Vol. 66, No. 9

LIFE

March 7 1969

CONTENTS

Column 4

The Icy Taste of Winter. By John Bartlow Martin

Reviews 8-18

Book: *The Sporting Club*, by Thomas McGuane,
reviewed by John Leonard

Theater: *Dames at Sea*, reviewed by Tom Prideaux

Movie: *Stolen Kisses*, directed by François

Truffaut, reviewed by Richard Schickel

Letters to the Editors 21

The Dutiful Tourist 22

Nixon in Europe, a President not comfortable
amid too much pomp. By Hugh Sidey

The Longest Dive 30

Project Tektite's aquanauts begin their 60-day
mission. Photographed by Stan Wayman

Editorial 36

Society's scouts: the new role of the
foundations

Close-Up 39

Dr. V. D. Mattia: drug manufacturer and
pill-giving maverick

Fantasy Fashions 44

An Italian count, Giorgio Sant'Angelo,
designs dreams of a bright new fashion.
Photographed by Greene-Eula

Special Report 54

Death of Israel's prime minister complicates
Middle East crisis

Why Should He Have It? 62

Paramount's whiz-kid studio boss beats the
Hollywood handicappers. By James Mills.
Photographed by Alfred Eisenstaedt

Science 78

A new photographic process uses color to make
the invisible visible

Sports 83

Order in the ball park: An extra-legal view of
baseball. By Jack McDermott

Miscellany 86

© 1969 TIME INC. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. REPRODUCTION IN WHOLE
OR PART WITHOUT WRITTEN PERMISSION IS STRICTLY PROHIBITED

COVER-JOHN OLSON exc. t. It. TOM PICTON and bot. It. CHARLES BONNAY 3-STAN WAYMAN 22, 23-CHARLES BONNAY 24, 25-IT. CHARLES BONNAY (2)-TOM PICTON; cen. JOHN OLSON (2); It. WALTER BENNETT-CHARLES BONNAY (2) 26, 27-JOHN OLSON 28, 29-JOHN OLSON. ENRICO SARSINI (2) 36-cartoon by LURIE 39, 40, 43-JOHN ZIMMERMAN 54, 55-BILL RAY exc. It. inset © DAVID RUBINGER for TIME 56-SHABTAI TAL-NEWSPHOT. ISRAEL-NEWSPHOT. ISRAEL (2) 59-bot. PICTORIAL 60-DIANA DAVIES from BETHEL. SHABTAI TAL-NEWSPHOT. ISRAEL-HOLI KNELLED 78-courtesy EL CAMINO HOSPITAL, MI. VIEW. CALIF. 79-DON ROSS for the PHILCO-FORD CORP. 80-DON ROSS for the PHILCO-FORD CORP. (2)-NASA-DON ROSS- PHILCO-FORD CORP. for the NAVAL OCEANOGRAPHIC OFFICE 83-cartoon by JAMES FLORA 86-ANDREW SCHWARTZ

March 7, 1969

Volume 66, Number 9

LIFE is published weekly, except one issue at year end, by Time Inc., 540 N. Michigan Ave., Chicago, Illinois 60611; principal office Rockefeller Center, New York, N.Y. 10020; James A. Linen, President; Richard B. McKeough, Treasurer; John F. Harvey, Secretary. Second-class postage paid at Chicago, Ill., and at additional mailing offices. Authorized as second-class mail by the Post Office Department, at Ottawa, Canada and for payment of postage in cash. U. S. sub-
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EDITORS' NOTE

The art of shooting
underwater

Photographer Stan Wayman has stalked the white wolf near the Arc-
tic Circle, tramped the rain forests of Dutch Guiana and hunted wal-
rus on the pack ice off the Diomedes—and, from time to time, put on
his scuba and his wetsuit and plunged into the depths to cover stories
for us. He is a rarity: an expert photographer who is an accomplished
diver on the side. Reg Bragonier, a correspondent in our Washington
bureau, similarly spends most of his time covering stories on dry land.
But in the past few years, whenever Stan has prepared to go under,

Reg has joined him as both reporter and
safety man. This week our underwater
team has produced a story on Tektite,
an experiment in long-term living be-
neath the sea. They dove on the job for
nine days, working at 48 feet, some days
with as much as 200 minutes "bottom
time."

Stan likes this special world. "To me
it's nature in its rawest form," he says,
"coral formations, fish—life that hasn't
changed in centuries. It's beautiful and

cerie; even with other divers around you feel alone. And for a pho-
tographer, used to working on land with tripods and ladders, it has its
advantages. You're weightless. You can position yourself anywhere—
above, below, beside your subject, with just a kick or two." But tech-
nically it is tricky. Water refracts light, shrinking a foot to nine inches.
with telephoto effect. Water also filters out reds and magentas and,
without the proper filters (magenta), color photographs are apt to
come out green. Also exposure time increases dramatically with depth;
and no matter how motionless you may feel, the sea is always mov-
ing. The worst problem is the normal murkiness of water. "You have
to get very close to your subject," says Wayman. "Once, when I was
photographing a small submarine off Cape Cod, I got 20 feet away
from it and still couldn't find it. The problem is to find a lens that will
let you get very close to your subject and still see most of it."

For most of the pictures (the round ones) in this story, Stan used a
"fisheye" lens. He mounted the fisheye on a waterproof Nikonos
camera, covered it with a waterproof, optically corrected glass dome
(designed by a photographer friend, Flip Shulke) and he and Reg lit
some of the scenes with two 1,000-watt floodlights powered through
waterproof cables. The fisheye's enormously wide angle (180°) al-
lowed him to get right on top of his subject and its short focal lens
gave him maximum depth of field.

For beginners, Stan warns, "diving is dangerous. No one should
try diving with air tanks without professional instruction." Ama-
teurs experimenting with underwater photography should start in
the shallows with a mask and snorkel. The simplest equipment is an
ordinary plastic bag—put the camera inside, knot the bag tightly,
and go to work. For sharper pictures, plastic cases with clear win-
dows are available, and underwater housings are sold for many in-
expensive cameras, such as the Instamatic. Remember that light
penetrates best when the sun is highest—and do not forget the won-
ders that can be seen—and shot—through a glass-bottom bucket in
tidal pools side-lit by the sun.

STAN AND REG

GEORGE P. HUNT, Managing Editor

3

The Icy
Taste
of
Winter

by John Bartlow Martin

It was 20 below zero when we turned off the highway and headed into the woods. Upper Michigan, that upended hump of land between Wisconsin and Lake Superior, is the last Midwest wilderness, logging and mining, too rough for tourists, a healing place, good for ulcers or simple desperation when things go wrong. We had owned a camp, as cottages are called up here, at Three Lakes near the highway for 20 years, but Three Lakes had become crowded —first a restaurant, then a filling station, then prefabricated camps, then trailers, and finally water skiers. And so we had bought Smith Lake, far out in the woods. There we had discovered the ruin of an old trapper's shack, and my sons and I, living in tents all summer, had rebuilt it into a one-room log cabin. Now we would try to spend a night or two there in the winter.

For months, we had been planning. Dan, 16, had bought dehydrated food, and Fred, 14, had made long lists of clothing. But we had talked more than prepared—dreamed of looking for a spring, exploring a pond which might hold trout, trapping. We had disdained snowmobiles—we would go as far as we could by jeep, then snowshoe.

We followed the tracks of loggers' trucks across the Silver River and up a hill into the big woods. Virgin timber, alternating hardwood ridges, and tagalder swamps, brutal country, but softer now snow-covered.

Of a sudden, the woods changed. No more stately maple and yellow birch, only a tangle of stumps and limbs, a desolation: we had come to Section 1, where the loggers were working. Last summer, and for a hundred summers, this had been a cool dark forest. Now it was a wasteland. We could hear them off to the south, chain saws snarling. Their spoor was all along the haulage road—hollow butt logs sawed off and discarded, empty gas drums, blotches of oil on the snow, a broken ax handle, a frozen mitten, and, off to the side as far as you could see, the tops of great trees with limbs that once had reached the sky. Small loggers waste more than they use. From one tree two feet in diameter and 80 feet tall they may get one solid sawlog, or none. In Finland, if you cut a tree, you must plant another; and you must waste nothing.

Beyond Section 1 the plowed road ended. Downhill ahead, road and woods melted together in drifted untracked snow—three feet of snow on the level, and they could expect six more: one

winter more snow fell here than anywhere in the U.S. We had brought along a friend, Wilson Boback. If one of us got hurt, it would be better to have another man along. But Boback had made the mistake of bringing his car. He soon stuck it; and a little farther on I stuck the jeep. We put on our packs and snowshoes. Three miles to camp.

The boys took turns breaking trail. I had thought to take pictures, but the cold made little stars of frost on the lens. We turned south on a jeep road we had built—no road had led to Smith Lake when we bought it. We knew every inch of it. Here we had found a bobcat track, here on a hillside shot a partridge, here in a thicket startled a bear. In the summer we usually saw deer and always tracks. But now in winter the forest was dead. Nothing moved.

We came to a windfall across the road and rested on it. Suddenly a tree cracked loudly. Boback said it was getting colder, trees don't crack at 20 below. In five minutes, sitting, you could feel it. The cold crept through your coat and shirts to your skin, warm from walking. It moved up your legs. It burned your face. It was palpable. We moved on quickly to the camp.

It was 12 by 16, crude, of logs with the bark on. The roof was low and flat. Snow had drifted high against the door. The frozen lake, grayish-white since there was no sun, ringed with big white pine, stretched chill and forbidding to the high dark hills beyond.

We found a shovel and dug the door out. It was colder inside than out. And dark—the snow at the windows admitted only a half light. At the front were a little cook stove, a table, and stumps for chairs. At the center was a snowpole, behind it two double-decker bunks and the big round heating stove.

First things: Get light, wood, water.

But where were the kerosene and white gas for the lamps? Outside, buried in snow. Where the wood? Only a few pieces lay beside the cookstove. The water? We would have to chop a hole in the ice on the lake. There could be no question of exploring or trapping today; first we had to get warm and fed. And quickly—dark was coming.

Fred and Boback went down to the lake with a bucket, shovel and ax. Dan and I took the chain saw to get wood. Last summer's woodpile was covered with snow. It was cedar, no good for keeping fire all night. We needed hardwood. Dan remembered a dead birch on the deer trail. We found it, knelt in

the snow and tried to start the chain saw. Impossible. Dan brought a can of lighter fluid from camp. I tried to take out the sparkplug. I had pliers. But mittens are clumsy, and my thumb was numb. I took off one mitten and twisted. The sparkplug snapped and loosened. I unscrewed it—and dropped it in the snow. Dan dug it out and dried it. I squirted lighter fluid into the chamber, carefully threaded the sparkplug in, and pulled the starter rope. The saw coughed and started, shattering silence.

Back inside, we lit lamps, arranged sleeping bags, started fires. Snow we had tracked in began to melt. At last we ate—dehydrated soup, hamburgers, hashed brown potatoes, mixed fruit. Then sat at the table under the gasoline lamp and talked about what to do tomorrow. Fred wanted to trap. Dan wanted to explore. Boback and I thought we should get the cars unstuck. We could do it quickly, then come back. We had spent today staying alive. Perhaps tomorrow we could do more.

I went outside to look at the night. It was hard, brilliant, icy. Through the black conical tops of the spruce and birch, you could see the lighter sky, the stars frozen there, unmoving, and the moon had come up and so had a little wind: you could hear it rippling in the white pines down by the lake. Tonight it was the only sound. I listened a long time. No coyote barking on the granite knobs afar, no loon laughing on the lake, nothing, nothing but the dead silence of the woods in frozen winter. It was beautiful, moonlight slanting through the black trees on the snow; but treacherous: Walk a hundred yards and you might be lost forever. Living here in winter was a question of survival. A satellite sailed indifferent among the stars. Cold, I went back inside.

Morning: We snowshoed out. It took hours to winch the jeep free. We could not pull Boback's car up the hill. And all at once we had little more than an hour of daylight left.

We found the loggers, big clumsy bundled men handling equipment. With a bulldozer they pulled Boback's car up the hill. It would be dark in 15 minutes; it would take us an hour and a half to snowshoe back to camp. And in one night we had burned all our wood. We went home to Three Lakes by the highway: Electric lights, gas heating stoves, and people. It was warm, safe, comforting. And yet, who has not known the woods in winter has missed some part of his own savage heritage.

4

that lies below crept into the cab-in. Nixon was amazed to find that his table-desk could be raised and lowered automatically. Nor was he aware until then that the partitions in the plane could be collapsed and the interior made into a flying auditorium, complete with public address system. He pointed out that he had had the panels covering the windows taken off. That "closed in" feeling bothered him. He was beginning to feel at home.

Some of that feeling of confidence—engendered by the plane and its presidential perquisites—evaporated as he came down to Belgian soil. Now he was in a gray, cold Europe, walking down a red carpet at least a hundred yards long. It led straight into that maze of palace politics so alien to a Whittier, Calif. boy wearing new shoes and an uncertain smile. But, for this first mission, he could surely draw a special kind of strength from the modest earnestness with which he approached it.

Nixon clung to his predetermined course through all the Anglo-French intrigue set off by De Gaulle's proposal for a European "inner council" to replace NATO and everything else. Rooted in him was the conviction that to show attention, to listen, to pledge consultation on all the major issues of this troubled world was enough of an objective for this journey. It was in a sense a "plain deal," a new modesty founded, as Nixon told the NATO Council, in the belief that no one nation owned "a monopoly of wisdom."

"He really wanted to listen," said the kilted Dr. Richard J. Simpson, president of the Scottish Union of Students and one of 19 British citizens selected for an informal discussion with the President. He listened along the route—to the

Greeks at NATO who warned of rising Soviet presence in the Mediterranean, to Prime Minister Harold Wilson who offered observations about the generation gap along with the brandy after dinner at 10 Downing Street.

"He's a bit like us," observed a Britisher, aware that except for the occasional rumble of a motorcade the presence of Nixon was hardly disruptive. It was kind of an intimate presence, that of a man not comfortable amid too much pomp and ceremony. The people did not mass or roar. His encounters along the street were with small clusters and his gestures were neither imperial nor boisterous. "I've got three dogs," he told a lady outside Parliament after he had patted her dog on the head. "We're Americans," said Regina Carrigan of Springfield, Pa. "Oh, I caught your accent," Nixon smiled. He gave Police Constable Charles Cannon a gold-colored presidential pen, then insisted that they pose for the cameras together. "It's good to see a bit of the nightlife here," he told the hardy group which waited near midnight at his hotel

Where kings and presidents go, the guards go too—guards in regalia or mufti, stern or proud or tired. The pair at parade rest (top) mind the gate of NATO in Brussels during Nixon's visit. The horseman (above) rides with the bear-skin-topped Escort Royale accompanying the President through the streets of Brussels. At right, a U.S. Air Force sergeant and a British constable measure one another as they await their leaders outside Chequers, the country residence of the British prime minister.

24

CONTINUED

CONTINUED

door. He was the dutiful tourist, letting his head tilt far back in Westminster Abbey to see the majestic arches. It was probably fitting that he was unaware that he was the first U.S. President to visit the Abbey to lay a wreath—or for any other reason. He looked at a portrait of Churchill in Parliament and noted how in every painting of him there was some feature which showed the “Churchillian strength.” He chortled with delight at finding an oil of William Pitt the Younger—done by George Romney.

He sat 20 minutes in Parliament in a dim corner, sometimes resting his chin on his hand, totally fascinated by the sophisticated verbal sparring as House members asked the prime minister questions on subjects that ranged from undersea weaponry to Senator Edward Kennedy's

suggestion for United Nations' intervention in Biafra.

Through it all, Nixon said little, often using his hands to explain himself (“most expressive hands in America” the London Express told its readers). If Europe was underwhelmed it seemed almost relieved. “He gets along,” they said.

Amid the new pledges of communication within the Alliance there emerged a vital emphasis. Wherever he went Nixon turned the conversation toward the Soviet Union. And there, beyond NATO and the Berlin Wall and Charles de Gaulle, is his ultimate goal in foreign policy. It burned in his eyes and it was there in his talking hands. He wanted everybody to understand that he intended to deal with the Russians as soon as he logically could and he sought the support of friends. To the

NATO Council Nixon recounted his meeting with Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin and told of his encouragement from the “rational approach” of the Soviet diplomat. Dobrynin had indicated a willingness by Russia to move ahead in arms limitation talks, not to cause more trouble in Berlin, to help search for a solution to the Middle East.

At every stop the President poked for new clues about the long-range Soviet intentions and asked his hosts what motivated the Communists and what it meant for the U.S. Nixon filed the feelings and facts away in his mind for that moment in the future when he will parley with the men from the Kremlin, the men who can really decide for or against the peace which Nixon so ardently has begun to pursue across the world. ◄

# Nixon lands on Willy Brandt's special

Richard Meryman of LIFE's staff taped this interview with Willy Brandt, now the Bonn government's vice chancellor and foreign minister, but once mayor of West Berlin.

It is very right, I think, that Mr. Nixon should visit my city. The Berliner has lived at the very center of the cold war—and this has made him a special kind of man.

There is a cabaret song, very popular in West Berlin. It translates thus to English:

*The islander does not lose his coolness;

*The islander does not like nonsense;

*The islander hopes calmly

*That his island will become a continent again.*

The Berliner is very calm about his personal existence. He thinks that the allies cannot let him down. As long as the United States' guarantee of Berlin is reliable, the risk for the Soviet Union is too great. So we were pleased but not surprised when Mr. Nixon said he would continue the U.S. commitment to Berlin.

What the Berliner does not like is the contradiction between the words he is told and the reality he experiences. He is told there is a four-power guarantee of access to West Berlin. The Berliner has even been told that, in effect, there is no East German state. East Germany is not recognized.

But the reality for him is that to leave Berlin he must identify himself to the East German police, pay a fee, collect a kind of a pass. The East Germans tell him whether he can go through. Sometimes they find a newspaper they do not like in his car and they invite him for what they call a "discussion." People do get arrested.

The Berliner has found that no four-power arrangement was able to prevent a city from being cut in half by a wall. Even the United States had to respect the orders of the minister of interior of the German Democratic Republic and cross to East Berlin only at Checkpoint Charlie. And the Berliner has not seen for many years any Western initiative toward a solution, even an imperfect one. So it is the uncertainty about the immediate future of his city that worries the Berliner. A city cannot live forever in a vacuum between the past and hope.

When the blockade in 1948 started, the world was saying that this might lead to invasion, to war—and a man in the Berlin assembly got up to speak. "Don't be afraid,

Americans," he said. "The Berliners are behind you."

So the Berliner has that inherited ability to laugh at himself and his troubles. He even has a special word to describe himself: "Helle," which means a kind of witty cleverness. Another saying he has, "Herz und Schnauze," means a heart and a quick tongue.

Let me tell you a typical Berliner's story. A Berlin citizen had been forced to go to America in '39, and now as a U.S. citizen he is returning to Berlin. He takes a taxi from the Berlin airfield and on the road the taxi driver turns a bit around and says, "Mister, how long since you have been in Berlin?" The man says, "I left in '39." The taxi driver doesn't say anything for a while. Then he turns around again. "Well," he says, "you didn't miss too much."

It is this kind of humor that makes the Berliner uncomfortable when he is called a hero for living surrounded. The city cannot live for him just as a symbol and he cannot live on his past either. He wants to know what his city's

role can be—and that is the vacuum I speak of.

It is so uncertain what the future of Germany will be, how the parts now divided from each other can be brought into some relationship. A great city needs a task which goes beyond just keeping people alive. More than just giving workers a job and old people a pension, it needs something it can give beyond its boundaries. The Berliner would appreciate it if Berlin isn't set aside as only a problem of security.

The big factories have tended to move to West Germany. But still, the standard of living is high and there is even a labor shortage. The gross national product is comparable to that of Norway—but the Berliner produces little which could become an example for others.

The city has a high percentage of old people. But this is because after the war unemployment sent younger Berliners to West Germany for jobs. The serious problem here is that a young man who makes a fast career can only get to a cer-

tain point in this island of a city. So there is a kind of "brain drain," I think you call it.

Anything which seems to weaken the links between Berlin and West Germany—which encourages the feeling of being cut off, left alone—would be the same as weakening the economy. That is why we have been so insistent on holding our electoral assembly in Berlin. Just as we have in '54, in '59 and in '64.

As to hope for the future. The Berliner cannot sustain himself

28

island

with the expectation that Berlin will again be the capital of a re-united Germany. The best we can hope is that we can come closer to a détente with Eastern Europe so the geographical position of Berlin can be used to advantage in East-West exchange. And in the meantime we can work to sustain the city's present strength.

It is a mistake, however, to think that things will remain the same. You cannot put the Berliner's spirit in an icebox and take it out again whenever you wish.

The President, with West German Chancellor Kurt Kiesinger (to his left) and Foreign Minister Willy Brandt (on steps), climbed a platform to look over the Wall into East Berlin, where two East German police walked a dog (left) and another trained his telephoto

lens on the visitor. The crowds cheering Nixon along a tour of West Berlin were his most demonstrative. "For more than a generation we have pledged American lives to an ideal and a reality," he told Berliners, "that Berlin shall be free and Berlin shall live...."

29

ES, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1969

London: At Mr. Nixon's Elbow

By TOM WICKER

LONDON, Feb. 26—At one of the press briefings conducted here by Ron Ziegler, Mr. Nixon's news secretary, and Trevor Lloyd-Hughes, Prime Minister Wilson's official spokesman, Lloyd-Hughes read a list of the British and American participants in one discussion.

"All the others present," he said, with British regard for class distinctions, "were what I would call advisers."

Ziegler spoke up immediately. "It should be noted," he said, "that Dr. Henry Kissinger participated in the meeting."

Ziegler was only stating publicly what was quickly apparent to most of Mr. Nixon's London hosts and to London-based Americans getting their first personal look at the Nixon foreign policy team. They say right away that Dr. Henry Kissinger, the President's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs, is much more than just an "adviser."

Speculation on the Team

Along with the heady impression Mr. Nixon created here of a President genuinely interested in the British view of things, he also left some lively speculation as to how things may ultimately sort themselves out

between Dr. Kissinger and Secretary of State William P. Rogers.

When Mr. Nixon met with the Wilson Cabinet at No. 10 Downing Street, for instance, the Prime Minister left all of what the British call "officials" in an upstairs room. That meant only the President and Secretary Rogers, of the American party, were on or above the so-called "ministerial level" of the British participants. Nevertheless, within a few minutes a summons arrived for Dr. Kissinger, who then joined the President and the Ministers in the Cabinet room.

Kissinger's Role

Dr. Kissinger, after all, came into this new Administration not only an acknowledged authority in international affairs but a familiar of many of those in the American and European Governments with which the Nixon Administration must work. He personally suggested some of the "private citizens" with whom Mr. Nixon met here. Moreover, Dr. Kissinger is not only both a personal adviser to Mr. Nixon as well as the manager of the important apparatus of the National Security Council; he also has direct and frequent access to the

President—and in Europe has been constantly at his elbow.

Secretary Rogers, a newcomer to the State Department, its concerns and the foreign Governments with which it deals, nevertheless has a long and close personal relationship with Mr. Nixon, control of the necessary machinery of the State Department, and an insider's knowledge of the Government bureaucracy and how it works. These are solid assets for a long-distance runner; but for the moment he appears clearly to be running behind Dr. Kissinger and his expertise and access.

This does not necessarily portend some shattering showdown struggle; it may only reflect the current state of development of the Nixon Administration. Through the excellent impression the President created here with his attentiveness, his obvious interest in his hosts, his modesty and the methodical way in which he sought amplification of any point new or unclear to him, and despite the technical knowledge of European and world affairs with which he came armed, some of those watching Mr. Nixon closely thought they saw the understandable lack of self-confidence of one who, though

long experienced in politics, had never before really exercised power or had to accept great responsibility.

It would be remarkable if it were not so, Presidents being as human as the rest of us—and this analysis may largely account for the rather giddy feeling of the British Government that an American President, for once, really had wanted to know what its Minister thought and might actually take their advice into account. They thought John Kennedy's "consultation" seldom went beyond rhetoric, and Lyndon Johnson hardly even bothered with that.

For the Present

This impression of Mr. Nixon as "a guy looking for help," as one observer put it, also goes far to explain the President's current reliance on Henry Kissinger. He is the most knowledgeable independent adviser now, available to Mr. Nixon on a host of matters about which hard decisions may soon have to be made, while Secretary Rogers, even more than the President himself, has still to master his office and its subject matter—a situation which will not always be the case.

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Books of The Times

Churchilliana

By CHARLES POORE

CHURCHILL REVISED. By A. J. P. Taylor, J. H. Plumb, Robert Rhodes James, Anthony Storr and Basil Liddell Hart. 282 pages. Dial. $5.95.

CHURCHILL AS HISTORIAN. By Maurice Ashley, 246 pages. Scribners. $6.95.

JENNIE. The Life of Lady Randolph Churchill. Vol. I: The Romantic Years, 1854-1895. Prentice-Hall. $8.95.

THESE three books keep the great Churchillian story blazing. With all that fire, there is quite a lot of new smoke.

Why? Mainly, I imagine, because more dynamic young leaders, potentially of his ancient stature, did not emerge from the war he did so much to win. Those that surface lack his prodigious lasting power. We see that around us today in all kinds of conspicuous causes. Salvationists in our present society are short-fused and brief-candled. There's always time to go back and rehearse Sir Winston's tangled destiny. Which produces the smoke. Also, some valuable ex post facto musing toward ultimate light.

The first book, "Churchill Revised," lives up to its provenances. It does indeed present fresh and authoritative appraisals. The contributors are mercilessly analytic about everything from Sir Winston's empire-haunted obsession with Mediterranean ventures to the sonorities of his prose style.

Excellent Advice Offered

They give him excellent posthumous treatment toward his

pole, and the class struggle doing the invading, a homiletic fires burning

Our second book, *rian,* by Maurice Ashley, the heart of a target minds of Churchill germinative force here I-Knew-Him-When get from Oxford in 1929, taken historical honor hired to do document Winston's immense brated ancestor, the borough.

Exposure I

In 1939, Mr. Ashley his own on Marlboroposure, so to speak montage on which to ing perspective on the of writing history. Like tackles Sir Winston's deficiencies in the light Mr. Ashley is left in the savants who straighten

Our third book, "J. Martin, is an engrossing life in a society that Prince-of-Walesian gests—for a change—was far more devote son Winston than, so ever quite believe.

Mr. Martin's book is his gee-whiz attitude

JANES, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 29, 1969

The Kissinger Approach to the Soviets

By JAMES RESTON

In his first White House news conference, President Nixon has followed quite closely the ideas of Dr. Henry Kissinger, his new foreign affairs adviser, on how to negotiate with the Russians.

Accordingly, it is interesting and may even be significant for the future to examine Dr. Kissinger's approach to the problem, particularly as defined in his book, "A World Restored," written at Harvard in 1964.

The aim of foreign policy, he argues, is not "total security"—there is no such thing without total conquest—but the "relative security" that comes not from isolated agreements but from a larger international agreement on the permissible aims and methods of foreign policy.

This is significantly different from Mr. Nixon's suggestions in the campaign that maybe security through military "superiority" was attainable. Dr. Kissinger takes a more moderate approach, which is now apparently influencing the new President.

"Could a power achieve all its wishes," Dr. Kissinger wrote in "A World Restored," "it would strive for absolute security, a world order free from the consciousness of foreign danger and where all problems

have the manageability of domestic issues.

"But since absolute security for one power means absolute insecurity for all others, it is never obtainable as a part of a 'legitimate' settlement and can be achieved only through conquest."

The Forgotten Foundation

He adds that an international settlement which is accepted and not imposed will always appear somewhat unjust to everybody concerned. "The foundation of a stable order," he concludes, "is the relative security—and therefore the relative insecurity—of its members. Its stability reflects, not the absence of unsatisfied claims, but the absence of a grievance of such magnitude that redress will be sought in overturning the settlement rather than through an adjustment within its framework."

In short, Dr. Kissinger wants to concentrate on negotiating an international agreement, not on missile systems alone, or the Middle East alone, but a broad agreement about "the permissible aims and methods of foreign policy," fully realizing that even so large an achievement would only produce "relative security."

There will, of course, be

much controversy over this approach. Foreign policy experts who believe in the step-at-a-time approach argue that trying for a general set of rules governing the conduct of the major powers would lead everybody into an endless thicket in which the tangles of the missile question would get hopelessly entwined with the complexities of the Middle Eastern and other questions.

Nevertheless, Dr. Kissinger has a point of view which will be much discussed in the future. He wants to be sure about U.S. objectives of negotiations before they start. He is arguing that, without a clear view of the Vietnam negotiations in Paris, for example, years could be spent in arguing over details and tactics. He is asking different questions: Is Vietnam really vital to U.S. strategic interests? Are we prepared to withdraw all our troops from that country? Where do we want to come out?

Words and Realities

Similarly, on the pending missile talks, he is again asking the larger question: How can we use these talks in order to get to the objective of an understanding on what is permissible and what is not permissible in the conduct of the

nuclear powers in the Middle East?

"No power," Dr. Kissinger writes, "will submit to a settlement, however well balanced and however 'secure,' which seems totally to deny its vision of itself. . . . There exist two kinds of equilibrium: a general equilibrium which makes it risky for one power or group of powers to attempt to impose their will on the remainder; and a particular equilibrium which defines the historical relation of certain powers among each other. The former is the deterrent against a general war; the latter the condition of smooth cooperation."

Dr. Kissinger is apparently advocating that the Nixon Administration try for both with the Soviet Union. His notion seems to be that a missile agreement by itself will not provide even relative security, and a peace in Vietnam, while essential, will likewise not deal with the problem unless there is a larger understanding between Washington and Moscow on the rules of international conduct.

This is clearly only the beginning of the debate, but at least it is better than Mr. Nixon's former thesis that security can be achieved by a military "superiority" which the Soviets will clearly never accept.

THE NEW YORK TIMES, WEDNESDAY

United they rave!

"The best overall reportage of the 1968 campaign we have seen between covers."
Publishers' Weekly

THE AMERICAN ELECTION 1968

DIVIDED
THEY STAND

David English

DAILY EXPRESS

Books of The Times

The Talk Goes On, the Problem Remains

By THOMAS LASK

THE ARAB-ISRAELI IMPASSE. Edited by Majdia D. Khadduri. 223 pages, Robert B. Luce: McKay. $4.95.

DIALOGUE WITH ISHMAEL. By Aubrey Hodes. 258 pages. Funk and Wagnalls. $5.95.

ISRAEL AND THE ARABS. By Maxime Rodin-
son. Translated from the French by Michael
Perl. 239 pages. Pantheon. $5.95.

SO heated is the political temperature in the Middle East that even a word like moderate is an explosive one and perhaps, like the ether in the pre-Einsteinian universe, does not even exist. It is about as useful a word as dove was in another context. That word covered everything from a mild desire to get the war in Vietnam over with in one way or another to a demand for an immediate withdrawal of all United States forces. Perhaps the best way to define moderate as it can be applied to the three books listed above is to say that the extreme elements on both sides of the Arab-Israeli dispute will not be happy with them, though I suspect that those who favor the Israeli side will be more offended.

The arguments range from the charges of usurpation of Palestinian lands by a foreign people and the consequent injustices done to innocent Arabs living on them to the statement by Professor Willard G. Oxtoby of Yale that "Israel had inadequate provocation for launching its preventive attack in June [of 1967]." It's the kind of statement that launches an attack of its own. Perhaps the Israelis should not have gone to war in June, but to say that they were inadequately

Impasse" surpasses the do
A series of essays by V
written especially for the
history, part analysis a
solutions. Dan Cordetz
ample, on the erosion
ence in the Middle East
done to restore it. H
with the Arabs. After
Israelis go? The article b
ought to be mentione
what it says about t
influential Presbyterian
duty to Israel and the
difficulties of dealing
American defenders of
book should be necessar
latter group, not only
it raises but as an ind
being said and thought
are concerned with th
who do not favor Israe

Suggestions From

Aubrey Hodes is an
who desires a genuine
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tivated as much by r
by military and chau
testimony of most of
the Palestinian refugee
to the major obstacles to
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country to do something
laterally and without t
treaty. He lays down s

NEW YORK POST, THURSDAY, JANUARY 16, 1969

Nixon and Policy

ROWLAND EVANS & ROBERT NOVAK

WASHINGTON.

An exchange between Richard M. Nixon and his new chief adviser for national security affairs, Dr. Henry Kissinger, at the President-elect's first meeting with his Cabinet tells much about the coming shape of things at the White House.

Briefing his entire Cabinet on Dec. 12, the day after he unveiled it over nationwide television, Nixon suddenly turned to Kissinger in the midst of a discussion on Vietnam. He asked Kissinger to give his advice on a controversial Vietnam problem.

Kissinger rose and said that in his new job he would be giving no advice-only information and options for the President to select from. Obviously pleased, Nixon chuckled but insisted that on this one occasion Kissinger could break his rule and say what he really thought ought to be done. Reluctantly, Kissinger obliged.

The incident reveals how the Nixon team hopes to change the whole character of the White House staff operation. What Nixon is driving for has eluded many Presidents before him: To use his own staff strictly as an information-gathering device and leave to his Cabinet all the major policy advice.

In Kissinger's case, for example, Nixon and the successor to the job held the last eight years by freewheelers McGeorge Bundy and Walt Whitman Rostow have agreed on extremely tight guidelines: Kissinger will never propose or advocate a particular policy, but will only present "options"-choices, in ordinary language-to his boss.

Kissinger also has agreed to highly significant changes Nixon wants to make in the National Security Council from the way it was under Eisenhower (during the Kennedy-Johnson years, the NSC fell into disuse).

In the Eisenhower administrations, the goal of NSC policy papers was a decision agreed on by all members of the council-the Secretaries of State, Defense, and Treasury, the Vice President, and the head of Office of Emergency Planning, with the President as chairman. This harmonization of strongly-opposed views often produced flabby decisions that pleased no one and avoided the issue.

Under Nixon, Kissinger won't try to compromise conflicts within the NSC. Nixon wants conflicting opinions to come to him, sharpened and with all the flavor left in. He also intends to cut back drastically on the number of officials who attend NSC meetings, maybe even barring top aides of NSC members.

Thus, Nixon tells Cabinet members that they, not the White House, will be responsible for drafting legislation and programs to carry out the Nixon policy. Staff men in the Nixon White House are also under strict orders from the President and his chief Congressional lobbyist, Bryce Harlow (who had the same job under Eisenhower) never to intervene with Cabinet departments or the regulatory agencies without specific Presidential approval-obvious protection against another Sherman Adams scandal.

Every President starts out with new guidelines to govern the conduct of staff and Cabinet, which often are forgotten as quickly as the President's campaign speeches. Moreover, President Johnson's aides are privately skeptical, predicting that Nixon aides will refrain from intervening in executive departments and offering hard recommendations to the President for about one day.

But Nixon has made heavy impact on his staff and apparently intends to run the government through his Cabinet as no President since Harry Truman.

Published daily except Sunday.
York Post Corporation, 75 West
0006. Dorothy Schiff, President.
Her, Byron S. Greenberg, Secretary

## Dividend'

more advanced long-range
missiles and another
ier. While he did not at-
ing, the costs of this hard-
itably be immense. The
" after Vietnam could be
red.

son's hope, even as he
her record request for
that following peace in
the tax surcharge could
mic changeover, "smooth
to greater peacetime pro-
elp assure continued eco-
and full employment." So
ing the new Administra-
nite resolve to set aside
 weapons of war to gird
tic struggles. Rep. Laird's
produce no boom in peace

## and

rejoicing by Grumman, by
all legislators and by Li-
men. This swift instrument
represent buoyant, surging
to thousands; it demon-
phic, gruesome terms, just
American economy is en-
gements industry and

# Letters to the Editor

## Of Strikes and Salary Hikes

An example of how public
servants should obtain salary
increases was given by some
executives (President, Senators
and Congressmen) who hiked
their salaries by 60 per cent to
100 per cent. They accomplished
this, it should be noted, with-
out strike action. Their restraint
was admirable. These pub-
lic officials merit a salute for
their patriotism and concern
for the general public.

MARTIN ISAACS.

## Gesture of Humanity

Indeed, America's year is be-
ginning right when some of its
citizens made such a superb
show of fellowship and concern
as they did last Saturday for the
starving children of Biafra out-
side of St. Patrick's Cathedral.

MARGARET MORTON.

## Ashes of Defeat

The Post is insensitive in its
editorial "A New McCarthy
Mystery." The Post has aban-
doned McCarthy, whom it once
supported, and has switched to
a poor substitute, Teddy Ken-
edy. If Ted wanted McCarthy's
support, he should have given
it to McCarthy in the form of
Bobby's legacy of delegates.
Yes, the ashes of defeat are
sour. THOMAS CRISTIANE.

## Footnote to an Exchange

Regarding your Letters-to-the-
Editor column of Thursday,
January 9, Mr. Davis wishes to
have a drink and converse with
Mr. Tallmer. Mr. Tallmer wishes

to have a drink and converse
with Mr. Davis.

How I wish I could listen to
the conversation with both of
them.

In this day of such mundane
thoughts and words—how stim-
ulating this would be. With or
without the drink.

BETTY WATSON.

## Who Were the Criminals?

It is with shock and dismay
that I have just finished reading
Anthony Scaduto's account of
the four young people who were
jailed overnight (one girl sub-
jected to the indignity of a pain-
ful internal examination) for
protesting conditions on an un-
heated half-train run by the
Long Island Railroad from Penn
Station to Long Beach, on
January 2nd—one of the bitter-
est winter nights thus far. One
is forced to ask the question:
What kind of man is Brooklyn
Night Court Judge Edward
Caiazzo — and whose special
interest does he serve from his
lofty perch?

Who were the criminals in
this case? Were they the young
people who had purchased tick-
ets at Penn Station, fully ex-
pecting to be recompensed with
services by the railroad which
they fraudulently peddle day
after day? Or were the real
culprits the owners, operators,
conductors and railway main-
tenance men of the railroad who
defraud the public on the prom-
isse of seats and heated trains
in winter and comfortable air-
conditioned cars in summer?

ANN MILLER.

(Letters must be signed. Names withheld on request.—Ed.)

# Options on Strategy

## FROM PAGE ONE

Eisenhower came to office, word was quietly passed to Communist China through Indian diplomats that the new administration was considering using nuclear weapons if the Korean War could not be settled through negotiations. An agreement was reached about five months later.

Applied to Vietnam, this would involve letting word "leak" to Hanoi that the Nixon

Administration was opening up serious internal discussions on such possible military moves as a resumption of the bombing with focus on major military targets rather than trucks and barges, a blockade of the principal ports including Haiphong, and even an invasion of North Vietnam.

The aim of this approach would be to convince Hanoi that it would be wise to make concessions in Paris rather than risk a much tougher war.

Rowland Evans and Robert Novak

# Nixon Plans to Use His Own Staff
## Strictly for Gathering Information

AN EXCHANGE between President-elect Nixon and his new chief adviser for national security affairs, Dr. Henry Kissinger, at the President-elect's first meeting with his Cabinet tells much about the coming shape of things at the White House.

Briefing his entire Cabinet on Dec. 12, the day after he unveiled it on Nation-wide television, Nixon suddenly turned to Kissinger in the midst of a discussion on Vietnam. He asked Kissinger to give his advice on a controversial Vietnam problem.

Kissinger rose and said that in his new job he would be giving no advice—only information and options for the President to select from. Obviously pleased, Nixon chuckled but insisted that on this one occasion Kissinger could break his rule and say what he really thought ought to be done. Reluctantly, Kissinger obliged.

The incident reveals how the Nixon team hopes to change the whole character of the White House staff operation. What Nixon is driving for has eluded many Presidents before him: to use his own staff strictly as an information-gathering device and leave to his Cabinet all the major policy advice.

In Kissinger's case, for example, Nixon and the successor to the job held the last eight years by freewheelers McGeorge Bundy and Walt Whitman Rostow have agreed on extremely tight guidelines: Kissinger will never propose or advocate a particular policy, but will only present "options"—choices, in ordinary language—to his boss.

Thus, having agreed to this process with Nixon be-

fore his appointment was announced, Kissinger naturally attempted to follow it out at that first pre-Inauguration Cabinet meeting.

Kissinger has agreed, in addition, to highly significant changes Nixon wants to make in his National Security Council (NSC) as contrasted to its form under Gen. Eisenhower (during the Kennedy-Johnson years, the NSC fell into disuse).

In the Eisenhower Administrations, the goal of NSC policy papers was a decision agreed on by all members of the Council—the Secretaries of State, Defense and Treasury, the Vice President and the head of The Office of Emergency Planning, with the President as chairman. This harmonization of strongly-opposed views often produced flabby decisions that pleased no one and avoided the issue.

Under Nixon, Kissinger won't try to compromise conflicts within the NCS. Nixon wants conflicting opinions to come to him, sharpened and with all the flavor left in. He also intends to cut back drastically on the number of officials who attend NSC meetings, maybe even barring top aides of NSC members.

This radical change of the White House staff function does not end with the NSC. Nixon has specifically

pledged to his Cabinet that his staff will answer to the demands of the Cabinet, not vice versa as under Mr. Johnson. That means the new President will forbid the kind of freewheeling by White House staff men that has produced furious infighting between the President's men and the President's Cabinet in recent administrations generally and the Johnson Administration in particular.

Thus, Nixon tells Cabinet members that they, not the White House, will be responsible for drafting legislation and programs to carry out the Nixon policy. Staff men in the Nixon White House also are under strict orders from the President-elect and his chief Congressional lobbyist, Bryce Harlow, who had the same job under Gen. Eisenhower, never to intervene with Cabinet departments or the regulatory agencies without specific presidential approval—obvious protection against another Sherman Adams scandal.

Every President starts out with new guidelines to govern the conduct of staff and Cabinet, and often they are forgotten as quickly as the President's campaign speeches. Moreover, Mr. Johnson's aides are privately skeptical, predicting that Nixon aides will refrain from intervening in Executive departments and offering hard recommendations to the President for about one day.

But Nixon has made heavy impact on his staff with these Nixon guidelines. It suggests that Nixon really intends to run the Government through his Cabinet as no President has since Harry Truman.

© 1969, Publishers-Hall Syndicate

Novak

Evans

© 1968 Chicago Daily News
Publishers-Hall Syndicate

Hanoi Newspaper Reports Accord on Paris Talks

HANOI, North Vietnam, Jan. 17 (Agence France-Presse) — Nhan Dan, the official newspaper, announced without comment today that widened peace talks would open in Paris tomorrow. But it said that no solution to the South Vietnamese problem would be possible until the United States recognized the National Liberation Front, or Vietcong.

The paper also published a long attack on proposals for a Vietnam settlement outlined by Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, President-elect Richard M. Nixon's national security adviser, which appeared in the January issue of the quarterly Foreign Affairs.

Dr. Kissinger's ideas showed nothing but "stubbornness" both on military aspects of the Vietnam situation and in his analysis of the problem and suggestions for solving it, the paper said, and continued:

"Behind his flowery phrasing and skillful argument, Kissinger does not, in fact, want to bring the war to an honorable end."

The Kissinger article proposed that American troops fall back to a limited sector of South Vietnam. Nhan Dan said this was a plan to help consolidate the Saigon Government's authority.

Dr. Kissinger also recommended in his article, written before his appointment by Mr. Nixon, that peace talks proceed

Also Says Kissinger Showed
'Stabbornness' in Article
on Peace Negotiations

on two tracks, one between North Vietnam and the United States, to discuss military matters, including troop withdrawals, and the other between the Front and the Saigon regime, to discuss the "political structure of South Vietnam."

Nhan Dan said that on the military level, Dr. Kissinger was "feeding illusion in the hope of obtaining successes through a change in strategy."

"The U. S. defeat is not due to erroneous strategy," Nhan Dan said. "It shows the bankruptcy of all war plans: in fact, the strategy advised by Kissinger is being applied by General Abrams and is not managing to ward off the N.L.F.'s shattering blows at the U. S."

"Kissinger's opposition to a national coalition Government [in South Vietnam], at the same time as he pastes the label of 'constitutional' on the Saigon authorities, will be powerless to avoid the authorities' decomposition," Nhan Dan concluded.

Troop-Cut Plan Promised

SAIGON, South Vietnam, Saturday, Jan. 18 (AP)—President Nguyen Van Thieu announced

today that his military chief of staff and Gen. Creighton W. Abrams, the United States commander in Vietnam, are drafting a proposal for the withdrawal of some American troops this year.

Mr. Thieu said detailed plans would have to be developed by the military staffs of the United States and South Vietnam before a specific timetable could be determined. There was no indication of the number of troops involved.

President Thieu met for nearly two hours yesterday with the United States Ambassador, Ellsworth Bunker, and General Abrams.

Vice President Nguyen Cao Ky, who is supervisor of the Saigon delegation to the Paris peace talks, and Foreign Minister Tran Chanh Thanh were also present.

Informed American sources termed the discussions a general review of the political and military situation in view of the opening of peace talks in Paris tomorrow.

Hanoi Says G.I.'s Got Mail

WASHINGTON, Jan. 17 (UPI) —The State Department said today it had been advised by Hanoi that Christmas packages mailed to United States prisoners in North Vietnam had arrived and had been distributed to the men. Such mail apparently never reached the prisoners in previous years.

FLORA

THE NEW YORK TIMES, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1969

# Opponents of Vietnam War Meet With Kissinger

By BEN A. FRANKLIN
Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Feb. 5 — Leaders of a group that has supported defiance and evasion of the draft as a form of protest against the war in Vietnam said they were given a "very respectful hearing" at the White House today when they pleaded for amnesty for draft resisters.

The delegation, including Mrs. Martin Luther King Jr., widow of the slain civil rights leader, and the Rev. William Sloane Coffin Jr., chaplain at Yale University, spent about 40 minutes late this afternoon with Henry A. Kissinger, President Nixon's special assistant for national security affairs.

There was no immediate comment from Mr. Kissinger, but afterwards Mr. Coffin, speaking for the leadership of Clergy and Laymen Concerned About Vietnam, told newsmen at the White House, "We are very grateful for a very respectful hearing from Mr. Kissinger."

The 25,000-member national antiwar organization more than a week ago had sought a conference with the President himself, and the appointment with

Mr. Kissinger was not finally arranged until last night, but the group's leaders made it clear tonight that they were pleased by what they considered a successful meeting.

According to available records, it was the first such pre-arranged visit to the White House by militant spokesmen

for any organization of vocal dissent—on either the peace or civil rights issues—in three years.

Mrs. King and Mr. Coffin, who is currently appealing his Federal conviction for conspiring to counsel young men to evade the draft, were accompanied to the White House by Rabbi Abraham J. Heschel, a professor at the Jewish Theological Seminary of America in New York; the Rev. Richard J. Neuhaus, pastor of the Lutheran Church of St. John the Evangelist in Brooklyn, and the Rev. Richard R. Fernandez, national director of Clergy and Laymen Concerned, as the anti-war group is popularly known.

Mrs. King and Rabbi Heschel are two of the five co-chairmen of the organization, whose leaders include Protestant, Roman Catholic and Jewish churchmen. Clergy and Laymen Concerned ended a three-day antiwar, anti-draft "mobilization" in Washington today.

The proposal presented by the group this afternoon calls for a postwar grant of Presidential amnesty to the thousands of young Americans who are in prison for conscientious violation of the draft laws, who are in military stockades for a refusal to fight in Vietnam after induction, or who have exiled themselves to foreign countries to evade military service in Vietnam.

## 11 Missing as U.S. Plane Crashes Near Taiwan

TOKYO, Feb. 5 (AP)—A United States Air Force rescue plane searching for survivors of the sunken Japanese freighter Shoka Maru crashed into icy seas off Taiwan today.

A United States military spokesman in Japan said that 14 persons were aboard the Hercules aircraft and that one survivor had been picked up. However, a spokesman at Clark Air Force Base in the Philippines, the plane's base, said 12 persons were on board. The survivor was identified as James Philips, the pilot.

The spokesman in Tokyo said that the plane crashed about 70 miles southeast of southern Taiwan while taking part in a search for eight missing crewmen of the Japanese ship.

"S

about an
e shows
owerful
command

Robbed Again

The burglars risked this
"really death-defying feat,"
Father Allen said, to avoid a
burglar alarm — only to dis-
cover they were unable to get
back out of the church without
triggering the alarm. No one
was arrested then or in any
of the other burglaries, how-
ever.

St. Mark's in the Bowery is the second oldest Episcopal parish in New York, exceeded in age only by Trinity Parish. St. Mark's was founded by the Stuyvesant family and the stone church, built in 1798, stands on the site of the tomb of Peter Stuyvesant. Alexander Hamilton, the first Secretary of the Treasury, was the lawyer who handled the incorporation of the parish.

The church is one of only
two 18th-century public build-
ings standing in Manhattan, the
other being St. Paul's Chapel
of Trinity parish.

Bundestag Picks von Hassel
But 123 Vote Against Him

Special to The New York Times

BONN, Feb. 5 — The West German Bundestag elected Kai-Uwe von Hassel president of the lower house of Parliament today despite opposition.

Mr. von Hassel, who is 55 years old and who resigned as Minister of Expelled Persons, Refugees and War Invalids to take the post, got 262 votes from the 457 deputies present, with most of the Social Democrats, the junior partners in the Government coalition, either voting against him or abstaining. There were 123 votes against him, 29 abstentions and 43 invalid ballots.

He was nominated by his
own Christian Democratic
Union group yesterday to re-
place Dr. Eugene Gerstenmaier,
who resigned as president of
the Bundestag last month at
the height of a public outcry
over a reparations payment to
him for persecution by the
Nazi regime.

AGENCIES' REQUESTS
CUT BY $28-BILLION

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Feb. 5—Re-
quests of Government agencies
were cut by $28-billion in the
process of making up President
Johnson's budget, it was dis-
closed today.

About two-thirds of the cut
was in requests for defense
funds.

The disclosure came with re-
lease by the House Appropri-
ations Committee of testimony
last Jan. 16 in closed session by
Charles J. Zwick, then Director
of the Budget, and Joseph W.
Barr, then Secretary of the
Treasury.

Mr. Zwick said that the re-
ductions from agency requests
in this budget were "not
unique." They were "similar to
the reductions or previous
years," he said.

The $28-billion covered ap-
propriations requests. If

granted,
Congress
have
spending
fiscal
30, Mr.

Of the
expend-
been in

LAFAYETTE

RADIO
ELECTRON

A4

Monday, Feb. 3, 1969

THE WASHINGTON POST

# Kissinger Aides Mix Youth, Expertise

By Warren Unna

Washington Post Staff Writer

Henry A. Kissinger, President Nixon's assistant for national security affairs, has quickly assembled a blue-ribbon collection of 18 experts to help advise the President on military, foreign policy and international economic matters.

Kissinger, a former Harvard professor who is only 45 himself, seems to be giving the edge to youth and pre-

vious Government experience—even under Democrats.

Although Kissinger as yet has no deputy on his National Security Council staff, there are a number of senior men:

* Morton C. Halperin, 30 also a former Harvard professor, is an author of books on arms control and China policy, an early advocate against further U.S. military involvement in Asia and, until Kissinger

grabbed him, chief of the Pentagon's policy planning and arms control.

* Viron P. Vaky, 43, a career diplomat specializing in Latin America and policy planning, has been until now the acting Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs and U.S. Coordinator of the Alliance for Progress.

* Helmut Sonnenfeldt, 42, another career diplomat, is considered to be one of the Government's top Kremlinologists and until now has been chief of Soviet and Eastern European matters in the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research.

* Robert E. Osgood, 47, director of the Washington Center of Foreign Policy Research, an affiliate of Johns Hopkins University's School for Advanced International Studies, is an expert on the interrelation of arms and foreign policy.

* Richard N. Cooper, 34, Yale economics professor, served as staff economist on the Council of Economic Advisers under President Kennedy and was a Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for International Monetary Affairs under President Johnson.

* Harold H. Saunders, 38, a White House veteran from the first Kennedy year, is continuing on the NSC staff as a spe-

cialist in Near East and South Asian affairs.

* Roger Morris, 31, a specialist in Soviet and African affairs and a former Foreign Service officer, also served on President Johnson's NSC staff and will stay on.

* Richard M. Moose, 36, previously had been a member of the NSC staff under Walt W. Rostow and more recently helped prepare a study on the National Security Process for the Institute of Defense Analysts.

* Daniel I. Davidson, 32, a New York lawyer, until recently served as the youngest member of Ambassador Averell Harriman's staff at the Paris Vietnam negotiations.

* Richard L. Sneider, 46, a career diplomat with special experience in Asia, has been serving as the State Department's country director for Japan.

* Col. Alexander M. Haig Jr., 42, has been deputy superintendent of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point.

* C. Fred Bergsten, at 27 the youngest of the crew, handled international economic matters, in the State Department from 1963 to 1967 and more recently has been associated with the Council on Foreign Relations in New York City.

* Richard V. Allen, 33, an

Eastern European specialist at Stanford University's Hoover Institution, was Mr. Nixon's foreign affairs research director during last year's political campaign.

* Donald Lesh, 37, a Foreign Service officer who previously handled Senior Interdepartmental Group (SIG) planning coordination for the Under Secretary of State.

* Robert G. Houdek, 28, a Foreign Service officer who previously worked in the Secretary of State's executive secretariat.

* Laurence Lynn, 31, an expert in systems analysis formerly with the Office of the Secretary of Defense.

* Arnold Nachmanoff, 32, a Latin American specialist who formerly served on the Bureau of the Budget staff.

* Finally, Lawrence S. Eagleburger, 38, a Foreign Service officer who until now has served as a special assistant to former Under Secretary of State Nicholas Katzenbach.

Kissinger and four of his staff have their offices within the White House proper; the rest are in the adjoining Executive Office Building. Kissinger is known to want to split his staff's talents fifty-fifty between day-to-day operations and long-range planning.

["A6\n\nTHE EVENING NEWS\nWashington, D.C. Wednesday, January 22, 1979", "# Nixon: 11 Cabinet Officers Sworn In at White House", "Continued From Page A-1", "eyone knew he was remembered the same name this week. He then proposed a law to the Congress, which was passed into law. But after Warren administrative affairs, Gen. Andrew K. Kuskin, the President for national security affairs, Gen. Andrew Kuskin, and Holms, Ziegler said Goodrich, who has been acting as an assistant to the President, will return soon to his past as deputy American", "When he got to Frisch, former President Richard Nixon and his secretary, Gen. Alisen M. Nixon, remarked that this was the first time in U.S. history that the President, the chief secretary, a Cabinet secretary being inquired were in Arizona born in California, a state where he was born in Arizona and moved to California when he was a child. He said he had to take the oath of office, and then he had to be a citizen of Arizona, with his shoulder, and he drew it up. At the end of the ceremony, he was sworn in as a citizen of Arizona. In previous Cabinets he got to become President. He added that the new cabinet secretary should be a member of the executive armament. This means one can in 1975 to become the White House Secretary.", "On his first day in office, Nixon, a former Justice Department official, and his National Security Council yes- s元了 his authority to issue a decision under his in- formation for the NSC to play more important roles in foreign policy making than in the Kennedy and the Ford White House Press Secretary. Ronald R. Ziegler told members after the NSC session yesterday that he would have the council meet twice a week this year. He said the NSC will meet once a week, and other members are scheduled for meetings during the first week.", "A. W. Walter Richard Helm of the Central Intelligence Agency said he would be in the White House for the next session, developed a program to test the Soviet Union's refor- mation Monday of willingness to act in the interest of the U.S. and to take administrative and defensive做出错", "WINTON M. BLOUNT\nPostmaster General", "MAURICE H. STANS\nSecretary of Commerce", "CLIFFORD M. HARDIN\nSecretary of Agriculture", "ments would be discussed in the NSC before any action by the NSC, he said, and he led to say whether this matter was a matter of national security.", "To Steve Caufield\nNixon who had indicated he would be moving into the White House would be preferred", "State Elliot Richardson; Gen. Carl G. Wheeler, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; Gen. Thomas J. Lincoln, director of the Office of Emergency Preparedness; Henry A. Kuskin, former NSC Chairman; and President for national security affairs, Gen. Andrew Kuskin, and Holms. Ziegler said Goodrich, who has been acting as an assistant to the President, will return soon to his past as deputy American", "Nixon asked Kuskin earlier this month to prepare a realistic alternative courses of action on Vietnam, a meeting with the Russians, the Middle East and other major issues. The new alternative problems as a basis for discussion in determining the new administration program will be discussed.", "Ziegler said the material has been distributed to most members of the NSC and Kuskin and 'played a part' in the NSC meeting. He added that other material is being discussed. The press secretary said to decision has been made to whether Nixon will be in the White House message on the first day in office yesterday.", "But he said reporters there was no decision on when the NSC will meet. He said he would hold a meeting on Friday.", "The NSC will meet on Friday, and other members will be scheduled for a work pattern for his administration, he said. He added, 7:30 a.m. to 8:30 a.m. for staff members.", "Besides the NSC meeting this day included a reception for the NSC, the NSC will hold a meeting on Wednesday, 10 a.m. to 1:30 p.m. for staff members, including members of the NSC, the NSC's secretariat and several individual cordes.", "He conferred with Kennedy, Dr. Arthur K. Aronson, who was chairman of the Council of Security Affairs, and with the NSC secretariat and several individual cordes. The NSC will meet on Wednesday, 10 a.m. to 1:30 p.m. for staff members.", "Rogers and Kuskin par-\nticipated in the meeting with Pina.", "A-1 Press Release", "A SPECIAL GREETING", "Former President Hubert H. Humphrey is elated after being+k by airline stewardess Suzanne Williams upon his arrival in Cleveland, where he addressed a Jewish Welfare Fund Dinner last night.", "Howard Credit Union\nSets Dinner Meeting", "The Howard University Employees Federal Credit Union will begin its annual meeting with a 6:30 p.m. dinner Friday at the University, 1100 E. Oakton St. at the university campus.", "Tickets which are required at the dinner are free to all members may be obtained at the credit union office, 2600 4th St. NW.", "BAIL", "Contestants From Page A-1\nbegin their annual meeting after convocation.", "The bill would allow judges to use previous convocations to determine whether they believe it is necessary instead of only in ex- ceptional cases as is the case today.", "Hilllock Favers Responsibility Today, Judge Charles W. Hallock of the Court of Federal District Court, 1000 E. Oakton St., also said prevention of detention is necessary.", "We have been so concerned about the defendant's rights and the protection of the public that we have now reached a stage which the criminal court can possibly pass with,\" Hallock said.", "He also said that more than one judge, and probably one court staff, and proce- sency will be necessary before the problem can be solved.", "Chief Judge Harold H. Greene of the Court of General Sessions yesterday held a special point program, including an hour of eight to 10 judges to the city's criminal court system.", "Proposed preventive measures include the D.C. Criminal Court System.", "The proposed system would charge inter alia security.", "There would be no reason to continue,\" Senate Republican Leader Everett M. Dirksen of the 30th district, with his fellow- party colleagues, conferences with House GOP leader Gerhard R. Ford of Michigan.", "We might say something that would be modified 18 blocks above the Avenue,\" Dirksen said, \"and that would be a good thing for the Republicans in a favorable image — and the Democrats in a unfavorable image.\"", "The show was shortly after the Republican House in the White House in 1981. At first, it was the \"Ev and Jerry Show,\" but then the \"Ev and Jerry Show\" was substituted when defeated Rep. John W. Hallock of Indiana for the role of House leader.", "The show became an innovative method for presenting information about things during the long dry period when Democrats controlled both the White House and Con-", "taminent. It was a popular method for presenting the Senate act, finally the House act, and the House report, however, something that one third of those years may be used to slow modification of the bill, something that one third of those years may be used

50

2

AMERICAN

Press Clipping Service, Inc.

Tel. WOrth 2-3797

From JAN 27 1969

EVENING JOURNAL
WILMINGTON, DEL.
E-87,000

## Morale Problem

# Rogers Finds Out Kissinger Eager

WASHINGTON (UPI)—Secretary of State William P. Rogers already has a morale problem in his department.

Many State Department career officers are concerned with what they see as the growing possibility that the secretary's traditional function as chief adviser and executive officer for the President in the field of foreign policy is being usurped by Harvard Prof. Henry A. Kissinger.

The reason for this concern—whether it is justified or not—is obvious.

KISSINGER, selected by President Nixon as his special assistant for national security affairs, already has put together a staff of more than 20 bright young experts on international affairs and laid two or three policy recommendation on Nixon's desk.

Rogers, meanwhile, is still struggling with the problem of filling key posts which are vacant or about to be vacant and pulling together the administration of the department, which is traditionally regarded as a "can of worms" so far as organizing it is concerned.

The fact that Kissinger, in putting together what is regarded in foggy bottom as "a little State Department" within the White House, has tapped some of the State Department's own outstanding specialists for his operation makes the pill even more bitter.

NIXON eventually will determine the relative importance of Rogers and Kissinger in the policy planning sphere. But State Department officers are afraid that the brilliant Harvard professor, who has pushed his way to the front so rapidly, may get such a head start that Rogers will never catch up. This in turn would dillute the influence which the career specialists in the department are able to exert.

Kissinger has given conflicting public versions of what he believes to be his role.

He told a Washington news man he was certain "no planner will ever be taken seriously if he does not have some control over operations."

Others have quoted him as saying he planned to "stay out of the cable room" at the White House and not interfere in current operational matters.

4

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From
NEWS

JAN 30 1969

DETROIT, MICH.

E-697,000

S-959,000

'Sufficiency' more than 'parity'?

By ROBERT J. DONOVAN

L.A. Times-Washington Post
News Service

WASHINGTON — In the Nixon administration, clearly, there is to be a particular time and a particular place for everything.

If there was one noteworthy exception to this precision at Mr. Nixon's first press conference, it came in a curious exchange about nuclear weapons.

AS A REPORTER observed, Mr. Nixon during the political campaign made a cardinal issue of U.S. nuclear superiority over the Soviet Union and recently his secretary of defense, Melvin R. Laird, stressed the theme anew.

"How," the reporter inquired, "do you distinguish the validity of that stance and the argument of Dr. Kissinger for what he calls 'sufficiency?'"

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard, the President's as-

sistant for national security affairs, who was standing by the cameras with a yellow legal pad under his arm, was as interested in the question as Mr. Nixon was — and in Mr. Nixon's answer:

"Here again I think the semantics may offer an inappropriate approach to the problem. I would say that with regard to Dr. Kissinger's suggestion of sufficiency, that would meet, certainly, my guideline, and, I think, Secretary Laird's guideline with regard to superiority."

This struck many reporters as a very significant statement for several reasons.

For one thing it appeared to modify Mr. Nixon's seemingly harder campaign stand and to favor "sufficiency" instead of "superiority."

Furthermore, the Nixon answer suggested to many reporters that Kissinger's thinking had already begun to

work its influence on President Nixon's policies.

HOURS LATER, however, when other reporters began digging into the matter, Dr. Kissinger's office said that he had never recommended a policy of "sufficiency" in exactly that language.

He was unavailable, and his associates were unable to say whether his own concept added up to a policy of "sufficiency." In any case Mr. Nixon, judging by his response, seemed to approve of such a policy, whatever it might imply.

If "sufficiency" is not "superiority," then what is it? Mr. Nixon went on to indicate that nuclear "parity" was no guaranty against war. Hence "sufficiency" must be more than "parity." And in that case would it not thereby be "superiority?"

Reporters sought out White House Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler for clarification. He referred them to Kissing-

er's discussion of foreign policy in "Agenda for the Nation," a study by the Brookings Institution.

The trouble with this attempt to be helpful, however, was that the Kissinger article does not mention sufficiency.

"What is our status now?" Ziegler was asked. "Is it sufficient or insufficient?"

He referred them to Mr. Nixon's remarks, which he said were "very meaningful."

IF THE PRESIDENT was enunciating some new policy, or new shading, it would have been ironic in light of a remark he made later in the press conference.

"I do not believe, for example," he said, "that policy should be made — and particularly foreign policy should be made — by off-the-cuff responses in press conferences or any other kind of conferences. I think it should be made in an orderly way."

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N.Y.

20

# State Aides Fear Rogers Role Usurped

WASHINGTON (UPI)— Secretary of State William P. Rogers already has a morale problem in his department.

Many State Department career officers are concerned with what they see as the growing possibility that the secretary's traditional function as chief adviser and executive officer for the President in the field of foreign policy is being usurped by Harvard Professor Henry A. Kissinger.

The reason for this concern— whether it is justified or not—is obvious.

Kissinger, selected by President Nixon as his special assistant for national security affairs, already has put together a staff of more than 20 bright young experts on international affairs and laid two or three policy recommendations on Nixon's desk.

The fact that Kissinger, in putting together what is regarded in Foggy Bottom as "a little State Department" within the White House, has tapped some of the State Department's own outstanding specialists for his operation makes the pill even more bitter.

Nixon eventually will determine the relative importance of Rogers and Kissinger in the policy planning sphere. But State Department officers are afraid that the brilliant Harvard professor, who has pushed his way to the front so rapidly, may get such a head start that Rogers will never catch up. This in turn would dilute the influence which the career specialists in the department are able to exert.

PUEBLO, COLO.
STAR-JOURNAL
P. 20,091

JAN 6 1969

Bit of Hindsight on Viet Dilemma

SUDDENLY, four years after we started getting massively involved in Vietnam, and after the expenditure of more than 30,000 American lives and an unknown billions of dollars, we are discovering that the South Vietnamese are the bad guys after all.

Specifically, it is dapper, muschioed little Vice President Ky, chief monkey wrench-tosser at the Paris peace talks, who is the villain.

Sen. George McGovern of South Dakota has blasted Ky as "a tin-horn dictator" who is living high on American dollars and American blood.

Defense Secretary Clark Clifford, annoyed at the refusal of the South Vietnamese delegation to sit down at a bargaining table with the Viet Cong in a position of equality with themselves, has suggested that the United States deal unilaterally with North Vietnam on the question of troop withdrawals. This is echoed in a recently published article by Harvard historian Henry Kissinger, President-elect Nixon's appointee as chief foreign policy advisor.

Ky has dismissed the idea as so much "junk" and suggests that American critics "shut their mouths."

Obviously, there is little love lost between Americans and General Ky, who once reportedly expressed admiration for Adolph Hitler. But it should be just as obvious that Ky merely happens to be the handiest target available right now on which Americans can vent their mounting frustrations over this endless war.

We should certainly not be so foolish as to believe that, were Ky to disappear, everything would be just fine in Vietnam and in Paris.

South Vietnam is not and never has been a democracy, or even a real nation. It is a backward, bleeding, much-colonized land that has been trying to forge a national identity and unity ever since it was created by international compromise in 1954, attempting to overcome its historical deficiencies while at the same time fighting for its life against a relentless enemy.

The time to be aware of corruption and malfeasance or malfeasance in South Vietnam was when we began giving aid, not now. The time to press for economic and political and military reforms was at the beginning of our involvement, not now.

Instead, we maintained the fiction that South Vietnam was a full-fledged sovereign nation and an ally whose internal affairs we could not meddle in. It is a bit late now to blame the present rulers of South Vietnam for a situation that existed all along and which every nonadministration observer who went to Vietnam in the past 10 years abundantly documented and warned about.

It is a bit late now, after all that we have sacrificed to give the South Vietnamese what sense of independence they have, to resent their behaving independently.

The South Vietnamese see the Communist camel, in the form of the Viet Cong, poking its nose into the tent in Paris. They are quite certain that the whole animal will inevitably follow.

We ignore this far-from-unwarranted fear at our possible peril when we concentrate our dissatisfactions on a little man called Ky. The Communists still lurk in the background as the enemy and the most uncompromising.

STANDARD-TIMES (e)
NEW BEDFORD, MASS.
CIRC. 68,850

JAN 28 1969

New
England
Newsclip

Morale
Problem Hits
State Dept.

WASHINGTON (UPI) — Secretary of State William P. Rogers already has a morale problem in his department.