Seite 2 - ALLGEMEINE Nr. XXVIII/35

POLITIK

31. August 1973

Kritische Umschau

Empörendes Verhalten

h. g. — Zu unschönen und unwürdigen Szenen ist es bei der vom Internationalen Studentensportverband FISU veranstalteten Universiade in Moskau gekommen. (Wir berichteten in der vergangenen Ausgabe darüber.) Israelische Journalisten wurde von den sowjetischen Behörden die Einreise untersagt, israelische Sportier mußten sich während ihrer Wettkämpfe und selbst beim Einmarsch Buhrufe und Pfiffe gefallen lassen.

Dieses Verhalten bezeichneten die israelischen Sportler mit Recht als widerlich, und eine dänische Teilnehmerin an der Universiade erklärte, das volkige Fehlen jeder sportlichen Fairiss bei viel Zuschauern sei „sehr häßlich“ gewesen.

Wir können uns nicht erinnern, wann sich nach 1945 derartige beschämende Vorkommnisse noch ereignet haben, und niemand kann uns verübeln, wenn sich uns anläßlich des Geschehens auf der Moskauer Universiade von 1973 Vergleiche von einem Regime der Unfreiheit zu unlauteren politischen Zwecken müß braucht. Besonders empfordert ist, daß gerade in der UdSSR derart skandalöse Dinge geschehen, handelt es sich bei der Sowjetunion doch um einen Staat, der seinen Internationalismus bei jeder Gelegenheit betont und ständig Bekenntnisse zu Völkerr freundschaft. Frieden und Entspannung ablegt. Solchen wohlklingenden Beteuerungen stehen indes Fakten gegenüber, die alles andere als beruhigend sind. Eine dieser Fakten ist das „Juden unerwünscht“ von Lushnik.

In der Presse ist von den Vorfällen auf der Moskauer Universiade von wohl berichtet worden, kommen- tiert aber wurde das, was dort geschah, kaum. Wir bedauern dies; denn wir meinen, daß Gleichgültigkeit fehlt am Plätze ist, wenn Haß gegen ein Volk geschürt wird. Es ist schließlich nicht allzu lange her, daß die Menschheit erleben mußte, zu welchen furchtbaren Konsequenzen Völk erhaß führen kann. Unverständlich ist uns auch die Haltung der israëlischen Mannschaft. Nachdem sie solchen Beleidigungen ausgesetzt war, hätte sie besser daran getan, die Universiade unter Protest zu verlassen.

Alle Welt sollte den Moskauer Skandal in Erinnerung behalten, schon deshalb, weil sich Moskau um die „Aner tigung der Olympischen Spiele von 1980 bewirbt.

Ohne Bindungen

m. n. — Das war ja zu erwarten: Kaum war die Nachricht von der Ernennung Henry Kissinger zum neuen US-Außenminister bekannt, da setzte auch schon das Trommelfeuer arabischer Zeitungen ein. In Israel, so mutmaßten Kommentatoren in Beirut, wurde nun gejubelt, denn Kissingers Ernennung sei ein israelischer Sieg über die Araber.

Aber es kam auch noch stärker: Nixon sei von der „zionistischen Bewegung“ gezweigten worden, Kissinger zum Außenminister zu machen und werde nun — mit einem jüdischen Minister in seinem Kabinett — eine verstärkte araberfeindliche Politik betreiben.

So leicht ist das also.

Henry Kissinger selbst indes ist sich seiner schwierigen Lage durchaus bewußt, und so sprach er auf seiner ersten Pressekonferenz nach der Nominierung für das neue Amt von seiner ersten Verantwortung, die um so größer sei, als die USA das einzige Land seien, um den ein Mann mit einem Hintergrund auch nur für solch ein Amt in Erwägung gezogen werden könnte“. Und Kissinger wurde schließlich noch deutlicher. Ihm sei auftragten, das sagte er, die Außenpolitik der USA zu führen ... „und ich werde dies ohne Rücksicht auf die israelische Herkunft tun“.

Periode neuer Prüfungen und Aufgaben

Die Kibbuzim müssen sich jetzt den Problemen stellen

Nahezu 100 000 Menschen leben heute in den etwa 240 israelischen Kibbuzen, von den Golanhöhen im Norden bis hinunter zum Roten Meer, und ihre Prinzipien werden in vielen Teilen der Welt bewundert und sogar nachgeahmt. Obwohl sie weniger als drei Prozent der Bevölkerung ausmachen, liefern sie zwölf Prozent des Nationalproduktes und trotz landwirtschaftlicher Prädomi-nanz kommt auf ihren Teil mehr als fünf Prozent der gesamten industriellen Erzeugung des Landes.

Aber je länger sich die Erfolgsstory fortsetzt, desto mehr treten immer neue Probleme auf. An erster Stelle steht dabei das Unvermögen oder der Bereitschaftsmangel der Kibbubbewegung, Einwanderer in größerer Anzahl zu absorben. Der Kibbuz stand abseits im den Tagen der Kibbuzim, Neuenwanderer aus der UdSSR anzuziehen, rangiert zweifellos deren irrütmliche Identifizierungs

tes, und er hat der gegenwärtigen Einwanderungs- welle aus der Sowjetunion nichts zu geben.

Soweit die Kibbuzim neue Menschen aufnehmen, stammen sie aus dem Westen. Für jene, die gegen das „Establishment“ und die kapitalistische System revoltieren, in ihrer Suche nach neuen Gesellschaftsform, hat der Kibbuz eine ideologische Attraktion. Aber selbst aus diesem Zuwachs ist die Kibbubbewegung nicht gerade begeistert und die Kibbuzniks stehen den Neuan-kömmlingen ziemlich gleichgültig gegenüber, mit denen sie keine gemeinsame Sprache haben, nicht nur im linguistischen Sinne des Wortes. Kontaktfreudiger sind sie eher schon den Freiwilligen gegenüber, die nur für ein paar Monate kommen.

Unter den Ursachen ist das Versagen der Kibbuzim, Neuenwanderer aus der UdSSR anzuziehen, rangiert zweifellos deren irrütmliche Identifizierungs

vom Kibbuz mit dem Kolchos, der sowjetischen Kollektivfarm. Darüber hinaus glaubten viele Israelis, daß die Einwanderung aus der UdSSR in ihrer politischen Ausrichtung „rechts“ orientiert ist, und daß schon deshalb der Kibbuz als sozialistisches Symbol nicht hoch im Kurs steht.

Die Siedlungsbehörden haben in den Gemeinschaftssiedlungen drei Einwanderungszentren eröffnet. In zweijähriger Tätigkeit sind 350 Einwanderer durch diese Zentren gegangen, von den 60 Prozent sich einem Kibbuz angeschlossen haben. In Zora, nicht weit von Jerusalem, gibt es drei sowjetischer Familien, „Die Russen“, sagt der Direktor dieses Zentrums. „Sind nicht am Kibbuz als einem permanenten Lebensstil interessiert, obwohl sie zu verstehen beginnen, daß ein Kibbuz kein Kolchos ist, daß es Freiheiten gibt und die Möglichkeit des individuellen Ausdrucks, Selbst Kleinigkeiten, wie etwa die Tatsache, daß sie zum Frühstück soviel Margarine oder Milch oder Eier nehmen können wie sie wollen, machen starken Eindruck auf sie.“

Ein anderes Problem, mit dem die Kibbubbewegung seit langem ringt, ist ihre Beziehung zum orientalischen Bevölkerungsssektor. 90 Prozent der jüdischen Menschen des Landes, die an der Grenze der „Hungerlinie“ leben, gehören zur orientalischen Gemeinschaft. Das soziale und kulturelle Gefälle zwischen ihnen und dem Rest der Bevölkerung bildet heute bekanntlich den Stoff für eine Diskussion, die an Aktualität nur der über Sicherheitsfragen nachsteht.

Sind die Kibbuz imstande, zur Lösung dieser Frage beizutragen? Ist die Kibbubbewegung stark genug, einen Einfluß auf die gegenwärtige gesellschaftliche Struktur auszubilden, wie das einmal in der Vergangenheit der Fall war? Die Ansicht ist vorhersichtig, daß der Kibbuz keinen geeigneten Rahmen für Juden orientalischer Herkunft bildet — ihre Malität, die patriarchalische Struktur ihrer Familien und ihre traditionelle Erziehung machen sie für ein kollektives Leben nicht geeignet.

Um einigermaßen das Gleichgewicht herzustellen, wurden zwei Projekte initiiert: eine Anzahl von Kibbuznimmern Gruppen von unterprivili-gierten orientalischen Jugendlichen im Alter von 15 bis 18 Jahren auf, deren Eltern Wohlfahrts-empfänger sind.

Ein anderer Weg, orientalische Jugend in die Gemeinschaftssiedlungen zu ziehen, ergibt sich aus der sich rapide entwickelnden Industrie. Die Errichtung großer industrieller Unternehmen im kollektiven Sektor hat die Anheuerung von Arbeitskräften notwendig gemacht, obwohl das die eigentlichen Kibbuzidee widerspricht. Viele der Lohnarbeiter in solchen Kibbuzunternehmen sind orientalische Jugendliche, die auf diese Weise zum ersten Mal mit der Atmosphäre und dem Leben in einem Kibbuz in Berührung kommen. Wieweit diese Begegnung von bestimmendem Einfluß sein wird, muß sich erst erweisen.

In nicht wenig Gemeinschaftssiedlungen hat die dritte Generation, in einigen sogar die vierte, die Bewirtschaftung übernommen. Alles in allem sind etwa 75 Prozent der Kinder, die im Kibbuz geboren sind, in der Bewegung geblieben, sicherlich eine bedeutende Errungenschaft. Für die Zukunft jedoch zeichnet sich ein neues Problem ab: die wachsende Zahl der im Kibbuz geborenen jungen Leute, die die Universität besucht haben und eine akademische oder freiberufliche Laufbahn einschlagen wollen. Landwirtschaft in Israel hat viel von ihrer Vordringlichkeit eingebüßt und die ideologische Anziehungskaft verloren, die sie auf die Generation der Väter und Großväter ausgebütt hat. Viele Jugendliche sehen im Kibbuz ihr Zuhause, mit dessen allgemeinen Idealen sie sich identifizieren, unter der Bedingung, daß sie in ihrer eigenen Interessensphäre arbeiten können.

Wie wird sich diese Entwicklung auf das innergesellschaftliche Bild des Kibbuz auswirken? Kann er sich leisten, daß eine große Anzahl von Mitgliedern außerhalb des Rahmens seiner Gemeinschaft tätig ist, und wie wird dadurch das Wesen des Kollektives beeinflussen? Es scheint, daß die Kibbubbewegung vor einer Periode neuer Experimente steht, vor neuen Prüfungen, aber auch vor neuen Aufgaben. Herbert Freeden, Jerusalem

Das Porträt:

Super-Kraut im Außenamt

Cheferberater Henry Kissinger wird Minister

Er hat viele Namen. Man nennt ihn den Clausewitz des Atomzeitalters, den Architekten der amerikanischen Außenpolitik, Dr. Teilsam oder — Anspield auf seine deutsche Herkunft — Super-Kraut. Sein Einfluß auf US-Präsident Richard Nixon Politik war so groß, daß man in Außenminister William Rogers zeitweise nur noch einen ministeriellen Verwalter seines Amtes sah, ihn aber — Henry Kissinger — den wahren Außenminister nannte. Nun soll er es auch offiziell werden.

(Foto: Agence France Press)

Henry Alfred Kissinger, 1923 in Fürth als Sohn des Oberlehrers Louis Kissinger und seiner Frau Paula geboren, „müßte als 15jähriger wegen der nationale. sozialistischen Judenverfolgungen gemeinsam mit seinen Eltern emigrieren. Die Familie ging in die USA, der junge Henry wurde Soldat und studierte später an der reno-mierten Harvard-Universität Staatswissenschaften. Seit 1959 lehrte er dort auch als Professor.

Schon unter den Präsidenten Eisenhofer, Kennedy und Johnson arbeitete Kissinger als Berater, schied aber zwi-

schendurch aus seinem Amt aus, nachdem es zwischen ihm und John F. Kennedy in der Frage einer multinationalen Atompolitik der NATO zu Entverschönen denheiten gekommen war.

Im Jahr 1961 charakterisierte Theo Sommer in der „Zeit“ Henry Kissinger mit den Worten: „Er spricht langsam und bedächtig; man kann förmlich sehen, wie die Gedanken in ihm arbeiten, ehe er sie formuliert... Neben intelligenzieller Brillanz und Dynamik zeichnet ihn auch ein hoher Grad von intelligenzieller Ehrlichkeit aus; er scheut sich nicht, seine alten Gedankengänge öffentlich zu wurderrufen, wenn dies nötig ist.“

Im Krieg hatte es Kissinger nur bis zum Stabsfeldwebel gebracht. In den Jahren danach aber wurde er zu einem der bekanntensten und meistbeachteten amerikanischen Militärpublizisten, der hohen Militärs schon deshalb unbequem war, weil er die auf Atommacht begründete Abschreckung ablehnte. Ein dritter Weltkrieg mit Nuklearwaffen, wie betonte Kissinger, es immer wieder, sei der Selbstmord der Menschheit.

Henry A. Kissinger ist mittlerweile zum unumstrittenen Chefstrategen der amerikanischen Außenpolitik geworden. Er half, den „Alptraum Vietnam“ für die Vereinigten Staaten zu beenden, er ebenehis seinem Präsidenten den aufsehenerregenden Weg nach Peking und eng mit seinem Namen ist auch die amerikanische Entspannungspolitik mit der Sowjetunion verknüpft.

Der 50jährige Kissinger, immer wieder fotografierten Begleiter wohlproportionierter Stars und Starletts, wird auch als Außenminister weiterhin Cheferberater des Präsidenten in Sicherheitsfragen bleiben. K nationen zwischen Weißem Haus und State Departements.

Kissinger, der die Diplomaten des Mittelgleichgewichts im vergangenen Jahrzehnt bewundert und dem fast mühelos nationaler Ruhzufug, wird nun versuchen müssen, nach vielesprechenden Anfangserfolgen die Konturen einer „Generation des Friedens“ zu zeichnen. 1970 schrieb Präsident Nixon an ihn: „Öfften gestanden, ich kann mir nicht vorstellen, was diese Regierung ohne sie wäre...“

Moritz Neumann

Zionist leaders foresee loss of Israel backing

NUSSBAUM

Two past presidents of the Zionist Or-
ganization of America warned in Hous-
ton Saturday that the appointment of
Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State
and the Watergate situation could harm
American support of Israel in the Middle
East.

The two—Jacques Torczyner of New York and Rabbi Max Nussbaum of Hollywood, Calif.—said President Nixon's power loss from Watergate may "encourage congressional leaders favoring a more isolationist foreign policy to seek a reduction in U.S. military and diplomatic backing of Israel."

Their comments came at the Zionist
groups four-day convention at the Hous-
ton Oaks Hotel. The convention ends
Sunday,

Nussbaum said Kissinger, who is Jew-
ish, could "be compelled by historic cir-

cumstances beyond his control” to ap-
pease Arabs to demonstrate that his ob-
jectivity on the Middle East is not in-
fluenced.

Nussbaum, who called Kissinger "ca-
pable and brilliant," told the 400 Zionist
members attending the convention that
some Jewish leaders in high government
posts in the past showed leniency "be-
yond the call of duty" toward militant
Arabs.

Torczyner said Kissinger's State De-
partment appointment could be helpful
to Israel. He said the secretary could
"mute the voices of the State Depart-
ment's pro-Arabist faction" who may
"seek to reassert their influence after
Secretary (William) Rogers' departure."

While Congress is still predominantly
pro-Israel, Torczyner said, "powerful

spokesmen of isolationism" such as Sen-
ate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield and
Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Chairman J. William Fulbright "may
seize on Nixon's Watergate troubles" to
press for American disengagement
abroad.

This could mean attempts to lessen fi-
nancial and arms support of Israel, Tor-
czyner said.

Oil shortages could bring the United
States closer to the Arab countries, Nus-
baum warned.

"We are in for an intensified propa-
ganda campaign in the United States, fi-
nanced by both the Arabs and American
oil companies," Nussbaum said, adding
that the threat "has to be taken serious-
ly because the weapon the Arabs are us-
ing this time is quite deadly."

TORCZYNER

THE HOUSTON POST

Page 4/A

Village Voice

9/6/73

lives by disclosures, it lives well on leaks. Chest-dumping about fearless investigative journalism tends to obscure this important fact. Should the reporters from Knight newspapers have got the Pulitzer Prize for surfacing Eagleton's mental health history last year, or the leaker (Ehrlichman? Colson?) who rang them up with the good news? Should we congratulate Evans and Novak for their indubitably excellent columns on Watergate, or such sources as Melvin Laird who keep them primed? The week Nixon and Richardson said that the next person who leaked material on Agnew would be boiled in oil, Time promptly ran an inside story about the V. P. Who leaked it? Richardson's people? Rockefeller's people (Rocky's strategy for clambering into the Vice-Presidential seat, and on and up)? Beall's people? As they should write at the top of every newspace, there is no desire for truth abroad in the world, only the workings of self-interest.

AMONG THAT SLEEP-INDUCING GROUP of press pundits headed by James Reston who should be drowned in printer's ink is Henry Brandon, Washington correspondent of the London Sunday Times, and so-called doyen of the foreign press corps. Brandon's sycophancy and opportunism are a weekly marvel of ingenuity.

SIMON HEAD, in this week's New Statesman, provides a fine example of Brandon's technique. On April 1 of this year Brandon wrote approvingly of Haldeman and Ehrlichman, "The Germans are a tightly knit group. Their emphasis is not on brilliance but on management, not on creativity but stability, not on what appeals to the few, but what pleases the majority . . . Ehrlichman exudes a cool charm" etc., etc. But by April 29 Brandon was writing, "To enable them to deploy their power at will Haldeman and Ehrlichman surrounded themselves with young men, equally cynical and unscrupulous and also without political experience. . . . They had little respect for the political system. . . ."

WHY THE SUDDEN CHANGE? In the week before the second article Nixon's apparatus had disintegrated. Haldeman and Ehrlichman resigned the following day. Brandon, in unfaltering pursuit of the knighthood that is his life's ambition, was merely accommodating himself to the new situation. As I. F. Stone once wrote in another context, a man who writes like that need never lunch alone.

BRANDON, OF COURSE, was one of those journalists bugged, allegedly on Kissinger's orders. One of the troubling aspects to this story is that Brandon and Kissinger enjoy some friendship, and if anyone was leaking to Brandon it would have been Heinrich himself. An interesting scenario to explain this is now being suggested in Washington. This proposes that Kissinger was not a bugger but a buggee. The Prussian guard and possibly Nixon were eager to check whether Kissinger's notorious good relations with his liberal admirers in the press were not altogether too cozy.

HOWEVER, WHEN NEWS of the taps surfaced Kissinger had the option of either an humiliating admission that he and his associates had been unwittingly bugged, or the odious but more vigorous proclamation that he himself had initiated the taps. Not that anyone doubts that Kissinger was capable of bugging his colleagues: a compromise theory is that most of his staff had two taps on their phones, one initiated with, one without Kissinger's knowledge.

—Alexander Cockburn

Pass
Pass
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BOB CONSIDINE

# Kissinger—A Portrait

News Am. 9/2/73

Henry Kissinger, if approved by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, will have a great deal to say (and do) about the course which U.S. foreign policy will take over the next three and a half years. His style, marcelled looks and German accent do not fit the public's traditional impression of a United States Secretary of State. Kissinger does not move, think, dress or speak like a Cordell-Hull, a Jimmy Byrnes, a Dean Acheson, a George C. Marshall, a John Foster Dulles, a Dean Rusk, or, most certainly, a Bill Rogers.

He likes pretty young girls, takes a drink or two, could dance all night, might have been burned in a Nazi concentration camp oven, is the intellectual superior of his devoted patron, is multi-lingual, can't bear bores, and is irreverant: Just before departing with the President on the China trip, he told the Women's Press Club of Washington, "The only thing we haven't figured out, logistically, is how to get BebeRebozo's houseboat up the Yangtze."

On what meat doth our prospective new foreign minister feed? One good answer to that is Stephen R. Graubard's "Kissinger — Portrait Of A Mind," an old friend and Harvard classmate. The book is published by W. W. Norton. A sample:

"Henry Kissinger's undergraduate thesis was thought to be excellent by those in the Government Department who judged it; he received his Bachelor's Degree summa cum laude, an honor reserved for very few at Harvard College." He had been privileged to have that education not when he was an adolescent — however precocious — but when he was an adult. Kissinger, in 1950 (age 27), was ready to prepare for a profession.

"His announced intention was to become a professor. To achieve that objective, it was necessary for him to secure a Ph.D. degree. As a summa cum laude graduate of Harvard, he started with one large advantage in the Government Department: He would not have to prepare for the so-called general examinations; he could begin to think almost at once of a dissertation...

"Instead of dealing with a major international crisis since 1945, or with some other crucial twentieth-century foreign policy issue, he chose to analyze the European world order in the first decades of the nineteenth century. His choice of subject was very deliberate. He was saying, in effect, that he did not agree with those who insisted that Hiroshima marked the end of an epoch, certainly the end of an era of international relations. If the atomic bomb had changed all state relations, then the study of diplomacy and politics in the nineteenth century became a form of antiquarianism. Kissinger argued precisely the opposite.

"Without denying the importance of the development of atomic arms — indeed, while insisting on their critical significance for the

peace of the world — Kissinger argued for the continuing importance of history. Like Thucydides, whom he quoted, Kissinger believed that the present, while never replicating the past, must inevitably resemble it; so, also, must the future.

"... Kissinger chose to spend several years of his life studying and writing about two men, Metternich and Castlereagh... He chose them because he felt that each had contributed to creating a peace that had lasted for a century. He believed that a study of their labors would provide insights into the major problem of his own time — how to keep the peace."

The author tells us, in his preface: "There has been no one like Henry Kissinger in a high governmental position in the United States at any time in its history. Kissinger's character is unusual in at least three respects: He is an intellectual, who spent the greatest part of his adult life in a university, reflecting and writing about foreign affairs, criticizing the performance of those actively responsible for American policy, and offering alternatives: he is a scholar, who has never been satisfied to live entirely within the academy or by the academy's rules, believing that a large experience was available outside and it would be a mistake to ignore it; he is a European — sensitive to tradition and history, accepting of the possibility of tragedy — but also an American, aware of certain forms of power, not infrequently preoccupied with moral issues." (Ed. Note: Mr. Graubard wrote his book before it was revealed before the Senate Watergate Committee that Dr. Kissinger approved the bugging of a number of his associates as President Nixon's close aide.)

Barbara Howar, in her "Laughing All The Way," published by Stein and Day, looks upon another side of the Kissinger coin:

"To omit Henry from a contemporary Washington memoir would be like writing the pop culture and skirting the sexual opy ... Had it been necessary to invent Henry, they could not have done a better job. Between the power of the President and the power of the press, Kissinger became an overnight legend. They got a lot of help from Henry.

"He has managed to associate with radicals, anarchists, journalists, the elected public officials to the far left, and the social parasites of whatever political leanings are currently expedient... Whether or not Henry has chosen to exercise his sexual prerogatives, his attraction for women is genuine. Aside from power, intelligence, humor, and perfect courtesy, Henry listens to women, an extreme Washington rarity. He has a boyish need to make up to his parents for all the years of humiliation and poverty when, as refugees from Hitler's persecution of Jews, they came from Germany to America."

HENRY J. TAYLOR

Kissinger
And Europe

News am 9/2/73

Secretary of State-designate Henry A. Kissinger privately believes that the Europe of our encrusted thoughts is changing with astounding rapidity.

For openers, Mr. Kissinger sees a powerful centrifugal force whirling outward as a result of West German Chancellor Willy Brandt's deal with Communist Party Leader Leonid I. Brezhnev.

Pro-Soviet charges against Brandt are always denied but remain arguable. Brandt's real name is Karl Herbert Frahm. Frahm fled Germany to Norway during World War II. He sat out the war in Norway, protected inside a Communist cell. There Brandt took his present name. He renounced his German citizenship and became a Norwegian citizen under today's name.

Brandt married the widow of a Norwegian newspaperman whom I knew. And he arranged for the postwar Oslo government to send him back to Berlin. In fact, the first time I ever saw Brandt he was serving, as a Norwegian, as the press attache in the Norwegian mission to Berlin. Later, Brandt renounced his Norwegian citizenship and reclaimed his German citizenship under today's name.

Next to the United States and Japan, West Germany is the free world's most industrialized nation. It is the most important customer for seven European nations and the biggest seller to 11. And the Brandt deal with the Soviet Union makes West Germany literally a "working partner" of the U.S.S.R.

It brings Russia into Europe, makes Russia (not the United States) the decisive power in Europe, and further advances the Soviet objective to become the world's leading force.

The Soviet offers West Germany a privileged, preferential position in an area where the possibilities have always fascinated and attracted them. Mr. Kissinger does not forget Bismarck's eastward-pointing politics; the 1922 German deal with the Russians at Rapallo, the Hitler-Stalin pact, etc. Each, in turn, was ultimately disastrous for the Western entente.

Mr. Kissinger points out that the economic failure of communism is famous. No Communist country has ever been able to function for its people over the long haul without assistance from the free world — as true now as in the days of Lenin 56 years ago.

But having got a grossly one-sided political and economic treaty out of Chancellor Brandt, the Soviet is now giving West Germany the privilege of vastly improving the weaknesses in Russia's economy that are due to (1) Soviet militarism, (2) Soviet satellite imperialism, and (3) the repressive, inefficient Communist system itself.

Mr. Kissinger himself has been an important factor in expanding U. S.-Soviet economic arrangements, most lately in his June meeting in a Zavidove villa with Brezhnev. And in France, Italy, Belgium, Britain, Japan and other free countries are already involved. But the sheer size of West Germany's agreement to supply the Soviet with technical and financial assistance and erect modern industries impresses Mr. Kissinger as being profoundly different.

In his opinion, like the difference between wading in a pool and jumping off a ship in the high seas, it is the vast dimensions of the Russo-West German deal that represents its real meaning.

At the same time, Mr. Kissinger finds that the foreign offices of our NATO allies in Europe use the word "decoupling." By this they mean a separation of the U. S. nuclear deterrent against the U.S.S.R. and the interwoven NATO system for the defense of Western Europe.

Obviously, such "decoupling" would mean that the Soviet and satellites could overrun West Germany. Accordingly, the foreign offices ask whether the United States would then use nuclear defenses or simply accept this breach of the North Atlantic Treaty Alliance involving the United States.

They heat up their violins on this theme and Mr. Kissinger can only answer like a lawyer who always answers a question by asking another question.

Mr. Kissinger feels, however, that if nothing is possible in Europe without the U. S. and the U.S.S.R., it is also true that nothing is possible in Europe without Europe itself — Europe as a whole, with all its differences and contradictions.

This conviction is the center pole of the Kissinger tent, and in this conviction he privately finds himself, along with President Nixon, in somewhat the position of a football quarterback: If you can't get a running game established, then it's harder to pass, and the whole thing fails apart.

Clayton Fritchey

# Reducing U.S. Troops Abroad

WP 9/6/73

Privately as well as publicly the secretary of state-designate, Dr. Henry Kissinger, has been sending word to Capitol Hill that the administration would like to usher in an era of co-operation with Congress when the new head of the State Department takes over.

There is good reason to believe that Kissinger personally is sincere about this, but is the President? It won't take long to find out, for in the near future there will be a good test when the Senate renews its annual effort to reduce U.S. armed forces abroad, especially in Western Europe.

It's the old but unresolved argument over whether the U.S. should go on shouldering a disproportionate share of the NATO burden—25 years after the establishment of the European defense organization—or whether our now prosperous allies should be called on to assume their fair share of the cost and effort.

In past years, the Nixon administration has not only opposed any change in the present arrangement but has denounced Senate proponents in caustic terms. Moreover, the President has hitherto told Congress in no uncertain

terms that he is not amenable to any compromise.

This is a coming test that should also provide some clue as to how seriously the President supports Dr. Kissinger's recent plea for a revival of bipartisanship in the field of foreign affairs, for the sponsorship of the troop reduction resolution is and has been notably bipartisan.

This year, as in the past, the resolution was introduced by Sen. Mike Mansfield (D-Mont.), the Senate majority leader, with the outspoken support of Sen. George Aiken, the senior Republican in the Senate and the ranking Republican on the Foreign Relations Committee. Few would call them "irresponsible," which is the way the White House has characterized their objectives.

The U.S. contribution to the NATO force consists of 315,000 military personnel, along with about 250,000 dependents. The U.S. cost (direct and indirect) for the defense of Europe is put at $17 billion a year. The total U.S. defense budget is $80 billion as against $28 billion for the total defense expenditures of our 14 NATO partners combined.

If the administration is willing to co-

operate with Congress, it can obtain a gradual reduction of U.S. forces taking effect over a number of years. If the administration refuses to budge, and seeks to make the vote a test of party loyalty, the struggle will be sharp, with the outcome in doubt.

As of now, despite Dr. Kissinger's conciliatory words, it appears that the administration is not prepared to compromise. Just before Congress recessed, Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger came out strongly against any lowering of U.S. troop levels in Europe. He wound up saying, "I would like to see our NATO allies do more, and we are now working within the alliance to achieve that objective, but ..."

Every defense secretary for two decades has said the same thing, but somehow the time never seems right to start cutting down. After former President Eisenhower retired he revealed that all during his eight years in the White House he tried in vain to reduce our NATO forces as the European economies recovered.

He said his "associates," however, always considered it too delicate a political question to raise." Finally, an impatient Eisenhower in 1963 publicly said, "I believe the time has now come

when we should start withdrawing some of these troops." Yet now, 10 years later, our forces in Europe are as large as or larger than they were then, although the Western detente with Russia has replaced the old cold war.

This year the issue is more urgent because of the way the U.S. dollar has shrunk in value owing in part to our adverse balance of payments, which in turn has been aggravated by our heavy European expenditures on NATO. This has influenced such powerful senators as Henry Jackson (D-Wash.), hitherto a staunch opponent of troop reduction.

Sen. Stuart Symington (D-Mo.), acting chairman of the Armed Services Committee, says, "No economy, not even the economy of the United States, can continue to police the world and baby-sit the world indefinitely."

Sen. Mansfield himself has often said he sees no reason why "over 250 million people of Western Europe, with tremendous industrial resources and long military experience, are unable to organize an effective military coalition to defend themselves against 200 million Russians, who are contending at the same time with 700 million Chinese."

© 1973, Los Angeles Times

PEWTER

What is it about pewter that gives it that special timeless man, because the basic ingredient is pride and skill in working Towle, Kirk, and International, the pewter shown above, a soldering, spinning, polishing, used for centuries by American. What is it about pewter? You'll find the answer in each reproduction, satin finish . . . $5 B. Pr. of hurricane lamp. Kirk includes pot, creamer, covered sugar, tray; bright weighted bottom, satin finish . . . $9 E. 1½ qt. Paul Revere. F. Napkin band by International; satin finish . . . $3 ea. bright finish . . . 17.50 H. Pr. of low console candlestand. cracker dish by International; wooden insert, crystal do. by Kirk; fruitwood and pewter; bright finish . . . 16.50 . . . $11 Silver—all 10 stores.

# Kissinger's Acts Challenged at Parley

By ROY REED

Special to The New York Times

NEW ORLEANS, Sept. 5 — The professional conduct of Henry A. Kissinger, the nation's most prominent political scientist, was called into question today by a portion of the American Political Science Association, of which he was once a member.

A move aimed at the possible censure of Mr. Kissinger, President Nixon's adviser for national security affairs, who is Secretary of State-designate, for his part in Government wiretapping and in the bombing of Southeast Asia, was defeated at the association's annual meeting here. However, it seemed to have the support of about 30 per cent of the members voting.

## 'Accomplice in Terror'

By a vote of 245 to 106, the association upheld a ruling by its president that two resolutions calling for an investigation by the association's Committee on Professional Ethics and Academic Freedom were out of order.

The first resolution criticized Mr. Kissinger's approval of the wiretapping of a number of his Government colleagues and newsmen to try to find the source of Government information leaks. The resolution pointed out that the subjects of the wiretapping included a fellow political scientist, Morton Halperin.

The second resolution criticized Mr. Kissinger for being what it termed "an accomplice in the terror bombing of Hanoi" last fall and for having "issued deliberately misleading 'peace is at hand' statements on the eve of the 1972 Presidential election."

Both resolutions called on

the ethics committee to censure Mr. Kissinger if its investigation upheld the substance of the charges.

The overwhelming vote not to consider the resolutions apparently reflected a feeling by the members that the association should not concern itself with the actions of political scientists in public office.

Those opposing the resolutions argued repeatedly that the organization's constitution gave the committee on ethics no power to concern itself with questions beyond political science teaching and research.

David Fellman of the University of Wisconsin, chairman of the ethics committee, urged the members to reject "all efforts to politicize the association."

The resolutions were proposed by Christian Bay of the University of Toronto and H. Mark Roelofs of New York University. Mr. Bay is an outgoing member of the association's governing council. Both are members of the Caucus for a New Political Science, which has tried in recent years to make the association more activist.

They argued that the association had a responsibility to scrutinize the ethics of political scientists who hold high office.

"The Kissinger case is a good place to begin," Mr. Bay said in

a statement before the business meeting, "because it raises in a clear way so many important issues about which political scientists can be supposed to have a special competence, questions about the citizen's right to privacy, the free flow of information in a democracy, the nature of the electoral process, and especially about the application of the Nuremberg [trials] principals to the American involvement in Indonesia."

Mr. Kissinger, who was generally referred to in the debate as Professor Kissinger, was a member of the association when he taught political science at Harvard University.

E. Howard Hunt and three Cubans who have admitted involvement in the operation with Liddy were granted immunity from the local grand jury in return for their testimony.

Mr. Ehrlichman had been given over-all supervision of the "plumbers" and the three other defendants were members of the group.

Dr. Ellsberg, commenting on the indictments here, said, "I wish them a fair trial."

Ridgewood/Paramus, N.J. • Conn: Waterbury • Hartford • Milford

479 Fifth Ave. • 600 Fifth Ave.

Call 682-8170. Add tax.

Sorry, no C.O.D.'s. Out of area.

Add $1.00 handling charges.

The best piano possible
for about the cost later."

Solid spruce. Solid spruce. Spruce is the best tone wood. Solid spruce is the best sounding wood in the world. Some manufacturers use a board with spruce on the outside, so it appears to be spruce, but the inner part examination is actually some other kind ofaldwin believes this is detrimental to the they will not shortchange the musical quality instruments for the sake of a few dollars. the proof is in the playing.

the listening.

to be very practical: as a sound investment.

PAUL SCOTT REPORT

# Kissinger Played Major Role In Grain Blunder

WASHINGTON, D. C.—Dr. Henry Kissinger, the President's national security adviser, played a decisive role in the monumental Russian grain sale blunder which is costing Americans several billion dollars in higher food prices and government subsidies.

In addition to clearing the way for the billion dollar deal in his secret Moscow talks with Soviet leaders, Kissinger had a big hand in setting the policy for the easy credit and huge government subsidy granted the Russians in the controversial transaction.

This dual role of Kissinger has been carefully documented by the Senate Permanent Investigations Subcommittee headed by Senator Henry Jackson (D. Wash.). His Subcommittee is now holding public hearings to determine the government's role in the sale of one-fourth of the nation's wheat crop to Russia.

Information gathered by the Jackson committee already shows that the highly questionable deal has cost the American taxpayers more than $2,000,000,000 in higher food prices and $300,000,000 in subsidy payments.

At the same time, the Russians benefited from the massive grain deals in several different ways. The Soviets received millions of tons of badly needed food and feed grains at cut-rate prices. The purchases helped the Russians avoid serious food shortages and increasing internal discontent.

## OVERRIDING ROLE

The overriding role of Kissinger in the Soviet grain deal is highlighted in a memorandum which Senator Jackson is circulating to other committee members. It points out that on January 31, 1972, Kissinger took the lead in notifying Secretaries of State, Commerce, and Agriculture that the Russians were interested in buying huge quantities of U. S. grain.

While the general public and farmers were kept in the dark as to what was going on, Kissinger wrote in his confidential memorandum to the three cabinet members:

> "One of the possible areas for increased trade with Russia relates to agricultural products and CCC outlets...If negotiations with the Soviets should take place, the U. S. team should be headed by a representative of Secretary of Agriculture."

Less than two weeks after the first memorandum was sent to the three Secretaries, Kissinger followed it up with a second one. It ordered the preparation of a "negotiating scenario" for handling the grain sale to Russia. The memorandum also directed that the scenario should include "the opening of a CCC credit line "for the Russians. In part, it read:

> "The Department of Agriculture in cooperation with other interested agencies should take the lead in developing for the President's consideration a position and a negotiating scenario for handling the issue of grain sales to the USSR.

> "This should include recommendation on how the private transaction of U. S. grain sales

would be related to government actions including the U.S. opening a CCC credit line and a Soviet commitment to draw on it.

> "In cooperation with the Department of State, Agriculture should explore with the USSR the time and modalities of beginning such negotiations as soon as possible. This should be submitted to the President by no later than February 23, 1972."

## WHITE HOUSE DECISION

Significantly, the two Kissinger memorandums show that the decision to make the massive sales to the Russians and to provide credit to them was made in the White House and that only the details were left up to Department of Agriculture officials.

Before the White House decision was made, there were no prior discussions on whether the sales would be in the best interest of the U. S. or how such massive shipments might affect

## THOUGHTS FOR TODAY

> "If you are pure and upright, surely then he will rouse himself for you and reward you with a rightful habitation. And though your beginning was small, your latter days will be very great." — Job 8:6, 7.

> "Fear not that thy life shall come to an end, but rather fear that it shall never have a beginning." — John Henry Cardinal Newman.

I planted, Apollos watered, but God gave the growth. So neither he who plants nor he who waters is anything, but only God who gives the growth. — I Cor. 3:6, 7.

> "God moves in a mysterious way. His wonders to perform. He plants His footsteps in the sea, and rides upon the storm." — William Cowper, English poet.

the U. S. economy and the cost of living.

The Soviet grain deal was treated mainly as a foreign policy question by President Nixon and Kissinger. No effort was made to discuss the impact of the wheat deal with the President's Cost of Living Council.

The decision to grant the Russians $75,000,000 in credit was made by President Nixon on the recommendation of Kissinger without prior consultations with other government agencies.

Since Kissinger had instructed Department of Agriculture officials to prepare a negotiating scenario that included credits for the Soviet Union, Department negotiators reported that they felt that they did not have the authority to seek a gold for wheat exchange with the Soviets.

The Jackson memorandum stresses that "the most tragic aspect of the entire transaction is that it cost the taxpayers billions of dollars in extra food costs that could have been avoided."

What the Nixon Administration failed to do was to determine in advance the Russian needs were and the impact that these massive purchases would have on the U. S. economy and the battle to control inflation.

Selling 25 percent of our wheat crop created a demand situation and a sympathetic price rise of other grains which, in turn created other shortages such as in soybeans," the memorandum states. "These higher grain costs pyrmained into higher costs for feeding poultry and livestock and eventually the large increases were reflected in prices to consumers in higher costs of meats, eggs, poultry, butter, and other commodities."

In conclusion, the Jackson memorandum reported:

> "The grain sale brought food to the Russians, huge profits to a few grain corporations, and more inflation to the American people."

Note: A decision is expected to be made soon by Senator Jackson on whether to invite Dr. Kissinger to testify before the Subcommittee.

# Relaxation on Cuba?

9/12/73

Henry A. Kissinger says the Nixon Administration is willing at least to consult other members of the Organization of American States about the possibility of relaxing the nine-year-old embargo against Cuba. Belated as it is, this slightly more flexible approach on the part of Washington is certain to get a favorable response from many O.A.S. governments long ago convinced that the attempt to isolate Fidel Castro's regime in the hemisphere was futile and counterproductive.

Mexico never adhered to the diplomatic and economic quarantine of Cuba invoked by the O.A.S. in 1964. In recent years, Chile, Peru, Barbados, Jamaica and Trinidad-Tobago have all kicked over O.A.S. traces and opened relations with Havana. In May, as one of its first foreign-policy actions, the new Peronist Government of Argentina not only recognized Fidel Castro's regime but granted it a $200-million credit.

However, in a 23-nation conference in Washington convened to recommend structural changes in the O.A.S., United States Ambassador Joseph John Jova has doggedly insisted that the sanctions against Cuba be continued. He opposed a drive to modify the quarantine; perhaps he has not yet been briefed on the shift indicated by the Secretary of State-designate.

It is significant that this drive to relax the embargo is led by Venezuela, which spearheaded the fight to invoke the sanctions nine years ago. Venezuela furnished the O.A.S. with evidence that Mr. Castro was training and supporting guerrilla forces bent on subverting the Caracas Government. With that threat long gone, Venezuela sensibly seeks to normalize relations with Cuba.

No O.A.S. member asks the United States to take a conciliatory initiative with Cuba, though all have seen a paradox in the perpetuation by the Nixon Administration of a rigid stance toward a small Communist-ruled country in this hemisphere while it is working overtime to advance détente with the Communist giants, Russia and China.

By insisting on keeping the door closed to Cuba, Washington risks an eventual humiliation comparable to the one it brought on itself at the United Nations by stubbornly opposing the entry of mainland China long after a majority of the members wanted Peking admitted. It is encouraging that Mr. Kissinger now seems ready to take the first step to head off such a defeat in the O.A.S.

ing Island or in any sub-
bar area. The homeowners
by they fear "welfare bums"
will ruin a nice neighborhood
while renters claimed that
government must provide
housing to alleviate over-
crowding in poor areas.

The only difference be-
 tween this area and many
 others, of course, is that
 blacks are arguing with
 blacks. And at Jackson's gro-
cery store on Northern
 boulevard, housing is the
 hottest topic of conversation
 since a young local man
 named Jim Brown started
 running with the football at
 Jacksonasset High in the mid-
ities.

Mansasset is an unincorporated section of North Hempstead, nestled in the hills and valleys at the foot of Mansasset Bay. Settled in the 17th century, named after an Indian tribe and once the site of patrician farms, it still contains a great polarization of wealth. The projects on

owners who resent the pro-
posed federally financed proj-
ect that would rise just below
their section and who have
filed suit against it.

The housing argument
flared up when Mr. Parker
dropped into the grocery. Mr.
Parker is a chunky man in
his mid-30's. (he says Jim
Brown used to block for him
on occasion) who is now the
vice president of Tri-Plan, the
sponsoring group that en-
couraged HUD's housing
plan.

Mr. Parker has lived in
Manhasset all his life and
says he knows the moods and
needs of the residents. But
he ran into opposition in
Jackson's when he told how
HUD would build new stores
to replace the old beauty
shops, bars and groceries
that have been a magnet for
blacks on the North Shore
for decades.

"I'm skeptical," said Mr.

Continued on Page 62, Column 1

The Day

formerly occupied by
no more consideration
citizens, they deserve
boldly, supporting defense
hell-Stans trial. [1:5.]

<table>
  <thead>
    <tr>
      <th></th>
      <th>Page</th>
      <th></th>
      <th>Page</th>
    </tr>
  </thead>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>Advertising News.</td>
      <td>73</td>
      <td>Grains</td>
      <td>62</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>er. Exchange.</td>
      <td>72</td>
      <td>Market Averages.</td>
      <td>67</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>rd Sales.</td>
      <td>71</td>
      <td>Market Place.</td>
      <td>66</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>iness Briefs.</td>
      <td>70</td>
      <td>Money</td>
      <td>71</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>iness Records</td>
      <td>68</td>
      <td>Mutual Funds.</td>
      <td>63</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td> commodities</td>
      <td>62</td>
      <td>N.Y. Stock Exch.</td>
      <td>66</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>dends</td>
      <td>72</td>
      <td>Out-of-Town</td>
      <td>62</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>Foreign Exchange.</td>
      <td>71</td>
      <td>Over the Counter.</td>
      <td>63</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

ports

derworld "banker" tied to
Harness fixes. Page 55
iggins and Jets nearing con-
tract accord. Page 55
zier-Ali rematch placed
on drawing board. Page 55
eminger's goal: sharper
shooting game. Page 55
rry greases the skids for
Yankees again. Page 55
kers fine Wilt, West for
missing practice. Page 56
ets look for stepping stones

Rockefeller Says
He Would Not Veto
Death Penalty Bill

Special to The New York Times

LOS ANGELES, Sept. 11 —
Governor Rockefeller de-
clared today that if the Legis-
lature passed a bill reinstating
the death penalty, he would
sign it.

The Governor, speaking be-
fore 400 business and civic
leaders here, said that he per-
sonally preferred to deal with
the crime problem "without
going to the death penalty."

"If a law is passed by the Legislature, I'd sign it. But if it isn't, I wouldn't propose it," the Governor said.

The statement represented a
reversal by the Governor, who
had approved the abolition of
the death penalty in New York
except for those convicted of
the premeditated murder of

19

44 M

> “ALL THE NEWS THAT’S FITTO PRINT”

In October, 1896, Publisher Adolph S. Ochs and the editors of The New York Times condensed their news policy into these seven words.

At the same time, Mr. Ochs offered a prize of $100 to anyone who could come up with a better slogan of 10 words or less.

Thousands of Times readers submitted slogans like “All the News That’s Fit to Read,” “All the News Worth Telling,” “Free From Filth, Full of News,” “News for the Million, Scandal for None.”

The prize winner is...

# Kissinger Is in the Middle
9/18/73 Columbus Dispatch
On Soviet Trade Matters

By Frank Van Der Linden

United Feature Syndicate

Henry Kissinger's troubles with
Congress are just beginning as he
seeks to win "most favored nation"

trade treatment
for the Soviet
Union while its
government con-
tinues to crack
down on dissi-
dents and to curb
the emigration
of Jewish citi-
zens trying to

Van der Linden

"THIS WIDESPREAD hostility
towards the Kremlin makes the
members of Congress very popu-
lar with their constituents but it
places Mr. Kissinger, as the new
secretary of state, in a box from
which it will be hard to escape.

He knows that President Nixon
promised to deliver "M.F.N." to
the Soviet leaders in return for
concessions they made to him last
year at the Moscow Summit which
produced the first arms limitation
pact and the beginning of "de-
tente" between the two nuclear
superpowers.

NEITHER Mr. Nixon nor Mr.
Kissinger has said that the trade
benefit was one price they had to
pay for Kremlin pressure on its
Hanoi allies to end the Vietnam
War. But Mr. Kissinger dropped a
hint of this during his confirmation
hearings before the Senate For-
eign Relations Committee.

"The whole context of our
relationship" with Moscow, he
said, is based on the agreements
and "the quid pro quo on our side
was to grant M.F.N."

FOR US to withhold "M.F.N."
now, "after the Soviet Union has
performed on its side, would raise
serious questions" about the relia-
bility of our promises, Mr. Kissin-
ger said. "M.F.N. is an essential
part of the policy of relaxation of
tensions."

"M.F.N." in short, is an
"I.O.U." which Mr. Nixon gave to
Leonid I. Brezhnev and company

and now Mr. Kissinger has to
persuade a reluctant Congress to
pay it off.

MR. KISSINGER, the first
American of Jewish origin ever
named as secretary of state, is torn
between his natural sympathy for
the Jewish people in Russia and
the iron necessities of a foreign
policy that fundamentally depends
upon better relations between
Washington and Moscow to avert
future armed conflicts.

He has been deeply moved by,
the appeals for liberty made by the
physicist Andrei Sakharov and
other intellectuals in the Soviet
Union, he said. "Yet," he added,
"we have to ask ourselves whether
the principal goal of U.S. foreign
policy is to transform the domestic
structure of other nations."

IF WE DO intervene in matters
which those countries call their
own internal problems, he
warned, "we will find ourselves
massively involved in every coun-
try in the world."

This would be the precise
point of the advice he got from
the Foreign Relations Committee
— that is, to get out of Vietnam,
Cambodia and every other country
in Southeast Asia and stay out.

The Nixon Doctrine, too, is
intended to keep the United States
from slipping into "Vietnams"
anywhere else.

THEREFORE, Mr. Kissinger
said, despite "the sympathy pro-
duced by my origins, I cannot in
good conscience recommend that
our entire foreign policy be de-
pendent on that particular aspect
of the domestic structure of the
Soviet Union."

Mr. Kissinger and the President
have privately induced the Soviet
leaders to suspend the exit visa tax
and believe that further conces-
sions would result from persuasion
rather than threats.

YET THE MOOD of Congress is
well expressed by Pennsylvania
Rep. Lawrence Coughlin, a spon-
sor of the legislation to withhold
"M.F.N." from Russia.

"I cannot believe," Mr. Coughlin
has said, "that the national admin-
istration or the Congress is willing
to settle for detente — that is, the
mighty buck — at the abdication of
moral leadership by the United
States."

Israel Expects a New Bid
By U.S. to End Stalemate

Kissinger Drive Seen

By TERRENCE SMITH

Special to The New York Times

JERUSALEM, Sept. 20 — Israel expects a renewed American effort to get the Middle East stalemate off dead center later this year.

Although the Israelis harbor mixed feelings about any renewal of political activity that could bring pressure on them, the expected United States move has stimulated sentiment within the top leadership that —at least for the sake of her image abroad — Israel should be prepared to adopt a flexible approach toward any American-sponsored initiative.

From the recent statements of President Nixon about the "priority" he attaches to the Middle East, Government officials here have concluded that the Secretary of State-designate, Henry A. Kissinger, will launch a major new effort to get negotiations started, probably in December. Half-jokingly, officials in the Foreign Ministry are talking about "Kissinger's winter offensive."

A number of Israeli leaders have expressed this view privately in recent days, including two men who frequently differ on political questions: Defense Minister Moshe

Continued on Page 6, Column 3

TAYLOR

(Continued from Back Page)

nation. It is the most important customer for seven European nations and the biggest seller to 11. And the Brandt deal with the Soviet Union makes West Germany literally a "working partner" of the USSR.

The Soviet offers West Germany a privileged, preferential position in an area where the possibilities have always fasci- nated and attracted them. Mr. Kissinger does not forget Bis- marck's eastward-pointing pol- itics, the 1922 German deal with the Russians at Rapallo, the Hitler-Stalin pact, etc. Each, in turn, was ultimately disastrous for the Western entente.

But having got a grossly one- sided political and economic treaty out of Chancellor Brandt, the Soviet is now giving West Germany the privilege of vastly improving the weaknesses in Russia's economy that are due to (1) Soviet militarism, (2) Soviet satellite imperialism, and (3) the repressive, inefficient Communist system itself.

Mr. Kissinger himself has been an important factor in expanding U.S.-Soviet economic arrangements, most lately in his June meeting in a Zavidove villa with Brezhnev. And France, Italy, Belgium, Britain, Japan and other free countries are already involved.

But the sheer size of West Germany's agreement to supply the Soviet with technical and financial assistance and erect modern industries impresses Mr. Kissinger as being pro- foundly different.

In his opinion, like the differ- ence between wading in a pool and jumping off a ship in the high seas, it is the vast dimensions of the Russo-West German deal that represents its real meaning.

At the same time, Mr. Kissinger finds that the foreign offices of our NATO allies in Europe use the word "decou- ling." By this they mean a separation of the U.S. nuclear

deterrent against the U.S.S.R. and the interwoven NATO sys- tem for the defense of Western Europe.

Obviously, such "decoupling" would mean that the Soviet and satellites could overrun West Germany. Accordingly, the for- eign offices ask whether the United States would then use nuclear defenses or simply accept this breach of the North Atlantic Treaty Alliance involv- ing the United States.

Mr. Kissinger feels, however, that if nothing is possible in Europe without the U.S. and the USSR, it is also true that nothing is possible in Europe without Europe itself—Europe as a whole, with all its differences and contradictions.

This conviction is the center hole of the Kissinger tent, and in this conviction he privately finds himself, along with Presi- dent Nixon, in somewhat the position of a football quarter- back: if you can't get a running game established, then it's harder to pass, and the whole thing falls apart.

ZZ
RNR100

VISIT

BY RALPH HARRIS

WASHINGTON, SEPT 24, REUTER - SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY KISSINGER IS LIKELY TO VISIT WESTERN EUROPE FOR TALKS ON STRENGTHENING THE ATLANTIC PARTNERSHIP IF PRESIDENT NIXON CANCELS HIS OWN PLANS FOR A GRAND TOUR OF EUROPEAN CAPITALS THIS YEAR, INFORMED SOURCES SAID TODAY.

KISSINGER, WHO TOOK OVER HIS NEW POST ON SATURDAY AND IS EXPECTED TO FLY TO PEKING NEXT MONTH FOR TALKS WITH CHINESE PRIME MINISTER CHOU EN-LAI, IS NOW ATTENDING THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY IN NEW YORK.

HE WILL OPEN CONSULTATIONS THERE THIS WEEK WITH K.B. ANDERSEN, THE DANISH FOREIGN MINISTER, ON THE PROSPECTS FOR A PRESIDENTIAL TRIP TO EUROPE.

ANDERSEN HAS BEEN NAMED AS SPOKESMAN FOR THE NINE COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY (EEC), WHOSE FOREIGN MINISTERS MET IN COPENHAGEN RECENTLY TO DRAW UP A PROPOSAL ON WHICH A JOINT DECLARATION OF RELATIONS BETWEEN THE EEC AND THE UNITED STATES COULD BE BASED.

WHITE HOUSE OFFICIALS SAID THE RESULTS OF THE COPENHAGEN MEETING WERE STILL BEING STUDIED AND GAVE A BROAD HINT THAT A VISIT BY MR. NIXON -- TO HIGHLIGHT WHAT HE HAS CALLED "THE YEAR OF EUROPE" -- WAS FAR LESS CERTAIN THAN IT SEEMED EARLIER THIS YEAR.

MORE RH"PHS 1210

ZZ
RNR101

VISIT 2 WASHINGTON

THE PROPOSED TRIP, IN LATE OCTOBER OR EARLY NOVEMBER, WOULD HAVE BEEN LOOKED ON BY THE ADMINISTRATION AS ANOTHER MAJOR FOREIGN POLICY ACHIEVEMENT, FOLLOWING NIXONS SUMMITS WITH THE RUSSIAN AND CHINESE LEADERS, AND PROOF THAT THE WATERGATE BUGGING SCANDAL HAD NOT DAMAGED HIS ABILITY TO GOVERN.

IF THE WHITE HOUSE FOUND THE EEC PROPOSAL UNSATISFACTORY, THE PRESIDENTS TRIP COULD BE DELAYED UNTIL NEXT FEBRUARY OR MARCH, OR POSTPONED INDEFINITELY, SOURCES SAID.

AN EARLY JUDGMENT BY THE ADMINISTRATION WAS THAT THE EEC PROPOSAL COULD FALL SHORT OF WHAT DR. KISSINGER HAD IN MIND WHEN HE CALLED LAST APRIL FOR A "NEW ATLANTIC CHARTER."

THE KEY IDEA OF THIS WAS TO NEGOTIATE TRADE AND DEFENSE PROBLEMS IN A PACKAGE AS THE UNITED STATES SOUGHT TO SHOW IT WAS NOT FORGETTING WESTERN EUROPE AS IT FORGED BETTER RELATIONS WITH THE SOVIET UNION AND CHINA.

DIPLOMATIC SOURCES SAID THE EEC PROPOSAL DIFFERED IN CONCEPT FROM THE AMERICAN IDEA BY STRESSING THAT MEMBERS OF THE COMMON MARKET HAD FINALLY MANAGED TO ADDRESS THE UNITED STATES AS A DISTINCT ENTITY INSTEAD OF A COLLECTION OF INDIVIDUAL VOICES.

THIS INDICATED, THEY SAID, THAT THE EEC MEMBERS D D NOT FAVOUR A U.S.-WEST EUROPEAN SUMMIT, WHICH THE UNITED STATES IS BELIEVED TO WANT, AND ALSO THOUGHT THAT DEFENSE PROBLEMS SHOULD BE NEGOTIATED SEPARATELY WITH NATO.

;; REUTER RH/BR

SPECTRUM

Varying shades of personal opinion on current issues

JOHN K. JESSUP
CBS RADIO NETWORK
SEPTEMBER 25, 1973

Japan

I am John K. Jessup.

"We still don't know what his next policy steps are going to be," said a Senate source after Henry Kissinger was confirmed as Secretary of State. Perhaps he has some surprises for us in the areas which we neglected during Nixon's first term. That takes in quite a bit of territory. 1973 was supposed to be the Year of Europe, but our opening gestures in that direction have not proved fruitful. As for Latin America and Africa, neither continent has enough clout to fit into Kissinger's five-cornered picture of a great power world. Apart from the always dangerous Middle East the process of elimination points to Japan as the next target of a Kissinger initiative.

So what problems for American diplomacy will the Secretary find in Tokyo? First, the repair of damage. As a result of the shocks we've delivered since 1971, when we changed both our China policy and our economic policy without consulting them the Japanese have developed deep doubts about their alliance with the U.S. The shocks, it was feared, might send Japan into a new phase of assertive nationalism. The great paradox about Japan is that while she's now the world's third richest economy, she has not tried to exercise anything like a matching political influence in world affairs. Can this last?

Maybe it can. According to Professor Koji Taira, a Japanese economist teaching at the University of Illinois, Japan is not willing "to generate behavior patterns appropriate to a big power." The Japanese political system is too preoccupied with domestic concerns to pay attention to foreign problems. The Japanese style in diplomacy is pragmatic response to outside events and pressures -- not to take initiatives of its own. "Japan," says Professor Taira, "should be proud of having made a fine art of passive but responsive diplomacy which has softened...the impact of hard hitting first moves by other countries like the U.S."

This view certainly fits the recent facts of Japanese behavior. She reminds you of Dr. Johnson's dictum, that men are seldom so innocently occupied as in getting rich. If so, the more reason for Dr. Kissinger not to worry too much about Japan beyond treating her like a valued major ally. She's a good country to have on your side.

I'm John K. Jessup with Spectrum.

The diverse opinions expressed on SPECTRUM are those of the commentators, themselves and should not be attributed to CBS or any of its affiliates

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Cleveland, Ohio

Monday, September 24, 1973

## Kissinger tackles Mideast

Echoes of his oath as the new U.S. secretary of state have barely died away, and Henry A. Kissinger today faces a battery of challenging foreign policy problems.

"Kissinger is scheduled to speak before the United Nations General Assembly this morning. All the world's representatives will be expecting him to spell out what America means to do about global and regional problems: hunger, energy, arms competition, the earth's sore spots.

And he will be expected to speak out on the Middle East. Kissinger is a Jew. He and his parents escaped from Nazi Germany. This puts him in a particularly touchy position on the crackling, bloody dispute between Israel and its Arab enemies.

Arabs have lamented that U.S. backing of Israel will be all the stronger and more inflexible with a Jew heading the State Department.

Many Jews fear that, on the contrary, Kissinger will lean over backward to prove the United States is even-handed in the Arab-Israel fight.

But Israel's leaders must listen with great respect to Kissinger, who suffered as they did from anti-Jewish discrimination and therefore is presumed to value Israel as a symbol and refuge for its people.

So far President Nixon and John Scali, U.S. representative at the United Nations,

have worded their Middle East position cautiously.

In his Sept. 5 news conference Mr. Nixon said "both sides are at fault" for the halt in Arab-Israel negotiations. He said the United States is not for any side, but for peace.

Scali last week said America is for seeing whether a compromise is possible. But this means continued "friendship and support for Israel," while America still recognizes there is a vast array of Middle East nations with whom it wishes "to maintain friendly relations."

Arab nations have been gathering together and brandishing an oil choke off as a foreign policy threat. Israel has been establishing more settlements on Egyptian, Jordanian and Syrian lands it has occupied since the 1967 war.

It is up to Kissinger to start some movement toward negotiation, toward less muscle-flexing and toward more discussion of solutions. Until now he has been busy with closing out the Indochina war, softening relations with China and improvingente with the Soviet Union. He has escaped the Middle Eastern snarl.

Now he must stand up to it. He is giving luncheons for African and Arab emissaries to the U.N. this week. He will deliver his address on policy today, under the penetrating lens of 135 member nations' analytic eyes.

Kissinger, Nixon e Brezhnev chegam a um acordo: manchetes nos jornais e uma festa da vitória no Cairo

RADIOFOTO AP

RADIOFOTO AP

NEWSWEEK

ZOOM

ORIENTE MÉDIO

Depois do alerta, a paz frágil

Com poucas horas de diferença, na última sexta-feira, dois discursos nas capitais mundiais da guerra ou da paz mostraram que as coisas, no fundo, nunca estiveram tão bem, para concórdia e felicidade gerais da humanidade. "As possibilidades para se estabelecer uma paz permanente no Oriente Médio são, agora, as maiores dos últimos vinte anos", disse em Washington o presidente Richard Nixon. "Desejamos que se garanta a segurança de todos os povos da região e o seu direito de construir em paz sua própria vida, tal como o de-sejarem", afirmou em Moscou o secretário geral do Partido Comunista soviético, Leonid Brezhnev. No mesmo dia, começavam a desembarcar nas frontes de combate os primeiros soldados do contingente internacional enviado pela ONU para vigiar o cessar-fogo dos dois grandes.

Vinte dias após o início da quarta e mais sangrenta guerra entre árabes e ju目的, e depois de se ter substituído uma trégua fracassada por outra ainda nebulosa, era como se a região fosse um exemplo de paz para o resto do mundo.

Apenas 24 horas antes, entretanto, veveu-se, tecnicamente, o dia mais tenso desde a crise de Cuba em 1962, quando russos e americanos ficaram face a face com seus arsenais atômicos. Os Estados Unidos haviam declarado um alerta geral de todas as suas forças, inclusive — e principalmente — nucleares, para uma possível intervenção no Oriente Médio. E um confronto com os russos, repentinamente, chegou a ganhar seus primeiros contornos.

Mas, como se os grandes estivessem brincando de inflar ao máximo o balão da crise, só para desinchá-lo no dia seguinte, acabou não acontecendo nada. Na sexta-feira o alerta-geral foi suspenso, depois de russos e americanos terem concordado que nenhum dos dois estária enviando tropas ao Oriente Médio, apenas observadores. E as atenções, roubadas durante a semana por Washington e Moscou, voltavam afinal para os combatentes. Após terem suspendido a guerra pela primeira vez na segunda-feira, no 17.º dia de combates, voltado a se chocar e tornado a cessar o fogo na quarta-feira, egípcios, sírios e israël

lenses estavam misturados num razoável emaranhado de posições, com suas línhas se intercalando e cruzando no terreno militar.

**Única constante** — De qualquer forma, no final da semana não se atirava mais nas margens do canal de Suez, no deserto do Sinai e na Síria. E Henry Kissinger, o secretário de Estado americano, podia ter o seu primeiro momento de relativo alívio nos últimos dez dias. Numa semana inteiramente dominada pelos movimentos dos dois grandes, o negociador Kissinger, de certa forma, esteve centralizando praticamente todas as manobras vitais. Mais que tudo, ao atravessar seu primeiro alerta geral como secretário de Estado, e administrar sua primeira crise nuclear, ficou claro que o ex-assessor das missões secretas se movimenta com tanta segurança na linha de frente da diplomacia oficial quanto o fazia nas sombras da retaguarda.

"Os Estados Unidos e a União Soviética têm o dever especial de assegurar que suas divergências sejam mantidas em

28

VEJA, 31 DE OUTUBRO, 1973

MINAS GERAIS

## Fantasmas punidos

Em Aimorés, pequena cidade do vale do Rio Doce, Minas Gerais, as urnas e os votos das últimas eleições foram cuidadosamente incinerados. Graças a esta pequena artimanhã, talvez ela seja uma das poucas cidades a escapar do subitamente longo braço da Justiça Eleitoral, que em poucos meses descobriu várias fraudes no interior mineiro. Guian-do-se por uma velha estatística que gurante existir uma diferença de pelo menos 60% entre a população e o eleitorado, o procurador do TRE, Antônio Amaro Filho, no que chamou de “ação repressiva de sentido pedagógico”, con-seguiu pela primeira vez na história de Minas levar aos tribunais os misteriosos corruptores políticos, entre eles um juiz de direito e um promotor.

Depois do tumultuado caso de Ituiutaba, cujos implicados irão julgamento esta semana, foram denunciados oito políticos e funcionários públicos de Caim Branco, responsáveis por muitos dos eleitores fantasmas que assombram as eleições mineiras. Na semana passada, o TRE divulgou mais sete revisões onde foram constatadas sérias irregularidades, principalmente em municípios onde o número de eleitores era quase superior à população. Com isso Amaro Filho pretende, além de punir os culpados, exercer a sua “ação pedagógica”, mostrando aos corruptos que nem sempre os crimes ficam impunes.

Na Assembléia estadual, alguns deputados começaram a mostrar fortes sinais de irritação cívica, alegando que “é preciso impedir estas revisões, pois elas reduzirão o número de deputados mineiros no Congresso, diminuindo a importância de Minas no cenário político nacional”. Como, porém, as revisões vão continuar, além disso Minas deverá perder também boa parcela de seu eleitorado. Exatamente aquela que nunca existiu.

## TRABALHADORES

### Sem advogado

Há três meses, Mário Carvalho de Jesus tinha sobre sua mesa de trabalho, bem à vista de quem o fosse visitar, num escritório do centro de São Paulo, um jornal com a manchete: “Decidido o confisco do grupo Abdalla”. Ela resumia o final feliz de uma batalha de dezoito anos travada pelos operários da fábrica de cimento Perus, que, da ajuda de Jesus, conseguiram debilitar o prestígio político do império de falca-truas do ex-deputado José João Abdalla (VEJA n.º 256, de 1.º de agosto de 1973). Na semana passada, abatido, o

advogado só podia exibir uma carta de demissão: sem maiores explicações, o presidente do Sindicato dos Trabalhadores na Indústria de Cimento, Cal e Ges-so de São Paulo comunicava-lhe a dispensa de seus serviços de procurador da entidade.

Para Carvalho de Jesus, uma reencrannação dos freqüentes advogados ou professores que, desde o século passado, resolvem crismar movimentos sindicais, o bilhete azul foi uma surpresa e uma ingratidão. E, a esse gesto, responderia com outra carta, endereçada aos dirigentes e associados do sindicato, não só se recusando a aceitar a demissão sumária, como acusando o presidente Antônio Maria Pereira Filho de ter cedido a estranhas pressões. Revelava, entre outras coisas, que, ao lhe entregar a demissão,

HELIO CAMPOS MELLO

Carvalho de Jesus: pressões

Pereira, “meio constrangido”, confessou ter sido colocado por “autoridades superiores” diante da alternativa de renunciar ou afastá-lo.

Pereira Filho, entretanto, classifica a demissão como um ato de rotina, adotada em reunião de diretoria. E oferece uma explicação severa: “Agimos como o patrão de uma empresa, com o direito de fazer o que quiser sem consultar ninguém”. Com efeito, admitir ou demitir empregados, do contínuo ao advogado, é prerrogativa do sindicato, como ocorre em qualquer empresa, embora tanto o sindicato quanto Jesus tenham articulado greves contra inúmeras demissões de Abdalla. Mas Carvalho de Jesus, que talvez exagere seus direitos sobre o sindicato, acredita na fidelidade dos trabalhadores e espera continuar representando-os, mesmo com a procução cassada. Já no dia seguinte à demissão, dois operários da Perus declararam na Justiça do Trabalho que preferiam a assistência do antigo defensor à de qualquer outro indicado por Pereira

Filho. Se esse exemplo for acompanhado por uma parcela considerável de operários, a diretoria do sindicato e seus conselheiros bissextos terão conseguido o milagre de criar um novo problema na fábrica de cimento Perus, onde, depois de quase vinte anos de confusões, as inquietações trabalhistas pareciam estar desaparecendo.

## SÃO PAULO

### Bolos no governo

Se a escola ainda fosse risonha e franca, o governo de São Paulo certamente tomaria bolos de palmatória e ficaria algumas horas ajoelhado sobre grãos de milho. Como os tempos são outros, está sendo chamado a pagar suas culpas na Justiça.

Trezentos professores “admitidos a título precário” já conseguiram que a Justiça do Trabalho lhes garantisse vínculo com o Estado, pelo regime da CLT, e outros 30 000 que se encontram na mesma situação devem seguir-lhes o exemplo. Nove mil professores primários com diploma superior pretendem ser promovidos do nível 16 para o 19, o que elevará seus vencimentos de 900 para quase 2 000 cruzeiros mensais. E, há quinze dias, 606 aprovados em concursos para ingresso no magistério primário, realizados em 1966, 1969 e 1971, impetraram mandado de segurança contra a realização de novo concurso (seria no dia 21 passado, com 75 000 candidatos inscritos) para o preenchimento de 4 000 vagas, a que eles julgam ter direito, juntamente com outros 12 500 também já aprovados em concursos anteriores.

Fraude — O mandado de segurança só será julgado esta semana, mas de qualquer forma o concurso não foi realizado. Em nota oficial, a Secretaria da Educação informou que “após inúmeras diligências, que resultaram em detenções de pessoas implicadas, foi verificada a existência de uma trama criminosa que poderia pôr em dúvida a seriedade do concurso”. Mas garante que entre os detidos não há pessoas “ligadas aos órgãos oficiais”, e o delegado do DEOPS, Tácito Pinheiro Machado, encarregado das investigações, com exemplar urbanidade vai além: “Ninguém pode ser preso sem mandado judicial”.

Assim, mesmo sem prisões, a desoberta da tentativa de fraude permitiu aos professores festejarem uma vitória ainda não conquistada e ao governo paularista colocar-se em sintonia com os prazos da Justiça. Caso esta conceda o mandado impetrado pelos professores, ele estará livre de mais um castigo — quem sabe, ficar sentado num banco alto, no canto da sala, com um constrangedor chapéu pontudo sobre a cabeça.

VEJA, 31 DE OUTUBRO, 1973

27

INTERNACIONAL

A difícil fiscalização da trégua: um observador da ONU examina as posições das tropas na frente de luta

FRANCE MATCH

limites que não tragam a ameaça de um confronto nuclear", diria Kissinger na quinta-feira, sobressaindo-se como o interlocutor número um dos Estados Unidos. De fato, na ONU, os diplomatas suspenderam seu trabalho e correram para os aparelhos de TV, para ouvir a entrevista que o secretário de Estado dava em Washington. Além disso, com o presidente Nixon lutando duramente para salvar seu mandato, numa das semanais mais explosivas com as seqüências do caso Watergate, Kissinger naturalmente emergiu como o homem mais só-

lido do governo — mais, certamente, que o atribulado chefe da nação. Finalmente, ao longo de todo o processo de negociações, ele foi a única constante — falando com os russos em Moscou, com os israelenses em Telavive, com os embaixadores árabes em Moscou.

**Tudo previsto** — Era, assim, um Kissinger exausto, envelhecido, que os jornalistas puderam ver afundado numa das elegantes poltronas da sala VIP do aeroporto de Heathrow, em Londres, na noite da última segunda-feira. Ele voltava para Washington depois de mais de uma meia-volta ao mundo, que o havia levado a Moscou e Telavive nos três últimos dias e, na sua escala de uma hora em Londres, para reabastecer o avião, os sinais do cansaço eram evidentes. Várias vezes, na conversa com o ministro do Exterior inglês, que o recebera no aeroporto, Kissinger passou as mãos pelo rosto. Os sorrisos foram raros. Como sugeriu um jornal de Londres, ele estaria sofrendo de "jet-lag" — o mal causado por mudanças muito bruscas e frequentes de fuso horário.

A semana, entretanto, mal começara — e, com a deterioração das negociações tão penosamente realizadas até então, sucedidas pelo alerta nuclear, ela traria uma soma inédita de tensões. Os grandes, aparentemente, haviam previsto tudo: árabes e judeus, concordavam americanos e russos, deveriam aceitar

um cessar-fogo na Síria e no Sinai, e iniciar, enfim, negociações sobre territórios e fronteiras. Mas, como a Síria parecia tergiversar ante a aceitação do acordo, e Israel decidira reiniciar a ação no Sinai, EUA e URSS se lançaram numa prova de força que os levaria à beira da confrontação.

Com Henry Kissinger no centro dos episódios, a grande corrida diplomática começara no fim da semana anterior. Ao anoitecer da sexta-feira, dia 19, Washington recebera um telefonema visivamente urgente de Moscou: "Mandem Kissinger. Não daqui a alguns dias, mas algumas horas". Para ele, era um dia carregado. À noite, havia um jantar com os diplomatas chineses em Washington que não podia ser cancelado. E, como secretário de Estado, é às vezes impossível para Kissinger fugir de compromissos nos quais, como assessor, jamais lhe ocorreria investir seu tempo.

**Sem sanduíches** — Em momentos de crise mundial, como agora, essa prisão protocolar pode ser particularmente ener vante. Pouco antes do jantar com os chineses, por exemplo, ele teve de receber no 7.º andar do Departamento de Estado, durante 1 h e 15 min, o embaixador Sevilla Sacasa, da Nicarágua — deão do corpo diplomático e possivelmente o diplomata mais maçante de Washington. Nos dias anteriores, sua agenda foi investida várias vezes pelo temível embai-

VEJA, 31 DE OUTUBRO, 1973

29

Na frente egípcia: um corpo insepulto na areia do Sinai

xador de Portugal, eternamente preocu-
pado com as províncias ultramarinas —
e, agora, com a utilização da base dos
Açores na ponte aérea de armas ameri-
canas para Israel. Líderes e embaixado-
res de remotos países africanos igual-
mente assediavam com perseverança seu
gabinete.

De qualquer forma, com a possibilida-
de permanente de mergulhar de um mo-
mento para outro em negociações como
as dos últimos dez dias, Kissinger vem
montando um sistema de defesas contra
as misérias burocráticas do cargo. É as-
sim que boa parte dos golpes são absor-
vidos por Kenneth Rush, subsecretário
de Estado, ou pelos secretários adjuntos,
especializados em assuntos ou regiões. E,
como sinal mais visível de independência,
Kissinger costuma passar metade do dia
na Casa Branca, indo só à tarde para o
"Foggy Bottom", como é conhecida a

baixada às vezes nevoenta onde fica o
Departamento de Estado, dando para
um imenso parque ao fundo do qual cor-
re o Potomac.

Kissinger também conserva à limusine
e o serviço secreto da Casa Branca para
seus deslocamentos, apesar da consterna-
ção que isso causa entre o pessoal de
segurança do Departamento de Estado.
Na sua ojeriza por sanduíches, continua
frequentando seus restaurantes de sem-
pre — "Sans Souci", "Vic", "Rive Gau-
che" — e sua residência é a mesma, uma
casa colonial simples na área Northwest
de Washington, onde os únicos sinais de
poder são a presença de uma empregada
doméstica e a tradicional míni-central
telefônica operada pelo serviço secreto.

Dispostos a ajudar — Quando sua
rotina foi subitamente interrompida pelo
nervoso telefonema de Moscou. Kissin-

Na frente síria: restos de tanques

ger teve tempo apenas para jantar com
seus amigos de Pequim (sua viagem à
China, marcada para o dia 10 próximo,
foi adiada) e, pouco depois da 1 hora da
manhã do dia 20, embarcou num dos
quatro Boeing 707 indistintamente cha-
mados "Air Force One" e usados por
Richard Nixon. O percurso de doze ho-
ras até Moscou foi usado por Kissinger,
basicamente, para dormir, após uma rá-
pida conferência com seus assessores.
E, uma vez hospedado nas colinas de
Lênin, o bairro diplomático de Moscou,
entregou-se a densas conversações com
os líderes soviéticos.

Os russos, segundo se revelou no cír-
culo de Kissinger, estavam bem-humora-
dos e "dispostos a ajudar". E de fato, ao
meio-dia do domingo, dia 21, o embaixa-
dor dos EUA na ONU, John Scali, toma-
va conhecimento de que deveria, junto
com seu colega soviético Jacob Malik, pedir a convocação imediata do Conselho
de Segurança. Objetivo: votar com ur-
gência o texto que acabava de ser acerta-
do em Moscou por Kissinger e Brezhnev.
Fundamentalmente, o acordo só estabe-
lecia uma coisa: israelenses e árabes de-
veriam cessar a luta. Quanto aos detalhes,
os russos deram a entender aos árabes
que o texto previa a retirada de Israel dos
territórios ocupados. Os americanos, por
sua vez, disseram aos israelenses que o
mesmo texto levaria a negociações dire-
tas com seus vizinhos sírios e egípcios.

Em Nova York, sete horas depois, o
Conselho de Segurança era finalmente
reunido (havia sido preciso caçar por to-
da parte o presidente, o australiano Lau-
rence MacIntyre, que tivera a idéia de
passar o fim de semana fora) e o ambí-
guo texto do cessar-fogo, afinal, recebia
uma aprovação apressada. Para os so-
viéticos — e, originalmente, para os
egípcios — a pressa se justificava. Na
margem ocidental do canal de Suez os
blindados de Israel, alargando sua ca-
beça-de-ponte, progrediam perigosamente
para o sul. E, se conseguissem completar
seus movimentos, poderiam cercar o III

FRANCE MATCH

30

VEJA, 31 DE OUTUBRO, 1973

FRANCE MATCH

Corpo de Exército egípcio — do outro lado do canal, na margem oriental para onde haviam ido no início da guerra, 20 000 soldados e 200 tanques ficariam cortados da retaguarda. sem logística, água, comida e combustível.

**Três dias** — Era para montar essa armadilha estratégica que a primeiro-ministro Golda Meir, no sábado 20, havia pedido três dias de “prazo” para Nixon antes de aceitar um cessar-fogo. Mas Kissinger, então, já estava adiantado nas negociações em Moscou, e Israel teria de encerrar tudo o que tinha a fazer até o cair da noite da segunda-feira, quando entraria em vigor o cessar-fogo vocado na noite de domingo. Na realidade, as coisas acabariam não se passando bem assim. A resolução da ONU não foi seguida na frente de Suez e, a cada hora, os israelenses pareciam melhorar sua posição.

No Egito, a agitação foi se agravando. Indignado, o general Chazly, chefe do Estado-Maior egípcio, telefonou ao presidente Anuar Sadat para dizer que Israel estava “conquistando territórios sob a proteção da trégua”. Sadat, a partir daí, resolheu jogar URSS e EUA no conflito — única forma, aparentemente, de interromper o progresso israelense. Na terça-feira à noite, depois de o Conselho de Segurança votar uma segunda trégua para entrar em vigor no dia seguinte — desta vez, com o princípio de enviar uma força de segurança para a linha de combate —, os egípcios passavam a exigir que tropas americanas e russas viessem para o canal, como garantia mais sólida de que o III Corpo não fosse cercado.

**Guerra fria** — Para Henry Kissinger, entretanto, o envio de tropas americanas ao exterior estava fora de questão. Em vão, durante a quarta-feira, o embaiçador soviético Anatoly Dobrynin tentaria convencê-lo da necessidade de se intervir no Sinai com uma força conjun-

ta russo-americana. A medida, proposta pelos árabes, seria desvantajosa para Israel. E além disso, explicou Kissinger, os EUA haviam saído há muito pouco tempo do Vietnam para se animar a um envolvimento no Sinai. Foi então que Dobrynin, normalmente tão cortês, re tomou bruscamente o tom da guerra fria. Com ou sem os americanos, disse ele a Kissinger, as tropas soviéticas iriam para o Oriente Médio vigiar o cessar-fogo.

A ameaça soviética foi seguida com uma ameaça americana. Na madrugada de quinta-feira, as forças armadas entravam em alerta (veja à pág. 33), para ser rem acionadas, teoricamente, se a inter venção russa se concretizasse. A notícia viria apanhar Brezhnev na sessão de abertura de um Congresso Mundial da Paz: repentinamente, os 3 000 delegados viram o líder do PC se eclipsar no seu camarote, voltar pouco depois com um telegrama na mão e desaparecer de no vo, depois de mostrá-lo ao presidente Nikolai Podgorny. EUA e URSS estavam frente a frente.

Pela terceira vez, então, a crise foi para o Conselho de Segurança. Após um dia de tensão nuclear, a fórmula foi en contrada à noite: uma força internacional, sem soldados russos ou americanos (e nem da China, Inglaterra e França), seria enviada imediatamente para o Oriente Médio; russos e americanos en viariam observadores civis; a tropa ficaria sob o controle do Conselho de Segurança (e não do secretário geral Kurt Waldheim), e todos os beligerantes de veriam voltar às posições que ocupavam na segunda-feira. A crise de 24 horas estava encerrada.

**O jogo a dois** — De fato, já na noite de sexta-feira desembarcavam no aero porto do Cairo trinta militares finlande ses, e para o início desta semana já de veriam estar em suas posições os pri meiros novecentos homens do contingente total de 7 000, entre oficiais e solda dos, que formarão a força internacional

da ONU — a um custo de 30 milhões de dólares nos primeiros seis meses, e sem que ainda esteja acertado quem vai pagar quanto. Ao mesmo tempo, também chegavam ao Cairo setenta dos observa dores civis soviéticos.

Com o quadro provisoriamente apaziguado, EUA e URSS tratavam de reforçar suas posições. Para os americanos, entretanto, há o problema suplementar de se recompor com seus aliados europeus — que, ao longo de toda a crise, estiveram distantes ou até mesmo hostis em relação ao procedimento dos EUA. Com exceção de Portugal, nenhum dos aliados quis cooperar na ponte aérea de armas para Israel — e dois deles, Grécia e Turquia, deixaram passar armas russas para os árabes em seus territórios. Receosos de perder suas fontes de pe tróleo, os países da NATO, de certa forma, mostraram que num momento de crise estão mais dispostos a cuidar de seus interesses particulares do que dos objetivos globais.

A própria mobilização de contingentes da NATO no alerta geral irritou os europeus: eles alegam que uma inter venção no Oriente Médio desvirtua as funções da aliança. Somando-se a isso o silêncio imperial que os EUA mantiveram quanto ao alerta — apenas o primeiro-ministro inglês foi avisado com alguma antecedência, no meio da noite —, os europeus parecem sair da crise mais desgostosos do que nunca com o jogo a dois russo-americano — a ponto, no fim da semana, de críticas mútuas começarem a ser trocadas entre EUA e Alemanha.

**Ambigiuidade** — A paz dos Grandes, envolta em felicitações mútuas, veio apenas encobrir as inquietudes e frustrações de árabes e israelenses, exauridos por uma guerra sem vencedores. A batalha diplomática que se anuncia promete ser tão repleta de armadilhas, minas e línhas de fogo quanto o foram as frentes de combate. De fato, a resolução núme-

Enquanto os árabes oram sob o sol do deserto...

CAMERA PRESS

... os israelenses rezam e choram em Jerusalém

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ro 338 do Conselho de Segurança da ONU, que na noite de domingo, 21, estabeleceu as bases do cessar-fogo, apenas reafirma a frágil ambiguidade da tão cidadana, mas eternamente inoperante, resolução 242 votada cinco meses após a Guerra dos Seis Dias.

Sujeita à interpretação de cada um segundo suas necessidades, ela promete, em sua versão francesa, a devolução aos árabes de todos os territórios conquistados por Israel em junho de 1967. E, em sua versão inglesa, possibilita a Israel renunciar somente a uma parte não especificada de suas conquistas militares de seis anos atrás. Assim, a maior conquista dessa guerra de dezessete dias — que, segundo dados ainda incompletos do Pentágono, causou 19 120 baixas, entre mortos e feridos dos dois lados —

general de reserva Haim Bar-Lev, 49 anos, ex-comandante-em-chefe das tropas israelenses, que viera sentar-se junto a ele, com um mapa aberto nas mãos. "Coronel", disse Bar-Lev em inglês, com sua voz arrastada e segura, "o senhor é nosso prisioneiro. Vim fazer-lhe uma proposta. O senhor conhece a situação: com exceção do flanco norte, o III Corpo de Exército egípcio está cercado. Passe para o outro lado do canal e diga a seus oficiais que estamos dispostos a deixá-los passar também — não como prisioneiros, mas para que se unam ao grosso das tropas egípcias."

Hathen, de cabelo escovinha e olhar subitamente atento, esboçou então um quase imperceptível sorriso. "Meu general", respondeu igualmente em inglês, "temos do outro lado do canal oficiais

quer época, o peso do isolamento. Apnas oito países africanos ainda mantêm relações diplomáticas com Jerusalém, e diversos aliados tradicionais europeus demonstraram nas duas últimas semanas preferir o acesso aos poços de petróleo árabes, a uma aliança irrestrita com Israel.

No outro extremo do isolamento, e com temores mais profundos e justificados, estavam os palestinos na semana passada. "Não era difícil sentir", conta Pedro Cavalcanti, enviado de VEJA à frente árabe, "a profunda decepção predominante do escritório central da Organização de Libertação da Palestina de Beirute, modestamente decorado com posters revolucionários, com esse conflito desencadeado e encerrado à revelia dos fedayins." Não apenas a lenda de

Golda: uma guerra com crise interna

Dayan: renúncia e contra-renúncia

CAMERA PRESS

talvez tenha sido a de obrigar árabes e israelenses a resolverem em torno de uma mesa de negociações as suas dificuldades herdadas do conflito anterior.

Na noite de sábado, os governos de Anuar Sadat e da sra. Golda Meir já concordavam em reunir, sob a bandeira da ONU, representantes militares de seus países para debater os delicados meandros do cessar-fogo. Era o primeiro passo oficial, em mais de 20 anos de confronto, do difícil acerto de contas neogociado. Dois dias antes, porém, incrédulos telespectadores israelenses puderam assistir a um encontro mais improvisado e a um diálogo mais pungente entre dois guerreiros inimigos.

**Uma proposta** — Sentado à sombra de um blindado semidestruído, o coronel egípcio Yasser Hathen, 33 anos e especialista em foguetes SAM-2, olhava para o cadáver de um de seus soldados, já quase encoberto pelas areias do Si-nai. Em seguida, a câmara focalizou o

superiores perfeitamente conscientes do que devem fazer." "Não", retrucou Bar-Lev, "os generais sitiados conhecem apenas duas soluções: resistir até o último homem ou render-se. Estou lhe propondo uma terceira solução, que não fará vítimas." Militarmente, o "beau geste" no deserto foi inútil: Hathen rejeitou a oferta e Bar-Lev encaminhou-se para um helicóptero, onde o brigadeiro Mordekhai Hod, ex-comandante-em-chefe da aviação israelense, o aguardava impaciente. Contudo, conta Michel Salomon, correspondente de VEJA em Jerusalém, o aperto de mão com que os dois adversários se despediram marcou profundamente os telespectadores desnorteados.

"Kissinger nos colocou diante de um fato consumado", declarou a VEJA Benjamin Halevy, ex-juiz da Corte Suprema que condenou Adolf Eichman onze anos atrás. "Nada sabíamos do que estava sendo negociado em Moscou." Atacados na guerra e forçados na paz, os israelenses parecem sentir, mais do que em qual-

Sadat: apelos pelo cessar-fogo

LIP

heroísmo quase suicida, que os comandos palestinos haviam forjado logo após a Guerra dos Seis Dias, emplideceu diante do número brutal dos outros combatentes árabes que enfrentaram agora as forças israelenses. Mas, sobretudo, a própria causa palestina, ponto de ignição de guerras anteriores, parece ter sido perdida nos combates pelo Sinai e pelo planalto de Golan. A invasão do apartamento do físico dissidente Andrei Sakharov, em Moscou, por dois árabes que se diziam membros da organização terro-rista Setembro Negro, apenas ilustra o quanto os palestinos estiveram longe da guerra que deveria devolver-lhes as terras perdidas em 1948.

Com os palestinos claramente no palpel de únicos perdedores até agora, as vantagens para árabes e israelenses continuavam indefinidas após três semanas de choque. Nessas condições de incerteza, a batalha final começara, mais do que em qualquer outra ocasião, a ser travada na mesa de negociações. E, nela,

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Henry Kissinger, mais uma vez poderá estar na primeira linha e ação — mesmo indireta.

**Humor sombrio** — O país inteiro, na verdade, buscava explicações e respostas para a avalancha de situações novas que a guerra-surpresa lhe impôs. Ao anoitecer da quinta-feira, quando o segundo cessar-fogo parecia finalmente estar implantado em todas as frentes e o “blackout” foi levantado pela primeira vez desde 6 de outubro, não houve gritos de alegria nem excitação de vitória em Israel. Simplesmente, as luzes se acendiram e os sinais de trânsito voltaram a funcionar, enquanto a população de Telavive se reunia, com a cabeça fria e o coração pesado, na alameda Ben Yuda, na rua Dizengoff, em volta de vendedores de melancia e de pirâmides de lavanjas.

Assim como Israel não estava preparado para a guerra de 6 de outubro, a suspensão dos combates sem uma solução final também pegou o país desprevenido. Um jovem kibutzim, membro do Movimento da Juventude Socialista, confessou seu desencanto a VEJA: “Golda está muito velha e cansada, ela deveria ir para casa, juntamente com todos os velhotes do atual governo”. Um jovem oficial, ainda um quartelado no norte do Sinai, pronunciou heresias semelhantes, todas inconcebíveis há menos de um mês: “Dayan só serve para presidir paradas militares no dia da Independência”.

O humor sombrio do cidadão israelense refletia-se com plenos poderes nos círculos políticos da nação. Nos correspondores do Knesset (Parlamento) e nas antes-salas dos ministérios, o clima de tempestade lembrava os dias das grandes crises políticas israelenses. Apesar dos sucessivos apelos à unidade nacional, o cerrar de fileiras ocorrido ao longo da guerra não sobreviveu ao cessar-fogo. E a fórmula “Ein Breira” (“não temos outra escolha”), que durante um quarto de século sempre justificou qualquer decisão do governo em nome da nação, parece subitamente vazia.

**Renúncias** — A tempestade maior veio das próprias fileiras do governo. Na noite do cessar-fogo, em tumultuada reunião de gabinete, o sexagenário ministro da Justiça Yaacov Shimson Shapiro — durante anos a eminência parda de Golda Meir — responsabilizou com violência seu colega trabalhista Moshe Dayan pelo “despreparo militar” israelense ao ser atacado no dia 6 de outubro. Por um momento, conta o correspondente de VEJA, o governo pareceu desfazer-se: Dayan apresentou sua renúncia, Golda Meir a rejeitou, veio a vez de Shapiro apresentar e renunciar à sua renúncia, e, antes que o tumulto ferisse politicamente mais algum ministro, a reunião encerrou-se às pressas.

De prontidão: cargueiros C-141 numa base de Nova Jersey

## Uma crise e 2 graus de alerta

As informações que começaram a chegar na terça-feira a Washington, pelos teletipos do serviço secreto do Pentágono, eram alarmantes: os aviões soviéticos que vinham fazendo a ponte aérea de armamentos para o Egito e a Síria, estavam sendo desviados para diversas regiões da União Soviética onde estavam aquarteladas 7 divisões aerotransportadas (49 000 homens) prontos para entrar em combate. Enquanto navios soviéticos prosseguiam na rota para os portos árabes, carregados de armas euniões, as perspectivas pareceram ainda mais sombrias quando se informou em Washington que 12 gigantescos jatos Antonov-22 — equivalentes aos C-5A americanos e capazes de transportar mais de 175 soldados equipados, cada um — tinham decolado de uma base em Budapeste. A rede internacional de radares americanos não demorou a determinar que os aparelhos soviéticos voavam para o Cairo.

Em meio à tensão internacional causada pelo conflito no Oriente Médio, parecia configurar-se uma dramática crese militar entre os Estados Unidos e a União Soviética — com os elementos característicos de um desentendimento que poderia levar ao extremo de uma confrontação nuclear. O Conselho de Segurança Nacional, formado pelos principais chefes militares e a cúpula do Departamento de Estado, foi convocado diversas vezes na quarta-feira, em Washington, sem chegar a uma conclusão satisfatória. A noite, depois de ouvir um último relatório de Kissinger, o presidente Nixon convocou à Casa Branca o almirante Thomas Moore, chefe do Estado Maior Conjunto das Forças Armadas. Quando os dois se despediram à meia-noite, no “Situation Room”, Moore levava ordens do presidente ao comando militar para que fosse dada a ordem de alerta geral para todas as forças americanas.

**Graus 3 e 4** — Repentinamente, o “establishment” militar americano volta-

va a viver a agitação febril de uma vespera de catástrofe, já experimentada em outras perigosas confrontações. No seu termômetro de crises, em que o estado de alerta varia do relaxamento relativo do grau 1, ao deslocamento imediato de tropas para a frente de combate, exigido pelo grau 5, verificou-se que a nova situação poderia ser enfrentada com uma prontidão de grau 3 (forças à espera de ordens) em diversas bases importantes. Ao mesmo tempo, várias outras bases continuavam obedecendo o alerta de grau 4 (tropas prontas para o combate) vigente desde a retirada americana da guerra do Vietnam. Esse mesmo grau de alerta foi declarado parcialmente em 1970, quando a Jordânia e a Síria entraram em conflito. Nessa ocasião, foram mobilizadas a 82.ª Divisão Aerotransportada, aquartelada em Fort Bragg, na Carolina do Noré, e duas divisões com base na Alemanha Ocidental, ao mesmo tempo em que os porta-aviões Saratoga e John Kennedy eram despachados para o Mediterrâneo.

Na madrugada de quinta-feira, oficiais e soldados começaram a ser chamados aos quartéis, e jipes sairam à cata de soldados de folga. Por volta das 2 horas, as principais bases que operam em regime de semi-prontidão já estavam prontas para receber ordem de embarque. Em todos os Estados, a Guarda Nacional também estava sendo mobilizada.

**Decisões cruciais** — Na manhã de quinta-feira, quando os civis convocados pela Guarda Nacional começaram a telefonar para o emprego, avisando que não poderiam comparecer ao trabalho, as cidades americanas despertaram para anormalidade da situação. Entre os 2 milhões e 200 000 soldados americanos (791 000 no exército, 567 000 na marinha, 192 000 fuzileiros navais e 682 000 na força aérea) a agitação era indisfarçável. Em Fort Mead, nos subúrbios de Washington, onde está aquartelado o 1.º Exército, um soldado declarou a Roberto Garcia, correspondente de VEJA: “Ninguém sabe o que está acontecendo, e nem faz muita questão de saber. Quanto mais depressa acabar, melhor”.

Enquanto isso, decisões cruciais estavam sendo debatidas na base aérea de Offutt, em Bellevue, no estado de Nebrasca, na sede do SAC — Comando Aéreo Estratégico responsável pela movi-

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33

mentação da força nuclear de bombardeios e foguetes americanos. Num enorme edifício de sete andares, quatro dos quais enterrados no chão, a cúpula mitrar americana debateu a situação durante horas, num salão cheio de painéis eletrônicos e computadores. Na pista da base aérea, um Boeing 707 permanecia com os motores ligados. A qualquer momento poderia decolar com o comando geral do SAC, chefiado pelo general John Meyer. Em contato direto com a Casa Branca, esse avião é que passaria a dirigir as operações gerais de um conflito de proporções atômicas. Ficariam sob seu comando direto os bombardeiros nucleares B-52 que se mantêm permanentemente no ar — eles são abastecidos em pleno voo, e imediatamente substituídos quando pousam em suas bases.

**Baforadas de cachimbo** — Na complexa engrenagem do sistema nuclear americano de defesa e ataque, cada um desses aviões carrega uma lista de cinco alvos inimigos. Uma vez recebida a ordem de ataque, não podem mais ser detidos depois que cruzam a fronteira do país a ser atacado. Na quarta-feira, esses aparelhos foram colocados em prontidão, juntamente com a 6.ª Frota dos Estados Unidos, atualmente com mais de cinquenta navios no Mediterrâneo, inclusive três porta-aviões com 250 jatos de combate, dois helicópteros e 4 000 fuzileiros navais. Diante dessa força deslocavam-se uns oitenta navios soviéticos, dos quais apenas uns quarenta em condições de combate.

Na verdade, a mobilização das tropas soviéticas não chega a ser bem determinada. O secretário da Defesa James Schlesinger, numa de suas raras entrevistas à imprensa, voltou a mencionar na sexta-feira, enquanto assoprava baforadas de cachimbo na direção dos jornalistas, que 49 000 soldados soviéticos tinham sido colocados em prontidão. Todavia, em Bonn o ministério alemão da Defesa continuava ignorando qualquer movimentação de tropas soviéticas. O outono — afirmou um de seus portavozes — é a época em que o Pacto de Varsóvia realiza normalmente suas manobras.

No sábado, a tranqüilidade sazonal dos alemães parecia finalmente ter chegado a Washington. Os B-52 do SAC continuavam o seu voo sem fim, mas o Pentágono anunciava a suspensão quase total do estado de alerta. Tudo o que se sabia sobre o desembarque de soviéticos no Cairo, era a confirmação da chegado na sexta-feira de setenta observadores da trégua. O tom desanimado de Ahmed Anis, porta-voz do governo egípcio, parecia confirmar a missão pacífica dos enviados de Moscou: "Eles são benvindos, mas preferiríamos receber tropas".

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O caminho da Terra Prometida percorrido ao contrário: com tanques e som pop

## Passando de novo pelo mar Vermelho

O correspondente de VEJA em Jerusalém, Michel Salomon, esteve três vezes no enclave conquistado por Israel na margem ocidental do canal de Suez, depois da bem sucedida operação iniciada no último dia 15. Antes, durante e depois da primeira trégua, Salomon acompanhou o salto israelense para dentro do Egito. Seu relato:

A um certo momento, na semana passada, parecia que todas as forças de Israel se enfiavam para dentro do território egípcio, através da brecha aberta na linha de defesa inimiga na altura de Ismaília, à beira do canal de Suez. Por um requinte de ironia, esse é, justamente, o lugar da travessia bíblica do mar Vermelho pelos hebreus fugitivos do Egito. Desta vez, a passagem se fazia ao contrário: por essa mesma região verdejante do Goshen, onde outrora os escravos judeus do faraó haviam encontrado seu caminho de fuga sob o comando de Moisés, os israelenses penetravam agora no Egito, sob o comando dos generais Dayan e Elazar.

Em três ou quatro fileiras, extravasando da estrada na qual às vezes atolavam na areia, os blindados de Israel faziam sua invasão no meio do caos e da cacofonia. Havia um pouco de tudo. No meio dos carros de combate judeus deslizavam também tanques egípcios recém-capturados, ainda na sua pintura original. Caminhões de transporte de tropas se misturavam com ônibus e ambulâncias. Músicas de uma orquestra pop, com as cabeças para fora das janelas de um ônibus, olhavam curiosamente em volta, enquanto carros particulares disputavam o espaço com caminhões de leite, cuja presença na frente de combate ninguém parecia entender direito.

Toda essa armada confusa e colorida, ao chegar diante das pontes, esperava pacientemente sua vez de passar. Apesar da tempestade de artilharia que se ouvia ao longe, ninguém demonstrava pressa ou agitação. Cada um, ali, acrescitava que 80% do dispositivo egípcio de mísseis que barravam a aproximação do canal havia sido destruído naquele ponto. Como resultado, enxames de Miorage, Phantom e helicópteros com a estrela de Davi zuniam impunemente sobre nossas cabeças — em Ismaília, o céu parecia incontestavelmente israelense.

**Rebanhos de búfalos** — Da ponte — um artefato particularmente rústico, no qual as rodas dos jipes às vezes se prendiam em vãos abertos aqui e ali — se podiam ver pequenas lanchas de borracha negra, movidas a motor, se deslocar livremente sobre a parte reconquistada do canal. E, uma vez pisado o solo do Egito, na outra margem, ficava claro que Israel havia montado ali um dispositivo importante. Em companhia de outros jornalistas, eu percorri durante quatro horas o que já não parecia mais nem uma cabeça de ponte nem mesmo um enclave, mas sim um amplo território, onde pudemos circular em todas as direções — sendo obrigados, às vezes, a fazer meia volta e mergulhar no primeiro buraco disponível, quando nosso veículo se aproximava de algum "ponto quente" desta frente fluida e sem limites definidos.

A paisagem do Egito, neste ponto invadido por Israel, pode ser suave: há pequenos diques e seus canais de água doce delicadamente desenhados, rebanhos de búfalos, campos bem cultivados cercando de verde as vilas com suas casinhas fei-

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Momentaneamente esquecidos das batalhas, soldados israelenses encontram no Sinai um descanso de trégua: banho improvisado na areia, orações e o sono protegido pela força do tanque

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tas de barro. Mas a guerra está presente por toda parte. Os "bunkers" se sucedem às trincheiras, aos postos de mísseis SAM e de artilharia abandonados, com seus canhões apontando inofensivamente para o leste. E, como em todo campo de combate, há o inevitável caos de tanques e veículos destruídos, o odor nausenteado dos cadáveres em decomposição.

Quanto aos soldados israelenses, parecem, antes de tudo, um pouco excitados de se encontrarem na "África", numa paisagem tão exótica para eles. Alguns pintaram, com mais ou menos gosto, figuras de mulheres negras em seus tanques. Outros olham com intensa curiosidade ao redor. Depois de terem combatido nesta margem ocidental, parado, recomeçado a combater e parado de novo, eles viviam sua segunda trégua no fim da semana passada. Teriam os israe-

lenses se aproveitado da ruptura da primeira trégua para aumentar seus ganhos territoriais na margem ocidental de Suez? É difícil saber. Mas, durante minha vista, eles já tinham em seu poder uma faixa que se estendia de Ismaília, ao norte, até as proximidades de Suez. ao sul. E para frente, no rumo oeste, a pernetação israelense era de 50 quilômetros.

O general Arik Sharon, que conhece o Sinai como seu bolso e que comanda diretamente as forças israelenses que cruzaram o canal, parece otimista quanto à sua situação estratégica. Segundo ele, o III Corpo de Exército egípcio (duas divisões, uma delas blindada) está cercado ao sul do lago Amargo. As posições egípcias no Sinai, com contingentes de Israel em sua retaguarda, seriam também vulneráveis. E, finalmente, há soldados israelenses a 60 quilômetros do Cairo. Aparentemente, uma boa posição para barganha.

ônibus apinhados e os garotos com seus tabuleiros na cabeça, onde se equilibram miraculosamente pilhas enormes de pães redondos e chatos, eram outros tantos sinais de que a normalidade total estava chegando.

De meia em meia hora as redações da Europa telefonavam para seus correspondentes em Damasco em busca de notícias imediatas. Inutilmente. Pouco a pouco apareceram os argumentos que poderiam justificar esta longa espera. Ao contrário de Sadat, com seu exército ainda solidamente implantado do outro lado do canal de Suez, o presidente sírio Assad seria obrigado a assinar o cessar-fogo com tropas israelenses dentro do seu próprio território, situação que a maior parte da população ignorava.

Depois de dar essa noticeia desagradável, ainda seria necessário começar as neugociações sobre as bases movições da Resolução 242 da ONU e, no acerto de contas, depois de todos os sacrifícios, a Síria acabaria talvez prejudicada. Para piorar tudo, apareceram os rumores de dissensões no Partido Baas e sobre a obstinação do exército iraquiano em manter tropas em território sírio. Ao anoitecer, quando terminava o prazo para o cessar-fogo segundo o horário local, Damasco estava de novo com medo.

**Calma e sangue** — Já no domingo, rompendo uma calmaria completa de cinco dias, a população ouvira novamente as sirenas de alerta. Do alto de telhados de concreto, entre caixas-d'água e pára-raios, os curiosos tiveram direito mais uma vez ao espetáculo de combates aéreos. Apesar de corriqueiras, estas batalhas celestes dão sempre a sensação de incerteza. Logo depois do meio-dia, alertados pelo radar, os Mig sírios começaram a sobrevoar a cidade, provocando o pouco depois explosões fora do alcance da vista. Seis helicópteros de transporte de tropas tomaram a direção da frente. Mas o único resultado comproudo de toda essa atividade, quatro horas depois, era a captura de um piloto israelense. Nu, sobre a mesa de operações, com uma perna quebrada, um corte na garganta e hemorragia nos pulmões, ele servia de manequim para os fotógrafos.

Mas, ao contrário do que se esperava no domingo e se temia abertamente na noite seguinte, segunda e terça-feira foram dias calmos em Damasco. Esta tranculidade só seria ameaçada pela reliability síria em assinar o cessar-fogo e um alerta provocado por alguns aviões israelenses desgarrados de uma esquadriha de sessenta que iam atacar o monte Hermon. Lá, segundo todas as informações, trava-se uma guerra alheia aos mísseis e ao próprio século XX. Nos combates mais sangrentos registrados agora, marroquinos, iraquianos e israelenses esfaqueiam-se entre si.

## Euforia e medo no primeiro dia sem guerra

O enviado especial de VEJA à frente árabe, Pedro Cavalcanti, acompanhou, durante a semana passada, as primeiras e contraditórias reações diante do primeiro cessar-fogo. De Damasco, ele enviou o seguinte relato:

Damasco recebeu a noticeia do cessar-fogo imposto por americanos e soviéticos com gritos de euforia. A tranqüila capital síria, onde a guerra era sentida como uma realidade distante, quase cinematográfica, ouviu pelo rádio, na madrugada de segunda-feira passada, que tanto Sadat quanto Golda Meir haviam aceitado os termos do acordo. Mas a boa nova não era verdadeira. Por um erro de tradução dos escritórios da agência France-Presse em Paris, anticipara-se a aceitação de Sadat, que na verdade só seria confirmada ao meio-dia.

O amanhecer, por causa desse erro, encontrou Damasco mais do que nunca disposta a manifestações de júbilo. Os conselheiros soviéticos, que nos primeiros dias da guerra comiam em silêncio, olhando perdidamente os pratos, abandonaram o terno e a gravata e ges-

AFP

Um dos últimos mortos em Golan

ticularavam alegremente nas mesas do Hotel Semíramis. Era fácil adivinhar que reproduziam sobre a comida a trajetória de um míssil perseguindo um Migrage.

Nas ruas a satisfação era parecida com a demonstrada pelos "drs. Sam VI", com o são chamados os soviéticos. O dono de uma banca de jornal, insatisfeito com as manchetes já imensas dos jornais, pintava por sua conta títulos ainda mais animadores em cima das folhas de papel. E as milícias populares, que ainda na véspera andavam pelas ruas pedindo documentos aos estrangeiros, acolhiam agora os fotógrafos com grandes sorrisos e posavam com as metralhadoras levantadas ao ar.

**Crepúsculo e medo** — Todos pareciam considerar o cessar-fogo na frente síria uma questão de horas. Afinal, já havia soldados voltando da frente de batalha. Os transistores proliferavam no centro da cidade. As motocicletas perambulavam repletas de flores de plástico. E os

Tropas israelenses avançam no Sinai em tanques, ambulâncias e caminhões (no alto e no centro, à esquerda); cabeça de ponte egípcia (centro, à direita); explosões na areia do deserto

VEJA, 31 DE OUTUBRO, 1973

37

HENRY KISSINGER AT WORK DURING PARIS PEACE NEGOTIATIONS LAST YEAR

J. P. LAFFONT—STOCK

HARRY BENSON

DURING 1972 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION

FOREIGN RELATIONS/COVER STORY

A Super Secretary to Shake Up State

The momentous decision was an-
nounced in, of all places, a swimming
pool. Julie Nixon Eisenhower tele-
phoned Henry Kissinger and asked
whether his two young children would
like to come over for a dip at the Nix-
ons' San Clemente estate. Indeed they
would. A little later, Julie called back
and asked Kissinger to come along too.
So Kissinger and his children were con-
tently paddling around in the pool,
behind the expensive bulletproof wind-
screen, when Nixon himself appeared
in his trunks and strolled out into the af-
ternoon sunshine. He got into the pool
and then said to Kissinger, "Why don't
you and I go down to the other end?"

**Stunning News.** The two men splashed to the shallow end of the pool. Kissinger took a seat on the steps, half in and half out of the water, while the President stretched out and floated on his back in front of Kissinger. Then Nixon gave him the news. "If you will let me," said the President, "I would like to nominate you for Secretary of State tomorrow."

No matter how prepared Henry Kissinger may have been for that moment, it still stunned him. He had heard the rumors ever since last year's election: that Secretary of State William P. Rogers was ready to resign and that the President was thinking of making Kissinger his top foreign policy adviser in name as well as in fact. A few weeks ago the President had told Kissinger that Rogers wanted to resign, and he had asked Kissinger's opinion about several possible successors. Later, when Kissinger mentioned that he had been planning a trip to Europe, Nixon cautioned him: "You'd better not make any

travel plans for the next month or so. I'll need you close by." But none of this had altogether prepared Henry Kissinger for the news that he, an immigrant, a Jew, a professor who still spoke English with a marked German accent, was about to become the nation's 56th Secretary of State. He told the President —what else could he say?—that he certainly had no objection to his name being submitted to the Senate for confirmation. Then, still in the pool, the two men talked about problems ahead.

In one sense, of course, Kissinger's
nomination was simply a confirmation
of the true state of American diploma-
cy. It was Kissinger, the theorist of a Bis-
marckian balance of power, who had
created the intellectual framework for
Nixon's greatest achievements in for-
eign policy, the new détente with China,
the progressive improvement of rela-
tions with the Soviet Union and, final-
ly, the truce in Viet Nam. It was Kis-
singer, too, who personally brought
those theories into reality in an endless

The Response: "It Gives Me Faith"

The world's problems seemed far away
as Henry Kissinger sat at a small table
outside his San Clemente office. The sun
was bright, the air cool and clear. Flow-
ers ringed the small patio, and beyond
the immaculate lawn lay the blue Pa-
cific. From this tranquil outpost, the
world looked peaceful. Watergate
seemed manageable, the Congress
friendly, and the press tame. But Kis-
singer's strength is that he knows all this
is deceptive. The real world is not so
idyllic, and Kissinger wants to get back
into the real world as fast as he can.

In an interview with TIME's Hugh Sidey, Kissinger spoke carefully. He must still face the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and be confirmed. He did not want to talk plans and programs, techniques and hopes, grand ideas for his New World. He was obviously rather awed by his new nomination and yet not the least bit afraid of it. A German-born Jew, unproper-

tied, unelegant and unimposing. Henry
Kissinger seemed ready to move toward
the pantheon of national greats.

"I have been heartened by the re-
sponse to my nomination," he told
Sidey, "by telephone calls from people
who have disagreed—Averell Harri-
man, Mac Bundy, John McCloy. It
makes me hope we can really unite this
country. There are elements of a truly
constructive period ahead. If we don't
tear ourselves to pieces domestically, we
can build something that will last be-
yond this Administration. It must be
built on previous Administrations too.
We have brought some major changes,
but some of them were open only to
us. But they wanted what we wanted.

"In many ways it is a great para-
dox. It gives me faith in the history of
this country. Back there, we would have
said that the least likely man elected to
do all these things would be Richard

14

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973

# How to read an envelope.

A printed envelope tells you the sender is in business. He buys his stationery in bulk, which means he anticipates his needs and plans ahead. Just how good a businessman he is can be told from the rest of the envelope.

This window reveals that the sender uses a handy ledger card billing system to send out his monthly bills. He copies the ledger cards on a Pitney Bowes Copier. Folds and inserts the copies automatically into window envelopes, using a Pitney Bowes Folder/Inserter. And prints the postage with a Pitney Bowes Postage Meter. Quickly and easily.

The meter ad tells you the sender runs a tight ship. He even knows how to get extra mileage from his postage. By using his postage meter to print an ad alongside the postage, his letter puts in a good word for him even before it's opened.

The use of a Pitney Bowes Postage Meter tells you the sender considers his mail important. He wants it to have a businesslike appearance and get where it's going as fast as possible. The morale in his office is high, since he's eliminated the mess and bother of stamps, and time-consuming trips to the Post Office.

If you dusted this letter for fingerprints, you'd probably discover fewer than usual. Because metered mail gets handled less at the Post Office. That's because it gets cancelled, dated and postmarked right in the postage meter, by the sender. Which means less work for the Post Office. More speed for the mail.

For more information write Pitney Bowes, 1675 Pacific Street, Stamford, Conn. 06904, or call one of our 190 offices throughout the U.S. and Canada. Postage Meters, Mailing Equipment, Copiers, Counters and Imprinters, Addresser-Printers, Labeling and Marking Systems.

Pitney Bowes

Because business travels
at the speed of paper.

DICK HALSTED

KISSINGER HOLDING PRESS CONFERENCE AT SAN CLEMENTE

series of secret flights and exhaustive negotiations in Peking, Moscow, Paris. Secretary of State Rogers traveled to official conferences and presided over the traditional routines of foreign affairs.

Yet, although Kissinger's accession to power in the State Department is a formalization of his key role in Nixon's Administration, it can hardly help bringing profound changes in the conduct of American foreign policy. In the White House, as the President's personal adviser on national security affairs, Kissinger could concentrate on certain specific problems; as Secretary of State he must confront the whole world. The secret negotiations in Communist capitals have left America's traditional allies in a state of unease; the old ties

need to be reconstructed. The "Year of Europe," which Kissinger himself proclaimed as one of his top priorities, has hardly begun, and yet the calendar year is nearly over. In the Middle East, which Kissinger has largely avoided, new initiatives are needed. Latin America, too, is once again in a state of turmoil that can hardly be ignored. And even in the fields that Kissinger has made his own, he himself has expressed a desire for what he calls "institutionalization"—a process by which fragile one-man accomplishments can become the cornerstone of future policy, to be carried on by his successors. With his wide experience, his considerable prestige and his special position in the White House, Henry Kissinger, just turned 50, will be

a sort of Super Secretary, uniquely equipped to shake up the old systems and reach his ambitious goals.

On the domestic side, Kissinger faces problems that he has never encountered before. The first is in his relations with Congress, which has long chafed over the fact that Kissinger has been immune to legislators' questions. When Nixon announced the nomination at his press conference last week, he emphasized that Kissinger would stay on as his personal adviser in order to achieve "a closer coordination between the White House and the departments." Kissinger will therefore have offices in both places—and greater powers than any Secretary since John Foster Dulles. At his own press conference the next day, Kissinger sought to alay any suspicions that he might try to take advantage of his dual position to avoid congressional scrutiny. On the contrary, he promised, he will testify freely and conduct an "open" foreign policy.

**First Team.** Nixon urged the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to "move expeditiously" to confirm Kissinger's nomination at hearings next month. The Senators admire the new appointee's talents, but they are not without misgivings. They are expected to subject Kissinger to close interrogation, not only about his views on foreign affairs but about his acquiescence in the wiretapping performed on several members of his own staff. In the end, though, Kissinger will undoubtedly be confirmed, as he deserves to be.

Kissinger's other domestic problem concerns his new subordinates—that vast empire of 12,000 diplomats, code clerks, economic analysts, secretaries and linguists known collectively as the State Department, or Foggy Bottom or, in Kissinger's own term, "the bureau-

Nixon. But he has done them. What is important is that he did.

"I realize that we can't put Water-gate behind us. But I hope now that we can treat it as a cancer that has been ex-cised, and the wound will take a long time to heal. If we can get the country thinking about the future, that it has a future, then we can leave something behind. That is the positive thing I see. Somehow I think it will happen.

"We have a lot to do. We want to re-vitalize our relationships with our friends in Europe and Japan. The Middle East is probably the most dangerous spot. I still hope that we can find a basis for negotiations between the parties there. I intend to make a major effort to reinvigorate Latin American pol-icy. We will work to maintain the settlement in Indochina within the limits now prescribed by Congress. It is the first time since the war that we have had a world that is at peace. We will be judged by whether or not we can make this the natural state of things.

"I plan to see what I can do to bring the Senate Foreign Relations Committee into the conceptual area of foreign policy so that they do not have to make *ad hoc* decisions. I had lunch with [Chairman J. William] Fulbright three weeks ago, and he said then he would welcome this development [the nomination]. If I am confirmed, I hope to get a few dedicated men in the State Department in key areas and develop a sense of excitement that will last. Great Presidents have done that. They made public service an adventure. You go back now and read some of the things they said, and the content doesn't matter so much as the attitude. When I was a professor, I didn't mind too much if my students forgot the details. What was important was that they got a sense of what really mattered. Then they could teach themselves.

"The perception of ourselves in this nation must change now. We are no longer self-sufficient. One-half of our energy will soon be coming from

abroad. All of our exports soon will pay only for the raw materials we must import. Our agriculture products now have to be thoughtfully allocated. Take the wheat deal, for which we have been criticized. Our intelligence was faulty. But there was not a thought by anyone that we would not have enough wheat. Our whole orientation—by Congress, by farm experts, by businessmen—has been to sell it when we could. We must rethink where we are.

"We face problems now that no past generation has faced, they are common problems of humanity. They are food, energy, environment, communication. Up until Western imperialism, there was no world history. There was only regional history. When we talk about the Roman Empire, we talk about people who hardly knew the Chinese existed. Most great cultures developed independently. Now we are in close contact each day, yet it is a fact of our existence that we have never really assimilated. Yes, we must rethink where we are."

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973

THE NATION

cracy." Bill Rogers is genial and placid, a gentleman to the end, and he liked to keep banker's hours, with golf on weekends. Kissinger is intense, impatient and sometimes rude. He has never administered a large organization; his White House staff numbered a mere 120, all hand picked, closely watched, and driven mercilessly. "I don't know if Henry will be able to live with the bureaucracy," mused one official who knows both the incoming and outgoing Secretaries, "in a way that will satisfy him or the bureaucracy."

Many State Department officials, on the other hand, are prepared to welcome a brisk shake-up if it means that, after years of neglect at the hands of Kissinger's White House staff, the department will once again be thrust into the center of policymaking. "We're on the first team again," gloated a career officer in Paris. Others were biding their time, waiting to see whether Kissinger would genuinely attempt to reorganize and make proper use of the depart-

ment's human resources—or ignore them and create his own elite, as John Foster Dulles did. In the meantime, Kissinger, well aware that many men at State were uneasy, went out of his way to reassure them last week—in his own way. He praised the department's staffers as "great professionals," but he also urged them to see as much of their wives as possible in the next few weeks, because after his confirmation, he promised, they will be too busy. Did he expect to take any of his White House aides along to State? "I would expect that some of my associates would join me at the State Department to ease the cultural shock," said Kissinger. "But we would keep the agency structure in place."

The question might well be asked why Kissinger would want to take on the State Department bureaucracy at all. As a presidential adviser, he has already become the nation's most important diplomat. Why (except, perhaps, for a salary increase from $42,500 to

$60,000) would he want to occupy himself with the endless details of instructing ambassadors, receiving obscure Prime Ministers and princes and even Boy Scouts? Part of the answer is obviously personal: he aspires to the post once held by Thomas Jefferson and Daniel Webster, George C. Marshall and Dean Acheson—a post that, in terms of international prestige, is second only to the presidency. Part, too, is a desire to see his personal accomplishments made permanent.

"What we are going to try to do," he said last week, "is to solidify what has been started, to conclude the building of a structure that we can pass on to succeeding Administrations." But yet another part, and by no means the least important, is a desire to help heal the wounds that have torn his adopted nation. "We've had the legacy of a war that bitterly divided Americans," he said. "Therefore one of the prime objectives of the Administration will have to be to create a consensus [among] the

WALTCHAYAN—WASHINGTON POST

HENRY KISSINGER DANCING WITH NANCY MAGINNES

A New Title: "Just Call Me Excellency"

"I've always acted alone. Americans admire the cowboy leading the caravan alone astride his horse, the cowboy entering a village or city alone on his horse. He acts, that's all: aiming at the right spot at the right time."

Henry Kissinger was terribly embarrassed when Italian Journalist Oriana Fallaci quoted him describing himself as a character out of Zane Grey. He did not deny that he had said those words—"Why I agreed to it [the interview], I'll never know," he confessed later—but it was a little hard to imagine just how the precise, bespectacled professor of history at Harvard could see himself as a lean, flinty-eyed macho on horseback. Still, in a way Kissinger's self-portrait was not so preposterous as it sounded. Proud, private and consummately confident of his ability, Kissinger has always acted alone, rising to his present eminence with the aid of almost no one but himself.

Born into a middle-class Jewish

family in the German town of Fürth, Kissinger grew up as the Nazis were coming to power, and so found himself an outcast. Heinz, as he was then called, was denied admission to high school, forced to attend an all-Jewish school, and often beaten up by gangs of Nazi toughs on the way.

His family's escape to America in 1938, when Kissinger was 15, hardly ended his sense of isolation. At George Washington High School on Manhattan's Upper West Side, Kissinger generally avoided his classmates, often crossed to the far side of the street when he saw other youngsters approaching. His greatest ambition was to become an accountant.

The Army, in which he enlisted in 1942, changed all that. Kissinger's linguistic ability quickly won him a post as a translator and interrogator in counterintelligence and, eventually, a job teaching modern German history to officers. He also raised his sights. German-

PICTORIAL PARADE

ENTERTAINING TV PRODUCER MARGARET OSMER

born Fritz Kraemer, an Army instructor who became his friend and mentor, informed him that "gentlemen do not go to the College of the City of New York," so Kissinger obtained a scholarship and went to Harvard.

Once there, he did brilliantly, winning an A.B. in government in 1950 and a doctorate four years later. By 1954 he was teaching at Harvard and serving as consultant to several Government agencies, including the National Security Council's Psychological Strategy Board. He was also writing, making major contributions to the literature of international relations, demonstrating ways in which the display of force could and should be used to avert international catastrophe.

His earliest books—*Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, The Necessity for Choice* and *The Troubled Partnership*—all called for balancing military power in order to achieve greater international stability. A 1968 study of Bismarck, whom Kissinger admires for his grasp of geopolitical realities, argued the importance of restraining contend-

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973

American people and the American
Congress."

Can he, the outsider, perform such a feat? The question at his press conference was slightly different—and somewhat more embarrassing. Would his being a Jew, he was asked, affect the problem of the Middle East? "I'm asked to conduct the foreign policy of the United States," he said, "and I will conduct the foreign policy of the United States regardless of religious and national heritage. There is no other country in the world in which a man of my background could be even considered for an office such as the one to which I have been nominated, and that imposes on me a responsibility, which I will pursue in the national interest."

Around the world, the reaction to Kissinger's nomination was, not too surprisingly, mild and muted. Except in a few areas where he is viewed with suspicion, Kissinger is widely admired for his skill and intellect, and even for his cosmopolitanism. He is, as much as any

incoming American Secretary of State is ever likely to be, a known quantity. Nonetheless, diplomatic experts in many countries were still uncertain about precisely how he would deal with the wide range of problems that now confront him.

Among the most delicate of these is the one he knows best, and the one to which he has the most personal commitment: the truce in Indochina. It took Kissinger nearly 3½ years and 24 rounds of talks to negotiate the frail and complex agreements that permitted U.S. forces to withdraw under the umbrella of what Nixon repeatedly calls "peace with honor." The truce agreements still survive, but peace is by no means certain. The fighting in South Viet Nam sputters along in the form of sporadic guerrilla action accompanied by confused reports of remote outposts threatened and then relieved. Laos stands at the edge of a cease-fire, but only last week an attempted army putsch threatened to jeopardize the ac-

cord. In Cambodia, now that U.S. bombing has finally ended, the feeble government of President Lon Nol is under constant threat from the Khmer insurgents. Kissinger will have to find a way to negotiate some sort of Cambodian settlement, possibly one that would bring back the exiled Prince Sihanouk as head of a coalition government.

In the course of such negotiations, Kissinger may need to call on his ties with the Communist leaders of both Moscow and Peking. No other Secretary, indeed, could come to office with such a background of personal relations with the highest figures in the Communist hierarchy. Leonid Brezhnev in Moscow, Chou En-lai in Peking, both recognize the theory of power politics that Kissinger personifies; both have a personal stake in seeing the détente of the last few years become permanent.

Paradoxically, it is among some of America's closest allies, particularly the Europeans, that Kissinger has the most immediate labors to perform. This is not

PICTORIAL PARADE

J.P. LAFFONT—SYGMA

CHATTING WITH MARLO THOMAS AT PARTY FOR OSCAR HAMMERSTEIN

ing forces by manipulating their antagonisms and of moving decisively to carry out policy decisions. "A policy that awaits events," wrote Kissinger, "is likely to become their prisoner."

In some ways, Kissinger has changed little since President Nixon—ignoring the fact that Kissinger had opposed him in the 1968 election—named him national security adviser in 1969. He still retains his thick German accent, lives alone in a six-room town house in Washington's Rock Creek Park, and spends so little time there that friends say only the library looks used. He has retained his taste for rich foods, his interest in chess and his tendency to neglect his appearance. He still puts in 18-hour days and expects his aides to do the same. One of those aides, in fact, tells of laboring until midnight on a position paper that Kissinger then handed back with a request that it be improved; another midnight, another version, and another rejection. When Kissinger received the third version, he asked: "Is this really the best you can do?" When the aide said it was,

Kissinger sighed and said: "Very well, then, I'll read it."

In other ways, though, Kissinger has changed considerably. He has developed a wry sense of *Galgenhumor*, of which he is the chief victim. After being attacked by another Administration official as an "egotistical maniac," he remarked: "It took me 18 years to achieve total animosity at Harvard. In Washington, I did it in 18 months."

Along the way, he has acquired a somewhat less than convincing reputation as a swinger. Divorced from his wife in 1964, Kissinger has dated a covet of actresses, including Jill St. John, Liv Ullmann and Marlo Thomas as well as TV Producer Margaret Osmer and Rockefeller Aide Nancy Maginnes. He obviously enjoys his reputation as the "playboy of the Western Wing," but he spends almost as much time with his children—Elizabeth, 15, and David, 12—as he does on the social circuit. He also makes it clear that his work comes before anything. Of the actresses, he once remarked: "I am no fool. I realize

the game. I am their celebrity of the hour, the new man in town. I don't kid myself."

It is too early to tell whether or how his new responsibilities will affect his social life. They have not yet dulled his sense of humor. Last week, when reporters asked him whether he preferred to be addressed as Mr. Secretary or Dr. Secretary, he hesitated only a moment before answering. "I don't stand on protocol," he said with a grin. "If you will just call me Excellency, it will be O.K."

HANDHOLDING WITH JILL ST. JOHN

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973

17

CULVER

THOMAS JEFFERSON

DANIEL WEBSTER

INTERNATIONAL NEWS PHOTO

GEORGE C. MARSHALL

AP

DEAN ACHESON

WALTER BENNETT

JOHN FOSTER DULLES

The power to restore the department to its rightful place as the central foreign policy agency.

to say that the Europeans were not pleased with the Kissinger appointment. The French respect him as an intellectual as well as a boulevardier. The Germans seem modestly pleased that Kissinger is the first prospective U.S. Secretary of State who speaks their language like—well—a native. Said one official in Bonn: “When we get upset about some problem or other, he’ll take us aside and explain it in German. That always makes us feel better.” Most Europeans seemed to agree with the judgment of the *Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung*: “For Europeans, this foreign minister is a gain. No one knows the Atlantic problems like Kissinger.”

Despite these praises, there are real difficulties. Recognizing the need to rejuvenate the Western alliance, Kissinger proposed last April a “new Atlantic Charter” (later redesignated a “Declaration of Principles” after West German Chancellor Willy Brandt complained that the original name sounded too much like the Allies’ World War II pact), which was to redefine the principles of cooperation in such varied fields as military security, monetary reform, trade, energy, science. Eventually the blueprint was to include—in most fields other than security—Japan as well. But the Kissinger proposal for the “Year of Europe” has been coolly received in most of the Continental capitals. “Every year in Europe,” one bemused British diplomat remarked last week, “is the Year of Europe.”

Most of Kissinger's ideas remain to

be worked out in a wide range of forthcoming conferences: On the balance of forces (MBFR) in Vienna, on European Security in Geneva, on SALT II in Geneva. President Nixon himself is expected to tour Europe in the fall, and there may be a European summit meeting as well.

**Energetic Role.** So far during his operations at the White House, Kissinger has intentionally stayed away from the Middle East problem—partly because he was busy with other matters, and partly perhaps because he could see no way to solve it. Instead, Secretary of State Rogers proposed a plan that led to a cease-fire along the Suez Canal for the past three years but has resulted so far in a stalemate rather than a peace settlement.

The first reaction of many Arab newspapers to Kissinger's appointment was to object to the fact that he is a Jew. KISSINGER BECOMES THE FIRST JEWISH U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE, headlined Beirut's *al Moharrer*. On the other hand, many Arab diplomats were waiting to see whether Kissinger would take as energetic a role in settling the Arab-Israeli impasse as he did in ending the Viet Nam War. Some wondered whether, in the Kissinger view, Palestinians should play as vital a part in Middle East peace talks as the Viet Cong did at the conference table in Paris.

Certainly the problem cannot be postponed indefinitely. The energy crisis has spotlighted the world's reliance on Arab oil, and the Arabs are fast

learning how to use their oil as a political weapon. King Feisal of Saudi Arabia, long a friend of the U.S., has informed Washington that it cannot continue to support Israel and expect to receive Arab oil. Feisal, whose country contains the world's largest petroleum reserves, knows full well that the U.S. and the other industrial nations need oil more than the oil-rich Arabs presently need money.

The Arabs are not alone in their suspicion of Kissinger. The Indians, too, have vivid memories of Kissinger's saying that although the U.S. would remain neutral in the Indo-Pakistani war over Bangladesh, President Nixon wanted that neutrality “tilted” in favor of Pakistan. More generally, the Indians also resent being left out of Kissinger's concept of the “five-power world” (the U.S., Western Europe, the Soviet Union, China and Japan). Last week Kissinger remarked that he hoped to come to a better understanding of Indian problems.

Like the Indians, the Japanese remember Kissinger for past slights—notably his secret journey to Peking two years ago without any warning to Tokyo. Indeed, the Nixon Administration's diplomatic *shokkus* of 1971 did lasting damage to Japan's relations with the U.S. The ceremonious Japanese have also found it exceedingly embarrassing, more than most allies have, to deal formally with Rogers while seeking ways to bypass him when they need to get the attention of the White House. On balance, they probably wel-

RETIRING SECRETARY OF STATE WILLIAM ROGERS SITTING ALONE IN THE CABINET ROOM AT THE WHITE HOUSE

FRED J. MAROON—LOUIS MERCIER

THE NATION

come the change and look forward to a
period of improved relations.

In the transfer of power to Kissinger, everybody went out of his way to salute the departing Secretary Rogers. Nixon expressed "personal regret" at the resignation of "a close personal friend." Kissinger praised him for his "enormous dignity, grace, wisdom, and above all humanity." At the same time, however, Kissinger acknowledged that there had been "a difficult relationship" between the rival foreign-affairs agencies. He added: "You wouldn't believe me if I said anything else."

These have, in fact, been difficult years for Bill Rogers, an eminently successful corporation lawyer, a self-made millionaire, and a respected Attorney General in the Eisenhower Administration. With the 1968 election of his long-time friend Richard Nixon, Rogers was rewarded with the prestigious office of Secretary of State, and he foresaw the next four to eight years as perhaps the height of his public career.

**Natural Restraint.** But Rogers had hardly taken over the graceful seventh-floor office overlooking the Lincoln Memorial when his disappointments began. His hopes for a quick end to what he privately referred to as "that goddam war" were killed by Nixon's decision to make a protracted withdrawal during four years of negotiations. Nor was he ever able to make good either in public or in private his official role as the President's chief foreign policy adviser.

An elegant and essentially decent man, but a mediocre speaker with no background in foreign affairs, Rogers had a tendency to approach international problems from the viewpoint of a corporation lawyer. As he explained privately, "In handling an important lawsuit, you tell the other guy that you know you can't win all your points, nor can he, and it's best for all to reach a compromise." It was a decent, honest, somewhat guileless approach.

Unlike the amiable Rogers, Kissinger was no old friend of Nixon's. He had served as a foreign-affairs adviser to Nelson Rockefeller and, even worse, was a friend of the Kennedy establishment. But Nixon had read and liked Kissinger's books, and wisely recognized in Kissinger the sort of man he was looking for. The two still treat each other with a certain formality, a natural restraint; they are in no sense cronies. Occasionally there have been strains, and even reports that Kissinger might be on the way out. One such strain occurred late last year following the breakdown of the Paris peace talks, when Nixon waged his fierce Christmas bombing campaign on Hanoi. Kissinger loyally defended the President, but managed to give the impression that his heart was not in the bombing. Still, for all his pride, Kissinger remembers that Metternich was not the Emperor, nor Richelieu the King, and he finds a certain security in presenting himself simply as the agent of Nixon's foreign policy.

That slightly disingenuous discretion has suited Nixon admirably. Observers have described how the President, at National Security Council meetings, will say with a touch of pride, "Henry, will you present the options for us?" Then he settles back to listen while Kissinger becomes the professor once more.

The contest between Kissinger and Rogers had a predictably adverse effect on the State Department, an overly bureaucratic machine without any constituency among the general public, and thus without independent influence. The emergence of the "Kissinger shop," the predominance of Kissinger himself, the lack of administrative talents in Rogers—all these led to abysmally low morale and low effectiveness in the State Department. At first there were attempts to cover it up, but even that tense gradually fell away, and by the time of Nixon's second Administration, none of it was left.

Yet Rogers' tenure had its important positive aspects. His Middle East initiative, at first received skeptically by his aides, did result in the still-lasting Suez cease-fire and at least some overtures by Egypt and Israel toward negotiations. Rogers also performed, with distinction, the task of representing the

U.S. in negotiations abroad. He further bore the brunt of congressional committee hearings and congressional opposition on Viet Nam. Rogers, unfailingly courteous, remained loyal to his President and argued his case well. "He's a decent, fine man, a terribly underrated, misused man," Senator Mansfield once remarked.

Despite the genuinely warm feelings about Rogers, most foreign service professionals seemed to feel last week that Henry Kissinger might be just what was needed at Foggy Bottom. Clearly Kissinger had it in his power to rebuild the Department of State and restore it to its rightful place as the central foreign policy agency in the Government, and he seemed to relish the prospect of doing just that. Immediately he summoned home David K.E. Bruce and Daniel Patrick Moynihan from Peking and New Delhi for talks. Moreover, he seemed committed to the concept of formulating a foreign policy of reconciliation for the post-Viet Nam period: an aim that Congress, as well as the nation at large, could well applaud. If Richard Nixon has truly decided, in the wake of Watergate, to create a more open presidency, his appointment of Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State marks an imposing beginning.

## Young Immigrants

Henry Kissinger's nomination as Secretary of State serves as a reminder that, after the Albert Einsteins and the Arturo Toscaninis, already-distinguished refugees from the European fascism of the 1930s, a whole new generation of immigrants have made contributions to the U.S. Among them:

* Mike Nichols, 41, movie director, came from Germany in 1939.

* Claes Oldenburg, 44, artist, from Sweden in 1938.

* I.M. Pei, 56, architect, from China in 1935.

* Helmut Sonnenfeldt, 46, awaiting confirmation as Under Secretary of the Treasury, from Germany in 1944.

* Charles Bluhdorn, 46, chairman, Gulf & Western, from Austria in 1942.

* Lukas Foss, 51, composer-conductor, from Germany in 1935.

* Otto Eckstein, 46, economist, from Germany in 1939.

* Rudi Gernreich, 51, women's wear

designer, from Austria in 1938.

José Quintero, 48, theater director, from Panama in 1941.

Max Frankel, 43, journalist, from Germany in 1940.

Roddy McDowall, 44, actor, from England in 1940.

H. Gobind Khorana, 51, a 1968 Nobel prizewinner in medicine, from India in 1960.

Tsung-Dao Lee, 46, and Chen Ning Yang, 51, who shared a 1957 Nobel Prize in physics, from China in 1946 and 1945, respectively.

John Simon, 48, film and theater critic, from Yugoslavia in 1940.

Wilfrid Sheed, 42, writer and editor, from England in 1947.

VARYING BACKGROUNDS: (FROM TOP, CLOCKWISE) OLDENBURG, GERNREICH, KHORANA

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973

DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE

The Capable Man in the Middle

To a nation that has traditionally placed
high trust in its law-enforcement agen-
cies, one of the grimmer sides of the Wa-
tergate scandal was the success dis-
played by White House officials in
manipulating the U.S. Justice Depart-
ment in its investigation of the affair.
To restore confidence in the depart-
ment, President Nixon named a star-
quality Attorney General: Elliot Lee
Richardson, a man who had not the
slightest connection with Watergate and
who could convince voters that justice
would finally be brought to bear on
those responsible for the scandal. Last
week, as Richardson was dealing not
only with Watergate but also with a
whole new closet of dirty linen possi-
bly involving Vice President Spiro T.
Agnew, he was subtly but unmistakably
rebuked for his performance by both
the President and Vice President. The
separately delivered scoldings only un-
derscored the anomaly of his incom-
fortable middleman's position: Rich-
ardson is charged with overseeing
investigations of the only two federal
executives who rank above him.

Both Nixon and Agnew were in-
censed by news leaks about alleged
kickbacks from Maryland contractors
to politicians, including Agnew. The
Vice President called a news conference
—his second since he was notified last
month that he was under federal inves-
tigation for bribery, extortion, conspir-
acy and tax evasion—to denounce an
“outrageous” effort on the part of “some
Justice Department officials to indict
me in the press.” Noting that Richard-
son had promised to look into any

suggestion that Justice officials were talking out of turn, Agnew bluntly demanded that the Attorney General "fulfill that promise and pursue such an investigation vigorously."

Agnew was particularly disturbed
by a TIME story (Aug. 27) reporting that
Justice Department officials believe that
the Vice President eventually will be in-
dicted. Agnew stressed that he did not
blame the press for printing such re-
ports because "I cannot fault you for
publishing information given to you by
informants within the Department of
Justice." Instead, he said, "the blame
must rest with those who gave this in-
formation to the press."

At his San Clemente press confer-
ence the next day, Nixon fully applaud-
ed Agnew's blast at his investigators.
Discussion of cases on which grand jury
action is pending, the President said, is
highly improper because during such
probes "all kinds of charges are made
which will not stand up in open court."
Then, clearly leaving the impression
that he was dissatisfied with Richard-
son's failure to effect total secrecy in
the matter, he announced that he had
ordered the Attorney General to inves-
tigate his department's leaks. Anyone
found to have given unauthorized in-
formation about the Agnew case to the
press, the President promised, will be
"summarily dismissed."

**FBI Probe.** In a reply to Agnew,
Richardson dutifully expressed his "dis-
may" at the unofficial reporting of the
case and promised to bring in the FBI
to probe it. However, he pointed out, it
is not a crime for those with knowl-
edge of an investigation to discuss it
until the case is actually being heard
by a grand jury—a stage that the in-
quiry into Agnew's affairs is not expect-
ed to reach until after Labor Day. Thus,
said Richardson, in any case as explo-
sive as the Vice President's, there may
be "no fully effective means" of halt-
ing "cynical rumors and conjectures."

For Richardson, there is almost cer-
tainly no effective means of avoiding
more and more such run-ins with his su-
periors in the future. He irritated the
White House by appointing Archibald
Cox as Watergate Special Prosecutor.
Technically, the Attorney General re-
mains Cox's boss. Cox, a Democrat and
former Harvard law professor, has en-
gaged the White House in a historic
court battle over the Watergate tapes
(see following story), and is regarded in-
correctly by many Nixon loyalists as out
to "get" the President. In addition, un-
less the President somehow attempts to
intervene, it will be Richardson who
must ultimately decide whether U.S. At-
torney George Beall's Baltimore inves-
tigators have gathered enough evidence
against Agnew to seek an indictment
—and if so, whether the Government

should proceed against a Vice President
unless he has first been impeached and
removed from office. Further, if Nixon
or Agnew should try to influence either
case, Richardson might well have to
deal with conflicts unprecedented in
U.S. judicial annals. Administration of-
ficials acknowledge privately that Rich-
ardson is viewed with some degree of
disenchantment these days at the White
House. In an interview with TIME Cor-
respondent Hays Gorey, Richardson
mused uncomfortably: "Am I on the
spot? Of course. Public interests are at
stake, interests that are very important
and hard to reconcile."

Agnew's supporters are quick to
claim that private interests may be at
stake as well, namely Richardson's own.
They have an exaggerated suspicion
that the Attorney General sees himself
as a prime contender for the G.O.P.
presidential nomination in 1976 and
would like nothing better than to have
Agnew knocked out of the running by
a scandal. Agnew, his aides contend,
shares some of their suspicions about
the Attorney General. Richardson says
that he refuses to "dignify" such asser-
tions by replying to them. A source close
to Richardson maintains that the At-
torney General could not profit from
the leaks involving Agnew because
"they are seen as a failure within the de-
partment to observe ethical standards.
as another stain on the department."

Still, by the sheer course of momen-
tous events, the handsome, well-spoken
Richardson is, at 53, an ascending force
in Washington. Born into a Boston
Brahmin family and educated at Har-
vard (LL.B., '47). Richardson made a
political name for himself as U.S. At-
torney in Massachusetts by prosecuting
Boston Industrialist Bernard Goldfine,
provider of Sherman Adams' famous vi-
cuña coat, on tax-evasion charges. A
Rockefeller supporter in 1968, Richard-

THE NATION

WALTER BENNETT

AGNEW AT PRESS CONFERENCE

Separate scoldings.

ATTORNEY GENERAL ELLIOT RICHARDSON

DENNIS BRICK-BLACKSTEIN

TIME, SEPTEMBER 3, 1973