CHILL FACTORS

1) What is your favorite winter vacation spot? Why?

2) Do you have a favorite way to spend a winter's day and evening?

3) What has been your most memorable winter experience? Why?

OFFICE OF
HENRY A. KISSINGER

April 21, 1980

Dear Mr. Klauser:

As Dr. Kissinger is presently out
of the country, I am writing on his
behalf to acknowledge receipt of
Mr. Ikeda's gift of *Imari*. I know
Dr. Kissinger will enjoy this beau-
tiful book immensely and I will keep
it for Dr. Kissinger to see on his
return.

Thank you again.

Mr. Arthur Klauser
4200 Massachusetts Avenue, N. W.
Apt. 112
Washington, D. C. 20016

HENRY A. KISSINGER

April 23, 1980

Dear Mr. Klauser:

Imari was waiting for me on my
return to the office from Europe.
It is indeed a beautiful gift to
grace my library.

Please be sure to give my thanks
to your Chairman, Mr. Ikeda, for
so kind a gesture.

Mr. Arthur E. Klauser
4200 Massachusetts Avenue, N. W.
Apt. 112
Washington, D. C. 20016

HK:SC

June 17, 1980

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

My name is Joy Klopfer and I'm the pilot who flew you a
couple of times when I was with Corprojet. One of the trips
was from the Republican Governor's Convention in Austin along
with Governor Bowen of Indiana.

I have two requests. One, is your signature in a copy
of your book "The White House Years" (my ex-boss absconded with
the other one).

And the second request is just a short note or letter
from you saying that you thought I was a competent pilot and
that you felt completely safe and comfortable with me flying
the airplane. The reason for this is that I often have disparaging
comments made to me about the fact that I'm a woman, and I
remember that the flights with us were personally requested by
your office, and that you requested certain flight crews to be used.

I'm now a pilot for Mr. Reginald Jones at General Electric.
Thank you for your help.

P.S.

I left a book and some money for mailing with your secretary!

HENRY KISSINGER'S ART OF STATESMANSHIP

If the philosopher is separated from the statesman
because he is not obligated to implement his conceptions, then
we must give to the statesman and his art a much more serious
role in our moral and political life. This idea was stated by
Aristotle in his *Nicomachean Ethics* when he said that the
science of politics involves the good of man. It is therefore
the universal science, the science which leads us from our
particular concerns to a sense of universality; it is that
science which shows us how to see our individual concerns as
subordinate to national and international concerns. Aristotle
says, "Therefore the good of man must be the end of the science
of politics. For even though it be the case that the good is
the same for the individual as for the state, nevertheless,
the good of the state is manifestly a greater and more perfect
good, both to attain and to preserve. To secure the good of
one person only is better than nothing; but to secure the good
of a nation or a state is a nobler and more divine achieve-
ment."¹ The qualifications for the statesman, a man who has
devoted himself to "justice" and "moral nobility", come from
experience. This experience is rooted in "phronesis" which
is that ability to see the right course in a multitude of

¹Aristotle, *Nicomachean Ethics*, trans. H. Rackham
(Loeb Classical Library, 1975), II, 8.

2

courses; it is that ability which steers man away from the temptations of absolutes, moral missions and crusades of all types. If statesmanship is to be denied to the young and immature in character, be they young or old, because they lack experience or do not learn from it, and if all life is ultimately bound to political life, then the role of the statesman and his behavior is indeed our greatest concern. Recently Dr. Kissinger, the former Secretary of State, published the first volume of his memoirs, *White House Years*.² Contrary to certain reviews, this long and informative book tells us much about the art of statesmanship and how Kissinger has implemented this art. If apart from the life of contemplation the art of the statesman is the highest, then those of us for whom philosophy still has some meaning must turn to the statesman and seek in his art that "phronesis" which makes political life meaningful and purposeful and comprehend how this political life affects all aspects of societal life.

When Kissinger accepted Nixon's offer in 1968 to become his adviser on national security, he was asked by the President-elect to state his views on the goal of diplomacy.

Kissinger replied: "The overriding problem was to free our foreign policy from its violent historical fluctuations between euphoria and panic, from the illusion that decisions depended largely on the idiosyncracies of decision makers.

²Henry Kissinger, *White House Years* (Boston, Little Brown & Co., 1979).

3

Policy had to be related to some basic principles of national interest that transcended any particular administration and would therefore be maintained as Presidents changed."³ If we are to speak of conceptions, for how else can we speak when we speak of goals, which are never far from visions and the insights of creative imagination, then we cannot avoid the conceptual structure which is embodied in the as-if, the presumption, the principle and the goal. There must also be the realization that the statesman does not create reality but discovers it; he should know what cannot be changed and what is subject to modification and alteration. There are no manuals in the art and it is for this reason that philosophy has seen statesmanship as an art and not a science. It is not bound to the given, to the resolution of the technical, this belongs to the bureaucratic; it is in the realm of the creative and imaginative, balanced with a sense of historical reality and necessity. Yet this whole conceptual framework can be purely academic without the courage to take risks and the recognition of opportunity.

Some of the most illustrative material in the Kissinger memoirs deals with the dramatic and unexpected reconciliation of China and the United States and, in particular, Kissinger's evaluation of the Chinese leadership, their art of diplomacy, their statesmanship. "Mao and Chou, practicing high Chinese

3

Ibid., 12

4

statesmanship in which ideology reinforced history and culture
to confer psychological assurance, found a natural partner in
Nixon. He was President during a period when the conventional
wisdom decried the exercise of power... But it was precisely
the unpredictable, idiosyncratic nature of a policy founded
on this illusion that needed to be overcome. Emotional slo-
gans, unleavened by a concept of national interest, had caused
us historically to oscillate between excesses of isolation and
overextension. ... It was ultimately dangerous to the mainte-
nance of peace."⁴ When we attempt to understand how it is
possible for two apparently contradictory systems of government
and ideologies to find in each other the reconciliation which
would seem to make it possible for them to coexist and to co-
operate on the international scene with at times common pur-
pose, we ask ourselves if we are not dealing with such tradi-
tional conceptual notions as the coincidence of opposites or
the reconciliation of contradictories in some higher principle
or if we are facing a simple alliance of interest which for
the moment is beneficial for both parties. If the latter is
true, then philosophy plays little role in what becomes a
perennial attempt of strategy to manipulate and maneuver as
cleverly and artistically as possible. The statesman in this
sense becomes a juggler or as Kissinger approvingly quotes a
Chinese proverb: "The helmsman must guide the boat by using

⁴Ibid., 1088.

5

the waves; otherwise it will be submerged by the waves."⁵

The argument from experience to experience cannot be refuted and it is at this moment that philosophy and this manner of statesmanship part paths. For if we recall the definition of Aristotle, statesmanship as an art must have pedagogical significance; it must create a world view, an attitude toward reality which must guide society in its moral and political quest for happiness and goodness. The statesman in this respect, and the ancients taught this repeatedly, is the educator of his society and in this respect he is the model by which and from which others take their norms and attitudes. Philosophy may not implement its conceptualization as the statesman must implement his, but the philosopher is as profoundly aware, and perhaps even more so than the statesman, that conceptualization without moral implementation can be destructive to man's search for the good life based on human dignity and responsibility.

Eric Weil, one of France's leading philosophers, has put the issue in the following form. "Only moral discussion, which is purported to determine what is immoral in a situation, what does not contradict universality, and the universaliza-bility of rules of conduct, political as well as personal, this discussion alone can preserve the possibility of a politic which wants to be just, i.e., reasonable, in leading each and

⁵ *Ibid.* , 781.

6

all toward a higher realization of reasonable freedom, and
preserves us from what we can perhaps call politicism."⁶ If
by politicism Weil means positivism of power politics, or a
Machiavellianism which divorces politics and morality and
assumes that political decisions are separable from moral ones,
then we should ask if the art of statesmanship practiced by
Kissinger falls into this category.

After careful analysis of Nixon's trip to China,
Kissinger reflects on the nature of the diplomacy which accom-
plished this diplomatic revolution. He calls this section
"Assessments." In it he teaches and I believe he sets forth a
philosophy of values which he thinks should be our guide in
future negotiations, but which is also a guide to our societal
life, an expression of a way of life which the statesman be-
lieves necessary for the good and happiness of society. What
does Kissinger teach? "Values and principles would inspire
our efforts and set our direction. But it was no use rushing
forth impetuously when excited or sulking in our tent when
disappointed. We would have to learn to reconcile ourselves
to imperfect choices, partial fulfillment, the unsatisfying
tasks of balance and maneuver given confidence by our moral
values but recognizing that they could be achieved only in
stages and over a long period of time."⁷ Considering and

⁶Eric Weil, "Faudra-t-il de nouveau parler de morale?" in *Savoir, Faire, Espérer: les limites de la raison* (Brussels, 1976), 282.

⁷Kissinger, 1089.

7

weighing these remarks, we are at first struck by their lack
of rigidity, the absence of absolutes and the non-commitment to
any ideology; knowing that the moment has its demands and rights
we should be ever attentive to the immediacy of needs. Every-
thing occurs in situation which is the comprehension that
policy cannot be a science, but an art. The law of non-contra-
diction which is basic in science loses its force in policy.
While the rational is fundamental to science, the reasonable
is the fundament of moral and political life where acts are
based upon conjectures and where we walk hesitantly between
risks and opportunities.⁸ The rational seeks the clear and
the distinct, the mathematical in the Platonic and Cartesian
meaning, in other terms mathematical realism. In contrast to
this mathematical realism we speak of a reality formed in per-
ception and experience.⁹ What Kissinger is therefore teaching
us is that the conduct of human affairs requires a variety of
choices and alternatives and that political prudence is the
ability to see into the significance of these choices both for
domestic and international life. If we use Aristotle's term,
we seek the good and in this realm the good is justice and
moral nobility. Could anything, however, be more vague than

⁸For a superb study of Kissinger's mind the reader
should consult Stephen R. Graubard, *Kissinger, Portrait of a
Mind* (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1973).

⁹For the concept of science see A. Koyré, "Philosophies
et theories scientifiques" in *Etudes d'histoire de la pensée
philosophique* (Paris, 1971), 253-269.

8

the search for a conceptual framework of international life,
one based on justice and moral nobility. Yet these moral ideas
do provide a conceptual structure and a meaningful one besides,
if we do not make of it slogans for moral crusades or utter
the proclamations of prophets or charismatic leaders, but act
as men aware of human weakness and fallacy willing to seek
compromise and accommodation in an all but perfect world.

For Kissinger there are two symbols which are expressive
of the threat to legitimate order: the Conqueror and the
Prophet. "This in its fundamental sense is the issue between
the conqueror or the prophet on the one side and the statesman
on the other; between the identification of conception and
possibility and the insistence on the contingency of the indi-
vidual will; between the effort to escape time and the need to
survive in it. It is a tragic and necessarily inconclusive
contest. For the statesman will treat the prophet as a poli-
tical manifestation, and the prophet will judge the statesman
by transcendental standards... the statesman is confronted with
what must always upset his calculations; that it is not balance
which inspires men byt universality, not security but immorta-
lity."¹⁰ It is clear that we are faced with one of the most
sinister issues in politics, the struggle of those undying
aggressive inclinations and desires in man to find an order

H. Kissinger, *A World Restored* (New York: Grosset
and Dunlop, 1964), 316-317.

9

through absolutes and holistic moral visions. It is a problem
which the ancients confronted in both drama and politics and
which caused Aristotle to develop a logic of the marketplace,
one that was based upon persuasion and argumentation and which
recognized the fundamental fact that human affairs are questions
of alternative values and require a commonsense, pragmatic
approach to the resolution of problems. This does not mean a
justification of the arbitrary or the haphazard but it does
confirm an attitude which weighs and balances its operational
results. Careful to avoid the pitfalls of the Scylla and
Charybdis or prophet and conqueror, Kissinger makes us aware
of how facile it is to deal with human rights, for example,
without at the same time coming to terms with international
security. "At the same time, we must recognize that we serve
the cause of freedom also by strengthening international secu-
rity and maintaining ties with other countries defending their
independence against external aggression and struggling to
overcome poverty, even if their internal structures differ from
ours."¹¹ There runs through Kissinger's art, and we must and
should call it such, a sense of balance, a realization that
contingency is more vital and meaningful than identity, that
time is the basic dimension of human action and responsibility,
in its realm no man has the guarantee of success, and that
what we think of as achievement and fulfillment at times

¹¹Kissinger, "Continuity and Change in American Foreign Polity," in *Human Rights and World Order*, ed. Abdul Aziz Said (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1978), 164.

10

becomes disappointment and contradiction. It is what Hegel
knew to be the "ruse of history" and what every man willing to
walk on the stage of world events must accept as the destiny
of the uncertain and the contradictory. There are echoes of
this in Kissinger's summation of the China problem. "Once
China becomes strong enough to stand alone, it might discard
us. A little later it might even turn against us, if its per-
ception of its interests require s it."¹² In this evaluation
we have Kissinger's sense of the tragic which both levels and
elevates man. It levels him because it makes him aware that
he may be the master of his actions but not of their conse-
quences. He may believe that he acts freely and can control
what he does, but he knows that no man can assume to be in
control of all forces and to be able to bridle them. Yet the
struggle to achieve is enhanced by the challenge, for would
there be struggle at all if we knew beforehand how the battle
would come out? It is this balance of risks and opportunities
which demonstrates the art of statesmanship. The fragility
of man's reason, threatened at every moment by violence, is
the very source of its nobility and strength. It is the
prophet, the moral crusader, the conqueror with an absolute
and unchallengeable cause, who can avoid the tragedy which is
synonymous with time, but it is not possible for other men,
and in particular the statesman who lives and struggles in and
through time. If we attempt to escape time, to envelop our-

¹²*White House Years*, 1091.

11

selves in the transcendent and in an absolute which is not
realized through a particular, in an empty and abstract abso-
lute, then we have lost sight of the statesman's art. Kissin-
ger teaches us what it means to lose sight of this art, what
the political and moral consequences are both internationally
and domestically. It is not only loss of that ability to work
with possibilities and their consequences but it is the loss
of choice and alternatives, it is the victory of the absolute.

No man is more convinced, although no man has been more
often accused of the contrary, that power alone cannot provide
the means to a just international world order than Henry
Kissinger. The old adage is at work in the evaluation of all
great men: they are more cited than read. In a speech deliver-
ed to the American Bar Association in 1975 Kissinger spoke of
his concept of world order. He said at that time: "The
challenge of the statesman is to recognize that a just inter-
national order cannot be built on power but only on the re-
straint of power."¹³ The restraint of power is reasonableness
in human affairs on all levels. It is the search for coherent
dialogue, the dialectic of confronting ideas and the recogni-
tion of the contingency of all human reality. There remains
serious danger of communication and the importance of the com-
prehension of his message. Aristotle made the statesman re-
sponsible for the education of the society which he guides and

¹³Kissinger, "International Law, World Order, and Human Progress," in *American Foreign Policy* (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1977, 3rd ed.), 235.

12

cherishes, but he should never lose sight of the fact that the
model which he should be must be comprehended by the people
whom he leads. He must never be beyond their capacity to
comprehend for they will then distrust him and the agreement
and support he needs from them will never be forthcoming.
Castlereagh, the British Foreign Secretary at the Congress of
Vienna, failed in this regard, but the lesson to be learned
should be heeded by every statesman. On the other hand,
Kissinger believes that the statesman who limits his polity
to the domestic experience of his people has failed his art and
is doomed to failure. Metternich committed this error and was
doomed. The two extremes bear in them their own destruction
because of their one-sidedness. It is the tragedy of this one-
sidedness which Sophocles long ago warned us against in his
beautiful play *Antigone*. The statesman-like King Creon must
and should possess "phronesis", that inner capacity to see the
partial truths that lie in the extremes but if claimed as
absolutes become demonic and destructive. Again and again the
wisdom of the ancients and the notion of "phronesis" returns
as the supreme art of the statesman. "We have reached that
moment in time where moral and political imperatives, law and
pragmatism point toward the same goal. The foreign policy of
the United States must reflect the universal ideals of the
American people."¹⁴

¹⁴ *Ibid.*, 736.

13

Mr. Kissinger has made us aware that the art of statesmanship has not lost its identity with the quality of "phronesis" which has given this art its esteem and validity in all those periods of life in which man's actions in the world have been valued highly. He has avoided the moral crusade, the prophetic proclamation and tone and above all he has attempted to embody in his approach and behavior the American sense of reasonableness and compromise which is the sole barrier to destructive ideological struggles and to rabid nationalism which do no more than intensify the violence which threatens international and national life on every level.

The art of the statesman, Kissinger has said, is "architectonic" demanding that peculiar and unique ability to build for the future through the widening of our options and the development of strength which can contain and lessen the inroads of those forces which are dedicated to violence and arbitrariness. Kissinger concluded one of his speeches with a quote from Abraham Lincoln declaring that the nation cannot endure "half free and half slave" and then enlarged the view by saying that our world cannot endure "half free and half slave." We may take Kissinger's remarks at face value and say he teaches us that with "lofty idealism and tough pragmatism" we can make effective idealism in which we believe. Wisdom requires us to balance idealism and pragmatism as it requires

us to avoid all extremisms. If the statesman teaches, and he
does, then it is this balance. This is the message which
Kissinger has given us and this may well be his greatest con-
tribution to the country which he serves.

William Kluback
Professor of Philosophy
City University of New York

Virginia Knauer
& Associates, Inc.

CONSUMER CONSULTANTS

June 12, 1980

OFFICERS

VIRGINIA H. KNAUER
PRESIDENT

VALERIE K. BURDEN
VICE PRESIDENT

MARTIN R. PETERSEN
VICE PRESIDENT

EDWARD NEAL RINER
VICE PRESIDENT

MICHAEL A. STERLACCI
GENERAL COUNSEL

ASSOCIATES

HON. W. J. (BILL) USERY, JR.
WASHINGTON, D. C.

HON. S. JOHN BYINGTON
WASHINGTON, D. C.

DR. LILLY BRUCK
NEW YORK, NEW YORK

SHELDON H. BUTT
EAST ALTON, ILLINOIS

WILLIS B. GOLDBECK
WASHINGTON, D. C.

EDNA DECOURSEY JOHNSON
BALTIMORE, MARYLAND

DR. WILLIAM LAZER
EAST LANSING, MICHIGAN

DR. LILLIAN H. MOHR
TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA

GEORGE E. MYERS
WASHINGTON, D. C.

JANET J. RATHE
PORTLAND, OREGON

RODOLFO B. SANCHEZ
ARLINGTON, VIRGINIA

HARVEY E. SCHOCK, JR.
HADDONFIELD, NEW JERSEY

DR. CURRIN V. SHIELDS
TUCSON, ARIZONA

DR. HANS B. THORELL
BLOOMINGTON, INDIANA

JAMES S. TURNER
WASHINGTON, D. C.

DR. EDWARD R. WILLETT
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS

The Honorable Henry Kissinger
Suite 520, 1800 K Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20006

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

The enclosed "Republicans and Consumerism in the 1980's" is hot off the press, and I thought you might like to see a copy. As chairman of the Consumer Affairs Subcommittee (Of the Council of Human Concerns of the Republican National Committee), I am pleased that our committee achieved a consensus which delineates a sound, workable Republican approach to the problems of consumers in the marketplace during this decade.

Based on the solid achievements of the Nixon and Ford Administrations on behalf of consumers, we can look forward to halting the stagnation and lack of innovation in federal consumer programs that have characterized the current administration, when we elect a Republican president in November.

JUN 12 1980

SUITE 502 • 2033 M STREET, N. W. • WASHINGTON, D. C. 20036 • TELEPHONE (202) 293-3370

EMBASSY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Ambassador of the United States of America to Ireland

Walter J. P. Curley was born and raised in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He graduated from Phillips Academy, Andover, Massachusetts, and majored in Sociology at Yale University where he received a Bachelor of Arts Degree in 1943. Mr. Curley also attended the University of Oslo, Norway; he received a Master's Degree in 1948 from the Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, and an Honorary Doctorate in Law from Trinity University, Dublin, in 1976.

From 1943 to 1944 Mr. Curley was on active duty as an Officer in the United States Marine Corps serving in the Pacific area campaigns of Iwo Jima, Guam, Okinawa, and in North China. He holds decorations from the United States Marine Corps, Army and Navy.

Mr. Curley served as ADC to the Commanding General in Tientsin and Peking, China, before returning to the United States for graduate school, and a management position with the Caltex Petroleum Corporation. With Caltex he, his wife, and children lived for ten years in Madras, India; Turin, Italy; and New York.

In 1961 Mr. Curley became a Partner in J. H. Whitney & Co., a New York City-based private investment banking firm engaged in venture capital operations in America and abroad. As a Whitney Partner for fourteen years until his nomination as Ambassador by President Ford in June 1975, he was on the Board of Directors of a number of firms.

Mr. Curley was President of the Board of Trustees of The Buckley School, New York City, and a Trustee of Miss Porter's School, Farmington, Conn., Brooks School, North Andover, Mass., Barnard College, New York City, The New York City Public Library, The American Irish Historical Society, and The Irish American Foundation. In 1973-74, Mr. Curley served in the Lindsay Administration as Commissioner of Public Events and Chief of Protocol for New York City where he and his family lived since 1957.

Mr. Curley's book, *Monarchs-in-Waiting*, was published in the United States in 1973, and in the United Kingdom in 1975. His articles have appeared in various American and foreign newspapers and magazines.

Mr. Curley and his wife, the former Mary Taylor Walton of Pittsburgh, have forebears who went to the United States from Counties Limerick, Roscommon, Galway, Leitrim, Tyrone, and Down in the early 1800's. The Curleys have four children; a daughter and three sons. They have owned a house in County Mayo since 1958. Their principal recreational interests are golf, skiing, and riding.

September 1976