It is an honor to be in this city whose fortitude has
preserved the peace and whose devotion has inspired all who
love freedom.

The people of West Berlin know better than anyone what
freedom means.

They know -- and have proven -- that peace requires
security as well as conciliation, courage as well as hope.

They have experienced that freedom can be preserved
only by those who have faith in themselves and in the dignity
of man.

I do not come to Berlin to lecture to you on the re-
quirements of peace and freedom in the modern world. It is
we who have learned, and you who have taught.

-- You have endured and prevailed during the darkest
days of confrontation between East and West.

-- You have experienced in the cruel division of your
own city the consequences of ideological hostility.

-- You have survived and prospered because the solidarity
of the Western allies has buttressed your security and the
security of Western Europe.

-- And now, in a new era of eased confrontation in
Europe, the fate of Berlin will determine the future of the
efforts to insure security through negotiation and cooperation.
As Berlin was the greatest symbol of the heroism of the im-
mediate post-war period, it is also the acid test of the
period we now hope to enter.

Throughout the post-war era, the United States has
stood shoulder to shoulder with this city, in times of crisis
and in times of hope. The strength of our commitment thus
derives not from formal documents alone, but above all from
our perception of our own objective interest and of a generation
of shared experiences.

- 2 -

The security of West Berlin remains a vital interest of the United States. For us, much more is at stake here than the security of a city. To us you symbolize man's unquenchable yearning for freedom: You represent the capacity of democracy to summon the strength to defend its values. This is the cement of our tie with you, our sympathy for you, and our admiration for you.

My visit does not come in the midst of crisis; rather it takes place at a moment when this city is enjoying greater security than at any time in the last thirty years. But we shall not slacken our resolve or neglect our security, for we know that it has been our determination and our strength which have made the present opportunity for progress possible. By working to make restraint and negotiation the only realistic option, we have created conditions for a more rational, hopeful and reliable relationship with the East.

In the thermonuclear age, there is no alternative to peace. In the general interest -- most of all of those whose homes would be the focal point of crisis -- we seek just and reasonable solutions to outstanding issues. But America will never seek peace by abandoning principles or sacrificing friends.

In the delicate balance of relations between East and West, Berlin's position is pivotal. Throughout the period of detente the United States and its Western allies have shared the conviction that the hope of wider security and cooperation in Europe had to be vindicated in Berlin above all. We agreed that efforts to normalize relations in Central Europe had to begin with normalizing West Berlin's existence in safety and dignity. We pressed for reliable, practical improvements in the conditions of access to Berlin and in life in this city; we made a major effort to remove Berlin as an issue in East-West confrontation. We consider the effectiveness, durability, and scrupulous observance of the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin of September 1971 a crucial test of the process called detente.

Given the complex history of the issue we cannot expect the Quadripartite Agreement to work every day without flaw. But no one, East or West, can deny the practical benefits which have accrued to both sides from the Agreement and the arrangements which followed.

- 3 -

Before 1972, traffic on the vital access routes between Berlin and the Federal Republic was vulnerable to harassment on a variety of pretexts. The relationship between Bonn and West Berlin was subject to continuing dispute. And cruelly and tragically, the human connections between the people of West Berlin and their friends and families in the surrounding area were being stifled by Eastern controls.

Today by contrast:

- Vital surface access routes are guaranteed in an international agreement; unimpeded and preferential civilian traffic is enshrined in formally agreed procedures.

- Communications between West Berlin and East Berlin, between West Berlin and the German Democratic Republic, have been improved. Direct telephone links now exist. Visits to the East now number in the millions annually, nearly 300,000 during the recent Easter holiday alone.

- The Western allies' rights and responsibilities to safeguard the status of the Western sectors of Berlin have been specifically reaffirmed.

- The Soviet Union has formally accepted that the ties between West Berlin and the Federal Republic "will be maintained and developed." It has agreed that Berlin's interests abroad be represented by the Federal Republic, and that the Federal Republic provide consular protection and representation for Berlin in international organizations. Berlin is also included in the increasingly important web of agreements governing intra-German ties.

While these legal guarantees are not necessarily self-implementing, they represent a significant achievement. We shall never relax our efforts to ensure the strict implementation of the Quadripartite agreement. We shall deal with challenges with the same determination to resist pressures and with the same spirit of readiness to negotiate that produced the Agreement. Thus only if Berlin flourishes will detente flourish; only if you are secure will Europe be secure. This has been America's attitude for thirty years; it has not changed. On behalf of President Ford and the American people I reaffirm our historic relationship today.

Mr. Governing Mayor, Mr. Foreign Minister, distinguished
Ladies and Gentlemen. In this House resides the democratic
tradition that gave Berlin the moral strength and resiliency
to withstand the hardest trials of the last thirty years.
And you embody the democratic ideals which represent Berlin's
future.

The tradition of this House began in 1946 with an
election which, tragically, remains the only free vote held
in all sectors of Berlin since the war. In 1975 you mark
the 25th anniversary of the Berlin Constitution which has
provided the framework for your growth and progress in free-
dom.

In the world today, democratic principles are under grave
challenge on many continents. Over the next decade we will
learn whether, in the face of economic stresses, military
peril, and political change, free men have the will and
imagination to vindicate the values they believe in. For
these values, however vital, do not defend themselves nor
do they grow without dedicated effort.

All great achievements were an ideal before they became
a reality. What the free societies need above all is the
confidence that they can shape their own future. Our material
strength is undisputed and unmatched; what is required now is
to summon our reserves of faith and dedication. The Atlantic
nations have shown in countless endeavors in thirty years the
tremendous strength of the free association of free peoples.

At moments of difficulty, it is well to remind ourselves
of what we have achieved -- the reality of security and pro-
gress to which men and nations have aspired throughout history.
The preservation of these achievements, and the world's
hope for wider sharing, depend crucially on what we do together.

I have come to Berlin to tell you that America remains
committed to the building of a just and peaceful, secure and
free world. We know our moral compass. We shall be true to
the belief in freedom, progress and human dignity which reflects
America's best hopes.

- 5 -

This is why this city means so much to us. For thirty
years you have symbolized our challenges; but for thirty
years also you have recalled us to our duty. You have been
an inspiration to all free men.

As we face a new era, with challenges more subtle and
complex, Berlin will continue to be a symbol of freedom. We
shall stand with you and we are confident that history will
record Berlin not merely as a great city, but as a great
principle in the story of man's struggle for freedom.

Es ist mir eine Ehre, hier in dieser Stadt zu sein,
deren geistige Staerke den Frieden wahren hilft und
deren Hingabebereitschaft allen Vorbild ist, die die
Freiheit lieben. Die Westberliner wissen besser als
andere, was Freiheit bedeutet. Sie wissen - und haben
bewiesen -, dass der Friede Sicherheit und
Versoehnungsbereitschaft ebenso wie Mut und Hoffnung
erfordert.

2

Die Berliner wissen aus Erfahrung, dass sich nur
jene die Freiheit bewahren koennen, die den Glauben an
sich selbst und an die Wuerde des Menschen besitzen.

Ich bin nicht nach Berlin gekommen, um Ihnen einen
Vortrag ueber die Erfordernisse von Frieden und Freiheit
in der Welt von heute zu halten. Wir sind es, die
lernen, und Sie sind es, die lehren:

- Sie sind in den dunkelsten Tagen der Konfronta-
tion zwischen Ost und West standhaft geblieben und
haben obsiegt.

'- Sie haben in der grausamen Teilung Ihrer eigenen
Stadt die Folgen ideologischer Feindschaft erlitten.

- Sie haben ueberlebt und sind zu Wohlstand gelangt,
weil die Solidaritaet der Westalliierten Ihre
Sicherheit und die Sicherheit Westeuropas stuetzt.

3

- Und nunmehr, im Zeitalter nachlassender Konfrontation in Europa, wird das Schicksal Berlins den kuenftigen Erfolg der Anstrengungen bestimmen, die Sicherheit durch Verhandlungen und durch Kooperation zu gewaehr-leisten. So wie Berlin in der unmittelbaren Nachkriegszeit das groesste Symbol der Heldenhaftigkeit war, ist die Stadt auch der harte Test fuer das Zeitalter, in das wir nunmehr einzutreten hoffen.

Die gesamte Nachkriegszeit hindurch standen die Vereinigten Staaten Schulter an Schulter mit dieser Stadt - in Zeiten der Krise, wie in Zeiten der Hoffnung. Die Staerke unserer Verpflichtung gegenueber dieser Stadt leitet sich deshalb nicht lediglich aus formellen Dokumenten her, sondern erwaechst in erster Linie aus unserem Verstaendnis unserer eigenen objektiven Interessen und der in einem Menschenalter gesammelten gemeinsamen Erfahrungen.

4

Die Sicherheit Westberlins bleibt ein lebenswichtiges Interesse der Vereinigten Staaten. Uns geht es hier um weit mehr als um die Sicherheit einer Stadt. Fuer uns symbolisieren Sie die untilgbare Sehnsucht nach Freiheit: Sie repraesentieren die Faehigkeit der Demokratie, die Staerke aufbieten zu koennen, derer sie zur Verteidigung ihrer Wertvorstellungen bedarf. Das ist der Generalnenner unserer Bindungen zu Ihnen und unserer Sympathie und Be-wunderung fuer Sie.

Mein Besuch erfolgt nicht in einer Zeit der Krise; er findet vielmehr in einem Augenblick statt, in dem sich diese Stadt groesserer Sicherheit erfreut als zu irgend einem Zeitpunkt waehrend der letzten 30 Jahre. Aber wir werden in unserer Entschlossenheit nicht nachlassen und unsere Sicherheit nicht vernachlaessigen, wissen wir doch, dass es unsere Entschlossenheit und Staerke waren, die die derzeitigen Chancen fuer Fortschritte moeglich gemacht haben. Indem wir darauf

5

hinarbeiten, Maessigung und Verhandlungen zur einzigen realistischen Option werden zu lassen, schaffen wir die Vorbedingungen fuer vernuenftigere, hoffnungsvollere und zuverlaessigere Beziehungen zum Osten.

Im thermonuklearen Zeitalter gibt es keine Alternative zum Frieden. Im Interesse der Allgemeinheit - vor allem jener, deren Heimat Krisenherd werden koennte - suchen wir nach gerechten und vernuenftigen Loesungen fuer alle offenstehenden Streitfragen. Amerika wird aber niemals den Frieden durch die Preisgabe von Prinzipien oder durch die Aufopferung von Freunden zu erreichen trachten.

In dem empfindlichen Gleichgewicht der Beziehungen zwischen Ost und West spielt Berlin die Rolle des Angelpunktes. Seit Beginn der Periode der Entspannung teilen sich die Vereinigten Staaten und ihre westlichen Verbündeten in die Ueberzeugung, dass die Hoffnung auf groessere Sicherheit und Zusammenarbeit in Europa allem voran in Berlin verteidigt werden muss. Wir kamen

6

ueberein, dass die angestrebte Normalisierung der Ver-
haeltnisse in Mitteleuropa mit einer Normalisierung
der Existenz Westberlins in Sicherheit und Wuerde be-
ginnen muesse. Wir draengten auf verlaessliche
und realisierbare Verbesserungen der Zugangsbedingungen
nach Berlin und der Lebensverhaeltnisse in der Stadt;
wir unternahmen erhebliche Anstrengungen, Berlin als
einen Streitpunkt in der Konfrontation zwischen Ost und
West auszuklammern. Wir halten die Wirksamkeit,
Dauerhaftigkeit und peinlich genaue Einhaltung des
Viermaechte-Abkommens ueber Berlin vom September 1971
fuer einen entscheidenden Test in dem Detente genannten
Prozess.

Angesichts der komplexen Geschichte dieser Frage,
koennen wir nicht erwarten, dass das Viermaechte-Ab-
kommen Tag fuer Tag reibungslos funktioniert. Niemand
im Osten oder Westen kann jedoch die praktischen Vor-
teile leugnen, die dieses Abkommen und seine Folgever-
einbarungen beiden Seiten einbringen.

7

Vor 1972 war der Verkehr auf den lebenswichtigen Verbindungswegen zwischen Berlin und der Bundesrepublik unter einer Vielzahl von Vorwaenden immer neuen Behinderungen ausgesetzt. Die Beziehungen zwischen Bonn und Westberlin gaben fortgesetzt Anlass zu Kontroversen. Auf grausame und tragische Weise wurden die menschlichen Kontakte zwischen der Bevoelkerung Westberlins und ihren Familienangehoerigen und Freunden in den angrenzenden Gebieten durch Kontrollen der oestlichen Seite unterbunden.

Inzwischen und im Gegensatz hierzu

- sind die lebenswichtigen Verbindungswege in einer internationalen Vereinbarung garantiert; der unbehinderte und bevorrechtigte Zivilverkehr ist in formell vereinbarte Regelungen eingebettet;

- ist die Kommunikation zwischen West- und Ostberlin und zwischen Westberlin und der Deutschen Demokratischen

8

Republik verbessert worden. Es bestehen nunmehr direkte
Telefonverbindungen. Die Zahl der Reisenden in den
Osten beziffert sich auf einige Millionen im Jahr - na-
hezu 300 000 Besucher wurden allein waehrend der letzten
Osterfeiertage gezaehlt;

- wurden die Rechte und Verantwortlichkeiten der
Westalliierten fuer die Gewaehrleistung des Status der
Westsektoren Berlins ausdruecklich bekraeftigt;

- hat die Sowjetunion formell akzeptiert, dass
die Bindungen zwischen Westberlin und der Bundesrepublik
"aufrechterhalten und entwickelt werden". Sie hat sich
damit einverstanden erklaert, dass die Interessen Berlins
im Ausland durch die Bundesrepublik wahrgenommen werden
und dass die Bundesrepublik den konsularischen Schutz
und die Repraesentation in internationalen Organisationen
fuer Berlin uebernimmt. Berlin ist ferner in das an
Wichtigkeit zunehmende Netz von Vereinbarungen zur Rege-
lung der innerdeutschen Beziehungen eingeschlossen.

9

Wenn diese juristischen Garantien auch nicht notwendigerweise von selbst in Aktion treten, stellen sie dennoch eine bedeutsame Verbesserung dar. Wir werden niemals in unseren Anstrengungen nachlassen, die strikte Durchfuehrung des Viermaechte-Abkommens sicherzustellen. Wir werden Herausforderungen entgegentreten - mit derselben Entschlossenheit, uns Pressionen zu widersetzen, und in dem gleichen Geist der Verhandlungsbereitschaft, der dieses Abkommen hervorgebracht hat. Nur wenn Berlin gedeiht, wird auch die Detente gedeihen; nur wenn Sie sicher sind, wird Europa sicher sein. Das ist Amerikas Haltung seit 30 Jahren; sie hat sich nicht veraendert. Im Namen Praesident Fords und des amerikanischen Volkes bekraeftige ich unsere historische Beziehung heute erneut.

In diesem Haus wohnt die demokratische Tradition, die Berlin die moralische Staerke und Widerstandskraft verlieh, selbst die haertesten Bewaehrungsproben der

10

letzten 30 Jahre durchzustehen. Und Sie verkoerpern
die demokratischen Ideale, die Berlins Zukunft repraesen-
tieren.

Die Tradition dieses Hauses begann im Jahre 1946 mit einer Wahl, die tragischerweise die einzig freie Wahl in allen Sektoren Berlins nach Kriegsende geblieben ist. Sie feiern 1975 den 25. Jahrestag der Berliner Verfassung, die den Rahmen fuer das Wachstum und den Fortschritt dieser Stadt in Freiheit abgibt.

In der Welt von heute werden die demokratischen
Prinzipien in manchen Kontinenten ernsthaft in Frage ge-
stellt. Im Verlauf des naechsten Jahrzehnts werden wir
erfahren, ob freie Menschen angesichts wirtschaftlicher
Belastungen, militaerischer Gefahren und politischer
Veraenderungen den Willen und die Vorstellungskraft auf-
bringen, die Werte zu verteidigen, an die sie glauben.
Denn diese Werte rechtfertigen sich trotz ihrer Wichtig-
keit nicht aus sich selbst, noch koennen sie ohne
hingabebereite Anstrengungen wachsen.

11

Alle grossen Leistungen waren Idealvorstellungen, ehe sie Realitaet wurden. Was den freien Gesellschaften vor allem not tut, ist die Zuversicht, dass sie ihre eigene Zukunft selbst zu gestalten vermoegen. Unsere materielle Staerke ist unbestritten und ohnegleichen; nunmehr ist es geboten, unseren ganzen Glauben und unsere Hingabebereitschaft aufzubieten. Die atlantischen Voelker haben waehrend der letzten 30 Jahre in zahllosen Bemuehungen die gewaltige Staerke freier Zusammenschluesse freier Menschen bewiesen.

In Zeiten der Schwierigkeiten ist es angebracht, uns ins Gedächtnis zu rufen, was wir erreicht haben: die Realitaet der Sicherheit und des Fortschritts, nach der Menschen und Voelker die gesamte Geschichte hindurch gestrebt haben. Die Bewahrung dieser Leistung haengt ebenso wie die Hoffnung der Welt, groesseren Anteil an dieser Leistung zu nehmen, entschieden davon ab, was wir gemeinsam tun.

12

Ich bin nach Berlin gekommen, um Ihnen zu sagen,
dass sich Amerika auch weiterhin dem Aufbau einer ge-
rechten und friedlichen sowie sicheren und freien Welt-
verpflichtet fuehlt. Wir kennen unseren moralischen
Kompass. Wir werden dem Glauben an Freiheit, Fortschritt
und Menschenwuerde treu bleiben, der Amerikas beste
Hoffnung repraesentiert.

Das ist der Grund, warum diese Stadt so viel fuer
uns bedeutet. Sie symbolisiert seit 30 Jahren die an
uns gerichtete Herausforderung; sie gemahnt uns aber
auch seit 30 Jahren an unsere Pflicht. Sie war stets
eine Inspiration fuer freie Menschen.

Wenn wir nunmehr einem neuen Zeitalter mit noch
subtileren und mannigfaltigeren Herausforderungen ent-
gegensehen, wird Berlin auch weiterhin ein Symbol der
Freiheit sein. Wir werden zu Ihnen stehen und wir ver-
trauen darauf, dass Berlin in der Geschichte nicht nur
als grosse Stadt, sondern auch als ein grosses Prinzip

Address by the President of the Berlin House
of Representatives, Peter LORENZ,

on the Occasion of the

Attendance at its Meeting on May 21, 1975

of the

Secretary of State of the United States of America,

Henry KISSINGER

The Berlin House of Representatives, the freely elected parlia-
ment of the free part of Berlin, extends a very cordial welcome
to the United States Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.

This welcome is extended with equal cordiality to you, Mrs. Kissinger. I also welcome the Ambassador of the United States of America to the Federal Republic of Germany, Mr. Martin Hillenbrand, the Commandants of our three Protecting Powers, and the Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs, Herr Hans Dietrich Genscher.

I should like to express our great pleasure at having the Secretary
of State of the United States of America with us. We regard your
visit to Berlin as a renewal of the United States', our Protecting
Power's, guarantees and commitment for Berlin. For each and every
inhabitant of this city your presence in Berlin is an additional
indication of the continued pledge of the United States to safe-
guard the freedom of Berlin.

It is not by chance that we in West Berlin live in a free society.
Post-war history often conflicted with the freedom of this city
and there were events which posed extreme threats to this freedom,
such as the Blockade and the Chruschev Ultimatum.

The freedom of West Berlin was maintained

- because its citizens wanted to remain free

- because each Federal government stood by Berlin

- because the citizens of the free world made the freedom of
Berlin their cause, and

- because our three Protecting Powers consistently and unshakeably
supported this will for freedom.

Allow me to take the opportunity of your presence to express once
more the gratitude of the Berliners for the sacrifices and the de-
dication of, in particular, our American Protecting Power. Our con-
fidence in the United States is unshaken.

- 2 -

- 2 -

[Lc]

In the wake of events in South-East Asia some people anxiously
wondered how safe this West Berlin is, and thus the free world.
I avow for this House and for the people of this city: we do not
doubt the guarantees of our Protecting Powers.

Just recently you, Mr. Secretary, on several occasions gave answers
to questions of this kind which confirm us in this conviction. We
are confident that the safety of Berlin continues to be of the
highest priority in American foreign policy. And we shall count on
your assistance in the future when we are concerned with maintaining
the political and economic commitment of the United States in our
city, strenghtening the viability of Berlin and when we are concer-
ned with offsetting losses of function of the city by establishing
further supra-regional and international facilities.

Germans of my generation grew up in a dictatorship. You yourself, Mr. Secretary, were personally affected by it. We experienced its downfall. After 1945 we helped to establish the new democratic order in our part of the country, while witnessing at the same time the beginning of the division of our nation. We painfully experienced the continuation of dictatorship of another ideology in the other part of Germany. We have learnt in this part of Berlin to oppose and resist continual attempts by the Communists to wrest the city from the Western world.

We owe our freedom today to the free world, above all to our Protecting Powers, and we shall never forget this.

Freedom, this is proved by the example of Berlin, is a condition
that must be preserved and defended. No country in today's world
can claim to be immune against all dangers threatening freedom.
Freedom is in danger everywhere at any time. All of us, wherever
we live and work are called upon to defend it. It would be a tragic
lesson and an irreversible development for us to have to make the
experience that only those would be strong enough to defend the free
order of society who themselves have suffered from lack of freedom.

- 3 -

- 3 -

There is an external threat to our freedom because we cannot expect those who several times tried to deprive us of it by force, to have changed their minds and now to wish to help us preserve it. And there is always an internal threat to freedom because it is human experience that one tends to appreciate less and less what one possesses.

We all know that there is no alternative to the policy of détente. However, the will for détente on our side is not matched by the other side. Wherever communism sees prospects for success it will go straight for them at whatever cost. Recent history has more than once offered proof of this. If one effect of the policy of détente were the lulling of our will to assert ourselves and to defend our freedom, then the risks incurred would be too great.

In our societies - this applies to the United States no less than to the Federal Republic - groups of people will emerge from time to time who, completely misjudging realities, make themselves the mouth-piece of the enemies of freedom. They make use of freedom in fighting against it. They do not even realize this contradiction, and they are not conscious of yearning for conditions in which they, too, would be refused the free expression of opinions and the right to demonstrate.

Such groups gathered here for instance, on Labour Day, which particularly in Berlin is also a day of freedom. With garish intolerance they waved the flags of the oppressors.

But we say emphatically: these enemies of our society may dominate a scene here and there, but they do not play a dominant role in our city, nor will they ever do so.

The spirit of freedom of Berlin's citizens is unshakeable. The Berlin House of Representatives convincingly reflects the liberal and democratic will of the population. 94 per cent of the electors voted in favour of its democratic parties, and only 2,7 per cent voted for the Communists of all shades.

- 4 -

- 4 -

The House of Representatives which you will address today convened for the first time only a few weeks ago in its present composition. You may rest assured that, like all previous parliaments of the free part of Berlin, it will work in the spirit of democracy for the benefit of this city which wants to live in freedom.

The signatures of 16 million American citizens are kept in the tower of this City Hall. 25 years ago, these citizens spontaneously decided to link their names, and thus the name of the United States, with the freedom of Berlin. This fact has more than just a symbolic significance. We have always understood this gesture of friendship as a pledge which, beyond official policies, expresses the commitment of your citizens for the freedom of our citizens here.

You may rest assured that as in the past we shall, together with our Protecting Powers, continue to keep the freedom of this city safe from anyone wanting to threaten it from without or from within.

Address by the Governing Mayor of Berlin,

Klaus SCHÜTZ,

on the Occasion of the

Attendance at the Meeting of the Berlin House of Representatives
on May 21, 1975

of the

Henry KISSINGER

1024/75 II C 1/Wa

On behalf of Berlin I thank you, Mr. Secretary,
for addressing us.

You have confirmed the commitment of the United States
in our city. I should like to assure you: no one here doubts
the guarantees of our Protecting Powers, no one in our city
doubts that the United States of America stands by Berlin.

The United States commitment in Berlin has been unchanged since
the end of the war. It is as unequivocal as ever to us in Berlin:
without the United States of America, without Great Britain and
France, we should not be free citizens in a democratic community.

We thank you again on this occasion. We have always been able
to rely on the United States. And the United States in turn
can rely on our unalterable will to be and remain free.

The bond between the U.S.A. and the Federal Republic of Germany
including Berlin - and the fact that Federal Foreign Minister
Genscher accompanies you, makes this clear - this bond is a
certainty in this world of tension and troublespots.

There is no invariance in the lives of peoples and countries,
there is no stagnation in their positions and interests.
But no changes, no relinquishing of old balances or establishment of new ones can shake the will of this city's inhabitants
to be allied with the United States. And the United States has
proved that despite all political movements there is basically
no change in its position in and regarding Berlin.

- 2 -

Your country, Mr. Secretary, and the other two Protecting Powers in Berlin have made it clear through the Quadripartite Agreement that they fully safeguard their responsibilities for this city. I say this because, due to the precarious situation of Berlin in the past, there is a widespread idea that the United States of America and its two Allies are concentrating in Berlin on preserving freedom for that part of the city for which alone this is possible, as things are.

Indeed, their commitment referred to defence initially, for as long as our city was insistently and constantly threatened and its overall existence was called in question. But the commitment of the Western Allies is considerably more comprehensive. Indeed, it comprises the whole of the city, the Four Power City of Berlin.

Your country, Mr. Secretary, first restored our freedom and then preserved it for us in West Berlin. It has, when the world-political chance offered itself, helped us, through the Quadripartite Agreement, to a more open present and future, without the loss of even an iota of safety. On the contrary: the fourth power with competence in Berlin has confirmed our three Protecting Powers' right to their presence in Berlin after contesting and denying and fighting against this right for a quarter of a century.

We reaffirm again today that we are determined strictly to adhere to, and fully to implement the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin. We shall carefully meet the obligations imposed on us by the Agreement; but we shall not cease to assert our rights in full and without restrictions.

In all this we are aware that for the leading nation of the West our city is only one important place among many. And we are happy that coming here you travel light, compared with the Middle East and South East Asia.

- 3 -

- 3 -

This is where the major worries and dangers lie -
our difficulties are, again by comparison, small, whatever
they may be and however much they may strengthen the suspicion
that the Eastern side has still not given up its old ideas
concerning Berlin.

So we do keep things in perspective. But we feel that we can
contribute, sometimes on a small scale, sometimes a little more,
to the policy which is yours: the securing of peace.

We aver on behalf of our country that there is no greater
national interest than peace. Particularly in recent years,
the Federal Republic has proved how seriously it takes this
issue. And we shall continue to pursue this policy, and
Berlin will as before contribute to it to the utmost of its
ability.

Allow me now to add the good wishes of the Berlin Senate
and the citizens of Berlin, for you personally and for
your so difficult work. It is dedicated to the peace we all,
really all, need in this small world.

DECLASSIFIED

[c]

LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

EFFICIENCY ARE SELF-EVIDENT, BUT A MORE VITAL ACHIEVEMENT
HAS BEEN THE REGAINING OF MORAL INTEGRITY. GERMAN
PARADOXES PERSIST AS ONE HISTORICAL PERIOD CLOSES AND
ANOTHER OPENS. DESPITE ALL THAT THEY HAVE ACCOMPLISHED,
THE GERMANS HAVE DOUBTS ABOUT THEMSELVES, AND THE US
ROLE WILL BE CRITICAL FOR THE GERMAN FUTURE. TO SPEAK
OF THE STRUGGLE FOR GERMANY HAS AN OLD FASHIONED RING,
YET THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES BY OTHER MEANS. IN A SENSE,
IT COULD BE SAID THAT IT IS ONLY BEGINNING. THE RUS-
SIANS PLAY A MASSIVE, PATIENT GAME, BUT WE HAVE POWERFUL
ASSETS AND INSTRUMENTALITIES READY TO HAND. END SUMMARY.

1. THE MOST OBVIOUS, AND MOST IMPORTANT, POINT TO MAKE ABOUT THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC AND THE GERMANS ON THE 30TH ANNIVERSARY OF VE DAY IS THE GENERATIONAL CHANGE THAT IS TAKING PLACE. IF IT WERE NOT FOR THAT, THE 30TH ANNIVERSARY WOULD NOT SEEM ALL THAT DIFFERENT FROM THE 20TH, OR PERHAPS EVEN THE 10TH. MANY OF THE INTERESTS AND THEMES ARE THE SAME AS IN THE PAST IN THE CURRENT WAVE OF RETROSPECTION IN TV SHOWS AND MEDIA COMMENT ON THE CLOSING PERIOD OF WWII AND THE EARLY POST-SURRENDER PERIOD: THE DESPERATE HARDSHIPS AND DANGERS, PHYSICAL AND MORAL RUIN. GOETTERDAEMMERUNG STILL EXERCISES ITS MORBID CHARM. BUT THE FACT IS THAT IT IS ALL GETTING TO BE ANCIENT HISTORY TO MOST OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE. FASCINATING PERHAPS, LIKE AN OLD PICTURE ALBUM, BUT INCREASINGLY DISTANT AND NO LONGER VERY RELEVANT. THE LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

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GENERATIONAL POINT CAN BE MADE IN MANY WAYS. ONE
INSIGHT IS THAT THIS YEAR A PROMISING BUNDESWEHR OFFICER
WILL BE GETTING HIS FIRST STAR WHO NEV R SERVED IN THE
WEHRMACHT (HE WAS AN EARLY TEEN-AGER IN 1945). THIS
OFFICER WOULD BE THE LAST TO CUT HIMSELF OFF FROM GERMAN
TRADITION, BUT HIS WHOLE PROFESSIONAL LIFE HAS BEEN IN
THE POST-WWII WORLD. OTHERS LIKE HIM ARE NOW MOVING
INTO POSITIONS OF COMMAND IN GERMAN POLITICS, IN THE
ECONOMY, THE ARTS AND THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE OF THE
COUNTRY.

2. THE FACT THAT WE HAVE A NEW GERMANY AND NEW GENERATION OF GERMANS TO DEAL WITH IS SO OBVIOUS THAT IT IS OVERLOOKED BY MANY. THERE IS STILL A TENDENCY TO THINK OF GERMANY IN THE STEREOTYPES AND CLICHES OF THE PAST. THE GERMAN DANGER, GERMAN EXTREMISM, GERMAN NEUROTICISM, GERMAN INCALCULABILITY, GERMAN PIG-HEADEDNESS, GERMAN CLUMSINESS -- BALANCED, BUT NOT REALLY BALANCED, BY THE PROVERBIAL BUT UNCOMFORTABLE VIRTUES, CHIEFLY INDUSTRIOUSNESS AND EFFICIENCY. A MAIN PURPOSE OF THE RUSSIAN COMMEMORATIVE ORGY OF THE 30TH ANNIVERSARY IS PRESUMABLY TO PERPETUATE MEMORIES AND IMAGES OF THE OLD GERMANY. UNDERSTANDABLE ENOUGH ON THE PART OF THE RUSSIANS, BUT IT IS MORE NECESSARY THAN EVER FOR

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COUNTRY IN THE WORLD. THIS IS A BREATHTAKING ACCOM-
PLISHMENT CONSIDERING THE POINT OF DEPARTURE 30 YEARS
AGO. WE HAVE COME TO TAKE THIS ALL FOR GRANTED,
WRONGLY, BECAUSE THE EFFORT NEEDED WAS PRODIGIOUS ON THE
PART OF THE GERMANS -- AND OURSELVES. THE IMPORTANCE
AND SOLIDITY OF THIS ACHIEVEMENT, IN GERMANY AND EUROPE
AS A WHOLE, REPRESENT A HISTORICAL ACCOMPLISHMENT FOR
THE FREE WORLD AND AMERICAN POLICY.

4. THE GERMANS, LIKE OTHERS, ARE LOOKING BACK AT THEIR PAST ON THIS ANNIVERSARY. PRESIDENT SCHEEL SET THE TON IN HIS ELOQUENT ADDRESS IN THE BONN UNIVERSITY SCHLOSSKIRCHE MAY 6. HE DID NOT TRY TO EXERCISE THE CHEAP OPTION OF GOING OVER THE PAST LIGHTLY AND CASTING HIS ADDRESS SOLELY IN UPBEAT, FORWARD-LOOKING TERMS. RATHER HE DWELT ON THE FAILURE OF THE OLDER GENERATION OF GERMANS TO SEE REALITIES. HITLER WAS ELECTED, HE REMINDED THE GERMAN PEOPLE, AND THE CRIMES OF THE NAZI PERIOD WERE COMMITTED IN THE NAME OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE WHICH DID NOT ITSELF HAVE THE WILL OR STRENGTH TO END THE HITLER TYRANNY. GERMANS HAVE NO CAUSE TO CELEBRATE THE ANNIVERSARY, SCHEEL SAID. THEY COMMEMORATE THE SACRIFICES OF GERMANY'S EX-ENEMIES IN THEIR VICTORY OVER WRONG, AND THEY COMMEMORATE ALL THE WAR DEAD IN RESPECT AND REVERENCE. BUT MAY 8, 1945 IS A DAY OF CONTRADIC-TION IN GERMAN HISTORY. SCHEEL CALLED ON HIS FELLOW CITIZENS TO REALIZE THE VALUE OF THEIR ACHIEVEMENT IN BUILDING A STATE BASED ON LAW AND REGAINING RESPECT AND LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

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SELF-RESPECT. HE APPEALED PARTICULARLY TO YOUNG PEOPLE
TO LEARN FROM THE FAILURE OF THE OLDER GENERATION OF
GERMANS AT THE DECISIVE MOMENT OF HITLER'S COMING TO
POWER. THEY SHOULD NOT PERMIT THEMSELVES TO BE MISLED
BY DEMAGOGUES AND CRANKS. NO STATE IS PERFECT, SCHEEL
CONCLUDED, BUT THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OFFERS BETTER
CHANCES THAN WERE GIVEN TO ANY OTHER GENERATION OF
GERMANS. YOUNG PEOPLE SHOULD HELP IMPROVE THE STATE.
IT IS WORTH THE EFFORT.

5. AS SCHEEL'S SPEECH SUGGESTS, THE MAIN QUESTION IS,
OF COURSE, NOT WHERE THE GERMANS HAVE BEEN, BUT WHERE
THEY ARE GOING. THE SIMPLE, TOO SIMPLE, ANSWER IS THAT
THEY HAVE NO PLACE TO GO OUTSIDE THE PRESENT POLITICAL
CONTEXT. AS IN THE PAST, IT CAN BE ARGUED THEIRS IS A
NO-OPTION SITUATION. THIS IS TRUE IN GROSS TERMS, BUT
IT IS ONLY THE BEGINNING OF THE DISCUSSION. THE GENERA-
TIONAL CHANGE IS COINCIDING, PERHAPS INEVITABLY, WITH A
SHIFT OF POLITICAL VIEWS AND VALUES. THE PROCESS OF
CHANGE IS WELL KNOWN. THE COURSE OF EAST-WEST DETENTE,
GOING BACK TO THE LATE 60'S, IN WHICH THE FEDERAL RE-
PUBLIC HAS PLAYED A KEY ROLE, HAS MOVED GERMAN POLITICAL
THOUGHT, LIKE THAT OF OTHER WESTERN COUNTRIES, FROM

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SIMPLE BLACKS AND WHITES TO NUMEROUS SHADES OF GREY.
THE ASSUMPTIONS AND CATEGORIES OF FORMER YEARS, THE
CLASSICAL COLD WAR PERIOD, HAVE CRUMBLED, AND NO
CONSISTENT BODY OF DOCTRINE HAS TAKEN THEIR PLACE.

6. IT TAKES A CONSIDERABLE EFFORT EVEN AT THIS SHORT REMOVE TO RECALL THE POST-WWII "STRUGGLE FOR EUROPE," IN WHICH THE "STRUGGLE FOR GERMANY" WAS THE CENTERPIECE AND THE "STRUGGLE FOR BERLIN" OFTEN THE FOCUS OF THE CONTENDING EAST-WEST FORCES. TO MANY THE PHRASES HAVE AN OUT-OF-DATE, ALMOST ANTIQUARIAN RING. YOUNG PEOPLE ESPECIALLY ARE HARD PUT TO UNDERSTAND. YET THE STRUGGLE FOR EUROPE, AND GERMANY (AND BERLIN) CLEARLY CONTINUES, THOUGH BY OTHER MEANS. THE RUSSIANS KNOW IT. THEY SIT IN PATIENT AND COMFORTABLE POSSESSION OF THE GDR, THEIR KEY ASSET IN GERMANY'S FUTURE, AND WAIT FOR EVEN BETTER THINGS TO COME. THEY HAVE ADJUSTED THEIR BERLIN ASSET SOMEWHAT IN THE 1971 QUADROPARTITE AGREEMENT, NO LONGER

PAGE 04 BONN 07460 02 OF 03 091329Z

DIRECTING THEIR THRUST AT THE THREE POWERS BUT RATHER
PUTTING THEM ON ICE IN THE CITY AND EXPLOITING BERLIN
PRIMARILY FOR LEVERAGE WITH THE FRG (AND USING THE THREE
POWERS TO HELP THEM EXERT THAT LEVERAGE). THE FRG-GDR
RELATIONSHIP AND NEGOTIATION S PROVIDE ADDITIONAL
LEVERAGE, AND BEYOND THAT THERE IS THE LURE OF VAST

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[L]

EALUM JAMES M
75 BONN 7460

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AMEMBASSY PARIS
AMEMBASSY REYKJAVIK
AMEMBASSY ROME
USMISSION NATO BRUSSELS
USMISSION EC BRUSSELS
USMISSION USBERLIN
USMISSION OECD PARIS
AMCONSUL BREMEN
AMCONSUL DUSSELDORF
AMCONSUL FRANKFURT
AMCONSUL HAMBURG
AMCONSUL MUNICH
AMCONSUL STUTTGART
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SOVIET-FRG TRADE AND ECONOMIC COOPERATION SCHEMES. THE RUSSIANS ARE NOT IN A HURRY. THEIR EFFORT IN GERMANY IS MASSIVE AND ON MANY LEVELS. DIRECT THREAT AND PHYSICAL CONFRONTATION ARE OUT AND HAVE BEEN REPLACED BY A BROAD CAMPAIGN AIMED AT EXERTING EFFECTIVE INFLUENCE ON THE KEY AREAS OF GERMAN POLITICAL LIFE.

7. THIS IS NOT TO SUGGEST THAT THE RUSSIANS HAVE ALL THE CHIPS AND WE HAVE NON- FAR FROM IT. WE HAVE ON OUR SIDE FIRST OF ALL THE DEEP COMMITMENT TO THE WESTERN ALLIANCE (AND THE US) OF THE GREAT MAJORITY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE AND THEIR POLITICAL LEADERSHIP. THERE IS THE STRENGTH AND VIGOR OF THE GERMAN POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL SYSTEM (POLITICAL EXTREMISM IS NEGLIGIBLE, NATIONALISM IS TEMPERED WITH REALISM AND PRUDENCE, AND TERRORISM IS AN EXCRESCENCE, NOT A POLITICAL MOVEMENT). IN BILATERAL US-FRG TERMS, A WEB OF RELATIONS BINDS THE TWO COUNTRIES CLOSELY AND PRODUCTIVELY IN ALL SPHERES. AT THE SAME TIME, THE GERMAN VIEW OF AMERICA HAS UNDERGONE RADICAL CHANGE OVER THE YEARS, AND READJUSTMENT CONTINUES. SOME OF THE CHANGE WAS NECESSARY, HEALTHY, AND INEVITABLE. THE MORAL, PHYSICAL AND POLITICAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL CHASM BETWEEN THE US AND GERMANY WHICH SEEMED PRACTICALLY UNBRIDGEABLE IN 1945 HAS NARROWED AS US POWER HAS BEEN RELATIVIZED. IN THE EARLY POST-WAR PERIOD THE GERMANS WERE OVERWHELMED BY AMERICAN POWER AND MORAL STANDING. AMERICAN MILITARY AND ECONOMIC STRENGTH AND EFFICIENCY FASCINATED THEM. MANY THINGS HAVE CHANGED THAT, NOT LEAST VIETNAM AND WATERGATE WHICH HAVE PUT IN QUESTION NOT ONLY POWER, EFFICIENCY AND MORAL STANDING, BUT ALSO POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS. WE ARE NO LONGER ON THE HEIGHTS FOR THE GERMANS, BUT WITH THEM IN THE DUST AND HEAT OF THE ARENA.

8. THUS, AS THE GENERATIONS CHANGE, AS THE OLD ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT EAST-WEST RELATIONS ARE SUBJECT TO SCRUTINY, LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

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IN GERMANY A HISTORICAL PERIOD IS DRAWING TO A CLOSE AND ANOTHER BEGINNING. AND, FAMILI RLY, THE GERMAN SITUATION IS SHOT THROUGH WITH PARADOX. NO OTHER EUROPEAN COUNTRY HAS ANYWHERE NEAR THE STRENGTH AND DYNAMISM OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC, YET NO WESTERN EUROPEAN PEOPLE HAS THE GERMANS' FUNDAMENTAL DOUBTS ABOUT THEIR OWN ACHIEVEMENTS, STABILITY, AND PROSPECTS. GERMANY IS AT THE SAME TIME THE MOST SOLID AND THE MOST UNEASY COUNTRY IN THE WESTERN ALLIANCE. THE US ROLE IS CRITICAL FOR THE GERMAN FUTURE. NOT ONLY IN THE SENSE, VITAL AS THAT IS, THAT TOTAL DEPENDENCE ON US NUCLEAR PROTECTION REMAINS THE BASIC FACT OF GERMAN POLITICAL LIFE. JUST AS GERMANY IS CENTRAL TO SOVIET EUROPEAN CALCULATIONS, SO OUR PATIENCE AND DETERMINATION ARE ESSENTIAL IN THE TASK OF KEEPING THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC IN THE POSITIVE MODE SHE HAS BEEN FOLLOWING. THE GREAT MAJORITY OF GERMANS DO NOT WANT TO MANEUVER BETWEEN EAST AND WEST. RAPALLO AND NEUTRALIZATION ARE MYTHS. THEY WANT THE SOLIDITY OF THE US CONNECTION. THEY DO NOT QUESTION US STRENGTH AND RESILIENCE, BUT THEY ARE CONCERNED ABOUT THE LONG-TERM DURABILITY OF THE US COMMITMENT. THEY DO NOT DOUBT THE INTENTIONS OF THE US EXECUTIVE BUT THEY WORRY ABOUT NEW TRENDS IN THE CONGRESS AND, BEYOND THAT, THE WILL OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE IN THE POST-VIETNAM SITUATION.

9. WE WOULD STRESS AGAIN THE STRENGTH OF US ASSETS AS A NEW PHASE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR GERMANY, WHICH IS REAL, BEGINS. THE CHANGES IN THIS COUNTRY SINCE 1945 FAVORABLE TO THE WEST WERE UNIMAGINABLE 30 YEARS AGO. THERE IS AN IMPRESSIVE BASIS ON WHICH TO CONTINUE TO BUILD. CONSOLIDATION OF THE BASE THROUGH PURSUIT OF ALREADY EXISTING RELATIONS IS WHAT IS NEEDED. IT IS ALL THERE FOR US TO USE, THE INSTRUMENTALITIES AT HAND, THE GERMANS WILLING AND RESPONSIVE. THE US-FRG RELATIONSHIP IS BEYOND GIMICKRY, AND BILATERAL OVERKILL IS NOT THE RECIPE EITHER BECAUSE THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC HAS TO LIVE IN EUROPE. THE FORMULA IS SIMPLE: UTUAL TRUST AND RESPECT IN JOINT PURSUIT OF SHARED GOALS. THE SITUATION IS CLEARLY ONE ON WHICH, THROUGH OUR OWN LIMITED OFFICIAL USE
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ACTIONS, OR THROUGH FAILURE TO ACT, WE WILL EXERT A DETERMINING INFLUENCE. THE GERMANS, AND NOT ONLY THE GERMANS, WILL BE WATCHING OUR CONDUCT CLOSELY, FOR IT WILL BE DECISIVE FOR THE US ROLE IN THE FUTURE OF EUROPE.

HILLENBRAND

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PAGE 7

Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin Concluding First Phase of Negotiations and Related Documents

The Governments of the United States of America, the French Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,

Represented by their Ambassadors, who held
a series of meetings in the building formerly
occupied by the Allied Control Council in the
American Sector of Berlin,

Acting on the basis of their quadripartite
rights and responsibilities, and of the corre-
sponding wartime and postwar agreements and
decisions of the Four Powers, which are not
affected,

Taking into account the existing situation in
the relevant area,

Guided by the desire to contribute to practical
improvements of the situation,

Without prejudice to their legal positions,
Have agreed on the following:

PART I

GENERAL PROVISIONS

1. The four Governments will strive to pro-
mote the elimination of tension and the preven-
tion of complications in the relevant area.

2. The four Governments, taking into account
their obligations under the Charter of the Unit-
ed Nations, agree that there shall be no use or
threat of force in the area and that disputes
shall be settled solely by peaceful means.

3. The four Governments will mutually re-
spect their individual and joint rights and re-
sponsibilities, which remain unchanged.

4. The four Governments agree that, irre-
spective of the differences in legal views, the
situation which has developed in the area, and
as it is defined in this Agreement as well as in
the other agreements referred to in this Agree-
ment, shall not be changed unilaterally.

PART II

PROVISIONS RELATING TO THE WESTERN SECTORS
OF BERLIN

A. The Government of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics declares that transit traffic
by road, rail and waterways through the terri-

tory of the German Democratic Republic of
civilian persons and goods between the Western
Sectors of Berlin and the Federal Republic of
Germany will be unimpeded; that such traffic
will be facilitated so as to take place in the
most simple and expeditious manner; and that
it will receive preferential treatment.

Detailed arrangements concerning this civil-
an traffic, as set forth in Annex I, will be agreed
by the competent German authorities.

B. The Governments of the French Republic, the United Kingdom and the United States of America declare that the ties between the Western Sectors of Berlin and the Federal Republic of Germany will be maintained and developed, taking into account that these Sectors continue not to be a constituent part of the Federal Republic of Germany and not to be governed by it.

Detailed arrangements concerning the rela-
tionship between the Western Sectors of Berlin
and the Federal Republic of Germany are set
forth in Annex II.

C. The Government of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics declares that communica-
tions between the Western Sectors of Berlin and
areas bordering on these Sectors and those areas
of the German Democratic Republic which do
not border on these Sectors will be improved.
Permanent residents of the Western Sectors of
Berlin will be able to travel to and visit such
areas for compassionate, family, religious, cul-
tural or commercial reasons, or as tourists, un-
der conditions comparable to those applying to
other persons entering these areas.

The problems of the small enclaves, includ-
ing Steinstuecken, and of other small areas may
be solved by exchange of territory.

Detailed arrangements concerning travel,
communications and the exchange of territory,
as set forth in Annex III, will be agreed by
the competent German authorities.

D. Representation abroad of the interests of
the Western Sectors of Berlin and consular ac-
tivities of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics in the Western Sectors of Berlin can
be exercised as set forth in Annex IV.

575

## PART III

### FINAL PROVISIONS

This Quadripartite Agreement will enter into force on the date specified in a Final Quadripartite Protocol to be concluded when the measures envisaged in Part II of this Quadripartite Agreement and in its Annexes have been agreed.

Done at the building formerly occupied by the Allied Control Council in the American Sector of Berlin this 3rd day of September 1971, in four originals, each in the English, French and Russian languages, all texts being equally authentic.

For the Government of the United States of America:

KENNETH RUSH.

For the Government of the French Republic:

JEAN SAUVAGNARGUES.

For the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics:

PYOTR A. ABRASIMOV.

For the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland:

ROGER JACKLING.

## ANNEX I

COMMUNICATION FROM THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS TO THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, THE UNITED KINGDOM AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

The Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, with reference to Part II(A) of the Quadripartite Agreement of this date and after consultation and agreement with the Government of the German Democratic Republic, has the honor to inform the Governments of the French Republic, the United Kingdom and the United States of America that:

1. Transit traffic by road, rail and waterways through the territory of the German Democratic Republic of civilian persons and goods between the Western Sectors of Berlin and the Federal Republic of Germany will be facilitated and unimpeded. It will receive the most simple, expeditious and preferential treatment provided by international practice.

2. Accordingly,

(a) Conveyances sealed before departure may be used for the transport of civilian goods by road, rail and waterways between the Western Sectors of Berlin and the Federal Republic of Germany. Inspection procedures will be limited to the inspection of seals and accompanying documents.

(b) With regard to conveyances which cannot be sealed, such as open trucks, inspection procedures will be limited to the inspection of accompanying documents. In special cases where there is sufficient reason to suspect that unsealed conveyances contain either material intended for dissemination along the designated routes or persons or material put on board along these routes, the content of unsealed conveyances may be inspected. Procedures for dealing with such cases will be agreed by the competent German authorities.

(c) Through trains and buses may be used for travel between the Western Sectors of Berlin and the Federal Republic of Germany. Inspection procedures will not include any formalities other than identification of persons.

(d) Persons identified as through travellers using individual vehicles between the Western Sectors of Berlin and the Federal Republic of Germany on routes designated for through traffic will be able to proceed to their destinations without paying individual tolls and fees for the use of the transit routes. Procedures applied for such travellers shall not involve delay. The travellers, their vehicles and personal baggage will not be subject to search, detention or exclusion from use of the designated routes, except in special cases, as may be agreed by the competent German authorities, where there is sufficient reason to suspect that misuse of the transit routes is intended for purposes not related to direct travel to and from the Western Sectors of Berlin and contrary to generally applicable regulations concerning public order.

(e) Appropriate compensation for fees and tolls and for other costs related to traffic on the communication routes between the Western Sectors of Berlin and the Federal Republic of Germany, including the maintenance of adequate routes, facilities and installations used for such traffic, may be made in the form of an annual lump sum paid to the German Democratic Republic by the Federal Republic of Germany.

576