NEW YORK TIMES

25 April 1973

Kissinger's Europe...

With his call for "a fresh act of creation" equal to the effort that built the Marshall Plan and the Atlantic Alliance after World War II, Henry A. Kissinger has tried to project the outline of President Nixon's "Year of Europe." If the "new Atlantic Charter" envisioned by Mr. Kissinger in his address to the Associated Press luncheon in New York is still a hazy concept, its general form may be beginning to take shape.

On the whole, Mr. Kissinger gave this country's European partners the kind of message most of them have been anxious to have from the Nixon Administration. He restated the common goals and interests underpinning the Atlantic-Europe connection, reaffirmed the enduring character of the United States commitment to the Atlantic Alliance, and reiterated Washington's dedication to the cause of Western European integration and unity "as a component of a larger Atlantic partnership."

Mr. Kissinger still reflects the highly dubious Washington gospel derogating the European Community for its merely "regional" character, as contrasted, in his view, with the wider, global interests and responsibilities of the United States. Yet on the current issues of most importance to Europe, Mr. Kissinger reassured the members of the Alliance that the President remains "adamantly opposed" to unilateral American troop withdrawals from Europe while hoping for eventual agreement with the Soviet bloc for mutual and balanced force cuts; and that in the forthcoming trade negotiations, it will be the overriding American goal to help build "an open and balanced trading order with both Europe and Japan."

If Mr. Kissinger reminded Europe that the United States expected "a spirit of reciprocity" on trade from the European Community and "a fair share" from each ally for the common defense, his tone and language echoed the positive accents of President Nixon's trade message to Congress earlier this month, rather than the truculent, chauvinistic Administration pronouncements at the time of the emergency economic measures of 1971.

"We see these negotiations not as a test of strength, but as a test of joint statesmanship," Mr. Kissinger emphasized. John B. Connally, with his faith that a winner and a loser must emerge from any negotiation, could hardly have said such a thing with conviction. Has the Administration genuinely—and permanently—changed its whole approach to this country's allies and trading partners in an effort, in Mr. Kissinger's words, "to build a new structure of international relations for the decades ahead"?

On past performance, it is too early to draw such a conclusion. Despite its general thrust toward a freer system, Mr. Nixon's trade bill is pockmarked with protectionist devices should the President choose to use them. In the same vein, Mr. Kissinger's text includes, along with its spirit of uplift, all the Administration's stock complaints about Europe—the dubious as well as the justified.

Nevertheless, the speech said much that needed saying. If the Administration is prepared to follow through in the spirit of the Kissinger message, the "revitalized Atlantic partnership" for which Mr. Kissinger called is clearly feasible. But if the Administration is as eager to get this message to the world as Mr. Kissinger's text indicated, it would have been more convincing if the speech had been delivered by the President himself.

...'Signals' to Hanoi

There are ominous hints of impending new United

DETROIT NEWS

9 April 1973 (25)

U.S. deserters lose haven

Sweden will no longer accept for automatic asylum American military deserters on the grounds the granting of asylum became invalid the moment the Vietnam cease-fire agreement was signed in Paris. The Swedes had previously taken a dubious "moralistic" view of a conflict in which the United States was fulfilling its pledged commitments. Their nation became an escape hatch for 450 deserters and draft dodgers who will be allowed to stay.

Many deserters the Swedes had accepted were not involved in the Vietnam war except in the sense they were scared of being assigned to Vietnam

from tours of duty with the NATO forces. Following his enlistment oath, a soldier should expect to be assigned anywhere his country sees fit to dispatch him, otherwise all armies would become undisciplined rabbles. But Sweden turned a blind eye to that reality while the Vietnam conflict continued.

The practice Sweden followed was a very special form of neutrality. It was a neutrality with a special bias against American involvement in Vietnam. We wonder what the Swedes would do if a swarm of Red Army deserters from the neighboring Soviet Union descended on them and sought have...

States military action in Indochina in Henry A. Kissinger's charge before the Associated Press meeting that North Vietnam has "totally violated" the Vietnam cease-fire agreement, an accusation that was backed up yesterday by a formal protest to signatories of the Paris peace accords.

In retaliation, the United States last week suspended all mine-clearing operations in North Vietnamese waters, recalled its chief delegate to Paris talks on possible reconstruction assistance to North Vietnam and resumed military reconnaissance flights over the North. Defense Secretary Elliot L. Richardson said Hanoi should interpret these move as "signals of possible retaliation."

"What should the United States do?" Mr. Kissinger asked. "If we can neither threaten nor offer incentives, if we are criticized for attempting to maintain the agreement by force and pressed not to provide the economic incentives which might be another motive for keeping the agreement, then we should ask ourselves where we will be if what was a very solemn agreement, very painfully achieved, in which we made very major concessions, is simply disregarded."

No one, so far as we are aware, is seriously challenging the Administration's right to take diplomatic action in support of the peace or even to suspend such United States obligations as mine-clearing and economic aid so long as the Communists fail to uphold their side of the Paris bargain. But any attempt by the Administration unilaterally "to maintain the agreement by force" raises grave constitutional issues and revives the whole question of United States involvement in Indochina that most Americans thought had been resolved with the withdrawal of the last American prisoners and combat troops last month.

Mr. Kissinger himself declared that "our purpose in negotiating the agreement was to end the American involvement in Southeast Asia...." That purpose was admirably fulfilled when both sides carried out the only unambiguous portions of the Paris accords. Although President Nixon boasted of having achieved "peace with honor" in Paris, it was clear from the beginning that the pact did not resolve the underlying political problems of Indochina and that in this imperfect context, provisions for supervising the cease-fire were unworkable.

For the United States to re-enter the fray in order to try to enforce its own version of a settlement that can only be worked out by the peoples of Indochina themselves would be to repeat the tragic errors of the past. The Administration's "signals" to Hanoi should also serve as a warning to the American people that they may be on the way once more into the quagmire from which they thought they had been delivered.

3-E

CHICAGO SUN TIMES

4 April 1973 (25)

Quagmire in the
Philippines

Reacting to the stubborn resistance of Moslem guerrillas in Mindanao and other southern islands, Philippine President Ferdinand E. Marcos is putting increasing pressure on the United States for military aid. Washington's reluctance to meet these demands is both commendable and understandable, since Marcos' pleas have a bitter familiarity to those voiced by some other Asian leaders under attack from rebels. The anti-Marcos rebels roam freely through the countryside, often receiving support from the villagers. Most of the 12,000 government troops using U.S. weapons to fight the insurgents are northerners with little familiarity with local customs and languages. All this is familiar enough to the veterans in the State Department who have no wish to see the seeds of the Vietnam quagmire transplanted in the jungles of Mindanao.

But those urging restraint can be expected to receive continuing pressure from Marcos. Moreover, domestic pressure may come from those who want the United States to protect its billion-dollar military investment at Clark Air Force Base and the Subic Navy Base. There also is a Special Forces team in the archipelago that, while not now engaged in counterinsurgency, may be pressured into assuming that role. The U.S. political investment began shortly after World War II, when The Philippines were granted independence and set up a U.S.-style government.

But Marcos can hardly claim to be a
democrat today. He has wielded one-

BALTIMORE SUN 25 April 1973

Kissinger's 'New Atlantic Charter'

For much too long a time, the Atlantic alliance has been burdened by old rhetoric forged in bygone circumstances to deal with situations that no longer exist. Instead of adjusting to a changing scene, much of the old rhetoric has remained a static measure by which to gauge the so-called crises of confidence that periodically afflict the alliance. The better course would have been to develop a psychological atmosphere that would have led to easier acceptance of Europe's economic emergence, or the slide from U.S. nuclear superiority to American-Soviet nuclear balance, or even, let it be whispered, French Gaullism. But this would have required more flexibility in language than has been the case; Cold War simplicities seduce journalists and politicians alike. And it would have required a greater readiness to accept natural changes in political, economic and military relationships than most governments, with their egocentric impulses, have been willing to make.

There have been attempts before to modernize not only the alliance but the concepts on which it rests. But such efforts have been flops, or have been judged as flops, and none has quite had the promise now presented in Henry A. Kissinger's call for a "New Atlantic Charter." Even that phrase, though a little shopworn at first glance, is a happy one because it reaches back beyond the Berlin blockade and the Marshall Plan and the formation of NATO to the peace aims formulated by Roosevelt

and Churchill in 1941. The goal of President Nixon's diplomatic travels to Europe this year is not to gain peace, of course, but preserve it by what Mr. Kissinger calls a "fresh act of creation" by the Atlantic nations.

If this is the new rhetoric, so be it. Peace still depends in large measure on the comity of Western nations sharing basic values, goals and interests. Surely if this comity is destroyed by economic rivalry or the atrophy of a NATO no longer responsive to current conditions, then peace in the wider sense of responsible international conduct will have been weakened.

Early reaction to the Kissinger speech has followed accustomed lines, with Germany and Britain applauding U.S. initiatives and the French press fretting over the danger of a "grand design" imposed from Washington. When the nitty-gritty stage is reached, no doubt all our partners will have problems with us and with each other. Yet if these differences are accepted gracefully as a natural thing, if the new rhetoric can be shown to be compatible with new realities, the Western alliance will be the healthier for it. "We do not agree on all policies; in many areas of the world our approaches will differ, especially outside Europe," Mr. Kissinger declared. "But we do require an understanding of what should be done jointly and of the limits we should impose on the scope of our autonomy." Well and carefully put.

man rule under martial law since Sep-
tember, and last week a Philippine
army commander said that, in order
to induce malaria among the rebels,
he has stopped spraying operations
against mosquitos.

The issue of giving Marcos more
weapons ought to be subject to the
most rigorous analysis of U.S. national
interests. Increased U.S. aid to Mar-

cos might transform what is now a domesti-
cal religious war into an interna-
tional dispute, since the rebels are re-
ported to receive some of their arms
from Libya. In line with the Nixon
DoCTRine of 1969, requiring greater
military self-reliance by Asian lead-
ers, Marcos should fight his own wars
and be tested by his own people.

THE NATION Magazine 23 April 1973 (25)

Trouble Ahead

On still another front, the President is at no pains to conceal his contempt of Congress. In a televised address of June 9, 1970, he said that the only remaining military activity in Cambodia after July 1 of that year would consist of air missions to interdict the movement of troops and materiel "where I find that is necessary to protect the lives and security of our men in South Vietnam." Now that all combat troops have been withdrawn from Vietnam, he can hardly fall back on his powers as Commander in Chief to justify the bombing in Cambodia. Yet for a month or more American fighter bombers and B-52s have flown as many as fifty to 100 sorties daily—with, it might be added, slight apparent effect. The rationale is that we are bombing to force the warring factions to accept a cease-fire. But what constitutional authority exists for such action? Cambodia is not a party to SEATO, and the Gulf of Tonkin resolution has been repealed. Some legal wizards at the Library of Congress have come forward with the notion that a war once started goes on forever, unless Congress or the President declares that it has ended. The Secretary of Defense, with a hesitancy that betrays some intellectual embarrassment, suggests that the President is act-

ing on the basis of undefined "residual" powers.

Meanwhile, the situation in Cambodia rapidly deteriorates. Phnom Penh is under siege; all four main highways leading to the city have been severed. Only five of eighteen vessels rushing supplies to the besieged city managed to get through; the others were forced to turn back. Now an airlift will be tried. General Haig has conducted a hasty survey and reported back to the Commander in Chief, who is no doubt in one of his ugly, unpredictable moods. Any hope that intensive American bombing might force the insurgents to accept a cease-fire should by now be dissipated; their offensive has gained ground since the cease-fire was signed on January 27 and they can probably take Phnom Penh whenever he wishes.

Nor is the President's mood brightened, one may assume, by the nonpolicing of the non-truce in Vietnam. Three times in the last four weeks the President has warned the North Vietnamese to expect "appropriately vigorous responses," and on the basis of his past behavior it would not be surprising if he confronted us with another of his "unpredictable" initiatives. If Congress fails to curb his war-waging powers, and soon, he may resume full-scale bombing in Vietnam and then it will be still more difficult to curb his rage.

4-E

NEW YORK POST 24 April 1973 (25)

Bureaucratic Booby Traps

Many an American GI in Vietnam
learned early to dread booby traps; few
can have expected to run into them
after coming home—or to find they
have been rigged by the Defense Dept.

Yet, as this newspaper has been re-
porting in detail, the veteran looking
for a job may often be seriously wound-
ed—in the economic sense—by the Pen-
tagon's practice of stamping his dis-
charge papers with code numbers

referring to unverified personal infor-
mation. Allegations of sexual deviation, listings. But it now develops that others
are still being used—and abused—with
the same damaging effects.
drug abuse, even "apathy," have been
decency nor concern for the futures of
men who have served their country well
have been enough to alter a stubborn,
blind bureaucratic policy. The veterans
have a right to help from the Com-
mander in Chief.

These disclosures and expressions of
outrage by members of Congress—not-
ably Reps. Koch (D-N.Y.) and Aspin
(D-Wis.)—appeared recently to have
persuaded the Pentagon to drop the code

What this seems to suggest is that
neither considerations of ordinary de-
cency nor concern for the futures of
men who have served their country well
have been enough to alter a stubborn,
blind bureaucratic policy. The veterans
have a right to help from the Com-
mander in Chief.

WASHINGTON POST 25 April 1973

Dr. Kissinger and Europe

Dr. Henry Kissinger's speech in New York celebrated the common purpose that binds the Atlantic nations but he refrained, wisely, from trying to define it. The tradition of Atlantic unity has suffered severe erosion while we have all grown unprecedentedly rich and secure. Dr. Kissinger acknowledged the European complaints that President Nixon has been neglecting old friends in his diplomacy with our old adversaries. The purpose of the speech was to declare that the relations with those adversaries are now well in hand, and the White House is prepared to return its primary attention to Western Europe.

The administration delivered this message in much
more substantial terms two weeks ago when it finally sent
to Congress a difficult and politically hazardous proposal
for expanding our foreign trade. It repeated that message
with the announcement of President Nixon's forthcoming
trip to Europe. Dr. Kissinger's speech now offers, in
rather general outline, the American view of an agenda
for the long talks ahead. As an agenda, it has to be said,
the speech is not entirely satisfactory.

Above all, we and the Europeans are going to be
talking about trade and money. The military defense, on
which everything else was built in the 1940's and 1950's,
is now decidedly secondary. As Dr. Kissinger notes, it
will require great political skill to keep it from melting
away altogether in this warm new season of detente. The
immediate danger of serious trouble among the Atlantic
powers is now primarily economic. It is characteristic of
trade disputes that they usually cannot be satisfactorily
settled on grounds of trade rules alone. They customarily
descend into petty haggling and bickering that grows
steadily more trivial. "It is the responsibility of national
leaders to insure that economic negotiations serve larger
political purposes. They must recognize that economic
rivalry, if carried on without restraint, will in the end
damage other relationships," Dr. Kissinger wisely and
rightly said.

But the Atlantic relationship is utterly changed from
the days of World War II and its aftermath. Dr. Kissin-
ger's attempt to evoke those heroic days is fundamentally
misleading. During the war and the postwar years, the ob-
ligations and necessities confronting the United States
and its European friends were clear and urgent. The
only question was whether we were prepared to rise to
them. Today the obligations and necessities before us
are much more ambiguous and obscure.

Dr. Kissinger declares that it is the President's pur-
pose to "lay the basis for a new era of creativity in the
West." That means, presumably, preventing our rising

wealth from dividing us, and keeping our commercial
competition from leading us into strife. So far, so good.
But this speech is not likely entirely to meet other
nations' doubts.

Europeans know that they are dealing with an Amer-
ican President who habitually prefers to move in sudden
pounces. The President's stress on his unpredictability
is useful in dealing with North Vietnam, one may argue,
or the Soviet Union. But it is destructive in dealing with
friends and allies, particularly in economic matters in-
volving private customers and investors as well as
governments. Europeans will also notice that the speech
contains, amidst the rhetoric, the familiar litany of
American complaints: that the Common Market offers
the "prospect of a closed trading system" tying in the
whole Mediterranean to our disadvantage, and that it
discriminates against our farm products. If the "new
era of creativity" comes down to another American
assault on the Common Market's expensive but very
sensitive farm policy, then the Europeans are not going
to have any.

One particularly obvious defect in Dr. Kissinger's out-
line is the oddly left-handed treatment offered to Japan.
"We ask our friends in Europe, Canada, and ultimately
Japan to join us in this venture." Why "ultimately
Japan"? To a suspicious eye, it might look as though we
were proposing to work out an understanding among
the old rich countries regarding the terms of dealing
with the new rich. If the substance of the year is eco-
nomic negotiation, rather than regional military affairs,
why not include Japan from the beginning?

This great burst of interest in Europe comes, unfor-
tunately, at an exceedingly bad time for Mr. Nixon and
his administration. They are engulfed in the most spec-
tacular series of American political scandals of this cen-
tury, all of them involving some of the President's clos-
est associates. By offering a high-minded call for coopera-
tion at this particularly squalid moment in our national
life, the White House is launching an endeavor of great
merit amidst the most unpromising circumstances.

The President and Dr. Kissinger ought not be greatly
astonished if the atmosphere in Washington affects
Europeans' interpretations of the reasons for this new
departure, or leads them to dismiss it as a diversionary
tactic. Here we see another example of the damage that
the scandals are inflicting upon this country as it goes
to meet its responsibilities abroad. The damage will con-
tinue until the President, by his own remedial actions,
can assure the world that his capacity to govern has not
been undermined.

2-E

EDITORIALS

WINCHESTER EVENING STAR
Monday, April 23, 1973 (25)

Cambodian Mystery Stories

Why go all the way to Phnom Penh to cover events in Cambodia? Consider the expense, trouble, possible hazard to correspondents and potential communications problems involved. Send your staffer to Washington instead. Let him (or her) get the real story at Pentagon and State Dept. briefings—completely and comfortably.

That proposal has hardly been made by the Nixon Administration to the nation's press in so many words, but its spirit is implicit in recent events.

To begin with, the military has virtually suppressed any solid information about the U. S.-spearheaded air war in Cambodia. Correspondents there are enmeshed in daily battles with government censors; when they manage to surmount these relentless harassments, they are stonily discredited by Washington. Over the weekend, for example, reporters in Phnom Penh filed stories quoting U. S. officials there who said there is no substantial evidence to indicate that the North Vietnamese or Viet Cong are fighting in Cambodia.

That is surely interesting news, since Washington has repeatedly sought to rationalize its raids on Cambodia as punishment for alleged Communist violation of the ceasefire accords.

Clearly discomfited, the State Dept. yesterday asserted a "belief" that North Vietnam was directly training and supporting Cambodian guerrillas, and other officials suggested that American reporters in Phnom Penh had disflorted the views of diplomats there. There was once a time when attempts were similarly made to dismiss upalatable stories from Vietnam as the work of disgruntled or unreliable reporters.

Presidential adviser Henry A. Kissinger asserted yesterday that "no one can seriously believe that we are looking for a pretense to remain in Southeast Asia." He also protested that "we are not prescribing one particular government" for Cambodia. But he did not reconcile these claims with the escalating air war. In fact the question of why we are there—and what new quagmire we are drifting into—grows steadily more mysterious as the censorship mounts.

NEW YORK NEWS
25 April 1973

DEBUNKING A DRUG MYTH

All the widely circulated scare talk to the effect that hordes of Vietnam veterans were returning hooked on heroin has been deflated to proper proportions by a Washington University of St. Louis study team.

Checking a sampling of the 300,000 Americans who served in Vietnam between 1970 and 1972, the probers

Base Closings

Closing more than 200 military bases is a move that will have economic impact for more than that many communities and well entail the relocation of thousands of families. Many of the employees will find it difficult to nail down comparable jobs.

But this happens after every war, and the Vietnam conflict is no exception. It would be surprising if next year did not see the phasing out of as many more installations.

The effect of these base closings on total military spending will be minor. Inflation will more than wipe out any possible reduction in overall outlays as a result of this action.

It was an ill-kept secret that many bases no longer needed would be closed when withdrawal from Vietnam was complete. In fact, the Pentagon had made an announcement to this effect many months ago. Officials and others in communities where bases to be phased out are located had little reason to hope they would be kept in operation.

Now that the list has been released and there is no longer doubt, community leaders can proceed to make plans to soften the impact and seek enterprises to replace those which will soon be shut down.

CAMDEN (N.J.) COURIER-POST 9 April 1973 (25)

Don't Close Ft. Dix

We hope that Sen. Harrison A. Williams is as competent a seer as he is confident an oddsmaker.

The New Jersey Democrat says the chances are 99-1 that Ft. Dix will remain open.

That's a gratifying statement from one who should be in a position to know —not that a logical reason could be advanced for the closing of the post, of course.

Ft. Dix is too important to the economy of this area, a factor the government must take into consideration before making a decision to close any military installation.

On it are stationed more than 50,000 military personnel earning an average of $500 a month. In addition, 3,000 civilians work there, and last year they earned more than $23.5 million.

To close such an establishment would be to display a callous disregard for a sizable chunk of the nation's people who depend, directly or indirectly, on it for their livelihood.

And callous disregard for sizable chunks of its people should not be a benevolent government's stock in trade.

Use of Ft. Dix should continue and the use should be as extensive as it is

right now. Ft. Dix has a number of attributes to commend it to the Defense Department, despite a hint by Defense Secretary Elliot Richardson that its stature might be diminished.

Most importantly, it is the only recruit-training center in the Northeast, where more than 20 per cent of the nation's people live.

If the Defense Department feels the need to reduce its basic training facilities consequent to the elimination of the draft, it would do well to consider the four installations in less populated areas. These are Fort Polk, La., Fort Jackson, S.C., Ft. Leonard Wood, Mo., and Ft. Knox, Ky. Besides Dix, the other post is Ft. Ord, Calif., another installation in a heavily-populated section.

Moreover, it would seem foolish to reduce operations at a base where a large percentage of the housing is less than five years old, and where a number of other facilities combine to make it one of the most modern posts in the country.

In fact, there is no reason, as Williams suggests, why the base should not take on an even larger role in the new volunteer army, and be made a facility for advanced military training as well.

estimated that about 4,100—at most—are confirmed addicts. A more realistic figure, they say, would be between 2,000 and 3,000.

That should put to rest the alarmist humbug about a drug epidemic among ex-servicemen. We hope it does, because the overblown rumors already have harmed plenty of former GIs seeking jobs, housing and a chance to pick up the threads of interrupted lives.

1-E

RADIO - TV
DEFENSE DIALOG

RADIO TV REPORTS INC. WASH., D.C., SUMMARIES NOT TO BE QUOTED.

TUESDAY, APRIL 24, 1973 (BROADCASTS OF APR 23)

SUMMARY OF NETWORK NEWS IN THIS ISSUE

JOHN CHANCELLOR, NBC: In Washington today the State Department made a point of saying that NVNese troops are still playing an important role in the fighting in Cambodia. There had been official indications that no identifiable NVNese units are fighting in Cambodia which could strengthen arguments that there is no legal basis for American operations there. But the State Dept. says Hanoi soldiers are giving combat support to the Cambodian insurgents.

WALTER CRONKITE, CBS: On Friday an American official in Phnom Penh was quoted as saying there was no evidence that the NVNese have been a significant factor in the Cambodian fighting, at least since the VN peace agreement. Well today in Washington a State Dept. spokesman sought to refute the Friday report. He said that Cambodian communists fighting around the capital of Phnom Penh are being supported by NVNese troops, doing such things as manning crew served weapons. Marvin Kalb reports that today's assertion is in effect an admission that the NVNese are not doing the fighting in Cambodia, that the war is basically a civil war. This admission, Kalb says, weakens the administration's rationale for bombing there, but not its resolve to continue.

HOWARD K. SMITH, ABC: There was some relatively good news today from Saigon. A SVNese spokesman reported only 64 cease fire violations took place in the most recent 24-hour period. Most of the continued fighting centered around the Mekong River where convoys assemble for the trip to Phnom Penh, where despite communist shelling, two ships loaded with rice and six tankers carrying more than two million gallons of fuel, arrived in Phnom Penh today.

CHANCELLOR, NBC: Our correspondent Bob Jones was in Hong Ngu recently when the NVNese opened up with rocket fire. BOB JONES, NBC: The first rocket was a dud, the second was not. Half of the casualties were children.

CRONKITE, CBS: US B-52s today continued to bomb communist positions throughout Cambodia. On the ground government troops retook a position on Highway Two, just seven miles south of Phnom Penh. DON WEBSTER, CBS: Among Cambodian Army troops these are quite possibly the best soldiers in the best unit, elements of the Seventh Division. They are aggressive, they are well equipped, they act like soldiers.

SMITH, ABC: The chief architect of US-IC diplomacy, Henry Kissinger, discussed post truce developments and other matters today at a public appearance in New York. BILL BRANIGAN, ABC: Dr. Kissinger chose his appearance at the annual luncheon of the AP here in New York as the forum from which to outline a broad and in many aspects new US approach in its relations with Europe. But VN was very much on the minds of his questioners.

CRONKITE, CBS: The Pentagon has released a special study conducted by Washington U. in St. Louis on drug users among American servicemen in VN, and some of the results surprised even the researchers. BOB SCHIEFFER, CBS: A startling disclosure, the Pentagon top health officer told a news conference that many of the men were able to break the habit on their own. SMITH, ABC: Many of the men apparently kicked the habit before they left VN, and a spokesman said the military anti-drug programs are working beyond their wildest dreams.

CRONKITE, CBS: The famed Pentagon Papers were classified "top secret-sensitive" by the Defense Dept. without anyone really analyzing their content.

PREPARED BY THE AIR FORCE (SAFAA) AS EXECUTIVE AGENT FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE TO BRING TO THE ATTENTION OF KEY DOD PERSONNEL MATTERS WITHIN THEIR OFFICIAL RESPONSIBILITIES.

FOR INFORMATION REGARDING THIS PUBLICATION CALL MR. HARRY ZUBKOFF, OX 52884

gon Papers task force when then Secretary of Defense MacNamara set it up in 1967.

Prosecutor David Nessen had him testify about a conversation in 1969 with defendant Daniel Ellsberg during which Ellsberg suggested the Pentagon Papers ought to be made public.

What Gelb didn't tell the prosecutor but did tell defense counsel Charles Nessen, was that even before that conversation he had himself urged MacNamara to make the papers available to researchers and historians.

He also described the process by which the Pentagon Papers came to be classified "top secret sensitive."

The typist, he said, finishing the first volumes of the study asked what they should put down. He called a quick conference with two other officials after which he decided on "top secret." The subject was never considered again.

He had never, he said, read any government instructions on how to decide about classification. The nearest thing that he could remember was a film he was required to see entitled, "Beware of Blondes Who Are Excessively Friendly, They May Be Russian Spies."

Frank Bourgholtzer, NBC News, Los Angeles.

## CBS EVENING NEWS CBS-TV 7 PM

### Best Cambodian Troops In The Army

WALTER CRONKITE: US B-52s today continued to bomb communist positions throughout Cambodia.

On the ground government troops retook a position on Highway 2, just seven miles south of Phnom Penh.

Don Webster has a report on some weekend action.

DON WEBSTER: Among Cambodian Army troops these are quite possibly the best soldiers in the best unit, elements of the Seventh Division. They are aggressive, they are well equipped, they act like soldiers.

The bad news is, with the recent communist advances they are fighting only six miles from the city limits of Phnom Penh.

As they advance near the village

of Tak Mau communist forces fire mortar rounds, off in the distance at first, but a quick sign this will not be a quiet day.

These Cambodian troops did not turn and run. Instead they opened up with their fire power.

The Cambodians called in air strikes, both Cambodian and American planes now being used, in this case antiquated Cambodian T-28 bombers, dropping both regular bombs and napalms.

Then suddenly a lucky shot by the communists. A single mortar round hit where some soldiers were closely bunched, about eight of them wounded by that single round.

Six newsmen were also wounded, three of them from CBS.

Reporter Ed Bradley was hit in the elbow. Cameraman Norman Lloyd was hit in the forearm, but managed to keep on filming these scenes. And soudman Phil Sopon was hit in the leg and chest, the third time in three years he's been wounded.

Covering the war in Cambodia has been especially difficult because actual fighting is very sporadic. It has also been very costly to news men in the number killed, wounded and missing.

This CBS crew had been planning to leave Cambodia the day before, but stayed over because they thought there might be some action. There was.

Don Webster, CBS News.

CRONKITE: All three CBS newsmen are doing well and they're out of the hospital.

### Cambodian War Basically Civil

CRONKITE: On Friday an American official in Phnom Penh was quoted as saying there was no evidence that the NVNese have been a significant factor in the Cambodian fighting, at least since the VN peace agreement.

Well today in Washington a State Department spokesman sought to refuse the Friday report. He said that Cambodian communists fighting around the capital of Phnom Penh are being supported by NVNese troops, doing such things as manning crew served weapons.

3 Tuesday, April 24, 1973

## Heroin Addicts Break Habit Themselves

**CRONKITE:** The Pentagon has released a special study conducted by Washington University in St. Louis on drug users among American service-men in VN. And some of the results surprised even the researchers.

**BOB SCHIEFFER:** The researchers talked only with enlisted men who served in VN in 1971, a year when drugs were most plentiful there. Using scientific selection methods, 900 soldiers were questioned.

Of those 35% said they had tried heroin in VN. Most smoked it. One man in five, or 20%, considered themselves heroin addicts at some point during their year in the war zone.

But then a startling disclosure. The Pentagon top health officer told a news conference that many of the men were able to break the habit on their own.

**JOHN WILBUR:** A drug dependent person can apparently withdraw from narcotics use without assistance, as witnessed by the fact that one-half of all those who reported heroin dependency in VN had withdrawn on their own and were not identified at the time of their departure as being positive.

We now know that recovery from heroin dependence is not impossible. In the case of young healthy well disciplined men in the armed services their rehabilitation will be successful in the majority of cases.

**SCHIEFFER:** The report is sure to start controversy and even those who wrote it call the findings surprising in light of the commonly held belief that it is virtually impossible to rid oneself of a drug habit.

Still the researchers concluded that most heavy drug users in VN stopped the habit when they left the war zone and had not become readdicted eight to twelve months later when questioned by the survey team.

Bob Schieffer, CBS News, Washington.

## Pentagon Papers Hastily Classified

**CRONKITE:** The famed Pentagon Papers were classified "top secret sensitive" by the Defense Department without anyone really analyzing their content.

That was the testimony at the Daniel Ellsberg-Anthony Russo trial today by Leslie Gelb, the director of the Defense Dept. study.

Gelb said that the classification decision was a hasty one made at a comparatively low level and without regard to security needs.

Gelb was a prosecution rebuttal witness, but courthouse observers thought the testimony probably helped the defense.

## ABC EVENING NEWS ABC-TV 7 PM

### Convoy Reaches Phnom Penh

**HOWARD K. SMITH:** There was some relatively good news today from Saigon.

A NVNese spokesman reported only 64 cease fire violations took place in the most recent 24-hour period, the lowest total in the seven weeks since the peace agreement went into effect.

Most of the continued fighting centered around the Mekong River where convoys assemble for the trip to Phnom Penh, Cambodia, where despite communist shelling, two ships loaded with rice and six tanners carrying more than two million gallons of fuel, arrived in Phnom Penh today.

### Kissinger Speaks At AP Luncheon

**SMITH:** The chief architect of US-IC diplomacy, Henry Kissinger, discussed post truce developments and other matters today at a public appearance in New York.

**BILL BRANIGAN:** Dr. Kissinger chose his appearance at the annual luncheon of the Associated Press here in New York as the forum from which to outline a broad and in many aspects new US approach in its relations with Europe.

**HENRY KISSINGER:** I think it is

4 Tuesday, April 24, 1973

fair to say that we have been very disappointed in the compliance by the NVNese with the agreement. We have believed, and we said so publicly, that the end of the war in VN should start a process of normalization in the relations between Hanoi and the US.

No one can seriously believe that we are looking for pretexts to remain involved in SE Asia.

BRANIGAN: In his prepared speech Kissinger spoke about the US military commitment to NATO.

KISSINGER: The President has asked me to state that America remains committed to doing its fair share in Atlantic defense. He is adamantly opposed to unilateral withdrawal of US forces from Europe.

BRANIGAN: Kissinger also said the US would seek some new agreements with its European allies about the energy crisis, particularly about the steadily expanding dependence of both Europe and the US on Middle East oil, a dependence the administration clearly fears that could turn long standing allies into bitter economic adversaries.

This is Bill Branigan, ABC News, New York.

## Military Anti-Drug Programs Working

SMITH: The Pentagon released its latest figures today on drug addiction among men coming back from VN and for once they had a success story to tell.

Officials tell there are two to three thousand VN Veterans still dependent on drugs, and while that number sounds high it is much lower than expected.

Pentagon correspondent Roger Peterson has a report on one of those programs.

ROGER PETERSON: They're called awareness exercises, and any relationship to the army daily dozen is purely non-existent.

It's a small part of the evening program here at Ft. Sam Houston's community center, designed to give men and women an awareness of them-

selves, how to solve their problems, and hopefully get high on life, not drugs.

Yoga lessons are also available to soldiers. Some have used drugs, some are just curious about the unique programs offered here.

WOMAN: A lot of the people who come to us here are tremendously tense. They have fears, anxieties, worries. And all these create tensions in the body. And in Yoga you're really releasing these blocks, these blocks of tension.

We found with these guys that are coming in that if someone is completely relaxed they can't be anxious.

PETERSON: Along with the voluntary evening program, the drug rehabilitation center offers more standard daytime fare.

These men are drug education specialists. With some training at the center they work with their units to let the troops know help or further information is available.

Hard core drug users like this man hooked on heroin in VN, get counseled by military and civilian psychologists and psychiatrists.

This man is trying to get rid of his dependency on drugs so he can get an honorable discharge this fall.

GI: I'm just more relaxed down there, you know, because I know what's going on. One of these places where I can go where nobody will bother me and I could sit down and think things out.

WOMAN: Are things bothering you here?

GI: This is about the only place that things don't bother me.

WOMAN: What do you mean?

GI: Oh I mean, I can come here and act natural instead of out there playing their games and trying to act a different individual.

PETERSON: Talking about life and the problems that led to drug abuse is also part of the informal evening program.

In countersessions acting out personality conflicts are one of the most effective ways of discovering the causes of problems.

MAN: Freddie, do you have anything you'd like to say to your father?

5 Tuesday, April 24, 1973

FREDDIE: Just want to be close to you.

FREDDIE'S FATHER: Most of the time you are close to me. You're not very (unintelligible)

FREDDIE: You're putting me on.

FATHER: I don't mean to.

You're putting yourself off for me.

MAN: Be aware of what you're doing with your hands. Keep talking but just be aware.

FREDDIE: You're unhappy with me being your son. I didn't turn out the way you wanted me to.

I'm not gonna do your thing. I'm gonna do my thing.

PETERSON: There are still many aspects of army life that haven't and won't change.

But here at least, if the army is effective in combating drugs it's because new problems are being handled with new, perhaps even radical, but necessary methods.

Roger Peterson, ABC News, Ft. Sam Houston, Texas.

6 Tuesday, April 24, 1973