D. GEORGE SULLIVAN

35 CONGRESS STREET
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS 02109

September 24, 1974

Hon. Henry A. Kissinger
The Secretary of State
Washington, D. C. 20520

Dear Henry:

I am delighted with the way things have worked out for you and particularly that your good friend, Nelson Rockefeller, has been nominated to be Vice President of the United States. Frankly, I sort of sensed your fine hand in this decision by President Ford. It is an excellent appointment.

I am enclosing a column by Joseph Alsop from the Boston Evening Globe of September 20 entitled "The Suicidal Impulse Loose." As you can see from reading it, it indicates there is an increasing attack on you personally and what you have done. In my opinion, this is typical of the liberal media of the Eastern United States.

I also heard confidentially that Seymour Hirsch is preparing a series of articles on you and the State Department. This may be purely a rumor and may have no value. I do hope you will not mention it to anybody, since I may be incorrect.

There is a strange phenomena in the United States that a person's success breeds resentment from some source which is then fostered by the media in a very vicious way. The liberal element in its quest for issues shows its usual intolerance with existing customs. In other years, America's foreign policy in countries which have an anti-United States and its industrial representation would be closely watched in the interest of protecting Americans and American capital. Today due to liberal intolerance, any interference or surveillance of a foreign country in the interest of protecting American capital seems to be heresy of the worst sort. I am afraid the end result will be a weakened America and eventually a second-rate political and economic power.

Hon. Henry A. Kissinger -2-

September 24, 1974

It appears to me that the European common market may well be in the process of disintegration, especially if Italy in its November elections goes to a Communist type of government. I am troubled about any policy which would reduce the number of troops we have in Europe and in a sense undercut our NATO arrangement. If we reduce the number of troops in Europe, it would be my feeling that the United States would lose all control of the Germans. In addition, it is likely that France with its historic dislike of the Germans may well depart from the common market. It is also probable that England will pull out of the common market. Once the European common market disintegrates following a substantial troop withdrawal of the United States, it could well mean that the United States would become an isolated entity and that France and other countries will become neutral and lean towards the Russian camp. Russia could well induce the construction of plants by the French in their area in return for such blandishments as cheaper natural gas, etc.

These are some thoughts. My best wishes to you and Mrs. Kissinger and for your continued success as our leader in diplomacy.

DGS:ah
Enc.

D. GEORGE SULLIVAN

March 13, 1975

Dear Henry:

Pat Buchanan's article of March 11 which appeared in the Boston Herald entitled "Kissinger is now Paying the Price" is a very thoughtful one and one worth reviewing. I enclose a xerox copy of the article for your benefit in case you did not see it in your endless trips around the world in the interest of peace.

I think Buchanan's statement "Henry Kissinger remains a brilliant advocate of U. S. policy, one of the most able diplomats this nation has produced, a man of great stamina and considerable courage." is very appropriate. I would not let the superficial comments and, as Buchanan puts it, "the refined hypocrisy of Washington" interfere with your approach to politics. This is the time when the U. S. needs strong people, especially in the area of foreign affairs.

My every good wish for your continued success and especially your program for peace.

Best wishes as always.

DGS:ah
Enc.

D. GEORGE SULLIVAN
80 TEMPLE STREET
WEST NEWTON, MASSACHUSETTS 02165

April 18, 1975

Dear Henry:

I am sure by now you may have read
Pat Moynahan's excellent article in the March
issue of "Commentary" entitled "The United
States in Opposition."

I think Pat has put his finger on
the major problems facing the United States.
It seems to me your colleagues in the State
Department and our United Nations' represen-
tation should be forced to read this article.
It is particularly interesting in view of
Pat's attack on the export of British social-
ism from the London school of economics to the
third World.

As always, my best wishes.

DGS:ah

D. GEORGE SULLIVAN

April 4, 1975

Dear Henry:

It is quite apparent that your negotiations in the Middle East were seriously weakened by the failure of Congress to act and by the strong opinions expressed by the liberal media. I hope you are not discouraged, since anybody possessed of any degree of common sense recognizes the insuperable task you had to start with and the lack of cooperation from many of our allies. In retrospect, history will pay you a great tribute.

It seems to me that our present weakened international position goes back to the early days of the Kennedy administration. While we may all concede that we perhaps never should have become involved in a transglobal war, the fact we did get involved should have been sufficient for the nation to go out and win that war. If this had been done instead of having a liberal wing and the college faculties and students vocalizing their feelings, it would have made a big difference.

I recall and still consider that the Kennedy Administration made two blunders in retrospect. The first was the indecision by the President in enforcing the Monroe Doctrine in the Cuban fiasco in the Bay of Pigs tragedy. It seems to me if we had made our position known at that time, Russia would not have gained a foothold in the western hemisphere and Castro would not have survived to spring his doctrine of hate and Communism in the western hemisphere. This was a tactical mistake. The second great error in the Kennedy Administration was the assassination of Diem in Saigon and the other members in his family. I believe without any proof the Kennedy liberals had a lot to do with the assassination. As you know, Diem was a strong ruler who understood the threat of Hanoi and its Communism. He had organized South Vietnam very well and had attempted to redistribute some of the land holdings, but apparently the liberals wanted to establish a new democratic government in a centuries' old society. One of the errors made by American

[L]

Hon. Henry A. Kissinger

-2-

April 4, 1975

diplomacy has been its attempt to force on other peoples its form of democracy not realizing that some societies are older and have a high degree of culture derived from centuries of survival. Starry-eyed liberals seem to make the same mistakes regularly. The downfall of the Diems was followed by several coalition governments, none of which was able to survive or unite the country, including Thieu who is apparently not a very strong character or a decisive one.

Another development in the 60's which had a monumental influence on the diplomatic scene was not only the rise of the students with their immature thoughts about the society but the leadership on the part of the faculties, especially in the eastern universities who downgraded any attempt of America to be strong militarily. The action of the faculties of the ivy league schools in abolishing the ROTC was a classic evidence of the intolerance of the liberal mind. Anybody with common sense knows that the best antidote to a free society is to have a strong group of Army and Navy officers emanating from schools like Harvard, Dartmouth, etc. I keep thinking of Professor Hoffman, one of the most impatient of the liberals and one who sees things only as he wants to see them, a typical weakness of liberals generally.

President Bok told me at a luncheon one day that he thought the elimination of the ROTC from Harvard was a tactical mistake. However, he has done nothing to correct it.

All these events leading up to this situation have been major factors in your and the United States diplomacy. It is tragic to me how liberals think peace can be attained from weakness. The human individual does not change over the centuries. There will always be those with a greed for power and material resources and who are oblivious to the freedom of the individual. Some 500 years or more ago, Grotious attemped to have a so-called federation of countries to maintain peace, but his early efforts through organization of cities and countries were purely theoretical at that time.

I would be willing to predict that our present loss of allies and our failure in the Middle East and elsewhere will come home to roost and that we will once again be forced to rearm and have a strong military defense as we embark on our impossible role of isolationism. The United States should be the world leader of freedom, but it is now abnegating that

Hon. Henry A. Kissinger

-3-

April 4, 1975

role because of the pressure of the eastern media and the Pseudo intellectuals generally. I was highly amused to see the change in the last two weeks in the editorial policy of the New York Times now indicating the tragedy of South Vietnam. Perhaps, I may be too calloused, but I have a strange intuitive belief that the Times and other liberal media are worried about the reaction of the American public towards the offer of armed intervention or supplying arms to Israel. They have but to realize it can work both ways.

As for Israel, much as we admire their struggle for independence and their desire to have a shining civilization in the polyglot of the Middle East, their leadership must be realistic. The American people are getting tired of what I believe they think is the intransigence of their position. I think we should be more forceful in forcing them to give up some of the land they conquered. President Sadat has placed Israel in a further embarrassing position in attempting to reopen the Suez Canal. At the Geneva Peace Conference, Israel will come off second best when it could have come off a lot better with your proposed program. I think the Israeli leadership should be told that they face a desperate situation in view of the public opinion in America which is tending to blame the Israelis for the failure of your negotiations. I realize we cannot lead from strength any more, but I do think hard common sense should be dictated to the Israeli leaders in terms of the modern world and the danger of a conflict far beyond its borders.

These are some thoughts, but I have a feeling they represent those of many Americans who are not as vocal as the liberals and the pseudo intellectuals in our country.

Best wishes and congratulations for what you have
done.

DGS:ah

D. GEORGE SULLIVAN

January 21, 1976

Dear Henry:

As always, I admire your indefatigable efforts for world peace in a chaotic international environment. I thought it might be of some value to you to express some thoughts. I am very sympathetic with respect to your policy of detente with Russia. However, intuitively I always have the belief, perhaps wrongfully, that the Russians' approach to the detente problem and international relations generally is from the Russian point of view and not from the point of view of the western world and the democracies. This is the reason why many Americans distrust the Russians and are now making pot shots at the policy of detente.

I realize, as you do, that your hand has been severely crippled by the actions of Congress on international relations, the Angola situation, to mention one. The second factor is the constant harping by the Congress on our defense budget and policy. Frankly, I thought that the departure of Mr. Schlesinger as Secretary of Defense was a misguided move by President Ford. You and I as Harvard College graduates have always been taught to expect disagreements over policy but to learn from that policy. Healthy dissent is a basic fundamental in shaping a sound policy.

I congratulate you on your developing and improving relations with China. It seems to me this is a most important aspect of President Ford's and your foreign policy. Also, friendship with Japan which has recently been under pressure from the Russians is a basic cornerstone in our Asian policy.

One of my friends, Winfried Oppenheimer, a well-known financial man with excellent European connections, especially in Switzerland, sent me a letter dated January 10 outlining his thoughts on foreign policy. I have enclosed a copy, since I think it is very worth while, as it reflects the opinions of a great many. I think the American public is becoming somewhat disenchanted with our foreign policy. It is not that they do not agree with the policy but rather seem to feel we are not making as much progress as we should. They also seem to feel, perhaps wrongly, that we are giving too much at times. This is not your fault.

Hon. Henry A. Kissinger

-2-

January 21, 1976

As a suggestion to you from a lay person, I think your stature would be greatly enhanced by a more vigorous and articulate viewpoint from the American point of view. Our Ambassador to the United Nations, Pat Moynihan, seems to have captured the fancy of Americans in his pronouncements before the United Nations. Americans have become restive about becoming patsies for the third world and developing countries to whom so much has been given through our largesse. The best way to promote the American approach is through a strong emphasis not only on democracy but on the free enterprise system which is democracy.

These are some thoughts. Primarily, I wish to congratulate you for your almost impossible task which I think no one else could handle any better than yourself with your deep knowledge of geopolitics and international relations.

I extend as always my best wishes to you and Nancy and hope that some day we can get together and chat.

DGS:ah
Enc.

P. S. Please do not give in to any pressure to leave the government. President Ford and the country needs your expertise. Incidentally, you are still by a wide margin the most well-liked and respected member of the Administration.

- 2 -

WINFRIED H. OPPENHEIMER

Were there any friendly demonstrations with regard to our country at the very recent monetary conference in Jamaica? On the contrary, anti-U.S. bombing and shooting occurred! Reports from travellers in other independent Caribbean islands mention little friendship for the USA. After all, we allow Russian cruise vessels, financed by our tourists, to visit there regularly!

What is happening in the rest of Latin America? The civil strife in Argentina which I predicted repeatedly is causing large human sacrifices. Chile seems to be settling down. Bolivia is quiet, but Peru (which last year got a less leftish administration) is in serious economic trouble due to the economic measures taken by the previous Russian/Cuban supported military dictatorship. Ecuador just has a new government -- too early to comment. Colombia and Venezuela seem to do alright due to high oil and other commodity prices. But compare our relations with all these countries to what they were 10, 20, or 30 years ago and you can really feel our increasing isolation. Whom will our neighbors support in the likely forthcoming Panama Canal crisis? Whose position in the world has become stronger in that period, Russia's or ours? Is it not time that we should become more conscious of our own hemisphere and concentrate on improving our relations with our neighbors?

Let us hope and pray that 1976 will be a much better year than its prospects appear to be now!

OFFICERS

Co-Chairmen
Frank E. Wall, Jr.
Tom E. Paro
Gerald W. Siegel

Secretary
Arline M. Neal

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

George W. Apperson
Mrs. John S. Brown
Leon Brown
Vincent G. Burke, Jr.
Dr. Leonard F. Cain
Monsignor Leo Coady
Ralph W. Frey
Mrs. Joanne T. Goldsmith
Rabbi Joshua O. Haberman
Theodore R. Hagans, Jr.
Chief of Police John B. Holihan
Ms. Elda R. Inoue
James T. Lynagh
Walter F. McArdle
Raymond J. McDonough
Mrs. Robert G. McGuire, Jr.
Jane E. Marilley
Lavell Merritt
William C. Murphy
Arline M. Neal
Norman W. Nickens
Tom E. Paro
Mrs. B. Michael Rauh
Gerald W. Siegel
Bert Silver
Jean H. Sisco
Robert M. Smalley
Robert Smith
Mrs. Kathryn H. Stone
Carrie L. Thornhill
Frank E. Wall, Jr.
Thomas M. Walsh
Dr. Henry S. Wicker
Larry C. Williams
Seymour D. Wolf

Advisory Members of the Board
Grace Baisinger
Joseph B. Danzansky
Joseph D. Keenan
Mrs. Richard K. Lyon
H. Graham Morison
Arthur G. Newmyer, Jr.
Henry K. Willard, II
Jerry V. Wilson

Prince George's County School—
Community Relations Program
4165 Branch Avenue
Marlow Heights, Maryland 20031
Telephone: 423-4255

Alexandria School—
Community Relations Program
4345 Duke Street
Alexandria, Virginia 22304
Telephone: 751-4747

Alexandria Police—
Youth Program
Parker Gray Middle School
1207 Madison Street
Alexandria, Virginia
Telephone: 549-5681 X 62

President
Dr. David Hyatt

Executive Director
Donald F. Sullivan

National Capital Area Region
THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CHRISTIANS AND JEWS, INC.

735 Southern Building, 1425 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20005 • 628-9141

April 2, 1976

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. Secretary:

On behalf of the Chairman of our Dinner Mr. Joseph H. Riley, our Officers, our Board and our Staff, I want you to know how very deeply we appreciated your great generosity of time in having presented our National NCCJ Brotherhood Citation to Ambassador Sol M. Linowitz at our Brotherhood Citation Dinner on March 18th. Your remarks lived up to your usual standards of eloquence.

Bearing in mind my earlier training and work in the field of foreign affairs, it was a very special privilege for me and for my family to meet the Secretary of State who has probably done more to bring peaceful relations among nations than anyone in recent centuries.

We especially appreciated your having brought your son, David, to the dinner.

My best to my SAIS colleagues, Hal Sonnenfeldt, and Bob Funseth.

Kindest personal regards.

Dictated but not signed by Donald F. Sullivan.

The National Conference of Christians and Jews is a civic organization, engaged in programs designed to resolve urgent intergroup relations problems, with a view to securing justice and equal opportunity for all. NCCJ's operations in the National Capital Area Region include programs concerned with interreligious relations, equal employment opportunity, police-community relations, problems related to school desegregation, and a number of efforts designed to build positive and meaningful relations between the diverse groups which constitute the Washington metropolitan area. NCCJ is supported by bequests and contributions which are tax deductible.

Registered under the D.C. Charitable Act. Certificate of Registration #6-07-48

SULLIVAN, DONALD F. [LC]

OFFICERS

Secretary
Arline M. Neal

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

George W. Apperson
Mrs. John S. Brown
Leon Brown
Vincent G. Burke, Jr.
Dr. Leonard F. Cain
Monsignor Leo J. Coady
Ralph W. Frey
Mrs. Joanne T. Goldsmith
Rabbi Joshua O. Haberman
Theodore R. Hagans, Jr.
Chief of Police John B. Holihan
Ms. Elda R. Inoue
James T. Lynagh
Walter F. McArdle
Raymond J. McDonough
Mrs. Robert G. McGuire, Jr.
Jane E. Marilley
Lavell Merritt
William C. Murphy
Arline M. Neal
Norman W. Nickens
Tom E. Paro
Mrs. B. Michael Rauh
Gerald W. Siegel
Bert Silver
Jean H. Sisco
Robert M. Smalley
Robert Smith
Mrs. Kathryn H. Stone
Carrie L. Thornhill
Frank E. Wall, Jr.
Thomas M. Walsh
Dr. Henry S. Wicker
Larry C. Williams
Seymour D. Wolf

President
Dr. David Hyatt

National Capital Area Region

628-9141

May 27, 1976

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
U. S. Department of State
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. Secretary:

Enclosed you will find a copy of the addresses given by you and Ambassador Linowitz at our March 18th Brotherhood Citation Dinner.

Once again, on behalf of Mr. Riley, our officers and Board, I want you to know how very deeply we appreciated all that you contributed to the significance of that occasion.

Every good wish.

DONALD F. SULLIVAN
Executive Director

Enc: 1

NCCJ

Presentation of The National
Brotherhood Citation
to Sol M. Linowitz

by
Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger

Mr. Riley, Secretary Coleman, Mayor Washington, Chairman Tucker, Ladies and Gentlemen of the National Conference of Christians and Jews:

Winston Churchill was fond of the saying that whereever there are three Jews you get two Prime Ministers and one leader of the opposition. With Sol Linowitz alone you not only get thirty interlocking directorships, but assorted lawyers, university trustees, ambassadors, and bar mitzvah musicians as well. He is the only man I know who could conduct a meeting of the American establishment simply by sitting down in a room by himself with his head in his hands.

We meet here tonight to honor a man whose compassion is so all-encompassing that it even includes me.

I have known Sol Linowitz for many years, and at the risk of damaging his reputation, I call him my friend.

He is a man whose courage is so great that, as a Democrat, he has been willing to advise this Administration on foreign policy.

I should hasten to add, however; that there are some who argue that Sol's dedication to strengthening American foreign policy is a personal penance he has imposed upon himself for the role he played in promoting that uncontrollable force that has done so much to enliven the front pages of America's newspapers – the Xerox machine.

In truth, I can think of no American who more perfectly embodies the qualities of a large-minded leadership so necessary today if America is to fulfill the tasks history has set before us.

As an attorney, Sol Linowitz is a distinguished figure in the world of international law.

As a businessman, he has presided over some of the most creative developments of our free enterprise system.

As a diplomat, he has served our country brilliantly in the cause of better relations between the nations of this hemisphere.

I personally am particularly grateful for his thoughtful contributions to the shaping of a foreign policy for the future which can help make cooperation among the nations of the Americas a model for,

2

[LC]

and a contribution to, the justice, harmony and
prosperity to which all peoples of the world aspire in
this age of interdependence. Sol Linowitz knows that
our country has permanent interests and enduring
principles that transcend partisan concerns. He knows
how important it is for a united America to dedicate
itself to the defense of those interests and the
furtherance of those principles.

It is this larger vision which we speak of tonight as
we honor Sol. For we must never forget that all our
efforts — economic, political, social — will ultimately
be judged by one standard: the brotherhood of man
and the well-being of the world community.

Sol Linowitz exemplifies the strength and wisdom
of our land. His is a nation that will never be satisfied
with a world in which the fears and hatreds of
humanity overshadow its hopes. His is an example of
how Americans can translate their actions into human
concerns, and their concerns into practical progress
toward a better world.

We honor Sol Linowitz for his humanity, his
compassion, and the inspired contribution he has
made to the major economic and social issues of our
time. And, above all, we honor him for what he has
done for that cause which must be the ultimate
purpose of all we do — the brotherhood of all
mankind.

I am proud to present to Ambassador Sol Linowitz
the National Conference of Christians and Jews'
National Brotherhood Citation, which reads:

"For his great and dedicated service to the
improvement of relations among the people of the
Americas, and throughout the world, as United States
Ambassador to the Organization of American States;

"For his past and continuing vital role in the
National Urban Coalition, which has confronted the
persistent problems of racial discrimination and
prejudice;

"For his contributions, as President of the Federal
City Council, to the forces of leadership seeking to
solve the major social and economic problems of the
Metropolitan Washington area;

"For a lifetime of active service in the cause of
brotherhood and improvement in human relations,
The National Conference of Christians and Jews
presents the National Brotherhood Citation to Sol M.
Linowitz."

3

Response by
Sol M. Linowitz

I am deeply appreciative of this award from the National Conference of Christians and Jews and gratified by the warm and generous words of one of America's most gifted and dedicated public servants, Secretary Henry Kissinger.

Let me just respond in the words of that distinguished American philosopher Yogi Berra: "Thank you very much for having made this day necessary".

I am especially honored that my friend, Secretary Kissinger, made the presentation, and I am delighted to find him in such fine fettle. This tends to lend credence to a story I heard earlier this evening that a secret document intended for a Washington columnist has just fallen into the hands of the State Department.

I would like to take this occasion to talk with you for a few minutes about some things that are very much on my mind and heart about the nature of our times and the state of our nation.

As we know all too well, we are at a time of great peril and uncertainty. This has been called both an Age of Anxiety, and the Age of Science and Technology. Both are accurate for indeed one feeds upon the other. As our technological competence has increased, so have our fears. In a real sense, it is a time of paradox — a time when we have both learned to achieve most and to fear most. At such a time we have to ask ourselves, in Lincoln's words, "where we are and whither we are tending," and to search for answers to some agonizing questions. And these answers must reflect our awareness of the fact that we live at a time when the welfare of the peoples of this earth is now the concern of all of us in an interdependent world.

Today we know — or should know — that there is no security for anyone in a world of injustice and resentment — a world in which more than half the people live in want or in fear of want. Our nation learned more than 100 years ago that it could not survive half slave and half free. We have now learned that neither can the world; and that there is no escape any longer from confronting what is surely one of the most vital issues of our day — that whether it be in the Middle East or Latin America, or Southeast Asia — or Washington, or Harlem, or Detroit, or Boston — poverty and discrimination are no longer tolerated as a meekly inherited state. The people of this earth know they are no longer condemned to lives that are

4

[LC]

"nasty, brutish, and short;" that there is more to living than disease, hunger, indignity and prejudice; and whether it be in our cities or in other countries, they mean to have their fair share of the earth's bounties.

Indeed, the cry of John Donne, "Send not to ask for whom the bell tolls," echoes ever deeper in our consciousness.

And the great lesson for us in this country is that time is not on our side; that we must create conditions in which people can fulfill their destiny as human beings.

And we have still another responsibility that must be met simultaneously. The bullet that struck down President John F. Kennedy over twelve years ago also struck something within all of us who believe in the sanctity and dignity of life and the individual. It did more, too. It shook our confidence in ourselves. For no great nation can appear quite so great or quite so able when it is so marred by violence. Our national confidence was severely shaken again when Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was murdered. And then came the assassination of Senator Robert F. Kennedy and Kent State and Jackson State and the shooting of Governor Wallace and the recent attempts on the life of President Ford, and we have finally begun to understand that we must somehow find an antidote to the poisons of dissension, distrust, and disrespect in our country. Before we can do so we will first of all have to accept responsibility — all of us for the sullen mood that now pervades our American landscape. And, if one thing is clear, it is that the answer will not be found in evasion.

For a long time we prided ourselves in the belief that extremism was not the way we did things in America. And yet these things happened and we have allowed them to happen — in a society that well knows that extremism of any kind creates an atmosphere in which acts against humanity itself become possible, in which an assassin can find an excuse that will trigger a demented mind or one filled with hate. For there is no such thing as a little bit of extremism. We cannot condone any part of it in our pursuit of the ideals we cherish anymore than when pursued by those who would slay those ideals. We have seen what that kind of extremism can do, and we must stop it at all costs, all over America, no matter where or how it occurs.

Ours is the charge to halt the know-nothings, the preachers of hate, the fearful ones — wherever they are and whoever they are — who would try to stop

5

[LC]

the world and get off. They despoil the true spirit of
America and blaspheme its heritage. They are not
part of a citizenry trying to break the molds of the
past and create a better life and a brighter future; and
we must confront these extremists and show them for
what they are.

What we must all recognize is that "the Blessings
of Liberty" and prosperity we talk about will best be
realized by reform from within rather than rebellion
from without. To realize these blessings, however, we
have to understand that the time has come when we
must provide meaningful and constructive channels
for the social ferment that is going on in this country;
that the time has come when we must develop a
cogent and convincing national policy to cope with
the tensions and frustrations and confusions which
grip so many in this nation.

What I am talking about, in short, is the need for
assurance — at long last — that our society will
provide encouragement and protection for the legiti-
mate aspirations of all our citizens — regardless of
race or creed or color. At the same time, we must
convey an understanding of the fact that these
legitimate aspirations must be lawfully achieved, that
our citizens must respect the law even as the law must
respect them.

Robert Frost once wrote:

They cannot scare me with
their empty spaces

Between stars . . . on stars,
void of human races;

I have it in me so much
nearer home

To scare myself with my own
desert places."

What should scare us in this Bicentennial year is
that "desert places" exist in our national mind and
spirit as well as in the dark corners of our great cities
— "desert places" of which too many of us are not
even aware, or which we have not bothered to search
out.

We have already learned that equality of opportunity is an insufficient answer to the discrimination in our midst. We are in the process of learning that although the problem is poverty, money alone will not solve it. We need an all-out, total national commitment to root out our desert places of squalor and prejudice. It is there that the battle for the future must be fought and won — in the dark ghettos of our minds as well as in our cities. It is there that we will conquer the fear and the hate that lash out at those

6

[LC]

who try to bind our nation together in conscience
and in decency.

Until we make that commitment and do what
must be done to fulfill it — we will not have
redeemed the promise of America.

This is the time for all of us to move forward in a
massive new effort for social justice and liberty in this
country.

We have seen far too much already of the poverty
of mind and body. We have heard too much of the
dissonance of conflict — the angry rumblings of
hostility, the shrill cries of violence. It is enough. It is
time to bind up our wounds, it is time to heal and to
build towards a brighter tomorrow. It is time to chart
new directions, to hear the true sounds of man's
creative genius — the genius of his peacemaking and
his peacekeeping, at home and abroad.

It is also time — long past time — for us to talk
with one another about how to make the cement of
our society bind again. It is time for us to regain an
understanding of what it is that has made this
country strong. For the founders of this republic
knew that there would be times when this nation
would be sorely tested as it is today. But they also
believed that this nation would not, in an hour of
crisis, forget the fundamental source of its strength;
that it would remember that a truly democratic
nation can exist only on the basis of mutual trust and
respect, forthrightness — and, above all, integrity.

Our course today must be clear. It must be one of
helping to mend the fabric of a society that has been
badly tattered and torn.

It must be one, above all, of helping to better
human relations, of bringing more knowledge and
more wisdom into human affairs, of keeping the
slayers of ideals from shattering the shining dream we
have dreamed for this nation.

To realize that dream is our only salvation,
whether we be Jew or Christian, black or white, the
older generation or the younger. For we all have a
responsibility for the future and the opportunity to
shape it as we want if we can muster the courage and
the commitment.

As I stand here, I remember a day almost 31 years
ago when I stood with about 100,000 other people
on Pennsylvania Avenue in this city. It was a drizzly
day, the cherry blossoms were in bloom, and the
great crowd was silent. Then we heard them: The
sounds of horses, seven white horses, and behind
them a caisson, and on the caisson a flag draped
coffin and in the coffin the body of a dead American

7

[LC]

President — Franklin D. Roosevelt. And as the procession turned into the White House, I vividly recalled the words from the last address he never lived to deliver: "The only limit to our realization of tomorrow will be our doubts of today."

Even as I extend my deep appreciation for the honor you have done me, those are the words I would presume to leave with you: "The only limit to our realization of tomorrow will be our doubts of today".

8

Zion Baptist Church

N. W. COR. BROAD & VENANGO STREETS
PHILADELPHIA, PA. 19140

LEON H. SULLIVAN, MINISTER

CHURCH OFFICE
BALDWIN 3-5460

September 24, 1976

Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
The Secretary of State
Washington, D.C.

My dear Dr. Kissinger:

Thank you for addressing the OIC Convocation in Philadelphia last month. Your message had great impact. It will take on historic proportions.

I am pleased with the success it appears you are having in South Africa.

As we discussed, I will be in touch with you following an additional meeting I am having with business leaders heading American based companies located in the Union of South Africa. I expect some interesting developments.

With every best wish.

LHS:psl

U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 1973-496-808

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DIVISION OF LANGUAGE SERVICES

LS No. ____________________
T - C /R-12

TRANSLATOR'S SUMMARY OF COMMUNICATION

Language: German
Date of Communication: October 2, 1973
Addressed to: The Secretary of State
Name and address of writer: Mr. Heinz Sulzbacher
Gaza St. 50
Jerusalem, Israel

Substance of writer's statement:

The writer sends his congratulations to the Secretary and wishes him well in his endeavors.

The writer's late father, the teacher Joseph Sulzbacher of Hanau, formerly of Stuttgart and Wiesbaden, was a cousin of Dr. Kissinger's uncle, "the teacher Kissinger, your father's brother". Dr. Kissinger's father surely must have known him.

If the writer is not mistaken, he and the Secretary attended a teacher's seminar together in Würzburg in 1937; among other things, they used to play soccer together.

The writer has a driving school in Jerusalem; he has been living there since 1940, is married, and has a son and a daughter. He was born in Hanau am Main on May 25, 1922.

He would greatly appreciate hearing from Secretary Kissinger, if possible.

FORM

2/63

DS-378

Heinz Sulzbacher
Gaza St. 50
Telefon 32258
JERUSALEM

Okt.
2. Omni 1973

Sehr geehrter Herr Dr. Kissinger!

Zu Ihrer Ernennung zum Aussenminister der U. S. A.
- dem mächtigsten Staat der freien Welt -
meine herzlichsten Glückwünsche!

Mit dieser Berufung sei Ihnen grosser Erfolg beschieden,
so wie Sie bisher in allen anderen Gebieten Glanzvolles
geleistet haben.

Mein verstorbener Vater - Lehrer Joseph Sulzbacher, Hanau
früher Stuttgart, Wiesbaden - war ein Cousin Ihres Onkel's
(Lehrer Kissinger - einem Bruder Ihres Vaters).
Ihr Herr Vater wird ihn gekannt haben.

Wenn ich nicht irre, haben wir gemeinsam in Würzburg,
Lehrerseminar (anno 1937) u. Anderem Fussball gespielt.

Ich betreibe in Jerusalem eine Fahrschula, bin seit 1940
hier, verheiratet plus einen Sohn & eine Tochter. Geboren
am 25. 5. 1922 in Hanau a. Main.

Wenn ich ein Schreiben von Ihnen erhalten könnte, wäre
ich sehr dankbar.

Hochachtungsvoll

"The New York Times," Saturday, June 1, 1974

Henry Hercules and Hats

By C. L. Sulzberger

PARIS—If Henry Kissinger hadn't already received the Nobel Peace Prize (or its better half) he would merit it this year as a result of his remarkable Middle East negotiations. In fact, there isn't any regulation governing that award which should prevent it going twice to the same man if he twice makes peace.

Of course, those who have an automatic tic against anything Mr. Kissinger does are probably going to say snide things about him the moment shooting pops off again in the general region of Israel. After all, despite what he did to extricate us from Vietnam, he is still sniped at whenever fresh blood splatters that brutal land.

The fact is that perfect peace is almost a forgotten concept nowadays except among friendly nations. Those who detest each other show it by violence, even without formal war. And only disengagement—not peace— has been achieved between Israel and Syria. All one has to do is recall the endless roster of other tense frontiers.

What Mr. Kissinger has done, however, is to reduce the level of fighting in Southeast Asia and Southwest Asia to such a degree that neither area now presents the threat of major world war. He has arranged truce agreements that set in operation actual or potential peacekeeping machinery. The result is that, in two explosive global areas, a discernible if slow move toward settlement instead of holocaust is now occurring.

The Middle East is infinitely more important than Indochina. Trouble is not confinable to a peninsula and it involves tremendous ideological and religious emotions; it is strategically significant to the two superpowers; and it contains a vast proportion of the energy by which contemporary industrial progress is fueled.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS

Mr. Kissinger lopped off every new fire-spitting head of trouble as it grew on the Mideast war serpent.

Since Israel's creation in 1948 there have been four formal wars in the general area of Palestine from which the Jewish state was carved. Moreover, in between these formal wars, there has been sporadic violence that often threatened to touch off open conflict.

For a long time Mr. Kissinger refrained from active participation in United States efforts to tranquilize the situation, preferring (as a White House adviser) to leave the job to Secretary of State Rogers because he felt his own Jewish origin might be considered prejudicial by certain Arab leaders.

However, Mr. Rogers never made much headway in the search for compromise. Mr. Kissinger therefore moved actively into behind-the-scene peace-making even before he succeeded Mr. Rogers as Secretary. Right afterwards came the Yom Kippur war of last October with its curious result: reassurance to Arab confidence and, at the same time, the verge of an Israeli strategic victory.

The first significant Kissinger success was arrangement of a disengage-

ment formula between Egypt and Israel. This achievement facilitated development of a new friendship between Cairo and Washington, prizing Egypt loose from its previous dependence on Moscow. Thus, as a spin-off from an initial Palestine truce came a weakening of Russia's strategic position in the Mediterranean.

But, while Egyptian President Sadat had always been instinctively pro-American and suspicious of Communism, no such a priori sentiment existed in the Syrian Government, which relies unabashedly on Russia for military and diplomatic aid and is traditionally considered a "radical" Arab land. It had signed no compact with the Israelis since 1949 when armistice ended the first Palestine war.

I wrote on May 2, after a long conversation in Damascus with President Assad: "Many miracles have been reported in this part of the world but I somehow doubt if Henry Kissinger, described as a miracle-maker by his new friend Anwar el-Sadat, President of Egypt, is going to pull one out of his hat when he comes here on his new tour of the Bible lands. To begin with, he doesn't wear a hat."

Well, I am glad to say I was wrong. By brilliance, stubbornness and sheer hard work; by assembling every pressure available through the U.S.A. and, it would seem, the U.S.S.R., Mr. Kissinger achieved the unachievable. A dramatic first step toward possible permanent solution was signed Friday in Geneva.

Like Hercules with the many-headed Hydra, Mr. Kissinger lopped off every new fire-spitting head of trouble as it grew on the Middle Eastern war serpent. Thus Henry Hercules astonishingly managed to achieve the unexpected miracle, and I for one am ready not only to buy him the hat he doesn't seem to possess but also to eat my own.

THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON

March 28, 1976

Dear Cy:

I have just seen your recent piece on what seems rapidly to be coming known as the "Sonnenfeldt Doctrine." While I can understand the concerns that have arisen, given the twists and distortions some columnists have given to what Hal said, I had hoped that you would not succumb to them.

What everyone needs to understand is that the leaked telegram was itself a summary -- and not a very good one -- of what Hal said, and created distortions of its own. All Hal was saying was that the present relationship between the Soviets and their Eastern European neighbors is unnatural. His use of the term "organic" was simply to describe our belief that Eastern Europe should move toward a relationship with the Soviet Union that is more in line with its historic past, rather than to continue a relationship in which the Soviets clearly dominated their neighbors by the ever present threat of force.

In any event, I was concerned by your apparent willingness to accept the reports on Hal's statement at face value, particularly since you know him well enough to know he is anything but a softy. He meant something quite different from what was reported, and I doubt that you or anyone familiar with Eastern Europe would really disagree with his real meaning. I can assure you privately, by the way, that we will, under no circumstances, acquiesce in any Soviet move into Yugoslavia.

Warm regards,

Mr. Cyrus Sulzberger,
The New York Times,
3 rue Scribe,
Paris IX, France.

The New York Times

3, RUE SCRIBE
75 - PARIS-9e

C. L. SULZBERGER

Bonn, April 5, 1976

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger
Department of State
Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
(Personal)

Dear Henry:

I appreciated the friendly spirit of your March 28 letter more than some of its contents: namely: "In any event, I was concerned by your apparent willingness to accept the reports on Hal's (Sommenfeldt's) statement at face value, particularly since you know him well enough to know he is anything but a softy. He meant something quite different from what was reported...."

I don't take any reports "at face value" and I should think you might be aware of this after some years of friendship and acquaintance with my work. I took great pains to ascertain for myself how some of the people present when Sommenfeldt made his remarks interpreted these remarks and felt about them. Maybe he meant one thing but those with whom I have discussed the matter felt he was expressing quite different views.

You above all must be acutely aware of the need for expressing such important opinions with precise clarity. I have no personal familiarity with the contents of what you refer to as "the leaked telegram" which created "distortions" but I do have some familiarity with the understanding and interpretation of Hal's remarks by some of those who heard them at the time. I conclude by repeating the assurance that I am too old a hand to accept at "face value" any vague "reports" and I am rather surprised you think I am still so naive at my venerable age.

With every best wish to you and your charming wife and

Warm regards,

Warm regards,

With every beat wish to you and your charming wife and

ambiahed you think I am still so naive at my venerable age.

a hand to accept at "face value" and smoke "reports" and I am rather
at the time. I conclude by reasting the assurance that I am too old
and interpretation of Hal's remarks dy some of those who heard them
rested "diorontions", but I do have some familiarity with the underatting
with the contenta of what you refer to as "the leashed telegram", which

important opinions with precise clarity. I have noersonal familiarity
You spoke all what be scotely aware of the need for expressing an

atma.

now I have discussed the matter left he was expressing quite different
remarks and felt apart from them. Maybe he meant one thing but those with
people present when Sommerfeldt made his remarks interpreted these
my work. I took great pain to ascertain for myself how some of the
be aware of this after some years of friendship and acquaintance with
I don't take any reports "at face value" and I should think you might

know what was reported...."

to know he is anything but a soley. He meant something quite different
statement at face value, particularly since you know him well enough
abherent willingness to accept the reports on Hal's (Sommerfeldt's)
some of its contents: namely: "In any event, I was concerned by your
I appreciated the friendly spirit of your March 28 letter more than

Dear Henry:

(Feraouaj)
Washington,D.C., U.S.A.
Department of State
Secretary of State Henry Klaasen

Boum, April 2, 1936

C. F. BURT SIEBERER

3. BUE SCHRIBER
2. PARIS-B

The New York Times

Departme

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