- 48 -

would have been a repetition of her tragic fate in the 'thirties: appeasement of the totalitarianism of the left comparable to that she had then shown to the totalitarianism of the right. Barring a marked increase in the cohesion of western Europe, or a marked decrease in the power of the Soviet Union, an American tie is, and will continue to be - as it has for three decades been - essential to the maintenance of such balance as is left in Europe. By this doctrine the American presence in western Europe is nonnegotiable.

What light does doctrine cast on the question of America's interests beyond western Europe? Historically there have been four principal doctrinal guidelines for the appropriate geographic delimitation of the American concern. The first defines that concern with reference to our own territorial integrity, the second in terms of the Western Hemisphere, the third would include the Western Hemisphere as well as certain areas beyond, the fourth sees changes anywhere in the world as a matter of concern to the United States. The Farewell Address gives expression to the first, the Monroe Doctrine to the second, and Wilson's universalism to the fourth, while Lippmann's "blue water" strategy constitutes one of the several variants of the third. It is our contention that the fourth provides the wisest guideline for the service of America's long-term interests. Since the first and second enjoy less support as alternatives to the fourth than does the third, we may confine our discussion to the relation between the latter two.

Throughout his foreign policy writings Walter Lippmann attempted to build on British precedents and adapt for American usage the insights of the British experience. In this respect he was, of course, a younger member of that group associated with Mahan, the Adamses, and Theodore Roosevelt. However it would

["Associated with Washington, in Abnormal, and in Abnormal, there is a general association with Washington, and with Washington, there is a general association with Washington

- 49 -

seem that Lippmann adapted the British experience imperfectly to America's needs. For the British gave a global definition to their interest, while Lippmann devoted much of his career to highlighting the perils of globalism for America. To be sure the British felt they could retrench in the Western Hemisphere and further their global conception through diplomatic accords with the United States, or in east Asia through the alliance with Japan. This was a variation of means, not of end.

Strategic, economic, and political factors played their part in shaping this global conception, as did assessment of the most likely threat to British interests, i.e. Russia. Since Russia did not oblige Britain by restricting the expression of its own ambition to localized theaters, the British did not feel they could define theirs in a preordained fashion.

The fact that the British define their interests in highly restricted terms today is beside the point, so far as the American determination is concerned. For the Americans are today in the front line of responsibility, the British in the second. Think for a moment of what it would have meant for the course of international history had the British, when they were in the first line and we in the second, cited as justification for their refusal to bear larger responsibilities our failure then to do so.

America's long-term interest can be served only if she thinks in global terms. We dare not, a priori, exclude any area of the world as of indifference to our interest. There is massive and mounting evidence that the Soviet Union accepts no such definitive delimitation. The growth of a Soviet naval capability in all the oceans of the world is an indicator of particular importance. As the Russian

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- 50 -

position on the continent of Europe after World War II was without parallel in
previous European history, the superaddition to this dominant Eurasian base
of a mighty global naval capability is without precedent in world history. If
one's antagonist plays the game across the entire field - behind one's position
and to the sides, as well as on the line immediately in front - the theater of
operations is set by his actions and not one's own preferences. Although one
may still achieve successes in a restricted theater of one's own definition, the
game will in the end be lost because it has been shifted to an extended theater,
independent of one's own definition. As an instance, barring a binding diplomatic
accord to make of the Indian Ocean a "zone of peace," a substantial American
naval presence in that Ocean is mandatory.

A third issue with which any doctrinal reformulation must contend turns on
the relation between the dangers of nuclear war, on the one hand, and the pursuit
of other American interests, on the other. This, in turn, brings us to consider-
ation of the plausibility of Mr. Kissinger's proposed "structure of peace." In
this prospective structure Kissinger is trying to accomplish what many have
sought and none has achieved: to build a world order which will be durable
because legitimate to all major participants. He relies on a new motive force
to this end: the threat of thermonuclear destruction, to which he makes reference
in virtually all his major policy statements. Despite Mr. Kissinger's under-
standable concern with this grave danger, and despite a certain progress he has
made in lessening some aspects of it, his approach contains two very serious
potential risks.

- 51 -

The first stems from the fact that, to the degree that there is agreement by America and Russia that they have a shared interest in the avoidance of thermo-nuclear destruction, the locus to shape "the structure of peace" shifts from this agreed-upon common principle to the more concrete supplementary principles and, from there, to specific policy questions. To the degree that the primary problem is neutralized, secondary problems become primary. And in these secondary theaters the Soviets have proved adept at manipulating the asymmetries in our relations in such manner as to further their interests and check our own - whether it be in naval policy, or in the grain deals, or at the CSCE.

The second major risk stems from Kissinger's tendency to cite the dangers of nuclear war as justification for concessionary accommodations with the Russians in areas which have a linkage with the dangers of such a catastrophe *only if* the Russians choose to so link them. In abstract terms there is no concession which cannot, in some sense, be justified as necessary for the sake of avoiding nuclear war. Under the auspices of "linkage theory" Kissinger maintained that we would not make concessions in areas which were in the Soviet's interest unless they made concessions in areas which were in ours. As we have abandoned the linkage concept they seem to have embraced it - and made skillful use of it. Kissinger has allowed too many discrete issues to be linked with the risks of thermonuclear conflict. In the dynamics of this reverse linkage relationship there are the seeds of a full-fledged policy of appeasement.

There is no task more essential for doctrine in the nuclear age than to provide guidelines for the continued avoidance of the two courses which would signify disaster for the United States: capitulation or nuclear destruction. A doctrine

["The first of these is the degree that the United States have received from the Congress of the United States of America, which, in their turn, have received from the Congress of the United States of America, the degree that the United States have received from the Congress of the United States of America, and which, in their turn, have received from the Congress of the United States of America, the degree that the United States have received from the Congress of the United States of America, and which, in their turn, have received

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which stresses the massive horrors of nuclear war but makes no effort to adjust
the Nation's strategic dispositions to substantially reduce the prospects that these
will materialize is a failure. If this dilemma remains unresolved, or if asym-
metrical pressures are allowed to build up against the United States in secondary
theaters, the inclinations to do nothing, if faced with this fateful choice, will
increase. Radical revisionism itself constitutes one of these asymmetrical
pressures, for it supplies a pre-established legitimization for doing nothing.
Secretary Schlesinger's proposals, by contrast, constitute a searching effort to
reduce the magnitude of this dilemma and thereby keep open options which will
serve the American interest.

We close with a few observations on the bearing a reconstituted doctrine might
have on the question of legitimacy. As mentioned, no doctrine can be effective
unless it provides a standard of legitimacy independent of the day-by-day process
of policy making. Unless this standard be independently rooted, one has no
criterion for the distinction of the negotiable from the nonnegotiable, and
negotiability comes to constitute its own "legitimacy." The ship of state has
then lost its rudder and knows where it is going only after the ocean's currents have
taken it there.

The most hazardous of the asymmetries between the United States and the
Soviet Union is not geo-strategic but doctrinal-political. The failure to recognize
the problem affirms the gravity of it. In contemporary America one sees
two major responses to the question of the significance of doctrine in Soviet foreign
policy. The first is a denial that it plays any very significant role. Soviet
policy is to be understood primarily in terms of the same pragmatic calculus one

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[LC]

finds in domestic policy or in classic diplomacy. This interpretation is one congenial to a secular society blind to the tendency - persistent throughout recorded history - of collectivities to arrogate to their own glorification man's yearning for the absolute. Russian culture has been notably marked by this aspiration to gain a transcendent purchase over the tides of history through apprehension of ultimate truth, finally secure only if universally acknowledged.

The second response, to which the strength of radical revisionism bears testimony, is the tendency not to deny the Russian faith but to embrace it. Intellectuals are drawn - as is the moth toward the flame - by the irresistible lure of an idolatrous absolute. Here the much-vaunted economic materialism of Marxism-Leninism is much its least important aspect. While the doctrine's appeal to workers and peasants may have some connection with its bearing on their concrete economic problems, its strongest appeal has always been to those intellectuals who would stand as gods over history. To them Marxism-Leninism offers rational coherence and universal comprehensiveness, ultimate meaning and daily guidance. They henceforth occupy a privileged position from which they can attack, judge, and condemn all still imprisoned behind the bars of "bourgeois consciousness." Relations with them is henceforth characterized by a ferocious struggle of wills - Kto kovo? in Lenin's authoritative axiom. However the outcome of the struggle is pre-ordained. It will be resolved when those with "true consciousness" have converted, neutralized, or destroyed those with "false consciousness," i. e. when they have bent all independent wills to their own.

Repelled by a doctrine which reduces politics to an endless struggle of wills ceasing only in tyranny, what relation are we to seek between will and legitimacy ?

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We are led first to Rousseau's argument that for the state to be legitimate it must derive its authority from the general will. Wondering where the general will finds its more concrete embodiment we are led to the law, and to Coke's response to James I: *Non sub homine sed sub deo et lege*. But from what source does the law derive its own legitimacy? We are led then to rethink the meaning of the simple prayers of our childhood, when one asked of God, "Thy Kingdom Come, Thy Will Be Done." Not *my* will be done, but *Thy* will be done. But what is God's will? It is, we now remember, that we be loving. Thus it is God's will that we be not willful.

Constitutional liberalism has been an effort to order the life of the community on the basis of this insight. It is against this standard, which itself transcends history, that the legitimacy of a political order is judged.

[lc]

## FOOTNOTES

1. Roger Hilsman, *The Politics of the Policy Process in Defense and Foreign Affairs* (New York, 1971).

2. H. Kissinger, *Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy* (New York, 1957).

3. See as the first instance H. Kissinger, *A World Restored* (Boston, 1957).

4. Henry Kissinger, "The Moral Foundations of Foreign Policy," a speech delivered in Minneapolis, Minnesota on July 15, 1975.

5. E. May, *The World War and American Isolation* (Chicago, 1966).

6. R.J. Maddox, *The New Left and the Origins of the Cold War* (Princeton, 1973).

7. D.S. Clemens, *Yalta* (Oxford, 1970), p. 290.

8. Clemens, *op. cit.*, pp. 289, 290.

9. *Ibid.*, p. 268.

10. *Ibid.*, p. 290.

11. *Ibid.*, p. 290.

12. *Ibid.*, p. 291.

13. *Ibid.*, p. 269.

14. *Ibid.*, p. 269.

15. *The Foreign Relations of the United States, Diplomatic Papers, The Conference at Malta and Yalta 1945* (Washington, 1955), p. 980. emphasis added.

16. H.S. Truman, *Memoirs* (Vol. I) (Garden City, 1955), p. 80. emphasis added.

17. Clemens, *op. cit.*, p. 270.

18. Mrs. Clemens' book was taken, by many reviews, to bring our understanding of Yalta to a new level.

19. W.A. Williams, *The Tragedy of American Diplomacy* (New York, 1962), pp. 246, 247.

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41. Christopher Lasch, "The Cold War, Revisited and Re-Visioned," *The New York Times Magazine*, Jan. 14, 1968.

42. Gar Alperovitz, *Cold War Essays* (with an Introduction by C. Lasch) (Garden City, 1970), p. 4.

43. *Ibid.*, p. 119.

44. *Ibid.*, pp. 119, 120.

45. Ronald Steel, "The Good Old Days," *The New York Review of Books*, June 14, 1973.

46. *The Washington Post*, July 1, 1975.

47. Francis Loewenheim, "The New Left and the Origins of the Cold War," *The New York Times Book Review*, June 17, 1973.

48. W.A. Williams, *The New York Times Book Review*, June 17, 1973.