HENRY KISSINGER AT WORK DURING PARIS PEACE NEGOTIATIONS LAST YEAR

J. P. LAFONT-SCAGRA

DURING 1972 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION

FOREIGN RELATIONS/COVER STORY

A Super Secretary to Shake Up State

The momentous decision was an-
nounced in, of all places, a swimming
pool. Julie Nixon Eisenhower tele-
phoned Henry Kissinger and asked
whether his two young children would
like to come over for a dip at the Nix-
ons' San Clemente estate. Indeed they
would. A little later, Julie called back
and asked Kissinger to come along too.
So Kissinger and his children were con-
tently paddling around in the pool,
behind the expensive bulletproof wind-
screen, when Nixon himself appeared
in his trunks and strolled out into the af-
ternoon sunshine. He got into the pool
and then said to Kissinger, "Why don't
you and I go down to the other end?"

**Stunning News.** The two men splashed to the shallow end of the pool. Kissinger took a seat on the steps, half in and half out of the water, while the President stretched out and floated on his back in front of Kissinger. Then Nixon gave him the news. "If you will let me," said the President, "I would like to nominate you for Secretary of State tomorrow."

No matter how prepared Henry Kissinger may have been for that moment, it still stunned him. He had heard the rumors ever since last year's election: that Secretary of State William P. Rogers was ready to resign and that the President was thinking of making Kissinger his top foreign policy adviser in name as well as in fact. A few weeks ago the President had told Kissinger that Rogers wanted to resign, and he had asked Kissinger's opinion about several possible successors. Later, when Kissinger mentioned that he had been planning a trip to Europe, Nixon cautioned him: "You'd better not make any

travel plans for the next month or so. I'll need you close by." But none of this had altogether prepared Henry Kissinger for the news that he, an immigrant, a Jew, a professor who still spoke English with a marked German accent, was about to become the nation's 56th Secretary of State. He told the President —what else could he say?—that he certainly had no objection to his name being submitted to the Senate for confirmation. Then, still in the pool, the two men talked about problems ahead.

In one sense, of course, Kissinger's
nomination was simply a confirmation
of the true state of American diploma-
cy. It was Kissinger, the theorist of a Bis-
marckian balance of power, who had
created the intellectual framework for
Nixon's greatest achievements in for-
eign policy, the new détente with China,
the progressive improvement of rela-
tions with the Soviet Union and, final-
ly, the truce in Viet Nam. It was Kis-
singer, too, who personally brought
those theories into reality in an endless

The Response: "It Gives Me Faith"

The world's problems seemed far away
as Henry Kissinger sat at a small table
outside his San Clemente office. The sun
was bright, the air cool and clear. Flow-
ers ringed the small patio, and beyond
the immaculate lawn lay the blue Pa-
cific. From this tranquil outpost, the
world looked peaceful. Watergate
seemed manageable, the Congress
friendly, and the press tame. But Kis-
singer's strength is that he knows all this
is deceptive. The real world is not so
idyllic, and Kissinger wants to get back
into the real world as fast as he can.

In an interview with TIME'S Hugh Sidey, Kissinger spoke carefully. He must still face the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and be confirmed. He did not want to talk plans and programs, techniques and hopes, grand ideas for his New World. He was obviously rather awed by his new nomination and yet not the least bit afraid of it. A German-born Jew, unproper-

tied, unelegant and unimposing, Henry
Kissinger seemed ready to move toward
the pantheon of national greats.

"I have been heartened by the response to my nomination," he told Sidey, "by telephone calls from people who have disagreed—Averell Harriman, Mac Bundy, John McCloy. It makes me hope we can really unite this country. There are elements of a truly constructive period ahead. If we don't tear ourselves to pieces domestically, we can build something that will last beyond this Administration. It must be built on previous Administrations too. We have brought some major changes, but some of them were open only to us. But they wanted what we wanted.

"In many ways it is a great para-
dox. It gives me faith in the history of
this country. Back there, we would have
said that the least likely man elected to
do all these things would be Richard

14

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973

# How to read an envelope.

A printed envelope tells you the sender is in business. He buys his stationery in bulk, which means he anticipates his needs and plans ahead. Just how good a businessman he is can be told from the rest of the envelope.

The meter ad tells you the sender runs a tight ship. He even knows how to get extra mileage from his postage. By using his postage meter to print an ad alongside the postage, his letter puts in a good word for him even before it's opened.

This window reveals that the sender uses a handy ledger card billing system to send out his monthly bills. He copies the ledger cards on a Pitney Bowes Copier. Folds and inserts the copies automatically into window envelopes, using a Pitney Bowes Folder/Inserter. And prints the postage with a Pitney Bowes Postage Meter. Quickly and easily.

If you dusted this letter for fingerprints, you'd probably discover fewer than usual. Because metered mail gets handled less at the Post Office. That's because it gets cancelled, dated and postmarked right in the postage meter, by the sender. Which means less work for the Post Office. More speed for the mail.

The use of a Pitney Bowes Postage Meter tells you the sender considers his mail important. He wants it to have a businesslike appearance and get where it's going as fast as possible. The morale in his office is high, since he's eliminated the mess and bother of stamps, and time-consuming trips to the Post Office.

For more information write Pitney Bowes, 1675 Pacific Street, Stamford, Conn. 06904, or call one of our 190 offices throughout the U.S. and Canada. Postage Meters, Mailing Equipment, Copiers, Counters and Imprinters, Addressers, Printers, Labeling and Marking Systems.

Pitney Bowes

Because business travels at the speed of paper.

DIRCK HALSTEAD

KISSINGER HOLDING PRESS CONFERENCE AT SAN CLEMENTE

series of secret flights and exhaustive negotiations in Peking, Moscow, Paris. Secretary of State Rogers traveled to official conferences and presided over the traditional routines of foreign affairs.

Yet, although Kissinger's accession to power in the State Department is a formalization of his key role in Nixon's Administration, it can hardly help bringing profound changes in the conduct of American foreign policy. In the White House, as the President's personal adviser on national security affairs, Kissinger could concentrate on certain specific problems; as Secretary of State he must confront the whole world. The secret negotiations in Communist capitals have left America's traditional allies in a state of unease; the old ties

need to be reconstructed. The "Year of Europe," which Kissinger himself proclaimed as one of his top priorities, has hardly begun, and yet the calendar year is nearly over. In the Middle East, which Kissinger has largely avoided, new initiatives are needed. Latin America, too, is once again in a state of turmoil that can hardly be ignored. And even in the fields that Kissinger has made his own, he himself has expressed a desire for what he calls "institutionalization"—a process by which fragile one-man accomplishments can become the cornerstone of future policy, to be carried on by his successors. With his wide experience, his considerable prestige and his special position in the White House, Henry Kissinger, just turned 50, will be

a sort of Super Secretary, uniquely equipped to shake up the old systems and reach his ambitious goals.

On the domestic side, Kissinger faces problems that he has never encountered before. The first is in his relations with Congress, which has long chafed over the fact that Kissinger has been immune to legislators' questions. When Nixon announced the nomination at his press conference last week, he emphasized that Kissinger would stay on as his personal adviser in order to achieve "a closer coordination between the White House and the departments." Kissinger will therefore have offices in both places—and greater powers than any Secretary since John Foster Dulles. At his own press conference the next day, Kissinger sought to allay any suspicions that he might try to take advantage of his dual position to avoid congressional scrutiny. On the contrary, he promised, he will testify freely and conduct an "open" foreign policy.

**First Team.** Nixon urged the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to "move expeditiously" to confirm Kissinger's nomination at hearings next month. The Senators admire the new appointee's talents, but they are not without misgivings. They are expected to subject Kissinger to close interrogation, not only about his views on foreign affairs but about his acquiescence in the wiretapping performed on several members of his own staff. In the end, though, Kissinger will undoubtedly be confirmed, as he deserves to be.

Kissinger's other domestic problem concerns his new subordinates—that vast empire of 12,000 diplomats, code clerks, economic analysts, secretaries and linguists known collectively as the State Department, or Foggy Bottom or, in Kissinger's own term, "the bureau-

Nixon. But he has done them. What is important is that he did.

"I realize that we can't put Watergate behind us. But I hope now that we can treat it as a cancer that has been ex-cised, and the wound will take a long time to heal. If we can get the country thinking about the future, that it has a future, then we can leave something behind. That is the positive thing I see. Somehow I think it will happen.

"We have a lot to do. We want to re-vitalize our relationships with our friends in Europe and Japan. The Middle East is probably the most dangerous spot. I still hope that we can find a basis for negotiations between the parties there. I intend to make a major effort to reinvigorate Latin American policy. We will work to maintain the settlement in Indochina within the limits now prescribed by Congress. It is the first time since the war that we have had a world that is at peace. We will be judged by whether or not we can make this the natural state of things.

"I plan to see what I can do to bring the Senate Foreign Relations Committee into the conceptual area of foreign policy so that they do not have to make ad hoc decisions. I had lunch with [Chairman J. William] Fulbright three weeks ago, and he said then he would welcome this development [the nomination]. If I am confirmed, I hope to get a few dedicated men in the State Department in key areas and develop a sense of excitement that will last. Great Presidents have done that. They made public service an adventure. You go back now and read some of the things they said, and the content doesn't matter so much as the attitude. When I was a professor, I didn't mind too much if my students forgot the details. What was important was that they got a sense of what really mattered. Then they could teach themselves.

"The perception of ourselves in this nation must change now. We are no longer self-sufficient. One-half of our energy will soon be coming from

abroad. All of our exports soon will pay only for the raw materials we must import. Our agriculture products now have to be thoughtfully allocated. Take the wheat deal, for which we have been criticized. Our intelligence was faulty. But there was not a thought by anyone that we would not have enough wheat. Our whole orientation—by Congress, by farm experts, by businessmen—has been to sell it when we could. We must rethink where we are.

"We face problems now that no past generation has faced, they are common problems of humanity. They are food, energy, environment, communication. Up until Western imperialism, there was no world history. There was only regional history. When we talk about the Roman Empire, we talk about people who hardly knew the Chinese existed. Most great cultures developed independently. Now we are in close contact each day, yet it is a fact of our existence that we have never really assimilated. Yes, we must rethink where we are."

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973

15

THE NATION

cracy." Bill Rogers is genial and placid, a gentleman to the end, and he liked to keep banker's hours, with golf on weekends. Kissinger is intense, impatient and sometimes rude. He has never administered a large organization; his White House staff numbered a mere 120, all hand picked, closely watched, and driven mercilessly. "I don't know if Henry will be able to live with the bureaucracy," mused one official who knows both the incoming and outgoing Secretaries, "in a way that will satisfy him or the bureaucracy."

Many State Department officials, on the other hand, are prepared to welcome a brisk shake-up if it means that, after years of neglect at the hands of Kissinger's White House staff, the department will once again be thrust into the center of policymaking. "We're on the first team again," gloated a career officer in Paris. Others were biding their time, waiting to see whether Kissinger would genuinely attempt to reorganize and make proper use of the depart-

ment's human resources—or ignore them and create his own elite, as John Foster Dulles did. In the meantime, Kissinger, well aware that many men at State were uneasy, went out of his way to reassure them last week—in his own way. He praised the department's staffers as "great professionals," but he also urged them to see as much of their wives as possible in the next few weeks, because after his confirmation, he promised, they will be too busy. Did he expect to take any of his White House aides along to State? "I would expect that some of my associates would join me at the State Department to ease the cultural shock," said Kissinger. "But we would keep the agency structure in place."

The question might well be asked why Kissinger would want to take on the State Department bureaucracy at all. As a presidential adviser, he has already become the nation's most important diplomat. Why (except, perhaps, for a salary increase from $42,500 to

$60,000) would he want to occupy himself with the endless details of instructing ambassadors, receiving obscure Prime Ministers and princes and even Boy Scouts? Part of the answer is obviously personal: he aspires to the post once held by Thomas Jefferson and Daniel Webster, George C. Marshall and Dean Acheson—a post that, in terms of international prestige, is second only to the presidency. Part, too, is a desire to see his personal accomplishments made permanent.

"What we are going to try to do," he said last week, "is to solidify what has been started, to conclude the building of a structure that we can pass on to succeeding Administrations." But yet another part, and by no means the least important, is a desire to help heal the wounds that have torn his adopted nation. "We've had the legacy of a war that bitterly divided Americans," he said. "Therefore one of the prime objectives of the Administration will have to be to create a consensus [among] the

HALTCHAYAN—WASHINGTON POST

HENRY KISSINGER DANCING WITH NANCY MAGINNES

PICTORIAL PARADE

ENTERTAINING TV PRODUCER MARGARET OSMER

A New Title: "Just Call Me Excellency"

"I've always acted alone. Americans admire the cowboy leading the caravan alone astride his horse, the cowboy entering a village or city alone on his horse. He acts, that's all: aiming at the right spot at the right time."

Henry Kissinger was terribly embarrassed when Italian Journalist Oriana Fallaci quoted him describing himself as a character out of Zane Grey. He did not deny that he had said those words—"Why I agreed to it [the interview], I'll never know," he confessed later—but it was a little hard to imagine just how the precise, bespectacled professor of history at Harvard could see himself as a lean, flinty-eyed macho on horseback. Still, in a way Kissinger's self-portrait was not so preposerous as it sounded. Proud, private and consummately confident of his ability, Kissinger has always acted alone, rising to his present eminence with the aid of almost no one but himself.

Born into a middle-class Jewish

family in the German town of Fürth, Kissinger grew up as the Nazis were coming to power, and so found himself an outcast. Heinz, as he was then called, was denied admission to high school, forced to attend an all-Jewish school, and often beaten up by gangs of Nazi toughs on the way.

His family's escape to America in 1938, when Kissinger was 15, hardly ended his sense of isolation. At George Washington High School on Manhattan's Upper West Side, Kissinger generally avoided his classmates, often crossed the far side of the street when he saw other youngsters approaching. His greatest ambition was to become an accountant.

The Army, in which he enlisted in 1942, changed all that. Kissinger's linguistic ability quickly won him a post as a translator and interrogator in counterintelligence and, eventually, a job teaching modern German history to officers. He also raised his sights. German-

born Fritz Kraemer, an Army instructor who became his friend and mentor, informed him that "gentlemen do not go to the College of the City of New York," so Kissinger obtained a scholarship and went to Harvard.

Once there, he did brilliantly, winning an A.B. in government in 1950 and a doctorate four years later. By 1954 he was teaching at Harvard and serving as consultant to several Government agencies, including the National Security Council's Psychological Strategy Board. He was also writing, making major contributions to the literature of international relations, demonstrating ways in which the display of force could and should be used to avert international catastrophe.

His earliest books—*Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, The Necessity for Choice* and *The Troubled Partnership*—all called for balancing military power in order to achieve greater international stability. A 1968 study of Bismarck, whom Kissinger admires for his grasp of geopolitical realities, argued the importance of restraining contend-

16

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973

American people and the American
Congress."

Can he, the outsider, perform such a feat? The question at his press conference was slightly different—and somewhat more embarrassing. Would his being a Jew, he was asked, affect the problem of the Middle East? “I’m asked to conduct the foreign policy of the United States,” he said, “and I will conduct the foreign policy of the United States regardless of religious and national heritage. There is no other country in the world in which a man of my background could be even considered for an office such as the one to which I have been nominated, and that imposes on me a responsibility, which I will pursue in the national interest.”

Around the world, the reaction to Kissinger's nomination was, not too surprisingly, mild and muted. Except in a few areas where he is viewed with suspicion, Kissinger is widely admired for his skill and intellect, and even for his cosmopolitanism. He is, as much as any

incoming American Secretary of State is ever likely to be, a known quantity. Nonetheless, diplomatic experts in many countries were still uncertain about precisely how he would deal with the wide range of problems that now confront him.

Among the most delicate of these is the one he knows best, and the one to which he has the most personal commitment: the truce in Indochina. It took Kissinger nearly 3½ years and 24 rounds of talks to negotiate the frail and complex agreements that permitted U.S. forces to withdraw under the umbrella of what Nixon repeatedly calls “peace with honor.” The truce agreements still survive, but peace is by no means certain. The fighting in South Viet Nam sputters along in the form of sporadic guerrilla action accompanied by confused reports of remote outposts threatened and then relieved. Laos stands at the edge of a cease-fire, but only last week an attempted army putsch threatened to jeopardize the ac-

cord. In Cambodia, now that U.S. bombing has finally ended, the feeble government of President Lon Nol is under constant threat from the Khmer insurgents. Kissinger will have to find a way to negotiate some sort of Cambodian settlement, possibly one that would bring back the exiled Prince Sihanouk as head of a coalition government.

In the course of such negotiations, Kissinger may need to call on his ties with the Communist leaders of both Moscow and Peking. No other Secretary, indeed, could come to office with such a background of personal relations with the highest figures in the Communist hierarchy. Leonid Brezhnev in Moscow, Chou En-lai in Peking, both recognize the theory of power politics that Kissinger personifies; both have a personal stake in seeing the détente of the last few years become permanent.

Paradoxically, it is among some of America's closest allies, particularly the Europeans, that Kissinger has the most immediate labors to perform. This is not

CHATTING WITH MARLO THOMAS AT PARTY FOR OSCAR HAMMERSTEIN

ing forces by manipulating their antagonisms and of moving decisively to carry out policy decisions. “A policy that awaits events,” wrote Kissinger, “is likely to become their prisoner.”

In some ways, Kissinger has changed little since President Nixon—ignoring the fact that Kissinger had opposed him in the 1968 election—named him national security adviser in 1969. He still retains his thick German accent, lives alone in a six-room town house in Washington’s Rock Creek Park, and spends so little time there that friends say only the library looks used. He has retained his taste for rich foods, his interest in chess and his tendency to neglect his appearance. He still puts in 18-hour days and expects his aides to do the same. One of those aides, in fact, tells of laboring until midnight on a position paper that Kissinger then handed back with a request that it be improved; another midnight, another version, and another rejection. When Kissinger received the third version, he asked: “Is this really the best you can do?” When the aide said it was,

Kissinger sighed and said: “Very well, then, I’ll read it.”

In other ways, though, Kissinger has changed considerably. He has developed a wry sense of Galgenhumor, of which he is the chief victim. After being attacked by another Administration official as an “egotistical maniac,” he remarked: “It took me 18 years to achieve total animosity at Harvard. In Washington, I did it in 18 months.”

Along the way, he has acquired a somewhat less than convincing reputation as a swinger. Divorced from his wife in 1964, Kissinger has dated a covet of actresses, including Jill St. John, Liv Ullmann and Marlo Thomas as well as TV Producer Margaret Osmer and Rockefeller Aide Nancy Maginnes. He obviously enjoys his reputation as the “playboy of the Western Wing,” but he spends almost as much time with his children—Elizabeth, 15, and David, 12—as he does on the social circuit. He also makes it clear that his work comes before anything. Of the actresses, he once remarked: “I am no fool. I realize

the game. I am their celebrity of the hour, the new man in town. I don't kid myself.”

It is too early to tell whether or how his new responsibilities will affect his social life. They have not yet dulled his sense of humor. Last week, when reporters asked him whether he preferred to be addressed as Mr. Secretary or Dr. Secretary, he hesitated only a moment before answering. “I don’t stand on protocol,” he said with a grin. “If you will just call me Excellency, it will be O.K.”

PICTORIAL PARADE

J.P. LAFFONT—SYGMA

HANDHOLDING WITH JILL ST. JOHN

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973

17

CULVER

THOMAS JEFFERSON

DANIEL WEBSTER

INTERNATIONAL NEWS PHOTO

GEORGE C. MARSHALL

AP

DEAN ACHESON

WALTER BENNETT

JOHN FOSTER DULLES

The power to restore the department to its rightful place as the central foreign policy agency.

to say that the Europeans were not pleased with the Kissinger appointment. The French respect him as an intellectual as well as a boulevardier. The Germans seem modestly pleased that Kissinger is the first prospective U.S. Secretary of State who speaks their language like—well—a native. Said one official in Bonn: “When we get upset about some problem or other, he’ll take us aside and explain it in German. That always makes us feel better.” Most Europeans seemed to agree with the judgment of the *Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung*: “For Europeans, this foreign minister is a gain. No one knows the Atlantic problems like Kissinger.”

Despite these praises, there are real difficulties. Recognizing the need to rejuvenate the Western alliance, Kissinger proposed last April a “new Atlantic Charter” (later redesignated a “Declaration of Principles” after West German Chancellor Willy Brandt complained that the original name sounded too much like the Allies’ World War II pact), which was to redefine the principles of cooperation in such varied fields as military security, monetary reform, trade, energy, science. Eventually the blueprint was to include—in most fields other than security—Japan as well. But the Kissinger proposal for the “Year of Europe” has been coolly received in most of the Continental capitals. “Every year in Europe,” one bemused British diplomat remarked last week, “is the Year of Europe.”

Most of Kissinger's ideas remain to

be worked out in a wide range of forthcoming conferences: On the balance of forces (MBFR) in Vienna, on European Security in Geneva, on SALT II in Geneva. President Nixon himself is expected to tour Europe in the fall, and there may be a European summit meeting as well.

**Energetic Role.** So far during his operations at the White House, Kissinger has intentionally stayed away from the Middle East problem—partly because he was busy with other matters, and partly perhaps because he could see no way to solve it. Instead, Secretary of State Rogers proposed a plan that led to a cease-fire along the Suez Canal for the past three years but has resulted so far in a stalemate rather than a peace settlement.

The first reaction of many Arab newspapers to Kissinger's appointment was to object to the fact that he is a Jew. KISSINGER BECOMES THE FIRST JEWISH U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE, headlined Beirut's *al Moharrer*. On the other hand, many Arab diplomats were waiting to see whether Kissinger would take as energetic a role in settling the Arab-Israeli impasse as he did in ending the Viet Nam War. Some wondered whether, in the Kissinger view, Palestinians should play as vital a part in Middle East peace talks as the Viet Cong did at the conference table in Paris.

Certainly the problem cannot be postponed indefinitely. The energy crisis has spotlighted the world's reliance on Arab oil, and the Arabs are fast

learning how to use their oil as a political weapon. King Feisal of Saudi Arabia, long a friend of the U.S., has informed Washington that it cannot continue to support Israel and expect to receive Arab oil. Feisal, whose country contains the world's largest petroleum reserves, knows full well that the U.S. and the other industrial nations need oil more than the oil-rich Arabs presently need money.

The Arabs are not alone in their suspicion of Kissinger. The Indians, too, have vivid memories of Kissinger's saying that although the U.S. would remain neutral in the Indo-Pakistani war over Bangladesh, President Nixon wanted that neutrality “tilted” in favor of Pakistan. More generally, the Indians also resent being left out of Kissinger's concept of the “five-power world” (the U.S., Western Europe, the Soviet Union, China and Japan). Last week Kissinger remarked that he hoped to come to a better understanding of Indian problems.

Like the Indians, the Japanese remember Kissinger for past slights—notably his secret journey to Peking two years ago without any warning to Tokyo. Indeed, the Nixon Administration's diplomatic *shokkus* of 1971 did lasting damage to Japan's relations with the U.S. The ceremonious Japanese have also found it exceedingly embarrassing, more than most allies have, to deal formally with Rogers while seeking ways to bypass him when they need ed to get the attention of the White House. On balance, they probably wel-

RETIRING SECRETARY OF STATE WILLIAM ROGERS SITTING ALONE IN THE CABINET ROOM AT THE WHITE HOUSE

FRED J. MAROON—LOUIS MERCIER

THE NATION

come the change and look forward to a
period of improved relations.

In the transfer of power to Kissinger, everybody went out of his way to salute the departing Secretary Rogers. Nixon expressed "personal regret" at the resignation of "a close personal friend." Kissinger praised him for his "enormous dignity, grace, wisdom, and above all humanity." At the same time, however, Kissinger acknowledged that there had been "a difficult relationship" between the rival foreign-affairs agencies. He added: "You wouldn't believe me if I said anything else."

These have, in fact, been difficult years for Bill Rogers, an eminently successful corporation lawyer, a self-made millionaire, and a respected Attorney General in the Eisenhower Administration. With the 1968 election of his long-time friend Richard Nixon, Rogers was rewarded with the prestigious office of Secretary of State, and he foresaw the next four to eight years as perhaps the height of his public career.

**Natural Restraint.** But Rogers had hardly taken over the graceful seventh-floor office overlooking the Lincoln Memorial when his disappointments began. His hopes for a quick end to what he privately referred to as "that goddam war" were killed by Nixon's decision to make a protracted withdrawal during four years of negotiations. Nor was he ever able to make good either in public or in private his official role as the President's chief foreign policy adviser.

An elegant and essentially decent man, but a mediocre speaker with no background in foreign affairs, Rogers had a tendency to approach international problems from the viewpoint of a corporation lawyer. As he explained privately, "In handling an important lawsuit, you tell the other guy that you know you can't win all your points, nor can he, and it's best for all to reach a compromise." It was a decent, honest, somewhat guileless approach.

Unlike the amiable Rogers, Kissinger was no old friend of Nixon's. He had served as a foreign-affairs adviser to Nelson Rockefeller and, even worse, was a friend of the Kennedy establishment. But Nixon had read and liked Kissinger's books, and wisely recognized in Kissinger the sort of man he was looking for. The two still treat each other with a certain formality, a natural restraint; they are in no sense cronies. Occasionally there have been strains, and even reports that Kissinger might be on the way out. One such strain occurred late last year following the breakdown of the Paris peace talks, when Nixon waged his fierce Christmas bombing campaign on Hanoi. Kissinger loyally defended the President, but managed to give the impression that his heart was not in the bombing. Still, for all his pride, Kissinger remembers that Metternich was not the Emperor, nor Richelieu the King, and he finds a certain security in presenting himself simply as the agent of Nixon's foreign policy.

That slightly disingenuous discretion has suited Nixon admirably. Obseervers have described how the President, at National Security Council meetings, will say with a touch of pride, "Henry, will you present the options for us?" Then he settles back to listen while Kissinger becomes the professor once more.

The contest between Kissinger and Rogers had a predictably adverse effect on the State Department, an overly bureaucratized machine without any constituency among the general public, and thus without independent influence. The emergence of the "Kissinger shop," the predominance of Kissinger himself, the lack of administrative talents in Rogers—all these led to abysmally low morale and low effectiveness in the State Department. At first there were attempts to cover it up, but even that pre tense gradually fell away, and by the time of Nixon's second Administration, none of it was left.

Yet Rogers' tenure had its important positive aspects. His Middle East initiative, at first received skeptically by his aides, did result in the still-lasting Suez cease-fire and at least some overtures by Egypt and Israel toward negotiations. Rogers also performed, with distinction, the task of representing the

U.S. in negotiations abroad. He further bore the brunt of congressional committee hearings and congressional opposition on Viet Nam. Rogers, unfailingly courteous, remained loyal to his President and argued his case well. "He's a decent, fine man, a terribly underrated, misused man," Senator Mansfield once remarked.

Despite the genuinely warm feelings about Rogers, most foreign service professionals seemed to feel last week that Henry Kissinger might be just what was needed at Foggy Bottom. Clearly Kissinger had it in his power to rebuild the Department of State and restore it to its rightful place as the central foreign policy agency in the Government, and he seemed to relish the prospect of doing just that. Immediately he summoned home David K.E. Bruce and Daniel Patrick Moynihan from Peking and New Delhi for talks. Moreover, he seemed committed to the concept of formulating a foreign policy of reconciliation for the post-Viet Nam period: an aim that Congress, as well as the nation at large, could well applaud. If Richard Nixon has truly decided, in the wake of Watergate, to create a more open presidency, his appointment of Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State marks an imposing beginning.

## Young Immigrants

Henry Kissinger's nomination as Secretary of State serves as a reminder that, after the Albert Einsteins and the Arturo Toscaninis, already-distinguished refugees from the European fascism of the 1930s, a whole new generation of immigrants have made contributions to the U.S. Among them:

* Mike Nichols, 41, movie director, came from Germany in 1939.

* Claes Oldenburg, 44, artist, from Sweden in 1938.

* I.M. Pei, 56, architect, from China in 1935.

* Helmut Sonnenfeldt, 46, awaiting confirmation as Under Secretary of the Treasury, from Germany in 1944.

* Charles Bluhdorn, 46, chairman, Gulf & Western, from Austria in 1942.

* Lukas Foss, 51, composer-conductor, from Germany in 1935.

* Otto Eckstein, 46, economist, from Germany in 1939.

* Rudi Gernreich, 51, women's wear

designer, from Austria in 1938.

* José Quintero, 48, theater director, from Panama in 1941.

* Max Frankel, 43, journalist, from Germany in 1940.

* Roddy McDowall, 44, actor, from England in 1940.

* H. Gobind Khorana, 51, a 1968 Nobel prizewinner in medicine, from India in 1960.

* Tsung-Dao Lee, 46, and Chen Ning Yang, 51, who shared a 1957 Nobel Prize in physics, from China in 1946 and 1945, respectively.

* John Simon, 48, film and theater critic, from Yugoslavia in 1940.

* Wilfrid Sheed, 42, writer and editor, from England in 1947.

VARYING BACKGROUNDS: (FROM TOP, CLOCKWISE) OLDENBURG, GERNREICH, KHORANA

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973

DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE

The Capable Man in the Middle

To a nation that has traditionally placed
high trust in its law-enforcement agen-
cies, one of the grimmer sides of the Wa-
tergate scandal was the success dis-
played by White House officials in
manipulating the U.S. Justice Depart-
ment in its investigation of the affair.
To restore confidence in the depart-
ment, President Nixon named a star-
quality Attorney General: Elliot Lee
Richardson, a man who had not the
slightest connection with Watergate and
who could convince voters that justice
would finally be brought to bear on
those responsible for the scandal. Last
week, as Richardson was dealing not
only with Watergate but also with a
whole new closet of dirty linen possi-
bly involving Vice President Spiro T.
Agnew, he was subtly but unmistakably
rebuked for his performance by both
the President and Vice President. The
separately delivered scoldings only un-
derscored the anomaly of his incom-
fortable middleman's position: Rich-
ardson is charged with overseeing
investigations of the only two federal
executives who rank above him.

Both Nixon and Agnew were in-
censed by news leaks about alleged
kickbacks from Maryland contractors
to politicians, including Agnew. The
Vice President called a news conference
—his second since he was notified last
month that he was under federal inves-
tigation for bribery, extortion, conspir-
acy and tax evasion—to denounce an
“outrageous” effort on the part of “some
Justice Department officials to indict
me in the press.” Noting that Richard-
son had promised to look into any

suggestion that Justice officials were talking out of turn, Agnew bluntly demanded that the Attorney General "fulfill that promise and pursue such an investigation vigorously."

Agnew was particularly disturbed
by a TIME story (Aug. 27) reporting that
Justice Department officials believe that
the Vice President eventually will be in-
dicted. Agnew stressed that he did not
blame the press for printing such re-
ports because "I cannot fault you for
publishing information given to you by
informants within the Department of
Justice." Instead, he said, "the blame
must rest with those who gave this in-
formation to the press."

At his San Clemente press confer-
ence the next day, Nixon fully applaud-
ed Agnew's blast at his investigators.
Discussion of cases on which grand jury
action is pending, the President said, is
highly improper because during such
probes "all kinds of charges are made
which will not stand up in open court."
Then, clearly leaving the impression
that he was dissatisfied with Richard-
son's failure to effect total secrecy in
the matter, he announced that he had
ordered the Attorney General to inves-
tigate his department's leaks. Anyone
found to have given unauthorized in-
formation about the Agnew case to the
press, the President promised, will be
"summarily dismissed."

**FBI Probe.** In a reply to Agnew,
Richardson dutifully expressed his "dis-
may" at the unofficial reporting of the
case and promised to bring in the FBI
to probe it. However, he pointed out, it
is not a crime for those with knowl-
edge of an investigation to discuss it
until the case is actually being heard
by a grand jury—a stage that the in-
quiry into Agnew's affairs is not expect-
ed to reach until after Labor Day. Thus,
said Richardson, in any case as explo-
sive as the Vice President's, there may
be "no fully effective means" of halt-
ing "cynical rumors and conjectures."

For Richardson, there is almost cer-
tainly no effective means of avoiding
more and more such run-ins with his su-
periors in the future. He irritated the
White House by appointing Archibald
Cox as Watergate Special Prosecutor.
Technically, the Attorney General re-
mains Cox's boss. Cox, a Democrat and
former Harvard law professor, has en-
gaged the White House in a historic
court battle over the Watergate tapes
(see following story), and is regarded in-
correctly by many Nixon loyalists as out
to "get" the President. In addition, un-
less the President somehow attempts to
intervene, it will be Richardson who
must ultimately decide whether U.S. At-
torney George Beall's Baltimore inves-
tigators have gathered enough evidence
against Agnew to seek an indictment
—and if so, whether the Government

should proceed against a Vice President
unless he has first been impeached and
removed from office. Further, if Nixon
or Agnew should try to influence either
case, Richardson might well have to
deal with conflicts unprecedented in
U.S. judicial annals. Administration of-
ficials acknowledge privately that Rich-
ardson is viewed with some degree of
disenchantment these days at the White
House. In an interview with TIME Cor-
respondent Hays Gorey, Richardson
mused uncomfortably: "Am I on the
spot? Of course. Public interests are at
stake, interests that are very important
and hard to reconcile."

Agnew's supporters are quick to
claim that private interests may be at
stake as well, namely Richardson's own.
They have an exaggerated suspicion
that the Attorney General sees himself
as a prime contender for the G.O.P.
presidential nomination in 1976 and
would like nothing better than to have
Agnew knocked out of the running by
a scandal. Agnew, his aides contend,
shares some of their suspicions about
the Attorney General. Richardson says
that he refuses to "dignify" such asser-
tions by replying to them. A source close
to Richardson maintains that the At-
torney General could not profit from
the leaks involving Agnew because
"they are seen as a failure within the de-
partment to observe ethical standards,
as another stain on the department."

Still, by the sheer course of momen-
tous events, the handsome, well-spoken
Richardson is, at 53, an ascending force
in Washington. Born into a Boston
Brahmin family and educated at Har-
vard (LL.B., '47). Richardson made a
political name for himself as U.S. At-
torney in Massachusetts by prosecuting
Boston Industrialist Bernard Goldfine,
provider of Sherman Adams' famous vi-
cuña coat, on tax-evasion charges. A
Rockefeller supporter in 1968, Richard-

AGNEW AT PRESS CONFERENCE
Separate scoldings.

WALTER BENNETT

ATTORNEY GENERAL ELLIOT RICHARDSON

DODGEBACK-BLACKSTAR

THE NATION

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973

Publisher's Column

Kissinger adds
moral values

Plain Dealer

By Thomas Vail

1/2/93

During the past five years acres of news copy have been produced about Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, superstar and now the super secretary of state-designate of the Nixon administration.

Most of the Kissinger stories are about his meteoric rise from Jewish immigrant to presidential confidant, his brilliant summit diplomacy in China, Russia and Indochina, and endless pictures of him with glamorous, publicly-hungry women.

VAIL

All this is interesting and fun. But there is more to be said about this remarkable man.

Kissinger is the one person in the Nixon administration who has maintained an intimate relationship with the President and is universally liked and admired by the media.

### CONSIDERING THE frequent antago
nism between President Nixon and the
press, this is a remarkable achievement in
itself.

In numerous conversations with Kissinger these past five years it appeared to me that along with his ability and hard work he never let power go to his head.

If confirmed by the Senate, as seems
likely, Kissinger probably will remain the
effective servant of the President he al
ways has been.

Unlike some former secretaries of state, such as the late John Foster Dulles and Dean Acheson, Kissinger is more likely to scrupulously carry out the wishes of the President than to act as if he were conducting foreign policy on his own initiative.

Kissinger's most interesting aspect to
me, however, is his sense of moral com
mitment and love for the United States.

In addition to his thorough knowledge of the realities of a situation, Kissinger adds moral value to what is best for the U.S. Speaking at the annual meeting of the Associated Press last April, Kissinger concluded in one of his answers to a very tough question about Watergate that:

"The faith in this country must be maintained and the promise of the country must be eternal."

The former Harvard professor, the student of Bismarck, the head of the National Security Council, reveals in his remarks and conversations that what is right or morally desirable is just as important as ability and intelligence.

THIS IS WHAT has been lacking in too many Nixon appointees.

The Watergate hearings have left the impression that the White House has too many people with power and ability but without the moral commitment to a set of values so important to the exercise of power in great positions.

I believe that it is this quality in Dr. Kissinger that makes people like him, rather than his power, wit, intelligence or glamorous girl friends.

Perhaps his early struggles and inadequacies suffered in Germany and during his first years in the United States have given him his humanitarian sensibilities. In any case they are always there.

Few people know that although he has not appeared before the Congress as did the outgoing secretary of state, Kissinger has close relationships with senators and representatives who say they get excellent foreign policy fill-ins from him at any time.

NO ONE IS BETTER situated to appreciate American freedoms than a German Jew who left his country in 1938.

Unless I miss my guess, these experiences have given Dr. Kissinger a special feeling about his adopted country — a feeling that this country is the best hope for humanity.

Shooting up the elevator shaft of power with massive personal media coverage, Kissinger has never lost his courtesy toward ordinary people. He is very quick to see the true ability of people. But in spite of this I have never heard him talk or act disparagingly toward anyone.

Even in the face of the Watergate scandal and the exit of many of his fellow White House inhabitants he has taken the humanitarian view and asked for "compassion" while not defending their activities.

Finally and also unusual in Nixon administration officialdom, Kissinger retains a fine sense of humor.

If the Senate approves Kissinger as secretary of state, this country will get in its highest leadership councils a person whose high moral commitment is the very thing we have most lacked in the past few years.

Marilyn Berger

Wash. Post

9/1/73

# The Skeptics View ‘Nixinger’ Foreign Policy

The Nixon foreign policy and Henry Kissinger, its chief architect, have been extolled for having made a lasting contribution to the peace of the world. But to many experienced practitioners and students of the diplomatic art, it is no such thing.

Administration officials hail the opening to China and the detente with the Soviet Union as their crowning achievement. But to others, the policy did no more than seize on an idea in international affairs whose time had come. Worse, critics suggest, the President and his national security adviser did it in a way to elevate their own stature as successful strategists at the expense of relationships with other nations. And they did it with a premium on secrecy, a passion which in the domestic sphere gave us Watergate.

According to this view, which is supported by U.S. intelligence assessments, in 1968-69 the Soviet Union urgently required help to build up the country. Only the United States, with

its technically advanced, continental-size economy, could provide the necessary resources. Moscow and Peking were engaged in a fierce ideological struggle that threatened to break into military confrontation, and each capital looked to Washington to balance

> The writer is on the national staff of The Washington Post.

off the other. The Nixon administration, for its own reasons of prestige and to get a handle on Vietnam, responded. "Now," says one critic, "Nixon and Kissinger have created a false ideology about a turnaround in world history that they themselves have wrought. This is myth."

The price paid for surprise summit in damage to relations with Japan, the most powerful American ally in Asia, and with the democracies of Western Europe, has still not been calculated. Critics fear it is staggering.

In Tokyo, the United States must cope with a Japanese suspicion that, to Washington, relations with China have become more important than relations with Japan. The recent suspension of soybean exports to Japan only underlined this administration's inattentiveness to Japanese sensitivities. In Paris, Bonn, Rome and London—and Ottawa—there is growing concern that the United States is dealing over their heads.

The Nixinger policy has had an enormous blind spot, critics feel, in failing to recognize that international economics has become a major part of foreign policy. Economics has little interested Kissinger.

Finally there is the toll taken on the American foreign service establishment. Kissinger is widely respected in Foggy Bottom as a man of intellectual distinction with a grasp for much of the substance, if not always the style, of policy. But with Kissinger acting like a one-man-band and often disreg

garding the State Department, able men have been leaving the career service.

Much of Kissinger's first press conference as Secretary of State-designate amounted to an indirect answer to his critics. He had already pledged that the United States would never abandon its allies and now he was promising a more open foreign policy—a promise ironically reminiscent of President Nixon's own pledge, back in 1969, for a more open administration.

The Senate permitting, Kissinger is now in a position to make amends, both to America's allies and to America's own diplomats. His has been a virtuoso performance in many ways, but virtuosos are soloists. At the State Department, Kissinger will have to hear and deal with the kind of skepticism being expressed by his critics both in and out of office. Now it is his task—and his opportunity—to prove to them that what he has done has laid a solid foundation for further accomplishments.

SPECTRUM
Varying shades of personal opinion on current issues

JEFFREY ST. JOHN
CBS RADIO NETWORK

SEPTEMBER 1, 1973

I'm Jeffrey St. John.

"The world is being inundated," wrote Alexander Solzhenitsyn in his Nobel lecture, "by the brazen conviction that Power can do anything, Justice nothing."

This statement came to mind when Mr. Nixon announced that his foreign policy adviser Henry Kissinger would be appointed Secretary of State to replace William Rogers. Like his Soviet counterpart, Dr. Kissinger believes that power can do anything. In fact, he once told London *Times* editor Henry Brandon that "power is the ultimate aphrodisiac."

It is, therefore, no surprise to find that a man so hungry for pure power would do anything to gain it or hold on to it. Take, for example, Dr. Kissinger's statement when it was announced his nomination for Secretary of State would be sent to the Senate for confirmation. True to his talent for manipulation and public prevarication, he let it be known that as Secretary of State he would carry out a more open foreign policy in which Congress and the people would have a stronger voice. Now, this statement comes from the lips of a man who has, for five years, carried out for Mr. Nixon some of the most secret and disastrous foreign policy measures in our history. I will mention only the wheat deal with the Soviets that shafted the American consumer and the Vietnam settlement that shafted the South Vietnamese, to illustrate my point.

The decent, honest liberals are going to need a strong stomach to swallow Dr. Kissinger as Secretary of State. As foreign policy adviser to the President he has carried out policy while by-passing Congress, engaged in domestic wire taps on his own associates, and generally played the role of unelected diplomatic dictator. American liberals, with some welcome exceptions, believe in the Kissinger policy of detente with the Soviets. But like the Watergate mess, they are faced with a profound moral contradiction. Regarding Watergate, liberals were rightfully horrified at how government power they helped promote was employed in a naked and unconstitutional fashion. However, they should also be equally horrified at how Kissinger has used power in secret and its ruinous results.

The Kissinger doctrine of detente is a virtual death sentence for dissident Soviet intellectuals like Alexander Solzhenitsyn who have, in growing numbers, warned the West of the dangerous consequences of detente with the Soviets. If Solzhenitsyn is murdered, as he warned this week he might be, the partners in such a deed will, in principle, be Nixon and Kissinger.

I'm Jeffrey St. John for Spectrum.

The diverse opinions expressed on SPECTRUM are those of the commentators themselves and should not be attributed to CBS or any of its affiliates
Produced under the supervision of CBS News, 524 West 57 Street, New York, New York 10019 (212) 765-4321

Kissinger points out that the economic failure of Communism is famous. No Communist country has ever been able to function for its people over the long haul without assistance from the free world—as true now as in the days of Lenin 56 years ago.

But having got a grossly one-sided political and economic treaty out of Chancellor Brandt, the Soviet is now giving West Germany the privilege of vastly improving the weaknesses in Russia's economy that are due to (1) Soviet militarism, (2) Soviet imperialism, and (3) the repressive, inefficient Communist system itself.

Kissinger himself has been an important factor in expanding U.S.-Soviet economic arrangements, most lately in his June meeting in a Zavidove villa with Brezhnev. And France, Italy, Belgium, Britain, Japan and other free countries are already involved. But the sheer size of West Germany's agreement to supply the Soviet with technical and financial assistance and erect modern industries impresses Kissinger as being profoundly different.

In his opinion, like the difference between wading in a pool and jumping off a ship in the high seas, it is the vast dimensions of the Russo-West German deal that represents its real meaning.

At the same time, Kissinger finds that the foreign offices of our NATO allies in Europe use the word "decoupling." By this they mean a separation of the U.S. nuclear deterrent against the USSR and the interwoven NATO system for the defense of Western Europe.

Obviously, such "decoupling" would mean that the Soviet and satellites could overrun West Germany. Accordingly, the foreign offices ask whether the United States would then use nuclear defenses or simply accept this breach of the North Atlantic Treaty Alliance involving the United States.

They heat up their violins like a lawyer who always answers a question by asking another question.

Kissinger feels, however, that if nothing is possible in Europe without the U.S. and the USSR, it is also true that nothing is possible in Europe without Europe itself—Europe as a whole, with all its differences and contradictions.

This conviction is the center pole of the Kissinger tent, and in this conviction he privately finds himself, along with President Nixon, in somewhat the position of a football quarterback: if you can't get a running game established, then it's harder to pass, and the whole thing falls apart.

(United Feature Syndicate)

Graffiti

WASHINGTON POST 1 September 1973

Marilyn Berger

# The Skeptics View
## 'Nixinger' Foreign Policy

According to this view, which is supported by U.S. intelligence assessments, in 1968-69 the Soviet Union ur-gently required help to build up the country. Only the United States, with its technically advanced, continental-size economy, could provide the necessary resources. Moscow and Peking were engaged in a fierce ideological struggle that threatened to break into military confrontation, and each capital looked to Washington to balance

The price paid for surprise summit in damage to relations with Japan. the most powerful American ally in Asia, and with the democracies of Western Europe, has still not been calculated. Critics fear it is staggering.

Finally there is the toll taken on the American foreign service establishment. Kissinger is widely respected in Foggy Bottom as a man of intellectual distinction with a grasp for much of the substance, if not always the style, of policy. But with Kissinger acting like a one-man-band and often disregarding the State Department, able men have been leaving the career service.

NEW YORK NEWS

4 September 1973 (3)

## Pact 2 Years Old & Controversial

Berlin, Sept. 3 (AP) — The four-opener agreement on Berlin was the center of increasing East-West controversy on its second anniversary today. West German Foreign Minister Walter Scheel said that so far implementation of the agreement by the United States, Britain, France and the Soviet Union had been positive. Scheel stressed, however, that West Berlin must be included in all agreements with East bloc states undertaken within the framework of the fourth-power accord. The Communist side, however, denies that there is such an umbrella.

4-F

83

WASHINGTON ADD KISSINGER (51)

WHEN THE COMMITTEE RESUMED ITS PUBLIC SESSION KISSINGER WAS
QUESTIONED CLOSELY ABOUT HIS ATTITUDE ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN
THE CONGRESS AND THE ADMINISTRATION CONCERNING FOREIGN POLICY.

AS HE EMPHASIZED IN FRIDAY'S OPENING SESSION, KISSINGER
SAID AGAIN TODAY THAT "I FEEL VERY STRONGLY ABOUT THIS, NOT
AS A TACTIC, BUT AS AN IMPERATIVE" TO THE SUCCESSFUL CONDUCT OF
FOREIGN POLICY.

HE ASSURED THE COMMITTEE THAT IT COULD EXPECT "A VERY MAJOR
EFFORT ON MY PART AND ON THE PART OF MY ASSOCIATES" TOWARD
ESTABLISHING AN ATTITUDE OF BIPARTISANSHIP.

KISSINGER AGAIN SAID HE INTENDED TO CONSULT WITH KEY COMMITTEE
MEMBERS BEFORE FINAL IMPORTANT POLICY DECISIONS ARE MADE AND
NOT MERELY SEND OFFICIALS TO TESTIFY AFTER THE FACT.

IN ANSWER TO SEVERAL QUESTIONS BY FULBRIGHT ON AMERICAN INTENTIONS
IN SOUTHEAST ASIA, THE SECRETARY-DESIGNATE SAID THE ADMINISTRATION
IS COMMITTED TO THE ECONOMIC AID OF SOUTH VIETNAM BUT OTHER
THAN THAT WILL OPERATE ONLY ON THE BASIS OF "OUR OWN INTEREST
IN INDOCHINA."

HE SAID DEFENSE BURDENS WOULD HAVE TO BE BORNE BY THE COUNTRIES
OF INDOCHINA THEMSELVES.

KISSINGER ALSO PLEDGED THAT ANY TREATIES OR AGREEMENTS THAT
COULD INVOLVE THE UNITED STATES IN A WAR SITUATION SHOULD
RECEIVE FULL CONSULTATION WITH CONGRESSIONAL LEADERS.

HE SAID HE HOPED TO WORK OUT A PROCEDURE WITH THE COMMITTEE'S
CHAIRMAN AND RANKING MINORITY MEMBER TO PROVIDE THEM WITH THE
CENTRAL FACTORS OF NEGOTIATIONS RESULTING IN SUCH TREATIES OR
AGREEMENTS.

B108PED SEP 10

# Washington outlook

September 1, 1973 / Edited by Bruce Agnew

## Kissinger: a dove in economics

After five years of undermining the power of the State Dept., intentionally or not, Henry A. Kissinger now intends to lead State back to its traditional dominance in both over-all foreign policy and international economic affairs. The result will be a softer line in most economic wrangles between the U.S. and its major allies.

The change will not come overnight. Even after the Senate confirms Kissinger's nomination as Sec-

retary of State, as expected, he will still have to knock heads with President Nixon's economic policy chief, Treasury Secretary George P. Shultz.

Shultz will not lose everything. Treasury will keep control of international monetary policy. Its claim to dominance there will be unassailable after the agreement on the main outlines of a new monetary

Henry A. Kissinger

system that is expected at this month's International Monetary Fund meeting in Nairobi.

But even in monetary affairs, Kissinger wants State to speak with a louder voice. To underline that, he hopes to persuade famed monetary expert Richard N. Cooper to leave the Yale faculty and return to State. Cooper could eventually displace William J. Casey as Under Secretary for Economic Affairs if, as anticipated, Kissinger and Casey find it hard to work together.

Outside the monetary field, Kissinger will try to cool Treasury's zeal in such areas as antidumping and countervailing duty policy, where hard-nosed enforcement has created bitterness among U.S. trading partners. And he will resist pressures to adopt a policy of brinksmanship in trade and defense negotiations from a Treasury establishment led by Under Secretary Paul A. Volcker and from special interest spokesmen in Commerce, Agriculture, and other agencies.

Kissinger's priorities are clear. He believes that the U. S. must avoid a self-defeating confrontation with European nations and Japan over economic issues if it is to safeguard vital security and political interests.

## First, an in-house squabble

Henry Kissinger's first crisis as Secretary of State may be a domestic one, right inside the White House family. The long rivalry between Peter M.

Flanigan, executive director of the Council on International Economic Policy, and William D. Eberle, who holds the Congressionally-created job of Special Representative of the President for Trade Negotiations, is coming to a head.

Eberle has reportedly threatened to resign if the White House goes ahead with plans to merge his office with Flanigan's and put Flanigan in charge. Flanigan denies he has heard any resignation threat, but other insiders say Eberle and four of his top aides have served notice that they will quit if the merger goes through.

## A short flight for Mills's balloon

Key Administration officials see only one problem in the surprising suggestion of House Ways & Means Committee Chairman Wilbur D. Mills (D-Ark.) for special tax breaks to spur expansion in short-supply industries: They doubt Congress will buy it. They are probably right.

Mills did not detail his ideas in the trial balloon he floated in newspaper interviews last weekend, but presumably he is thinking of something similar to the Korean War "certificates of necessity." Granted on a case-by-case basis, they provided fast tax write-offs to stimulate investment in crucial industries. Economist Pierre Rinfret has been urging this on Mills and Administration officials since early summer.

Treasury Secretary George P. Shultz calls the idea "interesting and constructive." Privately, some other officials endorse it warmly, although they argue with Mills's warning of an economic downturn next year.

But the initial reaction in Congress is chilly. New preferences would run counter to the Ways & Means Committee's effort, launched early this year, to cut down preferences. One Mills colleague warns, "I think it would be awfully difficult to sell it."

## Capital wrapup

**Consumer cop:** The new Consumer Product Safety Commission plans to file both civil and criminal charges, raising the possibility of jail terms, against one of the nation's largest children's apparel manufacturers, alleging widespread violations of the Flammable Fabrics Act.

**Mail drive:** the Senate Watergate Committee is sending a questionnaire to top officers of nearly 200 companies hunting for new cases of corporate involvement in the 1972 Presidential campaign.

28 BUSINESS WEEK: September 1, 1973

In business this week

FINANCE

The prime's climb

The 15th increase this year
in commercial banks' prime
lending rate to blue-chip cus-
tomers came off like clock-
work. With Chase Manhat-
tan leading the way, banks
moved from 9.5% to 9.75%,
another record high. Talk of
a peak shifted to a new,
higher range, with financial
experts favoring 10.5% or
even more as a crest for the
current unprecedented in-
creases in money market
rates.

The shorts have it

The promise of bountiful
harvests from the Volga to
the Danube, in India and in
the American Midwest, has
ended the period of historic
highs on the Chicago Board
of Trade. By midweek, Sep-
tember wheat dropped to
$5.11—32¢ below its Aug. 22
high. Corn was also down
sharply, and soybeans tum-
bled $2.00 from an Aug. 14
peak of $9.29. The live cattle
and hog markets have also
gone over to the bears,
helped by consumer resist-
ance. But with the devalued
dollar and record worldwide
demand for grain, it is un-
likely that prices will fall to
their year-ago levels when
wheat was selling for $1.83 a
bushel.

COMPANIES

Information charges

Cincinnati Bell, Inc., became
the first Bell System com-
pany to win permission to
charge for directory assist-
ance calls. Under a new rate
schedule approved by the
Ohio Public Utilities Com-
mission, customers of the
AT&T subsidiary will get
three such calls free each
month, after which they will
pay 20¢ each. But if a caller
dials "0" and is referred to
directory assistance, the
charge will be 40¢. The sys-
tem will go into effect some-
time next year.

Billions for power

Five power companies
serving Ohio and Pennsylva-
nia plan to build $3-billion

worth of generating plants,
one coal-fired and four nu-
clear. The five companies—
Cleveland Electric Illuminat-
ing Co., Duquesne Light Co.,
Ohio Edison Co., Pennsylva-
nia Power Co., and Toledo
Edison Co.—say the new
plants will bring 5-million
kw. of capacity on stream by
1983. They will help meet the
rising needs of some 2.2-mil-
lion customers served by the
utilities, which belong to a
power pool.

Reactor limits

The Atomic Energy Commission ordered lower temperature limits in the reactor cores of 10 General Electric Co. nuclear power plants in the Midwest and Northeast. The new limits will cut the power output of only four of the 10 plants; the others operate below the new limits. The cuts were made because of the possibility that fuel was becoming denser in the reactor core, which causes uranium fuel rods to buckle after a few years of operation. The buckling could leak radiation into water that cools the cores, though not outside the reactors. The utilities affected do not believe the cuts will seriously affect the winter power picture.

Ending a walkout

For the second year running,
Canada's Prime Minister
Pierre Elliott Trudeau re-
called Parliament from re-
cess to deal with a trans-
portation strike. This time,
56,000 nonoperating railroad
workers tied up the entire
nation's rail system with a
walkout that began on July
26. Parliament was to pass
legislation sending the eight
unions back to work, though
that would not settle the is-
sues, chiefly money. The leg-
islators will not take a hand
in the strike of 6,000 Eastern
pulp and paper workers, who
have been out since July, be-
yond urging them back to
work. One unexpected piece
of fallout: The opposition
may take the opportunity to
lambast Trudeau for Can-
ada's galloping inflation.

Stopping an oil shift

In an attempt to cut back
consumption of low-sulfur
home-heating oil by electric
utilities, the Energy Policy
Office of the White House
plans to forbid utilities to
convert coal-burning boilers
to low-sulfur oil burners un-
less it is necessary to meet
primary environmental air
quality standards. The oil al-
location plan, says EPO direc-
tor John Love, would "im-
pose a temporary halt in the
trend toward lower sulfur
content fuel oil wherever
progress toward primary
standards is not affected."
The plan could become law
after a hearing on Sept. 6.

Off the rack

Robert Hall Clothes, best-
known for selling inexpen-
sive clothing from the pipe-
rack, is moving into broader
mass merchandising with
plans to open five Robert
Hall Villages in the Chicago
area. These full-fledged de-
partment stores will sell not
only clothing but also toys,
cameras, pets, sporting
goods, and home furnishings.
President Joseph Berlin says
the concept "evolved out of
consumer demand for vari-
ety, stemming from a trend
toward fashion-conscious
purchasing." Robert Hall is a
division of United Merchants
& Manufacturers, Inc.

PEOPLE

Moving up

Philip Morris, Inc., promotes
President George Weissman
to the new post of vice-chair-
man on Oct. 1. Weissman's
present job will be filled by
Ross R. Millhiser, now presi-
dent of Philip Morris-USA,
who will be succeeded by
Clifford H. Goldsmith, now
executive vice-president.
Goldsmith also succeeds Mill-
hiser as executive vice-presi-
dent of Philip Morris, Inc.

Shake-up at Koracorp.

After seven years as presi-
dent of San Francisco-based
Koracorp Industries, Jeré N.
Helfat resigned. The former
management consultant was
replaced by Joseph Koret,

founder and board chairman
of the apparel maker, in the
wake of reported accounting
irregularities at a Koracorp
subsidiary. Helfat denies
that his resignation is tied to
those problems, but he has
had his share of others in

Ted Streichnky

Jéré Helfat

trying to diversify the com-
pany. Profits dipped to
$604,000 last year on sales of
$117-million, and Helfat had
to close two losing busi-
nesses. Now, he is back in his
old role, management consul-
tant to Koret, while oper-
ating responsibility has
apparently been given to
Executive Vice-President
Ronald McLennan, 52, re-
called from early retirement.

Two hats at Grant

Richard W. Mayer, 56, presi-
dent and chief executive of
W. T. Grant Co., will add the
title of chairman on Oct. 1,
when Edward Staley, the
present chairman, retires.
Staley, who will be 70 in Oc-
tober, joined the company as
a floorman in 1926.

Lame duck chief

Robert H. Enslow, 34, has
been named as probably the
last director of the Com-
merce Dept.'s Office of For-
eign Direct Investments.
Drafted from Chase Man-
hattan Bank last year to be
the OFDI's assistant director,
he replaces Robert A. An-
thony. Treasury Secretary
George Shultz has said that
the OFDI will be abolished
"no later than" the end of
1974 if the U.S. balance of
payments makes a strong re-
covery.

BUSINESS WEEK: September 1, 1976

SPECTRUM

MURRAY KEMPTON
CBS RADIO NETWORK

AUGUST 31, 1973

I'm Murray Kempton.

Henry Kissinger's anointment as Secretary of State has been greeted with general applause. Such a reception ought to persuade us, if nothing else has, how pervasive and how excessive is our hope that our government has abandoned the course that brought us so many grievous embarrassments.

Kissinger, it must be conceded, is one of those public servants who takes on a certain specious sheen by comparison with his fellows. Put John Connally in a Cabinet of the proportions Government affords us these days and he could look like quite an outsized fellow. Set Kissinger in a White House as chill as this one is and he can offer the illusion of warmth; he does suggest a certain capacity for pity, even though he displays his sympathy rather more often than not in exercises of being sorry for himself.

Still, if we were used to higher standards, we might think that in Henry Kissinger we were getting a pretty damaged piece of goods.

The Justice Department has, for example, already excused its tapping of the telephones of various members of Kissinger's National Security staff two years ago by swearing that Kissinger asked it to. That testament took-care of Kissinger's prior assertion that he had no knowledge of wiretaps on anybody. He has since attempted to dispose of that discrepancy by conceding that unidentified parties in his office had given the Justice Department the telephone numbers of colleagues they thought it might help the public safety to wiretap. Although himself innocent, Kissinger explained, he recognizes that he is entirely responsible for "what goes on in my office." And this, we have to notice, is the formula the President employs for taking all of the blame and none of it. We commence to understand that the President has educated Kissinger no less than Kissinger has educated him.

One of the persons wiretapped by Kissinger's authority was Morton Halperin, a member of his staff. Halperin had served the National Security Council under President Johnson, and subsequently found honest work at Harvard.

There, Halperin remembers, Kissinger fairly pleaded with him to come back to Washington and help achieve a better country. Such is the spirit of Government our Secretary of State-designate embodies: Promise a man anything and then bug his phone.

It is widely agreed that Kissinger's predecessor never wiretapped anyone who worked for him. Now, to be sure, Secretary Rogers does not seem to have been an official who was trusted enough to be asked to authorize a wiretap or even to be told that he was lying when he swore that we weren't bombing Cambodia. Still we are being offered a Secretary of State who tolerated wire-tapping in place of a Secretary of State who didn't. And that is a most meager promise of improvement in the morals of Government.

I'm Murray Kempton with Spectrum.

# Kissinger Makes Sense

(Editorial in Chicago Daily News)

Henry Kissinger's accession to the top Cabinet post puts American foreign policy in expert hands for the critical years just ahead. Nearly all the good things that President Nixon has accomplished on the world scene he has accomplished with the powerful help of Dr. Kissinger. As secretary of state as well as presidential adviser, Kissinger will be well-positioned to advance those programs.

The fact of Kissinger's being until now the chief foreign policy adviser while William P. Rogers was secretary of state has been anomalous, and a handicap to the department. It was frustrating to the lower echelons of professionals in the department — and for Congress — to be remote from the chief policy executive, and frustrating for Kissinger to be remote from the agency responsible for implementing all the decisions he was so intimately involved in making.

Now the implementation of what has already been set in motion with Peking, Moscow and elsewhere will become his specific responsibility, along with assisting the President to formulate new policies that will move the nation forward in the years ahead. In the wake of the Vietnam war that Kissinger played so critical

a role in ending, half a dozen global matters clamor for urgent attention — the Middle East, the recurring SALT talks, China, Japan, the tottering West European alliance.

The Senate should speedily approve the Kissinger nomination. There are serious questions it will want to ask him, especially regarding how candid and co-operative he intends to be with Congress. But Kissinger has anticipated that problem and given solid assurances that he will communicate freely and not hide behind executive privilege.

We believe the Senate should take Kissinger at his word, and so should the public, that he will "explain our philosophies, purposes and policies" as he goes along.

Dr. Kissinger is not only a wise and competent statesman, but also he brings to his high task a perspective, inspiration and a sense of dedication that will be of great service in advancing policy abroad and clarifying and strengthening it at home.

## Kennedy Drivers

(From Raleigh, N.C., News & Observer)

The Kennedys should consider traveling by foot when they get around Cape Cod islands.

WISH-TV 8
A CBS
AFFILIATE

Indianapolis, a Corinthian Station/Represented by TeleRep, Inc.

editorial

August 30, 1973

PERSONAL(ITY) DIPLOMACY

Personal diplomacy in foreign relations by an international personality.

That's the new phase in American foreign policy that the U.S. is about to enter, and it's an entirely welcome prospect.

When that personality is Henry Kissinger, who will bring the credentials of experience and accomplishment to his role of Secretary of State, then the appointment is a deserving and desirable one for both Mr. Kissinger and the American people.

Through his abilities in helping to negotiate the Vietnam peace agreement, his efforts in improving U.S. relations with China and Russia through the Presidential summits, and his dedication as a proven international peacemaker, Mr. Kissinger is a natural choice to serve as Secretary of State.

And he's already pledged a policy of cooperation that should smooth _domestic_ as well as foreign relations.

In his first public assessment of his job as Secretary-designate, Mr. Kissinger had some refreshing remarks. He promised a new openness between his office, the Congress, and the country. And he says he'll welcome the opportunity to testify before Congressional committees, and operate American foreign policy on a bipartisan basis.

His achievements of the past and his aims for the future affirm Henry Kissinger to be uniquely qualified to serve as Secretary of State.

His Senate confirmation should be prompt and positive.

###

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KISSINGER VISIT TO MEXICO, TIME INTERVIEW

Henry Kissinger's weekend visit to Mexico and his private talk with President Luis Echeverria received prominent attention in Latin American media.

The Mexican press accorded the visit banner headlines and wide photo coverage, treating it as a significant and sympathetic gesture toward Mexico and Latin America generally.

Right-of-center El Sol de Mexico asserted Monday that the event indicated the U.S. would "give greater importance to Latin America, including friendship and respect for the independence of our countries, along with loyal and frank collaboration. It is because a change is coming that we do not hesitate to describe the gesture as positive."

Business-oriented El Universal saw in the occasion "unusual significance since he is considered to have ties of personal friendship with Mexico which could be converted through the prism of friendship into a new and friendly economic policy."

Semiofficial El Nacional described it as a "significant gesture, the first trip made by Kissinger to another country, hardly more than a few hours after being named," and read into it "the purpose of the Washington Government to put into practice a policy of friendship toward Latin America."

Leftist nationalist Excelsior considered it a "sample of the interest that the U.S. has in Latin America," adding: "Proof of such interest, often hidden, is needed indeed."

## Brazil: "A New Relationship"

The Brazilian press carried photos and news stories of Mr. Kissinger's visit.

Conservative O Globo of Rio de Janeiro on Sunday front-paged Mr. Kissinger's statement from Mexico that there would be "a new relationship based on friendship and respect for independence in a spirit of cooperation" between the U.S. and the other nations of this Hemisphere.

No. 105

8/29/73

On the preceding day the paper had said his nomination was a "cause for concern because of his disinterest in Hemispheric problems."

Moderate *Jornal do Brasil* of Rio de Janeiro yesterday carried a photo of Kissinger and the Mexican President with the caption, "New impact in Latin American Relations."

A Monday editorial in the paper decried the "failure" of the Alliance for Progress, chaos in Chile, Peron's return to Argentina and concluded bitterly that "this is the Latin America which once again does not deserve priority consideration from the State Department."

### Chile: "An Act of Contrition"

Independent conservative *El Mercurio* of Santiago on Monday characterized Mr. Kissinger's "designation as Secretary of State as a sort of act of contrition by the President, who voluntarily and spontaneously places under Congress the most successful part of his Administration. Nixon's internal policy is highly debatable, but nobody can deny the spectacular changes he has introduced into world diplomacy...."

The paper held on Saturday that the only criticism of Mr. Kissinger "is his obsession... with power, which leads him to neglect small countries and less developed world areas. The policy of 'benign neglect' that the U.S. has applied to Latin America in the last years fits in with this notion...."

Official *La Nacion* of Santiago commented that "Kissinger has announced that for U.S. 1973 will be the 'Year of Europe'... His thinking about Latin America is, on the other hand, unknown."

### Uruguay: "No New White House Posture"

A columnist in Montevideo's *El Dia* asserted yesterday that Mr. Kissinger's appointment would "bring with it no changes in U.S. policy toward Latin America" since it is clear that the "principal planner" of current U.S. foreign policy "is Mr. Kissinger himself." Under these circumstances, "it would seem difficult to imagine a new White House posture towards Latin America."

No. 105

8/29/73

A by-liner writing in conservative *El País* of Montevideo yesterday praised Mr. Kissinger for his role in having "changed the post-war era of bipolar confrontation between the U.S. and USSR into a new era of multipolar negotiations." He said that "even his adversaries do not withhold the admiration he deserves for substantial gains toward achieving a better world."

Paris: "Kissinger--Trump Card"

An article on Henry Kissinger in the current number of the opposition French weekly *L'Express* said that President Nixon "played the only trump card in his hand" in nominating Mr. Kissinger as Secretary of State. The measure was intended the weekly said, "to rub out the Watergate stain and again draw America's attention to Nixon's grand design of a generation of peace....

"The question now is to organize the world, to discuss monetary and trade problems, the maintenance of American troops in Europe, and peace in Cambodia. All this has to be done openly--the time of secret diplomacy and confidential meetings is over--with the approval of the press and of Congress and with the backing of the American people and the support of both political parties.

"Mr. Kissinger is obviously the man best qualified for such tasks.

"The policy of the President's foreign affairs advisor towards the U.S.' allies has been much criticized. People were saying that the U.S. was treating our enemies of yesterday better than its traditional friends to the point that Kissinger had to...apologize for some 'blunders' in relations with the Europeans....

"The first problem is precisely how to tackle Europe. He will be coming over shortly to organize President Nixon's visit which was to mark the Year of Europe, which has begun badly.

"It will thus soon be possible to judge whether the 57th Secretary of State is really the Metternich that he takes as his model."

No. 105

8/29/73

Rome: A Socialist View

Socialist Avanti of Rome, commenting in an article yesterday on the Time interview with Mr. Kissinger, said: "Kissinger speaks of Europe, but thinks of China and the USSR. The impression given by his statements is that he worries over the Watergate scandal's consequences for U.S. foreign policy and very rightly believes that the President's loss of prestige may spoil the U.S. image in the world...

"As for U.S. relations with Japan and Europe, he used the term 'revitalization'--which means that Washington does not want to give up any of its trade and economic demands."

Japanese Reports

Most Japanese media today carried reports that Secretary of State-designate Kissinger had requested that nine ambassadors in Asia and the Middle East, including Ambassador Ingersoll, return to the United States for consultations.

National network NHK-TV said in a report from its Washington bureau last night that the summoning of the ambassadors is attracting attention because "it is believed that Kissinger is trying to grasp the actual situation in the countries concerned" so that this may be "reflected positively in future Asian and Middle East policy." The network's story and one circulated by Kyodo new agency were based on a report in the *Washington Post*.

Independent moderate Yomiuri Tokyo said this morning in a dispatch from its Washington correspondent:

"Kissinger believes that since it is especially difficult to grasp the situation in U.S.-Japan relations, as well as U.S. relations with South Korea and the Philippines, it is important in deciding on future policy to hear directly from the ambassadors on the political situation and diplomatic policy of the allies."

No. 105

8/29/73

Japanese Attitude Toward "Kissinger Plan"

Yesterday the paper front-paged a report that the Japanese Government "has drawn up our country's basic attitude on the so-called Kissinger plan (new Atlantic charter)." The report stated that "after Prime Minister Tanaka's approval is obtained, Ambassador to the U.S. Yasukawa will hold talks with Kissinger shortly and convey that attitude to the U.S. side." It elaborated:

"The following points will form the gist of the Japanese attitude:

(1) Our country will positively participate in the Kissinger plan.

(2) Japan will formally maintain the U.S. -Japan Security Treaty but will not participate in military cooperation between the United States and Europe. (3) The North-South problem, including aid to developing countries, shall be incorporated."

Bangkok: "Not All Roses"

A by-line columnist in leading *Siam Rath* of Bangkok commented today on the Kissinger nomination, "Now that he has been entrusted with full powers by the White House and by the State Department, it is to be feared that he may let the success he has achieved go to his head and that nobody will be able to control him--not even Nixon."

The English-language *Bangkok Post* observed in an editorial titled "Not All Roses" that Mr. Kissinger "is a man of color, intelligence, quickness and sometimes even wisdom. We wish him luck--and we pray that in his overwhelming ambition to 'make history' that he does not forget a world of war-torn people."

Hanoi: "Many Questions"

Radio Hanoi's Vietnamese service predicted yesterday that "many questions will be posed to embarass him...when the Senate Foreign Relations Committee meets to study Kissinger's appointment as Secretary of State." It based this forecast on an August 25 Agency France-Presse report that "Kissinger himself was entrusted by Nixon with...cooperation with J. Edgar Hoover...in directing the installation of bugs to eavesdrop on the talks among officials in the U.S. Government...."

No. 105

8/29/73

NICHOLAS VON HOFFMAN

Boston Globe

August 30, 1973

# Some questions for Kissinger

WASHINGTON — The sight of President Truthful balancing on the edge of his dish may be so horribly fascinating that Dr. Kissinger could slip into his new job at the State Department without having to answer some very serious questions. Just because Herr Henry obviously has all his parts in working order, and just because he is a charming, terribly likable fellow, is no reason to let him be confirmed by the Senate without putting a few foreign policy basics to him.

That's not going to be easy. Henry is the Happy Hamster of reasonable accommodation, the gemutlichkeit kid of bipartisan foreign policy unity. Those who would go after the Harvard Ph.D. will do it because he was the architect of the Christmas bombing atrocities, a tangent that nobody is interested in any more, even if we should be. Yet what Henry has done, no matter how dreadful, is less important than what Henry plans to do.

Henry says he and his boss plan to make world peace. If you don't believe them, ask Radio Moscow. It agrees, and so does everybody else. Detente is in the air, and you have to be a war criminal, a Lockheed stockholder or a general to have any misgivings. Either that or you have to be a Russian concerned about human rights.

Such a Russian is Andrei D. Sakharov, a physicist who helped to create the Soviets' hydrogen bomb.

The other day, this man, at great risk to himself and to his family, dared to call a Western-style press conference to warn us against detente on Soviet terms. "It might lead to very hard consequences inside our country," he said, "and contaminate the whole world with an anti-democratic character . . . It would encourage a closed country, where everything happens unseen from foreign eyes. No one should dream of having such a neighbor, the more so if

that neighbor is armed to the teeth."

These are hard words for those of us who have considered the arms race a species of insanity, but another species of insanity is a close, world-dominating alliance with a group of men who can only be described as unregenerate tyrants. Somebody has got to ask Dr. Kissinger how far he and his boss are prepared to go with the Soviets. He and Mr. Nixon have made a number of significant concessions in the area of trade and arms

limitation, and you have to take risks for peace just as you do for war. Give them high marks for that, but now the time has come to ask what we're getting in exchange.

Sakharov has come out in favor of Sen. Henry Jackson's amendment that would make granting the Russians most-favored-nation trade status contingent on the Soviets' eliminating restrictions on their citizens' emigration to other countries. Those of us who are leary of intervening in another nation's internal affairs have opposed this idea, but maybe we had better have another look at it. If we're going to climb into bed with somebody we have a right to insist they don't have cooties.

Kissinger should also be closely questioned on the topic of Sweden. By what logic do we enjoy better relations with Moscow than we do with Stockholm? The Russians supplied the North Vietnamese with munitions, credits and every other kind of help short of troops; the Swedes merely denounced our idiotic war and gave hospitality to a few miserable deserters, and yet we're next to having broken diplomatic relations with this country whose only sin may be selling us a few too many defective Volvos.

In the days before Herr Henry and detente, Richard Nixon used to speak of peace and freedom, but now he usually speaks only of peace, and that is not enough.

Nicholas von Hoffman is a syndicated columnist.

©1973 HERBLOCK

Fourteen persons were trapped in two elevators in the Leverett Saltonstall state office building during the hottest period yesterday due to a power failure in the electrical system at 12:50 p.m.

The outage stopped the building's 20 elevators, as well as most air conditioning and electrical outlets. The temperature was 91 at 1 p.m.

Capitol police blamed a generator burnout.

Capitol police rescued 11 persons in an elevator between the third and fourth floors through the elevator shaft to the fourth floor.

The police then hiked to the 14th floor where they pulled three others from an elevator stopped below the floor level. The three were trapped until 2:10 p.m.

The building was reopened to 1000 employees and visitors at 2:55 p.m., although the elevators were not working. Workmen from Westinghouse, manufacturer of the eleva-

The New England Power Exchange (NEPEX) reported yesterday that there was adequate electrical power for the region, despite two days of intense heat.

The National Weather Service predicts little relief from the heat today. The forecast is fair and hot with temperatures in the

percent.

Norman MacKenzie, a spokesman for Boston Edison, estimated the six New England states could use as much as 12,900,000 kilowatts of electricity today.

The high for kilowatts used so far this year was Aug. 10 when the New England states consumed 12,645,000 kilowatts of power.

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