P.643

Each lubu, - this is the word that would correspond to
Motu iduhu, - is the part owner of a piece. If there is one
lubu in the village, then all the villages use one of the same
land. It is emphatically affirmed that there is not a further
subdivision. If there are two lubus in one village, then one
makes gardens on one land, the other makes on the other. Important
All men of an iduhu make one common garden i.e. one fence, having
each his plot within this enclosure.

P.644. One garden for bananas and one for yams and taitu were made but all the men had their plots within this enclosure, there was no making of two or three gardens. The decision as to where the garden rested with the head man of the lubu, "agricultural experts" having very likely a good deal to say - all men are practically expert in seeing what land is good. Sometimes more than two gardens were made, when the year was good, but the extra gardens were made by all the same people, i.e. by/the men of the iduhu.

P.645 The Sinaugholo never made gardens on the grass land. They always made the sega or garden upon a previously cleared ? the reason for that is that they had plenty of bush and that this is always better ground.

Thus the Ligo of Gomore, Kuanrium, of Kemaia, have the same lands.
When Mr. bought the land his money went to the Ligo of
Gomore, Kwarimu, and Kemaia. When the Government bought Kopu and
Ghoro, its present station, the money was also divided among the Ligo
of the three villages.

The coconuts and betel nut of the iduhu are also planted in one spot.

P.645 Note, The of Koita D changes into L, thus
Dibu, - Ribu, Dubu - Lubu, Koda - Kola.

P.646. **Hunting. Nagha**

Hunting with burning grass. There are always "masters of grass" - Rei and Biaguna, in Ligo lubu of Gomore has two. There is no grass on the Kuanmu grounds. In the island Sinagulu there is plenty of grass. The grass-master is not as a rule the same man as the headman of the clan

This man sends out messengers to several villages all round (such messages have a special name in Motu, - Guagua, in Sinagulu - Hesiai, Vituchu - Guagua, Beakilali, This special name is applied to feast, death and hunting messengers. War messengers in Motu Lava, in Sinangulu Banaga.

The next morning the grass master cried out from his verandah a customary formula, "We are not going to the garden, not to the bush, we are going to burn grass!" "Vanugha taumui asi bono laka lekoalekoa. Toma mutu ta gabuani."

(Native words illegible.)

All the others answered by "Ei," (the Koita scream out "Io, io, io!"). Then he throws down the net upon the ground and the others follow his example.

P.647. The nets are set up on one side, (always the N.W. side because S.E. trade blows in dry season.) On the other side the

P.647

fire is kindled by two boys who must be either the children or
near relatives of the grass master. (This holds good with refer-
ence to Koita and to Sinangolo.)

"The stealing" of the grass burning i.e. when it is made by
other men, not of the proper village and clan, gave rise to serious
quarrels. There were nets with big meshes (Bota† for pigs, and
with small meshes (Valo) for wallaby. The former would allow

P.648

a pig to thrust its head into the net and not be able to pull it
back. The people looked out for pig and wallaby tracks and would
put up the respectvie net in the right place. The nets were put
upup in the same way as in the Koita, i.e. without joining the ends.
In the passage there stood two or more men with the Kola, (single
man pig net) and spears.

When the hunt is made in the "meantime", (Labana karia kava)
the food is distributed among the houses and the women cook it.
Sometimes the maker of the feast (gaba) proposes to make a hunt in
order to provide for the Veleko feast. The booty is then distri-
buted into various heaps, (Motu - Karoa; Sinang -Kalava) each to
P.649. each village. It seems evident
that there is no feast
intrinsically connected with hunting.

When the decision about making a big feast or Gada is made
they go out always hunting - this seems to be the rule with the
Koita, Motu as well as the Sinangholo. Next day they bring

P.649

bananas, sugar cane, karu, green coconuts, bu'ata'u, (betel nut) popo, (chewing bark) and make a feast. The same day the men themselves boil this stuff, (hunting quarry and vegetables) in front of the dubu platform. The amudu or stone roasting is made P.650. during the big feast; during the Veiero and Popori the food is boiled, but by the men themselves. Then they eat it on the lubu. The food is distributed in several kakoas, and then sent to the several villages. A village receives a pig's head, a leg, etc. During the smaller feasts, Veleo and Popori the ? are sent by boys of the feast-giving village. During the big final feast the other villagers carry their own portions. Reason, during small feasts other villages do not come. During big gaba they do come.

Mamula (Koita and Motu Karuka) This is the name for first fruits and also for the feast connected with this. The Motu are Page 651. not very particular about this feast which they perform only when the gardens are good. The Koita and Sinangholo are very particular. Supposing the first crop would be taken to the village and eaten without making the feast, all the men would be ill.

All the women of the village go out to dig yams and taitu. Some old taitu and maho is left behind in the houses. Both these are essential. The women make the amudu of these vegetables and they are eaten on the house verandahs. Women's feast. Eaten on house not on dubu. This feast is also connected with ancestor cult. The man, the member of the house says it. He holds the bunch of bananas in one hand and one leaf left to it in the right. He says

Page 651

formula and tears off leaf which is wound to one of the front posts

Page 652

of the house. It is holaga. The bananas are eaten by the people.
Formula. Tubugore ghatagore boiekule tanokule maou waburi koni-
dulama ghoaghoma gogori itanawamokai ghoama gurigurigurari mako-
la gurigurigurari wamokai waghorigorigirh wuaiatogogori itanawamo-
kai omaguriguriwulali.

Page 654

Laimo and Ila, old man and Mare and Seva. Ahuia informent.

The division into Idibana and Laurina is in function during
feasts. The idibana and laruina sit in separate groups during
hunt and they make separate <u>gardens</u>, i.e. separate gardens.

But in the village they live mixed up, the houses of idibana
and laurina being not separated.

When hunting the right and left side stood mixed, but they
divided the quarry, the right side disposes of the quarry.

Page.655

I am asking about some gardens, all the men of one moiety
pf an iduhu have their gardens in one enclosure. The clans
and their moieties are not exogamous. A. confirms their opinion
and says this is also the custom of the Koiari Koita and Motu.
A man of Ligo and Korina can marry a girl of Ligo and Kaurina
etc. A. says there is recently a marriage of cousins in the
yarn of the other day

? and he says this is all right, referring to his
yarn of the other day in which he said that the people of one

Page 656

people of one tribe descend from one man and woman whose
children intermarried. Thus they can intermarry now.

Second cousins are allowed to intermarry, but first cousins
either children of brother and sister or two brothers or two
sisters were not allowed - it was a very strong prohibition.

The Sinangholo as well as the other coastal peoples, have
a very strong idea about incest. Nobody would do it because
of the contempt and ridicule it involved. But all those men
confirm A's suggestion that the Koiari and all the other in-
land people sleep with their mothers - perhaps also with
their sisters and daughters.

Page 657

Begenave gogo (in Sinangholo) nice name for intercourse.

Matabolaga - name for illicit intercourse.

Sinammà robaia - you have intercourse with your mother.

" " " " " sister.

Both these imprecations are equal in intensity.

In olden days there was a very strong reason for offence
if in a row between two villages the men of one side proposed
to the others their women to be brought and (obliterated.)
This offence was called tarautarau (in Motu)

Page 658

In Motu they would say "Adava and Gagaia" or "Adavamu &
Gagaia" - "your wife is " in Koita it is called
"Magi & Dugho". The men who heard this were "lalonai and lahi

Page 658

& damona," like fire," and such an insult would certainly
lead to war.

Marriage.

A form corresponding to Maoheni in Motu, is Kilakau. The parents of the boy talk to the parents of the girl, agree as Sihari customs. (Koita Sivari, Sinanghola Kologhana.) A says (and the Linang men confirm it) it applies not only to the Motu and Koita but to the Sinang as well, that a girl who has undergone the maoheni would not have intercourse with her own fiance nor with other boys, comp. p.485, 486. If girl likes she can have two sweethearts, she would have then sibari & Hodara, the latter being the name for polygamy. "Lau hodara taugu," says A, "I am a polygamous man." Polygamy in Koita - Ghaika, in Sinanghola Wodara.) If the first boy has not given many presents to his he acquires easily with the fact, but if he is with kuku bu'ata'u, etc., he will be angry with outside interference.

Page 660.
The Maoheni is undergone in the Sinanghola, when the girl is
not very small, 10 or 12) in the inland people they make the mao-
heni when the girl is quite small and has not her rami.

Page 661

(3 - 5 years.) It is said positively that in olden days the herahe form was prevalent, now the maoheni form is prevailing.

### Maoheni form.

The parents of the boy approach the parents of the girl and propose the marriage. If the boy's father is dead his paternal uncle (tamalahaina) makes the negotiations; in his absence the vavana (maternal uncle). If the boy had no older generation he would have to forego the maoheni. The ambassadors go to the house of the girl's parents and bring one bundle of betelnut.

Page 662. ('buatau & Kuarana). They sit and chew the betel nut. The girl is asked whether she would like the boy (who is not present). If she says yes the betel nut is accepted and then distributed among the other relatives. This betel nut is then returned to the parents of the boy by the girl's parents, (the value of such a betel nut bunch would be rather small, a small toea, or a very small string of ageva.) The name of these presents connected with maoheni (Motu atoahu, Sinanghola piughau, Koita atoahu,).

Page 663. After the first present the parents of the boy give a series of presents which are returned, the balance overweighing on the part of the boy's parents, who give usually more. This may last one to five years, according to whether the bride price is found or not and probably according to the age of bride and bridegroom. There are no feasts connected with this time. At marriage time the gado (V-shaped tattoo) is made. After this, the same night the boy and girl sleep together without having intercourse.

Page 664

This custom is called in Sinang. This holds good only with reference to the Motu. In the Sinang. exclusively. At marriage time a small festivity (ginitagho) is held at the boy's house. Pig, wallaby, bananas, yams, sugar cane, coconut. All the boy's relatives bring, gather together the bridal prize and bring each one his share to the boy's house. The girl's relatives come then and carry the bridal prize away.

It never happens that they quarrel over a bridal prize at the maoheni. When the prize of a widow (Vabu) or of a Diho (separate) there are usually violent quarrels.

**665.** The price for a widow of a man is given partly to her parents partly to the deceased-brothers of the

The first part of the price is called kuara, second laraha. At the second there is usually a big row. The laraha is usually paid immediately after the man has espoused the widow. He sends the laraha by some women relatives od his, his sisters or his

If the men are not satisfied the messengers are sent back and they give this message:- "Inai kohu maraki aiemai kohu gaubadabada umui davana karai namonamo; umui davana karaia namonamo lasi umui itaia namonamo."

In the case of a divorced woman the deserted husband is addressed by the preferred one - the former being very angry. He exacts a high price and is rather threatening. This price is called in Motu laraha.

**666** Herahe, the form of marriage called also headava and henao-sterling marriage. In Sinang. vegaraghorema. This is the less

honourable form of marriage and is always accompanied with a show
of anger if the girl has already been promised to someone else,
667 which seems to happen in the majority of cases. If the girl
had not been promised before, there is no anger. The final per-
formance - the preparing of food and distributing it by the boy's
relatives to the girls' family and the bringing of the kohu is ex-
actly as described above.

Disposition of dead

Girava varika was born in Tabologalo. He went about hunting pig
and wallaby. He came to Bonomaka hill, in between Gomore, Lutsu
Kwarima and Lubu. He saw the sea and breakers and he thought
"What is it, this white thing?" He came back to Bonomaka and
said, "Let us gather food and go to sea."

668 The women gathered food and prepared water in bamboo bottles. Then they all went to sea. The brothers were afraid but Girava was very keen to see and get at the root of the strange thing. He went down right on the beach and drank water. "This is water, (rany) but it has a strange taste." Then he saw a Gabagaba canoe come from Taurama where this village was situated previously. The people were very much afraid and went away in the open sea. With signs of hand he showed them that he did not want to kill them (sign of a club striking the head, and negative signs.)

669 Then they approached cautiously. He went into the sea alone
with his betel nut and

T his was a peace sign.

Then he made the old-fashioned courtesy (kabelu, in Ligo).
The noses were put against each other and the chin was stroked
to each other from underneath. Girava made this courtesy to
Sere and Douna. The Gabagaba (or Taurama) wanoe was going to
Hulaa, Kalu, Babaga in order to get coconuts. Both men made
knots on two strings in order to count the days.

670 Each day they made one knot and then on the fifth day they met at Siloghuai. Garava Varika brought plenty of people with him, men women and children, and the Motuans were afraid of them again. Then G.V. advanced again alone and made friends with the Motuans. Then he said, "I shall leave Sinanghola and settle down near the coast. You leave Taurama and come here to make my pots."

Sere Douma said to his people, "Our place is no good for making gardens, let us shift and make a new village." G.V. came down from Sinangholo and made a village at Rabia Maka. But the Gabagaba people were very much frightened of it they feared G.V.'s treachery.

671 They feared doing anything, of making gardens or looking for water, etc. Then G.V. spoke to S.D. S.D. said, "We'll come back to Taurama." G.V. said, "You remain, I'll send my child to live with you," and Iobu Garika went down and lived with the Gabagaba people and his descendants from the Gumina iduhu. The iduhu was formed by the men who came down from Taurama.

The Gabagaba people supplied the Ligo with pots and fish and got some food, vegetables, etc., from the Ligo. They used also

678

to make some gardens near the shore, but not very much.

## Land Tenure.

Maganimero entirely confirms the former statements about land ownership. The land was owned by iduhus. Where there is more than one iduhu in the village, each iduhu has got its lands. When one or two iduhus are split among two or three villages, the different branches of the same iduhu own one and the same land.

Thus the Ligo of Gomore, Kuarium and Kemaia have one big plot of land, the Bono of these villages have got another land in common. The Ligo in olden days, when they all lived (legendary) in the Labia Maka, made one garden (or 2 or 3, but everybody had his share in the garden.)

673 Then there lived the Ligo, Bono, Saloa, Saloa Kei, Wabulara iduhus. Then they are said to have cultivated a separate garden or set of gardens each.

Iduhu in Ligo means Dogholo, (M. informant t))

In the olden days when they lived in Tabologole, there was one iduhu Saloa and Dogholo.

## Death and Burial

After the man is dead theydig a high platform in front of his house, in the street.

674 Then some men called Vevogo, pluck or pick off his epidermis, leaving the skin on the muscles. They do not burn the man with stones, like the Koiari, before the plucking of the skin.

The consensus of opinion is that the inland people do not

674

bury their dead. The Motu do not bury, but simply put the body in a grave and then cover it up with planks. The plucking of the skin had also a judicial aspect. If the "skin" on the chest, (the chest is the place where a man during an embrace touches a woman, native explanation,) or on the or on the testes was hard, they knew this man was killed because he had committed 675 adultery and was accused before and killed by a Vada. In this case they saw that justice was done and did not take any further steps. If on the contrary the skin on the feet or hands was hard they saw that the man was wnatonly killed (allaia hava) and they took further steps, usually by accusing the slayer before another vada. (Thus the Vadas seem to have had a judicial function which version is confirmed by the natives.)

There was still a further method to find out what was the reason 676 of the man's killing. Then the man was wrapped up in mats or palm leaves after his death. When the wrapping was/rolled, they found some object which the man's spirit (Balau, Motu Lauma) left there. If the deceased had not paid the pig to the Vada they would find some pig's hair, if he had not paid any wallaby, wallaby hair, - banana, banana bunch, yams, - yam skin, etc.) This custom is called Tavi, (in Motu Mari.) Sometimes they found a woman's rami (a small piece of it) or a woman's tattoo on the man's skin. This is a sign that the man tampered with women.

To find the murderer (the Vada) the deceased's brother or cousin binds some muramura on his hair or on his finger. But the

677

man would dream and see the murderer Vada come to him. The dreamer, "You came, I am angry with you; you killed my brother," Vada, "I did not kill your brother, why are you angry with me?" "I know you killed him, I see the sign."

Sometimes if the muramura was not good the man would not dream properly, - is kerere. When the muramura was good he would dream. This custom is called Kimora on Sinanghola. Dream - Nuvi, - the Motu and Koita do not know this custom. In this case they found out that the man was killed wantonly and they found the culprit - they went to another Vada man and complained (Taotore in Motu, 679 Noakilala in Sinangholo, Diaro in Koita,) to him about the man who killed and gave him a price: Toeas, dono dodama, (dogs' teeth, etc.) for killing the man.

The men would not go and kill the culprit Vada outright, but would always complain to the Vada. If the Vada who got the price was not able to perform his job he gave back the price.

Maganimero emphatically and downright confirms that the Vada 679 (Ghola in Sinanghola) was a living man. As a rule the Vada chosen for these judicial functions did not live in the/village. There were in olden days several Vadas in each village of the Sinangholo. But although it was generally known who is vada and who is not, they (the Vadas) did not publish publicly own to it.

A man would be ashamed, offended and angry if told that he were a Vada.

679

In some villages, (inland villages) everybody was a Vada.
The shore people, (Motu) did not know anything about the Vada
business. A man never went to his own village to get a vada for
his business. He went always to another village lest he should
be discovered;

680 - very likely also because he would dislike to transact
such things with a man in daily contact with whom he was.
Babalau (Vedalo & Tauli) was identical with the Ghola taudia.

M. days also that the inland people practise incest.

It is said that the Ligo and the Gabagaba did not know any-
thing about doctors; about men curing sickness. A says that in
the West, Elema, Dawari, there are plenty of witch doctors curing
by witchcraft.

681 There were no magical means for curing sickness. When a man
was ill they boiled hot water and washed with it. There seems to
be a similar system of magic descending from father to son and
zealously kept from the others. There are helagas connected with
it. Thus M's father and grandfather knew a general magic for
making gardens and he kept ashelaga the eating of black stuff,
black wallaby, black sugar-cane, etc. The Ligo policemen had the
same magic and helaga. The headman of the Kemota's helaga;
bush wallaby, his magic, making gardens.

682 The constituent parts of magic are also magical substance, in
the Sinangholo, prayer, helaga. The people are afraid of speaking

682

too much about magic. Mr. M.C. English informants. Spears and clubs decorated with bands of plaited cane, one ring for each life taken.

Magnamero and 2 other Sinang. informants. Ahuia is hopeless.

When a man dies, all people of his own iduhu gather tou (sugar cane) karu, buatau, (only, nothing else.) to serve the hero-goni (Laolao in Sinang.) This is the general name for food reward for people doing work.

**683** Note. The Kemaia chief was childless. He was told that to mend this his wife was to go to the creek, when a big rain comes and the water gets muddy. She had to make a small hole in the creek's edge and drink water out of it and then cover it up again. Then to dam up the creek and have a bath in it. After she had had a bath she had to open the dam again and close it again.

The people of the other iduhu, or if there is only one iduhu in the village, of another village, erect the pata in the street in front of the house. They consume their heragom food, while they make pata. Then people of other iduhus and other villages gather bananas, karu, buatau, tou, magani, boroma, idia, dabarere, mailaia, senu, karaia, maho, tahu, abia, lasi, inai, aniani, mailaia, mase, tauna, vara, varana, hanamolqidia, varavara, idia mai, senu, abia.

Page 684

GABEAMO ARIARAI PATA BONA MASE TAUNA RUMA VAIRANAI, EVA HAGINIA, BIKU ADAIA. MASE TAUNA VARAVARA BONA IENA IDUHU KORIKORI HAHINEDIA MAHO TAITU GHEIA, HAHINEDIA AMUDO KARAIA. TATAU IDIA BUATAU ANIA HELAI HEBOU, BUATAU ANIA, HEREVA HEREVA.

AMUDO KENO, TAUNIMAUNIMA HEMDIA VAITANI, IDAU HANUA IDAU IDUHU TAUNIMANIMA. MURINA MASE TAUNA TADIKAKANA GUMA. (Sinang. GUMUMA) KARAIA.

TAITAI TAUDIA BONA HAHINEDIA IDIA HAIDA PETA LANAIA HELAI, HAIDA TANCIA GINI VABU, TAMANA SINANA; TADINA KAKANA KORIKORI, PATA LATANAI NOHO. IDAU TAUDIA TANOAI GINI HAHINE BONA TATAU IDIA MASE TAUNA KARAHUA (get on top and rub their face all over his body) IDIA TAITAI GAUBADABADA. HAHINE SIBODIA IDIA HEKAKASI. IARA MOMO DIHO. BAINE TAUNIMANIMA IA TAITAI KAVA IDIA IA BAE KIRIKIRI LAIA. They scream at the top of their voice. It is distinctly a customary expression of grief.

MURIAI EVA BIKUNA IDIA KOHOA, IDIA IDAU IDUHU BONA IDAU HANNA TAUDIA HENIDIA. BIKU HAIDA IDIA MASE TAUNA ENA RUMA VAIRANAI SENU /AKARAIA. MASE TAUNA ENA VARAVARA BONA ENA IDUHU TAUDIA SIBODIA INAI SENU BIKUNA BONA AMUDO GUNANA ANIANIDIA IDIA HABOUA DIHUAI UDAIA. INAI ANIBOU LADANA GURUMA. (Sinang. Gado.)

The man on the platform is adorned with the toa, doa, dodoma (dog's teeth) manu, hui sisidora, odubora, etc.

687

During the wailing songs are held, such as the Vaula, Leku
and drums are beaten.

After the man is dead he is decorated at once and lies in
the house, (upper part) during the night. In the next early
morning (dabarere) they bring him down to the platform. His tadinga
holds him from behind in a sitting position, everybody wants to see
him well. This is the time for wailing and beating the drum.
Then, at six o'clock, (sunset) they put him on the pata, and at
the same time the decorations are taken off. In the night the men
who afterwards will pluck him, wrap him up into geda, (rush mat)
or goru. He is washed only when he is dirty.

688 The whole man is wrapped up in mats, his face being hidden.
Next day, or two or three days after, they eat the guruma.
During those days, before the plucking of the skin begins, the
women boil food which is served to all people who gather at the
dead man's place. After two or three days the man begins to swell
up. Then the treatment of the body begins. The man is unwrapped
every morning and wrapped up again every evening, the sign is searched for under the wrappings. The first day the epidermis is
plucked. All the subsequent days he is rubbed with Vagio leaves or
with coconut husks so as to remove the putrid stuff. That lasts
one month.

689 They continue the rubbing away of the flesh until the body
is dry and only the bones remain. Then a small feast is held.
Some food is cooked and eaten by the people. The plucking men

689

Nanaduo lasi, gabugabu sibona boroma, magam - amudo - diniga dekena ania. (Use a fork for eating, don't touch with hands.)
They don't wash or bathe, not even their hands. They don't scratch their heads with their hands, cleaning only with some stick.
They don't have intercourse nor sleep in their houses, they sleep near the man's pata.

After the body is dried and only the bones remain they wrap up the bones. 690 The whole man is in a reclining position all his length, (not like in Aiaibada Bay). The bundle is then put in the house, the bones being fairly neatly cleaned. A high pata is constructed, the man being put on it. The remaining family sleep in the same room. The people are not afraid. "supposing they would be afraid the dead man's spirit would come and cause some sickness."

After one year a feast is made and the bundle is put in some hole in the rocks or other sheltered place in the bush. Each village had such a cemetery (Gala in Sinanghola.)
691 In Motu a cemetery is called Kohua gara or Midava, and is a small house on the grave.

**Feasts.** 3 Gurumas and one Gola. Guruma matamara first Guruma is made a few days (2 - 3) after a man's death. It is after this first feast that the mourning is put on. Before this feast there is really no mourning made.

69h

In Motu and Koita the same state of things obtained. At the first feast, (Motu, Guma and Halasi) the mourning is put on, not at the man's death. Before this first feast there is no playing of children, no drums, no noise in the village. The contrary would strongly offend the Guma and Biagudia (Ligo, Guruma and Tauli.) this is identical in the Motu, Koita and Sinangholoa. People don't go not about the street, - this is/because of fear of the dead man, but because of the anger of the survivors.

692 The afternoon after the first Guruma feast the chief boss of the mourning beats the drum in the street of the village, saying, "Umni mavaru, unmi gadara." Children begin to play and all the ordinary noises are resumed. The only drums beaten before the Guruma are those at the man's body.

693 The 2nd Guruma is made after one moon, after the plucking of the man's epidermis. It is held when the body is still on the platform, not in the house. It is stated that the body remains on the street platform from 4 - 5 months.

The bog feast, Golo, is held at the first season when yams and taitu are plentiful, -(Geigei, and neganai.) Wuitau season, - dry season the really plenty of Maho season, is August - October.

694 Golo is also the name for tabu on coconuts and areca nut, connected with the death of a man. The dead man's and all his iduhu's cococ and betels are tabooed. There are also signs of the bow, pole or branches, with coconut, betel and banana leaf and coconut husk.

The signs are put up at the second guruma.

694

The sanction on the Goro is purely social, but very strong.
A man eating the nuts, (even if he did it unknowingly) would be killed
No magic formula or invocation of the spirit, no supernatural sanction
is said to obtain.

695

The tolo feast is a very big feast. The erext the food like
in the case of the tabu "tabu bamona." They make a hedodi (Motu
hedori) - a social entertainment, talk, etc. The bananas were tied
on a tree. Then there came the distribution of them, a man gave his
bananas to another one, who again gave his in exchange. The other
food was amudo. At the Golo the people washed off their dirt and
put away all their mourning.

697 Stone imphments. Made in and exported. Also quarried
and sent out in a rough state. Either quite rough or chopped into
a rough form and polished afterwards.

Trading routes. and Trobriands. Alsq
in Equm, Panamota, Variole to Sariba, and they intermarried and they
owned their property. The never traded with the d'Entre-
casteaux Group. But the Trobriands did.

Stone implements still used for finishing off canoes. Murua
boys had to stand when making canoes. Fergusson sit down. Pots
made by coiā method in Moratau, Knaibaga, 2 other places on Gooden-
ough. Women in Goodenough, Fergusson, Normanby, rathef virtuous.
Wear long grass petticoats. In Murua and Trobriands wear very short

698

petticoats, and morals are lax. Marriage not so lax in Murua, only
waived for a time during dances.

Burial. Burned, buried and unearthed and put into pots. These
kept.

Pottery. Kaokao, on Goodenough, make very good pots. Big aperture
with decorations. No other places make. Moratau on Goodenough
make also pots. Dilia, (island off Fergusson) they make very big
pots, put of which a very great number of boys feed. Many villages
import their pots from Kaokao. At the base of Iamalili, natives
had quarries of mika-which they used for looking glasses.

Dr. Malinowski's Field Notes.

P.601. cf.C.G.S. 158.

Haherahp. Ahuia informent.

Kissing, (haherahp) consists in rubbing the noses, when living people kiss they rub each other's noses. When a dead man is kissed the living one rubs his nose all over the body. Kissing was done only on to a dead person, or when the party went out to the Hiri, or when a party went out to war.

Kissing in a European sense is not done. The haherahn was not done between two lovers, nor was it done during embraces. The mother will haherahn a small child. Kissing is not done even by a mother to a child.

Haherahp is Motu, Anoano in Koita. A. thinks the Koiari do not know the haherahp.

P.602

A's account of funeral and mourning ceremonies, (cf.C.G.S.p.160)

Taitai is wailing kept up during the whole night, and at morning the near family remains, the other people dispersing to their houses.

Note. The sitting chair or pata (cf. C.G.S.) was not made in the case of a woman of any age, or of a young boy or of an old man. It was only done for men at the prime of life.

A's theory of the reason for this custom is that a man in full force is a very valuable article. He dances in a beautiful hera during the feast, he goes on the hiri, he brings lots of fish, & game, everybody loves him, they make a pata to see him after death.

p.616

are. The Motuans in the Eastern district make the same form as
the Sinau golo and very likely they learned from them: (this is
A's opinion.) The Kobadi and the Nara make no tabu, the limit of
the tabu making Motuans is the village of Pari (the Pari do not
make any tabu.) Pari, Menumanu Porebada and Hanubada are colonies.
A is positive about the fact that the Koita came down from inland
to the shore, but this was before his grandfather was born.

All the Koirari make the tabu and under the name tabu.
617. The Koirari Koitu and Sinanyala make a different tabu feast
each of them.

The right of being a tabu biaguna is hereditary. Only a man
whose father and grandfather had made tabu can be one. If a par-
venu tried to make a tabu he or his children would get sick or get
toto. The preliminary feast of a tabu is called Boihetoho (Vasi-
ka-va in Koita), and was done about April. It was done on a small
platform. Then comes the construction of the Dubu platform. The
cutting of the mainposts is accompanied by kitu and gaba. There
is a small ambou (common feast) before they go out for getting the
pots. There is also Kibi and gaba during which they fetch the pots.
Heinaru - a general name for all communal labour feasts. It is
also the name for the above ambou - viz. before they cut the duu.

When they put up the dubu they make a small feast called also
Boihetoho. This name means "try to call". I refer to the calling
of the chiefs of the other villages and offering them bananas.

P.647

"The Stealing" of the grass burning i.e. when it is made by
other men, not of the proper village and clan, gave rise to serious
quarrels. There were nets with big meshes (Bota) for pigs, and
with small meshes (Valo) for wallaby. The former would allow
P.648

When the hunt.is made in the "meantime", (Labana karia kava)
the food is distributed among the houses and the women cook it.
Sometimes the maker of the feast (gaba) proposes to make a hunt in
order to provide for the Veleko feast. The booty is then distri-
buted into various heaps, (Motu - Karoa; Sinang -Kalava) each to
P.649. each village. It seems evident that there is no feast
intrinsically connected with hunting.

Page 656

The Sinangholo as well as the other coastal peoples, have a very strong idea about incest. Nobody would do it because of the contempt and ridicule it involved. But all those men confirm A's suggestion that the Koiari and all the other inland people sleep with their mothers - perhaps also with their sisters and daughters.

Page 657

Sinamno robaia - you have intercourse with your mother.

" " " " " sister.

Page 658

69A

694

695

697 Stone implements. Made in and exported. Also quarried
and sent out in a rough state. Either quite rough or chopped into
a rough form and polished afterwards.

Trading routes. and Trobriands. Also
in Equm, Panamota, Variole to Sariba, and they intermarried and they
owned their property. The never traded with the d'Entre-
casteaux Group. But the Trobriands did.

Stone implements still used for finishing off canoes. Murua
boys had to stand when making canoes. Fergusson sit down. Pots
made by coià method in Moratau, Knaibaga, 2 other places on Gooden-
ough. Women in Goodenough, Fergusson, Normanby, rathef virtuous.
Wear long grass petticoats. In Murua and Trobriands wear very short

698

Pottery. Kaokao, on Goodenough, make very good pots. Big aperture
with decorations. No other places make. Moratau on Goodenough
make also pots. Dilia, (island off Fergusson) they make very big
pots, put of which a very great number of boys feed. Many villages
import their pots from Kaokao. At the base of Iamalili, natives
had quarries of mika which they used for looking glasses.

Page 684

AMUDO KENO, TAUNIMAUNIMA HEMDIA VAITANI, IDAU HANUA IDAU IDUHU TAUNIMANIMA. MURINA MASE TAUNA TADIKAKANA GUMA. (Sinang. GURUMA) KARAIA.

TAITAI TAUDIA BONA HAHINEDIA IDIA HAIDA PETA LANAIA HELAI, HAIDA TANOIA GINI VABU, TAMANA SINANA; TADINA KAKANA KORIKORI, PATA LATANAI NOHO. IDAU TAUDIA TANOAI GINI HAHINE BONA TATAU IDIA MASE TAUNA KARAHUA (get on top and rub their face all over his body) IDIA TAITAI GAUBADABADA. HAHINE SIBODIA IDIA HEKAKASI. LARA MOMO DIHO. BAINE TAUNIMANIMA IA TAITAI KAVA IDIA IA BAE KIRIKIRI LAIA. They scream at the top of their voice. It is distinctly a customary expression of grief.

MURIAI EVA BIKUNA IDIA KOHOA, IDIA IDAU IDUHU BONA IDAU HANNA TAUDIA HENIDIA. BIKU HAIDA IDIA MASE TAUNA ENA RUMA VAIRANAI SENU ßAKARAIA. MASE TAUNA ENA VARAVARA BONA ENA IDUHU TAUDIA SIBODIA INAI SENU BIKUNA BONA AMUDO GUNANA ANIANIDIA IDIA HABOUA DIHUAI UDAIA. INAI ANIBOU LADANA GURUMA. (Sinang. Gado:)