COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

58 EAST 68TH STREET • NEW YORK • NEW YORK 10021
Tel 212 434 9400 Fax 212 434 9880 www.cfr.org

Independent Task Force
On Transatlantic Relations
Session 3

July 22, 12:00 – 6:00 pm
Peter G. Peterson Hall
The Harold Pratt House
58 East 68th Street
New York, NY 10021

Council meetings are not-for-attribution, unless otherwise indicated. This means that participants are welcome to make use of information received at meetings, but neither the identity nor the affiliation of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant may be revealed; nor may one cite a Council meeting as the source of the information. Rapporteur notes may be posted on the Council's member website with the consent of the speaker and chair.

COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

**Chairs:**

Henry A. Kissinger
Chairman, Kissinger Associates, Inc.

Lawrence H. Summers
President, Harvard University

**Project Director:**

Charles A. Kupchan
Senior Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations

**Speakers:**

Gordon Brown
Chancellor of the Exchequer, United Kingdom

Karsten D. Voigt
Coordinator for German-American Cooperation,
Federal Republic of Germany

Wolfgang Ischinger
Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany to the United States

Jean-David Levitte
Ambassador of France to the United States

Richard N. Haass
President, Council on Foreign Relations

Participants

Giuliano Amato
Italian Senate

Caroline Atkinson
Council on Foreign Relations

Reginald Bartholomew (by phone)
Merrill Lynch Europe

Douglas K. Bereuter (by phone)
U.S. House of Representatives

Harold Brown
Center for Strategic & International
Studies

Richard R. Burt
International Equity Partners

Thierry de Montbrial
Institut Francais des Relations
Internationales

Thomas E. Donilon
Fannie Mae

Stuart E. Eizenstat (by phone)
Covington & Burling

Lee Feinstein
Council on Foreign Relations

Martin S. Feldstein
National Bureau of Economic
Research

John Lewis Gaddis
Yale University

Timothy Garton Ash
University of Oxford

G. John Ikenberry
Georgetown University

Andrew Moravcsik
Harvard University

Andrzej Olechowski
Civic Platform

Felix G. Rohatyn
Rohatyn Associates LLC

Brent Scowcroft
Forum for International Policy

Anne-Marie Slaughter
Princeton University

Benn Steil
Council on Foreign Relations

Daniel K. Tarullo
Georgetown University Law Center

Laura D'Andrea Tyson (by phone)
London Business School

Stephen M. Walt
Harvard University

Staff

Jamie M. Fly
Council on Foreign Relations

Leah F. Pisar
French-American Foundation

Lindsay Workman
Council on Foreign Relations

CFR Task Force on Transatlantic Relations

July 22 Speaker Bios

Rt. Hon. Gordon Brown MP

Gordon Brown has served as the United Kingdom's Chancellor of the Exchequer since May 1997. He has been MP for Dunfermline East since 1983.

Mr. Karsten D. Voigt

Karsten D. Voigt has been the German Foreign Office's Coordinator for German-American Cooperation since January 1999. He previously was a member of the Bundestag for twenty-two years.

Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger

Since July 2001, Wolfgang Ischinger has been the Federal Republic of Germany's Ambassador to the United States. From 1998 to 2001, he served as State Secretary in the German Foreign Office.

Ambassador Jean-David Levitte

Jean-David Levitte has served as French Ambassador to the United States since December 2002. He previously was French Ambassador to the United Nations and Senior Diplomatic Advisor to President Chirac.

Ambassador Richard N. Haass

Richard N. Haass is President of the Council on Foreign Relations. He has held several government posts, most recently that of Director of Policy Planning for the Department of State.

Curriculum Voigt

Page 1 of 2

Auswärtiges Amt

Homepage: The Federal Foreign Office: Organisation and Tasks: Tasks of the Directorates-General: Curriculum Voigt

Federal Foreign Office, Werderscher Markt 1, 10117 Berlin,
Germany

Postal address: 11013 Berlin, Germany

Tel.: 0049-1888-17-2870

Fax: 0049-1888-175-2870

E-mail: KO-USA-Vz@auswaertiges-amt.de

Date and place of birth: April 11, 1941, Elmshorn (Germany)

1960 - 1969 Studies of history, German philology and
Scandinavistic at the universities of
Hamburg, Copenhagen and Francfort

1969 - 1976 Member of the Board of Directors and
Deputy Director of Frankfurt Community
College

1969 - 1973 Chair and Deputy Chair of the German
Young Socialists Organisation

1976 - 1998 Member of the German Federal Parliament
(Bundestag), Member of the Foreign Affairs
Committee of the Bundestag and Deputy
member of the Defencè Committee of the
Bundestag

1983 - 1998 Foreign-policy spokesman of the
parliamentary group of the SPD

1984 - 1995 Member of the Executive Committee of the
SPD

1985 - 1994 Member of the Executive Committee of the
Social Democratic Parties of the European
Union (SPE)

1992 - 1998 Chairman of the German - Russian
Parliamentarians' Group

since 01.02.1999 Coordinator for German - American
Cooperation

1977 - 1998 Member of the Parliamentary Assembly of
NATO

1989 - 1993 Chairman of the Defence and Security
Committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of

Karsten D. Voigt
Coordinator of German-American
Cooperation

http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/www/en/aamt/aufgaben/abteilungen/cv-voigt.html

7/18/2003

Germany Info: German Embassy Washington: Welcome

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German Embassy
Washington, D.C.

Welcome

Information
Services

Culture & Life

Education &
Research

Business &
Technology

Government &
Politics

Germany Info Home: German Embassy Washington: Ambassador

## The Ambassador

Wolfgang Ischinger

Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany
to the United States of America

Wolfgang Ischinger, German Ambassador to the United States of America since July 31, 2001, was born in 1946 near Stuttgart in southern Germany and joined the German Foreign Service in 1975 with German law degree and a master's degree from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. He worked at the UN in New York and was posted to Washington, D.C., and to Paris. In Bonn, he served as special assistant to Foreign Ministers Genscher and Kinkel. From 1993 to 1998, Ambassador Ischinger served in various senior positions in the Foreign Ministry where he led the German delegations to a number of international negotiating processes, including the Bosnia Peace Talks at Dayton, Ohio, the negotiations concerning the NATO-Russia Founding Act, as well as the negotiations on NATO enlargement and on the Kosovo crisis.

From 1998 to 2001, Wolfgang Ischinger served as State Secretary, the highest civil service post, in the German Foreign Office.

Mr. Ischinger has published widely on foreign policy, security and arms control policy as well as on European and transatlantic issues.

He serves on several non-profit boards, including the Board of Overseers of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, the East-West Institute in New York, the Alfred Herrhausen Gesellschaft, Frankfurt, the Council on Public Policy, and AFS Germany (American Field Service). He is also Chairman of the Ambassadors Advisory Board of the Executive Council on Diplomacy in Washington, D.C.

Wolfgang Ischinger is married and has two children. He is a certified professional ski instructor and holds a private pilot's license.

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7/21/2003

Embassy of France in the US - Ambassador Jean-David Levitte

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THE AMBASSADOR

His Excellency Jean-David LEVITTE

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In the U.S.

entire site

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Ambassador Jean-David Levitte presented his credentials to
President Bush on December 9, 2002. Ambassador Levitte has had
a distinguished and outstanding career in the French foreign service,
serving on the staff of two French Presidents and holding various
senior positions in the French foreign service.

Born in 1946 in the south of France, Ambassador Levitte earned a
law degree and is a graduate of Sciences-Po (the renowned Institute
for Political Science in Paris) and of the National School of Oriental
Languages, where he studied Chinese and Indonesian.

Having successfully passed the Foreign Service exam in 1970, he
was first posted in Hong Kong and Beijing in the early 1970's.

A few months after his election in 1974, President Valery Giscard
d'Estaing asked him to work on his staff at the Elysee Palace, where
he stayed from 1975 to 1981.

Mr. Levitte was then assigned to his first position in the United States
as Second Counselor at the Permanent Mission of France to the

http://www.ambafrance-us.org/intheus/ambassador_levitte.asp

7/18/2003

Page 2 of 2

United Nations in New York.

Upon returning to Paris, Mr. Levitte was appointed Deputy Assistant Secretary in the African Bureau. He was then assigned as Deputy Chief of Staff to the Foreign Minister, a position he held from 1986 to 1988.

In 1988, he was designated to his first position as Ambassador and served as the French Permanent Representative to the United Nations Office in Geneva from 1988 to 1990.

Returning to Paris in 1990, he held senior positions in the French Foreign Ministry, first as Assistant Secretary for Asia and then as Undersecretary for Cultural and Scientific Cooperation.

After the presidential elections in 1995, President Chirac asked Ambassador Levitte to be his Senior Diplomatic Adviser. He served in that position from 1995 to 2000.

President Chirac appointed him as French Permanent Representative to the United Nations in 2000, his most recent position before the present one. In New York, Ambassador Levitte successfully handled several international negotiations, including resolution 1441 on Iraq.

Ambassador Levitte is married to Marie-Cécile Jonas and has two daughters.

Embassy of France in the United States - December 4, 2002

Liberté • Égalité • Fraternité
RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE

7/18/2003

Council on Foreign Relations - www.cfr.org

Page 1 of 1

# COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

CLICK TO PRINT

CLOSE WINDOW

## Richard N. Haass

President

Former Director of Policy Planning at the State Department and Director of Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution.

**Expertise:**

American foreign policy; economic sanctions; use of military force.

**Experience:**

Prior to the Council, Richard N. Haass was Director of Policy Planning for the Department of State, where he was a principal adviser to Secretary of State Colin Powell on a broad range of foreign policy concerns. Confirmed by the U.S. Senate to hold the rank of ambassador, Haass served as U.S. coordinator for policy toward the future of Afghanistan and was the lead U.S. government official in support of the Northern Ireland peace process, a position he continues to hold. Haass received the State Department's Distinguished Honor Award for his work there.

**Contact Info:**

Tel: (212) 434-9543
E-mail: emurphy@cfr.org

Location:
New York, NY

**Selected Publications:**

*The Reluctant Sheriff: The United States after the Cold War* (Council on Foreign Relations Press, June 1998); editor, *Economic Sanctions and American Diplomacy* (Council on Foreign Relations Press, June 1998); *Intervention: The Use of American Military Force in the Post-Cold War World* (Carnegie Endowment, 1999); *The Bureaucratic Entrepreneur: How to Be Effective in Any Unruly Organization* (Brookings Institution Press, 1998).

**Education:**

B.A., Oberlin College (1973); Master and Doctor of Philosophy, Oxford University (1975/1982).

**Honors:**

Department of State Distinguished Honor Award (2003);
Presidential Citizens Medal (1991); Rhodes Scholarship
(1973).

COPYRIGHT 2003 BY THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

WEBSITE BY TREE MEDIA GROUP

http://www.cfr.org/bio_print.php?id=3350&print=1

7/18/2003

Transatlantic relations are at their lowest ebb at any time
in memory. They are certainly angrier than they have been
since at least the 1950s, when we had the strains of NATO
formation and the Suez crisis, surely more strained than in
1963 when de Gaulle took France out of the NATO military
structure. The disagreement about the proper way to deal
with Iraq led to a French statement that it would veto a UN
Security Council resolution explicitly authorizing military
action, accompanied by a diplomatic campaign to line up other
opposition votes. These actions were extreme manifestations

[LC]

of the divide. A threat that the prospective EU members could
be denied membership if they were seen as being too close to
the US was an especially ominous signal. Of course
transatlantic relations vary country by country. Britain has
fewer differences with the US, though it is far from being in
full agreement. Political leaders in Spain and Italy are more
willing to cooperate with the US than those in France and
Germany, though their publics are hardly so. Schroeder was
prompted by the prospect of immediate electoral advantage,
though that advantage derived from the German electorate's
dislike of US policy and style. Chirac took advantage of that
opening to revive the Gaullist ambition of a Europe directed by

2

France, comparable in power to, and acting as a counterweight to, the United States.

Can the partnership be renewed? Should it be, or should we go our separate ways? If the latter, should the United States, in order to prevent the formation of such a counterweight, discourage "ever closer European unity" and act to reduce or limit its spread?

What are the reasons for the divergence? Surely there are many cultural and social differences, which are real and color and intensify policy differences. Europe has a very different social compact from that in the United States; where

3

Americans identify with their jobs, Europeans identify with their vacations. Religion plays a very different role both in private and public life in the US than it does in Europe.

Europeans pay a dollar plus per liter to fuel Volkswagen bugs, Americans a dollar plus per gallon to fuel Hummers. In everything from genetically modified foods to global warming to the death penalty attitudes are quite different. Moreover, the prospects of a continued significant gap in favor of the US in economic growth and the daunting demographic prospects in Europe would make it difficult for Europe to attain military capabilities comparable with those of the US even if the public mood for doing so in Europe were much more favorable than it is.

4

Partly as a result, most Europeans see the use of military force as legitimate only if multilaterally authorized, specifically by the UN Security Council; while the US prefers such an authorization, the US public and the current and previous administrations have been prepared to act without it.

American military predominance is variously respected, resented and feared. America's perceived propensity to use it unilaterally and preemptively is regarded by many Europeans as a major danger to a Europe otherwise seen as unthreatened.

5

And indeed it is this last difference that is perhaps most
central to the divergence. The end of the Cold War has meant
that Europeans, at least those now members of the EU, rightly
or wrongly see no external threat. Not only does that loosen
the glue that was provided by their perceived dependence on
the US for security, it gives them a different worldview from
that of the US, which considers itself in a war with terrorism
and under attack, shocked by the events of 9/11. Europe is
preoccupied with extending its own zone of peace and union,
moving to deepen and broaden it by giving the EC and
European Parliament more power and by adding the rest of
Europe to the EU. It sees the multilateral diplomatic path as
the only way to deal with the problems of international

6

[L]

security. The US looks outward, in the belief that the state of
the non-Western world is not automatically conducive to
Western security. With threats even on its own immediate
periphery in the case of former Yugoslavia, the EU nations
were unable by themselves to deal with what was a security as
well as a humanitarian problem. Thus US-European
differences are less with respect to bilateral economic, political
or social differences than they are with respect with how to
deal with the world outside of North America and Europe.

Both some European and some US leaders have found it
useful in domestic politics to denigrate or demonize, or even to
define their own region against, the other. Their publics,

7

further excited by the media, may now make it even more than
usually difficult for those leaders to reverse course even if they
decide that they should. Some in the American government
have implied that Europeans are cowardly and ungrateful;
some in European governments have characterized American
policy and leaders as thoughtless and bullying. Mistakes in
style have amplified the effects of policy flaws and imperfect
execution.

With recent events acting as the immediate occasion
crystallizing these underlying differences, there is a real
possibility that the partnership between the US and Europe
will dissolve. Indeed, some observers think this is now

8

inevitable. But there are factors arguing the contrary: that
shared values as well as shared interests provide a basis that
continues to bind the transatlantic partnership, that these are
more important than the differences, and that statesmen
should be able to renew and strengthen the partnership.

Clearly the US and Europe share a substantial history,
especially as heirs of the Enlightenment, have common
democratic political values, a common culture both religious
and humanist, a similar state of economic development and
organization. In short, we are more like each other than we
are like anyone else.

9

The international goal of the US is a world open to pluralist
democratic political, market economic, and liberal trading and
investment systems -- open at least to those who have them or
aspire to them; free (or at least freer) of transnational
aggression or terrorism, and from genocide. European views
can hardly be different.

The advantage to the US of a partnership in advancing
these goals is that though the US is preeminent in most -- but
not all, at least not everywhere -- dimensions (military,
economic, technological, cultural influence) it is far from
omnipotent; in some parts of the world its influence is very
limited. With a European partner, its ability to achieve its

10

goals can be substantially greater -- and worth the price of
consultation and the loss of an absolute independence of
action more imagined than real. Absent such a partnership,
the US will have to reduce its objectives or decrease its
chances of success in meeting them or both.

What's in it for Europe? European exposure to terrorism
is real and more dangerous than many Europeans believe.
Their economies are vulnerable to events elsewhere, for
example in the Middle East and Persian Gulf; indeed that is
part of their concern about US policies and actions in such
regions. And in the longer run, a Europe tries to act as a
political, economic and even military counterweight to the US -

11

[L.C.]

- a possible, even likely outcome if the partnership is not renewed -- will have consequences for the development of the rest of the world. Japan will be forced to choose in its orientation between the transatlantic entities, or else opt to go with China. Rising or resurgent powers (India, China, Russia) will be pushed toward a similar adversarial, zero sum posture. The Westphalian system of Europe (1648-1945) and/or the Cold War that lasted for four decades would be replicated on a global scale. Those are not attractive models, especially in a world increasingly threatened by a wider spread of weapons of mass destruction. Indeed they are frightening enough so that a renewed partnership offers both sides of the Atlantic a greatly preferable alternative to a weight-counterweight model.

12

TASK FORCE MEMBERS

GIULIANO AMATO is a member of the Italian Senate and Vice Chairman of the Convention on the Future of Europe. He has held numerous posts in the Italian government, including that of Prime Minister from 1992 to 1993 and 2000 to 2001.

REGINALD BARTHOLOMEW is Vice Chairman of Merrill Lynch Europe. His U.S. Government career included assignments in State, Defense, and the White House and as Ambassador to Lebanon 1983-86, Spain 1986-89, NATO 1992-93, Italy 1993-97, and Undersecretary of State for International Security Affairs, 1989-92.

DOUGLAS K. BEREUTER is a Republican Representative from the 1st District of Nebraska, first elected to the House in 1978. He is a senior member of the Committee on International Relations, which he has served on since 1983, and is currently Chairman of the Subcommittee on Europe. He is also the current President of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly.

HAROLD BROWN is a Partner at Warburg, Pincus & Co. and Counselor at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. He has served as Chairman of the Foreign Policy Institute of the John Hopkins University's Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Secretary of Defense during the Carter administration, and President of the California Institute of Technology in Pasadena, California.

RICHARD R. BURT is Chairman of IEP Advisors, Inc. His federal government experience includes service as the U.S. Chief Negotiator in the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks (START) with the Soviet Union. He also served as U.S. Ambassador to Germany, Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs, and Director of the State Department's Bureau of Politico-Military Affairs.

THIERRY DE MONTBRIAL is President of the French Institute of International Relations (IFRI), which he founded in 1979. In 1973, he was entrusted with the creation of the Policy Planning Staff (Centre d'Analyse et de Prévision) in the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was its first Director from 1973-79. He has been a columnist at *Le Figaro* from 1989 to 2001, and at *Le Monde* since 2002.

THOMAS E. DONILON is Executive Vice President of Law and Policy at Fannie Mae. From 1993 to 1996, Mr. Donilon served as Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs and Chief of Staff to Secretary of State Warren Christopher. In the past two decades, he has served as a CBS News Political Consultant, in the White House Office of Congressional Liaison during the Carter administration, and as an adviser to the Senate Judiciary Committee on Supreme Court nominations.

STUART E. EIZENSTAT is Director of International Trade and Finance at Covington & Burling. During the Clinton administration, Eizenstat served as Deputy Secretary of the Treasury, Under Secretary of State for Economic, Business and Agricultural Affairs, and Under Secretary of Commerce for International Trade. He was Ambassador to the European Union from 1993 to 1996.

MARTIN S. FELDSTEIN is President and Chief Executive Officer of the National Bureau of Economic Research and previously chaired the Council of Economic Advisers. He has been Professor of Economics at Harvard University since 1967. Mr. Feldstein is a member of advisory

boards of the Congressional Budget Office and the Federal Reserve Banks of New York and Boston.

**JOHN LEWIS GADDIS** is Robert A. Lovett Professor of History and Political Science at Yale University. Professor Gaddis is on the advisory board of the Cold War International History Project and served as a consultant on the CNN television documentary "Cold War." He is the author of numerous books on grand strategy and the history of the Cold War.

**TIMOTHY GARTON ASH** is Director of the European Studies Centre at St Antony's College, Oxford University, and a Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He is the author of seven books of contemporary history including, most recently, *History of the Present*. His essays appear regularly in the *New York Review of Books* and other journals, and he writes a fortnightly column in *The Guardian* which is syndicated across Europe.

**G. JOHN IKENBERRY** is Peter F. Krogh Professor of Geopolitics and Global Justice at Georgetown University. His recent books include *After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint and the Rebuilding of Order after Major Wars*, which won the American Political Science Association's Paul Schroeder and Robert Jervis Award for the Best Book in International History and Politics (2000-2001). He previously taught at Princeton and the University of Pennsylvania and served on the Policy Planning Staff of the State Department during the first Bush administration.

**JOSEF JOFFE** is Editor and Publisher of the German weekly *Die Zeit* and Associate of the Olin Institute for Strategic Studies, Harvard University. Previously, he was Columnist/Editorial Page Editor of the *Süddeutsche Zeitung*. He has taught at Stanford, Princeton, and the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. He was a member of the Council's "1980s Project."

**ROBERT W. KAGAN** is a Senior Associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, specializing in U.S. leadership and foreign policy. He is cofounder, with William Kristol, of the Project for a New American Century. Prior to joining the Carnegie Endowment, he worked in the Department of State as a Deputy for Policy in the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs and was a member of the policy planning staff as Principal Speechwriter to the secretary of state.

**HENRY A. KISSINGER** is co-chair of the task force and Chairman of Kissinger Associates, Inc., an international consulting firm. He was the 56th Secretary of State from 1973 to 1977, serving under Presidents Nixon and Ford. He also served as Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs from 1969 to 1975. He has since served on a number of U.S. government boards and commissions including the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board and the Defense Policy Board.

**CHARLES A. KUPCHAN** is director of the task force and Senior Fellow and Director of Europe Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. He is also an Associate Professor of international relations at Georgetown University. Dr. Kupchan was Director for European Affairs on the National Security Council during the first Clinton administration. Before joining the NSC, he worked in the U.S. Department of State on the Policy Planning Staff.

**SYLVIA M. MATHEWS** is Chief Operating Officer of the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. She previously served in the Clinton administration as Deputy Director of the Office of Management and Budget, Assistant to the President, Deputy Chief of Staff to the President, and as Chief of Staff to Secretary of the Treasury, Robert E. Rubin.

2

ANDREW MORAVCSIK is Professor of Government and Director of the European Union Program at Harvard University. He has authored more than 100 scholarly books and articles on European integration, international organization, human rights, and transatlantic relations—including one CFR Task Force study. His commentary appears regularly in *Newsweek* magazine. Prior to entering academia, he served as a trade negotiator in the US Department of Commerce and held other positions in government and journalism.

ANDRZEJ OLECHOWSKI is Leader of the Polish political party, Civic Platform. He served as Polish Foreign Minister from 1993-1995, as Finance Minister in 1992, and as Economic Advisor to President Lech Walesa.

FELIX G. ROHATYN was U.S. Ambassador to France from 1997-2000. Prior to this role, Rohatyn was Managing Director of the investment bank Lazard Frères and Company in New York, which he joined in 1948. He has also served as Chairman of the Municipal Assistance Corporation (MAC) of the City of New York and as a member of the Board of Governors of the New York Stock Exchange.

BRENT SCOWCROFT is President and founder of The Scowcroft Group. He served as National Security Advisor to Presidents Ford and Bush. From 1982 to 1989, he was Vice Chairman of Kissinger Associates, Inc. He served in the military for 29 years, reaching the rank of Lieutenant General.

ANNE-MARIE SLAUGHTER joined Princeton University as Dean of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs in September 2002. Slaughter was most recently the J. Sinclair Armstrong Professor of International, Foreign and Comparative Law at Harvard University. She also serves as President of the American Society of International Law.

LAWRENCE H. SUMMERS is co-chair of the task force and President of Harvard University. He served as Under-Secretary of the Treasury, Deputy Secretary, and eventually Secretary of the Treasury in the Clinton administration. Prior to his service in the Clinton administration, he was Vice President and Chief Economist for the World Bank, and a Professor of Economics at MIT and Harvard.

DANIEL K. TARULLO is Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center. From 1993 to 1998, he was, successively, Assistant Secretary of State for Economic and Business Affairs, Deputy Assistant to the President for Economic Policy, and Assistant to the President for International Economic Policy. From 1995 to 1998, he was also President Clinton's personal representative to the G7/G8 group of industrialized nations.

LAURA D'ANDREA TYSON is Dean of the London Business School. Previously, she was Dean of the Walter A. Haas School of Business at the University of California, Berkeley. She was the National Economic Adviser to President Clinton and head of the National Economic Council. Ms. Tyson also served on the National Security and Domestic Policy Councils and was the first woman to become Chairman of the White House Council of Economic Advisers.

STEPHEN M. WALT is Academic Dean at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, where he holds the Robert and Renee Belfer Professorship in International Affairs. He has been a Resident Associate of the Carnegie Endowment for Peace, a Guest Scholar at the Brookings Institution, a consultant for the Institute of Defense Analyses, the Center for Naval Analyses, and the National Defense University.

3

TASK FORCE OBSERVERS

CAROLINE ATKINSON is Senior Director of Stonebridge International LLC, an international strategic advisory firm based in Washington, DC. She served as Senior Advisor to the Secretary and Senior Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Affairs at the U.S. Treasury Department from 1997 to 2001. Before joining Treasury, she was a senior official at the International Monetary Fund.

LEE FEINSTEIN is Deputy Director of Studies and Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. He was the Principle Deputy Director of the Policy Planning Staff at the U.S. State Department during the second Clinton administration. He co-directed the task force on *Enhancing U.S. Leadership at the United Nations* (2002) sponsored by CFR and Freedom House.

BENN STEIL is the André Meyer Senior Fellow and Director of International Economics at the Council on Foreign Relations. He is also the Editor of *International Finance* (Blackwell Publishers), a member of the European Shadow Financial Regulatory Committee and the Advisory Board of the European Capital Markets Institute. Until November 1998, he was Director of the International Economics Programme at the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London.

TASK FORCE MEMBERS