
from home for me

- 3 -

-- the Ambassador of Turkey, with whom I have had
frequent and erudite discussions of the virtues of Greek
civilization and culture

-- Bob Dole, whom I envy -- whatever else happened,
at least he still is on someone's payroll

-- Larry Eagleburger, who cringed every time he heard
Sonnenfeldt described as Kissinger's Kissinger

-- Bill Paley, who looked at me a little queerly when I
failed to address him as "Boss" as we came in this evening

-- the Pakistani Ambassador, with whom I have had
frequent and erudite discussions of the virtues of Indian
civilization and culture

-- Bernie Kalb, who along with his brother stole the title
I had intended to use for my memoirs

- 4 -

-- Kirk Douglas, who I hope is still around, and in such
magnificent shape, when they start looking for a lead to play
the star role in the film based on my memoirs

-- Gregory Peck, who Phil Habib hopes will be picked to
play him in the same film