to have been without power for a week—for the same reason. Despite the severe repressions of the Pakistan Army, the Bengali insurgency lives, and the issue is likely to remain in doubt for a long time to come.

How is United States policy adjusting to this new crisis in South Asia? Does the Nixon Doctrine — those meager phrases spoken by the President at Guam in 1969 that have now become a prescription for United States policy for the entire world—provide any clues?

There are four possible outcomes of the East Pakistan situation:

(1) West Pakistan could prevail, establishing a puppet government in East Bengal and containing the insurgency with continuing repression and terror.

(2) The Bengali insurrection might eventually succeed, but its present moderate leadership could be wiped out in the process.

In either of these outcomes, China would be the beneficiary. In the first, because it would reap the reward of its calculated support of the West Pakistan military élite; in the second, because Maoist cadres in East Bengal would accede to leadership.

(3) The situation could even lead, through Indian intervention, to a regional or hemispheric war.

The present course of American policy risks implication in any of these three developments.

(4) There could be a political accommodation leading to an autonomous East Bengal (eventually, perhaps, as part of a structure such as Nehru envisioned: a loose confederation of South Asian states.) This might be the only constructive outcome.

countries, except insofar as they concern the larger powers that exercise interest in them. This would be a notable change from the emphasis of the 1960's on the netherworld of nonpowers as an arena for extravagant and detailed United States effort.

* A dedication — almost a hang-up—to "stability." Containment of Communism becomes geopolitical rather than ideological.

* A preference that stability be achieved through a balancing of the great powers.

* A preservation of our alliance structure, for its cheap and convenient deterrent effect.

* A calculation that such a state of affairs will continue to allow the ample play of United States influence, without undue commitment or expenditure of means.

Yet, all this cool theorizing provides little guidance for the Administration's conduct in the present crisis in East Pakistan. Events with the most momentous eventual geopolitical consequences—the break-up of the fifth most populous state in the world, the movement of six million refugees across an international border, the probable slaughter of a quarter of a million people, the threat of a war involving a billion people—are occurring under our gaze, and we seem to be either paralyzed or impotent. How can this be?

The answer, some observers contend, lies in a contradiction implicit in the Nixon Doctrine that the crisis in East Pakistan is beginning to reveal.

The basic feature of the Nixon Doctrine is its effort to maintain political-military involvement in the affairs of Asia by means short of intervention on the Viet-

make application of the doctrine not only obscure but disfunctional in South Asia.

—EARL RAVENAL

Mr. Ravenal is a former director of the Asian Division in the Office of the Secretary of Defense and a member of the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington.

circuits and leather footwear, oranges, beef and cheese. American-grown grapefruits cost three times as much in Tokyo as it does in New York and a $3,000 American car sells for around $10,000 in Japan.

Finally, the Japanese are being accused of disindication in open their industries to American capital investment. Although Japan has liberalized its rules on foreign investment for 530 industries, the most a foreigner can buy of an existing company is 50 per cent, and this does not include such industries as petrochemicals, computers or pharmaceuticals. Only 77 Japanese industries are now open to 100 per cent investment (or control) by foreigners.

With the United States accounting for about 33 per cent of Japan's total exports, the Japanese can ill afford the risk of possible new trade restrictions by Congress.

A major break developed last Monday, when Premier Eisaku Sato appointed a new Cabinet in an obvious effort to strengthen his hand in dealing with the United States-Japan trade dynebrook. Takeo Fukuda, who had been serving as Finance Minister, became Foreign Minister, and Kakuei Tanaka, a former Finance Minister, was named Minister of International Trade and Industry. Both men are considered to be pragmatic, competent administrators who have the political muscle to carry out the drastic changes expected to follow in Japan's trade and economic policies.

The Sato Government is considering measures to:

* Speed up the liberalization of import restrictions. Twenty items are scheduled to be freed from quotas by the end of September, but more of the remaining 40 items might be added to the list.

* Reduce to under 12 the number of industrial categories restricted to foreign investment, and expand the list of industries qualified for 100 per cent ownership by foreigners.

* Reduce Japan's embarrassingly large foreign currency reserves, which are now nearly

## U. S. and Japan:

# Trade, It Says Here, Is a Two-Way Street

Concern was etched on the brow of the Japanese chemical executive. He was on his way back to Tokyo from a meeting in Washington, where Japanese and American businessmen had spent four days discussing Japan's deteriorating economic relations with the United States.

Unlike similar discussions in the past, the Washington sessions last month were highly charged and emotional. The American executives accused their Japanese counterparts of flooding the United States market with products at a time when most American companies were suffering the effects of an economic slowdown.

"A lot of the Japanese representatives left the meeting really shaken," said Norishige Hasegawa, president of the Sumitomo Chemical Company, Ltd., Japan's largest chemical concern.

The report that Mr. Hasegawa and his colleagues took home with them had an impact on the Japanese Government—so much so that action to meet the trade "problem" between the United States and Japan was being taken last week on the Cabinet level.

SENT TO SAN CLEMENTE

272A

KISSINGER 7-11 NX

1ST LD 221A PREVIOUS ISLAMABAD

PARIS (UPI)--PRESIDENTIAL ADVISER HENRY A. KISSINGER ARRIVED HERE EARLY MONDAY FOR CONSULTATIONS ON A NEW PHASE OF THE VIETNAMESE PEACE TALKS.

KISSINGER IS TO CONFER WITH CHIEF U.S. PEACE NEGOTIATOR DAVID K.E. BRUCE AND HIS AIDES BEFORE LEAVING MONDAY NIGHT TO REPORT TO PRESIDENT NIXON IN SAN CLEMENTE, CALIF., TUESDAY.

KISSINGER IGNORED NEWSMEN'S QUESTIONS SHOUTED AT HIM AT LE BOURGET AIRFIELD ON WHETHER HE WILL TAKE ADVANTAGE OF HIS STAY IN PARIS TO MEET NORTH VIETNAMESE OR VIET CONG DELEGATES.

U.S. OFFICIALS ALREADY HAVE RULED OUT SUCH A POSSIBILITY. BOTH VIET CONG FOREIGN MINISTER MADAME NGUYEN THI BINH AND HANOI'S SPECIAL ADVISOR LE DUC THO HAVE STATED THEIR READINESS TO MEET HIM.

KISSINGER FLEW INTO PARIS ON THE LAST STOP OF A 10-DAY FACT-FINDING TRIP THAT TOOK HIM TO SAIGON, BANGKOK, NEW DELHI, RAWALPINDI, AND OTHER FOREIGN CAPITALS.

HE WAS WELCOMED AT THE AIRFIELD BY BRUCE, U.S. AMBASSADOR TO FRANCE ARTHUR K. WATSON, AND MEMBERS OF THE U.S. DIPLOMATIC CORPS.

IN PARIS, KISSINGER'S MAIN INTEREST WILL BE A DETAILED STUDY OF THE NEW VIET CONG PEACE PLAN SUBMITTED AT THE CONFERENCE JULY 1. THE SEVEN-POINT PLAN OFFERED TO RELEASE AMERICAN PRISONERS OF WAR SIMULTANEOUSLY WITH THE WITHDRAWAL OF U.S. TROOPS PROVIDED NIXON SETS A TERMINAL DATE FOR THE PULL-OUT BEFORE THE END OF THE YEAR.

KISSINGER LEFT ISLAMABAD SUNDAY MORNING. THE DEPARTURE HAD BEEN DELAYED ONE DAY BECAUSE OF A SLIGHT ILLNESS.

ON THURSDAY HE HAD MET WITH PAKISTAN PRESIDENT AGHA MOHAMMED YAHYA KAHN.

PICKUP 3RD PGH: HE WAS
RA900PED

TALKS

Kissinger Trip Delayed

Continued From Page A-1

are willing to begin more seri-
ous negotiations.

The Communist negotiators at the peace talks said Thursday that if Kissinger asked for a meeting with one of their high officials, "we are disposed to consider it."

Administration sources said
that if Kissinger held such a
meeting he would seek the
specifics of the Communist re-
quest for the United States to
set a troop withdrawal date in
1971.

Kissinger would want to know if the United States would be able to continue military aid to South Vietnam under such an agreement, how complete the withdrawal would have to be and what the details of a cease-fire would be, the sources said.

Officials here are mildly en-
couraged by some aspects of
the Communist plan — notably

a new formula that would sep-
arate the question of South
Vietnam's political future
from the military and humani-
tarian problems of a U.S.
troop withdrawal and release
of American prisoners of war.

U.S. officials said Nixon will weigh what response to make to the Viet Cong proposal late next week, the Associated Press said.

Nixon so far has no Vietnam policy announcement scheduled before November, when he is due to issue his next Vietnam pullout schedule. U.S. forces in South Vietnam are slated to be down to 184,000 by Dec. 1. They have been departing at the rate of 17,000 a month the last two months.

Timing Cited By U.S.

The Viet Cong diplomatic move comes too early to suit U.S. policy makers, who don't want to undermine the re-election bid of South Viet-

nam's President Nguyen Van
Thieu by getting close to an
agreement with the enemy be-
fore South Vietnam's October
election.

The suspicion here is that
the Communists had this in
mind by their timing. And the
enemy propaganda line, ac-
cording to administration of-
ficials, is also designed to ap-
peal to anti-war critics in the
United States.

One of South Vietnam's most influential lawmakers yesterday urged the United States to make public its plans for troop withdrawals so that the Vietnamese population will not feel they are being abandoned.

Sen. Dang Van Sung, leader of the Social Democratic bloc in the Vietnam Senate and chairman of its Foreign Relations Committee, also called for negotiations now between Saigon and Washington to set firm conditions for continued U.S. economic support and postwar reconstruction after the U.S. withdrawal is completed.

Sung said in an AP inter-
view that this is the time to
achieve non-Communist re-
groupment in South Vietnam
to forge a united political
front.

Sung said that the seven-
point Viet Cong peace proposal
is just a first move. He said
there will be other steps taken
up to the October presidential
election in South Vietnam de-
signed to influence American
and world public opinion and
at the same time cause trouble
in South Vietnam.

Opinions of Our Columnists

CROSBY S. NOYES

# New Red 'Peace Proposal' Offers Little Hope

Despite the predictable clamor for instant capitulation in Vietnam, the latest "peace proposals" produced by the Communist side in Paris offer very limited scope for serious negotiation.

Of course Hanoi and the Viet Cong want the United States, in exchange for some 460 war prisoners, to give them political control in South Vietnam and of course there are plenty of superpatriots in the Senate and elsewhere who are more than willing to accommodate them. But this is a deal to which the Nixon administration cannot and quite certainly will not subscribe.

The proposals themselves—although painstakingly obscure on some points—leave little room for doubt about what the Communists have in mind.

The United States, they say, should put a stop to the "Vietnamization" of the war, should agree to withdraw all military personnel, weapons and war material before the end of the year. If this is done, the Communists say, they will agree on the "modalities" of a cease-fire with American and other foreign troops—but not with the South Vietnamese forces—and the release of the POWs.

But this is by no means all. The next six points of the Communist proposal spell out

in some detail the scenario for the creation of a coalition government in Saigon, starting with demand that the United States must "cease backing the bellicose group headed by Nguyen Van Thieu," and make way for a new administration "favoring peace, independence, neutrality and democracy."

Any hope of progress on these proposals depends on separating the issue of withdrawal and POWs from the quite different issue of an ultimate political settlement in Vietnam. This kind of two-track negotiation—long favored by Presidential Security Adviser Henry Kissinger—would permit the United States to deal directly with Hanoi on the POW-withdrawal issue, leaving the terms of a political settlement to be worked out between the Saigon government and the National Liberation Front.

Even if the issues can be separated, however, this doesn't mean that reaching agreement will be easy.

It is still most improbable that President Nixon will be persuaded to set a public date for complete withdrawal, at least until after the South Vietnamese presidential elections in October. It is probably a physical impossibility to remove all troops and equip-

ment before the end of the year, and the question of the need for some kind of residual American force is still not settled.

It also remains to be seen what the Communists mean by their demand for an end of the policy of "Vietnamization." If it means, as some officials believe, an end to all American military and economic support for the Saigon government, this will not be accepted.

In Paris, Mme. Nguyen Thi Binh, the "foreign minister" of the NLF, has indicated that at least some of the Communist demands are open to negotiation, including, perhaps, the date for a final withdrawal. On the other hand, she made it clear that Hanoi and the NLF are not prepared to accept any American residual force as part of the deal—and on this point there may be some give on the American side.

In any event, however, pulling the rug out from under the Saigon regime is no part of the administration's plan at this stage. The blueprint for a political settlement which would result inevitably in a Communist takeover in South Vietnam is no more accept-

able today that it ever has been.

Here the administration is in a somewhat uncomfortable position, being charged by its critics with prolonging the war and delaying the return of the prisoners in order to ensure Thieu's hold on power in Saigon.

The charge itself is untrue. The Nixon administration holds no particular brief for Thieu or any other Vietnamese politician. It does, however, have a very large stake in seeing to it that an effective government survives in Saigon and that the political scenario outlined by the Communists does not come to pass.

It may be that the political issues can be successfully bypassed at this point.

The Communists in Paris are talking confidently of their ability to win a military victory over the Saigon forces once the Americans leave. Whether they actually believe this or not is hard to say. But at any rate, most American officials do not agree and would be willing to defer any effort to reach a political solution until after the Americans have left and the South Vietnamese can demonstrate their ability to stand alone.

# A Brownsville Story:
## Two Worlds Apart

By JOHN BARBOUR
Associated Press

NEW YORK — No. 234 Amboy St. in Brooklyn is a tidy tan brick building, strangely whole in the bleak, battered, blackened shapes of the Brownsville section.

Once a temperate Jewish ghetto, Brownsville today is little more than char, rubble, filth, the residue of violence.

True it once housed the hired guns of Murder, Inc., those guns never turned on Brownsville. True, one block up from No. 234 the street spawned a teen-age gang called the Amboy Dukes. They only beat up strangers. But, overall, Brownsville was calm, clean, quiet, at its worst the residence of dignified poverty.

Stanley Phillips lived at 234 Amboy, apartment 2D, for 10 years after World War II. He remembers, "We slept on the tarred roof on very hot days. There was no air-conditioning. And you were never afraid. That's the greatest difference between then and now. You could walk around at 3 or 4 o'clock in the morning and feel completely comfortable.

"There were an awful lot of people living here. There were so many guys they had to be subdivided by age. But is was the feeling of one family. Like everbody was close to everbody. There were constant meeting places, on the corners. You knew where to find everyone."

In front of the same building where Stan Phillips lived, Rabell Wilfredo, 16, leans against a car with his five-year-oldSon

resulted in the injury of 14 police-men, and ravaged more than half a dozen buildings.

In 1940, most of Brownsville's 170,000 residents, like Stan Phillips, were white. Now the population in Brownsville is roughly 100,000 to 130,000, almost all Negro and Puerto Rican. Four out of five families are on welfare. Combined with the riots, it means a neighborhood filled with terror and frustration, marking this place in Brooklyn as one of the nation's worst slums.

Stan Phillips revisits No. 234 and stands on the roof of the building at mid-day, the tar soft under the hot summer sun. He looks down at the trash-heavy porches and roofs across the street. "That's where my best friend used to live, 235, right down there, the one they're tearing down. The neighborhood wasn't exactly new when I lived here. But it was livable." He pauses trying to see old faces on the old street. "I feel like I'm in the twilight zone."

New faces inhabit No. 234 now, black and Puerto Rican faces. Maybe this time things will get better. It is a Model Cities project.

## A 300-Year History

Even with the gaping rubble-strewn lots between them it is hard to imagine what this land looked like without houses. The Dutch, the very neat Dutch, settled it some 300 years ago, carving out their farms on the gentle grassy plain that drifts toward Jamaica Bay and the Atlantic.

Then, a century ago, came New

F Delacorte
with his mother after World War II, the rent was $25 a month. Few people had telephones. There was a pay station at the candy store on the corner. When it rang, one of the youngsters would answer and dash through the neighborhood to find the party called. For Stan Phillips at age 10, it was a prime source of income "You knew the good tippers and the bad tippers. You knew the three-centers and the nickels. There was this one very attractive girl who got quite a few phone calls. She'd give you a nickel."

When he got too old to answer telephones, he collected soda bottles and returned them for deposits.

There are still only two telephones at No. 234 Amboy St. The rent in the refurbished apartments is now $135 a month. But in the non-returnable world Rabell Wilfredo lives in, bottles are good only for throwing. Broken glass, the signature of the modern slum, is everywhere.

Robert Anderson, black, the caretaker for the row of renovated buildings, pushes his broom with obvious distaste. Ahead of it the bits of shattered green bottle glass tinkle and skitter into the gutter. "No, I don't want no one up on that roof, an I don't want no one loiterin' around the stoop or sit-tin' outside on chairs. These people got a good place to live inside. They got to keep it good. You let people up on that roof and you know what's going to happen? Some kids going be horsin' around

Stan P

and throw them at the
bet odd or even on the

President
Picks Aide
On Trade

By Carroll Kilpatrick
Washington Post Staff Writer

SAN CLEMENTE, Calif., July 10 — President Nixon announced today the appointment of Richard V. Allen, a former member of the National Security Council staff, to be deputy assistant to the President for international economic affairs.

Allen will work with Peter G. Peterson, assistant for international economic affairs and executive director of the Council on International Economic Policy, in developing new foreign trade and other economic policies.

A former member of the Hoover Institute at Stanford University, Allen, 35, was a foreign policy adviser to Mr. Nixon in the 1968 campaign. He is said to have predicted in advance the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in the summer of 1968. He was generally regarded as a "hard liner" as far as East-West relations were concerned.

Allen was named to the NSC staff at the same time Henry A. Kissinger was appointed to the top post. He stayed on the staff less than a year, resigning to become vice president of National Resources Limited in Denver. He also has been a director of Freight International of Denver and Bremen, Germany.

He has continued, however, to serve as a consultant to the NSC and to be a member of the President's Commission on International Trade and Investment Policy.

Allen holds B.A. and M.A.

RICHARD V. ALLEN
... back to White House

degrees from Notre Dame University and studied at the universities of Freiburg and Munich.

In another action, the President declared excess two parcels of federal land in San Diego valued at more than $2.5 million. The land will be used for park and recreational purposes by San Diego in accordance with the President's Legacy of Parks program.

Mr. Nixon worked at his office part of the day, conferring with aides chiefly on budget preparation.

Since coming here late Tuesday, he has worked alone and with Secretary of State William P. Rogers and a few staff assistants. Next week he plans conferences with a number of other officials, including Secretary of the Treasury John B. Connally and George P. Shultz, director of the Office of Management and Budget.

Kissinger is expected here by mid-week to report on his visits to South Vietnam, Thailand, Indai, Pakistan and France. He was originally scheduled to reach here by Monday but has been delayed by illness in Pakistan.

## Still Rules

From News Dispatches

RABAT, Morocco, July 10—King Hassan II, after surviving a bloody raid by rebel soldiers on his summer palace today, told his nation that loyalist forces crushed an attempted coup.

An estimated 30 to 40 persons, including Belgian Ambassador Marcel Dupret and three Moroccan army officers, were slain when the rebel troops cut them down with machine-gun bullets during an official celebration of Hassan's 42nd birthday.

Hassan told the people of his North African state over the government-run Radio Rabat that the coup attempt was led by the director of the Ahermoumou army training college. Some 1,400 cadets of the school and other military men were involved in the raid at Skirate, 10 miles from Rabat, the King said.

"The rest of the army remains loyal," Hassan said.

Hassan announced he had invested full civil and military powers in his interior minister, Gen. Mohamed Oufkir. Oufkir had announced shortly before midnight that "the situation all over the provinces of the kingdom is calm" and "King Hassan II ... holds the reins of power."

Just before making his address over the government radio, Hassan told a private French radio station he suspected the rebels had foreign support.

"I know the Libyan government had not stopped appealing to the Moroccan people to join the mutineers—I call them mutineers and not rebels —so there are political ramifications behind this," the king said.

The left-wing government of Libya had immediately announced support for the Moroccan coup when it appeared

KING HASSAN II

... situation in k

# Women For More

By Tim O'

Washington Post

Four American women who a man's world—Rep. Bella A. Hamer, Gloria Steinem and today in urging full political

Opening a weekend meeting the National Women's Politic

* Equal representation for women on all government bodies.

* Equal female representation at the Democratic and Republican national nominating conventions.

* Organizing and educating the female electorate to "thrust women into political power at all levels of government."

* Campaigning for candidates, male and female, "who are good on women's issues."

Addressing approximately 70 women at the opening session, journalist and female rights activist Gloria Steinem said, "We don't want to be

THE SUNDAY STAR

Washington, D. C., July 11, 1971

# Nixon Faces Busy Week, Rests at San Clemente

By GARNETT D. HORNER

Star Staff Writer

SAN CLEMENTE, Calif. — President Nixon, looking toward a series of major foreign and domestic policy conferences this week, is taking things easy at his home here this weekend.

Henry A. Kissinger, the President's assistant for national security affairs, is expected to report to the President here early in the week on his "fact-finding" mission to Southeast Asia, India, Pakistan and Paris, where he will confer with Ambassador David K. E. Bruce, chief U.S. negotiator in the Vietnam peace talks.

A meeting between Kissinger and Communist representatives in Paris has not been ruled out, although a White House spokesman says Kissinger will not seek such a session.

Nixon also will be conferring

this week with key domestic officials on problems concerning the federal budget for the 1973 fiscal year and proposals for domestic legislative programs next year.

Secretary of the Treasury John B. Connally and Office of Management and Budget Director George P. Schultz are among officials expected to join the President here for conferences this week.

Nixon announced yesterday the appointment of Richard V. Allen, a Denver businessman, as his deputy assistant for international economic affairs.

Allen, 35, served as a member of the National Security Council staff in 1969 until he became vice president of National Resources Limited, Denver, in November of that year. He served as Nixon's director of foreign policy research during the 1968 election campaign.

# Pakistan Called Chaotic
In World Bank Report

The World Bank yesterday sent its top executives a secret report labeling conditions in Pakistan chaotic after trying vainly to suppress the document.

A bank official said bank directors and their alternates were sent copies of the report after the attempt to bar its distribution was leaked to the press.

The document was prepared by a mission under Peter Cargill, director of the bank's South Asia department. This group, on behalf of an 11-nation aid-Pakistan consortium to which the United States belongs, investigated economic, political and social conditions in Pakistan during the first half of June.

## Five Main Findings

Qualified diplomats said the report of the Cargill mission included these main findings:

* The civil war in East Pakistan still grinds on.

* The local population remains in a state of extreme terror under the regime introduced by President Agha Mohamed Yahya Kahn's West Pakistani troops.

* Economic life and essential communications in East Pakistan have been disrupted by strife between Yahya's troops and the autonomy-seeking Easterners.

* An active guerrilla movement is battling the army.

* Disease and famine could engulf the territory by the fall.

The diplomatic informants said that when Cargill presented this picture to Yahya during a meeting in Islamabad, the Pakistani leader simply refused to believe him.

## Stormy Encounter

This led Cargill to conclude Yahya is being either misinformed or kept in ignorance by his officers and administrators in the East.

The encounter between the president and Cargill was, the sources said, stormy.

Cargill gave an account of his investigation to an informal meeting of the aid-Pakistan consortium in Paris June 21. This led to a decision to postpone action on new economic help for Pakistan until around September.

By then a new program of national economy recovery for all Pakistan would have been prepared. And by then Yahya's government would have had the chance to work for a political settlement.

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, President Nixon's adviser on national security affairs, was said to have pressed for this during his talks with Yahya in Islamabad in the past two days.

Hanoi Passes Word to Diplomat

# Neutral South 'Acceptable'

By Arthur J. Dommen

Los Angeles Times

SAIGON, July 11 — Senior North Vietnamese officials told a foreign diplomat in Hanoi last week that North Vietnam is prepared to accept an independent and neutral South Vietnam as part of a political settlement of the Vietnam war.

They also said that the seven-point proposal advanced by the Vietcong at the Paris peace talks on July 1 is genuinely intended to provide a basis for negotiating an end to

the war, but they coupled this statement with the proviso, often repeated by Hanoi in the past, that North Vietnam is prepared to fight on if the negotiations are refused.

The officials admitted to the diplomat they have little expectation that the seven-point proposal will be totally accepted. They said they expected some parts of the proposal to be rejected by allied negotiators.

The information from the foreign diplomat, who cannot be identified but whose country has served as a channel of

communication in the past between Hanoi and Washington, appeared intended to emphasize the seriousness of the Hanoi leaders in negotiations at this time.

Several times in the course of the conversation, the diplomat drew attention to the timing of the proposal—three months before the South Vietnamese presidential election—and indicated that the war will likely drag on for more years if this opportunity is lost.

See HANOI, A9, Col. 1

The general said the program also should provide "entertainment," but did not elaborate.

Coming on top of the Justice Department's efforts to constrain newspaper publication of the Pentagon papers, and the House Commerce Committee's recommendation for a contempt citation of the Columbia Broadcasting System for refusing to turn over accused film from its controversial "Selling of the Pentagon" program, the general's comments have drawn fire from backers and opponents of administration Vietnam policy.

Rep. John E. Moss (D-Calif.), author of the 1967 Freedom of

The proposal has a Big Brother air about it," according to Rep. Paul N. McCloskey (R-Calif.), who plans to challenge President Nixon for re-nomination in 1972.

McCloskey said, "We have been getting the administration's idea of the 'true picture' in Southeast Asia for years, only to learn that the administration in power is releasing only those facts and statistics which support the policies the administration believes are best for the country."

## Proposed Compromise

As a compromise, he said, "The general can continue to do his job of keeping SAC at its present high level of excel-

clusively to use for republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and local news of spontaneous origin published herein.

## CARRIER DELIVERY

Daily and Sunday: 1 week, 87c.; 1 month, $3.75. Daily Only: 1 week, 57c.; 1 month, $2.45. Sunday Only: 50c.

BY MAIL IN WASHINGTON, D.C., MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA

(Payable in Advance)

Daily and Sunday: 1 year, $46.00; 6 months, $24.00; 3 months, $12.00; 1 month, $4.50. Daily Only: 1 year, $32.00; 6 months, $16.00; 3 months, $8.50; 1 month, $3.00. Sunday Only: 1 year, $26.00; 6 months, $13.00; 3 months, $6.50; 1 month, $2.50.

BY MAIL BEYOND MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA

(Payable in Advance)

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Rates outside U.S.A. upon request.

Peking Invitation

SHOP

15 Los Angeles Times ★

Part I—Sat., July 10, 1971

YAHYA KHAN
DINNER CUT
BY KISSINGER

RAWALPINDI, Pakistan (P)—White House adviser Henry A. Kissinger, troubled by an upset stomach, canceled a formal dinner Friday with President Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan and fled the 100-degree heat of Islamabad.

He went to the resort of Nathiagali in the hills 50 miles from the capital and lunched with the Pakistani army chief of staff.

His staff remained in Islamabad for a discussion with President Yahya Khan's economic advisers. Kissinger and his staff are scheduled to leave today for Paris.

--FOURTH FIVE-MINUTE SUMMARY--

HERE IS THE LATEST NEWS FROM THE ASSOCIATED PRESS:

(RAWALPINDI, PAKISTAN)--A U-S EMBASSY SPOKESMAN SAID TODAY THE VISIT OF WHITE HOUSE ADVISER HENRY KISSINGER TO PAKISTAN WILL BE EXTENDED BY AT LEAST ONE DAY. KISSINGER WAS SCHEDULED TO LEAVE TODAY FOR PARIS AFTER VISITS TO INDIA, THAILAND AND VIETNAM.

PRESIDENT NIXON'S NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER CANCELLED A FORMAL DINNER YESTERDAY WITH PAKISTAN PRESIDENT YAHYA KHAN (YAH-YAH KAHN) BECAUSE OF AN UPSET STOMACH. HE THEN SPENT THE DAY IN A RESORT IN THE HILLS ABOUT 50 MILES FROM ISLAMABAD.

SENT TO SAN CLEMENTE

AP069R

FIRST EXPANDED--TAKE 2

KISSINGER

WHITE HOUSE ADVISER HENRY KISSINGER HAS EXTENDED HIS STAY IN PAKISTAN FOR AT LEAST ONE DAY BECAUSE OF A STOMACH UPSET. KISSINGER CANCELLED AN OFFICIAL DINNER WITH PRESIDENT YAHYA KHAN (YAH-YAH KAHN) YESTERDAY AND LEFT THE 100-DEGREE HEAT OF THE CAPITAL FOR A HILL RESORT 50 MILES AWAY. HE'LL REMAIN THERE TODAY, WHILE HIS STAFF CONTINUES TALKS WITH PAKISTANI OFFICIALS DOWN BELOW.

--DASH--

A SPOKESMAN FOR THE U-S EMBASSY DENIES THAT KISSINGER'S TRIP TO THE MOUNTAINS IS A COVER FOR ANY SECRET ACTIVITY, SUCH AS A MEETING WITH THE JAILED EAST PAKISTANI LEADER, SHEIK MUJIBUR RAHMAN (MOO-JEE'-BUR RAH-MAHN). ONE OF THE CHIEF AIMS OF KISSINGER'S VISITS TO INDIA AND PAKISTAN IS SAID TO BE TO AVERT ANOTHER WAR BETWEEN THE TWO COUNTRIES, THIS TIME OVER THE EAST PAKISTAN ISSUE.

KISSINGER HAD BEEN SCHEDULED TO LEAVE FOR PARIS TODAY, WHERE HE PRESUMABLY PLANNED DISCUSSIONS OF THE NEW VIET CONG PEACE PROPOSAL.

IN ANOTHER ASPECT OF THE PEACE ISSUE, LEBANON ANNOUNCED YESTERDAY IT WOULD BE WILLING TO GIVE TEMPORARY SHELTER TO PRISONERS HELD BY BOTH SIDES IN THE INDOCHINA WAR.

AP070R

FIRST EXPANDED--TAKE 3

INDOCHINA

US Communists spar in Paris;
Hanoi rejects private sessions

By Anatole Shub
Washington Post

Another stall begins in Paris.
Story, Page 6.

PARIS—Intense diplomatic sparring marked the 120th session of the Vietnam peace talks yesterday with the United States and the Communists actively attempting to probe each other's positions while remaining cagey about any prospective changes in their own stands.

The major US initiative was a bid to hold next week's conference session under a news blackout, an offer rejected by the Communists as a "perfidious maneuver."

The Communists continued to
urge President Nixon to set a date

in 1971 for the total withdrawal of
US forces from South Vietnam—a
demand which was carefully cold-
shouldered, although not uncondi-
tionally rejected, by the United
States.

Active but essentially noncommittal
probing had been expected at yes-
terday's meeting, the first since the
presentation of the new Communist
seven-point peace plan, promising
release of US prisoners simultaneous
with withdrawal of US forces.

PARIS TALKS, Page 6

6

The Boston Globe Friday, July 9, 1971

Communists reject offer of 'restricted' talks

★ PARIS TALKS

Continued from Page 1

Yesterday's meeting also preceded the highly awaited arrival here of Henry Kissinger, Mr. Nixon's national security adviser. Kissinger, who has already visited Saigon on a fact-finding tour, is expected here tomorrow night. His report to Mr. Nixon — expected Monday — is considered likely to be highly influential in determining a more clear-cut response by the President to the new Communist plan.

At yesterday's unusually active discussion, US negotiator David K. E. Bruce spoke five times, South Vietnam's Pham Dang Lam four times, North Vietnam's Xuan Thuy six four times, North Vietnam's Xuan Thuy six times, and the Viet Cong's Mrs. Nguyen Thi Binh twice. US press spokesman Stephen Ledogar described the session as "intensive but disappointing," noting "a certain lack of polemics but certainly no movement."

In an opening statement, Bruce followed a cool, critical but carefully worded comment on parts of the new Communist plan by proposing that next Thursday's meeting be a so-called "restricted session ... free from the glare of publicity and without the need to make public statements except to the degree we mutually agree upon."

Asked if the United States was ready to hold restricted sessions with the North Vietnamese alone (excluding both Saigon and Viet Cong delegates), Ledogar replied: "Yes, we would." Asked whether there had been secret talks with the North Vietnamese since the new Communist plan, Ledogar invoked the traditional US policy of "no comment" on possible secret talks. His response to the question was similar to that of the North Vietnamese spokesman, Nguyen Thanh Le, who replied: "We have no information on this subject."

While yesterday's session produced no apparent breakthrough, both the conference discussion and spokesmen's responses tended, in various details, to reduce somewhat the large areas of ambiguity

produced by last week's Communist plan and the initially cautious US response to it. (The White House found "positive as well as unacceptable" elements in the plan.)

Communist spokesmen were questioned closely

about details of the seven-point plan, providing mostly wary answers and in many cases merely reading from previously-prepared position papers.

However, one important question was apparently clarified for the first time

by the Viet Cong spokesman, Duoing Dinh Thao. He was asked whether the Communist demand for the withdrawal of all US troops, the dismantling of all US bases, and the removal of all US war material from South Vietnam meant that the United States would also have to remove arms already given to the South Vietnamese government.

Thao's response was that the armaments possessed by the Saigon government troops did not come under the demand for US withdrawal,

but should be dealt with under point three of the Communist plan, providing for a military settlement among the contending Vietnamese. Since the Communists both last week and again yesterday stressed that the US withdrawal question could be settled separately from, and before, other questions, Thao's response meant — in effect — that the Saigon forces could keep all the arms the United States chooses to give them up to the point of US withdrawal.

Kissinger
in Pakistan

United Press International

ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — Henry A. Kissinger, White House security affairs adviser, arrived here on his global fact-finding trip yesterday for talks with President Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan.

The assistant to President Nixon came from New Delhi, where Indian leaders urged that all US military and economic aid be cut off from the regime of Yahya Khan.

Kissinger's two-day New Delhi visit with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and her ministers was under a cloud of Indian criticism against American military shipments to Pakistan since the start of its civil war last March 25.

UPI-180

(KISSINGER)

WASHINGTON--HENRY A. KISSINGER, PRESIDENT NIXON'S ADVISER ON NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS, MAY MEET WITH A HIGH-RANKING NORTH VIETNAMESE OFFICIAL IN PARIS THIS WEEKEND, ADMINISTRATION SOURCES SAID TODAY.

THE SOURCES SAID KISSINGER WOULD WANT TO EXPLORE THE COMMUNISTS' LATEST SEVEN-POINT PEACE PROPOSAL, OFFERED LAST WEEK AT THE PARIS TALKS. THE SOURCES ALSO SAID ANY MEETING WOULD BE CLOAKED IN SECRECY.

STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIALS SAID KISSINGER WAS SCHEDULED TO ARRIVE IN PARIS SATURDAY NIGHT AND TO LEAVE SUNDAY FOR THE WESTERN WHITE HOUSE IN SAN CLEMENTE, CALIF., WHERE HE WILL REPORT TO NIXON.

AMBASSADOR DAVID K. E. BRUCE, THE CHIEF U. S. NEGOTIATOR IN PARIS, PROPOSED THURSDAY AT THE REGULAR WEEKLY SESSION THAT A RESTRICTED MEETING BE HELD NEXT WEEK TO DISCUSS THE COMMUNIST PROPOSAL.

THE COMMUNIST NEGOTIATORS TURNED BRUCE DOWN. BUT AT A NEWS CONFERENCE IN PARIS, THEY SAID THAT IF KISSINGER ASKS FOR A MEETING WITH ONE OF THEIR HIGH OFFICIALS, "WE ARE DISPOSED TO CONSIDER IT."

THE SOURCES SAID THAT THE ADMINISTRATION HAD TAKEN SPECIAL NOTE OF AN INTERVIEW GIVEN JULY 6 IN PARIS TO THE NEW YORK TIMES BY LE DUC THO, A MEMBER OF THE NORTH VIETNAMESE POLITBURO WHO TRAVELS BACK TO HANOI PERIODICALLY AND RECENTLY RETURNED, POSSIBLY WITH NEW NEGOTIATING INSTRUCTIONS.

THEY SAID THE INTERVIEW, CONCILIATORY IN TONE, CONTRASTED WITH NORTH VIETNAMESE STATEMENTS MADE THROUGH REPRESENTATIVES OF THIRD COUNTRIES THAT THE UNITED STATES MUST ACCEPT THE LATEST PROPOSAL OR ACCEPT HUMILIATION ON THE BATTLEFIELD.

THE SOURCES SAID THAT IF KISSINGER MEETS WITH LE DUC THO, HE WOULD WANT TO GET ANSWERS TO THESE QUESTIONS:

- WOULD THE UNITED STATES BE ABLE TO CONTINUE ITS MILITARY AID TO SOUTH VIETNAM?

- HOW COMPLETE MUST BE THE WITHDRAWAL OF U. S. FORCES?

- WHAT WOULD BE THE DETAILS OF A CEASEFIRE?

RS651PED7-9

# Nixon, Key Advisers Discuss Paris Talks

By GARNER D. HORNER
Star Staff Writer

SAN CLEMENTE, Calif. — President Nixon is keeping in close touch with the Paris peace talks and other foreign policy developments in meetings with key advisers here this week.

Secretary of State William P. Rogers and Brig. Gen. Alexander Haig, deputy assistant to the President for national security affairs, were on hand for their fourth daily conference in a row with Nixon today.

Deputy White House press secretary Gerald L. Warren said Nixon, Rogers and Haig discussed "the whole range of foreign policy matters that are current" during a two-hour session yesterday.

Nixon's top adviser on national security affairs, Henry Kissinger,

is on a worldwide trip and is expected to arrive in Paris tomorrow night to confer with the top U.S. negotiator in the peace talks, Ambassador David K. E. Bruce.

Kissinger will report back to the President here next week.

Nixon yesterday announced his nomination of Benjamin O. Davis Jr. for promotion to assistant secretary of transportation for safety and consumer affairs.

Since last November, Davis has been deputy assistant secretary. He also has held the position of director of civil aviation security in the Transportation Department — chief of the sky marshals.

The work of directing the sky marshals' anti-hijacking activities will be absorbed into the Division of Safety and Consumer Affairs, the White House said.

David, 58, retired as a lieutenant general in the Air Force — the highest ranking Negro officer in the armed services — in February 1970. He served as director of public safety in Cleveland before going with the Transportation Department. His new salary will be $38,000 a year.

plants which they don't
much less eat," said Fox,
of Galveston, Tex., who
ed in the Philippines for
s.

said the tribe lives on wild
and jungle animals which
butcher with bamboo
and stone axes and cook
fires made by rubbing
ogether.

Tasadays are naked ex-
or some who wear loin
made from orchid leaves
they believe will protect
genitals from evil spirits,
ers of the government
said.

Fox said they are "sharp

and intelligent and use a deci-
mal system in counting which
can go up to more than 20.

Fox suggested the Tasadays
may have been driven to their
isolated refuge in fear of an epi-
demic on southeast Mindanao in
an earlier age. He said they
speak in terrified terms of
"fugu," meaning epidemic.

In a forest clearing where the
government helicoter landed,
the social workers met a Tasa-
day family of 24 persons, includ-
ing 13 children, Fox said. He
said they reported to an inter-
preter they knew there were dif-
ferent people who lived around
them, having heard their voices
from a distance.

Don't Stop Home

t, of drain cleaners con-
g more than 10 percent

ances sold for household use,
from aspirin to oven cleaners.

Malcolm Jensen, director
A's product safety bureau,
s he knows of no company
ntly producing a drain
or for home use containing
than 10 percent lye. And
ds: "There is no real clini-
vidence that even a 10 per-
ve content is safe."

ed how the 10 percent level
decided upon for the new
etion, another FDA spokes-
said that was the level

The law authorizes the secre-
tary of HEW to decide which

substitute
required

specify
that
yet to
undertake

Our
(D-UP)
the 1st
ate:

["POLITICAL CIRCUIT\nBy ROBERT HEALY", "## Odds are long for McCloskey", "When it comes right down to it, Rep. Paul (Pete) McCloskey is about a million-to-one shot to win the Republican presidential nomination. His people know us. He can do little in the states where there are no primaries and delegates are chosen in convention, because this is where the White House will work most effectively. And even in the 24 primary states, if McCloskey won all of them — which he will not — he would have but a bare majority.", "Congressional Quarterly wrote recently that McCloskey is either gambling that he can force an early end to the Vietnam war, trying to strengthen liberal Republicanism, or seriously hoping to become president, or some combination of the three.", "At any rate, McCloskey will be trotting through Hampshire this week, just as the other candidates have started to do.", "His campaign manager, Dan Schmidt, another Californian and his administrative assistant in Washington, who was by this this week in an effort to raise funds for the campaign.", "# Three more vi", "WILLIAM P. BUNDY", "## Memos misleading talk", "In what seemed to many the most profound speech of the commencement season, Dr. John Silber of Boston University bemoaned the \"instant culture\" of today, destroying as it does the \"structure of time.\" He concluded: \"The pollution of time is most obvious in our loss of a sense of history, in a loss of the recognition of the past as our own . . .\"", "The words have clung to my mind as I read the various revelations from the Pentagon papers and what is being said about them. It is no reflection on the integrity of anyone involved to say that the published result is \"instant history,\" devoid of interpretation by the actors, devoid most conspicuously of any sense of setting and time.", "This is particularly true of the material relating to 1964, that bewildering year when the nation was recovering from the assassination of John Kennedy and engaged in the only vehemently ideological presidential election of the century. Nearly everything now \"revealed\" about 1964 was in its essential elements \"published while it was happening.\" . . .", "To be sure, there is one exception, which if true would appear to sustain a charge of deliberate deception during the 1964 campaign period. This is the claim that an anonymous DOD analyst", "tional error as happens as a result of getting wisely issue oriented. Korean outlook done judged the tech check printed", "In a word, I alone, petulant, count the incomprehensible 1950 one got for deaden, for dead, for dead, for dead, for