## Henry Kissinger, address of Oct. 8, 1973

### Pacem in terris

For most of the postwar period America enjoyed predominance in physical resources and political power. Now like most other nations in history, we find that our most difficult task is how to apply limited means to the accomplishment of carefully defined ends. We can no longer overwhelm our problems; we must master them with imagination, understanding and patience.

For a generation our preoccupation was to prevent the Cold War from degenerating into a hot war. Today, when the danger of global conflict has diminished, we face the more profound problem of defining what we mean by peace and determining the ultimate purpose of improved international relations.

Disagreements among sovereign states can be settled only by negotiation or by power, by compromise or by imposition. Which of these methods prevails depends on the values, the strengths and the domestic systems of the countries involved. A nation's values define what is just; its strength determines what is possible; its domestic structure decides what policies can in fact be implemented and sustained.

In a community of sovereign states, the quest for peace involves a paradox: The attempt to impose absolute justice by one side will be seen as absolute injustice by all others; the quest for total security for some turns into total insecurity for the remainder. Stability depends on the relative satisfaction and therefore also the relative dissatisfaction of the various states. The pursuit of peace must therefore begin with a pragmatic concept of coexistence—especially in a period of ideological conflict.

We must, of course, avoid becoming obsessed with stability. An excessively pragmatic policy will be empty of vision and humanity. ... Americans have always held the view that America stood for something above and beyond its material achievements. A purely pragmatic policy provides no criteria for other nations to assess our performance and no standards to which the American people can rally.

But when policy becomes excessively moralistic it may turn quixotic or dangerous. A presumed monopoly on truth obstructs negotiation and accommodation. Good results may be given up in the quest for ever elusive ideal solutions. Policy may fall prey to ineffectual posturing or adventurist crusades. ☐

## Communist diplomat, at the dinner table: What Israel owes to the world

The Arab-Israel crisis must be brought to an end. The world simply cannot afford it. It is too dangerous because it can draw in the Big Powers and it can escalate into a nuclear war. It is the one conflict that stands in the way of a safer, saner world of peaceful coexistence.

Detente is an absolute necessity, required by the objective conditions of today; it is unthinkable that Israel be allowed to wreck it.

From a strictly ideological point of view, Israel shouldn't exist. It was a colossal mistake—a sentimental reaction to World War II—to permit it to be born. Jews should assimilate, learn to live with the majority and stop being a nuisance.

The Jewish State is a thorn in the Arab flesh, and it is because of it that Arabs have not been able to liberate themselves completely from colonialism.

But since we do have Israel, let's disregard ideology and be pragmatic: Let us transform it into a peaceful state—one that has normal relations with its neighbors, one that doesn't threaten world peace with pre-emptive strikes and retaliation raids. And it must not be allowed to occupy lands belonging to other states.

Israel can have peace, but it must return to approximately the same borders as it had on June 4, 1967, and it must compensate the Palestinians.

But peace cannot be made at the expense of the Soviet Union. The United States cannot kick out the Soviets or reverse the process of socialist transformation in Arab society. And Israelis must learn to respect the wishes of the international community and stop behaving like pirates answerable only to their law.

The alternative is war every few years, with the Arabs improving a little every time to the point of finally overpowering Israel.

DECEMBER 1973

17

# THE WARS ISRAELIS FOUGHT
## Four true stories of October 1973

by ISRAEL LANDRES

### Raw recruit

The most dramatic moment in Avraham's life occurred in the afternoon of Yom Kippur when he jumped from his burning personnel carrier. He is now in Hasharon Hospital, wearing blue pajamas, two sizes too large. Thin and dark, Avraham looks like a boy. He served in the army only eight months and he was one of the regular soldiers who had to halt the Egyptian attack until the reserves were mobilized. His story begins a couple of hours before the war broke out. It was morning in Refidim, a rear base in Sinai, and a state of emergency was declared.

"We knew that there was going to be a war, but we expected that the Egyptians would attack at six in the evening. Our small units holding the Bar Lev Line needed reinforcements. Our battalion of personnel carriers was sent toward the Canal. At noon, while we were on our way, we were ordered to hurry up. Egyptian commandos and infantrymen had crossed the Canal. The war began sooner than we thought.

"When we reached our destination I did not understand what was going on. I saw that our tanks were exploding. But I could not see the enemy. There was no artillery fire, no Egyptian tanks nearby. Yet our tanks were being hit one by one. Then we noticed flashes lighting up bushes in the sand: Egyptian soldiers were hiding behind them, shooting at our tanks with shoulder rockets. The platoon commander gave the order to attack. Soon after, our personnel carrier was hit by a bazooka. I wanted to jump from the burning vehicle but I could not find my gun. I snatched an unloaded Uzi. Two Egyptian commandos were lying on the sand 15 feet away, holding Kalatch-

nikov guns. They did not see me. I cocked my Uzi and I said in Arabic: *Erfa idak*—hands up. Like in the movies. They stood up and raised their hands. I could not believe my eyes. The trick worked. They could have shot me on the spot if they only called my bluff. I was still worried because they might jump at me—and what then?

"One of our tanks came by and relieved me of my two prisoners. I joined the personnel carrier of my platoon commander and went on fighting. The vehicle was hit by a shoulder rocket or a bazooka, and all of us were wounded. The platoon commander and myself were wounded lightly. We put our comrades near the car and continued to shoot. There was a hell of a fire—rockets, Katyushas, bombs, bullets. I will never know how they missed us. We tried to get help by using our wireless, but with no success. Finally, we got our personnel carrier started. We put in our wounded friends and brought them to the evacuation post. The doctor wanted to send me to a hospital with the rest of the wounded. I refused, saying that I could still be of use. I climbed another personnel carrier—it was my third vehicle that day—and helped to bring more wounded to the evacuation spot.

"Then something hit our vehicle. When I woke up I found myself here, in these pajamas.

"They are too large, don't you think?"

### No hero

Dalia, 7, refused to go to school. Her brother was killed in the war and she told her mother that she cannot face her class. The children will point at her and whisper about her brother and she was ashamed that he was not a hero.

"But why do you think so?" asked

her mother.

"Had he been a hero," said Dalia, "he would have beaten the Arabs without getting killed."

### Jewish mother

Rachel jumps at every knock at the door, at every ring of the phone. She has two sons in the war and she is apprehensive. Her elder son, Yoram, is with an armored brigade on the Golan Heights, and the younger, Dan, is a paratrooper. She does not know where he is now. It is ten days since they left home.

Earlier today a cab stopped near her home in a suburb of Tel Aviv. A stranger with a briefcase stepped out of the car and looked at the number of her house. She rushed out, fearful of what he might tell her. It turned out that he was looking for a friend who lived in the neighborhood. Rachel felt that she could not take it much longer.

In the evening she receives a message: Her young son Dan was wounded near the Canal and is now in a nearby hospital. Rachel calls her best friend and says: I have good news from Dan, thank heaven. He was hit in his lung by a bullet. He is going to live and tomorrow I'll see him. But I am still very worried about Yoram.

### Holding back

She tried to be strong and to act as if nothing had happened. Her husband was killed on the Golan Heights and her heart was broken. But for the sake of her five-year-old son she decided not to show her grief. She did not want to hurt the poor boy.

Then one day she overheard her son saying to his weeping grandmother: "Mother does not care that father died. I think she did not like him." ☐

18

THE NATIONAL JEWISH MONTHLY

Casa de Puerto Rico, Ltd. [lc]

P. O. Box 14022
Washington, D.C. 20044

October 1, 1973

The Honorable
Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. Secretary:

Casa de Puerto Rico, a civic, cultural and social non-profit
organization of the greater Washington area, is presenting a
Festival of Latin American Folklore to commemorate Columbus Day.
This colorful presentation of South-of-the-Border songs and
dances is presented under the sponsorship of the Bureau of
Public Affairs of the Department of State, and will be held at
the Department's West Auditorium on Saturday, October 13th,
at 7:30 p.m.

We have taken the initiative in this cultural endeavor motivated
by our belief that Puerto Rico and its people can and ought to
be a link of understanding between the United States and Latin
American peoples. Moreover, through cultural functions such
as the upcoming Festival, we can foment Inter-American brotherhood
through man's most noble and common expressions- the arts.

We are inviting various senior officers of the Department and of
the Latin American Diplomatic Corps in Washington to attend our
Festival.

We would indeed be honored to have you among our special guests,
and hope you will join us in what promises to be a most pleasant
and memorable event.

If you can and wish to attend, I would appreciate if a member
of your staff would contact me to make appropriate arrangements.
I may be located on extension 28089.

regret
act of sin

Paris,
c/o American Embassy,
Mr. Maurice Ferro,

Henry A. Kissinger

Best regards,

aending it to me.

Thank you very much for your thoughtfulness in written put a fair and perceptive appraisal of my role. from what I have seen it appears to be not only well had a chance to do more than glance through it, but your book with its kind inscription. I have not yet I very much appreciate receiving a copy of

Dear Mr. Ferro:

2053603

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

BRIEFING MEMORANDUM

S/S

TO: The Secretary

FROM: S/PRS - Robert L. Funseth

<table><tr><td>DELIVERED DIRECTLY TO</td></tr><tr><td>NOT REVIEWED BY S/S</td></tr></table>

Book "Kissinger, Diplomat of the Impossible", by
Maurice Ferro

Maurice Ferro, a French foreign affairs journalist, has sent you an inscribed and autographed copy of his book about your diplomatic record.

His conclusions seem, on balance, quite favorable. He criticizes, for example, the "Reagans, Jacksons and other Elmo Zumwalts" who have been too quick, in his view, to attribute to you the loss of Indochina, the "obfuscation of the SALT agreement, the Helsinki comedy, Angola going Communist, the eventual yielding of the Panama Canal, the relegation of the US to a second-rank power". Ferro feels this is a too-hasty condemnation of a man who "always had in mind only the safeguarding of US vital interests and the interests of the entire West". While he ascribes to you a number of "blots" in such areas as Cyprus, Chile and Cambodia, he hopes, on behalf of the West, that the US follows your foreign policy initiatives, asking where Europe would be today without your "firm daily struggle for detente". He says that Europe owes you a great deal and that you will be remembered as "one of the greatest Secretaries of State, perhaps the greatest".

Ferro is a former Le Monde correspondent in the United States, wrote on foreign affairs for two Paris newspapers and for French radio and television. His book on US-French relations in the de Gaulle era won him a French literary prize. His title page inscription (in French):

To Professor (Oh! should I have written Your Excellency?) Henry Kissinger, Secretary of State, whose spirit is equaled only by the depth of his

FERST, Robert Mrs.

MRS. ROBERT FERST

3585 WOODHAVEN ROAD, N. W.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA 30305

March 22, 1974

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Secretary of State
Department of State
Washington, D. C.

Dear Mr. Secretary:

I was a card carrying member of the Kissinger Fan Club even *before* you sent me First Class to Bangladesh - but since then I've become an officer of the Club!

Needless to say, I, along with the rest of Atlanta, am thrilled that you will be with us, if only for a short time, next month. May I extend two invitations to you for the period of your stay in Atlanta during the O.A.S. Meeting.

Knowing how difficult it is for you to ever achieve moments of relaxation away from the public's eye- my husband and I would be very honored to put at your disposal our pool and gardens when and if you feel the need to get away alone.

You would be assured of complete privacy - there's an adequate small pool house, and, I believe, even space for a helicopter to land. In any case, John Jova, who's been entertained in our house many times, can describe to you better than I, its suitability for your use.

It would also be my very great pleasure to entertain, in your honor, at a *small* supper after the U. S. reception on the night of *April 19th*.

This might be a pleasant way to introduce you, and the visiting Foreign Ministers (or whatever guest list you might select) to the amenities of life in the South, and to some of our beautiful Southern ladies.

I do hope, too, you will arrive on the 18th, in time to take in the Jazz "Happening" our Committee is planning that night in Underground Atlanta for the O.A.S. visitors. Hopefully, it's going to be *wild*!

cont/...

May 7, 1976

Dear Mr. Feulner:

Secretary Kissinger returns today from his
African trip, and I know he will be interested to see
the monograph, "Congress and the New International
Economic Order", which you sent him. Thank you,
on his behalf, for bringing it to his attention.

Mr. Edwin J. Feulner, Jr.,
The Republican Study Committee,
House of Representatives,
134 House Office Building,
Washington, D. C.

Washington, D. C.
134 House Office Building,
House of Representatives,
The Republican Study Committee,
Mr. Edwin J. Feinler, Jr.,

Personal Assistant
Suzanne S. McFarlane

Sincerely,

on his behalf, for bringing it to his attention.
Economic Order", which you sent him. Thank you,
the monograph, "Congress and the New International
African trip, and I know he will be interested to see
Secretary Kieزلer returns today from his

Dear Mr. Feinler:

May 7, 1976