JOYCE HABER

# A Very 'A' Get-together in Brentwood

It was nothing more (or less) than a very intimate (eight people), very informal ("No ties for the men; long skirts for the ladies") and a very "A" dinner party in Brentwood on Saturday night. It was the last in a string of New Hollywood parties for President Nixon's versatile Foreign Affairs Adviser Henry Kissinger, on the Administration's latest visit. Monday, Henry (and the President and the officials and staff) returned to sizzling Washington from San Clemente's security-ridden, sparkling, terraced, seaside Western White House offices.

The hosts for the unofficial dinner and screening-at-home (their mansion once belonged to producer-ex-mogul Dore Schary) were Suzanne and Larry Turman. Kissinger's date was lovely, red-haired Samantha Eggar, in a black-and-white halter-neck dress. The movie viewed by eight in the den (including Peg and Bud Yorkin and Dr. Leonard Apt) was producer Turman's Oscar-nominated, Oscar-winning (for director Mike Nichols) "The Graduate." Five of six guests (including me) had seen it before. Kissinger, who hardly has time for his secret meetings, much less the movies, hadn't seen it.

## Newly Wed Wagners Drop In

"The Graduate," which marked Dustin Hoffman's debut on screen (a notable debut it is), and costars Katharine Ross and Anne Bancroft, was every bit as arresting the fourth time around (for me) as it was the first. It is now (or soon to be) in rerelease in your neighborhood theater.

After the film, at midnight, the day of their re-wedding-at-sea, Natalie Wood and R. J. Wagner dropped in for a final, premarital toast. Nat was wrapped in smiles and a kaftan in shades of pink; she was also wearing two

sizeable cabochon rubies set in gold on her engagement finger. Bob, in ascot and sports jacket, said that they'd finally found a ship to be married on later that day. The hour? "That depends on the time we decide to get up," he laughed, with a glance at his watch.

The once and future (and present) Wagners were accompanied by their closest friends, playwright Mart Crowley ("Boys in the Band"), actress Norma Crane ("Fiddler on the Roof") and choreographer Howard Jeffries. "It's wonderful. We're starting again. We're starting new," said Natalie. "R.J. (that's what she calls him, "R. J.") and I may do a film together, but only if we find the right script. I'm not that fond of working, and we're not that anxious to work together. Larry (Turman) has a good one for us," she added.

Henry Kissinger

## Photographer on Hand

"We don't want photographers, only because if we invite one we'd have to have all of them," Natalie said. But next day, Motion Picture magazine's Roy Cummings got the only wedding photos. Cummings rented a yacht of comparable size and speed to the Wagners and drew up alongside their charter. Natalie wore a soft, long laverder gown for the ceremony on deck.

"All right," R.J. told Cummings. "If you'll stand still long enough for me to get married, I'll even pose for pictures." The Wagners even gave Cummings a glass of champagne before he took off for shore.

The newlyweds' plans: "We'll cruise around for about a week," said Bob. "And then we're off to England, the pack of us," added Natalie. "Including Bob's daughter, my daughter, the nurse and my mother." A happy honeymoon to the Wagners: some honeymoon!

When the agile, Astaire-like Bobby Van finishes "Lost Horizon" at Burbank for Ross Hunter, he'll return to Broadway's "No, No, Nanette." "I love the show," Bobby told me. "Besides, my wife (Elaine Joyce) is starring in 'Sugar!' She took the part, went on the road and the day

Monday, July 10, 1972

THE **HOLLYWOOD** **REPORTER**

Page 3

Feature Castings

Sue Bernard cast in "They Only Kill Their Masters." Leonard Barr in "Mansion of Evil." Gloria Manners cast in "Blood Song."

Dan Priest set for "Moon of the Wolf."

Bill Allen, Clyde Lewis, Rita Martin, Patrick Mitchell, Anna Bernard, Helen Rogler, Neil Shinder, and Paul Rucker have been set for "D. L death."

Timothy Scott cast in "The Lolly-Madonna War."

David Huddleston set for "Deadly Honeymoon."

Sandra Giles set for "The Mad Bomber."

'Conquest of Apes'
sets four records
for NYC grosses

"Conquest of the Planet of the Apes" from 20th-Fox set four box-of-fice records in its opening at the new Embassy Theatre in New York, including the highest six-day gross, $49,781, in the 50-year history of the Broadway house. Last Saturday, "Conquest" broke the house record with a gross of $10,007. This mark was broken the next day with $10,494. In addition, the $5,857 taken on Thursday was the largest take for a Thursday opening day in the theatre's history. At the Juliet 2 and the Kips Bay, it registered a three-theatre six-day total of $78,691.

"What's Up Doc?" has set new box-office records on two successive Sundays at the Warner Rendezvous theatres in London. On June 25, it grossed 1,743 British pounds. One week later, on July 2, the film topped the new record by grossing 1,773 British pounds.

Paramount Pictures' "The Legend of Nigger Charley" grossed $4,216, setting a citywide record, in the first two days of its engagement at the Gala Drive-In in Akron, Ohio.

Despite a tornado during part of the run, AIP's "Frogs" grossed $23,829 in the first week at the Skyview drive-in in Omaha.

AIP's "Born Losers," in first two days in the Starlite drive-in at Manhattan, Kansas, grossed $1,585, and $1,188 in the Sunset drive-in in Lawrence, Kansas, first two days.

Lamb purchases —

(Continued from Page 1)

Arthur M. Ingram, president of Lamb, said the transfer of control from Frontier will probably be completed by Aug. 1 of this year, at which time the new properties will become part of a wholly-owned subsidiary, Wyntec Communications Inc., a Nevada corporation.

Ingram also said that the acquisitions would add an estimated $1 million to the operations of the company, which had reported operating revenues of $3.1 million for the year ended May 31, 1972, up from $2.8 million the previous year.

KNIGHT AT THE MOVIES

A bit of irregular history

By Arthur Knight

There is an organization in Hollywood that calls itself the Vine Street Irregulars. Well, maybe it isn't exactly an organization. It's more like a club, except that it doesn't have any members or any dues. Nor, for that matter, does it have a permanent home. It began at the Hollywood Plaza, moved to the late, lamented Nickodell on Argyle, then drifted over to the Americana Room of the Vine Street Brown Derby. More out of inertia than anything it has remained there ever since. The Irregulars meet regularly on the first Friday of every month. True to their name, however, they are meeting this month on the second Friday.

Although nobody knows for sure, some of us veteran Irregulars figure that this must be just about time for our eighth anniversary. Naturally, it won't be observed. But about eight years ago, Syd Cassyd, of the Boxoffice Magazine, called some of his friends together for a luncheon at the Hollywood Plaza, and broached the idea of an informal luncheon club where, once a month, the people who write about films in the Los Angeles area could get together, get to know each other, and discuss matters of mutual concern.

It seems odd now, but before the Irregulars was formed (if anything so amorphous as the Irregulars could ever be described as forming), wintering movies in this town was a pretty lonely occupation. Writers for the trade publications knew each other a bit; they kept meeting at press conferences, or at those vast lunches that the studios used to throw as an impressive build-up to such earth-shattering news as the launching of a new picture, the acquisition of a new executive or the pacting of Allen Rossi.

But the trade people went to screenings of their own, the newspaper critics went to other screenings, and correspondents for national publications to still others. Or all were assembled in the total anonymity of a "sneak preview" held in some barn of a theatre out in Westwood. (Somehow, in those days, it always seemed to be Westwood.) Syd Cassyd's idea promised to change this.

And it did. As the numbers grew, the buffet lunches at the Plaza became too crowded and noisy for decent conversation, and the locale was changed to a private room in the Nickodell's basement. With all this privacy, someone had the notion of inviting an occasional guest to speak—as off the record as he wished—on a subject close to his heart. It's my recollection that the first of these was George Stevens, fresh from the courts-rooms after his unsuccessful battle to keep NBC from splicing commercials into his "A Place in the Sun."

Since that time, although it has never hardened into policy, there has been a guest at virtually every luncheon meeting—heads of studios, producers, exhibitors, representatives of the various guilds, directors, writers, even an occasional actor. At this point, an invitation from the Vine Street Irregulars is hard to resist. Where else can a man speak his mind freely, and off the record, to at least

a dozen or so representatives of the Los Angeles newspapers, the trade papers, national magazines and television with the addition of Chuck Walsh —

If there is any one rule observed by the Irregulars, it is that their guests come as guests, and not accompanied by their publicity staff. (Most of them, like Alfred Fritchcock, the Irregulars' guest this Friday, hardly need publicity in the first place, but somehow it makes a difference who picks up the tab.)

This insistence on treating a guest as a guest led to another phase of the Irregulars' activities. At first, the Irregular who extended the invitation paid for his own guest; but this was obviously inequitable and, especially after the move to the Brown Derby, the expense was well. Some means of acquiring a treasury had to be found—and preferably one that wouldn't involve dues, for that would obviously alter the nature of the group altogether.

The solution, patterned after New York's National Society of Film Critics, was to organize a course offered by UCLA Extension in which all the members would participate in panel sessions and discuss various aspects of the medium from their own points of view—local newspaper, national magazine, trade publication—with all the funds going to the Irregulars. The series proved popular enough that the following year, 1968, the experiment was repeated, but with the addition of previews of new films, often with their makers in attendance. It was sold out before it began; and even with UCLA's weird methods of accounting (from which, as Charles Champlin observed, MCA could learn a lesson or two), the Irregulars ended up with an agreeable surplus.

Being with funds, however, created some unanticipated problems for a group that had never incorporated nor elected any officers. Who would open the account? Who would write the checks? Reluctantly, Charles Champlin and James Powers (then editor of The Hollywood Reporter) agreed to shoulder this fiscal responsibility—and the Irregulars, true to their name, immediately set about finding ways and means to reduce that burden. Money has been donated to the scholarship funds at both UCLA and USC Cinema, to a community group shooting a film in Venice, and, most recently, to the Los Angeles Film Teachers Association for the acquisition of prints to replenish its library.

It is odd to observe an eighth anniversary. Frankly, when I began this piece I thought it was the 10th, but that's because so very much has been accomplished in the interim. For one thing, there has sprung up a real community of the writers on film: No longer are they merely by-lines. They are people and, in many instances, friends. There has been created a forum in which these friends can exchange ideas not only with each other, but with the creative and corporate leaders of this medium. Several former Irregulars have moved on to other positions. Peter Bart, formerly of the New York Times, is now a v-p-at Para-

(Continued on Page 11)

MOVIE REVIEW

Carol White stars
in UK's 'Dulcima'

New York — Poor Dulcima. She is the drudge of a large family barely surviving on a farm in the barely English countryside, and her abusive father couldn't care less about her daydreams of glamor and having a fine man. Worse, she has never read D. H. Lawrence. If she had, she might have picked herself up and walked out of this cliche-ridden scenario before the inevitable tragedy occurred.

Frank Nesbitt has written and directed a small film that is striking

DULCIMA

Cinevision Films

Director Frank Nesbitt
Producer Basil Rayburn
Executive
producer John L. Hargreaves
Screenplay Frank Nesbitt
from a story by B. B. Bates
Photography Toni Imi
Music Johnny Douglas

Color

Cast: Carol White, John Mills, Stuart Wilson.

Running time — 93 Minutes

MPAA Rating — PG

only in its utter disregard for originality and thought. As soon as pretty but plain Carol White decides to houseclean for misanthropic, miserly John Mills, we feel the grit of familiarity. We know that she will crack through the old man's bitterness and make him vulnerable. But when the ineluctable gamekeeper— who mysteriously looks like every other movie gamekeeper— arrives looking for a ph East, we sit back stupefied. Surely there will be some surprise, some twist in the next hour of footage. There isn't.

The theme that responsibility is entailed when one offers compassion—and the tragedy that results when that compassion is entirely self-involved—is an old one, and it is beginning to克. "Dulcima" is the most mundane working out of that theme since a torch song of the '20s that went, "Be sure it's true when you say you love me, it's a sin to tell a lie."

The film is shot with a sentimental sensuality that would be appropriate for a women's magazine. Pastoral montage and blushing close-ups are used when least fitting. Alternating with these scenes are moments of absolutely stunning tastelessness. For example, a panting leer from John Mills is cut to a shot of copulating ducks, and a tumble with Dulcima in a haystack puts the director in mind of like-minded pigs. There is also a ceiling shot of a toilet suffering from fecal impaction, and an ugly but prudish seduction scene.

"Dulcima" doesn't reveal its characters, it exploits and belittles them. The music is indicative of the film's crassness. It sounds like one of those children's records in which the tuba represents an elephant and the flute a bird. Here we have a drunk Mills stumbling about to a guffawing oboe, and Dulcima's parents battling to sawing violins.

—Gary Giddins

## Secret Viet Talks Could Be Brewing

# Question: Where's Kissinger?

DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER

WASHINGTON (AP) — Henry A. Kissinger, President Nixon's closest foreign affairs adviser, dropped out of sight yesterday—soon after Hanoi's chief negotiator in Paris invited renewed secret Vietnam peace talks.

Kissinger normally would have returned to Washington with Nixon but was absent from the Air Force 1 manifest.

Asked about it, press secretary Ronald L. Ziegler said, "All I can tell you is he flew back to Washington Monday with his children. I have no comment on where Henry Kissinger is, period."

EARLIER IN THE DAY, at San Clemente, Calif., deputy White House press secretary Gerald Warren told reporters "Kissinger moved his family back to New York yesterday." Kissinger's son and daughter had been with him on the West Coast during Nixon's 17-day stay at the Western White House.

There was no explanation of the conflicting reports on where it was Kissinger went on Monday.

Kissinger's deputy, Army Maj.

Gen. Alexander M. Haig Jr., was asked about Kissinger's whereabouts.

"Ziegler handles those questions," he replied.

Newsmen aboard Nixon's Boeing 707 jet called a Kissinger aide and

asked if the Nixon national security adviser was in his office. The aide reported that he had taken the day off to attend to personla affairs and knew nothing of Kissinger's whereabouts.

With Nixon on the flight to Washington were such aides as H. R. Haldeman chief of the White House staff, domestic policy chief John Ehrlichman, and special counsel Charles Colson, well known as a Nixon political operative.

There have been repeated indications that a fresh round of secret negotiations would be undertaken by Kissinger in Paris. The chief North Vietnamese negotiator, Le Duc Tho, is now in Paris and said during the weekend he would be willing to meet with Kissinger again if the presidential assistant had something new to discuss.

The last time newsmen saw Kissinger was about noon Monday, as he posed for pictures in Nixon's office with Secretary of Commerce Peter G. Peterson.

Kissinger, Hanoi aide open secret Paris talks

LA Times-Washington Post Service

PARIS — The United States and North Vietnam Wednesday held their first secret peace talks here in more than three months.

In a major departure from past practice, both sides issued simultaneous and similar statements soon after the end of the meeting between White House adviser Henry A. Kissinger, Le Duc Tho, a leading Hanoi Politburo member, and Xuan Thuy, chief of North Vietnam's peace delegation.

Both sides declined substantive comment on the meeting — the 14th in a series of secret talks involving Kissinger dating back to Aug. 4, 1969.

There was no way of determining whether Kissinger had met Tho's demand — made upon his arrival from Hanoi last Saturday — that the United States must come up with “something new” as the price for resuming the secret talks.

Some observers interpreted Tho's formulation as a tactical maneuver designed to reinforce Hanoi's consistent stand that its own peace proposals alone are valid, and that the United States must accept them if there is to be a negotiated settlement of the war.

However, if the secret talks are to prove fruitful, at some point the United States is expected to go beyond its May 8 offer to end its bombing and naval blockade of North Vietnam in return for a cease-fire and the return of American prisoners of war.

Even the rapidity of the announcement — contrasting with the days and in most cases months which elapsed before official confirmation of past secret meetings — caused puzzlement.

The way for Wednesday's meeting — which, if past practice held true, took place in a suburban Paris house provided by the French government —

was prepared when the United States ended its 10-week boycott of the semi-public peace conference and participated in the 150th session last Thursday.

North Vietnam had insisted on resumption of the stalemated formal conference as the price for new secret talks.

In Washington, President Nixon's press secretary, Ronald L. Ziegler, said Kissinger returned to Washington Wednesday night. He added: "Further meetings will be announced as they are held. By mutual agreement neither side will reveal the substance of these meetings."

Nor was it considered unusual that Ambassador William J. Porter, the head of the American peace talks delegation, was not present, even though Thuy, his opposite number, participated.

HENRY KISSINGER

The Oregonian

July 20, 1972

Hello, Henry

A spokesman for Bobby Fischer has disclosed that Henry Kissinger telephoned the American chess star in Iceland. He didn't say when it happened or what they said, but there is speculation that the White House adviser urged the temperamental U. S. challenger not to walk out on his world championship match with the Soviet Union's Boris Spassky.

Well, we'll let others worry about that. It's enough for us just to know that these two had a conversation. Considering the way Mr. Fischer dropped out of sight, negotiated behind the scenes and then turned up dramatically to dominate the proceedings, we had begun to suspect he was Henry Kissinger.

July 20, 1972

Kissinger Talks Spur Wall Street

© New York Times Service

NEW YORK — Occidental Petroleum hit pay dirt in Wall Street again yesterday as a result of its Soviet oil pact.

Strong market recovery gave ground later in the session. The Dow-Jones industrials, ahead by 10 at 11 a.m., closed up 4.97 at 916.69.

Spurring the rally was the White House announcement that Henry A. Kissinger, President Nixon's adviser, was holding secret Vietnam peace talks in Paris.

Occidental Pete was up 2¾ to 18¼ and was the most active issue for the second consecutive day. It rose 2¾ on Tuesday.

THE STOCK did not open until 1:05 p.m. when a block of 612,000 shares crossed the tape at 16⅝. Trading was halted at 1:59 p.m. as the stock was at 18¼.

In exchanges outside New York, the stock traded at even higher prices yesterday afternoon.

The major losers on the active list were Bausch & Lomb, down 5⅛ to 38⅞, and Brunswick, down 4 to 45½.

Although Bausch & Lomb reported a sharp advance in second quarter profits, the company noted that adverse publicity on soft contact lenses had exerted a negative impact on sales of its own Soflens.

THE DECLINE in Brunswick was attributed to adverse by a leading institutional broker that clients take profits in this stock and in AMF. The latter fell 1⅞ to 56⅛ after selling as low as 54.

Gainers that benefited from improved earnings included Maremont, up 2⅜ to 33⅜; EG&G, up 1⅞ to 19½. Ethyl Corp., up 1½ to 24¾; Ferro, up 2 to 43¾, and Motorola, up 2¼ to 115¾.

Liggett & Myers fell 6⅛ to 46⅜. It predicted lower profits.

Xerox was up 2½ to 151. Polaroid fell 3½ to 122⅞.

Curtiss-Wright dropped 2⅜ to 38¼, following its gain of 3⅛ on Tuesday.

registering wins by 17-0, 16-0 and 18-1 scores, while in the "worst" game he's pitched he gave up three hits and one run.

The good-natured hurler admits to having only two pitches, a fastball and curve, but adds, "My fastball moves a little and my curve either comes at three-quarter speed or sidearm."

"I think a lot of coaches at St. Ed's are going to be surprised if they see him pitch," noted Januska's manager, Rich Klingenberg. "I've never seen anything like him before."

"One of the things that impresses me most about him is his attitude. He doesn't lose his cool easily."

The best thing for most batters facing Januska is to hope for a walk or get hit by a pitch. He's fanned 17 in each of his no-hit efforts, 14 in a one-hitter and 13 in the three-hiteer. His other win was by forfeit. Class E games are seven innings.

JANUSKA ALSO STARTED one game in the West Denison League, and, in typical fashion, fired a no-hitter.

Since Class E is for boys 14-17, he will be too old to play for American Legion next season. Klingenberg hopes to correct that situation.

Jim Januska

Mack next season," he commented. "The Legion sinks too much money into this league to keep playing under such lousy conditions."

"If we move into Connie Mack, at least the umpires might show up for games," he added in reference to AL's five umpless contests this season.

It's an even bet that there will be a lot of people interested to see Januska pitch in the future. Will that happen? Let's see.

AMS23

KISSINGER

WASHINGTON, JULY 27, REUTER - HENRY KISSINGER, PRESIDENT NIXON'S NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER, WAS SHARPLY CRITICIZED IN CONGRESS TODAY FOR GIVING BRIEFINGS TO TWO GROUPS OF POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTORS TO PRESIDENT NIXON'S RE-ELECTION CAMPAIGN.

CONGRESSMAN BENJAMIN ROSENTHAL (D-N.Y.), A LEADING MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE, SAID THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF KISSINGER'S SPEECHES YESTERDAY "RAISE SERIOUS DOUBTS ABOUT THE CREDIBILITY OF THIS ADMINISTRATION AND ABOUT DR. KISSINGER'S ROLE IN IT."

IN A HOUSE FLOOR SPEECH, ROSENTHAL COMPLAINED THAT KISSINGER HAS BEEN ADDRESSING GROUPS OF POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTORS ALTHOUGH HE HAS REFUSED TO TESTIFY BEFORE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES, INVOKING THE EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE DOCTRINE WHICH CONTENDS THE PRESIDENT'S PERSONAL ADVISERS ARE NOT SUBJECT TO CONGRESSIONAL SCRUTINY.

ROSENTHAL CHARGED: "THE ADVISER WHO CANNOT AFFORD A BREACH IN THE WALL OF EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE TO TALK WITH CONGRESS CAN SPEND A DAY BRIEFING POTENTIAL AND ACTUAL CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTORS.

"THE PEOPLE SOLICITED BY THE PRESIDENT TO FUND HIS RE-ELECTION SEEM TO HAVE A GREATER RIGHT OF ACCESS TO HENRY KISSINGER THAN DO THE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES WHOSE MEMBERS ARE ELECTED TO FORM A CO-EQUAL BRANCH OF GOVERNMENT."
MORE RAG/HG 1334

AMS24

KISSINGER 2 WASHINGTON

ROSENTHAL SAID KISSINGER'S BRIEFING OF POLITICALLY ACTIVE BUSINESSMEN WAS AN AFFRONT TO CONGRESS.

HE SAID HE INTENDED TO ASK SOME OF HIS FRIENDS WHO ATTENDED THE NEW YORK MEETINGS TO BRIEF MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE ON WHAT KISSINGER SAID.

KISSINGER, IN A NEWSPAPER INTERVIEW, DENIED TAKING PART IN FUND RAISING ACTIVITES. HE SAID HE INSTRUCTED HOSTS OF TWO GATHERINGS WHICH HE ADDRESSED YESTERDAY NOT TO CONDUCT FUND RAISING BEFORE, DUROING, OR AFTER HIS TALK.

THE MEETINGS CONSISTED OF PROMINENT WALL STREET FINANCIERS.

ONE MEETING WAS REPORTED TO BE A LUNCHEON OF PREDOMINENTLY JEWISH BUSINESSMEN, A SPECIAL TARGET OF THE ADMINISTRATION S VOTE GATHERING AND FUND RAISING CAMPAIGN SINCE SEN.

GEORGE MCGOVERN EMERGED AS THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY S PRESIDENTIAL NOMINEE.

REUTER RAG/HG 12// 1337

Tom Braden

# McGovern Needs Money Raisers

In order to understand why Sen. George McGovern is having money problems, it is necessary to imagine two scenes. The first scene is a hotel room in Miami Beach. Hubert Humphrey has won the Democratic nomination for President. The hotel room is Humphrey's.

At the telephone is Eugene Wyman, a good-looking bespectacled California lawyer who is one of Humphrey's longtime fund-raisers. He is talking to one of McGovern's financial backers, Stewart Mott, heir to a General Motors fortune. "I want you to come up to the room," says Wyman. "I'm asking you this favor for a reason of national importance. That's all I ask—that you come up here and knock on the door."

Wyman places two more calls, and his conversation is similar. Enter Mott together with — let us imagine — Henry Kimelman and Miles Rubin, two other McGovern backers. They are crestfallen at their candidate's defeat, nervous, even a little angry.

WYMAN GREETS them. To their surprise they see waiting behind Wyman, Hubert Humphrey. Wyman turns. "Hubert you can't win the Presidency of the United States without the help of Stewart Mott, Henry Kimelman and Miles Rubin. I want you to meet these men." Humphrey responds with a pumping of hands. "I've admired you for many years."

This scene did not take place at Miami Beach because Hubert Humphrey was not the nominee. Had he been the nominee, it would have taken place. Something very much like it took place when Edmund Muskie dropped out of the race earlier this spring. The point is that George McGovern cannot emulate it. He has no Wyman.

Now let us go to scene two. Scene two is a restaurant called The Bistro in Beverly Hills. Republican businessman and longtime leader in the Los Angeles Jewish community, Taft Schreiber, is host to an excellent luncheon. Around the room, seated in spellbound attention, are other leading Jewish businessmen.

They are all staring at the paunchy but rather handsome man with the spectacles and the wire-brush hair who is standing before them.

His name is Henry Kissinger. He conducts the foreign policy of the United States. He is answering questions on Mr. Nixon's foreign policy vis-a-vis Russia, China, Israel. The sentences are sparse; the humor is deft and self-effacing; the explanations are extraordinarily clear and altogether satisfying.

Dr. Kissinger has finished. Mr. Schreiber says not a word about money—certainly not while Dr. Kissinger is in the room—and Dr. Kissinger has said not a word about Democrats, Republicans, President Nixon or George McGovern. Still Mr. Schreiber notes with a satisfaction that many of his guests are or have been large contributors to the Democratic Party.

THIS SCENE does not require so much imagination as scene one. Something like it took place in Beverly Hills during the Democratic National Convention, and

something like it will take place in New York next week. The point is that George McGovern cannot emulate it. He has no Kissinger.

And so the Democratic nominee is sending his scouts around the country looking for what politicians call "ideological money" — that is to say, money from those who believe that the country needs a change, a reordering of priorities, a more progressive income tax and less emphasis on keeping the defense plants turning out weapons and the Pentagon turning out generals.

There is some of that money around. Miles Rubin, the California-based businessman who has accepted what he calls "a special assignment to Wall Street," picked up a pledge of $500,000 from a 21-year-old college boy within a week after the convention. But without a Wyman to put the arm on the old contributors to Humphrey and without a Kissinger to charm the Jewish businessmen, McGovern is in very great trouble, indeed.

© 1972, Los Angeles Times

Rowland Evans and Robert Novak

# GOP's Belling of Fat Cats

## THE VERY PRIVATE luncheon yesterday at Manhattan's plush University Club, where very rich Jewish Democrats heard a somewhat apprehensive Henry A. Kissinger make his persuasive pro-Nixon foreign policy pitch, was the final stage of President Nixon's spectacularly successful roundup of Sen. Hubert Humphrey's fat-cat political contributors.

Within three weeks, Mr. Nixon's operatives have quietly enlisted nearly every major contributor to Humphrey's 1968 and 1972 presidential campaigns. These Jewish businessmen, deeply apprehensive about Sen. George McGovern's positions on Israel and economic policy, have been the bedrock of Democratic campaign contributors for years. Their mass defection now to the Republican enemy tells how drastically McGovern's nomination has narrowed the party's financial base.

Kissinger's role as top-level foreign policy briefer is strictly tangential to overt fund-raising. Indeed, fearful of compromising his bipartisan standing as the President's national security adviser, Kissinger angrily intervened to bar any fund raising at Wednesday's luncheon. As a result, chief Nixon fund raiser Maurice Stans cancelled out.

Nevertheless, the fact that

the Nixon political apparatus would risk the credibility of so valuable an asset as the redoubtable Henry Kissinger to sway Democratic fat cats shows how seriously this business is taken at the White House—less because of the money involved than as an important beachhead in the Jewish community. Moreover, while Mr. Nixon's operatives staged their raid, the McGovern camp was silent and idle.

The key Nixon operatives in belling the Jewish Democrats are four Jewish Republicans: Wall street financier Gustave Levy, retired Detroit industrialist Max Fisher, and Californians Taft Schreiber (Music Corp. of America) and Ted Cummings (former owner of Food Giant Markets, Inc.)

THEY HAVE now delivered on a golden platter all the biggest Humphrey money men (though without formal endorsement in every case), and the biggest one of all is Beverly Hills philanthropist John Factor. Formerly Chicago underworld's Jake the Barber, Factor long has been a respectable businessman and loyal contributor to the Democratic party (in 1968 alone, $240,000 in "loans" and $102,500 in donations).

Other West Coast Humphreyites signed up for Mr. Nixon include National Gen-

eral Corporation's Gene Klein and Danny Schwartz (a Frank Sinatra partner), each contributing $100,000 to Humphrey's last-hurrah campaign this year; Stanley Beyer (Pennsylvania Life Insurance Co.), and Stanley Goldbloom (Equity Funding). In addition, Victor Carter (formerly of Republican Corp.), a West Coast Jewish Democrat who backed Sen. Henry M. Jackson for President, is supporting Mr. Nixon.

The harvest from the East Coast has been equally golden. Accepting an invitation to the Wednesday luncheon but already signed up for the Nixon campaign is Meshulam Riklis of New York, head of the Rapid-American conglomerate, contributor of a cool $300,000 to Humphrey's 1972 campaign and zealous zionist.

Two other New Yorkers who fueled Humphrey's 1972 campaign have quietly slipped into the Nixon orbit: Charles Bassine and his son-in-law, Arthur Cohen, both millionaires and officers in the corporate structure controlling E. J. Kovette. In 1968, Cohen "loaned" $100,000 to the hard-pressed Humphrey campaign.

Whether Kissinger's pro-Nixon briefings on foreign policy contributed to his legion of Democratic associates is doubtful. He did

brief a luncheon for Jewish Democratic fat cats at the Bistro restaurant in Beverly Hills two weeks ago, hosted by fund-raiser Taft Schreiber —similar to many Kissinger foreign policy backgroun-ders the past 3 years "If money was raised as a result of that luncheon, I've been misled," Kissinger told us. Unknown to Kissinger, Schreiber made an overt fund-raising pitch after Kissinger left the restaurant.

Kissinger took no chances at Wednesday's luncheon. Although Jewish Democrats invited were originally told that both Kissinger and Stans would be present, Kissinger refused to attend unless Stans dropped out.

Most of the work is finished now, thanks partly to somnolence by the McGovern campaign. The California and New York Democrats who agreed secretly to support the President were never proselytized by McGovern's agents. To this hour, no McGovern operative has asked Humphrey to bell his erstwhile fat cats for McGovern.

Now it is too late. Mr. Nixon has made inroads into the Jewish Democratic establishment unthinkable only weeks ago, perhaps signalling a party realignment in November of major proportions.

Publishers-Hall Syndicate

Kissinger Addresses Businessmen

The New York Times/William E. Sauro

Henry A. Kissinger arriving at the University Club, where he addressed business leaders yesterday.

Henry A. Kissinger, President Nixon's chief foreign policy adviser, met with two separate groups of businessmen here yesterday for what was described by one participant as a general discussion of the Administration's attitudes on a broad range of subjects.

The meetings took place over lunch and dinner at the University Club and involved, in all, about 65 persons in finance and business in New

York City and elsewhere in the United States.

Mr. Kissinger was said to have asked that the proceedings not be discussed with newsmen. The meetings were described as "absolutely nonpartisan and nonpolitical," including both Democratic and Republican businessmen.

It was understood that no political fund-raising took place at the meetings. Mr. Kissinger previously stipulated that no fund-raising be conducted before, during or after his talks.

NYT 27 July 1972

United Press International

ist illness as no more serious than a broken arm or leg.

## at Convention

from Madi-

How did
burdened
it himself

not clear,
ting. But

Sen. Mc-
ory until
nominee,
rumors
with a full

ment, until Tuesday of this week—the day
of his public disclosure.

Sen. McGovern's staff, on the other hand, heard rumors circulating at the Miami Beach convention about Eagleton's past problems, but brushed them aside as unfounded after a perfunctory check. They pursued the matter more thoroughly after they were alerted by an anonymous tipster five days after the convention closed.

The McGovern-Eagleton organization says it intended to make a full public statement about the matter. If so, it was

## Budget Limit

By Elsie Carper

Washington Post Staff Writer

President Nixon sent a special message to Congress yesterday strongly urging a $250 billion ceiling on the federal budget and renewing his threat to veto bills "calling for excessive spending."

Leaving no doubt that the economy will be a major issue of the presidential election campaign, Mr. Nixon said that "higher taxes and more income-eating inflation" are inevitable unless Congress holds back on spending.

"I am convinced the American people do not want their family budgets wrecked by higher taxes and higher prices," Mr. Nixon told the Democratic-controlled Congress, "and I will not stand by and permit such irresponsible action to undermine the clear progress we have made in getting America's workers off the inflation treadmill of the 1960s."

At the San Clemente White House earlier this month, the President made a similar pledge to veto bills he finds inflationary.

In a news briefing at the White House shortly after the President's message went to Congress, his chief domestic adviser, John D. Ehrlichman, described Congress as "a credit card Congress in the process of running up a big bill on a sort of spend-now, tax-later basis."

Mr. Nixon said in his message that "no matter what the political pressures, no matter how frequently I may be told that in an election year a President cannot veto a spending measure, I will simply not

## Wage Warning

Federal Reserve Board Chairman Arthur F. Burns yesterday said wage raises may have to be restricted even more. Details, Page A2.

## Nixon Moves

Just Who Does He Think He Is?

By GORDON A. CRAIG

A

The outset of the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 someone suggested to Woodrow Wilson that he might find it useful to read a handbook, which had been written for the British delegation by C. K. Webster, about the Congress of Vienna and the international system it created. The President flatly refused to do so, with some derogatory remarks about balance-of-power politics and those who had practiced it.

Times have changed. Today we have a President who has expressed the belief that the world will be safer if "we have a strong healthy United States, Europe, Soviet Union, China, Japan, each balancing the other, not playing one against the other, an even balance," and who has as his principal foreign affairs adviser a man who is an expert on the Congress of Vienna and, as his scholarly writings show, an admirer of the most proficient practitioners of balance-of-power politics in the nineteenth century, Metternich and Bismarck.

Does this mean that President Nixon and Mr. Kissinger hope to return to a system like that which obtained in the golden age of classical diplomacy? And if so, is there any real possibility that that hope will be fulfilled?

When it is compared with any of the experiments in international order that have been made since 1918, the nineteenth century diplomatic system seems undeniably attractive. It literally eliminated armed conflict between major powers between 1815 and 1848 and, although shaken by the national wars of the eighteen-fifties and eighteen-sixties, proved sufficiently resilient to shore up the bulwarks of peace for another whole generation. For most of a century, the Great Powers were willing to recognize the legitimacy of the order established at Vienna in 1815 and to seek their objectives within its framework rather than by attempting to overthrow it. In moments of crisis the great orchestrators of the system —Metternich until 1848, Bismarck between 1870 and 1890—were able to alleviate tension by virtuosic performances in the acrobatics of balance, by a wholly unsentimental willingness to adjust their attachments to the requirements of the moment, and by a mastery of the art of defining the context of negotiation in such a way as—to borrow a formulation from Mr. Kissinger's account of the Vienna system—"to make concessions appear not as surrenders but as sacrifices to a common cause."

One may admire all this, but it would be idle to think that it can be repeated. The Metternich-Bismarck system worked as effectively as it did for special reasons. It was ideologically homogeneous; it was severely restricted in membership (until 1890, world politics was largely the preserve of the five major European powers); and, until its last years, it did not have to concern itself with

public opinion. International politics was not for the plebs. "The mass of the people," Metternich said with satisfaction, "is always inert." These conditions facilitated the operations of the system and enhanced its chances of success in any given situation. None of them obtains today.

Despite the recent meetings in Peking and Moscow, there is no real evidence, for instance, that either the Republic of China or the Soviet Union shares our own interest in creating a viable comity of nations or has any intention of making the kind of agreement about the rules of the game that existed

between Metternich and Alexander I or Bismarck and Salisbury. Without such minimal consensus, which might moderate ideological friction, what hope do we have of attaining the "even balance" desired by Mr. Nixon? And even if that balance, by some miracle did materialize, what reason do we have to suppose that it would influence, let alone control, the actions of other members of the diplomatic community, who are much more numerous, in some cases greedier, and generally more resentful of Great Power dominance than lesser powers were in an earlier age? At the very least, persuading others to accept our prescription for a better world promises to be a laborious and protracted business.

And therein may lie the chief difficulty. In an article in the current issue of "Foreign Policy," Stanley Hoffmann has argued that the United States Government today has neither the bureaucratic resources nor the degree of public support necessary to maintain a balance-of-power policy. Mr. Nixon's new policy, he says, "offers a skillful, more modest, more flexible rationale for continuous involvement" in world affairs; but the public mood, after Vietnam, is one of disinvolvement, and this might well be aggravated by a policy of elaborate and ceaseless maneuver which did not yield tangible results. In any case, the concept of balance of power has traditionally had sinister connotations for the average American, and appeals to it are hardly likely to inspire enthusiasm or to reverse tendencies in public opinion (lack of interest in foreign policy among university studies, for example) that are already making it difficult to recruit an adequate pool of gifted foreign-policy personnel.

Mr. Hoffmann actually suggests that this last difficulty has been heightened by Mr. Kissinger's Metternichian star turns on the diplomatic stage, his "grand solo performance" which dazzles but discourages new talent. If there is anything in this, it is ironical, since Mr. Kissinger's final judgment on Bismarck is that he was a failure precisely because he neglected to train an élite to carry on his work. But it seems apparent in any case that the special assistant for national security affairs does not overvalue the manipulative dexterity of the two great diplomatic luminaries of the nineteenth century. From his writings it is clear that what he admires in them is the persistence of their search for a viable international order, and, even here, he is too good a historian to close his eyes to the fact that our similar quest is conditioned by different factors than theirs or to forget that, if diplomacy is the art of the possible, the range of possibility is defined in our times most severely by the domestic support that it can command. For the President and Mr. Kissinger that is a fact of life, as it would be for Senator McGovern if he should be elected in November. And, as Mr. Kissinger says in his essay on Bismarck, quoting the German Chancellor, "Facts cannot be changed; they can only be used."

TIM

“Endowed with a high opinion of the superiority of his ability, he loves finesse in politics and considers it essential ...”

Prince von Hardenberg on Metternich

Gordon A. Craig is J. E. Wallace Sterling Professor of Humanities at Stanford.

# COMMUNIST DISSENSIONS

THE ECONOMIST JULY 22, 1972

## The two at loggerheads

* East is Chou and west is Brezhnev, and it's pleasant for Mr Nixon to see that the twain don't look like meeting for a long time yet

Mr Nixon can now concentrate on making sure that he beats Mr McGovern in November without having to worry too much about either of the great communist powers. The embarrassment the Russians have suffered in seeing their advisers summarily ejected from Egypt this week comes on top of the accusations that they are washing their hands of North Vietnam. And Mr Nixon has ensured that the contest that Russia and China were already waging before he entered the White House will remain intense. The missile limitation agreements signed in Moscow in May have taken some of the edge off Russian-American rivalry in nuclear armaments. The seating of Peking's representatives at the United Nations has opened China's doors not just once for Mr Nixon but repeatedly for his adviser, Mr Kissinger, who looks like becoming a regular visitor to Peking. The Soviet and Chinese leaders have both been forced to swallow, along with the wine they have drunk in Mr Nixon's company, much of their indignation about his actions in Vietnam. He has not needed to envenom the rivalry between them, except by the mere act of softening the antagonisms between his country and theirs. This has initiated a new rivalry between them in the sector that may be called The American Connection.

True, some people are making a good deal of indications of a certain improvement in Russian-Chinese relations. Trade between the two communist powers has undoubtedly picked up since 1969. No more clashes on the border are reported, and the talks about border disputes that were started more than two years ago are apparently continuing; last month the Chinese named a new delegate for them. Although the Russian forces along the Chinese frontier have been strengthened, and the Chinese have sent reinforcements up too and gone on building vast air-raid shelters, nobody is now predicting an outbreak of war or even a resurgence of border skirmishes. But this is about all there is to put against a compelling amount of evidence of continuing hostility between the two powers.

### The megaton war of words

The Russians are the more vocal of the two in public bitterness. Almost every day they find some fresh angle from which to revile the Chinese government. This week Pravda was making play with reports that the Chinese had told recent American visitors that they actually wanted to see American forces remain in the Far East. According to Moscow, China is in favour of that "imperialist monopoly," the European common market, but against the "progressive and peace-loving" idea of a European security conference. The Russians depict China as encouraging Ukrainian separatism while crushing its own minorities; as smuggling opium into south-east Asian countries simply for profit; as anxious to prevent a reconciliation between India and Pakistan, to pit Arab against Arab in the Middle East, to split the progressive movement in Latin America. The red pot

has no hesitation about calling the red kettle black; China's living standards, it is said, are low because its rulers spend so much on nuclear and other arms, and its people are subjected to grotesque forms of regimen-tation. The Moscow press and radio accuse China of blocking the movement of Russian supplies to North Vietnam, of opposing the Soviet project of an Asian security system, even of collusion with America. And they acidly contrast the "so-called policy of self-reliance" preached by China with the "opportunities and advan-tages" gained by co-operation among members of the Russian-led economic group known as Comecon.

True to their traditions, the Chinese are less wordy, but their words are well barbed. They how to one main line. Seldom even deigning to distinguish the Russians by name, they just reiterate their charges that the two superpowers are trying to carve up the world, trampling on small states' rights, practising "aggression, subversion, interference, bullying, economic expansion and plunder," and merely pretending to agree on arms limitations while in fact stepping up their preparations for war. However, Chou En-lai, his propaganda spokesmen and his envoys to UN meetings go on to detect growing opposition to the two superpowers' domination in practically every current development: the Indian-Pakistani talks at Simla, the accord between the two Koreas, the new Japanese government's eagerness to normalise its relations with China—to say nothing of the ousting of Russian advisers from Egypt. In recent weeks, Peking's theme has been faithfully echoed by the exiled Cambodian Prince Sihanouk during a long tour that took him as far west as Mauretania.

The Chinese hardly ever stoop to answer Soviet attacks on them. Indeed, they show a massive ability to say little or nothing about even such major events as Mr Nixon's visit to Russia. But the extent to which their propaganda draws blood is revealed by the stream of defensive state-ments the Soviet Union feels obliged to put out. It denies that its reinforcement of its far eastern armies poses any threat from the north to China. It denies that it is in collusion with America, and complains that the very word "superpowers" is a term invented in Peking. It protests that its campaign for an Asian collec-tive security system is not intended to encircle China. It accuses the Chinese of trying to turn the North Viet-namese against Russia by misrepresenting Soviet actions and discrediting Soviet aid. And, more overly than ever, the Russians seem to be making a particular attempt to seduce the Chinese armed services.

This suggests that they have despaired of achieving any real reconciliation with China's present political leadership. They are just hoping that things will change in Peking one day. After all, Mao Tse-tung cannot live for ever; and they may be clinging to the belief that when he dies—or when the Chinese allow it to be known that he has died, which may not be the same thing—the forces within China in favour of coming to terms with Russia, crushed since Lin Piao's disappearance, may yet

1

LOS ANGELES TIMES 21 JULY 1972 (30)

The Politics of Peace

The obvious conclusion to draw from this week's resumption of secret talks in Paris between Henry Kissinger and North Vietnam's Le Duc Tho is that Hanoi has decided to reopen its options for possibly negotiating the United States out of Indochina within a relatively short time. The long secret meeting held Tuesday between the top-level negotiators will be followed by others, or so the White House announcement implies. Future talks are to remain secret in substance though the fact of the talks will be publicly revealed, an interesting development which suggests that both sides want the world to know what they are doing.

This week's conversations led to no breakthrough, though possibilities for agreement and pressures to reach one could increase as our Nov. 7 presidential election draws nearer. North Vietnam's basic choice now is simple if far from easy. It must decide whether to try to work a deal with President Nixon before the election, or to gambit on a victory by Sen. George McGovern and fulfillment of his promise for a settlement on terms that Hanoi may find more to its liking.

Certainly Mr. Nixon would dearly like to have a settlement before the election, provided it can be had on terms he considers reasonable. No doubt he is prepared to yield on some points to get that settlement. The central question is whether he will yield, and if so how much, on the Communists' demand for a coalition government in Saigon.

So, pondering that, North Vietnam comes to its fateful choice. It can settle with Mr. Nixon within the next 3½ months, or it can wait out the election results. The great risk in the latter course is that a Nixon victory could result in a tougher U.S. bargaining position. Hanoi is thus keeping its options open, meanwhile, no doubt, keeping a close watch on what the election opinion polls show.

-E

John B. Connally's warning to foreign leaders during his recent world tour not to take American foreign aid and investment for granted in the future is not likely to engender feelings of warmth towards the world's richest nation.

Mr. Connally was arguing legitimately from this nation's own unmet domestic needs, its poverty, and its persisting international monetary problems. These must be weighed heavily in determining how much of our resources we allocate abroad.

At the same time, in the eyes of the underdeveloped world, there is something incongruous, even ludicrous, in hearing the United States plead poverty as a reason for not helping them more. This is particularly so at a time when

the gap between rich and continues to grow at a rate.

There is also the fact that past generosity in foreign aid has slipped further away from the free world industrialized States has slipped further away from the free world industrialize, provide loans and grants. A decade ago, loans for food, education, developmental assistance based on a percentage output.

This nation must recognize obligations with its mitments without shortfalls. The gradual erosion in the years is an unhealing trend. may be abandoning out the less fortunate abr and run this is not the way to do it. The peace and tranquillity.

ATLANTA CONSTITUTION 7/26/72 (30)

## Child's Play

We don't think the United States Senate acted responsibly this week in voting, first, to cut off all funds for U.S. combat operations in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, then in the end to kill this year's military-foreign-aid bill altogether.

The cutting-off-funds provision was attached to the military and foreign aid bill. Once that amendment passed, even senators who normally might have voted for the $1.7 billion aid authorization moved to vote it down.

It was not a responsible vote in part, quite simply, because the Senate did not even intend it to be taken seriously. "Do you think anybody thought it (the cutoff) would get by the House, or the White House? For whatever it is worth, the Senate has expressed its view," said Sen. William Fulbright, chairman of the Senate Foreign Rela-

tions Committee. What worth much.

In other words, bers voting for the cutoff more or less assumes that the White House nally, in reviving and a military and foreign year. That is just what we year, after the Senate tion and defeated the aid measure for fiscal

We understand — with — the Senate how Congress has not conducted of the war since the Gulf of Tonk passed at the request of Lyndon Johnson, some of whom felt they were tricked into an unpopular war.

Yet, even reading as no more than an abstract point of view, what did the Senate do?

The actual vote was for U.S. combat operations within four months, and can war prisoners

2-E

NEW YORK TIMES 29 JULY 1972

22 U.S. Editors to Visit China This Fall

By TAD SZULC

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, July 28—
Contacts between the United
States and China are to be
stepped up later this year with
a visit to the mainland by 22
American newspaper editors
and a tour of United States
medical facilities by a group of
Chinese physicians.

The editors' trip was an-
nounced today by J. Edward
Murray, executive editor of The
Detroit Free Press, who is
president of the American
Society of Newspaper Editors.

Starting Sept. 9, the editors
are to spend three weeks in
China under the auspices of
Hsinhua, the official press
agency.

Also today, Government of-
ficials disclosed that an agree-
ment in principle had been
reached for six to eight Chinese
doctors, including surgeons and
heart specialists, to come to
the United States in the fall
to return recent visits to China
by individual American physi-
cians.

Second Visit of China

This will be the second
Chinese group visiting the
United States since Mr. Nixon's
trip opened what is expected
to be a gradual normalization
of relations with Peking.

The first group was the table
tennis team that toured the
United States in April.

Administration sources also
said that Premier Chou En-lai
had informed Henry A. Kiss-
singer, Mr. Nixon's adviser on
national security, that China
was considering the granting of
visas to American newsmen for
periods of three to six months.
The current practice is to re-
strict such visits to several
weeks.

Mr. Chou gave this infor-
mation, officials said, when Mr.
Kissinger last visited Peking,
between June 19 and 23.

During these talks, Mr. Chou
is reported to have informed
Mr. Kissinger that the time had
not arrived for United States
news organizations to establish
permanent offices in Peking.

Premier Chou also told Mr.
Kissinger, according to officials,
that additional Chinese newsmen
would be sent to the
United States only after the
November elections to avoid
any involvement in the cam-
paign. At present there are five
newsmen at the United Nations.

Administration officials, fa-
miliar with Mr. Kissinger's most
recent conversations in Peking

and with the periodic talks held
by United States and Chinese
ambassadors in Paris, said that
they had the impression that

China, for internal as well as
external reasons, would be slow
in sending her nationals here as
long as the Indochina war is in
progress.

CHICAGO TRIBUNE 30 JULY 1972

U.S. Pushes Effort
for Better Relations
with Middle East

By JOHN MACLEAN

Chicago Tribune Press Service

WASHINGTON, July 29—Re-
lations between the United
States and three Middle East-
ern countries have improved
in the last month, leaving only
three other countries with re-
duced or broken diplomatic
ties with the U. S. as a result
of Israel's six-day war in 1967.

There apparently was no de-
liberate effort to time the an-
nouncements so close together,
but coming within a month of
each other they dramatically
show how tensions in the Mid-
dle East have eased in the last
five years.

U. S. Plans New View

The State Department an-
nounced on Thursday the U. S.
would staff an interest section
in Iraq with two Foreign Serv-
ice officers.

"This is part of the fruits of
very patient effort over the
last several years . . . to re-
open direct diplomatic dialog
with as many states in the
areas as possible," Charles W.
Bray, spokesman for the State
Department, said.

Bray said U. S. policy is to
reestablish relations with any
of the six countries which
broke diplomatic ties in 1967,
charging U. S. collusion with
Israel in the Arab-Israeli War.

Two days earlier, Bray an-
nounced resumption of diplo-
matic relations with Sudan. On
July 1, Secretary of State Wil-
liam P. Rogers announced dur-
ing a visit to the Yemen Arab
Republic resumption of rela-
tions with that country.

Egypt Also Involved

The three other countries
are Egypt, Algeria, and Syria.

"It is quite premature to
make predictions about other
countries," Bray cautioned.

Diplomatic recognition
means the countries become
eligible for American foreign
aid. Earlier this summer, the
U. S. contributed $4.45 million
to a United Nations refugee
relief effort in Sudan. The
State Department said this re-
sponse was "deliberate and in-
tended to signal our construc-
tive interest in the Sudan."

In all three cases, negotia-
tions on the issues began
many months before the an-
nouncement of improved rela-
tions.

Meet In Capital

Negotiations with Yemen
were conducted in the capital
city of Sa'ana by the head of
the U. S. interest section
there, Robert A. Stein. Ex-
perts here say Yemen was
pushed toward better relations
with the West by increasing
tensions with Southern Yemen,
a former British colony adjoin-
ing Yemen, and the impover-
ished condition of the country.

Negotiations with Sudan
began a year ago when Rogers
talked with the Sudanese rep-
resentative in the U. S., Ma-
nusmenur Khalid. They held
two more meetings, and as-
sistant secretary David D.
Newsom, in charge of African
affairs, apparently made a
breakthru when he vidited the
capital city of Khartoum last
December.

The decision to send Foreign
Service officers to Iraq was
made in February, but not an-
nounced until this week when
the candidates had been cho-
sen.

Ranor's 324B division, which suffered some losses early in North Vietnam's four-month-old offensive, is situated in the hills immediately to the west and southwest of Hue.

Some elements of the 325C—classed as a heavy division with armor and artillery—were believed headed toward positions west and northwest of the city. Other units of the division are trying to bolster the 304th and 308th divisions near Quangtri, which have suffered heavy losses since April. The 312th—a light infantry division—is also expected to wind up near Hue, though officials say it is still too early to tell for sure.

All told, North Vietnamese strength in South Vietnam's northernmost Military Region I—which includes Quangtri and Hue—is now estimated at between 40,000-50,000 by the Pentagon.

That is the same general range of forces estimated to have been in the region during April after the big offensive started.

"The big thing to watch," explains one official, "is how the battle goes at Quangtri." Whatever happens there, he says, should have a major effect on whether there is a battle for Hue and its outcome.

"If Quangtri falls to the ARVN and those enemy forces there are not too badly hurt, they could swing around to the west and help in the attack on Hue. But if the enemy keeps the pressure on at Quangtri, then the North Vietnamese are not in very good shape to take Hue."

In this view, "it will be very tough to successfully assault Hue with just two or three divisions" against a still formidable ARVN ground defense and heavy U.S. airpower.

"It took three divisions plus a gift" for them to take Quangtri the first time (on May 1). The gift was that the Third (ARVN) Division "got up and left," he said.

Defense Secretary Melvin R. Laird in a July 17 press conference also indicated that the South Vietnamese were not "in any major rush" to retake Quangtri because of the buildup around Hue.

The ARVN's highly rated First Division plus another equivalent division of rangers; armored cavalry and elements of the reconstituted Third Division faces the North Vietnamese 324B division already near Hue and the other units heading in that direction. The airborne and marine divisions are carrying the figh farther

weapons since World War II.

The purchase underscores France's growing dominance as arms supplier to Latin American nations at a time when Congress has sharply restricted American military aid and arms sales to that region.

Pentagon figures show that Latin American countries bought at least $900-million in arms from countries other than the United States from July, 1970, through last month. An estimated two-thirds of this business went to France, the rest principally to Britain and Italy. In the same two-year period, American arms sales to Latin America totaled $130-million.

## Tanks and Howitzers Ordered

According to the defense sources, the Venezuelans have ordered 142 French AMX-30 medium-size tanks for delivery this year and next, plus more than 20 self-propelled 155-mm. howitzers. American intelligence specialists say that purchase of these 40-ton tanks, faster than the best United States armor, will give Venezuela the most modern tank force in Latin America except for Cuba, which has Russian vehicles.

Brazil, Colombia and Argentina are among the Latin American countries said to be customers for French Mirage jet fighters, British-built naval frigates, Italian artillery and other modern weapons to replace largely outdated American-supplied arms, much of it of World War II vintage.

In the fiscal year that began July 1, the Pentagon proposes to sell more than $150-million in arms to Latin American nations—$60-million of it in cash sales, $75-million in credit sales and about $20-million in grants. The United States arms credit is currently granted at 6 per cent interest, and may be extended for a maximum of 10 years.

The French, on the other hand, are said to offer the Latin Americans 20-year loans at 2 per cent interest, to train Latin American pilots free, and to provide other low-cost or free services.

north.

Renewed attacks this week on ARVN firebases on the western approaches to Hue are similar to the type of attacks that came in April and May. A communist assault on the city was expected then but never materialized.

Possibly setting the timetable may also be the northeast monsoon, which will begin making its presence felt over the northern sections of South Vietnam around October.

making or creation of forest fires as a weapon of war.

The amendment to a military weapons bill was sponsored by Senator Gaylord Nelson, Democrat of Wisconsin, who, with Senator Claiborne Pell, Democrat of Rhode Island, has charged that the United States has been conducting rain-making operations in Laos.

The Defense Department has denied conducting any operations over North Vietnam, but has refused to discuss operational aspects elsewhere in Indochina, such as the Ho Chi Minh supply trail.

At hearings this week of a Foreign Relations Subcommittee headed by Senator Pell, Defense Department witnesses testified that the department proposes to spend about $4,500,000 for research this year on modifications of the weather and for further study of climatic changes due to human actions or natural phenomena.

## WASHINGTON POST
30 JULY 1972 P-31

### Sadat Launches

### Egypt-Built Warship

CAIRO, July 29 (AP) — President Anwar Sadat returned to Alexandria shipyard today and launched his second ship in three days.

The Middle East News Agency described it as the first Egyptian-built warship equipped with "the most modern naval fighting instruments" but gave no further details.

On Thursday, Sadat launched a 14,000-ton merchant ship.

## PHILADELPHIA INQ.
30 JULY 1972 P-3

### Cambodia Expels French Reporter

PHNOM PENH (AP). — The Cambodian government Saturday expelled Jean Pierre Challard, French correspondent of Time and Life magazines, for undisclosed "police reasons."

Challard, who had spent five years in Cambodia and had worked briefly as a private secretary to Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Cambodias exiled former chief of state, left Phnom Penh for Saigon. he was accompanied to the airport by two policemen.

3

KISSINGER

WASHINGTON (AP)-PRESIDENTIAL ASSISTANT HENRY KISSINGER IS MEETING TODAY IN PARIS WITH NORTH VIETNAMESE NEGOTIATORS, THE WHITE HOUSE SAID.

LIKE THE 14 OTHER MEETINGS THAT PRESIDENT NIXON'S ASSISTANT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS HAS HELD WITH COMMUNIST NEGOTIATORS, TODAY'S SESSION WAS ARRANGED AND CONDUCTED SECRETLY.

THE BRIEF ANNOUNCEMENT BY WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY RONALD L. ZIEGLER SAID KISSINGER WAS MEETING WITH BOTH LE DUC THO, SPECIAL ADVISER TO NORTH VIETNAM'S DELEGATION AT THE PARIS PEACE TALKS, AND DELEGATION MINISTER, XUAN THUY.

KISSINGER LAST MET SECRETLY WITH THE NORTH VIETNAMESE OFFICIALS ON JULY 19. DURING THE PREVIOUS THREE YEARS, HE HAD HELD MORE THAN A DOZEN SESSIONS--NONE OF WHICH WERE DISCLOSED UNTIL THIS YEAR.

KISSINGER IS EXPECTED TO RETURN FROM PARIS TUESDAY NIGHT AND IMMEDIATELY REPORT TO NIXON.

THE PUBLIC PARIS PEACE TALKS RESUMED ON JULY 12 AND ANOTHER PUBLIC SESSION IS SCHEDULED FOR TUESDAY.

KB1012AED AUG. 1

PI-26

(KISSINGER)

WASHINGTON--PRESIDENT NIXON'S NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER HENRY A. KISSINGER MET IN PARIS TODAY TO CONTINUE HIS SECRET PEACE NEGOTIATIONS WITH NORTH VIETNAMESE OFFICIALS, THE WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCED.

PRESS SECRETARY RONALD L. ZIEGLER ISSUED A ONE-PARAGRAPH STATEMENT ANNOUNCING THE MEETING BUT REFUSED TO SUPPLY ADDITIONAL DETAILS.

"DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER, ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS, IS MEETING TODAY IN PARIS WITH SPECIAL ADVISER LE DUC THO AND MINISTER XUAN THUI OF THE NORTH VIETNAMESE DELEGATION TO THE PEACE TALKS.

"WE EXPECT DR. KISSINGER TO RETURN TO WASHINGTON TONIGHT," ZI) 34 SQID.

IT WAS KISSINGER'S FIFTEENTH PRIVATE SESSION WITH THO AND THE FIRST SINCE JULY 19. IT WAS THE SECOND TIME THAT THE WHITE HOUSE HAD ANNOUNCED THE MEETING WHILE IT WAS IN PROGRESS. PREVIOUS SESSIONS WERE NOT MADE PUBLIC UNTIL MUCH LATER.

KISSINGER WAS EXPECTED TO REPORT TO NIXON TONIGHT AFTER HIS RETURN FROM PARIS.

THE REGULAR SESSIONS OF THE PEACE TALKS WILL CONTINUE AS SCHEDULED ON THURSDAY. IN THOSE MEETINGS, U.S. AMBASSADOR WILLIAM PORTER IS NEGOTIATING WITH THO, THUI AND OFFICIALS OF THE VIET CONG.

ZIEGLER REFUSED TO ANSWER ANY QUESTIONS ABOUT THE SUBSTANCE OF THE KISSINGER TALKS, DECLINING EVEN TO SAY WHEN HE LEFT WASHINGTON FOR PARIS. HOWEVER, KISSINGER CONFERRED WITH NIXON MONDAY MORNING BEFORE THE PRESIDENT LEFT THE WHITE HOUSE TO ATTEND THE FUNERAL OF SEN. ALLEN ELLENDER IN LOUISIANA.

AT HIS NEWS CONFERENCE LAST WEEK, NIXON SAID THE CHANCES OF A NEGOTIATED END TO THE VIETNAM FIGHTING ARE BETTER THAN THEY HAVE EVER BEEN. HE PROMISED RENEWED EFFORTS TO SETTLE THE CONFLICT BEFORE THE NOVEMBER ELECTION.

IN HIS MEETING WITH NEWSMEN, NIXON REITERATED HIS REFUSAL TO CONSIDER A PEACE PLAN WHICH WOULD RESULT IN A COMMUNIST GOVERNMENT IN SAIGON.

8/1--GE1023A

UNCLASSIFIED

2. THIS HIGHLY CRITICAL AND NEGATIVE PORTRAIT PRESENTED KISSINGER AS "THE NEW METTERNICH, THE APOSTLE OF 'LEGITIMACY' AND THE PRINCIPAL ADVOCATE OF A POLICY THAT MEANS 'EX-TERMINATION BY BOMBING' FOR THE PEOPLE OF VIETNAM."

3. THE AUTHOR REFERRED TO SEVERAL LIBERAL AMERICAN COMMENTATORS, ALTHOUGH HE DID NOT NAME THEM, WHO THOUGHT THAT VIETNAM DID NOT FIT INTO KISSINGER'S PATTERN OF AN ELEGANT EQUILIBRIUM OF POWER IN THE WORLD. HE PAINTED A PICTURE OF AN ANNOYED KISSINGER COPING WITH THE MINOR FLAW IN THIS PATTERN BY "CHOPPING THAT POOR COUNTRY INTO PIECES BY TERROR BOMBING WHICH EXCEEDS HITLER'S TERROR."

4. MORGAN CARRIED HIS KISSINGER-HITLER PARALLEL FURTHER SAYING: "SOME AMERICANS ARE AWARE OF THE IRONY OF HISTORY THAT A MAN WHOSE VIEWS OF HISTORY WERE FORMED BY CONSTERNATION ABOUT NAZI TERROR SHOULD NOW BECOME LARGELY RESPONSIBLE FOR SIMILAR MONSTROSITIES."

5. THE ARTICLE CONCLUDES: "VIETNAM IS NO MINOR FLAW IN THE PATTERN, NO UNFORTUNATE ABERRATION IN AMERICA'S DEVELOPMENT..., NO PURELY GEOGRAPHIC INCIDENT. IT IS THE CHARACTER OF THE VIETNAM WAR THAT JEOPARDIZES THE PATTERN OF WORLD ORDER."

BENNETT

BT

UNCLASSIFIED

Kissinger,
Tho Meet
In Private

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

White House security adviser Henry A. Kissinger met privately again with Hanoi Politburo member Le Duc Tho in Paris yesterday, pressing President Nixon's call for a cease-fire to permit withdrawal of U.S. troops and release of prisoners of war.

There was no indication if any progress was made in this second Kissinger-Tho meeting in two weeks. Their talks now appear to be part of a prolonged probing exercise on both sides while U.S. air power pounds North Vietnam and a new Communist offensive is awaited in South Vietnam.

The only roundabout comment about the issues at stake in secret diplomacy came in an expression of concern voiced in Saigon by South Vietnamese President Nguyen Van Thieu.

Thieu told a South Vietnamese military graduating class yesterday that, "A cease-fire for South Vietnam only between the Americans and North Vietnamese, with the release of prisoners of war, is a great danger for South Vietnam." His comments indicated a fear that the United States may be tempted into a separate cease-fire through political pressures on President Nixon before the November election to fulfill his pledges to end American involvement in the war.

Any cease-fire must apply to "all of Indochina," Thieu said. President Nixon, on May 8, did propose an Indochina-wide cease-fire, and a release of American prisoners of war, which he said would be followed by a complete withdrawal of all American troops within four months.

But the President, last Thursday, also said the United States is not negotiating on a

See TALKS, A19, Col. 1

Max Lerner

In sheer terms of advantage and disadvantage, the Russians got the better of the SALT bargaining. Nixon denies it, but pretty lamely.

The Russians started their ABM defenses earlier than the U. S., and the treaty portion on defensive weapons limits the U. S. to a catch-up position. The Russians also went gung-ho for sheer numbers of offensive weapons, including submarine-launched missiles, and the "Interim Agreement" portion freezes the disparity in numbers. No wonder Brezhnev was so bent on going through with the Nixon summit at Moscow, despite Nixon's mining of the Vietnam War.

In strategic terms the Americans had little choice. They had allowed the Russians to pull ahead in offensive weapons because they were themselves concentrating on more sophisticated MRV's—Multiple Re-Entry Vehicles—which gave them more warheads, and they mean to go on with them. But so do the Russians, who have learned the multiplier principle along with simple addition and subtraction.

So Nixon and Laird are now asking Congress for an additional three billion to develop a better submarine (Tri-dent) and a better airplane (the B-1). They don't want to be at a greater disadvantage when the next arms-limitation talks come around. If you are going to limit yourself, you want to have something to limit.

Basically the whole thing is absurd—galloping ahead so that you will be in a good position to be cut back,

SALT POWER & SWEET PEACE

spending so that you can have something to give up, experimenting so that you can get speedy obsolescence. But no more absurd than the nuclear arms race has all along been. No more absurd than McNamara's nuclear strategy called Mutual Assured Destruction (or MAD) whereby the U. S. and Russia were to forego defensive weapons in order to make sure that both would be destroyed in a war.

We can't help puzzling over the question of why Nixon, Kissinger, and the Joint Chiefs accepted a skewed agreement with Russia. The answer is that they felt it was the best they could get and getting some agreement was better than getting none. As a conservative, Nixon could ride out the storm better than a liberal could. And it is worth riding out.

For the crucial thing is to get both Russia and America committed to a series of agreements for nuclear arms reduction and control. Unless this habit is established, and China is also drawn in, there can be no abiding peace in prospect, no limits set to the arms race.

Thus what counted was less the particular balance-sheet than the linkage between the SALT agreement and the larger reaches of Great Power diplomacy. Some SALT power had to be given up for the sweetness of the prospects of peace.

For anyone skeptical of whether the weapons race can be curbed there is an important new book called "The Reform of Power," by Leonard Beaton (Viking) —a sane, quiet, cool, and wise book.

Beaton died last year, at 41, soon after completing it. What a good thing for a writer to leave behind, as his last mortal effort—a book to show how humanity can survive its own most lethal and ingenious contrivances.

A personal note here: In a book on nuclear weapons I wrote a decade ago ("The Age of Overkill") I ended by proposing a world policing organization, with a nuclear monopoly, as the only means that could avoid a great death-happening. I still think it would be the best way, but I see almost no chance of its being adopted—unless a nuclear disaster were to happen first.

Beaton takes a more gradual approach. He is convinced that no nuclear power will give up its notion of national security to embrace some agency of world law imposed upon it. Equally he dismisses the Soviet idea of complete disarmment, showing how completely fraudulent it is.

He hopes for "the achievement of cognizance"—the open exchange of nuclear information about their own forces which the Great Powers have begun. He believes they can discover a "common security interest" above and below their power conflicts—and the SALT agreement is the first evidence that this may be so.

And he is convinced that once the nuclear nations commit themselves to a continuing series of agreements, the machinery for enforcing them can be contrived.

Some modest practical vision of this sort is behind the agreement that Nixon brought back from Moscow. My own feeling is that advantages or disadvantages which cannot in fact be used are less important than establishing the precedent and habit of cutting down on the weapons, as a first step toward giving them up.

SEC
VSOI.
VOO
U

URGENT

KISSINGER

WASHINGTON (AP)-U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ASSISTANT HENRY KISSINGER IS MEETING TUESDAY IN PARIS WITH NORTH VIETNAMESE NEGOTIATORS, THE WHITE HOUSE SAID.

LIKE THE 14 OTHER MEETINGS THAT PRESIDENT NIXON'S ASSISTANT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS HAS HELD WITH COMMUNIST NEGOTIATORS, TUESDAY'S SESSION WAS ARRANGED AND CONDUCTED SECRETLY.

THE BRIEF ANNOUNCEMENT BY WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY RONALD I. ZIEGLER SAID KISSINGER WAS MEETING WITH BOTH I.F. DUC THO, SPECIAL ADVISER TO NORTH VIETNAM'S DELEGATION AT THE PARIS PEACE TALKS, AND DELEGATION MINISTER, XUAN THUY.

KISSINGER LAST MET SECRETLY WITH THE NORTH VIETNAMESE OFFICIALS ON JULY 19. DURING THE PREVIOUS THREE YEARS, HE HAD HELD MORE THAN A DOZEN SESSIONS-NONE OF WHICH WERE DISCLOSED UNTIL THIS YEAR.

KISSINGER IS EXPECTED TO RETURN FROM PARTS TUESDAY NIGHT AND IMMEDIATELY REPORT TO NIXON.

THE PUBLIC PARTS PEACE TALKS RESUMED ON JULY 13 AND ANOTHER PUBLIC SESSION IS SCHEDULED FOR THURSDAY.

NH 1424GMTAUG 1-72

SSV0891.
V089
R

WASHINGTON - KISSINGER 2

ZIEGLER'S BRIEF ANNOUNCEMENT, READ TO REPORTERS IN HIS OFFICE, WAS IN KEEPING WITH THE NEW WHITE HOUSE POLICY OF DISCLOSING KISSINGER'S MEETINGS WITH THE NORTH VIETNAMESE AFTER HE ALREADY REACHES PARTS.

THE PRESS SECRETARY WOULD NOT SAY WHEN THE PRESIDENTIAL ASSISTANT LEFT WASHINGTON, BUT KISSINGER CONFERRED WITH NIXON FOR 25 MINUTES MONDAY MORNING BEFORE THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE FLEW TO LOUISIANA FOR THE FUNERAL OF SEN. ALLAN ELLINDER, D-I.A. THIS WOULD INDICATE KISSINGER APPARENTLY FLEW TO PARTS SOME TIME MONDAY AFTERNOON.

FP 1450GMTAUG 1-72

SSV0901.

BUST

SEC
NO 93
R

KISSINGER (WITH WASHINGTON)

PARTS (AP)-NORTH VIETNAMESE AND AMERICAN OFFICIALS TODAY DECLINED TO MAKE ANY COMMENT ON THE WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT THAT PRESIDENTIAL ASSISTANT HENRY KISSINGER IS IN PARTS FOR SECRET TALKS WITH NORTH VIETNAMESE DELEGATION LEADERS.

"WE DON'T KNOW ANYTHING" SAID A NORTH VIETNAMESE WHO ANSWERED THE PHONE AT THE HEADQUARTERS OF THE DELEGATION TO THE PARTS PEACE TALKS.

THE AMERICAN DELEGATION REFUSED TO ACKNOWLEDGE THAT KISSINGER HAD ARRIVED OR TO MAKE ANY COMMENT. (END)
MS 1611FSTAUG-1-72 NM

URGENT

NEGOCIATIONS VIETNAM

M. KISSINGER A PARIS : REACTIONS

PARIS, 1ER AOUT (AFP)

A LA DELEGATION NORD-VIETNAMIENNE A LA CONFERENCE DE PARIS ON SE REFUSE A CONFIRMER QUE M. HENRY KISSINGER S'ENTRETIENT AUJOURD'HUI, A PARIS, AVEC MM. XUAN THUY ET LE DUC THO, DIRIGEANTS DE LA DELEGATION NORD-VIETNAMIENNE.

''NOUS NE SAVONS RIEN'', DECLARE-T-ON.

LORS DU DERNIER ENTRETIEN SECRET AMERICANO - NORD-VIETNAMIEN, LE 19 JUILLET A PARIS, LA DELEGATION NORD-VIETNAMIENNE L'AVAIT ANNONCE EN MEME TEMPS QUE WASHINGTON.

A SUIVRE ... AFP RA %22 15.32

NEGOCIATIONS VIETNAM

PARIS.- M. KISSINGER ... (DEUX)

A LA DELEGATION AMERICAINE, ON SE REFUSE A FAIRE LE MOINDRE COMMENTAIRE SUR LA PRESENCE DE M. KISSINGER A PARIS ET MEME A CONFIRMER SON ARRIVEE. ''PUISQUE WASHINGTON L'ANNONCE, VOUS DEVEZ L'ACCEPTER COMME UN FAIT. NOUS N'AVONS ABSOLUMENT RIEN A DIRE LA-DESSUS'', A DECLARE LE PORTE-PAROLE DE LA DELEGATION.

INTERROGE SUR LE FAIT QUE LA DELEGATION NORD-VIETNAMIENNE N'AVAIT PAS, COMME LA FOIS PRECEDENTE, RENDU PUBLIC L'ENTRETIEN EN MEME TEMPS QUE WASHINGTON, LE PORTE-PAROLE A REPONDU : ''NE NE SAIS ABSOLUMENT PAS A QUOI ATTRIBUER LA DIFFERENCE DE COMPORTEMENT''.

AFP 080

NEGOCIATIONS VIETNAM

LA RENCONTRE SECRETE AMERICANO - NORD-VIETNAMIENNE

PARIS, 1ER AOUT (AFP)

LA RENCONTRE SECRETE AMERICANO - NORD-VIETNAMIENNE QUI, SELON LA MAISON BLANCHE, SE DEROULE AUJOURD'HUI, A PARIS, ENTRE M. HENRY KISSINGER, CONSEILLER SPECIAL DU PRESIDENT NIXON ET M. XUAN THUY, CHEF DE LA DELEGATION NORD-VIETNAMIENNE, ET SON CONSEILLER SPECIAL M. LE DUC THO, EST LA 15EME QUI AIT LIEU DEPUIS 1969.

ALORS QUE LA PRECEDENTE, LE 19 JUILLET, AVAIT ETE ANNONCEE LE JOUR MEME, DU COTE NORD-VIETNAMIEN, COMME DU COTE AMERICAIN, LA PLUS STRICTE RESERVE EST OBSERVEE, CETTE FOIS DU COTE NORD-VIETNAMIEN. ON DECLARE A LA DELEGATION NE PAS ETRE AU COURANT DE CETTE RENCONTRE EN L'ABSENCE DU PORTE-PAROLE QUI EST, DIT-ON, ''ABSENT''.

LE FAIT QUE LA RENCONTRE DU 19 JUILLET AVAIT ETE RENDUE PUBLIQUE ETAIT UN PRECEDENT ET AVAIT LAISSE SUPPOSER QUE LES DEUX PARTIES AVAIENT MIS AU POINT UNE NOUVELLE PROCEDURE DE

1%00

AFP 082

NEGOCIATIONS VIETNAM

PARIS.- LA RENCONTRE SECRETE .... (DEUX)

AUCUNE PRECISION N'A ETE DONNEE SUR LA RENCONTRE DU 19 JUILLET, MAIS LE PRESIDENT NIXON A DECLARE LUI-MEME, LA SEMAINE DERNIERE, QU'IL ETAIT DECU PAR L'EVOLUTION DE LA NEGOCIATION.

IL A DENONCE L'INTRANSIGEANCE DE HANOI QUI CHERCHE ENCORE, A-T-IL DIT, A IMPOSER SA VOLONTE PAR LA FORCE.

LES SEANCES PLENIERES DE LA CONFERENCE DU VIETNAM, QUI SE DEROULENT PARALLELEMENT TOUS LES JEUDIS, N'ONT, DE LEUR COTE, PAS DONNE LA MOINDRE INDICATION SUR DES PROGRES DANS LA NEGOCIATION.

LA PROCHAINE SEANCE, LA 151-EME, EST PREVUE POUR JEUDI, 3 AOUT.

AFP RA %22 16.09

10/90

R
NIGHT LEAD INDOCHINA
BY DENNIS N. FELD

SAIGON, (CAP)-U.S. NAVY PLANES BLASTED A SHIPYARD IN NORTH VIETNAM'S PORT OF HATPHONG. THE U.S. COMMAND ANNOUNCED TUESDAY, AND SOUTH VIETNAM'S PRESIDENT NGUYEN VAN THETU PREDICTED THAT IF THE AIR BLITZ GOES ON THE INDOCHINA WAR COULD BE OVER IN SIX MONTHS.

THETU WARNED, HOWEVER, THAT THE COMMUNISTS PLAN TO LAUNCH A NEW OFFENSIVE, DRIVE IN SOUTH VIETNAM BEFORE THE U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN NOVEMBER, HOPING TO DEFEAT PRESIDENT NIXON OR FORCE HIS WITHDRAWAL FROM CONTENTION.

IN A 45-MINUTE SPEECH AT THE NATIONAL DEFENSE COLLEGE, THETU SAID HANOT WANTS TO USE ITS AMERICAN WAR PRISONERS IN EXCHANGE FOR A HALT TO THE BOMBING, BUT STRONGLY URGED THAT IT CONTINUE.

"IF WE WANT TO END THIS WAR WE MUST CONTINUE TO DESTROY ALL OF NORTH VIETNAM'S MILITARY INSTALLATIONS AND ECONOMIC POWER," THETU SAID.

"IF OUR ALLY, THE UNITED STATES, DID THIS FOR SIX OR SEVEN MONTHS, I AM SURE THE COMMUNISTS WOULD ACCEPT A CEASEFIRE THROUGHOUT INDOCHINA WITH INTERNATIONAL GUARANTEES."

U.S. PLANES FLEW MORE THAN 210 TACTICAL AIR STRIKES AGAINST NORTH VIETNAM MONDAY AND 318 AGAINST COMMUNIST TROOPS AND POSITIONS IN SOUTH VIETNAM, THE U.S. COMMAND ANNOUNCED. (MORE)

SEV091I.

10/91

R
SAIGON - NIGHT LEAD INDOCHINA 2

IN ADDITION, B52 GIANT BOMBERS MADE 35 STRIKES NORTH AND SOUTH OF THE DEMILITARIZED ZONE.

MOST OF THE RATDS WERE CONCENTRATED AROUND THE NORTHERN CITY OF QUANG TRI WHICH SOUTH VIETNAMESE MARINES ARE BATTLING TO RECAPTURE. THE CITY FELL TO THE COMMUNISTS MAY 1.

IN A STRIES OF FIREFIGHTS, AROUND THE CITY TUESDAY, THE MARTNES KILLED 46 COMMUNIST TROOPS, LOSING SEVEN DEAD AND 13 WOUNDED, THE SAIGON COMMAND REPORTED.

A SOUTH VIETNAMESE A37 DRAGONFLY JET WAS SHOT DOWN WHILE STRAFING NORTH VIETNAMESE POSITIONS IN QUANG TRI MONDAY, ACCORDING TO FIELD REPORTS. A CREWMAN BATTLE OUT AND WAS RESCUED, THE REPORTS SAID.

GOVERNMENT TROOPS WERE WITHIN 100 YARDS OF THE HEAVILY DEFENDED 19TH CENTURY CITADEL, DOMINATING THE HEART OF QUANG TRI, SAID A SAIGON SPOKESMAN.

THE AIR ATTACK AGAINST THE HATPHONG SHIPYARD WAS THE FIRST OF THE WAR, A U.S. COMMAND SPOKENHANSAID. HE SAID FIGHTER BOMBERS FROM THE CARRIER SARATOGA LEFT MUCH OF THE YARD IN FLAMES.

THE SHIPYARD BUILDS AND REPAIRS SHALLOW DRAFT VESSELS WHICH NORTH VIETNAM USES TO UNLOAD SUPPLIES FROM CHINESE FREIGHTERS WHICH MUST ANCHOR OFFSHORE FOR FEAR OF STRIKING U.S. MINES.

FP 1457GTAUG-1-72

ZCZC LUA185 011522 PLB058 NXI
U LNA LEA
TALKS 8-1
WITH KISSINGER

PARIS (UPI)-- BOTH THE AMERICAN AND NORTH VIETNAMESE
DELEGATIONS REFUSED COMMENT TODAY ON THE ANNOUNCEMENT FROM
WASHINGTON THAT WHITE HOUSE ADVISER HENRY A. KISSINGER
WAS HOLDING A 15TH PRIVATE MEETING IN PARIS WITH HANOI
PEACE NEGOTIATORS.

A PRESS SPOKESMAN FOR THE NORTH VIETNAMESE PEACE DELEGATION
SAID HIS DELEGATION "HAS NO INFORMATION" ON THE MEETING.
THE LAST SUCH PARLEY JULY 19 KISSINGER AND LE DUC

THE LAST SUCH PARLEY JULY 19 KISSINGER AND LE DUC
THO, A MEMBER OF HANOI'S COMMUNIST PARTY POLITBURO,
AND XUAN THUY, HEAD OF THE HANOI NEGOTIATING TEAM, WAS
CONFIRMED SIMULTANEOUSLY BOTH BY THE WHITE HOUSE AND THE NORTH
VIETNAMESE DELEGATION.

U.S. DELEGATION SPOKESMAN DAVID LAMBERTSON SAID HE HAD
"NO COMMENT" ON THE ANNOUNCED MEETING. LAMBERTSON SAID ANY
REMARKS ABOUT THE MEETING WOULD COME FROM THE WHITE HOUSE.
WHEN ASKED WHY TODAY'S MEETING WAS NOT ANNOUNCED

WHEN ASKED WHY TODAY'S MEETING WAS NOT ANNOUNCED
ALSO BY THE NORTH VIETNAMESE, LAMBERTSON SAID HE DID NOT
KNOW.

MORE

TMS/DLO 1620 NNNN

ZCZC LUA197 011555 PLB070 NXI
U LNA LEA
TALKS 8-1

1ST ADD TALKS PARIS PLB058 X X X NOT KNOW.

AS IN THE CASE OF PREVIOUS MEETINGS, THERE WAS NO INDICATION
FROM EITHER SIDE CONCERNING THE CONTENT OF THE PRIVATE TALKS,
THEIR EXACT LOCATION OR DURATION.

THE 14TH PRIVATE MEETING JULY 19 WAS THE FIRST TO BE
ACKNOWLEDGED THE SAME DAY BY EITHER OF THE PARTICIPANTS.
IT LASTED SIX HOURS BUT RESULTED IN NO PUBLIC INDICATION
OF NEW PROGRESS TOWARDS A VIETNAM PEACE SETTLEMENT.

THE PRIVATE MEETINGS HAVE BEEN GOING ON SINCE AUGUST,
1969. PRESIDENT NIXON FIRST DISCLOSED THEIR EXISTENCE
IN A SPEECH LAST JANUARY.

KISSINGER AND THO HAVE TAKEN PART IN ALL THE TALKS,
WHILE THUY HAS BEEN PRESENT AT MOST. THO'S FUNCTION IN
PARIS IS THAT OF SPECIAL ADVISER TO THE HANOI PEACE TALKS
MISSION BUT HE IS NEVER PRESENT AT THE REGULAR WEEKLY TALKS ON KLEBE

R AVENUE.

PRIVATE NEGOTIATIONS ARE RESTRICTED TO THE UNITED STATES
AND NORTH VIETNAM WHEREAS THE SOUTH VIETNAMESE AND VIET
CONG ALSO PARTICIPATE IN THE SEMI-PUBLIC KLEBER TALKS.

THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS HAVE DEMANDED THAT THE
KLEBER TALKS CONTINUE IN RETURN FOR HANOI PARTICIPATION
IN THE PRIVATE MEETINGS.

KLEBER PEACE TALKS WERE SCHEDULED TO GO INTO THEIR 153RD
SESSION THURSDAY.

TMS/DLO 1653 NNNN

ZCZC LUA198 011559 PLB071 NXI
U LNA LEA
TALKS 8-1

CORRECTION TALKS PARIS PLB058 IN 3RD PGH BGNG: A PRESS
READ IT X X X PARLEY JULY 19 BETWEEN KISSINGER AND
(INSERTING DROPPED WORD)

PICKUP 4TH PGH: THE LAST SUCH

TMS/DLO 1654 NNNN

BY SHANA ALEXANDER

# Kissinger by Candlelight

You expect a touch of SMERSH, a whiff of Strangelove. But when Dr. Henry Kissinger arrives at the party, he is warm, at ease, softly smiling; he has much to smile about. In four years, Kissinger has revitalized U.S. foreign policy and rejiggered the world balance of power.

He has kept the absolute trust of the monarch he serves, yet he remains completely his own man. Henry Kissinger is not even a Republican. Nor is he a Democrat. He is Washington's inmost Outsider, a pointy-headed intellectual who is courted by hardheaded businessmen, and a Harvard professor who has been accepted by the practical politicians the way Bundy, Schlesinger and Galbraith just never were. Pear-shaped and burdened with a Katzenjammer accent, he is chased by scads of women. Every day is Sadie Hawkins Day around Henry the K. Any girl is lucky to catch him—and so is any President.

Kissinger won't say how long he intends to remain in public life, or under which banner. But he has already chosen his political epitaph: "The one man in politics who isn't trying to prove anything about himself."

The phrase is Eugene McCarthy's, and the other night at a snug, candlelit Washington dinner party, Henry the K smiled even more broadly than usual and allowed that this was the highest accolade he could ever possibly receive. His hosts that evening were Senator and Mrs. Jacob Javits, but most of the guests were political non-pros, young actors from a touring theatrical troupe. Warmed by wine, an attractive audience and a solid sense of accomplishment, the President's top adviser felt moved to reflect at some length on his service to the man whom he calls The Incumbent.

## DOING THE JOB

"You know, between what you must do as President, and what you must do to be elected President, the disparity is staggering. Getting to be President takes so much energy that you stumble exhausted into the White House.

"What you do as President is make decisions. The Presidency is a constant series of choices, choices in which the pros and cons are fairly evenly balanced. Otherwise, a subordinate will already have made them. Furthermore, the people who present these choices to the President are all strong and plau-

sible men. So the man in the White House has a high incentive to give each advocate something. If the choice were absolute good over absolute evil, it would be a cinch to be President.

"We should give some thought to how we can reward reflectiveness. All great statesmen have had periods of reflectiveness in their lives. You must remember that The Incumbent had eight years to think about what he was going to do. You need that, because it's total nonsense to say that a man grows into the job. A President gains only two things after he gets into office: experience with bureaucracy and knowledge of people. All the rest you must bring with you.

## HOW TO SUCCEED

"Truman brought the guts to make decisions. Also you must remember that he had read a great deal of history before he became President. Johnson tried to compromise every choice; he brought consensus politics, the politics of the Senate. We don't know much about Kennedy's style, because he died 'unfinished.' This President is a loner. He still goes off by himself and thinks, just as he has always done.

"So there is no good or bad way to do this job. The degree to which you succeed in it depends on the interaction of the particular personalities, and the particular challenges. The present model maybe can't be followed at other times, or with other men. You need the great confidence of a President who is willing to make solitary decisions.

"This Presidency has been a transition period, which needed a strong uniting concept, an integrating idea. But first ... first of all, you have to weaken the bureaucracy!"

When Kissinger rails against bureaucracy, one has a sense of a man fighting a great beast, hurling harpoons, placing banderillas, twirling through many veronica's. The professor is fanatic about the necessity of having a small, lean group in order to accomplish anything. His own staff numbers a mere 47 professionals, including the eight "intimates" who work eighteen-hour days and accompany him on every trip. By contrast, he says, "There are 20,000 people in the State Department, and 50,000 in Defense. They all need each other's clearances in order to move ... and they all want to do what I'm doing! So the problem becomes: how do you

get them to push papers around, spin their wheels, so that you can get your work done? The President's problem is that somehow he has to force inspiration into this bureaucratic framework. The most vicious fights we have around here are not on substance, but on pre-rogative; not about what policy should be, but about who should get the credit for it.

"Difference in foreign policy is a matter of nuance. Things succeed or fail through the accumulation of nuances. But bureaucrats speak only of parts. It's as if you decide Picasso is good at legs, so you ask him to paint the legs. And since Matisse draws lovely heads, you get him to do the head. Then, when it's finished, you're astonished you've produced a mess!

"You need an integrating idea. By 1968 we had run out of steam in foreign policy. We had gone from compulsive nonintervention to compulsive global involvement. Then came the nightmare of Vietnam, a tragic experience for this country. Vietnam became such an obsession, the obsession may even have made the nightmare worse and prolonged our involvement."

Kissinger and Nixon's "integrating idea," as best he can boil it down, has been to "give other countries responsibility. To try to bring about an international order that others thought was their own, without ourselves becoming so isolationist that we were irrelevant."

"But you cannot discuss objectives with a mob, and you don't get foreign policy through group experience. You get it only through ... anguish, as you do any other artistic effort. When you make policy, you are betting on the future. The great danger of any policy is to project the present into the future. You have to base your bet on a judgment which cannot be proved true. This takes inward strength. It takes someone who is not worried by being alone a while."

## BACKSTAGE MAN

It was time to blow out the candles. As the party broke up, the professor offered to take the actors through the White House while The Incumbent was away for the weekend. Dr. Kissinger is so much the backstage man himself, it is easy to imagine him showing the strolling players through the deserted throne room, and leading them tip-toe—the pretty ingénue daintily clutching her picture hat—through the corridors of power.

Is Henry Kissinger in some sense a strolling player himself, the razzle-dazzle star of another, larger Troupe? I think not. Kissinger is not an actor but a superb courtier. It is the good fortune of this nation that he considers his monarch to be not the person he calls The Incumbent, but rather the office of the Presidency itself.

August 21, 1972

19

# Meow

By Jim Seymore

Maxine Cheshire comes into the room and looks around and she doesn't look anything like the mean, cruel, vicious, snide, untrustworthy, bitchy backstabber people tell you to expect.

Not at all. Girlish almost. Petite, demure. Big trusting eyes and a luxuriant fall of auburn hair around her shoulders. She is wearing a modest lime green dress. Her manner is strangely retiring and shy. If you walk along with her you tend to go slower and slower because Maxine has this built-in thing about walking slightly slower and behind a man. A southern girl to be sure. She picks up a bourbon and water and looks around the room again, the most feared woman colunmist in the world here in the hotsy-totsy Jockey Club on a spring night in the political capital of the world.

And the first person she meets is Les Whitten, the top aide to Jack Anderson, who produces *the* most feared column in the world.

"Maxine, I was just saying you're the second best investigative reporting team in Washington," Whitten says. "And I do mean team."

"Really?" says Maxine. "Who's the first?"

Luckily, the two are friends. They laugh easily and chat. Can you imagine what might have happened if the Cheshire Cat's claws had come out a little like that when Maxine had been talking to Betty Beale of the *Evening Star* or Kandy Stroud of *Women's Wear Daily*? Fur all over the room.

Look, there are Betty and Kandy now over by the table where two young women are checking the guests and handing out little name tags that say "Hi Sammy. I'm -----." Betty cool and regal. Kandy cool and with it. Sammy is Sammy Davis Jr., the guest of honor, who has just come through the door with a small entourage and is trying to ease his way through the bottleneck between the bar and the name tag desk. The Jockey Club is smaller than you'd think, particularly when 200 people are jammed into the two dimly lit, dark-paneled rearalcoves. Sammy causes quite a discreet stir

among the assembled guests. Photographers, first to sense the arrival, maneuver for position and set off silent little electronic flashes catching Sammy greeting his hosts, Jeanne Viner, a public relations woman, and her son Michael, an executive with M-G-M records in California. Heads are beginning to turn. Sammy pushes gently through the crush and those who can manage are discreetly following him around with vague smiles and unfocused eyes, the way people do when they want to meet the star but wouldn't be so gauche as to come right out and celebrity-monger right there in front of everybody. Sammy is swallowed up in the crowd somewhere and then you can tell he's making a circle around the room because all the photographers' flashes follow him around like summer heat lightning on the horizon. Fifteen minutes later he's seated at a table talking earnestly with several society page reporters, emphasizing his points with small, expressive hands that bear no less than five huge rings.

Maxine hasn't paid Sammy any mind. She's looking around for more substantial grist for the mill, political grist. Time enough to pick up on Sammy later because she's already got an idea for a question the other reporters might not ask him.

"If you only knew how unlike me, how unlike my life this party is," Maxine sighs. "If I had to rely on parties for my scoops, the *Star* would beat my brains out every day. At Perle Mesta's party for John Connally a few weeks ago, the *Star* must have had ten people there against me. But they all missed the point: Perle Mesta held the party at the Shoreham because the Sheraton-Park and the Sheraton-Carlton where she usually holds her parties are both ITT hotels! And I'm just not interested in using the parties to improve my own social standing or be seen. The last thing in the world anybody wants is to be seen whispering in my ear--even to the point of telling me my slip is showing. Too many people might think they told me what comes out in the column the next day."

Still, you never know. Fortune flings nuggets on the party shore. Maxine looks around. Perhaps something over there, Representative Gerald Ford, House minority whip, and his wife. ... Something for her "VIP" column, read in the *Post* by everybody from the Hill to the Hunt Country and syndicated through the Washington Post-Los Angeles Times wire to more than 300 newspapers across the country and overseas. ... No, not Ford ... perhaps something over. ... Yes! ... Arthur Burns, chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, leaning against

PHOTOGRAPHED BY PETER GARFIELD

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