## Professional experience

1980 - 1981
Swiss Ice-Hockey Federation
Technical Secretary
Planning of season
Game organisation
Teamleader Junior-Team at
World Championship
World Champion

1981
Sulzer AG, Winterthur
Chief Administration Sales Dept.

Oct. 1981
FIFA
Collaborator in the technical dept.
Reception

1992 - 1998
Personal Assistant to the President

## Education

1952 - 1961
Primary School

1962 - 1963
Commercial School (1963 Diploma)

1966 - 1967
Commercial School London (Diploma)
(Swiss Mercantile School)

1970
Language School Las Palmas (3 months)
Certificate

1985
Interpreter School Zurich
Goethe-Institut (German language)
(Diploma)

1985
Swiss Public Relations Institute
(Certificate)

1986 - 1987
Seminary for Sport Directors (Diploma)
(Swiss Olympic Association)

HENRY A. KISSINGER

February 18, 1998

Mr. Roberto Civita
Chairman and CEO
Abril S.A.
Av. das Nacoes Unidas, 7221
05477-000 Sao Paulo, SP
Brasil

Dear Roberto:

I am a Trustee of The Museum of Television & Radio, as well as a co-chair of its International Museum Council. As you know, our annual meeting will be held in Madrid, Spain, June 14-16, 1998.

I am writing to ask you to participate in a panel discussion which I will moderate. The panel on Spanish language television will take place on Tuesday, June 16 at the Casa de Linares in Madrid and I am also inviting Juan Jose Nieto, Fernando López Amor, and Gustavo Cisneros to participate as panelists on this topic.

As you know, the Museum's Board and Council are comprised of the most senior leaders of the international communications community, and the annual meetings provide an opportunity for discussions, both formal and informal.

I hope you will be able to participate in this way. Your insights would be of great interest to everyone. If you have any questions or wish further information, please feel free to call me or Michelle Stoneburn, Vice President of the Museum, at 212-621-6751, or fax 212-621-6621.

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR • 350 PARK AVENUE • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 • (212) 759-7919

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
JOINT MILITARY INTELLIGENCE COLLEGE

Washington, D.C. 20340-5100

PRESIDENT

February 4, 1998

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

FEB 09 1998

What a pleasure it was to see you at the
bon voyage for Ambassador Li Daoyu.

A few chapters have turned since my most
memorable years with you. Professional life
continues fascinating in my roles as college
president and presidential commissioner.

The enclosed _Defense Intelligence Journal_ includes my column reporting on the authority the college has just received from the Congress to award an undergraduate degree, which joins our already accredited Master of Science of Strategic Intelligence degree. The accompanying book _Intelligence for Multilateral Decision and Action_ is from the college press last June.

The Associated Press article chronicles
a recent mission to Kaliningrad in my work on
the US-Russia Joint Commission on Prisoners of
War Missing in Action.

My best regards to Jerry; my best regards
to you. I would like to stay in touch.

# BIOGRAPHY

## A. DENIS CLIFT

President, Joint Military Intelligence College

A. Denis Clift was named President, Joint Military Intelligence College, in 1994. The College, in the Department of Defense, is the nation's only accredited academic institution awarding the Master of Science of Strategic Intelligence degree and the Bachelor of Science in Intelligence degree as part of its graduate and undergraduate programs.

Mr. Clift was born in New York City, New York. He is a graduate of Phillips Exeter Academy, Stanford University (A.B.) and holds a Master of Science Degree in Political Science from the London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London.

Upon graduation from Stanford, Mr. Clift served as a naval officer on active duty: Fleet Intelligence Center Pacific, two Antarctic Expeditions, including the Bellingshausen Sea Expedition; and Office of Naval Intelligence. From 1963-1966, Mr. Clift was Editor, *United States Naval Institute Proceedings*, having joined the *Proceedings* staff as Assistant Editor.

Mr. Clift then began 13 years of service in the Executive Office of the President and the White House as: Executive Secretary, Panel on International Program, Committee on Marine Research, Education and Facilities; Executive Secretary, Committee for Policy Review, National Council on Marine Resources and Engineering Development; Senior Staff Member, Europe, National Security Council; Senior Staff member Eastern and Western Europe and Soviet Union, National Security Council (1974-1976); and Assistant to the Vice President for National Security Affairs, the White House (1977-1981).

Mr. Clift next joined the Defense Intelligence Agency as Defense Intelligence Officer at Large. He was promoted to Assistant Deputy Director for External Affairs and Deputy Director for External Relations. He then served as Chief of Staff from 1991 to 1994.

In 1992, Mr. Clift was appointed a U.S. Commissioner on the U.S.-Russia Joint Commission on POW/MIAs. He holds the President's Award, Rank of Meritorious Executive, the Department of Defense Distinguished Civilian Service Award, the Secretary of Defense Meritorious Civilian Service Medal, the Department of Defense Medal for Distinguished Public Service, the Director of Central Intelligence's Sherman Kent Award, the Oceanographer of the Navy's Superior Achievement Award, and the Secretary of the Navy's Commendation for Achievement. Mr. Clift is a member of the Board of CIA's quarterly *Studies in Intelligence* and of the Advisory Committee of the National Defense University's *Joint Force Quarterly*. He is the author of numerous works including the novel, *A Death in Geneva*, Ballantine Books of Random House, and the books *Our World in Antarctica*, Rand McNally, and *With Presidents to the Summit*, George Mason University Press.

THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON

September 9, 1998

SEP 1 1 1998

The Honorable Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates
26th Floor
350 Park Avenue
New York, New York 10022

Dear Henry:

I would like to invite you to join me and a small group of national leaders to explore ways in which we can strengthen public support for the United States' engagement in international affairs in the post-Cold War political environment. In my travels abroad, I have been deeply impressed by the significance of our great nation throughout the world. Yet, I am concerned by the apparent gap between the importance of our nation's work abroad and public support for that work at home.

Around the globe, I have met many extraordinary Americans working creatively on behalf of our government, and with other countries on issues of development, security, education, science, humanitarian efforts and business. In addition, great numbers of Americans visit and study in faraway places.

We cannot afford to be indifferent in an era of unprecedented economic globalization and international cooperation. The dramatic technological advances in communication and transportation are drawing us together more than ever before.

I believe it is critical that we Americans exert effective leadership and function as productive partners in enterprises throughout the world. That means, among other things, that we must do our fair share in supporting foreign assistance programs and international organizations. As citizens, we must become better informed about the people and cultures of other countries. We must mobilize our intellectual, technical, and moral resources to earn respect, engage in commerce, and provide constructive leadership in a transforming world.

Please join me at the White House on September 16th at 2:00pm to consider how our nation can further engage the public on international issues in thoughtful, far-sighted and constructive ways, and how we might better take advantage of the opportunities now before us. I look forward to your participation in this meeting. Please call Katy Button in my office at 202/456-6266 to respond.

JUL 14 1998 13:20

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By The Associated Press

Text of President Clinton's address to the Council on Foreign Relations in New York City, as transcribed by Federal Document Clearing House:

Thank you.

Thank you very much, Pete. Hillary and I are delighted to be here with you and Joan, and I'm glad to be joined by Secretary Rubin and Jim Harmon, Gene Sperling, other members of our team.

I'm glad to see Dick Holbrooke over here. I hope, if we can overcome the inertia of Congress, he will soon be a member of the team again.

I thank David Rockefeller and Les Gelb and others who welcomed us here today.

The subject that I want to discuss -- let me just say one thing in advance. I'm going to give you my best thoughts. We have been working on this for three years at some level of intensity or another going back to the Naples G7 meeting in the aftermath of the Mexican financial crisis.

I have done everything I could do personally to reach out across the country and, indeed, across the world for any new ideas from any source. Now, I'm going to give you my best thinking today about what we can do. But I want you to know that I'm here and, if I had my druthers, this would be about a three-hour session where I'd give this talk and then I would listen for the rest of the time.

So I want to encourage you, if you think we're right, to support us. But if you have any ideas, for goodness sake, share them because I agree with what Pete said.

This is the biggest financial challenge facing the world in a half century. And the United States has an absolutely inescapable obligation to lead, and to lead in a way that's consistent with our values and our obligation to see that what we're doing helps lift the lives of ordinary people here at home and all around the world.

Now the Council on Foreign Relations has always stood for political and economic freedom since right after World War I. And I think one of the things that has impacted all of us -- and it was implicit in what Pete said -- is that for the last decade, the growth of freedom around the world, with more than half the people in the world living under governments of their own choosing, more than half the villages, the one million villages in China now, even electing their own governments, and this sweeping replacement of command-and-control economies by market economies, I think it seems to have happened so easily, so effortlessly, so inexorably that I think we think the trend is inevitable and irreversible.

But if you consider today's economic difficulties, disruptions and the plain old deep personal disappointments of now tens of millions of people around the world, it is clear to me that there is now a stark challenge not only to economic freedom, but if unaddressed, a challenge that could stem the rising tide of political liberty as well.

Obviously we have profound interests here. It is a great irony that we are at a moment of unsurpassed economic strength at a time

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of such turmoil in the world economy. We, I think all of us in this room, know that our future prosperity depends upon whether we can work with others to restore confidence, manage change, stabilize the financial system and spur robust global growth.

For most of the last 30 years, the United States and the rest of the world have been preoccupied by inflation, for reasons that all of you here know all too well. And it was a good thing to be preoccupied with.

Today, the low and stable inflation we enjoy has been critical to our economic health. And low inflation has also contributed to that from many other nations as well.

But clearly, the balance of risks has now shifted with a full quarter of the world's population living in countries with declining economic growth or negative economic growth.

Therefore, I believe the industrial world's chief priority today plainly is to spur growth.

It seems to me there are six immediate steps we should take to help contain the current financial turmoil around the world, and then two longer-term projects in which we must be involved.

To take the immediate first -- we must work with Japan, Europe and other nations to spur growth. Second, we will expand our efforts to enable viable businesses in Asia to emerge from crippling debt burdens so they can once again contribute to growth and job creation.

Third, we've asked the World Bank to double its support for the social safety net in Asia to help people who are innocent victims of financial turmoil.

Fourth, we'll urge the major industrial economies to stand ready to use the $15 billion in IMF emergency funds to help stop the financial contagion from spreading to Latin America and elsewhere.

Fifth, our Ex-Im bank, under the leadership of Jim Harmon, will intensify its efforts to generate economic activity in the developing world immediately in the next three months.

And sixth, Congress must live up to its responsibility for continued prosperity by meeting our obligations to the International Monetary Fund.

Secretary Rubin has been working with his counterparts in the G-7 to get cooperative support for several of these measures. I understand Chairman Greenspan is also conducting -- consulting with his counterparts on these items as well.

As we take these immediate steps, we also must intensify our efforts to reform our trade and financial institutions so that they can respond better to the challenges we now face and those we are likely to face in the future.

We must build a stronger and more accountable global trading system, pressing forward with market-opening initiatives, but also advancing the protection of labor and environmental interests, and doing more to ensure that trade helps the lives of ordinary citizens across the globe.

Above all, we must accelerate our efforts to reform the international financial system.

Today, I have asked Secretary Rubin and Federal Reserve Board Chairman Greenspan to convene a major meeting of their counterparts within the next 30 days to recommend ways to adapt the international financial architecture to the 21st century.

Over the past six years, our strategy at home on fiscal

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discipline, investment in the skills of our people and open trade
has worked for all Americans -- unemployment at a 28-year low;
inflation a 32-year low; wages rising at twice the rate of
inflation after decades of stagnation; and on October 1st, we'll
have the first balanced budget in 29 years.

But the global economy brought a lot of that prosperity to us.
And now, fast-moving currents abroad are aggravating problems in
Russia and Asia. They threaten emerging economies from Latin
America to South Africa.

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With a quarter of the world's population in declining growth, we must recognize what Chairman Greenspan said the other day -- we cannot forever be an oasis of prosperity. Growth at home depends upon growth abroad.

A full 30 percent of our growth just since I became president has been due to our expanding positive involvement in the global economy.

That's why ordinary Americans should care if Asia or Russia or South America are on solid economic footing. These people are our customers, with one-third of the growth of our economy coming from exports, much of it from emerging markets -- we know that those markets will falter as their economies flatten.

When the problem is widespread and perceived to be moving in the wrong direction, we have seen that our stock market can react, having a direct and immediate impact on the wealth of the American people.

These nations are also our competitors, and in -- under conditions of decent equilibrium, that is a very good thing indeed. But when they're currencies drop precipitously, the prices of their goods fall, they could undercut the sales of our own goods here at home that are otherwise profitable, dramatically increasing our trade deficit under circumstances that could cause the American people to turn away from open trade toward protectionism in a way that has terrific negative consequences long term for our global growth objective.

Finally, these nations are our friends, our allies and our security partners. Where economic turmoil plunges millions into sudden poverty and disrupts and disorients the lives of ordinary people, the risks of political and social instability and of a turn from democracy clearly rise.

Just look at Russia. Russia is facing an economic crisis that threatens the extraordinary progress the Russian people have made in just seven years, building a new society from the ground up.

The ruble and the stock market have plummeted. Banks are weak. Tax collections have slowed. The government has trouble paying its debts and its salaries.

Some Russians have become wealthy, but many, many more are struggling to provide for their families.

I talked to some of them when I was in Russia just a few days ago.

Amid such political uncertainty and economic difficulty, some now talk of abandoning the path of reform and returning to policies of the past, even policies that have already failed.

At worst, adversity in Russia could affect not only the Russian economy and prospects for our economic cooperation -- at worst, it could have an impact on our cooperation with Russia on nuclear disarmament; on fighting terrorism and the spread of weapons of mass destruction; on standing together for peace, from the Balkans to the Middle East.

Now Russia has a new prime minister, Mr. Primakov, who's been in

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office a grand total of four days. He and President Yeltsin face
one of the great challenges of their time. Never has there been a
more important moment to set a clear direction for the future, to
affirm the commitment of Russia to democracy and to free markets,
and to take decisive steps to stabilize the economy and restore
investor confidence.

But if Russia is willing to take these steps, we must do
everything we can to provide support to them, because again I say,
as long as ordinary people don't feel any benefit from this, in the
end, it's going to be difficult to sustain the direction we think
the world should take.

On the other hand, we need to be honest with Russia and everyone
else. No nation, rich or poor, democratic or authoritarian, can
escape the fundamental economic imperatives of the global market.
No nation can escape its discipline. No nation can avoid its
responsibility to do its part.

But since all economies are increasingly interdependent, fear
and uncertainty about the economy of one country can prompt
investors to pull money out of other countries thousands of a miles
away. Markets work best when they are driven neither by excessive
inflows or outflows of capital, based on indiscriminate optimism or
pessimism.

Regardless of what changes in policies or institutions may be
warranted, we have to say we'll only be able to help those
countries who are willing to help themselves.

If a nation chooses to print money indiscriminately, to wink at
cronyism or corruption, to hide bad loans and protect corrupt or
inefficient banks, then investors -- foreign and domestic, sooner or
later -- will withdraw their investments, with consequences both
swift and severe.

That is why we support the fundamental approach of the
International Monetary Fund -- to extend assistance only when
nations have taken responsibility, strengthening their banking
systems, introducing honest accounting and open markets, awarding
credit on merit instead of connections.

Still, what has been done is clearly not enough -- to reverse the
decline in particular countries, to douse the flames of the
international financial crisis, to support steady and sustainable
growth in the future.

In the face of this new challenge, America can and must continue
to act and to lead, to take the urgent steps needed today to calm
the financial crisis, restart the engine of growth in Asia and
minimize the impact of financial turmoil on other nations, and to
make certain that for tomorrow the institutions and rules of
international finance and international trade are prepared to
support steady and sustainable growth over the long term.

First and foremost, the leading economic nations must act
together to spur global growth. Our strong and growing economy here
has made a major contribution to global growth just as our weak
economy was holding the world back six years ago when I attended my
first G-7 meeting in Tokyo, and every other country said, the first
thing they needed was for America to put its economic house in
order.

We did that. And now, I believe strongly we must maintain our
fiscal discipline.

It has led to lower interest rates and a huge investment in job

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I would also remember that back in 1993 we had a general
agreement that what was needed was America should get rid of its
deficit, Europe should lower its interest rates and Japan should
open its markets. There was this general agreement that if we did
all those things, we would have a remarkable resumption of growth.

Europe did moderate its interest rates. And the then-prime
minister, now the finance minister, Mr. Miyazawa, oversaw a
significant market opening trade agreement between the United
States and Japan -- which also benefited others, not just us. And of
course, we got rid of our deficit.

The results were quite satisfactory for several years for us.

Now Europe has to continue to pursue policies that will spur
growth and keep their markets open, because they, too, must be able
to provide markets for Asian goods as those nations seek to find
their footing. But the key here is Japan.

For the second-largest economy in the world, by far the biggest
economy in Asia, has now gone several years without any economic
growth.

Thank goodness, a lot of their ordinary citizens have been able
to maintain a decent life because of the wealth of their country
and probably because of the enormous personal savings rate they
have enjoyed for many, many years now.

But it is difficult to see how any actions of the world
community can be successful in restoring growth in Asia in the
absence of the restoration of growth in Japan, which would enable
Japan to lead the region out of its present condition.

Therefore, we must support Japan and do everything we can to
help create the conditions in which, together, we can all lead
again, just as we did in 1993.

Their challenges are quite formidable. They have to spur
domestic demand, revive a banking system, restore confidence,
deregulate the economy and open markets.

And we all know all the forces that seem to be working against
these developments in Japan. But I would remind you that this is a
very strong, sophisticated nation, full of people of knowledge and
enormous achievement. It is fully capable of playing its world
leadership role. I believe its business leaders right now know what
needs to be done and would support it.

Next week, I'm going to meet with Prime Minister Obuchi here in
New York to discuss how America can support Japan's efforts to
restore economic growth and investor confidence. And I will do
everything I can to try to make sure that as we go forward we have
America, Europe and Japan all doing our part to get beyond this
present moment, just as we did back in 1993.

The second step we should take is to intensify our efforts to
speed economic recovery in Asia. And countries like South Korea and
Thailand have taken strong and responsible steps. The free fall has
ended. Progress is being made. But the human cost of Asia's
collapse is only now being fully felt.

Recent press reports have described an entire generation working

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its way into the middle class over 25 years, then being plummeted
into poverty within a matter of months. The stories are
heartbreaking. Doctors and nurses forced to live in the lobby of a
closed hospital. Middle-class families who owned their own homes
and sent their children to college, traveled abroad, now living by
selling their possessions.

It is in our interest to help these nations and these people
recover. They will become once again our great markets and our
great partners.

It is also the right thing to do.

We've worked with international lenders, like the IMF, to help
these nations to adopt pro-growth budget, tax and monetary
policies. But clearly, we're going to have to do more to restore
Asian growth.

We must work to lift the weight of private sector debt that has
frozen the Asian economies.

Today, I'm asking Secretary Rubin to work with other financial
authorities and international economic institutions to enhance
efforts to explore comprehensive plans to help Asian corporations
emerge from massive debt where individual firms have been swept
under by systemic national economic problems rather than their own
errors.

We need to get credit flowing again. We need to get business
back to making products, producing services, creating jobs.

Third, Asian businesses need assistance, but so do millions of
Asian families. We must do more to establish an adequate social
safety net in recovering nations.

Wrenching economic transition without an adequate social safety
net can sacrifice lives in the name of economic theory, and I might
add, can generate thereby so much resistance that reform grinds to
a halt.

If we want these countries to do tough things, we have to
protect the most defenseless people in the society. And we have to
protect people who get hurt when they didn't do anything wrong.

I think that is terribly important.

With our support, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank
have started to deal with these challenges, but they have to expand
their efforts. There is simply not enough being done.

I ask them to double their aid through an expanded social
compact initiative focusing on job assistance, basic needs and
economic transition, on children and the elderly, on groups most
vulnerable to economic change.

And I want to commend Jim Wolfensohn for his efforts and his
willingness to expand this -- to lead this expanded initiative.

Fourth, we have to be ready to respond immediately and with
financial force, if necessary, to the currency crisis if it
spreads, especially if it threatens the economies of Latin America,
where nations have struggled to make progress to do the right thing
only to find themselves buffeted by economic storms outside their
control.

Therefore, the major economies should stand ready to activate
the $15 billion now in the emergency funds of the IMF, the General
Agreement to Borrow, to ensure that the IMF continues to support
reform and fight economic contagion.

Fifth, our Export-Import bank will increase its commitments to
specific economic development projects over the next three years,

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projects -- three months -- projects which will have concrete benefits for ordinary citizens in other countries; projects which will increase our own exports, and thereby help our economy; and ones which can help to restore confidence in countries that they are not alone, and that actual, specific, positive developments can occur.

Sixth, for the efforts of the international community to succeed, America simply must meet its own obligations to the International Monetary Fund. After a year of financial fire fighting, the IMF's resources are badly strained.

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Every day we don't act, we undermine the confidence the world badly needs that we are trying to restore. Congress simply must assume its responsibility for our leadership in the economy.

In my State of the Union address, I said it was better to prepare for a storm when the skies were clear than when the clouds were overhead.

Well, eight months later, the clouds are closer and you can nearly hear the thunder. Now the Senate, by an overwhelming bipartisan majority, has, thankfully, approved our obligation to fund our part of the International Monetary Fund.

But with only five weeks left in this congressional session, there's still no action from the House of Representatives.

Let me put this as plainly as I can: failure by this Congress to pay our dues to the IMF will put our own prosperity at risk. Failure to act will send a sharp signal that, at a time of economic challenge, our lawmakers were unwilling to protect our workers, our businesses, our farmers from the risk of global economic change, and unwilling to maintain our leadership in building a global economic system that has benefited us more than any other nation.

Concerted action to spur growth, helping Asia through private sector debt restructuring and a strengthened social safety net, helping to protect the rest of the world through the use of the IMF's emergency fund, increasing the activity of the Ex-Im bank, and meeting our own obligations to the IMF -- these are the six immediate steps we want to take.

But we must also be willing to take action for the long run, to modify the financial and trading institutions of the world to match the realities of the new economy they serve.

By creating the WTO, the World Trade Organization, in 1994 we began to build a modern trading system. We must redouble our efforts to tear down barriers around the world.

But as I said in Geneva last May, we must do more to ensure that spirited economic competition among nations never becomes a race to the bottom -- in environmental protection, consumer protection or labor standards.

We are working to open the procedures of the WTO to participation by the public and the full range of affected interests, so that people will know and see and be able to do for themselves things which will ensure that the trading system makes the world better for all the people in all the countries.

We've already completed 260 trade agreements, opening markets in areas from autos to telecommunications. Next year, we will host the meeting of the world's trade ministers to set the agenda for expanded trade in the first decade of the new century.

History teaches us that at a time of worldwide difficulty, it would be folly to retreat into a protectionist shell. We must keep trade flowing among nations. But I will say again, if we want to do that, we have got to give ordinary citizens and the groups that represent them in countries all over the world the sense that it is going to be done in a fair way, consistent with nations'

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obligations to advance the interests of their working people and protect not only their national but the global environment.

This November, when I meet with the leaders of the Asian economies at the APEC meeting, we will move forward to further open markets in Asia. And when Congress returns next year, I will work to pass legislation to open markets further -- from trade negotiating powers to the African trade initiative. I will do so in a way that I believe will win broad support from the majority of both parties.

From the G-7 meeting in Halifax in 1995 in the wake of the Mexican financial crisis, to the Birmingham meeting this year, we have been working we have been working also with our major economic partners to plan for new financial architecture for the 21st century.

For the first time this year, we included key emerging markets in the process in a new group of 22, recognizing their important stake in the global economy.

This group has been working together for nearly a year now to improve global financial assistance, with a special focus on improving financial sectors, on transparency, and on private-sector burden sharing.

I just want to emphasize again that even as we respond to the urgent alarms of the moment, we must speed the pace of this systemic work as well.

That is why I've asked Secretary Rubin and Chairman Greenspan to convene the finance minister and central bankers of the G-7 and key emerging economies in Washington within 30 days to develop a preliminary report to the heads of state by the beginning of next year on strengthening the world financial system.

We must develop policies so that countries can reap the benefits of free-flowing capital in a way that is safe and sustainable. We must adapt the IMF so that it can more effectively confront the new types of financial crises, minimizing their frequency, severity and human cost.

We need to consider ways to extend emergency financing when countries are battling crises of confidence due to world financial distress as distinct from their own errors in policy.

We must find ways to tap the energy of global markets without sentencing the world to a cycle of continued extreme crises.

For a half century now, in our national economy, we have learned not to eliminate, but to tame and limit the swings of boom and bust. In the 21st century, we have to find a way to do that in the global economy as well.

I've discussed this in recent days with Prime Minister Blair of Great Britain, who is now the chair of the G-7. He shares my belief that this is an urgent task.

It is critical to the mission that he and I and Prime Minister Prodi of Italy will be discussing next week at the New York University Law School in a very interesting meeting that the first lady and others in our administration helped to organize on how to extend the benefits of the world economy to all and how to strengthen democracy in a time of such sweeping economic change.

Now, let me just say it all again very briefly.

In short, we must improve our ability to address the current financial emergency, and we must build a system to prevent such future emergencies whenever possible and to blunt their impact when

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they do occur.

There is no mission more critical to our own strength and security.

And let me say this again: What is at stake is more than the
spread of free markets and their integration into the global
economy.

The forces behind the global economy are also those that deepen democratic liberties -- the free flow of ideas and information, open borders and easy travel, the rule of law, fair and even-handed enforcement, protection for consumers, a skilled and educated work force.

Each of these things matters not only to the wealth of nations but to the health of freedom.

If citizens tire of waiting for democracy and free markets to deliver a better life for them, there is a real risk that democracy and free markets instead of continuing to thrive together will begin to shrivel together.

This would pose great risks not only for our economic interests but for our security.

We see around the world the international aggressors, the harbors of terrorists, the drug lords. Who are these countries? They're authoritarian nations without democracy and without open markets.

Nations that give their people freedom are good neighbors. When nations turn away from freedom, they turn inward toward tensions, hatred and hostility.

We now have a chance to create opportunity on a worldwide scale.

The difficulties of the moment should not obscure us to the advances of the last several years. We clearly have it within our means, if we do the right thing, to lift billions and billions of people around the world into a global middle class and into participation in global democracy and genuine efforts toward peace and reconciliation.

That is a possibility, but recent events show it is not a certainty.

At this moment, therefore, the United States is called upon, once again, to lead -- to organize the forces of a committed world, to channel the unruly energies of the global economy into positive avenues to advance our interests, reinforce our values, enhance our security.

In this room, I think it is not too simple to say we know what to do. The World War II generation did it for us 50 years ago.

Now it is time for us to rise to our responsibility, as America has been called upon to do so often, so many times in the past. We can, if we do that, redeem the promise of the global economy and strengthen our own nation for a new century.

Thank you very much.

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For Release: 7 October 1998
Contact: Grace Wong
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OCT 08 1998

CNN Names Yan Mei Head of China Desk

CNN has appointed Yan Mei to the newly-created position of Head of China Desk. Based in the network's global headquarters in Atlanta, Mei oversees the newsgathering and editorial aspects of CNN's relationship with television affiliates in the Greater China region. She plays an integral role in supporting CNN's affiliate relationships through facilitating the exchange of news material and special event coverage from Mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan.

"The creation of a dedicated China Desk within the CNN newsroom demonstrates the network's strong commitment to covering the news of the dynamic Greater China region," said Will King, managing editor and vice president, CNN. "Yan Mei's superb journalistic skills and in-depth knowledge of the region make her the natural choice to steer our newsgathering efforts in this important part of the world."

Mei joined CNN in July 1990 as a New York-based producer for "Moneyline with Lou Dobbs". During the Gulf War in 1991, she moved to Atlanta to work at the network's International Desk as an International assignment editor. Since then, she has been instrumental in coordinating CNN's coverage of numerous major news events, including: Deng Xiaoping's death and funeral; exclusive interviews with Chinese President Jiang Zemin and Taiwanese President Lee Teng Hui; U.S. President Bill Clinton's recent trip to China; Jiang Zemin's visit to the United States; the 1997 Hong Kong handover; the 1996 Taiwan General Elections and the 1995 U.N. Women's Conference in Beijing.

Prior to joining CNN, Mei worked as a field producer for ITN throughout events from the Tiananmen Square student uprising to the fall of the Berlin Wall, as well as crises in Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania and Bulgaria.

Mei has been recognised for her work with a British TV excellence award for ITN's coverage of Tiananmen Square in 1989, two Emmy awards for CNN's coverage of the Gulf War and unrest in Somalia, and two ACE awards for CNN's coverage of the Gulf War and the Russian Coup.

A Chinese native, Mei is a three-time Presidential Fellow and two-time Junior Harriman fellow at Columbia University and the Harriman Institute for Advanced Russian Studies.

- 30 -

CNN INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC RELATIONS • 30/F ENTERTAINMENT BUILDING • 30 QUEEN'S ROAD CENTRAL • HONG KONG
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Remarks to International Rescue Committee
Secretary of Defense William S. Cohen

Thank you John.

I'll always remember the words that John Whitehead read to those on the outside of the Berlin Wall when we visited it together. It was totally anonymous, he did not seek any publicity. No one knew that either one of us was there, but it made a deep and lasting impression upon me because it once again, expressed his deep humanity and concern for those who are on the other side of the wall, so it is a pleasure for me to be here.

Congressman Tom Lantos, coasting on your way to victory, we assume on
Tuesday, Mr. Bill Gates, Ren Levy, Tom Lebrecque, Alan Batkin, Rick and Lori
Patterson, our good friends, ladies and gentleman.

I am somewhat intimidated here his evening. Jane Batkin said, "Are you going to read poetry or do something substantive this evening?" I said, "Are they mutually exclusive? Perhaps, we could do both."

But, I thought as I looked out into this audience I might tell you my favorite story about Henry Ford, who after having made all of his millions in this country, wanted to go back to his fatherland in County Cork, Ireland. And his reputation for wealth had long preceded his arrival. When he finally stepped off the plane, there was a group of local town officials seeking a contribution for the construction of the local hospital. And he was quite accustomed to being touched in that fashion, he pulled out his checkbook, he made a check out for $5,000. The next day, in bold print, with world war two-sized declarations, it said "Ford contributes $50,000 for the construction of local hospital." Town officials came running in the following morning and said "Mr. Ford, we are terribly sorry. This was not our fault. It must have been a typographical error. We will be happy to see that a retraction is printed tomorrow." He said "Wait a minute. I have a better idea." That's exactly where that phrase came from. "I have a better idea. If you give me one wish, I'll give you the balance of $45,000." "It's one of those offers that we can't refuse. They said "anything you want." "What I want is that when the hospital is finally completed, I want a plaque over the entrance way with a quote taken from the source of my choice." And so, it was done, he made the check out. The hospital was built, it is there today. It has a plaque over the entrance way with a quote taken from the book of Matthew, and says "I came unto you as a stranger, and you took me in." I come unto you a little bit as a stranger this evening and I hope that you will take me in, but not in that fashion. If you do, please get Bill Gates to co-sign.

I had an occasion to meet Kathleen Brown here, where is she in the audience this evening? She told me her son is going to Bowdoin College, where my son went quite a few years ago, and I thought I'd just tell you one more story about Bowdoin because it happens to relate somewhat to this audience because you are truly the experts in the field. But my oldest son went to Bowdoin and he graduated during a year in which the most popular professor on campus was a professor of religion. And that's not the reason he was the most popular, but because he always asked the same question every year on the final exam - discuss the wanderings of St. Paul. Until my son's senior year. And all the students who walked in and they looked at the exam, hands would start to tremble and some of them became nauseous. All of them left except one student. That student sat there and wrote and wrote and wrote for the full three hours of that exam. And finally, he closed up his blue books and he walked into the professor and he passed them in and he turned around and walked out with what Mark Twain would call the calm confidence of a Christian holding four aces. Because the students had been asked not to discuss the wanderings of St. Paul, but to discuss the meaning of Christ's Sermon on the Mount. So the professor was quite astonished to see that this student had that kind of confidence. As he walked out he opened the blue books up and it said "To the experts, I leave the meaning of Christ's Sermon on the Mount. As for me, I should like to discuss the wanderings of St. Paul."

As I look out to the faces of the experts in the audience this evening, I'd like to talk about a few of the subject matters that might be of interest to you and, particularly, I want to say how pleased I am to be here to honor such a remarkable man of unique vision and extraordinary accomplishment. We all know of Andy Grove's technological achievements and his strategic judgment. They are writ large on the pages of the twentieth century corporate history. In his leadership and his tenacity, his tactical brilliance, his blunt honesty, his literary criticism of my friend, Rick Patterson, all of which are legendary. It strikes me that those are the very qualities that make a first-rate military officer. So, Andy, if you're looking for a career change, we have a place for you.

But, as we all know, also, that your achievements are even more impressive in the context of your life. We've heard, this evening, we'll hear more later, but that it began under the very severe and limiting cloak of Stalinist Hungary, something that Tom Lantos also knew something about. But another refugee once described as a place governed by "the terror of knowing that someone could be put away for not applauding loud enough at their pro-communist gathering" and the fear of a midnight knock on the door by the secret police. Andy's escape and his re-settlement with the help of the IRC, I think began a remarkable journey to and with America.

And our honoree is not one, if I can quote another poet, "who has been struck by the sudden illumination that he had the experience, but he missed the meaning".

He has gathered us here tonight in the support of future Andy Groves, who tonight sit on desolate mountain sides, or in refugee camps on windswept desserts or beside burned out homes in war-torn villages. Those young, restless minds are preoccupied today, or this evening, with food and survival. But with your help, they may find their way to safety, or perhaps, even to America and to bring to this nation new prosperity or service or leadership, just as Andy Grove has done throughout his career.

And this tribute tonight reminds all of us of the value of all of those who come to our shores, whether they become technology titans, or like my grandfather, simply, a baker of bread. But from the hardships that they left behind, each one brings forth a new life, reliving the ancient ritual of America and to cross that wide and cleansing sea to remake their world anew and in their small, but collectively immense way, they remake America.

We have seen the portraits of Albert Einstein, the originator of the IRC. He said that "The world is a dangerous place. Not because the people who are in it are evil, but because of the people who don't do anything about it."

And I recall that George Bernard Shaw also said something in a similar vein when he said "The worst thing you can do is not to hate your fellow man, but to be indifferent to him." The essence of man's inhumanity to man is indifference and that's where I think the International Rescue Committee really is so unique. It is made up of people here in this audience, and so many more, who are doing something about it by aiding those who are in the most danger of all.

And for 65 years, you have been the world's activest conscience. And for the refugee who sees nothing but man's capacity for destruction and cruelty, the saving embrace of your work restores not only his body, but also his faith and his spirit. And that faith is that in this world there are people of good will. There's faith that someone can look through the horrors of war, the massed armor, the rubble of cities, the terrible wail of hatred and see a fragile human life that is worth saving.

And it was in your infancy that you rescued those fleeing the darkening shadow over Hitler's Europe. In those decades since, on every continent, in every conflict, you've been there, piercing Eli Wiesel's "night of human suffering". And today, from the nourishment for a child along the "Trek of Tears" in central Africa, to pure water for Afghan refugees in Pakistan, to health care for Cambodian families in Thailand, you save lives by your noble deeds.

And I am proud to say this evening, that we also have men and women in our military, who also help to relieve the suffering of the world's refugees as John Whitehead has talked about this evening. Because stamped on our collective

conscience, is the image of one million Iraqi Kurds, driven from their homes during the Gulf War, sprawled out across those snow-capped hillsides, leaving behind burned villages and fleeing in terror from Saddam Hussein's shock troops. They were hunted to the fringes of survival in those cold days December of 1991.

And there was one young Kurdish man who led his family of ten for weeks on foot to reach the mountains and he spoke for many. He said, "At first I didn't believe that the American people would come to the mountain and help us. I thought at the time, that Turkey would be our cemetery." But help from the American military did come, as part of Operation Provide Comfort, and it was only America's armed forces that had the regional resources to meet that mission.

And so I am pleased tonight, to have someone else in the audience, who happens to be the senior military advisor to me, Lieutenant General Jim Jones, who was one of those up in the front lines providing comfort for those Iraqi Kurds. And he is here, with his lovely wife, Diane, this evening. I can't see you, Jim, but I know you're out there.

I have a fairly long speech that has been prepared, but in view of the hour I'm going to try to make it much shorter. I once gave a speech and a woman came up to me after the speech and she said, "[then] Senator Cohen, that was, perhaps, the finest speech that I have every heard." And I could feel myself sort of pumping up with a narcissistic pride. And she said, "As a matter of fact, it was just superfluous." And I couldn't tell if she was indulging in slip of the knife in my ribs or slip of the tongue, and I said, "Well, thank you ma'am, as a matter of fact, I was thinking of having it published posthumously." And she said, "Oh wonderful, son, the sooner, the better."

With that, let me try to summarize what I was going to say to you this evening. We have a very different situation in terms of our national security interest of today than there were five or ten years ago. We no longer have a massive Soviet Union that we have to look across a dividing line to contest. We have a much different type of security threat to our interest today, very complex, very dangerous. We have the proliferation of missile technology. We have the proliferation of chemical and biological weapons. We have ethnic rivalries and antagonisms. We have seen what has taken place when you have instability. And instability only breeds more and more refugees.

And so, our goal from a military strategy point of view, has been summed up in three very simple words: shape, respond, prepare and we repeat it almost like a mantra. We try to shape the environment in ways that maintain stability. We try to engage the world in ways that will be advantageous to our interest. And so, we are out there forward deployed. We have 100,000 men and women who are deployed in the Asia Pacific region. We have another 100,000 in Europe. We

have some 37,000 on the Korean peninsula. We are out there engaged in world affairs, telling people who we are, letting them size us up, taking a look at the men and women in the service, saying they are professionals, they are patriots, they are really capable people. And we want to be on their side, we want to be on the side of the United States of America, what they represent and the kind of capability that they project.

And we also send a signal to our potential adversaries, saying this is not a country that you really want to contest, because they know what the consequences will be. So by being forward deployed, we are up there shaping people's opinions about ourselves, we are promoting stability. And when you have stability, it means you are going to have investment, which will follow. Most of the people here, or in the investment business will tell you, they are not going to invest in countries or regions that are marked by instability. That's when the money starts coming out. And so, we are helping to promote stability which, in turn, helps to promote prosperity which can lead to democratic open free markets and free minds. And that is precisely what our goal is as far as being forward deployed.

We also have to be very flexible in how we respond to crises. We have to have a military that is strong enough and flexible enough to handle what we call neo-operations, mount, combat, and evacuation, where we can go in and pluck people out of countries that are suddenly collapsing and they have no way of getting to safety and we have to go in and be able to help them.

We have to be able to indulge and engage in humanitarian affairs, as well. Bosnia is a classic example. If it were not for our presence in Bosnia, we would have many more refugees to contend with. Were it not for our commitment to help resolve the crisis in Kosovo, there'd be many, tens of thousands more refugees who would be fleeing from that torn country. And so, we have to have this flexibility of being able to do humanitarian operations, peacekeeping operations, and yes, also able to contest a Saddam Hussein or a North Korean dictator, should it come to pass.

And we also have to prepare for the future. And that's where we have to really start looking how we can maintain this strength of ours so we can always be called upon to promote our ideals and to protect our interests.

But these are some of the things that you have been right along side of us with. You, by following us into all of the areas that John mentioned, be it in Rwanda, Somalia, be it in Bosnia, wherever we are, you are there with us. It is a tremendously cooperative and resourceful partnership that we have.

So I wanted to be here this evening, first, of course, to pay tribute to Andy, but also to pay tribute to all of you who contribute both in terms of your resources, but

also your time and your energy. Every organization, the State Department, the
Defense Department, military organizations, the IRC, corporate America,
everyone of us has to use our skills and experience to move towards a more
peaceful and more prosperous world.

In a more whimsical moment, I'm going to relate to this, Jane, and indulge just for a moment in whimsical poetry. I finished a rather tough campaign, one time, and I was thinking about just taking some time off and I was sort of resting under some trees and I wrote something that said "Man stands tense to step among the stars, his jargon brimming with non-declining quasars, and soon he'll tell us if life exists on Mars. And the father being laminated to a ray of light is heavy seed indeed, but if the choice were mine to make, knowing life to be at stake, I would choose to know the secret of the oak tree. Asking not of destiny, caring not about ancestry, satisfied it seems to be. And I wanted for that one whimsical moment, just to be as tall and stately and calm and uncaring as that oak tree, but of course, reality beat back in and we are not meant simply to be, we are meant to do.

That's what Andy Grove is all about, someone who is meant not simply to be, but to do. I would say that virtually applies to everybody in this room. Those who are here are committed to doing something rather than simply existing.

And I thought I might close this evening with a quote taken from one of my very favorite authors and he's Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, who, I think, is one of the most brilliant men ever to sit on the court and he said that "In our youth, our hearts were touched with fire. And it was given to us to learn that at the outset, that life is a profound and passionate thing. And while we are permitted to scorn nothing but indifference, and do not pretend to undervalue the worldly rewards of ambition, we have seen with our own eyes, beyond and above the gold fields, the snowy heights of honor. And it is for us to report back to those who come after us. But, above all, we have learned that whether a man accepts from Fortune her spade and will dig down, or from Aspiration her axe and cord and will scale the ice, the one and only thing, the one and only success, which it is his to command is to bring to his work a mighty heart."

And let me say, Andy, you and the IRC have always brought to your work the
mightiest of hearts and millions of people the world over are the grateful
beneficiaries of that.

Thank you.

HENRY A. KISSINGER

October 31, 1998

Dear Samy:

I feel very badly that we haven't been able to get together while you have been here. I assure you it was not from any lack of desire to see you - quite the contrary - but because my schedule has never been worse.

Just to give you an idea of my travels in October, I was in New York for only seven days during the entire month. Those few days were consumed by board meetings, client matters and other obligations I could not duck. And every moment I could spare was given over to my book, which is already behind schedule. I literally never had a free half-hour.

Worst of all has been my inability to see people I really wanted to see, and I regret that deeply. I can only hope my friends will be forgiving and not write me off completely. I count you among those friends and hope you will give me a raincheck for the next time you come to New York. I have vowed never again to let things get so overbooked that I don't have time for those who are important to me.

I also want to thank you most warmly for sending me an inscribed copy of *The Challenge*. It was extremely gracious of you, and I promise to read it from cover to cover. I would have anyway, even if you had not asked, and I know I'll enjoy it.

Looking forward to catching up with you on your next visit,

Mr. Samy Cohn
880 Fifth Avenue
New York, NY 10021

Nancy Joyce Jancourtz
1985 Ocean Avenue Apt. 4C
Brooklyn, NY 11230
718.645.7801

OCT 2 1 1998

October 19, 1998

Dr. Henry Kissinger
350 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10022

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

Please permit me to apologize for intruding on your time to seek a favor from you. As I was unable to locate an address for the Cox family (who I believe reside in New York), or the Eisenhower's, yet was able to locate an address for you in Who's Who; I take the liberty of requesting that you, if possible (and in your judgment, proper and beneficial), please forward copies of the enclosed essay by Charles Krauthammer and my response to each of President Nixon's daughters.

Perhaps you and they have seen the October 19th issue of The Weekly Standard, as well as that of September 28th. Yet, if not, I would like Julie and Tricia and the Nixon grandchildren to realize that there are fellow Americans who never felt the need to vilify Richard Nixon---and indeed felt affection for him and his family.

Especially now, with the current debacle in process; my fellow Conservatives appear to deem it necessary to dredge up pejorative commentary (whether or not sincere) about President Nixon---in my personal opinion---to afford credibility to more genuine contempt for the current Chief Executive.

My sister, Elaine, was as pleased as I that TWS chose to publish my letter--- even though attenuated (which is understandable); because our parents and we always appreciated all the Nixon family, and felt that the President was cruelly vilified by the Liberal media. Therefore, my words speak for my late parents, Reuben and Irene Jancourtz, and my sister, Elaine, as well as myself.

EMBRACING
CLONING

The day we see the first child born through the process of cloning will shatter the myths and hysteria that Adam Wolfson ascribes to this idea ("Liberalism and Cloning," Oct. 5). And with them will be gone the fear that our technology has outpaced our ethics. What will be left is the knowledge that the reasoning mind has understood the world around it and has used that understanding to create benefits for everyone.

This realization will be accompanied by the knowledge that only a social system based on the principle of protecting freedom of action will yield such benefits.

WILLIAM VAN NEST
WAYNE, NJ

NIXON AND CLINTON

David Frum writes that "Nixon stonewalled because he knew that full disclosure of his role in the Watergate burglary would lead to the exposure of even more glaring illegalities: the wiretapping of journalists and mistrusted staffers, the illegal campaign donations, the Ellsberg break-in" ("Yes, It Is Like Watergate," Sept. 28).

From the massive record about Watergate (including the last batch of Watergate tapes that was released in 1996, thanks to the Nixon family) we know: that the president did not have a role in the Watergate burglary; that he probably did not know about the Ellsberg break-in until the spring of 1973; and that wiretapping and campaign donations rarely, if ever, came up in the White House discussions about the Watergate investigation. And yet Frum joins Clinton attorney David Kendall—who also recently accused President Nixon of being involved in the Watergate burglary—in making Watergate appear far, far worse than it was. Why?

One clue may be that Frum's analysis, like most from the Left, fails to mention Watergate's sine qua non: Vietnam. In certain respects, Watergate began with the commander-in-chief's justifiable anger at Daniel Ellsberg's massive, illegal, wartime leaking; it

ended in the anti-war Left's bacchanal at the president's demise. Since THE WEEKLY STANDARD also has persistently underrated President Nixon's wartime challenges, its continued attacks on him may well have ideological roots comparable to the Left's. After all, Nixon revisionism would inevitably lead to Vietnam revisionism—and, as President Nixon always used to say, during that difficult war in that tumultuous time, the neo-cons were "squishy."

JOHN H. TAYLOR
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
RICHARD NIXON

LIBRARY & BIRTHPLACE FOUNDATION
YORBA LINDA, CA

DAVID FRUM RESPONDS: The first illegal wiretappings by the Nixon administration were ordered as early as 1969. Exactly which illegal break-ins were ordered by Nixon will always be something of a mystery—thanks in very large part to the famous 18-minute erasure in the White House tapes. But there can be no doubt that Nixon ordered, approved, and illegally raised the money to fund a large and illegal scheme to harass and spy on his domestic opponents. Were those opponents serving bad causes? Yes, of course. All the more dishonor to President Nixon for aiding those causes by wrecking his administration with his lawlessness and deceit.

Finally, John Taylor might want to reflect that the practice of seeking out a personal motive for every criticism was one of the habits that clouded Nixon's judgment and destroyed his presidency. Does he really want to follow that closely in the late president's footsteps?

LOVE OF GOD AND COUNTRY

Charles Krauthammer has great credibility, but I beg to differ with his psychological analogy of Presidents Nixon and Clinton ("The Solipsist-in-Chief," Sept. 28).

There are very great differences between Nixon and Clinton, notwithstanding the many similarities of their respective scandals. Nixon committed impeachable offenses for which he expressed sincere regret to the nation. He was never a narcissist or "solipsist." He was a devoted husband and father, and despite his egregious errors he loved this country and did not put his personal comfort ahead of the well-being of America and his family.

NANCY JANCOURTZ
BROOKLYN, NY

UNIMPEACHABLE OFFENSES

The editors seem to be indulging in premature glee ("Impeach the Perjurer," Sept. 28). It looks as if the masses have better judgment about the Clinton matter than Kenneth Starr, who had no warrant to concern himself with Monica Lewinsky in the first place (she admits that she started the "flirting" that initiated the affair). The Starr report reveals Clinton as a philanderer and a liar. Of course he lied. In such a situation every man, unless he is a pool-room boaster loving cheap display, should lie. It's too bad Clinton got mixed up with these flap-tongued bimbos, who look more and more like mercial harpies, but I can't believe that he has done any great damage to the presidency or to the country.

I did not vote for Clinton as a Boy Scout or as a role-model for children, and concerning impeachment, Clinton is not guilty of treason, accepting bribes, or high crimes. He says he has sinned, but there is no constitutional punishment for sinning. The silly congressional Republicans ought to forget

6 / THE WEEKLY STANDARD

OCTOBER 19, 1998