Maggie Halley

From: Robert D. Blackwill [rdbdelhi@yahoo.com]
Sent: Friday, August 18, 2006 1:23 PM
To: mhalley@kmaglobal.com
Subject: PLease Confrim Receipt

AUG 18 2006

Henry --

I hope that your summer is going well. Our love to Nancy.

The Prime Minister of Thailand, Thaksin Shinawatra, will be in New York in mid-September for the UNGA. I wonder if you would be free to have dinner with him or. Monday evening, September 18. I have gotten to know him quite well and he is worth your time. If you are free, you might prefer to do this by yourself, but if not, do you have suggestions of two or three other notables that might attend?

In any case, I will be in New York on September 18-19 and would like separately to have a long talk with you about the Administration, US foreign policy and the world. As my Grandfather used to say, "There are bad situations that you can make worse."

Look forward to seeing you soon.

Message

Jessee LePorin

From: Jessee LePorin [jleporin@kmaglobal.com]
Sent: Friday, August 25, 2006 9:58 AM
To: 'rdbdelhi@yahoo.com'
Subject: Meeting with Dr. Kissinger

Dear Ambassador Blackwill:

Many thanks for your e-mail. Dr. Kissinger is currently out of town (he and Nancy spend the month of August at their country home). I did want to let you know that he will unfortunately not be in New York on the dates you suggest for a meeting, as he will be traveling abroad for much of the month of September. I am sure he will write you personally to express his regret upon his return to the city, but in the meantime, I wanted to make you aware of his schedule.

Jessica P. LePorin
Office of Henry A. Kissinger
Kissinger Associates, Inc.
350 Park Avenue, 26th Floor
New York, NY 10022
TF (212) 759-7919
Fax (212) 759-0042

8/25/2006

Page 1 of 1

NOV 13 2006

Maggie Halley

**From:** Robert D. Blackwill [rdbdelhi@yahoo.com]
**Sent:** Monday, November 13, 2006 10:19 AM
**To:** mhalley@kmaglobal.com
**Subject:** Iraq and the Greater Middle East

Henry,

I very much enjoyed our lunch and talk.

In that context, I attach just for you a private paper that I have written but won't publish. I have discussed it with Nick Burns and Philip Zelikow of the Administration (Condi and Steve Hadley have it); and with Brent; Jim Baker and 41.

Blackwill/Sensitive

Robert D. Blackwill

November 7, 2006

I. First Principle – America and the Enduring Realities of the Greater
Middle East

* The United States in general and the Administration in particular are not the origin of most of the long-term conditions in the GME that make the current situation in the region so problematical and dangerous.

1. American policies did not create the rise of Muslim extremism and terror which is essentially a revolt against modernity within Islam.

2. We, after all, were attacked in on 9/11 during a year of intense U.S. diplomatic efforts to solve the Israel-Palestinian issue.

3. The terrorists hate us not primarily for our policies, but rather because of who we are and the democratic and humanist values in which we believe.

4. Washington is not responsible for the rigid social systems and autocratic governments with the GME.

5. We are not to blame for the failure of Arab governments to modernize their societies, to share their wealth with the masses.

6. We did not impose the poverty, backward economic conditions and deprivation throughout much of the Arab world.

7. We did not invent education systems which do next to nothing to prepare Arab youth to compete in a globalized world.

8. We did not create the endemic corruption through the region.

9. We are not to blame for the high birth rates and demographic bulges of frustrated and bitter young men across the GME.

10. We did not define the role of Arab women as second-class citizens or worse.

11. It is not our doing that these regimes continually look to outside forces to blame for their own internal failures to make a better life for their people.

12. It is not because of us that moderate Arab regimes are so reluctant to confront Muslim extremists within their own societies, and to defend their ties to the United States with their own people.

13. It is not our fault that Arabs have so persistently refused to recognize the presence of a Jewish State in their midst.

1

Blackwill/Sensitive

14. So the United States did not cause most of the fundamental problems of the GME. Nevertheless, our policies must take these daunting realities into account, not least because they are at the root of many of current American trials and tribulations in the region - which brings me next to Iraq.

## II. Major Analytical Conclusions re Iraq

* We are not winning in Iraq and we could be driven from the country.

* US is now at the margin regarding the future course of Iraq; we can make things much worse by rapid and early withdrawal, but we cannot make the situation much better by staying.

* Our military force cannot stop the sectarian killing which will have to burn itself out. We can't patrol every street corner and intersection and the killing will occur where we are not.

* More U.S. forces will not stabilize Baghdad; the Iraqis will have to do that when they have the capacity to do so, which will not be any time soon.

* It will be years before the Iraqi army will be able to pacify the country.

* Politically, Maliki will not make the necessary tough decisions because of personality, conviction, and the support he requires from Muktada and the Iranians. Thus, he will not disarm or even rein in the Shia militias.

* No amount of U.S. pressure on him will change this.

* There will be no new National Compact for Iraq. This Iraqi government is incapable of producing one.

* Hardly any person who lives in Iraq today thinks of him/her self as an Iraqi; rather, they define their identity in sectarian or ethnic ways.

* It will take the Sunni Arabs decades to accept the new Iraq which they will not dominate.

* It will take the Shia Arabs decades to put aside their historical grievances against the Sunni Arabs.

* All three communities are preparing for the day after American withdrawal when they believe the bloodshed will increase. Guns and not elections will dominate the foreseeable Iraqi landscape.

* The best the Administration can hope for today is a loosely federal Iraq with largely autonomous Kurdish, Shia and Sunni regions and a relatively weak government in Baghdad - and over the next several years a very gradual slowing of the violence.

* Neither the Kurds nor the Shia will permit the central government in Baghdad to control their energy resources; indeed, it is likely that the Shia in the medium term will replicate Kurdistan's full autonomy from Baghdad.

* Iran is the big strategic winner of our intervention in Iraq. Masoud Barzani recently told me that the United States was now the second most influential foreign country in Iraq, well behind Iran.

2

Blackwill/Sensitive

* We will now have to try to cope with this painful reality regarding Iran as a rising power and its effect on the region for many, many years.

### III. Policy Prescriptions Regarding Iraq

* Sadly, regarding Iraq, we are in a damage limitation mode. There will be no victory in Iraq. Our well meaning attempt at gigantic social engineering and nation building in Iraq has failed.

* We have to accept this profoundly disappointing outcome in terms of our original grand objectives vis-à-vis Iraq, while trying to avoid an encompassing disaster. A quick U.S. withdrawal from Iraq would likely produce just that - a bloodbath in Iraq and a strategic catastrophe for the United States.

* It is certainly possible that Iraq could come apart with incalculable consequences of America's vital national interests in the Middle East and globally. Avoiding that should be our first policy priority.

* Our second most important policy objective in Iraq for the period ahead is to try to avoid the creation of a Taliban-like terrorist enclave in the Sunni Arab area. The moderate Arab regimes will be indispensable in realizing this goal (see below).

* On the military side, we should gradually and slowly reduce our military forces in Iraq so that by mid-summer 2008 we are down to 50-75,000. We should not set artificial public deadlines. We should just do it.

* U.S. forces should stop policing Iraqi cities.

* The remaining American troops would have five principal missions: providing political reassurance to the Iraqi government to avoid its collapse and the country's disintegration; killing Sunni insurgents; protecting the Kurds, including from a Turkish invasion; training the Iraqi security forces; and deterring more destructive intervention in Iraq by its neighbors, especially Iran and Syria.

* Our forces should stop putting ourselves between the Sunni and Shia militias and get out of the line of fire between the two. We won't affect the outcome which will be widespread violence and ethnic cleansing for the foreseeable future, and meanwhile we take needless casualties.

* Politically, we need to stay actively involved in Baghdad but realize that this should be done with a progressively lighter touch over the next two years. At the moment, we demand of the Iraq government what it cannot and will not do. This is a recipe for failure and growing alienation with the Iraqi political elite and people. We cannot save them from themselves.

* The Kurds are a major resource for the U.S. in Iraq and in the region as a whole. Kurdistan is peaceful and booming and the Kurds are deeply pro-American, the only society in the Middle East where that is true except for Israel. We should take Kurdish views and perspectives much more into account in our policies toward Iraq. The U.S. should consider establishing a permanent military presence in Kurdistan.

3

Blackwill/Sensitive

* We need to try to get Iraq's neighbors to help regarding Iraq, but we should recognize that Iran and Syria are not going to bail us out of our current difficulties. However, this needs to be done only after we have revived our relations with moderate Arab governments (see below). To do so before that would carry the danger that the Arab moderates in their current state of trauma and fear would at best seek a position of equal distance between the United States and Iran.

## IV. Major Analytical Conclusions re the Broader Regional Context

* As the Soviets used to say, the correlation of forces in the GME is moving against us.

* US standing, power and influence in the region is lower than in many, many decades.

* Across the Greater Middle East, the United States looks weak and discredited.

* Our friends are confused and demoralized and our enemies are emboldened – everywhere in the region.

* Hezbollah's successful resistance to the IDF beginning July 12, part of a pattern in the Greater Middle East, was a strategic setback for the United States.

* Most important, it again demonstrated that force of arms on our part – the machinery of modern combined air and ground warfare – can be thwarted or at least neutralized by radical Muslim paramilitary forces – Hezbollah, Hamas, the Mahdi Army, the Taliban.

* The unfortunate result of those 34 IDF days in Lebanon adds to this destabilizing impression which was already prevalent because of the military standoff in Iraq and the resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan.

* In these wars, the enemy's tactics and staying power seem at least equal to ours over the long term, and maybe superior – not least because they are convinced that they have God on their side.

* Thus, it is difficult to see the situations improving any time soon from our perspective regarding Hezbollah in Lebanon (who thinks UNSCR 1701 will be effectively implemented and Hezbollah disarmed?); in Iraq; in the Palestinian territories; in Afghanistan. In none of these cases will the situation get substantially better in the short term.

* The Taliban in Afghanistan is continuing to gain strength and Karzai's government in Kabul is weak and ineffective, like that of Maliki in Baghdad and Siniora in Beirut.

* This multifaceted but interrelated big bad news has now been digested by the Arab street and in the Muslim world in general.

* It has seriously weakened deterrence with respect to Israel by the Arab world in general. Israel's aura of military invincibility has been shattered.

* And the notion has been strongly revived within the Arab world that if it shows enough patience and has the right strategies, the Jewish state can be extinguished.

4

Blackwill/Sensitive

* All of this is exacerbated by the rapid rise of Iran, now the second most powerful and influential country in the GME after the United States and by far the most important foreign country in Iraq south of Baghdad.

* These deeply corrosive trends in the GME have been further reinforced by the apparent inability of the United States to deal successfully with North Korea's nuclear weapons and Iran's nuclear weapon ambitions.

* Iran, led by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, is emitting enormous confidence if not arrogance concerning the future shape of the Middle East. Tehran is close to contemptuous regarding the role of the United States in the region and seems to regard the U.S. as a spent force.

* The radical Islamists throughout the GME are watching America in trouble and they have a spring in their step. They are gaining ground nearly everywhere and the moderate Arabs are frightened and beginning to hedge.

* This is obviously a perilous situation for the United States. It is certainly the most hazardous period in the GME for the United States at least since the 1973 war and the possibility of U.S.-Soviet armed conflict.

* And our problems today are much more systemic than that brief confrontation and crisis with Moscow forty years ago and therefore harder and longer to rectify.

## V. Policy Prescriptions Re the Broader Region

* It will take years of skillful U.S. diplomacy and the integrated use of all the instruments of American power to fundamentally repair this dire situation in the region. There are no quick fixes available.

* More bad things are likely to happen out there in the period ahead – for the folks who live in the GME and for the United States.

* At the same time, the United States retains enormous residual power and influence in the region.

* Washington needs to use these instruments more actively and more effectively. The U.S. urgently needs a breakout strategy to arrest the current downward trends in the area. We need to give our friends in the GME something to think and talk about other than our failures in Iraq and the rise of Iranian and Shia power.

* Just as American failure in one place infects the entire region, a successful U.S. initiative will have a helpful impact across the area. In this part of the world, for better or for worse, the hip bone is connected to the tail bone.

* It would be better for U.S. diplomacy to become much more active in the period ahead from a position of strength but that is not an option under current circumstances. But we must act soon or the situation in the GME will continue to systemically deteriorate.

* Therefore, in addition to the U.S. policies regarding Iraq outlined above, we should do the following in the next six months re U.S. policy in the GME.

* We should not do the following all at once because it could give a sense of panic in Washington; rather, we should space these initiatives out over the first half of 2007.

5

Blackwill/Sensitive

* First, we must make a major and comprehensive effort to improve relations with the moderate Sunni Arab regimes - Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan and the Gulf States. Without them, no resurgent U.S. policy in the Middle East can succeed.

* Our message to these moderate Arab governments should be as follows:

1. We now all face a growing, dangerous and historic threat from Iran and the Shia Crescent. If we do not work skillfully and effectively together to meet this threat, we will all suffer grievously.

2. Hedging policies toward Iran will not work. They have hegemonic ambitions and intend to realize them.

3. This means greater diplomatic, military and intelligence cooperation among us.

4. It means that the Administration will reduce the volume and frequency of our public statements that they need to fundamentally change the way they govern.

5. It means that we have heard them regarding the centrality of the Israel-Palestinian issue to them and the Administration will launch a major new effort to try to make progress on the issue (see below).

6. We need their strong support (diplomatic - especially with Hamas -- and economic) as we go about this very difficult task between Israelis and Palestinians.

7. We also will count on them to do everything they can to help avoid Sunni Arab Iraq becoming a terrorist enclave.

8. We will all hang together to meet these many challenges in the years ahead, or we will all hang separately.

* With respect to the Palestinian-Israeli issue and after discussions with our Arab friends, we should appoint a high level Administration envoy. This is not because at present there are prospects for early progress on the issue. Quite the contrary. But the activities of such an envoy can show that we are doing everything we can to address the matter. This will give the U.S. a significant boost in the region and especially among moderate Arabs.

* Again after entering this new positive phase with our Arab partners and if they agree, we should support the resumption after eight years of direct talks between Israel and Syria. The new Administration Middle East envoy should take this on as well. Damascus has indicated that it is ready for such negotiations but will not proceed unless the Administration gives the green light. The Olmert government similarly won't move without Washington's push. This could eventually give Bashar al-Assad and Company some incentives to act more responsibly in Iraq and Lebanon. In any case, it is worth a try. Simply continuing to bash Damascus is not going to improve the situation.

* Regarding Afghanistan, we should continue to shift most of the burden to NATO. The United States has plenty to do elsewhere in the region. This will be a long and bloody fight with the Taliban.

6

Blackwill/Sensitive

* That brings us to Iran where there are certainly no cookbook solutions to stop Tehran's destructive policies. This is a challenge that may well last for decades. Making the best of a bad situation:

1. Washington should not negotiate with Iran on its nuclear program until it suspends its enrichment activities. To change our present policy and put aside this precondition would feed further destructive Iranian behavior and broadcast our lack of resolve to the region.

2. If Tehran refuses to stop enrichment, the Administration should continue its efforts in the UNSC, even though this process in New York is unlikely to produce sanctions that will serious affect Iranian behavior. Moscow and Beijing will not agree to tough action against Tehran. And it is not even clear how far the EU-3 will go to punish Iran.

3. But we should be in no hurry in New York because a decisive failure at the United Nations would end the U.S. negotiating path and present the President with a binary decision – either to attack Iran's nuclear facilities or acquiesce to an Iranian nuclear weapon.

4. Either of those choices would bring potentially disastrous consequences for vital U.S. national interests and Washington should postpone that moment at least until we have partially recovered our strength in the region.

5. To attack Iran anytime soon would bring about a further deep decline in the American standing in the GME and would likely ignite a prolonged global conflict with Iran for which we are not ready.

6. At the same time the Administration should, as a response to a worst case scenario, study intensively the components of a strategy to contain and deter Iran should it acquire a nuclear weapon. Many of those elements, including strengthening our ties to moderate Arabs, should be implemented now whether or not Iran goes nuclear.

7. We should be willing to talk bilaterally with Iran (and Syria) about Iraq on the margins of an international conference on Iraq's future but, as argued above, we should not expect much to come out of those discussions until America's position in the GME has markedly improved, if then.

8. If Iran is willing to suspend enrichment, we should launch a comprehensive dialogue with Tehran on disputatious bilateral issues. But we should keep the nuclear issue securely within the EU-3/U.S. framework and not shift to primarily a bilateral approach, lest we feed the impression that Iran's nuclear program is only of concern to the United States.

## VI. Conclusions

* Nothing we can do with respect to the GME will quickly improve the U.S. situation strategically.

* That will take years to accomplish.

7

DATE : 12/14/06

CORR. FILE : Blackmill, Bob

ACTION: Paul Stape Dennis

Joshua Jessee Maggie

Security Suzanne Theresa

COMMENTS:

SUBJ. FILE :

CROSS REF. :

STAFF MEMO :

DC OFFICE : ✓
Christie /Jody/ Ann /Rose

INFO COPY TO:

ROUTE CC COPY TO:

TO BE FILED :

Page 1 of 2

Jessee LePorin

**From:** Invitation from BGR [rsvp@BGRdc.com]

**Sent:** Wednesday, December 13, 2006 4:05 PM

**To:** undisclosed-recipients:

**Subject:** Special Invitation -- January 8, 2007

DEC 14 2006

Ambassador Robert D. Blackwill and his colleagues at
**BARBOUR GRIFFITH & ROGERS, LLC**

Invite you to celebrate the passage and signing into law of

**The Henry J. Hyde United States-India Peaceful
Atomic Energy Cooperation Act of 2006**

and to pay tribute to

**The Honorable Henry J. Hyde**

Member of Congress from the 6th Congressional District of Illinois (1975-2006)
Chairman of the House International Relations Committee (2001-2006)

Monday, January 8, 2007
6:00-8:00 PM

The Columbus Club
Union Station
50 Massachusetts Avenue, NE
Washington, DC 20002

Please RSVP by December 29, 2006 to
Will Milligan at 202-661-6353

12/13/2006

Football has been a passion for me since my boyhood. It was a different game then from the modern version - less scientific, higher scores and where I grew up, played by amateurs, not professionals. But it had the same capacity to inspire passion because of the geometry of the patterns, the unpredictability of the interactions of eleven men on each side, and its capacity to bring about a unique - sometimes excessive - identification of fans with their teams.

Since then, I have attended football games all over the world and became especially interested in promoting football in the United States through American participation in international football - particularly the World Cup.

It is in this capacity that I met Joseph Blatter. In the late 1980s, America began preparing for the right to stage the World Cup and I served on the Organizing Committee. In that role, I made the acquaintance of Joseph Blatter, calling on him at FIFA headquarters in Zürich. He was extremely helpful in explaining to me the necessities of the international tournament and of the many details his experiences could facilitate. Then and thereafter, I was very impressed by his knowledge, the scope of his acquaintances, and his commitment to the game.

We met frequently at World Cups in Italy, America, and France and at the meetings of the International Olympic Committee. I was a member of the Reform Commission, which evolved over a hundred proposals later adopted by the Olympic Committee and in which Blatter was an active participant. In 2002, Joseph was invited to join the International Olympic Committee as a regular member. I had many occasions to exchange ideas with him at these meetings and to learn from him personally about his plans and visions for football.

Joseph Blatter has made a major contribution to relate football to the new technology and to the globalized world. He deserves much credit for bringing Africa into the international game and for the location of the 2010 World Cup in South Africa.

These achievements merge in my mind with the many acts of personal friendship Joseph Blatter has shown to me.

So I join his many friends in wishing Joseph Blatter a happy birthday and much joy and satisfaction in the full life ahead of him.

Page 2 of 2

**From:** Sacha Wigdorovits [mailto:sacha.wigdorovits@contractmedia.ch]

**Sent:** Sunday, February 26, 2006 6:36 AM

**To:** Jody Williams

**Subject:** AW: Blatter birthday book - Kissinger response

Hello Jody Williams

I know the deadline is very short and I apologize for it (it is not our fault). But of course, we would be delighted if Dr. Kissinger could contribute a short address to Mr. Blatter's birthday book. Do you think this would be possible until **Thursday, March 2 in the evening**? Otherwise, please, let me know what date would be realistic for you. The birthday is on 10 March and we still have to print the book before than.

If Dr. Kissinger wants he can also dictate us his remarks on the phone and we would then send the draft back to him for corrections immediately after that.

Many thanks for your help

Sacha Wigdorovits
Contract Media AG
Seefeldstrasse 281
CH-8008 Zürich
Switzerland

Office +41 (0)44 209 60 00

Mobile +41 (0)79 404 17 05

Fax +41 (0)44 209 60 10

Web www contractmedia.ch

**Von:** Jody Williams [mailto:J\Villiam@csis.org]

**Gesendet:** Samstag, 25. Februar 2006 01:34

**An:** Sacha Wigdorovits

**Betreff:** Blatter birthday book - Kissinger response

Ms. Wigdorovits,

Dr. Kissinger appreciated your contacting him about the book planned for Mr. Blatter's 70th birthday and would be pleased to participate, but your short deadline is a problem. Because of his schedule and travel commitments, he will not be able to prepare something by February 28th and needs a few more days. Please let me know if you can extend your deadline and, if so, when is the latest date Dr. Kissinger can send to you his tribute to Mr. Blatter.

Many thanks,
Jody Williams

Office of Henry A. Kissinger
1800 K Street, NW - Suite 302
Washington, DC 20006
TF: 202/872-0300
FAX: 212/753-7248
e-mail: jwilliam@csis.org

3/1/2006

Joseph Blatter

Football has been a passion for me since my boyhood. It was a different game then from the modern version less scientific, higher scores, and where I grew up, played by amateurs, not professionals. But it had the same capacity to inspire passion because of the geometry of the patterns, the unpredictability of the interactions of eleven men on each side and its capacity to bring about a unique - sometimes excessive - identification of fans with their teams.

Since then, I have attended football games all over the world and became especially interested in promoting football in the United States through American participation in international football - especially the World Cup.

It is in this capacity that I met Joseph Blatter. In the late 80s, America began preparing for the right to stage the World Cup and I served on the Organizing Committee. In that capacity, I made the acquaintance of Joseph Blatter, calling on him at FIFA headquarters in Zurich. He was

1

03/01/05 03:00pm P. 001

703 9414072

JODY WILLIAMS

We met frequently at World Cups in Italy, America and France and at

Meetings of

Commission, which evolved over a hundred proposals later adopted by the Olympic Committee and in which Blatter was an active participant. In 2002, Joseph was invited to join the International Olympic Committee as a regular member. I had many occasions to exchange ideas with Joseph at these meetings and to learn from him personally about his plans and visions for football.

2

002 P. 03/01/05 9:00am

200404072

JOEY WILLIAMS

Joseph Blatter

Football has been a passion for me since my boyhood. It was a different game then from the modern version, less scientific, higher scores and where I grew up, played by amateurs, not professionals. But it had the same capacity to inspire passion because of the geometry of the patterns, the unpredictability of the interactions of eleven men on each side and its capacity to bring about a unique - sometimes excessive - identification of fans with their teams.

We met frequently at World Cups in Italy, America and France and at the International Olympic Committee. I was a member of the Reform Commission, which evolved over a hundred proposals later adopted by the Olympic Committee and in which Blatter was an active participant. In 2002, Joseph was invited to join the International Olympic Committee as a regular member. I had many occasions to exchange ideas with Joseph at these meetings and to learn from him personally about his plans and visions for football.

3

Draft # 1 - 373 words

Joseph Blatter

Joseph Blatter, calling on him at FIFA headquarters in Zurich. He was extremely helpful in explaining to me the necessities of the international tournament and of the many details his experiences could facilitate. Then and thereafter, I was very impressed by his knowledge, the scope of his acquaintances, and his commitment to the game.

Commission, which evolved over a hundred proposals later adopted by the and in while Blatter was an active participant Olympic Committee. In 2002, Joseph was invited to join the International

personally about his plans and visions for the sport.

3

Im Laufe der Jahrzehnte eines Menschenlebens rücken Erinnerungen aus der Vergangenheit immer näher, sie gewinnen immer mehr an Bedeutung. Dies umso eindringlicher, als die Vergangenheit nicht etwa stromlinienförmig verlief, sondern geprägt war von Epochen grundverschiedener Strukturen, die die einen hinnahmen und sich anpassten, andere sich ihnen widersetzten, wenn diese Strukturen den eigenen mit der Zeit gewachsenen Lebensvorstellungen widersprachen.

In diesem Spannungsfeld liegt mein Leben, das 1913 begann – zur Kaiserzeit – mit der Erinnerung an heimkehrende Soldaten von der Front im Jahre 1918, unter denen mein Vater als Frontsoldat fehlte, vielmehr erst im Jahre 1921 aus russischer Kriegsgefangenschaft heimkehrte; die Jahre der Inflation, Deflation mit Wirtschaftskrise, Arbeitslosigkeit, Hoffnungslosigkeit, dann Hitlers Gewaltherrschaft mit seinen schrecklichen Spuren, aus denen wir nur halbherzige Lehren gezogen haben.

Dann die Befreiung durch die Amerikaner 1945, die uns die Demokratie brachten, den Weg zu einem in Deutschland nie dagewesenen Wohlstand, dem die geistige Komponente aber völlig fehlte.

Dieses Defizit hat zu Unordnung und damit Auflösung gesellschaftlicher Bindungen geführt, ohne die eine Gemeinschaft, ein Staatswesen auf Dauer nicht bestehen kann.

Mit meiner Schrift gehe ich auf die Folgen dieser Entwicklung in seinen einzelnen Erscheinungsformen ein und versuche, den Weg aufzuzeigen, der nach meiner Vorstellung allein das Problem lösen kann.

7

Vorwort des Verlags

Der vielseitige Zuspruch zu diesem Werk, gerade aus prominentem
und kompetentem Kreis – herausragend Lob und Anerkennung
durch Kardinal Ratzinger, Tage vor seiner Wahl zum Papst, ebenso
gleicher Zuspruch durch Kardinal Meissner, Köln – kommt nicht
von ungefähr.

Der auf persönliche Erlebnisse während eines knappen Jahrhun-
derts beruhende Erlebnisreichtum des Autors qualifiziert das Buch
als Lektüre anspruchsvoller Leser, die sich mit der Realität des
alltäglichen Lebens nicht abfinden können, sondern sich den Sinn
für weitere Lebensperspektive erhalten haben.

Eine gesunde, argumentative Lebensphilosophie führt als roter Fa-
den – ohne Nachgabe an den Zeitgeist – durch diese Schrift und
regt zum Nachdenken an.

9

Der Krieg war zu Ende, mit ihm hatte die Diktatur ihr entsprechendes Ende gefunden: Trümmer ringsum, Menschen immer noch auf der Flucht, Millionen Gefallene draußen in der Fremde und daheim die unzähligen Trümmertoten, die Geschundenen in den Konzentrationslagern, viele Helden, namentliche und namenlose.

Ich gehörte zu denen, die die ersehnte Freiheit erlebten. In diesen Wochen des Jahres 1945 entstand meine Haltung bleibenden Dankes gegenüber den Amerikanern, in deren Hände ich geriet mit vielen Kameraden, die wir das Glück hatten, nicht in die Hände der Russen zu fallen. Diese führten unsere Landsleute im Osten von der braunen in die rote Diktatur, vergewaltigten sie also zum zweiten Mal, während die Amerikaner als erstes unsere schlimmste Not großzügig linderten und uns im Westen den Boden zur Demokratie schufen.

Sogleich bekam ich hinreichend Gelegenheit, diese gewonnene Freiheit zu nutzen für den persönlichen Bereich und darüber hinaus, um für meinen kleinen Teil mitzuwirken an dem neuen Gemeinwesen.

Als einer der ersten Rechtsanwälte im Bergsträßer Raum wurde ich durch die amerikanische Militärregierung zugelassen, was durch das hessische Justizministerium dann offiziell nachvollzogen wurde. Gleichzeitig wurde ich als Strafverteidiger an den Militärgerichten - erste Instanz Heppenheim, zweite Instanz Darmstadt - bestellt. Ich wurde angesprochen, bei einer neu zu gründenden, christlich geprägten Partei mitzumachen. Der Grundgedanke, christlich fundierte Bürger beider Religionsgemeinschaften hier politisch zusammenzuführen, bewog mich zum Mitmachen.

Zum Glück war mein Elternhaus von Kriegseinwirkung verschont geblieben. So konnte ich in den früher von Vater benutzten Bürobäumen mich einrichten, wobei Mutter wieder einmal unverzichtbar Regie führte, so wie schon einmal 24 Jahre zuvor unter gleichen Umständen. Im oben ausgebauten Mansardenstock richteten wir, Inge und ich, unsere eheliche Wohnung ein mit einzelnen Stücken aus Mutters noch erhaltenem Haushalt und einigem we-

52

nigem - dafür besonders wertvollem - Mobiliar aus dem Haushalt der Schwiegereltern. Diese hatten fast ihr gesamtes bewegliches Hab und Gut durch Bombenangriffe in Kassel, Frankfurt und Wiesbaden, wo mein Schwiegervater, ebenfalls Jurist, als Behördenchef jeweils tätig war, verloren.

Unsere Hochzeit war in Wiesbaden gefeiert worden, wohin wir vier Blechners die erste Strecke im überfüllten Eisenbahnzug, die zweite mit einem großen Ruderboot über den Rhein - die gesprengte Brücke machte dies nötig - angereist waren. Ein junger katholischer Priester sprach zeitgemäße, eindrucksvolle Worte und segnete Inge und mich. Die Zutaten zum Hochzeitsschmaus stammten von ersten Klienten meiner Kanzlei, die schon damals entsprechende Beziehungen oder einen Bauernhof hatten. Die Großmutter meiner Frau, von allen Omi genannt, die hervorragend kochte, machte daraus ein Festmahl, von dem noch lange Zeit gesprochen wurde. Wein und andere Spirituosen hatten mir zu diesem besonderen Anlaß Amis besorgt, zu denen ich jetzt ständigen beruflichen Kontakt hatte, und zwar bei den Militärgerichten und dem CIC. Das CIC war die politische Untersuchungsinstanz mit „Mister Henry", dem Chef. Untergetauchte Nazi-Aktivisten, darunter insbesondere Verbrecher im strafrechtlichen Sinn, wurden aufgespürt und je nach Schwere des Strafvorwurfs kategorisiert zu späterer Verurteilung. Ständige Verhöre fanden bei Mister Henry statt, bei denen ich als anwaltlicher Vertreter bzw. Verteidiger mitwirkte. Viele Ungereimtheiten gab es da. Ein Beispiel: Ein ehrenwerter Bensheimer Bürger wurde vom CIC verhaftet, wovon mich die Frau des Verhafteten sofort verständigte. Meinem Drängen auf alsbaldiges Verhör wurde nicht stattgegeben. Erst Tage nach der Verhaftung konnte ich den Vorwurf, der Verhaftete hätte seine SS-Zugehörigkeit verschwiegen, was durch einen in der Wohnung aufgespürten Ausweis nachgewiesen sei, widerlegen: Das corpus delicti wies den Delinquenten als „Strecken-Rottenführer" bei der Reichsbahn aus. Er wurde sofort entlassen. Ein Denunziant hatte ganz offensichtlich die mißverstandene Spur in die Wohnung gelegt. Im übrigen: Mister Hen-

53

ry, wie er sich ganz offiziell nannte, war niemand Geringeres als der
spätere US-Außenminister Henry Kissinger.

Beim zuständigen Landgericht Darmstadt residierten unter den ersten zugelassenen Richtern Dr. Hill, Dr. Schmidt und Klein, mit denen ich seit der Referendarausbildung und in gemeinsamer politischer Haltung freundschaftlich verbunden war bzw. noch bin. Ebenfalls war ich von Anfang an zugelassener Anwalt bei den dann eingerichteten Spruchkammern. Dort verteidigte ich eine Reihe früherer belasteter Lehrer vom Gymnasium. Zu diesen gehörten nicht die an früherer Stelle Genannten. Viele der von mir Vertretenen hatten erklärliche Gründe für ihre NS-Zugehörigkeit. Nach wie vor sind diese für mich Ehrenmänner.

*

54

Da das erste verdiente Geld aus der jungen Praxis keinen spürbaren Wert besaß, die Besorgung von lebenswichtigen Gütern auf dem Schwarzen Markt, Organisieren genannt, also notwendig war, wurden diese Gesetzesbrüche bewußt in Kauf genommen. Das war halt so. Rechtsanwälte waren von dieser allgemeinen Übung nicht ausgeschlossen, und wie man hörte, Richter und Staatsanwälte auch nicht.

Mit einem Tag wurden diese wirtschaftlich rechtlichen Ungereimtheiten zurechtgerückt: Am 24. Juni 1948, dem Währungsstichtag, wurden die wirtschaftlichen Grundsätze geschaffen, die Deutschland in einen zuvor nie gekannten Wohlstand führen sollten. Jeder Bürger begann mit 60 Deutsche Mark Kopfgeld. Der uns Deutschen eigene Sinn zum Sparen machte sich buchstäblich bezahlt. Durch das gezielte Umgehen mit dem neuen, wertvollen Geld blieb dieses stabil. Mit dem ersparten Geld konnten ebenso stabile geldwerte Güter erstanden werden, mit denen wiederum Geld verdient wurde, das neue geldwerte Güter schuf. Damit wurden Arbeitssplätze geschaffen, die gediegene Löhne erbrachten, wie umgekehrt gediegene Arbeitsleistungen Wohlstand schufen. Den vielen Ausländern (Italiener, Spanier, Jugoslawen, Türken), die in ihrer Heimat keine Arbeit hatten, kam das Überangebot an Arbeit bei uns gerade entgegen. Sie wurden hier seßhaft und fühlen sich heute in zweiter und dritter Generation zu Hause. Diese unsere Mitbürger haben wesentlichen Anteil an unserem Wohlstand und haben deshalb unseren Dank.

Unmittelbar nach der Währungsumstellung wurde ich zum Notar bestellt. Den wesentlichen Anteil hieran hatte diesmal wiederum ein Herr von Brentano, nämlich der Neffe jenes Ministers, der im Jahre 1922 die Notar-Zulassung meines Vaters veranlaßt hatte, nämlich unser erster Nachkriegsaußenminister, Dr. Heinrich von Brentano. Die damit verbundene wirtschaftliche Besserstellung empfand ich dankbar als Ausgleich für meine Schlechterstellung als Assessor mit 50 Deutsche Mark Monatszuschuß als Nichtparteigenosse gegenüber den NS-Assessoren, die während des Kriegs

55

Mit der seit über einem halben Jahrhundert systematisch betriebenen Abkehr von Gott sind wir „von allen guten Geistern verlassen“. Damit ist uns die Geistesgabe der Unterscheidung von Gut und Böse, von Wahrheit und Lüge abhanden gekommen. In geistloser Anmaßung suchen wir Modernen, in eigener Regie vergeblich Ordnung in unsere Welt zu bringen. Der 11. September 2001 und seine Geschehnisse in den USA haben aufgezeigt, daß wir uns zurückbesinnen müssen auf Ordnungen und Werte. Das sind nach Meinung des Autors speziell die christlichen, althergebrachten und überlieferten Werte, aber auch das Akzeptieren von Autorität gerade im jugendlichen Alter. Der Autor zeigt die Probleme unserer heutigen Gesellschaft auf und präsentiert überzeugende Lösungsansätze, wie unsere Gesellschaft im 21. Jahrhundert ihre Krise überwinden kann.

Diese Schrift möge zu konstruktivem Nachdenken anregen.

Hans G. Blechner ist in Bensheim an der Bergstraße 1913 geboren. Er ist das dritte von vier Kindern. Seine Heimatstadt blieb mit Ausnahme der Studien- und Kriegsjahre immer sein Wohnsitz. Nach dem Abitur am humanistischen Gymnasium und nach Abschluß des Jurastudiums als Referendar und Assessor folgte unmittelbar anschließend sein Kriegseinsatz als Infanterist in Rußland bis Kriegsende. Im Spätjahr 1945 heiratete er. 1981 promovierte er zum Dr. jur. Seine Ehefrau hat seinen Lebensweg immer wesentlich mitgestaltet. Mit dem gemeinsamen Sohn und zwei weiteren Kollegen ist Dr. Blechner bis heute als Anwalt und Notar in seiner Praxis tätig.

Von dem Autor ist schon erschienen: Seit 1913. Erfahrungen – Erkenntnisse – Folgerungen (ISBN 3-89501-271-8).

ISBN 3-8267-5221-X • sFr 11,80 • € 6,40

5221 • FOUQUÉ

Hans G. Blechner – Besten an Bewährtes

Hans G. Blechner

Besinnen auf Bewährtes

Umkehr im Denken und Handeln tut not

KABINETTS-
BIBLIOTHEK

LITERATUR
BEI FOUQUÉ

Vorwort

Als Jurastudent in den Jahren ab 1933 wurde ich täglich mit Hetzparolen, mit denen die Universitätsgebäude in Freiburg und Heidelberg beschmiert waren, konfrontiert. Drei Jahrzehnte später wurde mein Sohn als Jurastudent an denselben Universitäten mit ähnlichen Schmierereien konfrontiert.

Zu meiner Studienzeit damals wurden unsere bürgerlichen
Freiheitsrechte von SA-und SS-Stiefeln niedergetrampelt.
Zur Studienzeit meines Sohnes wurden die nach schweren,
entbehrungsreichen Jahren wiedererlangten Freiheiten von
Turnschuhträgern zu kriminellen Ausschreitungen miß-
braucht - begleitet vom Verständnis und da und dort Wohl-
wollen linker Ideologen, die sich seitdem bei uns breit ge-
macht haben.

Die Duplizität dieser Ereignisse und zugleich ihre kausale
Widersprüchlichkeit macht eine Untersuchung sinnvoll.

Ich habe die Zeitspanne von 1933 bis heute als Erwachsener
mit wachem Sinn erlebt, nicht abgehoben in akademischer
Beschaulichkeit, sondern mitten drin im Zeitgeschehen. Ich
weiß, wovon ich hier schreibe, bin also insoweit auf keine
Belehrung angewiesen, gleich von wem, gleich aus welcher
Richtung.

7

DATE 8/24/06

CORR. FILE

ACTION: Alan Stape Dennis

Jessee Theresa Rose

John Maggie Suzanne

COMMENTS:

SUBJ. FILE

CROSS REF.

STAFF MEMO

DC OFFICE:
Christie / Jody / Ann

INFO COPY TO:

ROUTE CC COPY TO:

TO BE FILED

2006 HONOREES

AMERICAN EXPRESS
accepted by Kenneth Chenault
Chairman and CEO

LOUIS ARMSTRONG
HOUSE & ARCHIVES
accepted by Michael Cogswell
Director

MARK MORRIS
founder, Mark Morris
Dance Group

THE PUBLIC THEATER
accepted by Oskar Eustis
Artistic Director
and Mara Manus
Executive Director

DR. GEORGE YORK
Principal, Bronx High School
for the Visual Arts

THE BOROUGH ARTS COUNCILS

BRONX COUNCIL ON THE ARTS
accepted by William Aguado
Executive Director

BROOKLYN ARTS COUNCIL
accepted by Ella Weiss
President

COUNCIL ON THE ARTS AND
HUMANITIES FOR STATEN ISLAND
accepted by Laura Jean Watters
Executive Director

LOWER MANHATTAN
CULTURAL COUNCIL
accepted by Tom Healy
President

QUEENS COUNCIL ON THE ARTS
accepted by Hoong Yee Lee Krakauer
Executive Director

MICHAEL R. BLOOMBERG
Mayor, City of New York

AGNES GUND
Chair, Cultural Affairs Advisory Commission

KATE D. LEVIN
Commissioner, Department of Cultural Affairs

CORDIALLY INVITE YOU TO

THE MAYOR'S
AWARDS FOR
ARTS & CULTURE

CELEBRATING 30 YEARS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CULTURAL AFFAIRS

MONDAY, OCTOBER 30, 2006, 5:30 P.M. TO 7:30 P.M.
5:30 P.M. CURTAIN

Doors open at 5:00 PM
Reception to follow

Frederick P. Rose Hall, Home of Jazz at Lincoln Center,
Broadway at 60th Street, RSVP (212) 788-2569

HENRY A. KISSINGER

October 20, 2005

Dear Mr. Deputy Prime Minister:

Your predecessor, Minister Lee Hun-jai, paid me the honor of meeting with me on March 4th of this year during my visit to the Republic of Korea. I benefited greatly from his insights into the Korean economy and developments on the Korean peninsula.

With that visit in mind, I am taking the liberty of writing to you to seek your advice on a matter affecting U.S.-Korean trade ties. The issue regards the Korean Fair Trade Commission's ongoing proceedings against Microsoft, which may be coming to a conclusion in the near future. The underlying question relates to Microsoft's inclusion of media playback and instant messaging functionality in its Windows operating system.

As you may recall, the claim that adding new functionality to Windows was anticompetitive was an important element in the U.S. government's lawsuit against Windows a few years ago. At that time, this precise issue was fully reviewed by the U.S. Department of Justice and the U.S. courts. The resolution of this case — upheld by a unanimous appeals court ruling — rejected the view that removing features from Windows is good for competition or consumers.

In the Korea case, reports have come to my attention which indicate that the staff of the Korea Fair Trade Commission has recommended penalties against Microsoft for designing its operating system products in ways that comply fully with the Consent Decree between Microsoft and the U.S. Department of Justice that resolved the U.S. case. The proposed penalties provide:

* That Microsoft be barred from distributing in Korea any version of its Windows operating system that includes media playing or instant messaging functionality.

* That Microsoft be forced to distribute to every current user of Windows in Korea copies of its competitors' media players and instant messaging programs.

Such penalties would be unprecedented in their severity. They would prevent Microsoft from distributing in Korea the very same software that it lawfully distributes everywhere else in the world. They would undermine the central value that Windows provides to the world economy: providing a uniform software platform that works properly with a wide range of software and hardware products from thousands of firms. The imposition of such penalties would brush aside the findings of the U.S. judicial authorities who exhaustively examined these practices before making their ruling. Moreover, these practices are now subject to careful, ongoing regulation by the U.S. government.

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR · 350 PARK AVENUE · NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 · (212) 759-7919
FACSIMILE (212) 759-0042

October 20, 2005

Page 2 of 2

Korean decision at variance with this approach could have severe consequences for
Microsoft's global operations.

For this reason, I am concerned that the adoption of such recommendations would
complicate US-ROK trade ties and weaken U.S. business support for a U.S.-Korean free
trade agreement. In addition it would inflict a harsh blow on Microsoft, which has been
operating in Korea since 1984, employs nearly 450 persons in Korea, and which has
made investments or commitments to invest in Korea of over a billion U.S. dollars.

In earlier discussions with the Korean government, the sense was conveyed that steps
would be taken that would enable Microsoft and the Korea Fair Trade Commission to
resolve this matter short of litigation. This has not yet proved possible.

I would welcome your advice on how to achieve an outcome that will contribute to a
positive climate in U.S. Korean trade relations and enhance Korea's image as a desirable
place for foreign investment.

His Excellency Mr. Han Duck-soo
Deputy Prime Minister and
Minister of Finance and Economy
Seoul, Republic of Korea

2

October 19, 2005

With that visit in mind, I am taking the liberty of writing to you to seek your advice on a matter affecting U.S.-Korean trade ties. The issue regards the Korean Fair Trade Commission's ongoing proceedings against Microsoft, which may be coming to a conclusion in the near future. The underlying question relates to Microsoft's *inclusion of practice of bundling a media player playback and instant messaging functionality software with in its Windows operating system*.

As you may recall, the claim that adding new functionality to Windows was anticompetitive was an important element in the U.S. government's law-suit against Windows a few years ago. At that time, this precise issue was fully reviewed by the U.S. Department of Justice and the U.S. courts. The *settlement resolution of this case—upheld by a unanimous appeals court ruling—rejected the view that removing features from Windows is good for competition or consumers*.

In the Korea case, reports have come to my attention which indicate that the staff of the Korea Fair Trade Commission has recommended penalties against Microsoft for *designing its operating system products in ways that comply fully with engaging in practices that were specifically found permissible by the U.S. court system and that are in full compliance with the Consent Decree between Microsoft and the U.S. Department of Justice that resolved the U.S. case*. The proposed penalties provide:

Such penalties would be unprecedented in their severity. They would prevent Microsoft from distributing in Korea the very same software that it lawfully distributes everywhere else in the world. *They would undermine the central value that Windows provides to the*

world economy: providing a uniform software platform that works properly with a wide range of software and hardware products from thousands of firms. The imposition of such penalties would brush aside the findings of the U.S. judicial authorities who exhaustively examined these practices before making their ruling. Moreover, these practices are now subject to careful, ongoing regulation by the U.S. government. A Korean decision at variance with this approach could have severe consequences for Microsoft's global operations.

Sincerely,

Henry A. Kissinger

Korea Times Print

Page 1 of 2

hankook.com

THE KOREA TIMES

# FTC Accuses Kissinger of Lobbying for MS

By Kim Tae-gyu
Staff Reporter

A former U.S. secretary of state and incumbent legislators were accused of trying to peddle influence in Korea's anti-trust ruling on Microsoft, the world's biggest maker of software.

Fair Trade Commission (FTC) chairman Kang Chul-kyu on Tuesday made the remarks during a luncheon meeting with economic editors of newspapers and broadcasters.

"Henry Kissinger tried to lobby for Microsoft by sending a letter where he insisted Korea and Microsoft will suffer from damages alike (if we ruled against Microsoft)," Kang said.

Kissinger served as national security advisor and secretary of state under presidents Richard M. Nixon and Gerald R. Ford. He was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1973 for his role in negotiating the ceasefire and U.S. withdrawal from the protracted Vietnam War.

Henry Kissinger

Despite requests from the high-profile politician, the FTC imposed a fine of about 33 billion won ($31.9 million) on Microsoft late last year, for its violation of the country's fair trade regulations via incorporating programs into its dominant Windows operating system.

In addition, Microsoft is required to offer two versions of Windows midway through this year – one stripped of thus far embedded programs and the others including most alternative software available here.

Later this month, the FTC plans to send the ruling to MS Korea, which has vowed to appeal the case.

Then U.S. legislators took the baton from Kissinger and tried to overturn the ruling.

"Four members of the U.S. House of Representatives sent a letter to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, asking to reverse the ruling," Kang said.

The U.S. government also came under criticism here last year when the nation dispatched multiple officials at the Department of Justice to the FTC when investigation on Microsoft was underway.

Kang added that the anti-trust agency did not bow to such all-out onslaughts and made a neutral decision.

Meanwhile, FTC spokesman Park Sang-yong said the letters cannot be regarded as pressure.

"In the United States, the lobbying culture is usual. The letters that asked to consider ripple effects of the ruling must be understood in the context. It was just a lobby, not pressure," Park claimed.

voc200@koreatimes.co.kr

http://times.hankooki.com/service/print/Print.php?po=times.hankooki.com/lpage/biz/200602/kt200602072... 2/7/2006

Page 1 of 1

Jessee LePorin

From: Stape Roy [jsroy@kmaglobal.com]
Sent: Wednesday, February 08, 2006 10:14 AM
To: Alan Batkin; Jessee LePorin
Subject: Bloomberg on HAK and Microsoft

I spotted the following story re the HAK letter regarding Microsoft in Korea.

Stape

Shakers: Kissinger makes plea for Microsoft leniency
Bloomberg News

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 2006

SEOUL: Henry Kissinger, former U.S. secretary of state, lobbied South Korean regulators not to punish Microsoft regarding antitrust rules, the head of Korea's Fair Trade Commission said Tuesday.

Before a December antitrust ruling in South Korea, Kissinger faxed a letter to the chairman of the commission, Kang Chul Kyu, saying that punishing Microsoft would "hurt everyone," the commission's spokesman, Park Sang Yong, said, confirming comments Kang made at a luncheon on Tuesday.

Kang also said that after the commission ruled against Microsoft, four members of the U.S. House of Representatives sent a letter to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade protesting the verdict that Microsoft had breached antitrust rules, Park said.

On Dec. 7, South Korea's trade commission said it would punish Microsoft by ordering the company to sell multiple versions of its Windows operating system.

Park declined to provide a copy of the letter and said he did not immediately have access to further details.

Kissinger, who led President Richard Nixon's opening of diplomatic relations between the United States and China more than three decades ago, has lobbied on behalf of other U.S. companies in Asia.

2/8/2006

JUL 28 2006

Bloomberg NEWS

Jessee LePorin

From: AMY ROSEN, BLOOMBERG/ WASHINGTO [arosen1@bloomberg.net]
Sent: Thursday, July 27, 2006 12:05 PM
To: JLEPORIN@KMAGGLOBAL.COM
Subject: Bloomberg Television the week of 8/7

Dear Jessee:

I work as a Producer with Bloomberg Television and we're launching a new show beginning the week of August 7th. It is our first venture into prime time as the show will air from 8pm to 9pm each day. The show, different from our others on Bloomberg will offer a combination of the important national, economic, market and general news and where they intersect.

In an effort to bring that all together, we need top newsmakers to do it. And we would love to have Mr. Kissinger as a featured newsmaker in the first week of the show, which is again the week of 8/7. The live segment is at 8:40pm, but if that is not possible, we could tape something earlier in the day as well. The show will be hosted by Rhonda Schaffler and the interview would be about 6 to 8 minutes.

Please let me know what might be possible. I appreciate your time and attention and look forward to hearing from you.

Best Regards,
Amy Rosen
Bloomberg Television
202-654-4305

Jessee LePorin

From: arosen1@bloomberg.net on behalf of AMY ROSEN, BLOOMBERG/
WASHINGTON TO [arosen1@bloomberg.net]
Sent: Wednesday, August 02, 2006 5:44 PM
To: jleporin@kmaglobal.com
Subject: RE: Bloomberg Television the week of 8/7

Jessica,

Thank you so much for getting back to me. And I'm delighted to hear that the
16th is a possibility and we could definitely work out the logistics for a
pretape in the afternoon. Please let me know the best time to contact you to
arrange everything.

I look forward to speaking with you. And again, I appreciate your time and
attention.

Best,
Amy Rosen
Bloomberg Television
646-825-1016

------ Original Message ------

From: Jessee Leporin <jleporin@kmaglobal.com>
At: 8/02 17:10:31

Dr. Kissinger is out of town the week of 8/7. He could potentially tape something in the late afternoon of August 16. Please let me know if this works. Jessee LePorin

------Original Message------

From: AMY ROSEN, BLOOMBERG/ WASHINGTON TO [mailto:arosen1@bloomberg.net]
Sent: Thursday, July 27, 2006 12:05 PM
To: JLEPORIN@KMAGLOBAL.COM
Subject: Bloomberg Television the week of 8/7

Dear Jessee:

1

Jessee LePorin

From: Jodi Bannerman [jodib@brownlloydjames.com]
Sent: Friday, November 10, 2006 9:54 AM
To: jleporin@kmaglobal.com
Subject: Bloomberg/ Dr. Kissinger

NOV 10 2006

Dear Jesse,

I work with Louise MacBain, and Bloomberg TV would like to interview Dr. Kissinger while he is at
Mrs. MacBain's Global Creative Leadership Summit next week.

Depending on his available time, Bloomberg will work him into the appropriate show, and I'll have
more information on that once we know the time slot.

I'll need to know ASAP if he is interested, preferably by the end of the day today.

Please give me a ring at your earliest convenience.

Thank you,
Jodi

Jodi Bannerman
Brown Lloyd James
41 West 57th Street, 8th Floor
New York, NY 10019
+1 (212) 486-7070 Phone
+1 (212) 486-7091 Fax
+1 (202) 577-5798 Mobile
www.brownlloydjames.com

11/10/2006

Jessee LePorin

From: Jessee LePorin [jleporin@kmaglobal.com]
Sent: Tuesday, November 21, 2006 11:42 AM
To: 'ewagner7@bloomberg.net'
Subject: RE: Al Hunt / Bloomberg intvu request for Sec. Kissinger

Thank you for your e-mail. Dr. Kissinger is at his country home this week with his children who are visiting from the West Coast for the holiday. Therefore, he is not adding any more interviews to his calendar this week.

Happy Thanksgiving,
Jessee

-----Original Message-----

From: ewagner7@bloomberg.net [mailto:ewagner7@bloomberg.net]
Sent: Monday, November 20, 2006 11:09 AM
To: JLEPORIN@KMAGLOBAL.COM
Subject: Al Hunt / Bloomberg intvu request for Sec. Kissinger

Hello,

I produce the Bloomberg Television public affairs program "Political Capital with Al Hunt." It airs weekly on Bloomberg TV, as well as on XM and Sirius satellite radio, and on the Bloomberg Professional Service ( which reaches more than 220,000 financial industry executives globally ). Additionally, interviews conducted on "Political Capital" are written up by Bloomberg's wire service, Bloomberg News, which is carried by more than 600 newspapers.

We wanted to request an interview with Secretary Kissinger for this week's "Political Capital." Given the holiday, we would tape the interview on Wednesday morning, either at our Washington, DC studios, or via a remote studio.

Would you kindly let me know if this is a possibility?

Thanks in advance,

Eric Wagner
202-654-4312

Jessee LePorin

DEC 11 2006

From: kandersen7@bloomberg.net on behalf of KATE ANDERSEN, BLOOMBERG/ NEWSROOM: [kandersen7@bloomberg.net]
Sent: Thursday, December 07, 2006 1:36 PM
To: JLEPORIN@KMAGLOBAL.COM
Subject: BLOOMBERG INTERVIEW REQUEST RE: CHINA TRIP

Hi Jessee, You helped me a lot when I used to work at Fox and I'm happy to work with you now that I'm at Bloomberg. We're doing our show, "Money and Politics" from Beijing starting Wednesday the 13th. We'll be covering Sec. Paulson's trip to the region and we will discuss US-China relations (both economic and political.) Would Dr. Kissinger be available Thursday December 14th or Friday December 15th for a live 10 minute interview? We could send a truck to his location. I am at 202-624-1973. Sincerely, Kate Andersen