[LC]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DIVISION OF LANGUAGE SERVICES

(TRANSLATION)

LS NO. JP/EF
German

Dr. Franz Josef Strauss
Chairman of the CSU
Member of the Bundestag

Bonn, January 18, 1977

His Excellency
Professor Dr. Henry Kissinger,
Secretary of State
of the United States of America,
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. Secretary,

Dear Henry,

Our relationship during two decades has remained unchanged to
this day. We once made each other the promise that we would always
make time for each other no matter what position either of us might
find himself in. I gratefully note that you have always made an
effort to keep this promise, which I have taken moderate advantage of.
It would please me very much if we would continue to honor it no matter
in which capacity. A natural friendship between intelligent people with
similar values exists anyhow.

I would like it very much if you would come to Bavaria soon to
seek high political office. I promise you my complete support because,
in this case, I would be completely certain not to make a wrong decision.

With all my good wishes and best regards,

Yours,

[sgd.] Franz Josef Strauss

[Lc]

Dr. h.c. Franz Josef Strauß
Vorsitzender der CSU
Mitglied des Deutschen Bundestages

Bonn, den 18. Januar 1977

Seiner Exzellenz
dem Außenminister der
Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika
Herrn Professor Dr. Henry Kissinger
Washington D.C.

Sehr geehrter Herr Minister,

lieber Henry,

unsere über zwei Jahrzehnte währende Verbundenheit
hat bis heute unverändert angehalten. Wir haben uns
einmal das Versprechen gegeben, daß jeder Zeit für
den anderen hat, gleichgültig in welcher Position
er sich jeweils befindet. Ich vermerke mit Dank,
daß Sie sich immer bemüht haben, dieses Versprechen
einzuhalten, wovon ich maßvollen Gebrauch gemacht
habe. Ich würde mich sehr freuen, wenn wir, gleich-
gültig in welcher Eigenschaft, auch weiterhin dabei
bleiben würden. Zwischen intelligenten Menschen
gleicher Wertordnung besteht ohnehin eine natürliche
Freundschaft.

Sehr begrüßen würde ich es, wenn Sie bald nach Bayern
kämen und sich um ein hohes politisches Amt bewerben
würden. Ich sage Ihnen dafür jede Unterstützung zu,
weil ich in diesem Falle sicher bin, keine Fehlent-
scheidung zu treffen.

Mit herzlichen Grüßen

5300 Bonn, Bundeshaus

Ambassador Strausz-Hupé's Farewell
"Silver Bowl" Address to the North Atlantic Council
Delivered at NATO Headquarters
Brussels, Belgium, April 15, 1977

First, my thanks to the Divine Providence that allowed me, well advanced in age, to fulfill an over-arching ambition, namely to serve as my country's spokesman to the Atlantic Alliance, as well as to my colleagues on the Council, for the understanding, helpfulness and friendship that they have shown me throughout the brief year of my tenure. The best way to express my gratitude, so it seems to me, is to share with you my thoughts filtered from this one golden year's experience.

Saying goodby is never easy. The more so, for me, on this occasion when I shall be leaving the company of men whose friendship I have enjoyed, whose ability I have admired, and whose generosity and thoughtfulness have been evident to me, constantly, during the time I have spent with them.

Now, that generosity is expressed again in the gift of this lovely bowl which shall remain for me a mark of my colleagues' kindness and consideration. I am deeply grateful for this splendid gift. It will remind me, always, of the honor the council and my country have bestowed on me by including me among its members.

2

To our Secretary General, who steers our activities
with force and tact and who, indeed, animates the entire
Alliance with his wit and spirit, I am particularly
grateful for his sagacity and advice to me in the conduct
of my duties. Always courteous, ever felicitous, never
demure, at times implacable in pursuit of the higher
objectives of this Alliance, and invariably ready to
enliven our more dour moments with his levity and
sparkle, Joseph Luns embodies the finest qualities of
leadership on which the Alliance relies.

To Ambassador Catalano, our able Dean, I extend
my thanks as well. His sense of measure, his spirit of
compromise, and his insightful contributions to our
deliberations are indispensable to the effective functioning
of the Council.

To the Deputy Secretary General, Ambassador Pansa,
and to the distinguished Chairman of the Military
Committee, Sir Peter Hill-Norton, to whom I would also
express my gratitude for their perspicacity, lucidity,
and enlightening discourse. To the members of the
international staffs, civilian and military, who served
with such dedication the collective endeavors of the
Alliance; to the interpreters, who improve so often on
the more obscure passages of our discourse; to those
who guard and maintain our building, I extend also my
appreciation for their loyal service.

3

To SACEUR and SACLANT, and their staffs at SHAPE and
Norfolk and at our military commands, the muscle and
sinews of this Alliance, I am deeply grateful for their
personal friendship and hospitality.

It has been a rare privilege to share the company of
men of such caliber and integrity.

The Atlantic Alliance--the real Atlantic Alliance and
not the Alliance of Utopia or the Alliance derided by
hostile critics--works well--as well as any peacetime
Alliance of sovereign nations has ever worked in history.
Its record as an experiment in collective decision-making-
by-consensus alone makes it worth preserving. The issues
now confronting us and the foreseeable shape of issues-to-
come make the Alliance not only worth preserving but also
worth strengthening, for the solutions of the problems
pressing upon the West are bound to exceed the reach of
any Western sovereign nation, however wise and powerful.
Here and now, there exists no broader institutional framework
that can as effectively accommodate the Western democracies'
search for common positions on world politics other than
the Western Alliance. The West's center-of-gravity is in
this room. If any one ignores this fact, be it only for a
moment, he does so at the extreme peril of all of us.

To take a dark view, as many distinguished Western
thinkers have, the most important historical phenomenon of

4

our times is the shrinking global influence of the West.
For a long time, this phenomenon has engaged the attention
of historians and philosophers. It is more obvious than
any other that lies within the range of our historical
vision. Yet, throughout the West, it seems to have engendered
in the Western public at large that sense of fatalistic
indifference which, so I have read, living by the side of a
volcano induces in the local population. The identification
of this phenomenon is, however, fundamental to our under-
standing of the geopolitical environment in which we live,
for it signifies a fundamental alteration of the world order.

The dimensions of this retreat have been both geopolitical
and spiritual. Since the first decades of this century,
the West's sway and the West's values--its concepts of
political responsibility and individual freedom--have been
losing currency.

All major issues of contemporary world politics stem
from this phenomenon, seen by many historians as the global
retreat of the West. To ignore this fact, they contend, is
either a confession of historical ignorance or wishful
misreading of the stark record of the West's progressive
atrophy.

All throughout this age of the West's putative geopolitical
retreat, the West has been growing richer, its peoples
waxed more prosperous, its scientists-technologists

5

performed miracles of creativity, and its material
contributions to the development of non-Western nations
flowed ever more abundantly. It is these manifestations
of Western intellectual and economic prowess that have
lulled the Western publics into a sense of complacency
about stubborn symptoms that point unmistakably to the
decay of the West's global position.

Turning our attention eastward to the external threat,
there are, as in the case of the blind men's perceptions of
the elephant, many ways for perceiving the Soviet Union.
We can view the Soviet Union as a nuclear power--as big as
the U.S. or bigger or smaller than the U.S. We can view
the Soviet Union as the base of Marxist-Leninist ideology.
We can view the Soviet Union as a traditional Great Power,
heir to Czarist geopolitical aspirations. Each of these
perceptions tells us something we need to know about Soviet
Russia in order to understand it and its ways. Yet do these
perceptions suffice for an understanding of the Soviet Union's
foremost purpose in international politics as seen by so many
students of Soviet foreign policy? Has not the Soviet Union --
ever since the first years of the communist dictatorship and
while consolidating and expanding its colonial empire and its
hold on Russian soil -- not sought to turn the non-Western
peoples against the West and to exploit those conflicts between
the West and the non-West that it did not manage to spark?
Although we must view the end of Western colonialism

6

as a moral good, decolonization has created in many places
a political void. Consistently, the Soviets have spared
no effort to fill it.

If any Soviet foreign policy seems to so many seasoned
observers to have been consistent, it has been this one.
The Soviets have pursued it with equal perseverance at the
lows and highs of their power. Thus all other policies of
the Soviet Union, military, bilateral and multi-lateral
diplomacy, global and regional, ideological and cultural,
can be seen as tributary to this one policy, i.e., the
mobilization of the non-Western peoples in the drive against
the West's residual holdings and influence in the non-Western
world. On this premise, Lenin's dicta on imperialism have
informed and still inform the Soviet view of international
politics.

The pursuit of this global objective is seen by many
strategists as now supported by the resources of a world
power--a world power that has attained its "place in the sun."
In history, there is no precedent for a world power--present
company excepted--renouncing voluntarily its imperial
aspirations. Of all the world powers, past and present, the
Soviet Union is the least likely to be an exception from this
rule. Foreign Secretary David Owen's conclusion is the
following: "The basic premise from which we in the
West must start is that the Soviet Union is a world power
with national interests and ambitions to match

7

which inevitably bring it into competition, and sometimes confrontation, with the West. To this we must add that Communist ideology invests the natural rivalry between East and West with a dynamic of increasing struggle."

The Soviet Union has never intended and does not intend now to fight an aggressive nuclear war. Indeed, the Soviet Union probably does not intend to fight any kind of war--if it can help it. For the Soviet Union military power that cannot be put to political use has always been of negligible interest. The purpose of Soviet military power as well as any other kind of power has been to provide the props that support its political-psychological conflict strategy. This conflict strategy relies upon the indirect approach, i.e.: the gradual encirclement of the West by reducing its strongholds, strategic and economic, outside the territorial limits of the Western states. Among its many devices, the most effective has been the fomenting and feeding of proxy wars, such as the wars in Korea and Indo-China and revolutionary wars in colonial and ex-colonial lands.

The continued communist struggle for the isolation of the Western "city" from the non-Western "country side"--as Mao's metaphor puts it--is not incompatible with East-West detente defined as "peaceful coexistence." Indeed, this struggle is seen by many students of Soviet history as the rationale of detente, for detente provides the

8

optimal conditions for waging it.

Let it be conceded here that the economic and tech-
nological benefits to the Soviet Union of the detente are
considerable and would constitute sufficient justification
for the Soviet detente policy--if the Soviet Union were a
status quo power as are we. The view can be defended that
the Soviet Union is not a status quo power, and that the
principal objective of the Soviet Union is not to achieve
a stable equilibrium with us. According to this view, the
principal objective of the Soviet Union is to reduce the
world's areas under the Western writ, to raise the non-
Western peoples against the West, and deprive the West of
the non-Western peoples' material resources, not to speak
of their good will.

One of the explicit purposes of our detente policy is
to develop a perception of shared interests that will join us
and the Soviet Union ever more closely together in common
pursuits--the quest for mutual security, the common fight
against some of the world's ills, and mutually profitable
trade. Another purpose of our detente policy, explicitly
stated, is to influence the foreign policies of the Soviet
Union, though not its domestic policies. It stands to
reason, however, that, though we refrain from interference
in Soviet domestic affairs, the workings of the detente are
expected to bring about a gradual and, as we perceive it,

9

beneficial transformation of Soviet society. Within the context of our own value system we are justified in believing that increased trade and personal intercourse will foster social change and bridge the gap between the Soviet Union and our civilization. In brief, the Soviet Union will develop into an industrial-urban consumer society like our own; take its place by our side among the status quo powers--and, thus, grow more "Western" by not only acquiring the West's material accessories, but also approximating the West's political-social way of life.

Many believe that the evidence culled from the history of Russia, Czarist and communist, does not show that the Russian people ever wanted to be Western, nor that it provides grounds for assuming that they will change their mind. Except for a minuscule elite that, in the nineteenth century, looked to the West for political and cultural inspiration, the Russian people, including some of their greatest writers, have always regarded the West with stolid indifference, if not with disdain and mistrust.

The essential features of the Soviet regime--a rule imposed from above; an omnipotent bureaucracy; an omnipresent police; tight censorship; monolithic control of public opinion and cultural life; a judiciary serving

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10

as the obedient instrument of state power; the state's stoney indifference towards human rights; and the Russian people's unprotesting acceptance of all these things--are replicas of Czarist autocracy and kin to the great despotisms of old. In sum, Russian popular sentiment reinforces the anti-Western thrust of Lenin's dogmas on "imperialism."

Even if it were not for the doctrinal ambiguities of "peaceful coexistence" familiar to every Komsomol, Soviet man could not help but perceive of the detente in a context quite different from ours. For him, as for us, detente signifies a measure of security against total war. Unlike us, he views the achievement of this condition as the direct, ineluctable result of the weakening of the West. This weakening of the West, so he is told by the myriad voices of public indoctrination, has been brought about by the pressures of superior communist power as well as the internal decay--the "contradictions"--of the "capitalist," i.e., the Western system. In brief, Soviet domestic propaganda hails detente as another battle won on the long road to communist victory. Now, it only remains to push what is falling. This push can now be applied, with renewed force and

11

without incurring unacceptable political-military risks,
against the soft underbelly of the West, i.e., the
resources and markets on which the West's life depends.

What is to be done?

To propose that we scrap, here and now, our
policies that go by the name of detente would be both
unpolitic and frivolous. Agreements with the Soviet
Union on arms control that strengthen our security are
categorically in our interest. So are agreements on
trade that adhere to the principle of reciprocity and
do not accrue significantly to the advantage of Soviet
military technology. Small as is the impact of the
exchanges of persons and ideas upon the foreign policies
of a Great Power such as the Soviet Union, the increase
in human contacts between ourselves and the peoples
under Soviet rule is likely, in the long run, to benefit
us. The rivalry between the two communist Great Powers
provides us--and, for a while, might still provide us--
valuable strategic and diplomatic advantages, though this
rivalry does not necessarily strengthen the West's position
relative to the Third World.

I here assert that the first and overarching priority
of Western policy must be the self defense and renaissance
of the West. In other words, I believe that policies that
do not lie in the collective interest of the West and the
world as a whole do not serve the interests of any Western
nation either.

12

There can be no doubt that the categoric affirmation
of our Western priority will distress the Soviet rulers
and the ruling establishments of some non-Western lands.
As far as the Soviet rulers are concerned, the affirmation
of our Western priority will not harden their purpose,
namely, the discomfit of the West any more than the lack
of this affirmation has softened it. In brief, nothing that
we say or do will deflect Soviet strategy from its fundamental
objective. That this objective happens to have been largely
the obverse of ours, is the dilemma of world politics.
If we were to lead the Soviets to believe that we do not
see what is so clearly at issue, then we would encourage
them to engage in the kind of ventures that, in the past,
have brought them and us to the "brink."

Ideally, the desire to do great things in common--
to build a perfect society and to cure the world's ills--
should move the Western peoples towards union. As it is,
the Western peoples' stakes in their common civilization,
together with their countless interrelationships in trade,
science and culture, have not persuaded them to join in a
political community.

The history of this century has revealed plainly the
dismal consequences of the Western peoples' inability to
perceive and to meet in common a challenge that threatens
to overwhelm each and all of them. Just as plainly,

13

they point to the one and only alternative to the West's
ultimate community in defeat.

Increasingly, the gravest challenges to the Alliance
circumvent the area and transcend the provisions of the
Treaty of Washington of 1949. The time is now to come
to grips with the nature of these challenges and to
reassess the role of the Alliance as the guardian of
the West's collective security. Once again, there arises
the need for the resurgence of that creative political
will that founded the Alliance.

It has been the West's good fortune to find,
at its most critical historical turning points,
leaders of vision and purpose. We can take heart from
President Carter's inspiring call to great undertakings.
In his Inaugural Address he said: "The passion for
freedom is on the rise. . . . Tapping this new spirit
there can be no nobler or ambitious task for us to
undertake than to help share a just and peaceful
world that is truly humane." Striking this same note,
Vice President Mondale told us, on January 23rd, that
"there is a new faith in the strength of our democratic
system of government, a new willingness to meet
challenging and continuing responsibilities abroad."
The Vice President went on to say: "I share the confidence
of the President that together we will be equal to the
tasks of the future."

14

Western civilization is well worth working and
fighting for. It is the only civilization to date that
has struck an even balance between the material and the
moral aspirations of the greatest number of men and
women. Like all civilizations before it, it rests upon
this earth. Its sway extends from a territorial base.
This base is well worth defending, for without it Western
civilization fades into a philosophical abstraction
bereft of creative force.

The much discussed alienation of our youth from the
values of Western civilization is, in fact, an alienation
from reality. The alienated young, because they take the
security and wealth of our civilization for granted, do
not see why they should work and fight for it. Thus,
their alienation is not so much engendered by anguished
discontent as the inability of their elders to compel their
imagination, to channel their energies, or to stimulate
them to confront the challenges to the society that has
nurtured them. All our young people, alienated and
unalienated, need to be told that the wealth and security
of our civilization are at risk. Only the call to great
undertakings will fire their imagination and stir them
to action. The making of Western unity is the greatest
undertaking of our times. If the young as well as the old
will not heed that call, then we need no longer fret about
the future of the Western peoples. Then, that future will
be what the West's enemies will make of it. I believe

15

that the temper of the Western peoples does not tend towards apathy and self-destruction. Hence, I hold that the West is still strong and wise enough to grasp the present opportunity for creating a future order that will be what we and not our enemies will make it.

The West's fiber is sound, sound enough for us to reject out of hand the dark messages of Spenglerian doom. In his speech to the United Nations, President Carter said: "I see a hopeful world, a world dominated by increasing demands for basic freedoms, for fundamental rights, for higher standards of human existence." It should be our common task to see to it that these demands--demands sparked by the ethos of Western civilization--are being met.

In conclusion, I venture to entreat you, my colleagues and friends, to guard in the future that unique institution, NATO, as well as you have guarded it in the past. The Alliance has served and should serve in the future as an effective instrument of negotiation on East-West issues. But the Alliance itself and the stake of each member in it must never be negotiable--however enticing might be the offer. When it was founded, the Alliance might have been conceived as an expedient improvisation. Since then the Alliance has turned into a constant, perhaps the one and only constant of Western statecraft. On this rock rests the West's edifice.

Personal

September 2, 1977

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Washington D.C.

Dear Henry :

Having returned from a 10 days' visit to Sweden (where I saw most everybody I had asked to see, from the Prime Minister down to the leaders of the Opposition), I hasten to give you some impressions that, so I believe, bear upon our own political situation.

Pierre Shori, the International Secretary of the Socialist Party and Olof Palme's factotum, told me that, in December 1976, he and Olof visited Z. Brzezinski in Columbia University for about a week. Among other matters, they discussed Angola. Palme suggested that the Cubans were a "stabilizing force", check-mating some Moscow-leaning Angolan factions who wanted to replace the Cubans with Soviet "advisors". Shori professed himself convinced that Palme's analysis, derived from his intimacy with leading Angolans, inspired Andy Young's celebrated remark. Shori then told me of his and Palme's forthcoming visit to the U.N. meeting on *Apartheid* in Lagos, followed by a trip to the "front-line states" (which, in fact, has coincided with Andy Young's and Owen's recent African journey).

You will recall that, in our conversation last June, I pointed to the manifest influence Palme exercezes on certain members of the Administration. I am now inclined to acclaim him as the Carter Administration's Guru.

Long before the Swedish elections last year, Palme selected *Apartheid* as the principal target of Sweden's fight for human rights abroad, a substitute for the issue of Vietnam that had ceased to enthuse Swedish youth. Hence, we are on safe ground when we assume that the pitch of the Mondale-Young campaign in Africa, supported docilely by the British, reflects Palme's own philosophy on the racist-imperialist complex and, especially, his rhetoric and style.

./...

2.

As to the substance of our doings in Africa, I deem it bizarre, if not obscene, that, as Mr. Binder reports in the *International Herald Tribune* of August 29, "after cooperation against South Africa, U.S.-Soviet ties (are) said to improve". The main purpose of the African policies of the Soviet Union has been to thwart the non-violent solution of African conflicts and deprive us of our residual bases and influence in that Continent. If we are not aware of our strategic and economic stake in Southern Africa, the Soviets certainly are. To rejoice, as Mr. Binder's "high ranking White House officials" seem to do, at a U.S.-Soviet de facto alliance against South Africa, this would be not only frivolous but also very, very foolish.

Apartheid has always been an ugly thing. Under different names, it is being practiced in not a few African, Mid-Eastern, and South Asian countries, and in Japan. The present generation of South Africans has not invented it, and some incumbent South Africans seem to be more uneasy about it than a good many Third World peoples who practice it routinely and, yet, are U.N. members in good standing, free to denounce the practice in South Africa.

Although states, being "cold monsters", are never grateful, it behooves the Western democracies to recall, with or without gratitude, the contribution South Africans have made to their victory in two World Wars. I believe that neither could have been won at all or won as quickly, had South Africans not fought on our side and had Simonstown fallen into hostile hands. To see now the United States aligned against South Africa with the Soviet Union, arch-enemy of all the West stands for, this is not a pleasing prospect. That France and Britain, having traded for long happily and unabashedly in nuclear technology, now demonstratively join in the peremptory demarche against South Africa (triggered by -- of all things -- Soviet intelligence reports), this reflects their obsequiousness rather than their scruples. Anyway, the pursuit of nuclear chastity should start at home. As for the United States, it has no reason whatsoever to take pride in this dismal exercize.

The case against nuclear proliferation is a strong one. In South Africa we have gone about making it in the worst possible way, strengthening the Soviet Union's position in Africa and risking the West's most precious strategic stakes in that Continent. In general, the present drive for halting nuclear proliferation is more irksome for certain nations that, when the chips are down, might be on our side, than for some of the bad boys who, in that event, will be backed by the Soviet Union.

./...

It is disquietening that the fountain-head of the Carter Administration's policies towards the Third World and, probably, other matters is none other than Olof Palme, Nestor of the Socialist International. I know the man : he has run Sweden into the ground, leaving it to the present government to sort out the shambles. Despite his professions to the contrary, he loathes the United States, i.e. the United States that has played a leading role in world politics. He is as ambitious as he is unscrupulous. Unfortunately, he is far more subtle and intelligent than are some of the leading lights of this Administration.

I leave it to your judgement to integrate the above into an assessment of this Administration's performance. Perhaps, the best way to go about such an assessment is to examine the roots of its philosophy. I believe that I have identified one of these roots. Please, tell me as to whether you think that, in this assumption, I am right or mistaken.

With best wishes,

ARNOLD & PORTER

September 12, 1977

MEMORANDUM

TO: Henry A. Kissinger

FROM: William D. Rogers

RE: Approval of License for Norwegian Frist Serialization

I recommend you sign the attached letter approving
a Norwegian license subject to two safeguards. Please send
a copy to me and the original directly to Mr. Strømme.

Attachment

CLUB NUMBER 208

WEDNESDAYS AT NOON

ROTARY CLUB OF BERKELEY

EDWARD F. STRONG
President

JOHN L. SIEGLE, P.P.
Secretary

CHAMBER OF COMMERCE BUILDING
1836 UNIVERSITY AVENUE
BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA 94703
(A.C. 415) 841-2319
MAILING ADDRESS
P.O. BOX 723
94701

21 June 1977

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger.
Georgetown University.
Center for Strategic and
International Studies.
1800 K Street. S.W.
Washington, D.C. 20006.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

You will recall that you were the 1977 Peace Grove honoree of our Rotary Club of Berkeley. Although we had hoped that your schedule would permit you attending the dedication ceremony personally, we feel neverthe less you would be interested to know that an impressive and inspiring service was held on Wednesday 18 May 1977 at our Peace Grove in Tilden Park.

On this occasion we are most pleased to advise, a standing redwood tree
was dedicated in honor of Henry A. Kissinger with great feeling and re-
spect.

I am taking this opportunity to enclose several photographs of the occasion
together with a copy of our Rotary Revolutions, our weekly bulletin describ-
ing the ceremony and a copy of the brochure which describes the origin of
the Peace Grove and lists the honorees in the past. Appropriate legends
are inscribed on the back of the pictures.

It would be a great privilege indeed to have you visit the Peace Grove
and if the occasion arises where you are visiting the San Francisco Bay
Area and can spare the short time, we can arrange for your visit by calling
our Rotary Berkeley office.

EFS/wn
Encl.

Service Above Self - He Profits Most Who Serves Best

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## ROTARY CLUB OF BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA
INTERNATIONAL PEACE GROVE

The Rotary Club of Berkeley, in celebration of the Golden Anniversary of Rotary International in 1955, established the INTERNATIONAL PEACE GROVE in Tilden Regional Park as a perpetual monument to those individuals among all races, creeds, and nationalities who have made notable contributions to the Advancement of International Understanding, Peace and Good Will.

The International Peace Grove consists of a hundred California Redwood trees—Sequoia Gigantea. These trees grow to impressive size and beauty. Some live for thousands of years.

The first tree was dedicated in honor of the founder of Rotary, Paul Harris, whose foresight in 1905 brought into being a great organization based on the principles of international good will through a world fellowship of business and professional men united in the ideal of "Service Above Self."

Since 1955, individual trees bearing bronze plaques have been dedicated with appropriate ceremonies to persons who were selected for their outstanding contributions to the principles for which the Grove was established.

The entire Grove is a Golden Anniversary Memorial of Rotary International, which has some 17,000 Rotary Clubs and an estimated 802,000 Rotarians in 150 countries and geographical regions of the free world.

# Rotary Revolutions

### NO. 208 - ORGANIZED FEBRUARY 9, 1916

EDWARD F. STRONG, President

JOHN L. SIEGLE, P.P., Secretary

WILLIAM R. DAVIS, Treasurer

"Service Above Self"

The Bi-Centennial Year
1776-1976

## BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Donald B. Horner, Past President

Paul Casamajor

James M. Corley

Paul E. Harberts

Steven H. Oliver

Robert L. Olson

Harry H. Stoops

ROBERT A. MANCHESTER, II

Youngston, Ohio

President-Rotary International

FRED HAYNES

Redding, California

Govenor-District 516 R.I.

## BIG BANDS YEAR

NO. 45

DATE 18 May 1977

OUR 61st YEAR

## THIS WEEKS MEETING

Luncheon meeting was held in the Brazilian Room in Tilden Park. Chaired by President Ed, the meeting began promptly. The Thought for the Day was presented by Clarence Bullwinkel:

> It Can Be Done

> "There was enough moral wisdom to organize great nations such as England or France on the basis of internal peace, but it was a difficult task which took centuries of effort. Is there enough moral wisdom to organize a world society to enable the European, the Hindu, the Chinese, the Negro to live together on tolerable terms, to overcome their vast diversities of tradition, language, and race, to curb the rapacity of unscrupulous men, to control exploitation and close the door on war? We cannot with any certainty affirm that there is moral wisdom enough, but we can with assurance say that it is wholly a question of the "enough." Given an adequate moral development, there is no hard stone of obstruction on which it must break its teeth. We have to educate ourselves, and that is all there is to be said. We can succeed if we choose, but enough of us must so choose."

Leonard Trelawney Hobhouse

## ANNOUNCEMENTS

Ian Roger from the Oakland Club described the need for program assistants during the National Convention next month. Volunteers were requested.

The meeting then adjourned to the Peace Grove for the dedication ceremony with the Peace Grove Program Committee in charge. Approximately 50 attended.

A biographical review of the career of Henry A. Kissinger, the 1977 honoree, was presented by Pete Jurs.

Henry A. Kissinger was born in Germany in 1923. His family fled Nazi persecution in 1938, moving first to London and later settling in New York. During college he was drafted into the U. S. Army.

He was naturalized in 1943. After the war he entered Harvard, earned four scholarships and three degrees and then joined the faculty.

In 1969 he was appointed Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs. He served

Pete Jurs and Ed Strong

Members reading the Litany of Dedication led by President Ed

as Director of the National Security Council from 1969 to 1975 and was Secretary of State from 1973 to 1977.

His greatest honor came in 1973, when he was co-recipient with Le Duc Tho of North Vietnam of the Nobel Peace Prize given for continuing efforts to conclude the war in Southeast Asia. His other achievements include opening of diplomatic relations with China, improved relations with the Soviet Union, and first steps toward a negotiated settlement of the feud between Israel and the Arab states.

Editors:

Harv Short

Fred Cattaneo

Associates:

Tommy Tomlinson, Ray Jones

Bob McNary, Hank Garber

Photographer:

Ev Howe

### NEXT WEDNESDAY'S PROGRAM

25 May 1977

Sherwood L. Washburn
Professor of Anthropology, U. C.

"Human Behavior and the Behavior of Other Animals"

Presented by the Count Basie Team
John Mendel & Joe Rabb - Co-captains

The redwood tree dedicated to Dr. Kissinger is identified by a suitable bronze plaque.

The Litany of Dedication was conducted by President Ed, followed by the concluding Benediction by <u>Howard Mc Bain</u>. Chairman for the Day was <u>Frank Fee</u>.

Presented by the Peace Grove Committee
Frank Fee & Forrest Tregea - Co-Chairmen

### SICK REPORTS:

Esa Zacharia, who underwent open heart surgery last week, is well on his way to complete recovery. His doctor tells him he'll be playing tennis again in two months.

Paul Williamson is well on the mend. He's gained back his weight but lost considerable hair. Expects to be back with us in a month or so.

Reporter: Frank Fee

Editor: Bob McNary

**Office**
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### Important R. I. Proposals

At the R. I. Convention in San Francisco, June 5-9, over 100 proposals will come before the Council on Legislation. Most of them are pretty routine, but six proposals are either controversial or will have an effect on our Club. These six are listed below. In order to instruct our Club's delegates, we must know the membership's wishes. We will conduct a secret ballot at Wednesday's Meeting (25 May) and post the results in the next Revolutions.

77-9 Relating to participation by Rotary clubs in the administration of non-profit associations established to carry out service projects. Purpose: to provide that a club may, with the written consent of the district governor, participate in the administration of non-profit associations created to carry out certain service projects.

77-28 To permit the district governor nominee to be elected, without restriction, to serve on the council on legislation. Purpose: to eliminate the provision that the incoming district governor may serve as the representative of the clubs in the district on the council only upon certification that no past or present officer is available in the district.

77-581 To limit the length of time for which a club officer may serve continuously in any one office. Purpose: to limit to three consecutive years the length of time for which a club officer might be re-elected to serve in the same office in the club.

77-47 To provide for the international assembly and convention of Rotary International to be held in the month of April or May. Purpose: to provide that the convention of R.I. be held in the month of April of May and to include a new provision that the international assembly also be held in the month of April or May.

77-75 To prohibit restrictions based on sex in the qualifications for membership. Purpose: to delete from the documents references of members of Rotary clubs being male persons and to provide that the membership of a Rotary club may be comprised of qualified business and professional persons, without regard to their sex. (See also 77-16, 77-70, and 77-94)

77-103 To amend the period during which an absence at a regular club meeting may be made up. Purpose: to provide that a member of a Rotary club may make up an absence on any of the seven days immediately preceding the day of absence, on the day of absence itself, or on any of the seven days immediately following the day of absence. (See also 77-36.)

HENRY A. KISSINGER

July 18, 1977

Dear Dr. Struss:

I designate Dr. Theo Sommer to assume
my editorial responsibilities for the
German translation of the work in the
event I am unable to discharge those
responsibilities, pursuant to my
agreement with C. Bertelsmann Verlag
of even date.

Dr. Dieter Struss
C. Bertelsmann Verlag
Steinhauser Strasee 1
Ecke Prinzregentenstrasse
8000 Munich 80
Germany

D. GEORGE SULLIVAN

35 CONGRESS STREET
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS 02109

February 15, 1977

Hon. Henry A. Kissinger
The State Department
Washington, D. C. 20520

Dear Henry:

Thank you very much for taking care of the case of Dr. Ann Maria Chu. For your information, I enclose a copy of the letter which I received from James F. Greene, Deputy Commissioner of the United States Department of Justice. It was thoughtful of you to do this. I know that Dr. Chu is immensely pleased as are other people at the Massachusetts General Hospital in the Radiation Department.

I read with interest the article in last Sunday's Boston Herald in connection with the sale of your memoirs. I should think these would be most revealing and would be much sort after when you finish writing them in a couple of years. I for one look forward to reading your observations.

I am delighted that things have worked out so well for you since the days when you gave talks at Fidelity. I hope the future has as much promise for you and Nancy as has been true of the past.

My best wishes to you and hoping to see you before long.

DGS:ah
Enc.

[10]

January 13, 1977

The Honorable Henry Kissinger
The Secretary of State
Washington, D. C. 20025

Dear Henry:

Now that your term as Secretary of State is drawing to an end, I wish to write to you and give you my observations and congratulations. First, I do wish to congratulate you on the excellence of your performance in a troubled international world and in a world of conflicts of interest and, I might say, selfishness, too. You took the broad view and really for the first time in American diplomacy took the broad geopolitical approach.

The cornerstone of your foreign policy seemed to me to be the correct recognition that the world is a very small place and that we no longer could be smug, introverted or too nationalistic as a great country. This is all logical. I am afraid that many people did not appreciate your approach and the goals which you sought. The "shuttle-diplomacy" was highly necessary to keep a peaceful world, and particularly to expiate the fire and hatred of the Arabs versus the Israelis. This latter was, I think, a monumental achievement. At every turn you reflected what America means to the cause of freedom and human dignity. When history is written of this period, I honestly predict, and with confidence, you will be regarded as one of the great Secretaries of State for all time.

The only problem I would raise with respect to your foreign policy is that your charity towards the Soviet Union might have been tempered somewhat by a harsher realism that the rulers of the Soviet people do have a world conquest mentality and really are not interested in world peace or in helping the developing third world. In my opinion, you never can fully trust the Soviets. However, this does not mean we should not, as you have done, make every effort to ease the arms burden and prevent the possible proliferation of nuclear war. It is better to speak to people than to go one's private way. This is, in effect, what you have done and, I think, commendably so.

March 16, 1977

Mr. Henry A. Kissinger
Suite 520
800 K Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20006

Dear Henry:

I appreciated very much your letter of
March 8. For your information, the Massachusetts
General Hospital was delighted with the solution of
the problem of Dr. Chu. They know that you arranged
the extended visa for her.

Your contract with respect to your
observations on your stewardship as Secretary of State
is not only an excellent one, but one that will offer
you a challenge. It seems to me that it will enable
you to present your philosophy on global geopolitical
problems in a way that will serve not only the U. S.
but also the western world most effectively. Many
finite minds did not comprehend what you were trying
to achieve since their minds were living in the past
on foreign affairs problems. I know you write excel-
lently in the tradition of a good Harvardian and that
your book when it becomes published will be in great
demand,

If in any way I can be of help to you,
I shall be delighted to offer my services. I hope to
see you soon.

DGS:ah

D. GEORGE SULLIVAN

March 22, 1977

Dear Henry:

I read with interest the announcement in today's New York Times (March 22) of your becoming the Vice Chairman of Chase Manhattan Bank's international advisory committee and later succeeding John Loudon as Chairman. I had the pleasure of meeting John Loudon when I took part in an economic seminar in Lake Como, Italy in 1970. He was a very distinguished head of Royal Dutch Shell and also evidenced to me an unusual capacity for a broad international view of things. You will succeed, therefore, a very distinguished gentleman highly regarded in the international field.

It is, therefore, appropriate that you assume this position at the Chase Bank, since it carries on the quality of your immediate predecessor and adds luster to the Bank. You will be of great benefit to the Chase Manhattan Bank.

May I suggest in your new assignment that you take a good hard look at private lending by international banks, including Chase. Somehow or other, I sense there is trouble ahead for the big international banks in lending not only to the Russian satellites in increasing amounts, but also to some of the undeveloped nations in the third world. In my opinion, the Russians do play a very intriguing game in all phases of international relations, including finance. This may seem sort of foolish, but I would not put it beyond happening that Russia and its satellites increase their loans and lines of credit to the point that some day they may subtly indicate they are unable to make immediate repayment. It could cause a lot of trouble to the big New York international banks. I recognize, as you do, that private money is an important adjunct of international trade.

My best wishes to you in this new assignment.

DGS:ah

HEIDRICK AND STRUGGLES, INC.

Management Consulting - Executive Selection

BOSTON CHICAGO CLEVELAND DALLAS HOUSTON LOS ANGELES NEW YORK
SAN FRANCISCO BRUSSELS FRANKFURT LONDON MEXICO CITY PARIS

ROBERT C. SULLIVAN
VICE PRESIDENT

August 19, 1977

PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Suite 520
1800 K Street, NW
Washington, D.C. 20006

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

By way of introduction, I am associated with Heidrick and Struggles, Inc., which, as you may know, is one of the larger United States based executive search firms. I am working on an important and highly confidential search assignment for the International Nickel Company (INCO) of Toronto. This company is one of the largest nickel mining and refining companies in the world with total volume in excess of $2 Billion. INCO is Canada's eleventh largest corporation.

We are looking for an individual to join their twenty-one man Board of Directors who is knowledgeable in world politics and economics. INCO invests substantial capital in facilities in foreign countries for the long pull; this individual should, therefore, be knowledgeable about long term social and economic consequences resulting from political and governmental action world-wide. He must be able to aid in evaluating the political and economic climate of a given country. He must be an American. He might very well have had high level government experience, be a professor of international economics or politics at one of the better universities, or he might be found in industry.

I would like to take the liberty of calling you next week to chat with you briefly to see if you might have a suggestion or two of individuals who you think might be qualified for this position.

RCS/mla

125 SOUTH WACKER DRIVE, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 60606 PHONE: 312/372-8811 CABLE: HEISTREXEC

Sunset Road
Sugar Hill, N. H. 03585

March 8, 1977

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
2527 Waterside Drive, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20008

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

During the very troubled past several years I have often
thought of you. You well know what an enormously high regard I
have for you as a man, a scholar and a statesman. The remarkable
record you have established is not likely to be equaled again, or
at least not in this century. Many times I have wondered how you
ever managed to withstand the terrible physical, mental and spiritual
strain caused by your heavy, complex and endless responsibilities.
But you did and the country is greatly indebted to you.

One time you kindly suggested to me at a social gathering to
drop by and visit you for a chat. I never did do this because I
had no official business to discuss and I knew you were far too
busy to waste any time on a social conversation. But I did remember,
from time to time, your career at Harvard University and your writings,
and the discussions you had on foreign policy with our mutual friend,
Dr. Fritz Kraemer. While I know nothing about foreign policy it was
a real privilege for me to listen to such unusually well-informed
authorities on this difficult and ever-changing subject.

It is not my purpose here to discuss some of the very painful
experiences we both have gone through relative to necessary security
wiretapping. It is strange, indeed, that wiretapping, which for gen-
erations was an acceptable tool to government leaders to be used by
intelligence agencies, almost overnight became a colossal issue among
certain politicians whose undisciplined and publicity seeking behavior
has caused great security damage to this country from which it will
take many years to recover.

If "the powers that be" did not approve of such techniques why
did they not advise the Department of Justice of this some forty
years ago instead of waiting until now and making it retroactive?
There is so much to be said on this subject that I should not even
have mentioned it in passing in this letter.

My attorney and personal friend, Joseph E. Casey, told me of
meeting you at the Department of State and he passed on to me your

good wishes. He has long been a great supporter of yours. At one time he was a protégé of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and served eight years in Congress, 1934-1942. You may not know that on each occasion during the past three years when defending me, Attorney Casey also spoke in your defense whenever he had an opportunity. He would never tell you this, therefore I am doing it now. Should you ever care to send him a letter of appreciation his address is:

517 Ring Building
1200 Eighteenth St., N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20035

It always pleased me greatly that you employed my former secretary, Anne Boddicker Bradley. She came to work for me in the FBI right out of high school. Over the years I have had many secretaries but none who were as intelligent, capable, industrious, discreet, self-reliant and loyal as was she. I know that Anne liked immensely working for you and she always had very complimentary remarks to make about you. She cherishes the experience she had as a member of your secretarial force and in being a part of this unusual historic era in which you have played such a major role.

Dr. Kissinger, our pathways may not cross again. I feel honored that they did cross in the past. It is highly unlikely that at any time in the future I can be of assistance to you, but if I can, please know that I will be privileged to be of any help.

You entered the government service after a very successful career as a scholar and author. Your distinguished career in government is internationally recognized and I need not make any comment on it here. You are young enough to have another outstanding career in the intellectual and academic community. Along with countless others I wish to extend to you my sincerest best wishes for continued success in all that you do.

RACERASE BOND
SOUTHWORTH CO. U. S. A.
25% COTTON FIBER

MAILGRAM SERVICE CENTER
MIDDLETOWN, VA. 22645

Mailgram®

[Y]

2-038899E314002 11/10/77 ICS IPMRNCZ CSP WSHB
1 2028720300 MGM TDRN WASHINGTON DC 11-10 0301P EST

HENRY A KISSINGER KTG
1800 K ST NORTH WEST SUITE 520
WASHINGTON DC 20006

THIS MAILGRAM IS A CONFIRMATION COPY OF THE FOLLOWING MESSAGE:

2028720300 MGM TDRN WASHINGTON DC 100 11-10 0301P EST
ZIP

MRS WILLIAM C SULLIVAN
SUNSET RD
SUGAR HILL NH 03585

DEAR MRS SULLIVAN:

I WAS GRIEVED TO HEAR OF THE TRAGIC AND UNTIMELY DEATH OF YOUR HUSBAND, WHO WAS A COLLEAGUE AND A PERSONAL FRIEND. HE SERVED HIS COUNTRY THROUGH MANY DECADES WITH RARE INTELLIGENCE, DEDICATION, COURAGE AND COMPASSION. YOU HAVE MY SINCEREST CONDOLENCES.

5241 (06-76)

TO REPLY BY MAILGRAM, SEE REVERSE SIDE FOR WESTERN UNION'S TOLL-FREE PHONE NUMBERS

MANHATTAN
SCHOOL OF
MUSIC
120 CLAREMONT AVE.
NEW YORK, NEW YORK
10027 Tel. (212) 749-2802
John O. Crosby President

April 28, 1977

Mrs. Henry Kissinger
Suite 520
1800 Kay Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20006

Dear Mrs. Kissinger:

Here is the formal announcement of the June 2nd American Ballet Theatre Benefit for the Manhattan School of Music. The initial response to the mailing is very encouraging. Mrs. Naumberg and I, on behalf of the Board of Trustees, Mr. John Crosby and the Benefit Committee thank you again for lending your distinguished name to this gala evening.

May I once again extend to you and Dr. Kissinger our most cordial invitation to be our guests at the performance on June 2nd and also at the supper beforehand in the Opera Club.

As I stated in my letter of March 14th, your acceptance of the Honorary Chairmanship involved no obligation of work or any financial contribution. We were, however, wondering if you would be willing to have a publicity picture taken at the Metropolitan with Baryshnikov, Kirkland, Mrs. George Naumberg and myself sometime in the middle of May. If you were by chance going to be in New York during that period and were agreeable, I'm sure it would help promote the Benefit and would, I anticipate, be an interesting experience for all of us. Please let me know if this would be possible.

Once again, many thanks for your participation in our efforts on behalf of the Manhattan School of Music.

lb

BUNDESREPUBLIK DEUTSCHLAND
DER BUNDESKANZLER

Bonn, November

24. 1976

I am grieved to note that the American nation did not re-elect its President and that, consequently, your work as Secretary of State is also drawing to an end. We have now known each other for nearly two decades. I was able to follow your career, your rise and your great achievements over many stages directly and, in a sense, had a part in it through our contacts. You have experienced not only success but bitterness as well. You have not been able to solve all the problems which you and we should have liked to see solved; this lies in the nature of any foreign policy task of world strategic dimensions. But you have accomplished great things: from the normalization of relations with the Soviet Union to normal relations with the People's Republic of China, from the termination of the war in Viet-Nam to the maintenance of the balance of power in the Middle East. I am thinking in particular also of the thankless role which you so tactfully and effectively played during the final phase of the Nixon administration.

Dear Henry, you may have toyed often enough with the idea of leaving the State Department. I hope therefore that the whole thing will not be too trying for you now. When in the summer I was invited to a magnificent

His Excellency
the Secretary of State
Dr. Henry A. Kissinger

Washington, D.C.

[LC]

- 2 -

luncheon in your State Department, I felt that it
might be something of a farewell meal. I therefore
tried at the time, in my improvised remarks, to
express to many American listeners my gratitude
towards you and my profound respect for what you
have achieved. What I tried to say then was not
just diplomatic courtesy, it was the reflection of
my innermost conviction and attitude towards you.

I wish to thank you for the excellent co-operation
and above all for your confidence.

Please let us remain in contact.

Now that you will soon be returning into civil life
I should like you to know that I shall be at your
disposal at any time, as far as this lies in my
power.

All my best wishes!

Professor Rodger Swearingen
School of International Relations
University of Southern California

# SOVIET-JAPANESE RELATIONS IN THE POSTWAR ERA
and Strategic Issues in Northeast Asia

## Preface

## Introduction

### Part I

#### HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES--A MONTAGE

1. Mirror images--Russia and Japan

2. The legacy of Russo-Soviet-Japanese relations

3. The emergence of a Soviet policy for postwar Japan

### Part II

#### THE SOVIET PRESENCE IN AN AMERICAN OCCUPIED JAPAN

4. Soviet policy and practice in Occupied Japan

5. The Moscow-linked "lovable" Japan Communist Party

6. The Soviet indoctrination and repatriation of Japanese POWs

### Part III

#### THE NEW JAPAN VS SOVIET INTRANSIGENCE--
BASIC ISSUES AND RICE-ROOTS RESPONSES

7. Normalization of relations and the elusive peace treaty

8. Fisheries, whaling and the law of the sea--conflict zones

9. Public opinion, propaganda and "cultural exchange"

10. An "independent" Communist Party in a new Japan

### Part IV

#### ECONOMIC RELATIONS--TRADE AND JOINT VENTURES
IN SIBERIA AND ELSEWHERE

11. Trade with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe

12. Joint economic ventures in Siberia and elsewhere

### Part V

#### DIPLOMATIC AND STRATEGIC DIMENSIONS

13. Soviet policy parameters--The Asian context

14. Peking's policy and relations with Japan

15. The Korean connection

16. Northern Territories: the lingering issue

17. The Moscow-Peking-Tokyo-Washington quadrangle and strategic issues in Northeast Asia

## APPENDICES/PHOTOS/BIBLIOGRAPHY