Nixon Appoints
Professor As
Security Aide

NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Richard M. Nixon announced today he is making Harvard Prof. Henry A. Kissinger his assistant for national security affairs to oversee the foreign defense policy machinery of the White House.

Nixon, at a news conference, said the 45-year-old Kissinger, a native of Germany, will revamp the entire security planning machinery at the White House with an aim to preventing global crises rather than simply dealing with them as they arise.

President-elect said he was concerned that, after inauguration day, he gets a broad spectrum of news on foreign policy problems and is "not presented with a paper that represents a consensus—the least common denominator."

He said he was calling on Kissinger, a professor of government at Harvard, to bring in new men and promote new ideas so he will have the benefit of divergent views.

Asked if Kissinger might overshadow the man Nixon eventually appoints as secretary of state, the incoming chief executive said, "I intend to have a very strong secretary of state." But he insisted has not decided on nominees for either the state or defense cabinet posts.

Kissinger said he foresaw no prospect that he would be in competition with the men who eventually get those cabinet jobs.

Long a federal consultant, but never a full-time government official. Kissinger was asked if he (Continued On Page 22, Col. 2)

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CIRC. 9,450

DEC 2 1968

New
England
Newsclip

Nixon Appoints
Professor

(Continued From Page 1)

had not tended to pursue a hard
line on Vietnam and other top
overseas problems.

"I have tried to avoid labels
like hard or soft," he replied.

Two assist Kissinger in devel-
oping the new national security
apparatus at the White House,
Nixon named 42-year-old Rich-
ard V. Allen, a senior staff
member at the Hoover Instuu-
tion on War, Revolution and
Peace at Stanford University.
Allen, who will be a "principal
associate" of Kissinger's,
served as director of foreign
policy research during the Nix-
on campaign.

Kissinger had met with Nixon
at least four times in eight days.
He has asked for a leave of ab-
sence from Harvard to take the
White House job.

In his new post, Kissinger will
be the direct successor to Walt
W. Rostow, President Johnson's
assistant for national security
affairs, who succeeded Mc-
George Bundy, now president of
the Ford Foundation.

Nixon said Rostow has been
ferring to Kissinger, he said:
the transition in his office. Re-
very cooperative in planning

"His first assignment is to go
to Washington—I hope immedi-
ately."

## Scholar to Overhaul Policy Planning

# Kissinger Appointed
Nixon Security Aide

NEW YORK, Dec. 2 (AP)—President-elect Richard M. Nixon today appointed foreign policy scholar Henry A. Kissinger his assistant for national security affairs, with instructions to overhaul the diplomacy and defense operations of the White House.

Kissinger, a Harvard University professor, shunned the suggestion that his is a hard-line view of world problems. He said he will stress long-range planning which can "prevent crises from happening."

The president-elect personally announced his choice of the 45-year-old teacher, author and government consultant to what he said will be a major position in the new administration.

"There will be a complete reorganization and restructuring of the entire White House security planning machinery," Nixon said.

Kissinger said his job in essence is to see that all options are considered and long-range planning is weighed in shaping security decisions.

Neither Nixon nor his new aide would discuss security policy matters, stressing machinery instead. Nixon said it would not be appropriate for him to talk about substantive policy matters publicly until after the inauguration; Kissinger said that as a White House assistant it would not be appropriate for him to talk about them at all.

But when a reporter noted that Kissinger has a reputation as a man with hard-line views on dealings with the Communist world, the professor replied:

"I have tried to avoid labels like (Cont'd on Page 4, Column 5)

STANDARD-TIMES (e)
NEW BEDFORD, MASS.
CIRC. 67,624

DEC 3

1968

New
England
Newsclip

Transit Post
Set for Volpe

(Continued from Page 1)

Bridge, whom he has known for 22 years, has been able to advance his retirement date and will begin immediately working full time for the incoming administration.

He said his new science adviser would go to Washington almost at once to confer with Dr. Donald F. Hornig, who holds the advisory post in the Johnson administration.

DuBridge told newsmen that "certainly my first interest" would be in expanding basic science, which, he noted, lays the foundation for application in every day life.

He also expressed misgivings about any move to sharply cut back on the space program.

"I think it's important for the United States to meet its commitments" in space, that "science and technology cannot be turned off and on like a faucet," DuBridge said.

Nixon named the first high-level policy maker in his administration Monday when he appointed Dr. Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard University as his assistant for national security.

Appearing at a joint news conference with Kissinger at his Hotel Pierre headquarters, Nixon charged him to bring "creativity" into American foreign policy and defense planning and to revitalize and streamline the national security council.

In his new post, Kissinger, 45, will be the chief liaison between the President and the state and defense departments. He will occupy the position now held by Walt W. Rostow, Johnson's national security adviser, although their specific duties will vary.

war and other demon-

(Continued on Page 4)

DANIEL WALKER

Nixon Names Science Adviser

# Report Says Gov. Volpe
To Get Transit Position

SPRINGFIELD, Mass. (AP) — The Springfield Union said today that Gov. John A. Volpe will be named secretary of transportation by president-elect Richard M. Nixon.

The newspaper said the official announcement will be made "within a few days."

(U.S. Sen. Edward W. Brooke, R-Mass., before leaving for Europe Monday, told reporters that on the basis of discussions he has had with Nixon, "I expect Volpe will have an opportunity to be in the cabinet." See story on Page 17.)

Barry Locke, Volpe's press secretary, said "We absolutely have no comment on the story whatsoever."

Volpe campaigned for Nixon and was mentioned as a possible vice presidential candidate.

Raymond J. Fontana, a Republican member of the Massachusetts Executive Council, was quoted in the newspaper as saying he expected the announcement to be made "within the next few days."

"My speculation after talking to the governor is that he would take such a post," Fontana was quoted as saying.

In 1966 Volpe became the first man elected to a four-year term as governor. Previously Massachusetts elected its chief executives to two-year terms.

Volpe was first elected governor in 1960, but in 1962 he lost a

bid for re-election to Endicott Peabody.

He was again elected in 1964. Before 1960 Volpe headed a construction company.

Nixon named today his chief science adviser, Dr. Lee A. Dubridge, president of the California Institute of Technology.

DuBridge, who had planned to resign his university post soon —he has been president of Cal Tech since 1946—said, for his own part, that he would try to encourage and increase federally sponsored basic research, which he said is in a down trend.

The president-elect said Du-

(Continued on Page 12)

He was a printer for more
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and Mrs. Robert Yuille, both of
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liam A. Jr. and David Simpson,
both of New Bedford, and
Charles E. Simpson of Newport,
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Nixon Names
Security Aide

NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Richard M. Nixon Monday appointed foreign policy scholar Henry A. Kissinger his assistant for national security affairs, with instructions to overhaul the diplomacy and defense operations of the White House.

Kessinger, a Harvard University professor, shunned the

The president-elect personally announced his choice of the 45-year-old teacher, author and government consultant to what he said will be a major policy position in the new administration.

"I have tried to avoid labels like hard and soft. I find it very difficult to characterize myself."

Nixon said the National Security Council is going to be "revitalized and streamlined, and I will meet with it frequently and regularly."

He said Kissinger will be in charge of that effort. Nixon said the council will put major em-

(Cont'd On Page 5)---Nixon)

16A Mon., Dec. 2, 1968

ST. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH

Kissinger

FROM PAGE ONE

campaign speeches indicated in substituting tax credits — requiring congressional approval — for direct federal subsidies in some aspects of the antipoverty program.

Robert Ellsworth, a top assistant to Nixon, had lunch in New York yesterday with Henry Ford II, board chairman of the Ford Motor Co. and chairman of the National Alliance of Businessmen created earlier this year at the behest of President Lyndon B. Johnson.

The alliance has a goal of creating 500,000 jobs for the hard-core unemployed by early 1971. Businessmen train the recruits for regular jobs, with the Federal Government paying the difference between the normal cost of such training and — in about one-third of all cases — the higher cost of preparing the disadvantaged for similar employment. Congress appropriated $200,000,000 for such subsidies to business in the fiscal year ending June 30.

“Hopeful and Desirous”

In the campaign, Nixon often talked about substituting tax credits for subsidies in this type of situation but, after lunch yesterday, Ellsworth said Nixon is “hopeful and desirous” of continuing the alliance program “aggressively and progressively.”

The alliance says it has trained 110,000 workers at an average cost to the government of $2000.

Ford was asked about the relative merits of subsidies and tax incentives. He termed it a “toss of the coin” proposition and said “It is not definitely clear that one way is better than the other.”

Nixon sent former Pennsylvania Gov. William W. Scranton to the Middle East today. His trip will take him to six nations in the region where Nixon believes Russian expansionist ideas have increased tensions and made war more likely.

JAMES RESTON

Cleveland Plain-Press

12-4-68

# Naming of Kissinger Reassuring

NEW YORK—President-elect Nixon's appointment of Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard as his White House assistant for national security affairs is a reassuring sign that the new administration is going to make a serious and objective reappraisal of its security problems and priorities.

Dr. Kissinger has been concentrating on precisely these problems for years and it is significant that he has the respect of most of the foreign policy experts who have served the last three presidents.

He is an intelligent, articulate and remarkably industrious scholar who also has had the experience of being a consultant to Presidents Kennedy and Johnson on many of the critical problems of the last decade—from Berlin to arms control.

JAMES RESTON

NO DOUBT THE SOVIETS WILL have their doubts about a German-born official being established as head of the security operations room in the basement of the White House, but his record scarcely supports his journalistic reputation as a foreign policy hard-liner.

It is true that he and Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller of New York helped persuade Nixon that a reasonable period of time should be allowed to go by after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia before going forward with new arms control negotiations with the Soviet leaders.

His record as a whole, however, indicates that he is a cautious and reflective man prudent about the use of military power and does not hesitate to change policies when they seem to be going against the national interest.

HE WORKED VERY CLOSELY WITH

Jerome Wiesner, Thomas C. Schelling and others on the formulation of "The Strategy of Equilibrium" for dealing with the Soviet nuclear threat. This was based on the view that the best hope for peace and arms control lay in creating a situation where, in Wiesner's words, "a surprise attack by one side cannot prevent retaliation by the other."

This stable deterrent system, it should be noted, did not rest, as Nixon's campaign speeches seemed to rest, on the assumption that the United States must always have a clear superiority in military arms over the Soviets.

In fact, the theory behind the "stable deterrent system" was that it would eventually make it possible to limit the size of the deterrent force on both sides and thereby lead in time to a limitation of the nuclear race.

Also, at the time of the Berlin crisis of 1961, early in the Kennedy administration, Kissinger worked with Abram Chayes, Carl Keysen and Arthur Schlesinger Jr. to try to bring about a diplomatic settlement of the Berlin crisis.

At that time, former Secretary of State Dean Acheson argued for a bolder military strategy. If necessary he would have run a military convoy through Helmstadt along the Autobahn to Berlin. The views of Kissinger and others prevailed.

The president-elect's emphasis on the reorganization and strengthening of the National Security Council is also reassuring. This cabinet committee for helping the president reach decisions on vital security questions was seriously weakened under Kennedy and Johnson. Kissinger will now have the task of restoring it to the authority it had under President Eisenhower.

© New York Times Service

Copy

Wooster, Ohio

September 24, 1968

Hon. John Ashbrook, M.C.
House Office Bldg.
Washington, D.C. 20515

Dear Representative Ashbrook;

Just a few questions as we plan to vote this fall;

* **WHY** can't we <u>convince Congress to divert</u> at least <u>50%</u> of the proposed 1968-69 <u>military budget</u>, to possible <u>programs</u> in our own 50 United States, for <u>rehabilitation, housing, pollution, medical care and education</u>? We need to do this!

* **WHERE** and to whom should we now turn to get <u>sincere and capable</u> Representatives, who will <u>get us out</u> of S.E. Asia <u>very soon</u> and who will take the <u>lead</u> to gradually <u>close-out</u> at least ½ of our 700 or more <u>world-wide military outposts and installations</u>? The money saved here <u>alone</u>, will help our financial <u>economy</u>!

* **WHEN** can our U.S. Government start a program to <u>move against crime and lawlessness</u> and at the same time <u>bolster every State, County, City and Township</u> law enforcement agencies? This should bring <u>law, order and protection</u> to our local cities and to each citizen!

* **WHO** will take up the necessary <u>leadership</u> among our <u>elected Congressional Representatives</u> and State officials, to <u>promote</u> and <u>effect PEACE</u>, with a <u>total and permanent disarmament plan</u>, among all <u>powers</u> and under the influence of <u>The United Nations</u>? We really want this leadership!

* **WHAT** is the answer to the <u>plan</u> of a <u>civilian voluntary enlistment training corps</u>, for the young men in the <u>Armed services</u> VS. our present <u>Selective Service</u> with compulsory universal military conscription of our youth? What we

really need is only **citizen leaders** with proper **education** and **experience**,
with **financial inducements** of an **attractive career**, in **technological skills**,
**missile protection**, plus **air** and **sea power**!

[cc]

* **HOW** can we reorganize our **National Defense Department**, to recover and maintain complete **civilian control** of the Military and their senseless spending of **Billions**, needlessly? Again, we need proper and capable political leadership!

* **FINALLY** the possible complete answers to these 6 queries, would certainly result in a sweeping reorganization of our entire political structure - that now seemingly succoms to **pressure**, from all types of **power groups**, including industrialists, **labor unions**, militarists, **big business** and many, many other **influential** and **selfish lobbyists**!

The need to depend upon our **representative government leaders** is more **important** than ever! If we **cannot trust you**, our elected **Representatives** and our **United States Senators** - to whom could we turn to lead us?

We **trust you** and hope you and others will eventually see our most **important** needs and **act** to **effect it**!

Will you help? May I have your reply?

Thanks,

R. B. Jameson
P. O. Box 105
2256 Christmas Run
Wooster, Ohio 44691
Tel. (216) 262-5776

P.S. - Even though this is a copy to our 17th District of Ohio - Rep. John Ashbrook, I would like to have your opinion, also.

R.B.J.

Max Lerner

Boston Herald Traveler

Monday
Dec. 9, 1968

# Harvard to MIT and Back

If Richard Nixon's high-level appointments stack up as well as the choice of Henry Kissinger for top foreign policy adviser, the American people will be lucky. Partly it takes the sting off Nixon's denial to Nelson Rockefeller of the only top Cabinet posts — state or defense — he was willing to take. Since Kissinger has been Rockefeller's policy adviser, it means that Nixon is opening a door to Rockefeller's lieutenant even after he has shut it against the captain.

It is also a happy choice because of Kissinger's high standing in the intellectual community. He supported the Vietnam decisions earlier, but tended to back out of them — as Rockefeller did—in the later phases. He belongs to the "realist" school of foreign policy, though, but never got trapped in the inflexible cold-war attitudes. He has never plumped for crusades, whether military or visionary. For example, he did not get caught up — as some of John Kennedy's advisers did — in the "Europeanist" or Atlantic Union movements and therefore never got caught up in the Anti-de Gaulle mood when the crusade laid an egg.

HE IS TOUGH-MINDED in the best sense, which means a feel for power realities along with a concern for idea realities in foreign policy. If one assumes that he would not have taken the assignment without some notion of whom he would be working with—on the high Cabinet levels—there may be some streaks of light in the clouds ahead.

One might quip that during the 1960s three men have held the crucial advisory post on foreign policy and national security, and that the change from

McGeorge Bundy to Walt Rostow to Henry Kissinger has meant a change from Harvard to MIT and back to Harvard again — which you could do in a short taxi ride. But to place all three men in the Cambridge area doesn't say their views and mental temper are the same. Bundy did disentangle himself from the later war decisions, Rostow did get stuck in them and sustain his basic mood to the end and Kissinger has, in fact, kept himself relatively open to new options while he has insisted on what he calls "the necessity for choice."

The intellectuals don't form a monolith on foreign policy. If Nixon brings some more of them to Washington from the campuses, he would do well to stay clear of the bitter cold-warrior wing and throw in his lot with the cool realists.

NIXON HAS BEEN talking a good deal about new policies, new initiatives, new options in foreign policy. To which one must reply with a question: what options does America actually have?

In the Middle East it is unlikely that William Scranton's mission will achieve an Arab openness to peace negotiations which thus far neither Israel's on - the - ground possession nor Ambassador Gunnar Jarring nor the United Nations has been able to achieve. In Asia it is unlikely that a Vietnam peace can be quickened or that Communist China will become a good neighbor on any other terms than American abandonment of the Taiwan alliance — terms Nixon is scarcely the man to accept.

On a rapprochement with de

Gaulle, Nixon may be able to follow up what Lyndon Johnson has begun. But on the Soviet Union it is hard to see Nixon going beyond a somewhat tighter and tenser coexistence than was true of Presidents Kennedy and Johnson.

Dean Rusk has recently said that he fears a new wave of "neo-isolationism" in America and has made a plea for continuing what he calls (with a clever semantic touch) "collective security." As with so much of Rusk's thinking, the terms go back to the 1930s and 1940s, instead of looking forward to the 1970s. It is hard to see the Vietnamese war, with so many of the crucial decisions taken by American Presidents alone, as a "collective security" effort.

THE REAL CHOICE ahead is unlikely to be between total noninvolvement and unilateral action with a collective rhetoric. It will be a choice between relying mainly on America's power mass, in deciding on whether or not to get involved in some area of the world, and relying on some structure of regional military - economical - political self-help which America may be able to support - but without any massive American military presence.

It is in this area of regional self-help that America needs fresh thinking and initiatives. Given Nixon's basic cold-war stance ever since he was the star in the Alger Hiss case, it is hard to see him shaking free of containment thinking. But since Nixon is talking of self-help in the black ghettos, too, there is a chance that he may be open to the regional self-help approach in American foreign policy.

Dr. Lerner is professor of American civilization at Brandeis University.

The New York Times

Published every day by The New York Times Company

ADOLPH S. OCHS, Publisher 1896-1935

ORVIL E. DRYFOOS, Publisher 1961-1963

The Kissinger Appointment

Prof. Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard is distinguished among the country's "defense intellectuals" for his awareness of the effect of military decisions on international politics. His appointment as President-elect Nixon's assistant for national security should assure the new Administration of strategic assessments that keep military and political factors in balance.

Though he has advised the Government in such fields as arms control, military policy and Vietnam, Mr. Kissinger is essentially a Europeanist. Mr. Nixon has made it clear that an important part of his mission will be to get the problems of West Europe "on the front burner" again after the years of Johnson neglect.

Mr. Kissinger has shown himself sensitive to the repeated failures of consultation that have undermined Washington's relations with its European allies and thrown NATO into disarray. No challenge that faces him is greater than remedying this fault. In addition to official contacts, he intends to bring the best minds of Europe and other areas to the White House for consultation, a valuable innovation.

As distinguished from McGeorge Bundy in the Kennedy Administration, Mr. Kissinger evidently intends to leave operations to the departments and to devote more time to policy planning, with the aid of task forces recruited within and outside the Government.

As against Walt Rostow, President Johnson's national security assistant, Mr. Kissinger starts with a Nixon directive to provide a full spectrum of views and is unlikely to arouse suspicion that he is arranging the flow of information to win the argument for his own view.

Nevertheless, a scholar with the strong policy views that Mr. Kissinger has expressed in his many books and writings will not be expected to serve merely as a funnel. He is on record for strengthening NATO, uniting West Europe, closer relations both with Gaullist France and West Germany and the maintenance of American military power—all as concomitants of negotiations with the Soviet Union on arms control and the Middle East. But what is more important is the absense of intellectual or ideological rigidity. He has not hesitated to shift position publicly on major issues as events or his own analyses have changed.

As an active participant in arms control studies in Cambridge, Washington and abroad since the early 1960s, he is known as a strong proponent of ratification of the nuclear nonproliferation treaty and of talks with Moscow to curb the missile race. No contribution he can make in his new post will be more important than the role he plays as efforts are made to bring these measures to fruition.

PAGE TWO

THE HARVARD CRIMSON

# No Military Training at Harvard

THE FACULTY will have an opportunity tomorrow to abolish the Reserve Officer Training Corps at Harvard. They should do so.

Opponents of ROTC's present status here have become divided over the question of how that status should be changed. The supporters of tomorrow's proposal have argued that the university should not allow ROTC to pursue its recruitment and training activities here in any way, and consequently are pressing for abolition of ROTC. Another group, which includes a majority of the members of the HUC, the HRPC, and the SFAC, has sought to end ROTC's academic status at Harvard while permitting the units to remain here in some form, perhaps in the status similar to that of the Institute of Politics.

The second proposal—to limit but not abolish ROTC at Harvard—has the advantage of appearing as a middle-of-the-road alternative to the two “extremes” of abolition and status quo. But this proposal would not solve the basic problems which ROTC's presence here poses and would probably create some serious new problems of its own.

ROTC is at Harvard because the services want to enlist the prestige of Harvard's name in their recruitment efforts. The units here are extremely small—the Army unit during the past several years has repeatedly failed to meet even the minimal quota of commissioned officers by which a unit justifies its existence. Elsewhere a unit which isn't producing officers might be closed down. But not here. Harvard's ROTC units have a more important function than producing officers: they lend legitimacy and prestige to the whole concept of military training on the nation's campuses.

ROTC is based on the notion that the country's universities should serve the needs of the warfare state. As long as American universities continue to accept these institutions on their campuses they legitimize the idea that the universities and the military should work hand-in-glove in fighting the Cold War. And Harvard, as the oldest and most prestigious of American universities, has the strongest impact of all in this regard. The Army,

by staying here no matter how few students in its program, appears to have learned this lesson far better than Harvard has.

THERE HAVE BEEN TIMES, such as during the Second World War, when events have justified such a working relationship between the university and the military. And should circumstances arise in the future when such a relationship would again serve the cause of peace, then it can be re-established. But right now, when the over-expansion of the American military machine has become perhaps the greatest threat of all, the time has come to make it clear that Harvard is no longer interested in being used in a one-sided deal with the military establishment. If we are to strike at the ideology of Cold War unity on which ROTC is based, then this should be done in the most forceful way possible—by abolishing military training on campus.

Those who would retain ROTC in some form here eventually fall back on the argument that students have a right to receive military training, and that the majority should not legislate against a minority in this regard. But even if this right is conceded, it certainly does not follow that the university has any obligation to provide such training. There is no reason why the military could not train Harvard students outside of Harvard. The question is not one of forbidding Harvard students to receive military training, but rather of depriving the military of Harvard's institutional framework for conducting this training.

THERE IS NO tenable parallel, as has been suggested, between the rights of students and of the military to form organizations on campus. Student groups are wholly within the control of people at Harvard, and these groups have the freedom to act and to represent themselves as their members see fit. But military organizations here are entirely controlled outside; they are simply not a part of Harvard, and have no right to represent themselves as though they were. If the personnel department of General Motors proposed a plan by which it would form a permanent recruiting organ-

ization within Harvard with the right to present itself as part of the University, the proposal would obviously be rejected. And it would be rejected even if a hundred career-minded students could be found to request such an arrangement. The case of the military at Harvard is no different.

There is a further problem, which those who would keep ROTC on campus in a severely-reduced status have not faced. The ROTC Vitalization Act of 1964, which is the basis of the present ROTC program, specifically requires that ROTC units be granted full departmental status, that their courses be given “appropriate academic credit.” The Pentagon is not empowered to create new types of ROTC programs, and if Harvard were to demand a radical restructuring of the ROTC units here, it would be told to put up with the present system (perhaps with very minor changes) or else to get out of ROTC altogether. If this were to occur—as it probably would—would the supporters of the HUC-SFAC proposals continue to support Harvard students’ right to have ROTC on campus, at the price of abandoning their plans for reform? Or would they, as seems more likely, be willing to admit that the “right” to receive military training within the framework of the university is not quite so fundamental as they had once believed?

Finally, those who oppose abolishing ROTC argue that by doing so, Harvard would isolate itself from the centers of power and thus its influence would be diminished. This could only be true if it can be shown that Harvard's acceptance of ROTC has given it any additional influence on questions of military or foreign policy. In reality, arrangements with ROTC have not given this or any other university any special leverage on policy; the Pentagon expects the universities to cooperate from considerations of patriotism, not power.

Abolishing ROTC will not bring the war to an end, or the military establishment to its knees. But the arguments for abolishing ROTC are strong, and the Faculty should act on them. Above all, ending ROTC at Harvard will help to create the critical independent spirit which should be the only ideology of a university.

## On The Other Hand

### Let ROTC Stay

*(The following is the opinion of a minority of the CRIMSON's editorial board.)*

ISOLATIONISM is a clean and easy doctrine.

leaders. But at the same time, Harvard does not have the moral prescience to dictate which organizations can and cannot be admitted to its precincts.

—DAVID BLUMENTHAL, RICHARDS R. EDMONDS, JAMES M. FALLOWS, NICHOLAS GAGARIN, WILLIAM R. GALEOTA, SCOTT W. JACOBS, ALVIN H. MOSS, DONALD H. SIEGAL, BARRY S. SIMON, THOMAS P. SOUTHWICK

opening “Vanitas” piece by Nick Pilavachi is the most obvious example of the flaw that pervades nearly all the pieces. For most readers, Pilavachi’s piece may be the only example of anything in the issue, because it’s mighty hard to read much further after finishing this one. The piece has the right premise: by lightly ridiculing the idea that “there is really nothing at all funny about this sordid

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Richard — Venessa
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Screened at: 1:30, 5:15, 8:30

24

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, Friday, December 20, 1968

# Like Caesar's Wife: Nixon Strives To Avoid Any Conflicts of Interest

*Continued From First Page*

and Washington law firm of Royall, Koegel & Rogers.

Mr. Finch no longer is a director of any companies and no longer owns any securities. Mr. Rodgers, however, is a director of the Washington Post, Newsweek, 20th Century-Fox Film Corp., the Gannett Co. and the Dreyfus Fund, and he owns stock in some of these. Associates say he plans to resign the directorships and will sell his stocks if the Senate asks him to.

## Some Sharp Pay Cuts

Mr. Nixon reportedly has been earning $200,000 or so a year at the law firm. If that's accurate, he'll be taking quite a pay cut when he is sworn into his new $100,000-a-year post in Washington. But that cut is nothing compared with the one his new Secretary of the Treasury, David Kennedy, must take.

Mr. Kennedy, 63-year-old chairman of Chicago's Continental Illinois National Bank & Trust Co., is expected to earn $233,750 this year. His pay cut: $198,750 a year.

But Mr. Kennedy won't be waiting in any bread lines when he moves to the capital. If he retires from the bank, which he presumably will do, he will be eligible for an annual pension of around $80,000. The law says that appointees may continue "to participate in a bona fide pension, retirement, group life, health or accident insurance, profit-sharing, stock bonus, or other employee welfare or benefit plan maintained by a former employer." Mr. Nixon and his legal advisers go along with these provisions.

Mr. Kennedy hasn't yet quit the bank. Perhaps, like Attorney General-designate Mitchell, he is waiting to see if he will be confirmed. Caution seems to be the byword among the Nixon selections. George Shultz, dean of the University of Chicago's business school, says he wouldn't "presume" to anticipate his Senate confirmation by resigning the several directorships he holds.

Michigan Gov. Romney, Mr. Nixon's choice to head the Department of Housing and Urban Development, also doesn't want to burn his bridges. He won't quit as governor until he is confirmed in his Cabinet post.

## "Won't Shake the Market"

Mr. Romney is one of the few appointees who doesn't have to do much to get his house in order. When he quit as president and chairman of American Motors Corp. in 1962, he turned his 104,000 AMC shares over to a trust. That trust is still functioning, though it is understood all or most of the AMC stock has been sold.

Paul McCracken, who is to be chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers, says he won't have to do much to avoid conflict-of-interest accusations, either. He'll be happy to

dispose of his holdings if asked to, he says, but he adds that such a sale "won't shake the market." Mr. McCracken is a director of the National Bank of Detroit, Hoover Ball & Bearing Co., Lincoln National Corp., the Water Refining Co. of Middletown, Ohio, and Win Schuler's Inc., a Michigan restaurant operator; he says he has told these companies he will resign if he is confirmed.

Mr. Kissinger, the foreign policy adviser, says he is affiliated with only one company, Rand Corp., a West Coast think tank. He says he only gets paid "when I do something for them." Asked if he would resign as a Rand consultant, he was a bit vague—as if he hadn't thought about it.

## Selling Out

Some of Mr. Nixon's appointees own their own companies, and they say they'll sell out. William Safire, who will serve as a Nixon special assistant and speechwriter, plans to sell Safire Public Relations Inc. "lock, stock and barrel." He won't even take an option to buy it back, he says.

Gov. Volpe plans to sell all his stock in John A. Volpe Construction Co., of which he is chairman and a major stockholder. Ironically, Volpe Construction is the primary contractor for the new 10-story building that the Transportation Department will occupy in Washington. In recent years, the firm also has been the prime contractor for at least three other Federal buildings.

The governor and his aides refuse to disclose his other holdings, but an aide says Mr. Volpe will give a list to the Senate "and will follow any recommendations the Senators make." The aide says Gov. Volpe, who assumed office in 1960, hadn't sold his Volpe Construction interest earlier because the company hasn't done any work for the state or for Massachusetts municipalities since 1951.

Two other Cabinet appointees are also in the construction business. Winton Blount, who is to be Postmaster General, is a contractor in Birmingham, Ala. He recently has been bedded down with the flu and isn't available to discuss his plans for divestiture.

Gov. Walter J. Hickel of Alaska is the third Cabinet member in the construction business. He has been a land developer and has substantial real estate holdings in Alaska. His real estate holdings now are managed by his younger brother, and the rest of his holdings have been in a trust since he was elected governor in 1966. His lawyer is the trustee.

As governor of Alaska, Mr. Hickel earns $27,000 a year, and thus he is one of only three or four appointees who will be getting a salary increase upon joining the Nixon Administration. Soon, the raises might be even bigger. There is a proposal to raise the Cabinet members' salaries to around $50,000.