WILL HENRY
RUN IN 1980?

It now appears that at least preliminary
moves are being made to upstage Pat
Moynihan in the U.S. Senate. Friends and
admirers of Henry Kissinger are mooting
the notion that the former secretary of
state should run for Jacob Javits's seat in
1980.

At the time of the Marion Javits debacle
Jake let it be known that he was seriously
considering retirement anyway. By 1980 he
will be 75 years old and disinclined to
submit himself to the rigors of the race.

Kissinger on the other hand will be
cresting on the wave of his memoirs, which
are scheduled to be published by Little,
Brown in the fall of 1979. He will also have
received much exposure on NBC, for which
he starts work as a news commentator in
July. A clause in his contract allows Kissinger to disengage himself from the

agreement with NBC if he returns to office.

On at least one recent occasion the
possibility of Kissinger's running for the
Senate seems to have been discussed with
the enthusiastic approval of such people as
Nelson Rockefeller and William Paley.
Money would therefore be no problem, and
by then residency conditions would also
have been met. (Kissinger now legally
resides in Massachusetts.)

It is of course possible that stories of a
Kissinger race for the Senate hold little
more substance than similar stories trick-
ling around the city that Nelson Rock-

efeller himself is meditating on entering
the mayoral race this year: a scenario at
least designed to make the Republican
organization pay some attention to him in
his declining years.

Yet, as Kissinger's former employer,
Nelson could no doubt be nourishing the
fantasy that while he and David would be
locking up the city of New York, his old
employee would be representing his inter-
ests in the Senate as well.

And how would Kissinger fare with New
York's Jewish voters? Would they really
prefer Bella Abzug?

WIDE WORLD

VOICE FEB. 28, 1977

15

NY.
Village
Voice

[LC]

## *Government Is Hindered*

# Problems of the Tropics

but still only a tiny amount compared to resources available for problems affecting fewer persons.

KAMARCK said agricultural research been oriented toward the problems of Western Europe and North America. Effects had been made to transfer its results to other parts of the world without recognition of the essential differences between temperate and tropical agriculture.

While criticizing developed countries' attitudes, Kamarck also criticized the less developed countries although recognizing that their attitudes are often ones learned in Western universities.

The new "international research effort will not by itself by enough," he wrote. It must be adapted to local conditions. But "research is generally underrated by developing countries. Money spent on research is not as politically attractive as money spent on showy buildings or prestige projects."

"The two most prevalent theories that attempt to explain why today's developing countries have lagged in the worldwide process of modern economic growth," Kamarck wrote, are that there is "something inferior in the character, ability, or person-

ality of the peoples of the Third World" and "industrialized countries' having deprived their wealth from exploitation. . . ."

KAMARCK REJECTS these ideas. "Both result in a neglect of the real problems faced by the countries of the Third World," he wrote.

Health and climatic problems account of much of the supposed difference between temperate and tropical peoples, he indicated. And the European countries that hung on to colonies the longest are the poorest, he noted, citing Portugal as an example.

There is hope, if enough practical research is devoted to the tropics' special problems, Kamarck feels. He compares the situation with Europe about 1750 when the application of new knowledge to the special problems of temperate countries started the Industrial Revolution.

With the conquering of the particular medical and agricultural problems of the tropics, the Third World can be brought into its own economic revolution, Kamarck suggests.

## Sealy Mis-Matched
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Kissinger Signs With NBC-TV
For News Programs for 5 Years

By HERBERT MITGANG

Henry A. Kissinger will be on television for at least the next five years.

The National Broadcasting Company has signed the former Secretary of State to an exclusive contract for an undisclosed amount, with possible extensions that could reach 1984. The agreement calls for him to:

q Be the centerpiece, with a principal on-the-air role, of an annual major news documentary on international affairs. It would be at least an hour long.

q Make appearances in case of major news developments on the network's "Nightly News," with John Chancellor and David Brinkley.

q Appear on other NBC programs, such as the "Today" program, and in "instant special," usually of a half-hour or one-hour duration, if major events in the world news require his presence.

q Act as a special consultant for world affairs.

during the term of his contract, which begins next July.

q Supervise and appear on programs based on his memoirs, which will be published in the fall of 1979 by Little, Brown & Company of Boston, a Time Inc. subsidiary. These broadcasts would take place on the eve of or after the publication of the work.

The contract to Mr. Kissinger's broadcasting work was negotiated by his agent, Marvin Josephson, president of International Creative Management.

Mr. Josephson kept the television rights for his client apart when he made the book deal with Little, Brown last week. The publisher had no say on the television agreement. Informed speculation by other publishers who had bid for the

Continued on Page All, Column 6

Continued From Page A1

memoirs placed the book figure at about $2 million.

The amount that Mr. Kissinger will receive for his broadcasting employment was, if anything, shrouded in greater secrecy than that for his book. For television, interest was confined to the three national networks. Public television made no offer.

Speculation—and it is only that—by lawyers familiar with the fees paid to entertainment and news personalities placed the NBC contract at a potential $1.5 million for the five years.

This figure was arrived at by estimating that each hour-long special at $100,000 annually for five years came to $500,000; three hours devoted to the memoirs were worth $300,000; five years as a consultant at $100,000 annually added another $500,000, and $200,000 more could come from additional special appearances.

### Interest in Memoirs

Although both CBS and ABC had expressed interest in Mr. Kissinger's memoirs for possible network news specials, neither had proposed that he play such an important role in their news operations.

Richard S. Salant, president of CBS News, said that there had been interest in a memoirs-type broadcast or two with Mr. Kissinger, similar to those that CBS News had broadcast with Presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower and Lyndon B. Johnson. A spokesman for CBS characterized as false reports that William S. Paley, chairman of the communications conglomerate, had offered Mr. Kissinger the presidency of the network or a seat on its board in return for his memoirs or broadcasting services.

The Kissinger contract with NBC includes a provision, unmentioned in the official statement by the network, that the former Secretary of State could disengage himself from the agreement if he returned to public office at some future time.

Herbert S. Schlosser, president of NBC, said, "NBC is fortunate that this remarkable man has agreed to participate in NBC's effort to extend its coverage and analysis of foreign affairs." In a telephone interview from Florida, he added that television had been criticized in the past for superficial news coverage, and that the Kissinger consulutlancy and appearances would "improve our coverage of foreign affairs."

Last month, NBC entered into a long-term agreement with Gerald R. Ford to appear in a number of television programs relating to his Presidency,

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THE WASHINGTON POST, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 15

Joseph Kraft

# The Kissinger Complex

Henry Kissinger has left the seat of power, but his memory lingers on—with a vengeance. For the Carter administration has a Kissinger complex.

It makes policies, decisions and statements with a nervous backward glance at the former Secretary. Inevitably, such actions come out half-baked and yield chaos and confusion.

A leading example is the administration's disposition to make public comment on human rights in other countries—notably the Soviet Union. That policy was developed by Mr. Carter during the campaign to distinguish his moral approach to foreign affairs from Dr. Kissinger's supposed lack of concern for humane considerations.

But the policy has not been thought through carefully. It is poorly understood at the lower levels of the State Department where some of the initial pronouncements have originated. It has never been made clear how the issue can be applied to friendly countries such as South Korea, a veritable police state, or Egypt, which has just announced Draconian new restrictions on personal liberty.

Even with respect to the Soviet Union, the policy has not been carefully

considered. Mr. Carter's criticisms of Moscow have yielded a toughening of Russia's stand against dissidents. Neither the White House nor the State Department has developed a good riposte—though the Soviet crackdown was predictable.

It is typical that when Soviet ire threatened to get in the way of arms control negotiations, Mr. Carter said that he would not insist on what Dr. Kissinger called “linkages” between Soviet behavior in general and any particular negotiation. In other words, the President softened his stand against Russia by taking another swipe at Dr. Kissinger.

A related case involves Africa—a continent much ignored by Dr. Kissinger until his last months in office. During the campaign, Mr. Carter indicated he would lavish attention on Africa. Later he and his ambassador to the United Nations, Andrew Young, asserted African policy would be a testing ground of America's moral purpose—another shot at Dr. Kissinger.

It happens, however, that the African measures taken by Dr. Kissinger in his last months in office had a distinctly moral purpose—launching negotiations through Britain for a peaceful transfer

of power from Rhodesia's white minority to its black majority. The negotiations have collapsed, largely because of intrinsic difficulties between the parties in Rhodesia.

The appropriate American reaction at this point is to step back, review the situation and determine how deeply this country ought to plunge into what is sure to be an ugly mess. Instead, Mr. Young returned from a trip to Africa saying that the Rhodesian plans failed because "Mr. Kissinger put a burden on the back of the British and then abandoned them." President Carter then made matters worse by saying that Mr. Young only meant that Dr. Kissinger, because of the election, had not been able to follow through on his plan for Rhodesia.

Still another example concerns the staffing of the State Department. Secretary Cyrus Vance knew that in 1969-Dr. Kissinger had gathered all power to his national security staff at the White House by bringing in a group of brilliant young aides who ran circles around the then-Secretary of State, William Rogers, and his advisers.

So Mr. Vance made his appointments to the State Department at the pace O. J. Simpson rents a car from Hertz. He

gave prominent places to a number of younger aides highly familiar with the national security staff, including some who had worked for Dr. Kissinger.

As a result of that Kissingerian tactic, Vance has had a tremendous jump on his colleagues in the national security area. Indeed both Defense Secretary Harold Brown and National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski are having trouble in finding the right people for their staffs.

A final example of the Kissinger complex points to a happy ending. To set himself apart from the former Secretary, Mr. Vance at first decided to limit travels abroad. He agreed to undertake his present trip to the Near East only after he failed to come up with a suit able alter ego to take over negotiations between Israel and the Arabs.

In fact, it has always been clear that Mr. Vance should make the first reconnoitering trip of the Near East for the Carter administration. The lesson is that the new administration should handle its foreign policy business on the merits, without backward glances at how its actions measure up against the Kissinger record.

©1977, Field Enterprises, Inc.

LITTLE, BROWN BUYS
KISSINGER MEMOIRS

Reported to Pay $2 Million for Book
Rights in North America

By HERBERT MITGANG

The contest for the most coveted un-
written, unoutlined book in modern
American and international publishing—
the memoirs of Henry A. Kissinger—has
been won by Little, Brown & Company
of Boston, a subsidiary of Time Inc. It
won out over a half dozen other publishers.
The spirited, behind-the-scenes negotia-
tions, including blind offers and high fig-
ures suggested by Mr. Kissinger's admir-
ers, bore some of the secret touches of
the former Secretary of State's own diplo-
macy.

No dollar amounts have been disclosed
by Arthur H. Thornhill Jr., chairman and
president of Little, Brown, or Mr. Kissin-
ger's literary representative, Marvin Jo-
sephson, president of International Crea-
tive Management.

But educated guesses by other book
publishers, including several who had
made offers for the memoirs, placed the
figure at $2 million. This would be for
the North American book rights—the
United States and Canada—plus a share
of paperback and book-club sales.

All other rights to the book have been

Continued on Page D13, Col. 5

## Secrets, Cash and Mr. Kissinger

Henry Kissinger's sale of his memoirs to Little, Brown for $2 million and of his television services to NBC for an estimated $1.5 million demonstrates once again that high public office can lead to instant wealth. Mr. Kissinger is not alone. Former Presidents Nixon and Ford are also engaged in book and television projects, while lesser figures in their and previous administrations have successfully capitalized on their years in office.

We confess to a certain distaste for this kiss-and-tell history. It is one thing when retired statesmen write memoirs years after the event and enrich their factual materials with much leisurely reflection and analysis. But it is quite another thing when former officeholders begin assembling these huge confections the very day they are cut off the public payroll and quickly publish as books what are really inadequately digested assemblages of diary entries, letters, memorandums and random thoughts. The Johnson, Eisenhower and Truman memoirs each succeeded in being more boring and unimpressive than one would have thought possible. At least where Mr. Kissinger's memoirs are concerned, it can probably be assumed that they will not be ghost-written and will be informed by his sardonic intelligence.

But these book and television deals raise more serious questions than those of literary taste or historical value. One of them concerns legal ownership and control of the raw materials on which such books and television documentaries are based. The authors generated these materials on Government time, while collecting Government salaries, using Government services and facilities. In what sense then are these "private papers"?

Yet Mr. Nixon is engaged in a protracted controversy in the courts trying to obtain full control over his famous tapes. Mr. Kissinger donated copies of his papers to the Library of Congress while leaving the originals in the files of the Department of State for use by the Carter Administration. But he granted them to the library with the proviso that he control access to them for the next 25 years, establishing a personal monopoly over documents with both historical interest and commercial value.

Moreover, Mr. Kissinger has withdrawn from the State Department the stenographic records of his thousands of

telephone calls on the ground that these are "personal" documents. He has refused the request of James B. Rhoads, archivist of the United States, that the archival staff be given access to determine whether these telephone transcripts are Government property. A lawsuit has now been filed jointly by the American Historical Association, the American Political Science Association, the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press and eight individual scholars contending that the transcripts are State Department property and should be available under the terms of the Freedom of Information Act.

Mr. Kissinger has many precedents on his side, particularly with regard to the records he accumulated in his capacity as National Security Adviser to the President. Beginning with George Washington, Presidents and their aides have removed papers from the White House upon their departure from office and have treated those papers as their private property. But long usage does not necessarily sanctify a dubious practice.

A second troublesome question concerns the use of secret Government documents in these forthcoming literary and television productions. The rationale by which Government memorandums are classified in an ascending order of secrecy is mysterious enough, But even more obscure is the basis on which former high officials later declassify these same documents for their private use. Part of the saliability of the Kissinger book, for example, lies in the expectation that he is going to tell "secrets" that only he knows. But when and why does a secret cease to be a secret? If a former official is free to reveal a fact, why is the same fact withheld from other writers?

Clearly the ownership, right of access, classification and authority to declassify Government documents are issues that require new legislation by Congress. Representative Jack Brooks, Texas Democrat and chairman of the Government Operations Committee, has already interested himself in the questions concerning the Kissinger telephone transcripts. He and his colleagues have an obligation to go further. The beginning of a new Administration is the ideal time to establish firm guidelines. In the White House and in other offices across Washington, those pieces of paper are already drifting like snow, ever higher.

Kissinger Gets Memoirs Pact,
Amount Is Seen at $2 Million

[ic]

KISSINGER, From A1

Stewart Richardson, editor-in-chief of Doubleday, said that his company had only been interested in acquiring the entire rights package.

The sale of the remaining subsidiary rights will be handled by Kissinger's agent, Marvin Josephson. Thornhill expects to have a voice in "coordinating" the negotiations.

In the official announcement,

Thornhill said, "I expect the book to be completed in the fall of 1979. The author intends to treat his role in government from 1968 to 1976 in depth." That period included the withdrawal from Vietnam, the peace negotiations in the Middle East, and Watergate.

Thornhill suggested that these "momentous events in United States history will make Dr. Kissinger's book fascinating and txtremely valuable."

# Kissinger's Move Expensive One for Taxpayers

By Jack Cloherty
and Bob Owens

©1977 Los Angeles Times Syndicate

2/9

Henry Kissinger decided to move last fall, and it cost the taxpayers at least $50,478 to help him do it.

Most of the money went for "security equipment" to protect the then-secretary of state. But like some of the "security items" ordered by former President Richard M. Nixon for his San Clemente home, some of the Kissinger-ordered security devices included common household safety devices that non-VIPs have to pay for themselves.

For example, Kissinger had the

State Department purchase five smoke detectors from Sears at a cost of $161.50. Window and door locks alone cost $619.30, and no fewer than 70 keys were made to work in them. Most of the keys went to Secret Service agents.

BECAUSE OF the upheaval caused by Kissinger's security measures, the government had to shell out about $12,000 to "remove equipment (from), renovate and repaint or repair" the townhouse he was vacating, State Department records show.

He moved into another townhouse, just a few blocks away in George-

town. Here, it cost $2,600 for a design survey: someone had to figure out how to install Kissinger's bullet-proof glass. The "Lexguard" security windows were the major expense, costing a total of $10,800.

It cost another $2,160 to outfit a "command center room" for the Secret Service. The command center needed removable shelving, "pigeon holes for mail boxes," coat racks and, of course, a gun rack.

JUST A FEW weeks after the move was completed, Kissinger was out of a job as a result of Jimmy Carter's Nov. 2 victory over President Ford.

The State Department contends it will recover roughly half of the money it spent on the move by "dismantling the equipment and returning it to stock."

It costs money to dismantle the equipment, however, as shown by the $12,000 spent getting Kissinger out of his first townhouse.

For now, however, things will probably remain in place until President Carter decides whether Kissinger will retain his Secret Service retirement.

Kissinger's continued Secret Service protection, incidentally, is costing the taxpayers at least $60,000 a month.

[LC]

and the latterly-labeled "Sun- Increasing concentrations of heavy reliance on irrigation seriously depleting ground- storied up over thousands of

other factors: The West con- f of the nation's strippable coal- bearing shale reserves and y sources. Water, enormous will be needed for mining and resources if we decide that is strategy; environmental groups contesting the appropriation of sources, seeking to conserve preservation of the natural

is, not a concern just for the  
arte, of the University of Cali-  
z, wrote in 1975, "For most of  
demand in the year 2000 will

their political context and label them "fanatics" is to distort history.

Americans of the mid-19th Centur-y took politics with passionate, often deadly, seriousness. Senate speeches, newspaper editorials and amateur political argument mat- tered in a way that can scarcely be comprehended today. The radicals may look and sound fanatical to

I object to your printing articles like that of Thomas Lyles ("How to Keep Your Sound From Leaking Next Door," Jan. 30) which purport to help the consumer when in fact

tors looked on approvingly. Pre-war Southern "fire-eaters" like Sen. Louis Wigfall of Texas wandered armed through the halls of the Capit- tal, ready to fight duels with anyone whom they considered insufficiently respectful of their states and insti- tutions.

"The "well-meaning" Andrew Johnson once compared himself to Christ, and declared that Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner and Wen-

to the existing walls, floor and ceil-
ing. Watch out for outlets.

One of the major sources of poor isolation between spaces is air leaks. One way to test for this is to

sons of bitches thought they had me in a trap! I know that damned Dou-glass; he's just like any nigger, and he would sooner cut a white man's throat than not!" (J. Macpherson, *The Struggle For Equality*).

War Democrat James Gordon Bennett of the *New York Herald* demanded early in the Civil War that "the government send these ranters (the abolitionists) to Fort Lafayette for a while, to be seasoned, and then string them up with the rebels, like dried haddock, at the end of the war."

Men like Stevens gave as good as they got, but they got plenty.

The belief in the "tragedy" of what W.E.B. DuBois called "Black Reconstruction" and in the evil fanaticism of the abolitionists was for almost 100 years one of the chief ideological bases underlying white

Silence can be golden

15
VOICE FEB. 28, 1977

OTHER MEDIA

WILL HENRY
RUN IN 1980?

It is of course possible that stories of a Kissinger race for the Senate hold little more substance than similar stories trickling around the city that Nelson Rock

Yet, as Kissinger's former employer, Nelson could no doubt be nourishing the fantasy that while he and David would be locking up the city of New York, his old employee would be representing his interests in the Senate as well.