as her husband nodded in agreement.

"Take Mrs. Cooley, for instance."

The reference was to Mrs. Richard Cooley whom I had met earlier that day. The white-haired, dynamic New Englander is an experienced merchandiser and an active partner with her husband in Cooley's, Inc. —a 108-year-old china and glass shop on Boston's Newbury St. The Laxas first contacted Mrs. Cooley when they wanted to find an outlet for their handicraft.

"I immediately recognized that the wall-reliefs were unique—not like anything I'd ever seen before," Mrs. Cooley told me.

The store now sells the cooky reliefs—they cost from $2 to $20—and Mrs. Cooley acts as an unofficial agent for the Laxas. Through Mrs. Cooley's recommendation, other stores in the Boston area now stock the Laxas' works. Sales everywhere have been brisk.

"I'm told one reason they sell so well," Mrs. Laxa said with pleasure, "is that collectors like them. It's because no two kings, queens, or knights are ever alike."

"In a way, this is a sad business," Mrs. Laxa added a little wistfully. "After we've all worked so hard to produce a figure, we hate to see it leave." Then the corners of her mouth turned up quickly. "But, we know it'll find a good home here in America . . . just as we have."

Heirlooms

Cook's
art of
wall
wall
with

As for God, his way is perfect;
the word of the Lord is tried: he is
a buckler to all them that trust in
him.—II SAM. 22:31

# Nixon's White House
## Appointments Indicate It Will Become A More Diffuse Institution

By Joseph Kraft

ONE CENTRAL piece of the new Administration—the Nixon White House—is already almost entirely in place. And there are strong indications that President-elect Nixon is moving toward the political center.

Not only is the White House staff plainly being shaped in that direction, but the Cabinet is being molded in the same way by pressure from the Democratic leadership in Congress. In that respect, a major development is the apparent hesitation of Sen. Henry Jackson of Washington to be the next Secretary of Defense.

The best sign of the drift to the center lies in the three specific assignments that have been handed out on the White House staff. In each case, there has been a displacement away from a conservative figure prominent in the Nixon campaign to a more widely acceptable middle-of-the-road figure.

IN FOREIGN policy, the leading campaign figure was Richard Allen, a cold warrior from Stanford. But the chief White House aide for national security is Henry Kissinger, a former adviser of Presidents Johnson and Kennedy and an active participant in arms-control agreement with Russia and a negotiated settlement in Vietnam.

This view of Vietnam will be underlined in a forthcoming issue of Foreign Affairs.

In economic matters, the most prominent campaign figure was Alan Greenspan, a true believer in the play

of market forces. But the new head of the Council of Economic Advisers is Paul McCracken, a dedicated believer in the use of Government power to assure full employment.

In scientific affairs, the man most prominent in the campaign was Willard Libby, a chemist disliked by the academic establishment as a hard-liner on issues of disarmament. But the new scientific adviser to the President is Lee DuBridge, the former head of the California Institute of Technology and a revered figure in the academic establishment.

To be sure, many of the most prominent figures from the Nixon campaign staff—Bryce Harlow, Robert Ellsworth, Herb Klein, R. B. Haldeman, John Erlichman—are on the new White House staff. But their task, apparently, will be to make matters tick along. They are general expeditors without specific assignments. And their power is apt to be diffuse.

WITH THE White House moving to this more diffuse condition, power would normally flow out to one of two areas—the Cabinet or Congress. Evidently Nixon's first instinct was to try to split the Democratic leadership in Congress. And in that respect, the offer of the Defense post to Sen. Jackson was very important.

For at the Pentagon, Sen. Jackson would have underlined the theme of big defense expenditures. That line would find a sympathetic audience among Southern Democrats. And thus the natural effort of

the liberal Democrats in the North to emphasize social welfare spending would be neutralized in advance.

But the Democratic leadership has been alive to this danger. Under the influence of his fellow Democrats, Sen. Jackson has been hesitant to accept the Pentagon spot. And in similar vein, Chairman Wilbur Mills of the House Ways and Means Committee was noncommittal at a meeting in New York last week when Nixon sought his support for a Republican proposal to address housing, employment and other urban problems through the device of tax credits to business.

WITH THE Democratic leadership sticking together, Nixon is under pressure to match Democratic strength with a Republican Cabinet. That means a strong rather than the weak Cabinet so widely predicted.

Thus Lt. Gov. Robert Finch of California will probably come on not only as Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare, but as the virtual co-ordinator of all urban problems. And the odds are improving for Douglas Dillon as Secretary of State, particularly given his friendship with the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, J. William Fulbright.

To be sure, the die is not yet cast. Nixon is still looking for handles, taking his bearings, adjusting his positions. But if the outcome is not certain, it is by no means unpromising.

© 1968, Publishers-Hall Syndicate

Dear Henry:

Fort Worth 12/4/68

Highest of congratulations to you; may you enjoy this service and render exceptional service to our Country. Your pictures show you to be

very well, and be careful to keep that way, in this heavy load...

DEC 15 1968

2

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL,
Tuesday, December 3, 1968

Our regards and best wishes

# New Haven's Cost To Penn Central Is Lifted by ICC

Agency, Reacting to Courts, Boosts It to $145.6 Million From Previous $125 Million

Take-Over Ordered by Jan. 1

By a WALL STREET JOURNAL Staff Reporter

WASHINGTON—As expected, the Interstate Commerce Commission upped the ante for the bankrupt New York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad.

Responding to court orders, the ICC told Penn Central it would have to pay $145.6 million for the New Haven instead of the $125 million price the commission previously set.

Under the terms approved by the ICC, Penn Central would pay 950,000 of its common shares, $8 million in cash and $33.6 million in first mortgage bonds. Penn Central also would assume a New Haven obligation to pay off certain other bonds. The ICC previously had approved terms calling for the same amount of cash and stock, but only $23 million in bonds.

Based on yesterday's Big Board close for Penn Central of $66.125, the 950,000 shares would have a value of over $62.8 million.

The total cost to Penn Central would be about $178 million, the ICC said, up from about $159 million. This figure includes pension and labor protection costs for New Haven employees and certain other expenses.

The ICC also ordered Penn Central to take over and operate the New Haven by Jan. 1 to keep it from going out of business. "Time is fast running out for New Haven," the ICC said. The ICC's rail complex... now subsists with a

# Choice of Kissinger for White House Post Seen Aimed at Revamping Foreign Policy

By HENRY GEMMILL
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

WASHINGTON—When the Republican Convention in Miami this summer picked Richard Nixon for President, one of the most disgusted onlookers was a 45-year-old Harvard professor named Henry Kissinger. "All of us Rockefeller-rooters were disappointed, of course," recalls a Kissinger teammate, "but Henry was really bitter."

Yesterday Mr. Nixon announced Mr. Kissinger has agreed to become his White House Assistant for National Security Affairs. It's the big foreign-affairs job currently held by Walt Rostow, and before that by McGeorge Bundy—and the Nixon idea is to make it in certain respects an even stronger post.

"Proclaiming this key appointment now, before naming a Secretary of State, may almost reduce that Cabinet choice to an anticlimax," remarks one highly placed diplomat of the outgoing Administration.

The selection of the German-born academic man, who has been an intimate adviser on world affairs to New York Gov. Rockefeller since the 1950s, may in some degree be political fence-mending. But more than that, it apparently reflects a realization by both the President-elect and the brainstruster that their ideas on global matters—and how to tackle them—are actually remarkably in tune.

On Vietnam, according to those who have often talked with him, Mr. Kissinger occupies the middle ground. "He is definitely not a hawk, in the sense of urging any military re-escalation," says one. "But he has believed in sticking to the course; he certainly is against shoving the Saigon government into any sell-out to the Communists."

## Prime Attention to Europe, Russia

Though he has made a number of trips to Vietnam, and served as a Government consultant mainly on political matters there, Mr. Kissinger's chief focus hasn't been the Orient. In

his studies, and in the books he has written, he has paid prime attention to Western Europe and to relationships with the Soviet Union.

His view of the Russians is clearly unsentimental. "Outrage at the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia is still strong . . . but if history is a guide there will be a new Soviet peace offensive sooner or later," he notes in a just-published paper for the Brookings Institution. "We should not again confuse a change of tone with a change of heart . . . The Kremlin may use negotiations—including arms control—as a safety valve to dissipate Western suspicions rather than as a serious endeavor . . . We should concentrate negotiations on the concrete issues that threaten peace."

Genuine consultation with the nations of Western Europe must come ahead of dickering with the Kremlin, he argues. "The blind spot in our policy has been the failure to understand that, in the absence of full consultation, our allies see in these talks the possible forerunner of a more comprehensive arrangement affecting their vital interests negotiated without them." But in his approach to Western Europe, Mr. Kissinger is skeptical that the U.S. can expect much help with its burdens on other continents. Says he: "Countries do not assume burdens because it is fair—only because it is necessary."

The idea of more whole-hearted U.S. consultation with European members of a strengthened NATO alliance, as a prelude to tough-minded dealing with Moscow, seems to fit exactly what Mr. Nixon has had in mind.

Associates report it also jibes with the philosophy of the man who will fill the No. 2 global affairs post on the White House staff. This, Mr. Nixon announced yesterday, will be 32-year-old Richard Allen, a senior staff member at Stanford University's Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace. Through the Presiden-

WALL STREET JOURNAL.

© 1968 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved.

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1968

(D)

15 CENTS

News—

* * *
World-Wide

NIXON NAMED KISSINGER as his chief adviser on national security affairs.

The major task of the 45-year-old German-born Harvard University professor will be to overhaul the diplomacy and defense planning operations of the White House, the President-elect said. Kissinger said he will stress long-range planning that can "prevent crises from happening." Neither Nixon nor Kissinger would discuss security policy matters. Kissinger is preparing a study of the National Security Council and its reorganization that is to be completed before the inauguration.

Although Kissinger has participated in studies on Vietnam, his prime interest has been Western Europe and relations with the Soviet Union.

Scranton met with Nixon before Scranton begins a tour of six Mideast nations to sound out heads of state on their ideas on the Arab-Israeli conflict. The President-elect said the two most pressing areas of foreign policy action are Vietnam and the Middle East.

A CHRISTMAS TRUCE will be observed by U.S. and South Vietnamese forces.

The 24-hour cease-fire will run from 6 p.m. Dec. 24 to 6 p.m. Dec. 25, Saigon time. The

Business Failures Down

BUSINESS FAILURES fell to a seasonally adjusted annual rate of 37.5 per 10,000 in October from 40.3 in September, Dun & Bradstreet reports.

Rhodes Scholar Isn't
'Establishment' Type
That Myth Depicts

One Returns His Draft Card, Another Tells of LSD Trip; Rusk, Rostow Talk of Past

Labor Letter

A Special News Report on People And Their Jobs in Offices, Fields and Factories

LABOR STRIFE looms in transportation, threatening trouble for Nixon.

A batch of rail, airline and shipping battles may be at or near crisis stages when the new President takes office in January. A court order barring an East and Gulf Coast dock strike expires Dec. 20; if the walkout resumes then, ports could be badly clogged by Inauguration Day. Eight big airlines face Jan. 1 expiration of contracts with the Machinists Union, which shut down five of them for 43 days in 1966; this time, the lines are bargaining separately and the union isn't likely to strike more than one at a time.

The old battle over firemen in diesel locomotives "will be on Nixon's doorstep" early in his Administration, predicts a top Federal labor expert. That dispute is in mediation now, but could threaten a strike next spring. Another featherbedding fight, involving the Trainmen and three big railroads, could bring a mid-January strike; a Federal emergency board is trying to settle it now.

Rail bargaining with the shopcraft unions, which required Congressional inter-

Danger Underground

Critics Call Explosions
Only One of the Perils
That Coal Miners Face

Machinery Accidents, Falling Rocks Cause More Deaths Than Publicized Disasters

Mud, Dust and Lung Disease

By JOHN BARNETT

HUTCHINSON, Pa.—Michael Kozinko works in a coal mine here in Western Pennsylvania. He is less than complacent about the nature of his work. "I'm scared every time I go under that damned ground," he says. "One mistake and you've had it."

The deaths of 78 men in an explosion- wracked West Virginia coal mine recently would seem to make the reasons for such fears obvious. But experts on coal mine safety say explosions like those that caused the West Virginia deaths pose a relatively remote hazard compared to other dangers faced by Mr. Kozinko and his 138,000 fellow miners i the U.S.

of the publicity that

## Splendid Choices

President-elect Richard M. Nixon's selection of Henry A. Kissinger and Richard V. Allen as his principal assistants for national security affairs is encouraging news for Americans who believe in realistic defense and foreign policies.

Both men are scholars, and writers on national security. Both are realists and believers in a strong America.

Dr. Kissinger, who will be the new President's principal assistant for national security, has been chiefly interested in the problems of Western Europe and the NATO alliance. Dr. Allen's work has been more concerned with Asia. In our judgment, they have skills and experience that will be complementary. With men of this caliber as his aides, Mr. Nixon will be well advised during the cold war years ahead.

JAMES RESTON

Cleveland Plain Dealer

12-4-68

# Naming of Kissinger Reassuring

NEW YORK—President-elect Nixon's appointment of Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard as his White House assistant for national security affairs is a reassuring sign that the new administration is going to make a serious and objective reappraisal of its security problems and priorities.

Dr. Kissinger has been concentrating on precisely these problems for years and it is significant that he has the respect of most of the foreign policy experts who have served the last three presidents.

He is an intelligent, articulate and remarkably industrious scholar who also has had the experience of being a consultant to Presidents Kennedy and Johnson on many of the critical problems of the last decade—from Berlin to arms control.

JAMES RESTON

NO DOUBT THE SOVIETS WILL have their doubts about a German-born official being established as head of the security operations room in the basement of the White House, but his record scarcely supports his journalistic reputation as a foreign policy hard-liner.

It is true that he and Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller of New York helped persuade Nixon that a reasonable period of time should be allowed to go by after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia before going forward with new arms control negotiations with the Soviet leaders.

His record as a whole, however, indicates that he is a cautious and reflective man prudent about the use of military power and does not hesitate to change policies when they seem to be going against the national interest.

HE WORKED VERY CLOSELY WITH Jerome Wiesner, Thomas C. Schelling and others on the formulation of "The Strategy of Equilibrium" for dealing with the Soviet nuclear threat. This was based on the view that the best hope for peace and arms control lay in creating a situation where, in Wiesner's words, "a surprise attack by one side cannot prevent retaliation by the other."

This stable deterrent system, it should be noted, did not rest, as Nixon's campaign speeches seemed to rest, on the assumption that the United States must always have a clear superiority in military arms over the Soviets.

In fact, the theory behind the "stable deterrent system" was that it would eventually make it possible to limit the size of the deterrent force on both sides and thereby lead in time to a limitation of the nuclear race.

Also, at the time of the Berlin crisis of 1961, early in the Kennedy administration, Kissinger worked with Abram Chayes, Carl Keysen and Arthur Schlesinger Jr. to try to bring about a diplomatic settlement of the Berlin crisis.

At that time, former Secretary of State Dean Acheson argued for a bolder military strategy. If necessary he would have run a military convoy through Helmstadt along the Autobahn to Berlin. The views of Kissinger and others prevailed.

The president-elect's emphasis on the reorganization and strengthening of the National Security Council is also reassuring. This cabinet committee for helping the president reach decisions on vital security questions was seriously weakened under Kennedy and Johnson. Kissinger will now have the task of restoring it to the authority it had under President Eisenhower.

© New York Times Service

# Kissinger Named as Nixon Aide;
DuBridge to Be Science Adviser

BY STUART H. LOORY

Times Staff Writer

NEW YORK—Henry A. Kissinger, the man President-elect Nixon named chief White House foreign policy adviser Monday, is a mystery man of international relations.

Kissinger is an activist academician who, for years, has been ranging around the world, operating just below the surface of public scrutiny.

Nixon said Kissinger, a Harvard government professor, will be his assistant for national security affairs.

It was learned that Nixon today would name Dr. Lee DuBridge, 67, president of Caltech, as his science adviser. DuBridge resigned his post at the college Monday. He has been a friend of Nixon for 21 years and has served on numerous government advisory committees.

Kissinger immediately after his appointment revealed plans to make

over the National Security Council apparatus — to revitalize it and streamline it into an organization with which Nixon can meet regularly.

In the past eight years, the NSC, set up in 1947 as a top-level, fast-reacting five-man group, has not been much consulted in a formal sense.

Its professional staff, however, has functioned as a kind of mini-State Department from offices in the White House basement.

Instead of using the NSC as a whole, President John F. Kennedy relied on the so-called "Tuesday lunch group" to help him make the crucial decisions in foreign affairs, particularly the Vietnam war.

In addition to serving as a professor at Harvard, Kissinger was

Please Turn to Page 8, Col. 1

of Crown Prince Akihito of Japan,
where he celebrated third birthday.

(P) Wirephoto

Children and Youth. They are: Mrs. Evelyn M. Binswanger of Newport Beach; Mrs. Robley, Berry of Ken-sington, president of the California Parent-Teacher Assn.; Lois Risling, a sophomore history major at Sa-cramento State College, and Mrs. Kenneth Spencer of San Gabriel, a former president of the state PTA.

BUSINESS

Banks across the country raised their prime rates — the interest charged to most favored borrowers — to 6½% from 6-1/4%.

The stock market's march to what many think will be a new high in the Dow Jones average stumbled as profits were taken on news of higher interest rates. The Dow Jones industrial average ended with a loss of 1.74 at 983.34.

Air Canada, which has been window shopping at Southland aircraft firms for the past nine months, placed an order with Lockheed Aircraft Corp., Burbank, for 10 L-1011 jet airliners valued at $161 million.

See Financial Section

12/6/68

San Francisco Chronicle
THE VOICE OF THE WEST

44

Charles de Young Thieriot, Editor and Publisher
George T. Cameron, Publisher 1925 to 1955
Founded 1865 by Charles and M. H. de Young

## Editorials

# The Team Nixon Is Assembling

THE COMPLETE LINEUP of the team which President-elect Nixon will take with him to Washington isn't off the press yet, but the three top appointments he has announced this week are first-rate and inspire hope that those to follow will be up to the same mark.

His nomination of Professor Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard as special assistant for national security affairs has drawn cheers even from anti-Nixonites like Arthur Schlesinger Jr., who pronounced it "very encouraging . . . the best they'll get." Various other Harvard and M.I.T. associates of Kissinger have sounded their equally high praise of the selection.

Kissinger's job is one of the most sensitive in government, in that he is at the President's side when he makes national security decisions. He himself has described it as "seeing to it that the President of the United States does not just hear what he wants to hear, which is always a temptation for White House staffers."

WHAT PARTICULARLY ATTRACTS approval for this appointment is Professor Kissinger's wide experience in foreign policy and nuclear questions and his strong position in favor of talking with the Russians to control the missile race. In that stand, he may have a modifying effect on the President-elect's own views, as expressed during the campaign when he came out for the idea of a "clear superiority" over the Soviets.

Advised in nuclear and other national security matters by Kissinger, in scientific research and development by President Lee DuBridge of Caltech, and on economic matters by Professor Paul W. McCracken of Michigan, a highly regarded member of the moderate school of economists, Mr. Nixon could not ask for better brains to pick in those important areas. And that seems to be his praise-worthy objective, for, as he has said, he will be "trying to pick the brains of the best people in the world."

An Editorial

Contamination
By Harvard

One thing that every executive learns out of business school, at least by the time of his first promotion, is that divided authority is the worst sin a good executive can commit.

Yet, Mr. Nixon has appointed Professor Kissinger as the White House foreign relations advisor!

The United States has a Secretary of State and Mr. Nixon will be appointing a new one very shortly. And that man is SUPPOSED TO BE in charge of the foreign relations of the United States.

Then, WHY, in God's name, does Mr. Nixon also have to have a foreign relations advisor in the White House?

ONLY IN RECENT YEARS, WHEN INEPT AND CONFUSED INDIVIDUALS INHABITED THE WHITE HOUSE, HAS THIS PLAN DEVELOPED FOR HAVING A HAREM OF ADVISORS IN THE WHITE HOUSE. THE RESULT IS CONFUSION, FREQUENT CONTRADICATION, AND CONSPIRACIES AGAINST THE APPOINTED CABINET OFFICERS. THE LOGICAL WAY TO SAVE MONEY AND AVOID CONFUSION IS IN NOT HAVING TWO MEN HANDLING THE NATION'S FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

AN EDITORIAL

Page 14

irm around
sits in his
receiving let-
family. For
elementary
Stuyvesant
to and Puer-
tear-old ed-

ucator's career ended this week when he
summoned PS 93's 50 teachers and read
the letter to them. During recent teach-
ers' strike, Nislow refused to open PS
93 and joined striking teachers on picket
lines, incurring the wrath of many par-
ents in the community. (UPI Telephoto)

Action

New N.E. Oil In

annual saving to New England
fuel consumers of several mil-
lions of dollars would be jeopard-
dized if you act precipitously in
issuing new oil import regula-
tions."

Brooke explained that prema-
ture issuance of the regulations
could seriously prejudice the de-
liberation currently in progress
by the Foreign Trade Zone
Board. The board hopes to is-
sue a decision by the end of the
month on whether to grant a
free trade zone to Machiasport.

If the decision is affirmative,
Occidental Petroleum Corp.
plans to build a $145 million oil

refinery, prov-
Department pe-
ny to import a
into the countr

Occidental
project is app
able to make
New England
per cent belo
levels.

Brooke note
Trade Zone
was dealing w
cy governing
through foreign
a "hasty" issu
port regulation
cut" the board

Historic
New Castle

MANCHESTER (N. H.) UNION LEADER — Friday, December 6, 1968

An Editorial

Contamination
By Harvard

(Continued from Page One)

Just because some previous foolish Presi-
dents have developed bad habits, why should
Mr. Nixon imitate them? Furthermore, of course,
if anything will destroy the confidence of the
many sensible people throughout the country,
including the 10 million who voted for George
Wallace, it is for Mr. Nixon to appoint a man
constantly identified with previous Democratic
administrations, and the individual who was
Governor Rockefeller's advisor on foreign af-
fairs.

The country is so sick of Harvard and the
damage done by the so-called "intellectuals" ap-
pointed from there that the selection of Kis-
singer, an associate of Walt Rostow and Mc-
George Bundy of Harvard and of the other men
responsible for the failure of United States for-
eign policy in the last eight years, is an idea
that seems like utter foolishness to us.

It is interesting to note that Mr. Nixon met
Mr. Kissinger at a Christmas party at the home
of Clare Booth Luce, the confused and highly
tinseled wife and now widow of Henry Luce of
Time, Life and Fortune magazines. The last
mention of this family in the pages of ours new-
paper was an editorial comment on the fact that
she and her husband had experimented with
LSD! Taking up with just anybody you meet at
a Christmas party at the Luce home is an act of
bad judgment for anybody, let alone for the
President of the United States.

If it weren't for the fact that our lives are
hanging in the balance, we would be inclined
to say, "It's not our necks, so let Mr. Nixon wor-
ry about his own." But, IT IS OUR COUNTRY
AND OUR NECKS!

As we have said before, we cannot stand
for any more products and the results of the ap-
pointments of associates of Ivy League schools
and the Eastern Establishment—including the
Henry Cabot Lodges, Scrantons, Kissingers,
Rockefellers, et al.

Mr. Nixon cannot continue to follow the
previous course of the United States or to be
guided by these individuals. If he does, he will
feel the quickest retribution at the polls that he
or any other politician ever saw.

Publisher

Begin Revaluation
Home Calls Satur

A second vi
where p
the

Fete Slated Tonight

DILEMMA

Allison, while looking on, Normandin, master of cere- Mayor Rodney Dyer.

(Robert St. Louis Photo)

Trans East, TWA
Accord Reported

BANGOR, Maine (UPI) — Trans East Airlines will service and fuel all Trans World Airlines planes landing at Bangor International Airport under terms of a contract announced yesterday.

Trans East has similar agree- ments with Eastern Airlines and Trans International Airlines.

Improve education by sup- porting your state lottery, the N.H. Sweepstakes.

Valley Assn. Told Of

The Merrimack Valley Branch repr of the University of New univ Hampshire will be kept "at the Executive Committee level" un- til Spring, according to Irving thro "Bud" Gray, president of the Merrimack Valley Region Assn. B

At a meeting Wednesday
night at the 88 Restaurant with

WAGES

(Continued from Page Five)

During October 1967 pay-
ments numbered 1,262 and
totalled $37,353.

Job Openings

Active work registrations
on file at the end of October
totalled 684 in the Manches-
ter local office and 239 in the
Youth Center. Four hundred
and eighty-one or 52 per cent
of all job applicants on file in
the Manchester offices were
female. There were 527 job
openings received in the Man-
chester offices including a total
of 1,471 job openings avail-
able during October. This is
a decrease of 91 from Sep-
tember.

At the end of the month,
928 or 63 per cent of all job
openings available during the
month were unfilled.

The Manchester offices
made 1,080 nonagricultural
referrals and had 308 place-
ments of which 132 were fe-
male. One hundred and thirty-
eight or 45 per cent of all
nonagricultural placements
were in manufacturing.

Gift Idea

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 24, 1968

PAGE 10

# Vietnam: Letting Go

Part of the trouble in Vietnam over the years has been the persistence of oversimplified answers to exceedingly complex questions. Government officials became accustomed to speaking in code words, repeating the same equations and not understanding that the public had never learned the numbers. The public wanted to know the details, and these were never supplied. There is no better illustration of the value of new men replacing old than the remarkable analysis of the Paris negotiations in the current *Foreign Affairs* by Henry A. Kissinger, who on Jan. 20 will enter the White House as Mr. Nixon's senior adviser on national security. What is extraordinary is that Mr. Kissinger deals with the Vietnam situation in new contexts and original language markedly free from the myths and prejudices of the past. It is worth mentioning that he served as a confidential adviser on Vietnam to Mr. Johnson, and participated in many of the crucial meetings—in short, he knows the sequence of events that brought us to Paris, and it is useful information to know.

What Kissinger recommends is a three-tier negotiation at Paris, with the four powers constituting a plenary session to legitimize the work of two committees. One, the United States and Hanoi, would discuss military matters, specifically a phased withdrawal of foreign troops; the other, Saigon and the National Liberation Front, would negotiate the eventual political settlement. There are several objectives in this "two-track" theory, the most important among them the separation of the United States from any discussion of Vietnamese politics, a subject which Washington—alone of the contending parties—is incapable of discussing intelligently, and therefore successfully. There would then be no question of the Americans "imposing" a coalition government, or any other kind of government, on South Vietnam. The political solution would lie where it properly ought to lie, with the South Vietnamese. To say this is to reject the contention that the Front is inextricably part and parcel of Hanoi. It is a contention that Kissinger apparently rejects, and so do we. More important, according to his statement Sunday, Vice President Ky apparently agrees.

Due to the nature of the conflict, Kissinger suggests that the parties attempt first to reach agreement on the broad outlines of a settlement, and then work back to discuss the details, because the details, the facts of the matter, are so horrendously complicated. In the most persuasive language, Kissinger documents the difficulty, for example, of a cease-fire. Unlike Korea, there are no front lines in South Vietnam. In the event of a cease-fire, then, where would the lines be drawn? Where would government troops patrol? Where would Vietcong troops patrol? If Saigon holds Hau Nghia Province by day, and the NLF holds it by night, with each side insisting that they hold it both by day and by night, who holds it during a cease-fire? Would there be transit through the lines? Similarly, with the much-discussed coalition government: Officials of the Front would be insane to venture into Saigon without armed escort. Yet Communist troops in Saigon would change the balance of power in South Vietnam, a condition certain to be uncongenial to any Saigon government. Last, and most forceful, a 25-year war does

not produce an atmosphere of trust and harmony. The two sides hate each other.

Kissinger would, for the moment, elide these questions, which really have no solution in the present context of the war. The only sort of cease-fire that would work would be a de facto cease-fire, the sort of "understanding" we now have with Hanoi over the bombing halt. Once the matter becomes detailed, it becomes unworkable. Additionally, once the matter becomes detailed it becomes a function of Western diplomacy. Vietnamese, North and South, prefer imprecision, and in this case they are welcome to it.

Meanwhile (and it is a pregnant "meanwhile"), the United States and Hanoi would get on with negotiating a phased withdrawal of troops. Kissinger appears to skip over this one with a bit too much agility, but the objective is sound. It parallels the recent pronouncements of Secretary Clifford. The point simply is that in pursuit of its own national interest, the United States must now begin to disengage and it can only accomplish that end by bilateral talks with Hanoi. Kissinger argues that the North must ultimately agree to a mutual withdrawal, because it is now clear that American troops cannot be forcibly expelled. The obverse of that coin is the old maxim of the successful insurgent: The guerrilla wins if he does not lose; the conventional army loses if it does not win. The situation is clear: impasse, with certain credits and debits on both sides.

What Kissinger does not get into is the current state of affairs in South Vietnam. It is now, as it always has been, subject to a bewildering array of interpretations. General Abrams, Mr. Robert Komer, the former pacification chief, and others contend that the military situation is good and getting better; the optimistic Mr. Komer on occasion goes a bit farther. Others, including American critics and (significantly) high officials of the Thieu administration, do not agree. It is a condition which ought to be clearly understood: there will never be universal agreement on the military and political situation on the ground, and experience over the past five years casts great doubt, in any case, on the ability of Americans to do it. We will not know the situation until the war is over, and the accounts of the participants published.

But no matter. What Kissinger has got absolutely straight, in our judgment, is the necessity to leave the political future of Vietnam to the parties in the South, Saigon and the Front, and the future of the large-scale American and North Vietnamese investments to Washington and Hanoi. None of this may work, but at least the formula is sensible and the priorities clear. The name of the game now is American disengagement, not willy-nilly, but under the right circumstances — a reciprocal reduction of violence and a consequent diminishing role both for our troops and for those of North Vietnam. And the object of the game now must be to give it back to the original, indigenous participants, the forces of the government of South Vietnam and the home-grown insurgents. That, if it can somehow be done, would be mission accomplished, external aggression repelled, self-determination upheld—in short, an honorable discharge of our responsibilities.

NEW YORK POST, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 18, 1968

# State Getting Tough On Campaign Data

By EDWARD KATCHER

Secretary of State Lomenzo will report to Attorney General Lefkowitz all candidates who fail to file campaign expense reports, it was learned today.

The state's new policy brings it in line with the policy of the city Board of Elections, disclosed last month, under which the board will turn over to Lefkowitz and the five District Attorneys the names of the city candidates who do not file such accountings.

Lomenzo has directed his Election and Law Bureau in Albany to make a survey of the filed reports and then notify the delinquent candidates that unless he gets their reports within a reasonable time he will notify Lefkowitz.

Failure to file reports is a misdemeanor punishable by imprisonment of one year and a fine of $100 to $500.

The Election Law requires

candidates to file reports listing all receipts and disbursements 10 days before and 20 days after an election.

An extension until Jan. 2 is granted to campaign committees that remain active to pay off liabilities.

In the past, candidates were merely notified of their failure to comply with the law. Then the matter was dropped. The Election Law does not require the city board or Lefkowitz to take any action at all.

The city board is in process of mailing out over 350 notices in which delinquent candidates are told that unless they file within eight days, their names will go to the appropriate authorities.

Neither the city nor the state audits the expenditure reports. They also do not check on whether a candidate files reports for all the committees that he has established for his campaign.

## Lindsay's 2d Thoughts

Mayor Lindsay says that the City Commission on Human Rights "erred" by not fully investigating the charges of anti-Semitism that arose during the recent teachers' strike.

Lindsay, speaking to a meeting of some 100 presidents and rabbis of Young Israel Youth groups last night, said the commission "has not paid enough attention to the problem of anti-Semitism."

But he praised Commission Chairman William Booth, saying he "has done a fine job."

Later, at an impromptu news conference, the Mayor said he felt the commission has not been "as sensitive as it could have been" about anti-Semitic literature distributed during the strike.

*

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THE NEW YORK TIMES, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 17, 1968

## Ets With Cohen on Welfare

United Press International

Wilbur J. Cohen, Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare, with Mayor Lindsay, who visited him in Washington.

pressures we're all under." Mr. Cohen, who has proposed that the Federal Government take over the running of the welfare program, said that more uniform national welfare standards were inevitable.

After his session with Mr. Cohen, the Mayor and J. Lee Rankin, the city's Corporation Counsel, met for more than an hour with Rosel H. Huds

until the new regulations were finally agreed to.

"We have a problem in New York," the Mayor said. Before the city acted, he noted, "we wanted a more specific idea of the ground rules" in the light of the new F.C.C. proposals.

The Board of Estimate is

## CITY FUNDS ASKED FOR JOB PLANNING

### Failure to Meet Manpower Needs Cited by Official

Cheap personnel management 5, 10 and 20 years ago is the cause of the city's manpower problems today, the city's Personnel Director said yesterday.

"Cheap personnel management today will be the cause of costly, wasteful line operations 5 and 10 years from now," Solomon Hoberman, the personnel chief, warned.

Mr. Hoberman gave his views in asking Assistant Budg- et Director Harry I. Bronstein, at a departmental hearing, for a 1969-70 budget of $4,913,773, or $264,871 above current al- locations, to maintain existing programs.

But he pleaded for a supplemental budget of $1,082,446 for new and expanded programs designed to correct some of the inadequacies of which he com- plained.

### Training Funds Asked

Because he found that no city agency had the ability to accurately determine future manpower needs or to lay out programs for training future employes, Mr. Hoberman sought $100,000 in consultant funds for his department to review personnel management pro- grams of all city agencies.

He also asked for $200,000 to hire a management consult- ing concern, to develop a com- prehensive citywide reporting and record-keeping system.

"Our inability to plan to meet our manpower needs on a rational basis," the director argued, "not only means that our manpower programs are either never changed or changed by chance and consequently many of our new community services are wasteful and in- effective."

ADVE

## OPEN LETTER

Ostriches Maso

"COMM

## AMERICA

It is most distress- "doves" (well intent- be?) are jeopardizing and undermining an- rity by openly and pr- israel return the lib- from the natural an- ently occupies. Neith- Arabs they refer to long to the countries to. These Arab coun- these areas for their Israel does.

Israel and America the Middle East nee "ostriches" who woul-

1) The Nazis in the

2) The Bevans in th

3) The Dulleses in ment

4) The Stalins in th

5) The Piuses in the "Missionaries"

6) The tax-avoiding

7) The Al-Fatah-Na- Arab countries

8) The Benedict Ar- cowards in and c

The competition bet- the Almighty give the of Israel the wisdom the State of Israel fr- perfidious Albions. Th- fair weather friends"

Kissinger Sees
Faults in U.S.
Foreign Policy

WASHINGTON—(UPI)—Henry A. Kissinger, who will be President-elect Nixon's closest adviser on foreign policy, believes the United States has been entirely too eager to read into the Soviet mind a desire for peaceful accommodation where none actually existed.

This willingness to seize upon and inflate symbols rather than to demand substance in the search for coexistence has been a mistake, he argues, and may actually have strengthened the hand of Kremlin hardliners by allowing them to collect the rewards of conciliation at no sacrifice.

Rather than trying to read the minds of the Russians, he says, the United States profoundly needs a clear cut, systematic "conception of our role in the world."

Kissinger, 45, a Harvard professor who immigrated to the United States from his native Germany at age 15, will hold in Nixon's administration the post of special assistant for national security. In a sense he will serve as Nixon's personal state department as opposed to the actual secretary of state.

"INCONSISTENT"

"I believe very strongly that the position of a White House assistant is inconsistent with making public statements on substantive matters," Kissinger said following his designation by Nixon last Monday.

His views, however, were spelled out in a paper he wrote for a Brookings Institution book, "Agenda for the Nation," published last week.

Here he argued that a willingness in the West "to be content with changes of Soviet tone and to confuse atmosphere with substance" has actually set back move-

ment toward peaceful coexistence with the Soviet Union.

### CHOICE POSTPONED

"It has enabled the Communist leaders to postpone the choice which they must make sooner or later: Whether to use detente as a device to lull the West or whether to move toward a resolution of the outstanding differences between Moscow and Washington."

An advocate of a united Europe as a prelude to an Atlantic partnership, Kissinger argues that the system of security alliances developed under U.S. impetus in the 1950s is out of date for the security of the 1970s. He found SEATO and CENTO "moribund" and NATO in "disarray."

Moreover, the United States is overextended, he says.

"If the United States remains the trustee of every noncommunist area, it will exhaust its psychological resources" in an age when psychology is a weapon because "a bluff taken seriously is

more useful than a serious threat interpreted as a bluff."

"USE OF FORCE"

"No country can act wisely simultaneously in every part of the globe at every moment of time," he argues.

He says that — ironically — the American agony of Vietnam has demonstrated not an American will to its policies with sacrifice, but just the opposite:

"In the 20th century, any use of force sets up inhibitions against resorting to it again. Whatever the outcome of the war in Vietnam, it is clear that it has greatly diminished American willingness to become involved in this form of warfare elsewhere. Its utility as a precedent has therefore been importantly undermined."

But chiefly and frequently Kissinger argues most for concept and consistency.

### A CONCLUSION

"The United States is no longer in a position to operate programs globally; it has to encourage them," he says.

HENRY A. KISSINGER

Thinks U. S. 'overextended'

Doctors 2d Th

By JOANN RODGERS
SPECIAL TO THE EXAMINER

A feeling of doubt that heart transplant operations are the answer to cardiac disease in the United States or anywhere else appears to be on the increase among medical experts.

Nearly 100 heart transplants have been performed around the world in the past year. Almost half of them are still living.

As a result, the transplant process has progressed

beyond the "experimental" status, the status of established

This does not mean that the value. It is, rather, as famed as Kantrowitz said, "A small weight."

Those who told this view children, whose bodies are less like children.

And they believe the rejection out to a degree that will permit them to be used in a species (homeografts) but

## High Clouds

Fair with variable high clouds through Sunday, except for patchy fog late night and mornings. Little temperature change. Daytime highs in 50s, night lows in 30s. Light variable winds.

Full report on Page 12-C

San Francisco

VOL. 1968, NO. 49

AP Wireh稿tos

KISSINGER, NIXON, AND KISSINGER ASSOCIATE RICHARD ALLEN

An entire rethinking of American foreign policy

NATION

Burst of Creativity

"In the years ahead, the
most profound challenge to
American foreign policy will
be philosophical: to develop
some concept of order in a
world which is bipolar mili-
tarily but multipolar politi-
cally.

"... In almost every area of the world, we have been living off capital — warding off the immediate, rarely dealing with the underlying problems. These difficulties are likely to multiply when it becomes apparent that one of the legacies of the war in Vietnam will be a strong American reluctance to risk overseas involvement."

To those who (like third-
party candidate George Wal-
lace) had said that there was
not a dime's worth of differ-
ence between the Republican
and Democratic presidential
candidates, the words quoted
above had to be convincing
evidence to the contrary.

Their author, Harvard Pro-
fessor Henry A. Kissinger,

last week was appointed by
President-elect Richard Nix-
on to be his special assistant
for national security affairs
—perhaps the most prestig-
ious and powerful position
in Nixon's extensive kitchen
cabinet.

Required Reading

Kissinger, whose essay
"Central Issues of American
Foreign Policy" had been re-
quired reading in the Nixon
camp for some time before
the appointment, cham-
pioned ideas in the areas of
defense and foreign policy
diametrically opposed to
those of the Johnson adminis-
tration.

President Johnson had, at
the beginning of his adminis-
tration, distained any "grand
design" formula for a policy
of "flexibility" in which
crises were dealt with indi-
vidually on the basis of the
particular problems they
posed.

Kissinger (and therefore, it
was now assumed, Presi-
dent-elect Nixon) believed
that an entire rethinking of

American foreign policy posi-
tions was in order.

"A new administration,"
said Kissinger in his essay,
"must recognize that, in the
field of foreign policy, we
will never be able to contrib-
ute to building a stable and
creative world order unless
we first form some concep-
tion of it."

This, said Kissinger, re-
quired a "new burst of crea-
tivity" in considering a world
in which "the United States
is no longer in a position to
operate programs globally;
it has to encourage them. It
can no longer impose its pre-
ferred solution; it must seek
to evoke it."

NATO's Possibilities

As an example, Kissinger
challenged the "conventional
view" that "NATO can be as
useful an instrument for de-
tente as for defense." While
dismissing the Southeast
Asia Treaty Organization
(SEATO) and the Central
Treaty Organization (CEN-
TO) as "moribund as instru-
ments of collective action,"
Kissinger found NATO still

AP Wirephoto

JOINING the team of attorneys defending Sirhan Sirhan, accused slayer of Senator Robert F. Kennedy, was noted Los Angeles trial attorney Grant B. Cooper, who would join Russell E. Parsons and a "well known"— but as yet unnamed— Eastern lawyer.

sized that "the weight of violence was overwhelmingly on the side of the police."

Walker demanded that "the guilty (policemen) be rooted out and disciplined. More than a handful of police were involved and dismissal of a handful of police will not be enough . . . The blue curtain cannot be permitted to stay down."

At present, 10 policemen have been suspended by the Chicago Police Department for failure to wear identifying nameplates or shields during the disturbances, four faced dismissal proceedings for "using excessive force"

and three faced dismissal because they had been identified in connection with attacks on newsmen.

Chicago Mayor Richard Daley, a staunch supporter of the police, was surprisingly mild in his criticism of the report, saying only that the summary, if used alone, could be misleading. He urged "widest possible distribution" of "the full report."

## Police vs. Demonstrators

On the other side of the fence, Dave Dellinger, chairman of the National Mobilization Committee to end the War in Vietnam, told a news conference that the report "overemphasizes the provocations on the part of the demonstrators."

"Many of the rocks and sticks were thrown by identified police agents, who tried unsuccessfully to provoke the demonstrators to attack the police. When the demonstrators threw objects it was in self-defense against charging police."

The report also discussed the larger issues behind the violence in Chicago. "In principle, at least, most Americans acknowledged the right to dissent. And, in principle at least, most citizens acknowledge the right of a city to protect its citizens and its property. But what happens when these undeniable rights are brought—deliberately by some—into conflict?

"Convention week in Chicago is what happens, and the challenge it brings is plain: To keep peaceful assembly from being a contradiction in terms."

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## Other Voices

# Staffing the New Administration

President-elect Nixon has completed the or-
ganization of his White House staff, which con-
sists for the most part in naming the persons
who were close to him during his campaign to
positions in the coming administration. There
were no surprises, which suggests that Mr.
Nixon is proceeding with the utmost caution.
Since he has had no administrative experi-
ence, that is no more than prudent.

Mr. Nixon's most significant appointment thus far is that of Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard University to be his assistant for national security affairs. Mr. Kissinger was once a consultant to the Kennedy Administration and was an adviser to Gov. Rockefeller of New York when the governor was seeking the GOP presidential nomination. Mr. Nixon deserves full credit for appointing a foreign policy adviser whose views may be more moderate than his own have been in the past.

Since Mr. Nixon has no particular mandate
from the voters and no particular program,
speculation as to his Cabinet choices is un-
productive. The names mentioned so far are
those of "safe" men of sufficient experience
to manage their departments with moderate
competence. Some figured in the Eisenhower
Administration. A few names mentioned have
been those of Democrats whose thinking runs
along lines that could be useful to Mr. Nixon.

One of the most important appointees an-
nounced thus far is Bryce N. Harlow, who will

be Mr. Nixon's special assistant for legisla-
tive affairs. Mr. Harlow held the same job
under Mr. Eisenhower and was successful in
getting along well with congressional Demo-
crats and Republicans alike. Since Mr. Nixon
will begin his White House tenure with both
houses of Congress controlled by the oppo-
sition party, the choice of Mr. Harlow is a
good one.

Mr. Nixon is supposed to be considering
1,500 selected possibilities for the govern-
ment's top 300 jobs, and to be seeking "brains,
judgment, creativity and youth" to fill some
2,000 secondary jobs. Nominations are being
sought from university presidents, business
leaders and foundation heads. All this sounds
good, but how good no one will know until the
results begin to show.

The truth is that the caliber of men drawn
to Washington in the Nixon Administration
will depend on the leadership exercised by
Mr. Nixon. The brightest young men in the
country flocked to the capital in the early
'30s to work for Franklin Roosevelt at finan-
cial sacrifice—because Roosevelt was exciting
and the country was going somewhere. We
cannot expect Mr. Nixon to be another FDR,
but if he can persuade the country that he
intends to move—and in the right direction—
he will have no trouble getting good men and
women to work for him. If he cannot, he will
attract only mediocrities.

—The St. Louis Post-Dispatch.

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Press Digest

TIMES: "President-elect Nixon's decision to establish a counterpart of the National Security Council to cope with the urban crisis does encourage the hope that action will get a higher priority than conversation in his approach to this most urgent of domestic problems. That hope is heightened by his appointment yesterday of Daniel P. Moynihan to head a special planning staff that will advise Mr. Nixon on what the federal government can do to help the cities. No one can accuse Prof. Moynihan of being a prisoner of stale ideas or shibboleths; he demolishes liberal stand-patters and conservative stand-patters with cheerful impartiality, regardless of race, creed or color."

* * *

NEWS: "A $1.34 billion city school operating budget is in prospect... It would set a new record for size. But is the local public school system worth spending that amount of money on, what with teachers striking, parents mobbing schools, children wrecking school and other public property, and so on and so forth? ... Isn't it time for taxpayers, parents and pupils to ask in all seriousness what the schools are delivering in return for the tremendous sums they cost—and when, if ever, some reasonable improvements may be expected?"

JAMES RESTON (Times): "The Pierre Hotel on Fifth Av. in New York is now the Cabinet-making headquarters of America, more prominent than Grand Rapids and fancier than the little furniture towns of North Carolina. Up high, Richard Nixon is designing the Cabinet that will help him run the country. . . . Mr. Nixon [has] a great freedom of choice and the question is how he will use it. At the technical level he seems to be using it very effectively, appointing men like Kissinger on foreign policy, Leo DuBridge of Cal Tech as science adviser and Paul McCracken as his principal economic adviser. At the Cabinet level, however, he seems less sure of the kind of men and philosophy he wants around him. His Cabinet choices so far, are a mixed bag with no common philosophy...

* * *

WASHINGTON POST: "The Afro-Asian bloc has set an extremely dangerous precedent by voting to suspend South Africa from the UN Conference on Trade and Development. The vote was intended as a protest against South Africa's apartheid policy, despite the opinion of the UN legal counsel that the act would be contrary to the UN charter. . . . For the world body to ride cavalierly over its own statutes, at the whim of an inflamed majority, invites nothing less than the death of the UN."

ALDRICH

Eight burly, big-
shouldered young men
are lined up in a row,
each man's eyes fixed
on a small piece of ad-
hesive tape between
the shoulder blades of
the man in front of
him. Pull, lean back,
push... 31 strokes a
minute... 42 strokes a minute... 45. As the shell
cuts through the water, hunkered down in front
of them on a small wooden seat, one hand on a
rudder, one holding a megaphone, two stop-
watches strapped to his thighs, is a small, skinny
nervous 127-lb. Harvard sophomore who has
starved himself into a case of the ulcers.

He is suffering but happy, coxswain to the crew, their captain and gadfly. "I've got the 7 man!" he shouts, watching as the crew overtakes another 8-man racing shell, "Now give me the 6 man! Up to 45 strokes."

"I was happy," he remembers. "You could impart a spirit to your boat. You had a feeling you could light a fire under people."

This picture of Alexander (Sam) Aldrich two
decades ago is not wholly irrelevant today. Ald-
rich, 40, a cousin of Gov. Rockefeller, and the
newly elected president of Long Island Univer-
sity's Brooklyn Center, is still thin, intense, and
urging others to do better.

Aldrich resembles a smaller shyer version of
his famous cousin. He has bushy grey-blond Rock-
efeller eyebrows, and a Rockefeller voice—gravel-
ly, part urban and part New Hampshire.

He is the son of Winthrop R. Aldrich, pres-
ident of Chase Manhattan, and grandson of Nel-
son W. Aldrich, the famous Senator from Rhode
Island, and he has had a diverse career—Wall
St. lawyer, police youth adviser, state civil
rights coordinator, candidate for Congress, di-
rector of a conservation committee, now educator.

There is one impulse behind all these ventures,
Aldrich believes, "helping people with human
problems, with the inner challenge." As a law-
yer he found Legal Aid work more satisfying
than corporate law. As director of the Hudson

River Valley Con-
more interesting
matters as pover-
family relocation-
13 white men to
to Birmingham r

"I guess what
to strengthen the
emotionally to co-
Aldrich, "and the
lems exist is in the
translate themsel-
and I like to be
problems are invo-

Aldrich, ideal of
poration, becomes
Brooklyn, and is
lem-producing pre-
is midway betwee
Bedford-Stuyvesar-

Controversy s
Center a year ag
missed by LIU
to was subsequently
was accused of g
efforts in the sub
black urban are
branches—CW Po
—are suburban ce

Aldrich, says
business" at LIU
for ways in which
the local black co

LIU's new mar
luxury in 1928, th
ters) of Harriet A
His aunt was Gov.
up in a E. 78th St.
im Dark Harbor, M
Harvard and Yale

When he was a
freshman at St
Elizabeth Hollins,
at Dark Harbor w
four children—Eliz
throp II, 14, Ama-

DAILY NEWS, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1968

Cabinet-Making From Chippendale to Nixon

By JAMES RESTON

The Pierre Hotel on Fifth Avenue in New York is now the Cabinet-making headquarters of America, more prominent than Grand Rapids and fancier than the little furniture towns of North Carolina. Up high, Richard Nixon is designing the Cabinet that will help him run the country; down below, the reporters are watching who comes and goes and writing mystifying clarifications about what it all means.

It is a fascinating parade— from old-fashioned Chippendale Republicans like Everett McKinley Dirksen to functional modern Democratic types like Daniel Patrick Moynihan of M.I.T. Most of them come out of Mr. Nixon's quarters saying that it was all very interesting, and some of them, like Robert Anderson, slip down the freight elevator out of sight. But there is one intriguing and maybe even significant thing about the political Cabinet-making process in America.

In the United States men of almost all opinions, persuasions and ideologies are prepared to serve the President in the right job. Many are called to the Pierre and few are chosen. Many who were not chosen pretend that they were too busy or committed to serve, but usu-

ally this is an excuse or dodge.

There is a common longing in America to get close to the top of the Government. Put it down to a genuine desire to serve the country, or even to vanity or ambition or merely to a wish to be remembered as somebody different back home, but whatever the impulse is, it is stronger than party loyalty, or personal allegiance, or political ideology.

Service Despite Differences

No doubt many candidates for high office are relieved when they are not invited to give up their private jobs and stock options to work eighteen hours a day in the Pentagon, but back in their minds most of them really want to be asked to take a job, even if they have differed with the new President.

Mel Laird of Wisconsin can be for Barry Goldwater in 1964, then switch to Nelson Rockefeller for President and John Gardner for Vice President in 1968, and still end up as Secretary of Defense under Richard Nixon and Spiro Agnew. Henry Kissinger of Harvard can work for Nelson Rockefeller for years and then, after Mr. Nixon refuses to bring Mr. Rockefeller into the Cabinet, wind up as Mr. Nixon's principal foreign affairs adviser.

Senator Henry Jackson of

Washington, a former head of the Democratic National Committee, and Sargent Shriver, a prominent member of both the Democratic and Kennedy political parties, can be asked to run the Pentagon for the Republicans or represent them at the United Nations, and nobody here thinks this is odd.

It is a crazy and wonderful system and uniquely American. Mr. Nixon, the chief political Cabinet-maker, can mix Republican Traditional (Melvin Laird) with Democratic Modern (Pat Moynihan), and get Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, a primitive Democrat turned Republican, to accept them both.

All this baffles our friends and enemies abroad. They don't understand how the Republicans could pass over talented members of their own party like Robert McNamara, John Gardner and McGeorge Bundy and leave it to the Democrats to appoint them to high office. Or how Mr. Nixon could ignore these same distinguished Republicans and yet be so interested in Democrats like Scoop Jackson and Pat Moynihan.

The Creative Mess

Nevertheless, that's the way it is. The system is a creative mess, but it gives Mr. Nixon a great freedom of choice, and

the question is how he will use it. At the technical level he seems to be using it very effectively, appointing men like Kissinger on foreign policy, Lee DuBridge of Cal Tech as science adviser, and Paul McCracken as his principal economic adviser.

At the Cabinet level, however, he seems less sure of the kind of men and philosophy he wants around him. His Cabinet choices, so far, are a mixed bag with no common philosophy, but he believes in institutions like the Cabinet and the National Security Council and is likely to rely on these institutions far more than Presidents Johnson and Kennedy did.

Maybe this system will work. Far at the beginning of every new Administration in America there is always a common will to solve common problems, even among the most diverse members of the Cabinet and the White House staffs. They may have had their doubts about Mr. Nixon in the past, and they may still be wondering about his policies and his appointments now, but there's something about the majesty of the White House and about serving the President and the country that overrides everything else at the beginning. And this important imponderable is what Mr. Nixon is counting on.

THE NEW YORK TIMES, WEDNESDAY

Books of The Times

Lingering Shadows

By THOMAS LASK

THE PARADE'S GONE BY . . . By Kevin Brownlow. Illustrated. 577 pages. Knopf. $13.95.

KEVIN Brownlow's exploration of the silent days of the film is not a nostalgic romp down memory lane. For a change, the writer of a book about silent films doesn't even tell you how he felt when seeing them. To Brownlow, a young English film maker, "the silent era was the richest in the cinema's history," and his book, part chronicle and part analysis, tells why he thinks it is so and how it got that way.

His book deals with a whole tribe of picture people whom the average moviegoer seldom thinks of and never reads about outside the technical journals. Camera men, set designers and constructionists, film editors and cutters, script writers and title writers, stunt men and music makers (the silents were never completely silent in the making or the showing), special-effects people, lighting experts and others for once have, their say.

It would be easy to predict that most of the names in the index will be unknown to his readers, not because they have been forgotten but because they were not really known in the first place. A good example is Margaret Booth, whom the author describes as "one of the great motion-picture editors" who, as a top executive at M-G-M, "holds immense control." Miss Booth started as a film cutter by hand at the D. W. Griffith Co. and has held various

how the movies advanced by overcoming technical problems. It's true that these were translated into visual and artistic effects, but the problems—and it was these that fascinated the early makers—were technical.

Much Improvising

Cameras, for example, were mounted on tripods, put on casters, on perambulator wheels, on rails and sunk underneath the water. Not everything worked of course, but what worked was kept. One of the nice things about the people in this book is how often they admit to borrowing from others.

"Every basic device in cinematic story telling," Mr. Brownlow writes, "had been established by 1912. The close-up, the tracking shot, the high angle, the flashback, the insert, effect lighting, masking, fading, dissolves—the whole gamut was there." True, it took a master like D. W. Griffith to show what could be done with them but the devices were at hand. And the mechanical successes forced a change in acting styles and range. What sort of career would Gary Cooper have had on the stage?

"The Parade's Gone By . . ." is solid fare and written with a somewhat weighty hand. Sometimes in the interviews, what the people say themselves does not always jibe with what the author says about them. Mary Pickford was undoubtedly a great