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New York, Sept. 25, '12.

I was with Governor Wilson most of the afternoon. He arrived from Trenton at 2.48. We motored out to Larchmont to see McCombs who was ill. There was some talk of waiting at the Pennsylvania Station for President Taft, who was to arrive a few minutes later, but as time was pressing, it was decided not to do so.

The New York situation is acute, and it was necessary for some definite policy to be decided upon. The breach between Murphy and National Headquarters is becoming wider each day, and the newspapers are printing numerous false interviews which makes it wider. I am anxious to hold the party together so that every available means may be used for the common good. My dislike of Tammany and its leaders is perhaps stronger than that of Governor Wilson, yet, having had more political experience, I am always ready to work with the best material at hand. My idea is to have them decide upon some unobjectionable Tammany man for Governor of New York who would not bring discredit upon the party.

We had our interview with McCombs and decided upon either Dowling or Osborne. It took us three hours to make the trip to Larchmont and return. Many things were discussed in the most intimate way, such as the feasibility of having Mr. Bryan as a member of the Cabinet. It was decided it would be best to make him Secretary of State, in order to have him in Washington and in harmony with the administration rather than outside and possibly in a critical attitude. Mrs. Bryan's influence too, would be valuable.

Currency reform was discussed and the Governor explained his ideas. He refused to commit himself last winter, but he now has some views upon the subject.

September 26, 1912.

I visited Headquarters. McCombs is in a panic over a dinner which the college men are to give him and he asked me how to avoid going. He is too nervous to attend and too nervous to take active charge of the campaign which would be expected in the event he seemed well enough to go to the dinner.

There is much jealousy and backbiting at Headquarters and tales are fetched and carried without number until all harmony is lost. McAdoo and others

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are anxious to give me a room for my personal use. I do not desire a room. They wanted to give me half of O'Gorman's. Everyone offers me someone else's room. McAdoo continues most cordial and believes the reputation of his accusers.

I spent the evening in going over the final proofs of Philip Dru.

September 27, 1912.

I went down to Headquarters. Jameson was enthusiastic over a straw vote which seemed to me to be of no importance. I explained to McAdoo how I thought one should be taken. McAdoo wants to fire the whole headquarters crowd. Governor T. M. Campbell of Texas was milling about.

Philip Dru was gotten off last night to the publishers.

September 28, 1912.

Was at Headquarters early. McAdoo for the first time talked without reserve regarding his position in the matter of the Governorship, stipulating that McCombs must not know. I believe McAdoo would be good material for the Governorship. Of course, McCombs is working against it.

Governor Wilson came in last night from New England, leaving at twelve. He asked me to take him out in our motor for a conference. He was particularly anxious to discuss the State situation before making his speech at McCombs' dinner. McAdoo is urging him to come out actively against Dix and Murphy. I urged him not to do this. McCombs is the only link between the bosses and Wilson. The Governor's inclination is to go after them. He finally agreed to give out a letter Monday without mentioning either by name.

We discussed the organization.

September 30, 1922.

McCombs is stopping at the Astor. He has done nothing regarding the New York situation as he promised. The dinner given him Saturday night pleased him. The Governor made only a fair speech. He called me over the telephone Sunday night from Sea Girt and read what he had written to give out to the press. He

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mentions no names. Dowling has been agreed upon as the best man for the nomination for Governor of New York by Wilson, McCombs and me. McCombs has ascertained that the World will support him. He says he got this assurance from the Editor, Cobb, and Ralph Pulitzer. The Governor desired this before deciding to support Dowling.

The jealousy between McCombs and McAdoo is acute. Governor Wilson is going West again Wednesday. I am sending messages to Mrs. Bryan by him.

October 1, 1912.

The New York situation is still in a muddle.

October 2, 1912.

We had to call O'Gorman down from posing as Governor Wilson's personal representative at the State Convention. McAdoo called him over the telephone at one. O'Gorman did not like the conversation but McAdoo was firm. We called Governor Wilson over the telephone and conferred with him upon the matter.

October 3, 1912.

Sulzer was nominated for governor much to my disappointment. McAdoo had an interview written and asked me to approve it before it was given out.

Cone Johnson and Wortham were at headquarters. I gave Childers a talk about not getting off to his work.

McCombs and McAdoo had an interview and I hope that a more amicable relation will follow. The Governor was particularly anxious to have this brought about and said he knew that I could do it if it could be done at all.

October 4, 1912.

Nothing of importance today. Walker Vick is still milling around about the Munsey article.

Sulzer's nomination has taken well much to my surprise for I do not think much of him as gubernatorial timber. I went to headquarters in the afternoon. They had been calling for me all day.

October 8, 1912.

During the past few days nothing of importance has been done. The weather

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was too warm for me to take much interest in matters and I did not feel well. I took Edward S. Martin to headquarters early today and we saw several people. Children wished me to meet one of the Tammany braves(who calls the people at headquarters "amateurs") to talk to him about organization. Senator Gore was in town and I had him and Martin to lunch. I expected McCombs but, as usual, he did not show up.

I had an interesting talk with Gore about Cabinet positions and where they should go. In reply to his questions as to my desires I explained that I did not want anything for myself.

I went to see McCombs. I do not like his affiliations or methods. He is very secretive and will only interview one person at a time although he seems to have no secrets from me. He suggested getting rid of McAdoo by giving him the presidency of some railroad out West. He is afraid of his influence in Washington

October 9, 10, 11, 1912.

I have made regular visits to headquarters, superintending and deciding the different questions which arise. Have had daily consultations with McCombs who is now in New York. He says he has raised $300,000. within the past few days for campaign purposes. I took Jameson out to Larchmont to see McCombs. Governor Wilson will arrive tomorrow and I expect a busy day.

Pat Lay, in the Texas papers has several complimentary articles relating to my political activities in behalf of Wilson.

I met at dinner Joseph Choate, Walter Long, the English Conservative leader and some other English people at Mr. Marwick's apartment.

I had a long talk with McAdoo who agreed with my views concerning questions of labor and capital etc. I told him of Philip Dru. McAdoo is very bitter about McCombs who he says is handicapping him in every possible way by not conferring. Many people of importance come to town and go to McCombs and McAdoo does not even know they are here. He says he will write a strong letter to McCombs about this in the near future. I persuaded him to put it off for a few days.

The question of obtaining money from people who will do the cause harm is ex-

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ceedingly difficult and it is hard to control McCombs in this direction.

October 12, 1912.

Governor Wilson came in from the West today. I went with him to the Vanderbilt Hotel where McAdoo wanted to confer with him. Reporters had an interview from a former student of Princeton saying that Governor Wilson believed in an aristocratic government similar to that of England, and that he did not believe in democracy. The Governor is to write a letter denying this, saying the student was refused a degree, hence his animus.

We decided also about the question of the McCormick contribution and that we would be frank about it, the Governor taking all responsibility for its acceptance. I agreed with the Governor that it would not be well for him to attend a number of small celebrations tonight; it would not be dignified.

I took the Governor to the Plaza Hotel to see McCombs and Judge Dowling; B. M. Baruch, Samuel Untermyer came to the hotel during our visit. The Governor was doubtful about meeting Baruch, a Wall Street broker, and insisted that I remain during the entire conversation. A much gum-shoe method was evidenced in McCombs' dealings.

I offered our motor to the Governor and he used it all the evening.

October 13, 1912.

Was busy all day with conferences. McCombs kept me until half past one o'clock. We discussed what McAdoo was to do after he, McCombs, took charge. He promised to have no friction with McAdoo and to allow him to continue pretty much as now. McAdoo also promises that there shall be no trouble. I discussed with McCombs the question of his resignation from the Chairmanship of the National Committee after the election as he thinks he could not do the law practice which he would like if he holds the place. He wished me to take it but I refused and he insisted upon leaving the matter open. Reporters wanted him to sign certain papers but he refused until they were overlooked and approved by me. I also passed on important papers for McAdoo. McCombs is very emphatic that no campaign

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promises, either direct or indirect, have been made I talked to Governor Wilson urging him also not to make any promises. He says he has not but he does not altogether trust McCombs in this direction.

McAdoo feels badly that he has done so much less than McCombs in the financial line. I suggested to him that it was not well to raise the money and at the same time, run the campaign.

October 14, 1912.

Visited headquarters. Saw Childers who is disgruntled. Hitched him up with Senator Gardner of Maine. He is to go to Maine to help organize, much to his delight. I saw Cone Johnson and others, giving them the free use of my room. I find the room a good thing for such purposes.

October 15, 1912.

Everything is upset today over the attempted assassination of Theodore Roosevelt. Governor Wilson was uncertain as to his procedure with his speaking engagements, etc. He called me over the telephone, or rather asked that I speak with him when McAdoo had him on the wire. He wants to curtail his speechmaking, very much as he is tired. McAdoo is anxious that he should continue as planned. The Governor left the matter to me to arrange.

McCombs was to have gone to headquarters today in order to take charge, but he did not put in an appearance and could not be found at his hotel. Both McCombs and McAdoo were on the witness stand in Washington yesterday regarding campaign funds. McCombs was a poor witness.

Congressman A. S. Burleson took dinner with me and remained until eleven o'clock. I telephoned Governor Wilson at Princeton while I was here, urging him to cancel all engagements until Roosevelt was able to get out again. Wilson was at first doubtful but wrote out a statement, which he read to me over the telephone, following my suggestions as to what to say. All of the Campaign Committee were against me in this. They wanted the Governor to continue speechmaking and so advised him. My thought was that if he continued to speak after T. R. had been shot, it would create sympathy for T. R. and would do Wilson infinite harm. The

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situation is a dangerous one and needs to be handled with care. The generous, the chivalrous and the wise thing to do, so it seems to me, is to discontinue speaking until his antagonist is also able to speak. I am glad Wilson sees it as I do. He suggested that we might delay a decision until tomorrow, and get the opinion of the full Committee, but I disagreed to this and said that the delay would be disadvantageous. Then, too, it would make it embarrassing if the Committee disagreed from (with) him as they certainly would, for their individual opinions have already been expressed. Burleson thinks I took too much responsibility in advising contrary to the rest of the Committee.

Burleson has come over on McAdoo's side of the controversy between him and McCombs. He promises to support Gregory loyally for Maxi... Ambassador to Mexico, but he is not very strong for Thad Thomson for Internal Revenue Collector. He wants me to present his (Burleson's) name for Postmaster General after the election. He says McCombs has asked him to request the Governor to make him, McCombs, Secretary of the Treasury. He tells me that Gore wishes to be spokesman for the Administration in the Senate and nothing else. He also thinks that McCombs would be glad to accept the War portfolio.

October 16, 1912.

There was a full meeting of the Committee today. McCombs kept them waiting for nearly an hour. He has forced McAdoo to give up his, McCombs' room, and the force in McAdoo's room was moved into mine. McAdoo refused to go with Governor Wilson on his speaking tour and is pretty sore over the way he has been treated. The Governor called up the last thing before leaving to ask about Secret Service men accompanying him on the trip and the advisability of same. I told him that I had already seen to it and that men in plain clothes would be with him constantly. Captain Bill McDonald will be here tomorrow. I wired for him the day Roosevelt was shot and he will be with the Governor from now until after the election. I had asked Governor Wilson to allow me to send for Captain McDonald. I had already

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told him of Captain Bill, and no explanation was necessary as to his fitness. I
sent this despatch to Bill: "Come immediately. Important. Bring your artillery".
Bill thought I was in some trouble and replied "I am coming".

I have D. F. Houston in mind for a Cabinet place but I do not know whether
he will accept on account of his University work.

October 17, 1912.

Went to headquarters at ten o'clock. Everyone jumped on me for advising
the Governor not to speak until Roosevelt was well. I argued with them about it
but they were all against me.

I had Senator Gore and Jesse Grant to lunch in order to get Jesse to sign a
letter to the G. A. R. He consented to do so and is to sign another open letter
to be used in the campaign. Jesse wishes some foreign ambassadorship offered him
but says he will not accept. Senator Gore also wants to be offered a Cabinet
place and says he will not accept. He asked me to present his name to the Gov-
ernor.

I asked A. S. Burleson to send for Lehman of St Louis in order to look him
over as material. Burleson expects to go to Panama in November and wants the
Governor to go with him. Senator Gore says he is thinking of coming here to work
in the campaign instead of remaining in Chicago. He has more vision than the
others as to the importance of such a move.

McAdoo did not go on the speaking tour as intended. McCombs was at head-
quarters this morning and afternoon and McAdoo thinks he is near a breakdown. Mc-
Combs telephoned me tonight and talked in the most imprudent way about everyone.

October 18, 1912.

Went to headquarters again at ten. Found McAdoo had gone to join the Gov-
ernor. Wilson is to speak at Carnegie here tonight. Both republicans and pro-
gressives have taken his withdrawal from his speaking tour badly. They do not

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like having him take such a position. Bryan takes the opposite stand and has continued speaking. T. R. commends him highly for this.

Captain Bill came in at 1.20 in full regalia.- Stetson hat and artillery. After receiving my wire, he took the first train without returning home for anything. I took him down to Headquarters as he was, with four days' growth of beard. Found McCombs, Judge Alton B. Parker, Norman G. Mack and others there and introduced old Bill around. I then took him to the Park Avenue Hotel. I do not quite know how to proceed in the matter now as speaking dates have been canceled. I have warned Bill not to talk to anyone of his exploits. I intend to ask the Governor to have him treated with consideration as he is prominent in our State, and he would not understand being treated as an ordinary <u>Secret Service man</u>.

October 20, 1912.

The Wilsons are all in New York at the Hotel Collingwood, and they are delighted with Captain Bill, taking him to church with them. In the afternoon I took Mrs. Wilson and the girls down to call on some friends and then drove the Governor down lower Broadway to the <u>Aquaria</u> Aquarium. We had a pleasant time together.

We discussed Cabinet places and the fitness of the different ones. I tentatively mentioned Henry Roberts as Secretary to the President, and spoke of the importance of this place. I also mentioned Lehman and Judson as material for the Attorney Generalship. The Governor said that Judson was not fit, that he was a brilliant lawyer but he was very narrow. I think he has some idea of McAdoo as Secretary of the Treasury. I told him that Gore would like to be Secretary of Agriculture offered him but that it was his intention to decline. The Governor did not seem to take to the idea enthusiastically and said it would be all right if he was certain he would really not accept.

I took them to the train, and they have promised to come over some day soon to go to a <u>marine</u>. Captain Bill went with them to Princeton.

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October 21, 1912.

McCombs has gone to Chicago. He grows more impossible every day. I went to Headquarters early and visited the different departments as usual. McAdoo was not in. I returned at twelve o'clock and found him ready to mail a letter to Cyrus McCormack, returning the amount he had given to the campaign. Cleveland H. Dodge had offered to put up the same amount to replace it. I did not approve of McAdoo's letter and he asked me to write one myself when I had the leisure. This I promised to do. I later went back and told him I did not approve the plan of writing any letter and advised returning the money without publishing the fact. and let Mr. Bryan say what he pleased on the platform. I talked to Cleveland: Dodge who heartily approved this after I had explained it. McAdoo also approved.

Vick is excited over a cartoon in Judge because McCombs is not in the picture with the other members of the Campaign Committee.

I wrote Burleson to have Underwood get in touch with me when he comes to New York. I am on constant watch for good material from which to select a Cabinet and other important places. I wish to be well informed if Governor Wilson should consult me.

October 22, 1912.

I called on McAdoo at the Vanderbilt Hotel at nine o'clock as I had some further suggestions regarding the money which is to be returned to McCormack. McCombs is still in Chicago messing things up generally. He has offended McAdoo cruelly by telling the Publicity Bureau not to do anything further about Wilson Day, which was McAdoo's idea. McAdoo says he will speak to him when McCombs returns tomorrow.

McAdoo took dinner with Judge Gerard at the Ritz last night. Mrs. Vanderbilt was also there. Gerard desires some foreign appointment. He said he had the support of Senator O'Gorman and Charles Murphy. McAdoo told him that Murphy's influence would be fatal to success. It was bad judgment for McAdoo to say such a thing just before election. They all talk too much.

I have been discussing with McAdoo the advisability of the Governor giving

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out a letter in regard to the Knights of Columbus matter. I talked with the Governor over the telephone. He said he was very tired. I suggested not writing a letter at all unless it was exactly right. I asked him not to minimize the importance of the letter. He said he would formulate something and read it to me later. This he did to McAdoo's secretary, who read it to me.

October 23, 1912.

Nothing of importance happened today excepting the publication of the Governor's letter regarding the Knights of Columbus. McCombs got in but I did not hear from him. I visited the different departments at headquarters and made some suggestions. Nothing much is being done excepting to push matters now on hand.

I had a letter from F. W. Lehman regarding my seeing him when he came to New York. I wrote him evasively as, of course, it was not my intention that he should know why I wished to see him. It was very indiscreet of Burleson to have spoken to him as he must have done.

October 24, 1912.

I wrote David F. Houston about Lehman. I went to Headquarters at ten o'clock and visited the different departments, making suggestions where necessary. I saw McCombs who complained that he had not seen McAdoo and did not know what he was doing. I had already advised McAdoo to consult with McCombs which he had promised to do. McCombs is in a panic, and believes there is a chance of losing New York, Illinois and Wisconsin. He has gotten Murphy to promise to go to work at last in earnest.

McAdoo gave me news of Mr. Bryan whom he saw in Pennsylvania. He said he was very complimentary in regard to me. In the afternoon Governor Wilson called me over the telephone from Princeton and talked for half an hour. McCombs had just been talking to him about losing the different states. He was anxious but I reassured him. I cautioned him again about not writing letters or doing anything to put himself on the defensive. He asked me not to work too hard.

Yoakum called me up at two o'clock. He is to send for Congressman-elect Sum-

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mers whom he tells me is a remarkable man in agricultural lines.

I promised to take McCombs to his hotel at five. I found him "half seas
over" as he is usually at this hour, and very intemperate in speech. He was so
much so that I closed the front window in the car on account of Harold, our chauf-
feur. He criticizes not only McAdoo but Governor Wilson and in the most shameful
way. I thought it best to call the Governor up and tell him about the row and
warning him not to address any more letters to McAdoo. McCombs only found out to-
day that the Kings of Columbus letter was addressed to McAdoo and not to him.
This was the cause of his outbreak. He does not want McAdoo to be recognized in
any way. He is half crazed with jealousy.

October 25, 1912.

I went to the hotel early to see McAdoo. I found him very distressed and he
said he felt afraid to go to Headquarters. He wanted to do something which would
call him out of town and suggested going to Colorado.

I went to Headquarters at eleven and met McCombs as I was leaving. I found
him all right, as he usually is in the morning. He was countermanding everybody's
orders without regard to authority. McAdoo has been offered the use of a column
in the Journal to write regarding the campaign, as Perkins is now doing. McAdoo
tells me that the Governor thinks it best not to address him in future and McAdoo
asked him not to consider him in any way. He said he would do the best he could
until the campaign was over and then he wished to be forgotten. I did not tell
McAdoo that the Governor was doing this at my suggestion and because I was afraid
of an open scandal between McCombs and himself.

October 26, 1912.

Very little is being done at Headquarters excepting routine work. I went
over each department after seeing McAdoo at nine at his hotel. McCombs is in
conference most of the time with old style politicians. The whole character of
the callers has changed since he took charge, and for the worse. I fear Governor
Wilson will have trouble on account of connections made at this time. I did not

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go down until five o'clock in the afternoon and found nearly everyone gone.

I had a long and satisfactory talk with the Governor, who is in Princeton, over the telephone. I explained my position in the controversy between McCombs and McAdoo. I feared he might misunderstand it but he said he knew me well enough to sense the exact status of affairs. I explained that my sympathies were entirely with McAdoo but that I thought it was necessary to submerge him for the moment in order to keep McCombs within bounds.

October 27, 1912.

I was with Jas. C. McReynolds in the morning. Had Steger during the afternoon going over advertising matter of Philip Dru. The book should be on the stands tomorrow.

October 28, 1912.

I saw McAdoo at his hotel at nine o'clock. I took him down to headquarters and went over every department. McCombs was raging around as usual, criticizing everyone including Governor Wilson. He is simply impossible and quite crazy on the subject of McAdoo whom he accuses of working against him all the time. He is making connections with people who may cause embarrassment to the Governor if he is elected. He is probably taking money too from sources where it will be hard or impossible to explain. I fear the Governor's administration will be handicapped by what McCombs is now doing, and I think a break with him would probably be better than later.

Acting under my advice, Governor Wilson has been consulting with McCombs and urging him to concentrate our forces largely on New York State. In talking yesterday McCombs said the Governor was becoming very penitent on account of the trouble developing. He does not know that the Governor thinks of him as a crazy man and desires to quiet him.

October 29, 1912.

McCombs was quieter and less excited today than at any time since his return. He has Fred Lynch of Minnesota with him most of the time and, while he is not the kind of influence I would like, he is the best man available. He

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is absolutely obsessed on the subject of McAdoo. Lynch thinks we will lose Minnesota and McCombs is afraid of New York.

David F. Houston writes about Lehman in the fullest way but he evidently does not think he is a good man for a Cabinet place.

I had E. S. Martin to lunch and talked with him about matters in general. We had an engagement to take Mrs. Bryan to the theater. McAdoo telephoned at the last moment that he had a box and asked us to go with him. Mrs. Bryan did not want to go with him but on account of what I had told her of McAdoo, she consented in order to please him.

October 30, 1912.

I met Mrs. Wilson and her daughters at half past nine this morning and took them to Headquarters. I asked them not to forget to call on McAdoo. Loulie had Mrs. Wilson and Mrs. Bryan to lunch and afterward took them to a play. It was the first time the two had met.

Nothing is being done at Headquarters and nearly everyone has gone home to vote or attend to business. The campaign is practically over as far as work is concerned. I suggested to Mrs. Bryan that Mr. Bryan should take the post of Ambassador to England. She seemed pleased with the idea after I explained how important it was to do away with all display. She thought at first that they did not have sufficient money to keep up appearances, but I reassured her. The place appeals to her because her daughter Ruth lives in London.

October 31, 1912.

Today has been very interesting. I was at Headquarters most of the morning. McCombs was unusually quiet and everyone was around the place. Hugh Wallace was there and I went with him to the Ritz for lunch. Afterwards I introduced him to several people including Cleveland Dodge and Albert Bigelow Paine. I also talked to Henry Morganthau about his, Morganthau's, connection with the campaign. He is very happy over the part he has taken. I complimented him over his department. He has sufficient funds on hand to finish the campaign but he does not want McCombs to know it. McAdoo is not in evidence at all and has al-

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most effaced himself to secure harmony.

Called at Headquarters this afternoon and found McCombs still quiet. I went to the meeting in the evening to see how large a crowd they had. Found Madison Garden filled but not crowded and none were on the outside. Mrs. Wilson had several boxes given her and she asked us to use two of them. We invited several to go but I did not go myself, excepting to look in on the meeting from the floor. I went back the second time and found the crowd enthusiastic which was gratifying.

I received fifteen copies of Philip Dru. during the day.

November 1, 1912.

I arose at seven and went over to see Governor Wilson and Captain Bill at the Hotel Collingwood. They were just leaving for the train but we had a few minutes conversation. Bill said the Governor was the finest fellow in the world, and the Governor seemed equally pleased with Bill and said he was taking good care of him. I asked the Governor to show some attention to McAdoo when he came over again and this he promised to do. I told him how well McAdoo had acted and he agreed that he had been very unselfish.

I went to Headquarters late and found McCombs discussing calling off the parade tomorrow on account of Vice President Sherman's death. I strongly advised this course, but everyone was talking against it so I suppose it will stand as planned. I think it inconsistent to have stopped for Roosevelt's not dangerous wound and yet pay no attention to another official's death. I am sorry I did not speak of it to Governor Wilson before he made his speech last night as he did not mention it. I think it was a mistake to ignore it.

I had a telegram from Burleson about Governor Wilson going to Panama. I replied that he was not going. I think it is a mistake for Albert to go himself at this time.

November 2, 1912.

I went over to see McAdoo at the Vanderbilt Hotel at half past ten and found him nervous and impatient. From there I went over to see the Governor at the Hotel Collingwood as Bill had rung me up at the house asking me to come.

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Governor Wilson and I had a long talk. He was very critical of McCombs and he does not believe that he can give him a Cabinet position. I told him of speaking to Mrs. Bryan and the suggestion of Mr. Bryan as Ambassador to London.

Someone wished the Governor to give out a last message to the papers. He said he had given out so many that there was not enough space for him to say. He asked me about it and I practically dictated the letter he is to give out Monday. He says his mind is somewhat confused at present but that they will find his will is firm enough later. I asked him not to consider individuals when making his appointments, that he was under obligations to no one, since they were all getting enough out of it in the way of publicity to repay them. He said he intended to consider the good of the country alone in making appointments. I asked him again to be sure to see McAdoo as he was a little hurt at the seeming neglect.

Governor Wilson came to see me at our apartment just as we were finishing lunch. I had lunch brought in for him and he remained until after five o'clock. McAdoo and Dudley Field Malone both came in to see him for a moment. I suggested to him the advantage of making a statement as suggested by Wallace and he agreed to do so. He asked my advice as to the advisability of making an address on November 12th at some Confederate unveiling. I strongly advised against it on account of it's being his first official utterance. I also advised him to make a general statement regarding Fitzgerald, Mayor of Boston, who wanted him to use to promote his ambition to become Senator. The Governor did not want to do so but I advised him to make a general statement regarding his desire to have the next Senate democratic, and not mention Fitzgerald's name. He did so.

November 3, 1912.

I spent a quiet day at Tuxedo. Returned by six o'clock and found extras out concerning an automobile accident to Governor Wilson and Captain Bill. I telephoned Mrs. Wilson and the Governor came to the telephone himself. He was uneasy about the effect the accident would have if exaggerated by his enemies and insisted upon making speeches in Jersey as scheduled. The papers featured Captain Bill in morning and afternoon papers.

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November 3, 1912.

I went to Headquarters in the morning but found very little going on there. Had a telegram from T. W. Gregory and A. S. Burleson. They will be here Thursday. I expected to see Governor Wilson today, but on account of the accident he did not come over. I saw Wallace and told him that I had spoken to the Governor about his suggestion and that he had agreed to make the statement.

November 5, 1912.

I went to Headquarters and saw a few people but nothing of importance of course was going on. We went to the Hotel Plaza to dinner with Marwick. The returns came in very slowly there. By half past six o'clock it was evident that Wilson had won, so I sent him a telegram of congratulation. By seven o'clock returns were in enough to enable one to see that it was a Wilson landslide.

I went down to the Waldorf Hotel where McCombs had invited guests to hear the returns. He had taken nearly one side of the hotel and there were about twenty-five people there. He talked in a wild and crazy way. He said he had gone up several notches since I had seen him, and that he expected Wilson to offer him the Secretaryship of State. He thought he might refuse it and take nothing as he could make a million dollars in four years at his practice of law.

Burleson arrived in town and rang me up over the telephone. McAdoo and Josephus Daniels went to Princeton today. If I had known of it I should have advised McAdoo not to go.

November 6, 1912.

Visited Headquarters and met several. Talked with Daniels and others. Burleson is to take lunch with me. McCombs went over to Princeton today to see Wilson. The Governor gave out a statement today concerning the quieting of business as I had advised. It was an important utterance and it made a very happy impression.

November 7, 1912.

Two Secret Service men have now been assigned to protect the President-elect, and Captain Bill thinks it best for him to return to Texas. He will be over

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here tomorrow to say goodbye. I asked Burleson if Bill could not be placed on
the force to guard the President-elect permanently and he thought it was quite
possible to do.

I went to the theater with McAdoo and took Burleson and Gregory. Gregory
desires the Ambassadorship to Mexico or nothing. Burleson's desire to be in the
Cabinet is very bad for Gregory, as it is too much to expect that two important
places will go to Texas. I have not heard from McCombs.

November 8, 1912.

IX had I asked him McAdoo and I had a very long talk in which he spoke very freely. I advised him against going to Princeton orbothing the President-elect. He confessed to having telephoned him and said he had been over once at the insistance of Daniels. He promised to remain away but it will nearly kill him to do so for he is intensely interested in the situation.

Old Bill arrived and after talking with him I think it is best for him to return home for the present. The Wilsons were sorry to see him leave. He looked over the Secret Service men to see if he thought them fit. He told me that they did well enough but that he did not like their carrying 38's. When he said this to the Secret Service men, they did not like it and replied: "A 38 will kill a man all right". "Yes, said Bill, "if you give him a week to die in"". I find that he has talked much of me and my political work in Texas to Wilson. The Governor wanted to know (of him) whether I had been successful in all my political campaigns and what kind of men I had chosen.

November 9, 1912.

Wallace came to lunch. He wishes to propose me as a member of the Metro-
politan Club in Washington.

The afternoon was spent with Bill. Arthur Little has invited him down
to his place for lunch. He thought of bringing Bat Masterson and Bill together,
but I advised against it. After talking with Bill over the telephone, he took my
advice and did not have Bat.

November 10, 1912.

It has been a quiet day. Bill was out at Little's place. James Creelman

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called in the afternoon and told some interesting facts about Mayor Gaynor. He understood said he knew why I had dropped Gaynor as Presidential timber, and that he knew he was impossible. He told some interesting stories of President Diaz of Mexico. He also had some interesting information regarding the Jewish question in Russia. Governor Wilson and I were discussing this subject the other day. Creelman thinks Gaynor took a very foolish position in regard to the Becker trial, and he thought if he had been here he might have prevented it.

Albert Roberts and Captain Bill came to dinner with me.

November 11, 1912.

Underwood has telegraphed asking that the interview "with the Governor" be put off until a later date. Burleson has not told Underwood our real reason for wanting him to come on and he thinks the Governor has asked to see him. A tremendous mail arrived from all directions. Everyone wants something. My old friend Whitney Newton has written and telegraphed many times in regard to S. H. Thompson, Jr. - He wishes him appointed to a Cabinet place, and Thompson is on his way to New York.

November 12, 1912.

Was with McAdoo for breakfast but he did not tell me "the secret" he had intended. He "side-stepped" so adroitly, and thought I did not know it. However, we had a long and satisfactory talk. He is very uneasy on account of the Governor not communicating with any of us, but I reassured him.

Bill left today for Texas. He did not know what train he would take but it "was something in the afternoon". I met Oscar Taylor in the Park Avenue Hotel and asked him to lunch tomorrow. Carmichiel came to the apartment and talked for an hour giving advice. I "fed him" what I desired him to take back to his crowd.

Harry Steger came to talk about Philip Dru advertisements. I made him use Gordon's suggestions which he did not much like.

November 13, 1912.

Spent the morning with McCombs. He was in a better frame of mind. He now

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thinks he would like Senator O'Gorman's place if Wilson will appoint O'Gorman to a Cabinet place. He thinks the Campaign Committee will come out about even with the amount of funds on hand.

S. H. Thompson, Jr. came at twelve o'clock and also Earl Harding, of the World, Oscar Taylor and his family came to lunch. In the afternoon Yoakum called. McAdoo has sent us seats to the opera tonight.

November 14, 1912.

Hugh Wallace came early to confer about the dinner tonight. I went with him to the Waldorf where we found Senator Gore and brought him back with me for an hour. I arranged to have Hapgood, Martin, Creelman, Gore and Wallace to dinner at the Metropolitan Club. We will meet after dinner the financiers whom Gore wishes to know.

I telephoned to the governor and advised him to write a note to Mr. Bryan, telling him that he would confer with him after his return from Bermuda. He said he would do so at once. I am to see the governor Saturday morning and will advise him concerning other matters pending. In my opinion, he is making a mistake in not calling for advice from political leaders, as they will become disgruntled.

Yoakum had an engagement for tonight but is to call at five o'clock to meet Senator Gore at our apartment. The dinner at the Metropolitan Club was a great success.

November 15, 1912.

Thompson went to Princeton yesterday and called on the Governor. Mrs. Wilson had some very pleasant things to say concerning the Governor's opinion of me. The Wilsons will arrive at five o'clock and I expect to meet them. Shall ask Mrs. Wilson to go to the theater if she has no engagement.

I met the Wilsons as planned and found no one else at the station to meet them. Bade them goodbye at their hotel door and he said he would see me tomorrow. I took Senator Gore and Thompson to the theater. Gore expressed much appreciation of his visit and what had been done for him.

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November 16, 1912.

Governor Wilson telephoned me early and asked if it would be convenient for him to come over at ten o'clock. He remained for an hour or more and we went over all matters in the most confidential way. Cabinet material was discussed and he eliminated Huston Thompson whom he knows well. We discussed what to do with McCombs and McAdoo. He said he would give the former a first class foreign appointment in order to get rid of him. He said he would be willing to give him the Collectorship of the Port of New York if it were not that he could build up a formidable political machine. I told him McCombs would not think of accepting the Collectorship. I suggested McAdoo as Secretary of the Treasury, Burleson as Postmaster General. He thought Daniels would be better for Postmaster General but I thought he was not aggressive enough and that the position needed a man who was in touch with Congress. He agreed that this was true.

We talked again of (Jas.) C. McReynolds as Attorney General. We practically eliminated Brandeis for this position, because he was not thought to be entirely above suspicion and it would not do to put him in such a place. He asked a gain about offering Mr. Bryan the Secretaryship of State or Ambassador to England, and I advised him to do so. He said that he would. I gave him a copy of Philip Dru to take with him on the trip to Bermuda.

I went to The Brook and found Hugh Wallace and we went to the Metropolitan Club to lunch. Frank Trumbull called at our apartment and made an engagement for me to sometime meet Paul Warburg of Kuhn, Loeb & Co. of whom it is said there is no greater authority on the currency question. Trumbull and I went over the matter at some length. He seemed astonished at my close relationship with Governor Wilson.

The Governor was interested in my account of the luncheon party down town yesterday and the men who composed it. I gave Gore a good sendoff. I telephoned McAdoo and he came over after dinner remaining until eleven o'clock. I also telephoned Senator Gore about sounding Mr. Bryan.

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November 17, 1912.

Spent a quiet day dictating letters to office seekers. Saw Thompson and bade him goodbye. He expressed much appreciation for my efforts in his behalf. I went over at five to look up McReynolds but did not find him at home. Spent a quiet evening.

November 18, 1912.

Visited Headquarters and spent a disagreeable time with Vick and Childers. Suggested to Vick the Secretaryship of the Senate which pays $6000. per year but he scorns a position of this kind and wants something much better. Childers is in the same frame of mind. Vick abused McAdoo viciously. When I pressed him he could not verify any of his statements. He says he will depend upon McCombs to look out for his interests.

Mr. Tucker saw Mr. Jacob Shiff today and he expressed a desire to meet me. And invited me to lunch with them down town. I declined to go down town but was glad to accept for lunch anywhere uptown. He telephoned today and said that Mr. Shiff would come up to the City Club which was near. He said Mrs. Shiff was in mourning but would like us to take dinner quietly with them. He is to bring Paul Warburg also as he desires to meet me.

Judge and Mrs. Lovett came to dinner, Mrs. Lovett and Loulie going to the opera afterwards.

November 19, 1912.

Earl Harding of the World came to lunch. He was full of information about various things. He knows Madero well and thinks he is strong enough to control the Mexican situation. He was interesting concerning newspapers and their editorial workings. He wishes to go, in an independent way, to Washington. The World has offered to send him for special work which would pay about $6000. I spent a quiet evening and disposed of much reading matter.

November 20, 1912.

Sidney Mezes and Franklin K. Lane arrived from Washington. I got a great

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deal of valuable data from the latter who knows all the important lawyers in the
country. He suggested Kern as a Cabinet possibility. I also found out about
Edgar Farrer of New Orleans.

I have an engagement to lunch with Brandeis tomorrow. Trumbull has made
an engagement for dinner with Warburg for Sunday evening.

Steger says that Philip Dru will surely have another edition. I have
ordered a number of copies to be sent to labor leaders in order to attract their
attention to sociological part.

Was with McAdoo this evening and he says I may use his name in any way to
suit myself in regard to Philip Dru. He also said that Mrs. Borden Harriman
would comment upon it if desired. I introduced Mezes and Lane to McAdoo.

November 21, 1912.

Most of the morning was spent with Mezes. I lunched with E. S. Martin,
Norman Hapgood and Louis Brandeis. Brandeis made a favorable impression upon me.
He has less of nervous force and imagination than I had thought, and I found that
he was not "a know it all" but seemed open to suggestions. We argued a little upon
the different methods of controlling corporations, he taking the side that a lim-
ited franchise should be given them. His idea, in my opinion, would be all right
in an autocracy, but not in our country.

I am overwhelmed with office seekers who have probably seen notices of
Governor Wilson having called on me on the 16th. I am busy getting up a list of
Cabinet possibilities with data attached to send the President-elect for his in-
formation. Mezes thinks it foolish for me to go home as I am planning to and
to leave the situation here.

November 22, 1912.

Wallace came to call early. I think he wants a Cabinet place. I ask-
ed him what he wanted but he was non-committal. He complimented me upon my
method of doing things and said it was very effective.

I took lunch with Jacob Shiff and Mr. William A. Tucker. Mr. Paul Warburg

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was not well and could not come. Mr. Shiff is not a great talker, but he is shrewd and he said enough. We discussed currency legislation and I advised him to forget it, as Wall Street could not help and would only defer legislation by trying to. I am to dine with Mr. Trumbull and Mr. Warburg Sunday evening at the Plaza.

November 23, 1912.

Nothing of importance occurred today. I plan to go to Washington Monday.

November 24, 1912.

Another uneventful day. Wallace telephoned from Washington. I dined with Warburg and Trumbull at the Plaza and we discussed currency reform. Warburg is an exceedingly agreeable man.

November 25, 1912.

I went to Washington to confer with leaders about currency reform and other matters, and also to harmonize differences and to find the "lay of the land" in order to write Governor Wilson. While there I had conferences with Chief Justice White, Speaker Clark and many Senators and Representatives. Burleson told me he asked Gore, after he was here, what he thought of me. Gore answered "Burleson, he can walk on dead leaves and make no more noise than a tiger".

Burleson spent the time while I was there in bringing people to call whom I particularly wished to see. He and Wallace were very obliging and did exactly what I asked. Champ Clark is still much disgruntled at his defeat, and his hatred of Bryan amounts to an obsession. It is not unlikely that they will have some personal difficulty when they meet. Clark spent most of the time when with me in telling the story of his early life, but Wallace put him out on the minute when he had remained the hour allotted to him. In leaving he said he was afraid he had bored me. I replied that I now understood why it was that he was so strongly entrenched in the hearts of the American people. He left in fine humor and will probably work in harmony with us since he has no grudge against Wilson.

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I had a most interesting talk with Chief Justice White who was very frank and confidential. I talked with Carter Glass about monetary reform and brought him into line. He knows absolutely nothing about the matter. Hoke Smith also knows nothing but will work with us. R. E. L. Henry is close to Bryan and is, I think, working with him for the single term proposition. Bryan and Taft are both working in this direction but from different motives. Smith, Burleson and others have promised to watch the situation closely. George Harvey was in Washington about this measure. He was very pessimistic saying that the Governor's friends were apathetic and that a bill would pass before they knew it.

November 28, 1912.

Returned from Washington last night having taken a bad cold and am now confined to the house. I wrote Governor Wilson a long letter about my visit and what I had done in regard to the currency question and other matters. McReynolds telephoned and wanted to see me but I put him off until tomorrow.

November 29, 1912.

I was up early and began work at nine this morning, continuing all day, dictating, telephoning and seeing people. Have an engagement to see Ali Kuli Khan, the Persian Minister, at five o'clock. McAdoo and Earl Harding both came in. I think Harding would be a good man to send to Washington to look out for the currency measure. He could do this in conjunction with his tariff work.

November 30, 1912.

Today has been largely spent in answering correspondence from office seekers and seeing people upon various matters.

Wallace insisted upon putting me up for non-resident membership at the Metropolitan Club of Washington, and while I was there he introduced me to the Governors and some of the members.

December 2, 1912.

Ali Kuli Khan invited us to meet some distinguished Persian this afternoon but I did not go. It was a very quiet day with no correspondence.

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December 3, 1912.

I lunched with Samuel Untermeyer today at his home. We had a long and satisfactory talk concerning measures particularly regarding trusts and currency reform. He had been in Washington and had seen Glass and others but they would not listen to what he had to say.

In the afternoon I had a long telephone talk with Burleson from Washington. He wanted me to come over to Washington again to see Underwood. Wallace has been stirring them up. I told Burleson that I did not think it necessary to see Underwood as he was already in accord with us. I prefer to see him later after I have conferred with Governor Wilson.

December 5, 1912.

Lunched with E. S. Martin and George Harvey. I told Martin that it was useless to discuss anything with a man like Harvey because he "knew it all" and I was always opposed to wasting my energy. He said that this was true, and that whenever he talked to Harvey he came away feeling that he, Martin, was a man of little consequence, but that when he left me he always felt that he was a big man.

December 6, 1912.
gave a lunch

Received a letter from Governor Wilson. I gave a lunch to Martin, Hapgood, Maceuley and General Walthal, if I can get him. Hapgood was much more interesting than when I met him before. He talked along lines which he thoroughly understood and was entertaining. He told how magazines and periodicals were organized and run and how much it took to finance them the first year. He said that Curtis spent a million dollars on the Saturday Evening Post before it began to pay. He told Martin that "Life" had a suggestive strain running through it. He admitted that it sold the paper but thought it bad notwithstanding.

I gave Martin Mrs. Bryan's letter to read in which she comments on Philip Dru, and also the one I received from Governor Wilson. He was very interested and said they were good letters.

I had a long conversation with McCombs and Vick. I believe if I had been

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authorized to offer McCombs a foreign embassy today he would have accepted it.
Office seekers are driving him crazy. I suggested a foreign position and he
said that he did not have sufficient money but I told him that it would not take
much. He asked where I would suggest his going, Vienna, Italy or where? He
is leaving for Washington to attend the Gridiron Dinner.

McAdoo did not go. He said it might be embarrassing and I think he was wise.
He wishes to see Daniels but will go over after this dinner and see him on Sunday
or Monday.

December 7, 1912.

Macauley, the cartoonist called this morning and we talked long and ear-
nestly about the poor and the influence he could exert through his work. He
tells me that he often goes into the poorer parts of the town to see how the
people live but that he cannot sleep or eat there as it is so revolting.

I went to see Mrs. Fiske in the afternoon in the High Road and liked it very much.

December 8, 1912.

We lunched with Gordon and Janet. Upon my arrival home after four I found
Teal of Oregon awaiting me. He wishes to be Secretary of the Interior. We dis-
cussed conservation and kindred matters in which he is interested. He seems to
have his State back of him. Tom Ball of Texas came in after he left. He wishes
Frank Andrews appointed a Federal District Judge though he says that Andrews does
not know he is asking for it.

Richmond Pearson Hobson came in the evening and we talked until eleven o'clock
I gave him Philip Dru to read and said that McAdoo and I had been discussing the
battleship problem in it and I would like to know his opinion.

December 9, 1912.

Lunched with Hapgood and Chares R. Crane. Crane is a very modest, unassum-
ing fellow. Hapgood says he wants nothing but I doubt this.

I went with Albert Roberts and Dorothy Potter to the theater. Mr. Glascow

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of Philadelphia telephoned before I started but I could not see him until tomorrow
McAdoo telephones every night.

December 10, 1912.

Lanier Winslow came in the morning to talk over his affairs but he only
remained a few minutes. He wishes to go into the Diplomatic Service and is
using his influence with me to have Gerard appointed as Ambassador to Germany.

Mr. Glasgow came to lunch. I wished to look him over and to size him up.
He is a rather brilliant man, but if I had to choose between him and McReynolds
for Attorney General, I should take the latter. I think McReynolds is a better
lawyer. Glasgow was particularly interesting in connection with the coal combine
which he understands thoroughly. The anthracite and bituminous people are divid-
ed into two groups. The Lehigh, D. L. & W. and Reading representing the former,
and the Chesapeake & Ohio, Pennsylvania and Baltimore & Ohio representing the
other. They have what is termed a sixty-five cent arrangement with coal men,
that is, they give them 65 cents at tide water. Glasgow is the only man with
whom I have talked, who likes Senator Martin of Virginia. He says he is friend-
ly to all factions in Virginia.

McCombs made a terrible mess of things in Washington regarding the Inau-
guration. People have evidently been writing Governor Wilson and he has taken
a hand in it-- something he should not do. Vick telephoned me that there was a
cablegram from the Governor to McCombs telling him to do nothing until his return.

Wallace comes tomorrow and I will hear all about it then. McCombs' desire
for adulation has led him to postpone making an appointment of Chairman of the
Inaugural Committee. I advised him to do this immediately and he should have
acted without delay. Burleson is also taking a hand which is foolish as it will
only make enemies.

Macauley brought Rhinelander Waldo, Police Commissioner, up at five
o'clock and I talked with them until nearly seven. Waldo was different from what
I expected. He wishes to be Governor General of the Philippines. He is well

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informed as to conditions there and convinced me that autonomy at present would be
bad for the Islands.

We went to a dinner at Mrs. Charles G. Loring's of Boston and met among
others President Finley and wife of the College of the City of New York, and Mr.
and Mrs. Walter H. Page. It was one of the pleasantest dinners I have attended
for a long while. We discussed the material of which the Cabinet should be com-
posed, Walter Page suggesting Benj. Yoakum as a good man for Postmaster General.
He thinks business men should be chosen rather than politicians. Mrs. Loring was
very complimentary regarding Philip Dru and said she had read it several times.

I had a telephone talk with McCombs who is in trouble "up to his neck".
concerning arrangements as to the Inauguration.

Journey came in. Waldo spoke to me in regard to Jos. P. Tumulty who desires
to be Secretary to the President. Journey wants to be his assistant. Tumulty
says he will not apply for the place as he must stand on his merits, but that he
will be glad if I will speak to the Governor in his behalf.

Vick also wants this place and says Tumulty is talking about him behind
his back and that he "would not contribute ten dollars to my dinner". This is
a testimonial dinner to be given Vick.

I spoke to Journey about Culberson writing another letter endorsing
Burleson for a Cabinet place, but for some reason he did not seem to wish to
broach the subject.

December 11, 1912.

Wallace came early and told me about the tangle in Washington which
McCombs has made of the Inaugural arrangements. He has offered the Chairmanship
to several including Thomas Nelson Page and General Wilson who have declined it.

Dr. David F. Houston came to dinner and spent the evening. We discussed
different Cabinet possibilities and other matters. He knows that I have suggest-
ed to the President-elect for Secretary of Agriculture. He thought it would be
better to defer legislation on currency and tariff until later, but I convinced
him of the importance of passing such measures before all the patronage had been

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distributed.

Lieut. Harlee called but I excused myself as I did not wish to be disturbed.
Harlee desires to be made Assistant Secretary of the Navy. McAdoo also called.
He said upon leaving: "Colonel, I tell you everything I know and you never tell me anything".

December 12, 1912.

Wallace came to lunch and we then went over to the Waldorf to call on Phelan, ex Mayor of San Francisco, but we found him out. I went to dinner with Walter Page at the University Club. He had among others, William Bayard Hale, McAdoo. The dinner was originally planned for Houston who could not come. It was a beautiful dinner and everything went off well.

December 13, 1912.

Jefferson Johnson of Austin came in this morning with his son who left al-
most immediately. We had a long discussion over the situation at home. He is
more in sympathy with Gregory's ambition than with Burleson's. I told him that
Austin could not walk off with everything without some protest from over the State.
He agreed to this.

Everett Yeaw, my old Cornell classmate, came to lunch and we discussed
the matter of his books in Texas.

McAdoo came in the afternoon and we talked over the different Cabinet pos-
sibilities. In the evening we went to dinner with the Tuckers who had Commadore
Bourne, King of the Knickerbocker Trust Co. and Harding and their wives. We were
made the guests of honor. They all insisted that I should not talk during the
dinner so as to save myself for a discussion with the men after we had finished.
I was very tired but enjoyed the evening, and Mr. Tucker seemed pleased with what
I had to say.

December 14, 1912.

Phelan and Tumulty came to lunch. I found Phelan a cross between Col.
Snyder and James Creelman. Tumulty was most interesting and is to come again

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tomorrow. He told me that he advised Governor Wilson to side with Bryan in the
Convention. The Governor thought over the matter twenty-four hours and then wrote
something with a sting at the end. Tumulty advised him to cut the disagreeable
part out which he finally did. Mrs. Wilson agreed with Tumulty that it was best
for the Governor to take this stand. Tumulty said that the Governor always had
him, Tumulty, take one telephone and he another when important conversations were
taking place in order that there might be no misunderstandings as to what was said.
Tumulty also said that McCombs telephoned to them during the Baltimore Convention
that the Governor was "down and out" and he wanted to know where he desired to
throw his strength. The Governor advised turning his friends loose as he did not
care to indicate where they should go.

are

Maxxam they were receiving many black hand letters and were much concerned.

The Italians are excited and some of the very ignorant are leaving the country
thinking the Governor will act against them. Collector Loeb has offered a re-
venue cutter to meet the President-elect upon his return and Tumulty asked my ad-
vice about accepting it. I thought the Governor would prefer disembarking at the
dock in the ordinary way.

McCombs came and spent the evening. He is much humiliated over the Inau-
guration mix-up and blames Governor Wilson for it. He insists that he will
appoint Jordan no matter what happens, and if the Governor insists upon someone
else that he will publish the facts and bring the matter to an issue. He says he
is no longer a boy and will not be treated as one, that the Governor has shown
him no consideration since last March and that he will stand it no longer. It
is all too bad, for I had succeeded in getting him into a better frame of mind
and I believe I could have induced him to accept a foreign appointment. He now
states that he will remain as Chairman of the National Committee and will show
what he can do towards blocking legislation etc. I could not tell whether he
intended his conversation to be repeated to Governor Wilson or not. He came at
seven, but would not eat anything saying that he had already dined. He had not

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been drinking.

December 15, 1912.

Slept late as I was worn out and saw no one in the morning. Col. Fred Feigl, Editor and owner of the Tammany Times called after lunch to talk about Vick's dinner. It has been gotten up in an attractive way and promises to be a success.

Senator Gardner came in at 9.30 on his way to Maine. He wished me to use my influence towards getting the Wilson forces back of him in his race for U. S. Senate. He needs nine votes to elect him, has five of them, and if it was known the administration was back of him, he thinks he could secure the others. I promised to do what I can in the premises.

Tumulty came again in the afternoon and we had a satisfactory talk. He is bright and quick and seems honest. I advised getting Governor Wilson to let the Inaugural arrangements alone, and to throw the entire responsibility upon McCombs publicly. Tumulty promises to see the Governor at once and ask him to do this. He wished to know if I thought his being a Catholic would be a bar to his appointment as Secretary to the President. He is very courageous and outspoken and his main trouble is talking too much.

December 16, 1912.

We sent our motor with Tumulty to meet the President-elect and his party. He brought some of them to the hotel. Tumulty telephoned immediately and said the Governor would act as advised concerning the Inaugural matter.

The Governor sent Measdale, one of his secretaries, over to say that he would spend the day with Mrs. Wilson shopping and making calls, but that he would return tomorrow to speak at the Southern Society Dinner, and on Wednesday he would like to see me.

McAdoo had me over the telephone when I was at the Vick dinner and said that J. P. Morgan was one of the invited guests at the Southern Society Dinner. He asked that I come to the Ritz for consultation as soon as I could leave. This I did at 9.30. He had already rung up Wilson about the matter who had told him

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to consult with me. He promised to remain up until we called him over the telephone again, which we did from McAdoo's apartment at 10.30. I advised his not coming to the dinner as it would keep him explaining for four years, to the country outside of New York, why he had and Morgan had been fellow guests. I thought it was bad to come or not come, as his remaining away might precipitate trouble in Wall Street which is not in a very steady condition but, on the whole, I considered it better to remain away.

The dinner to Vick was something of a farce. McCombs came in after nine o'clock with the orchestra playing "See the conquering hero comes" etc. There were about sixty there. I sat at the speakers table and was the only one not scheduled to speak.

December 17, 1912.

McAdoo came at one and remained for an hour. He had confirmed the fact that Morgan was coming to the Southern Society Dinner. He is not anxious to appear in the matter on account of his Tunnel, fearing it might give offense. I discussed it again over the telephone with Governor Wilson. He said Tumulty thought he was over scrupulous, but I did not think so. He said Tumulty was looking at it from a narrow viewpoint and that we were looking at it from the viewpoint of the whole country. He said he would give as an excuse that he was overwhelmed with business and could not get away.

At six o'clock it was found that Morgan had been called to Washington as a witness before the Pujo Committee, consequently it was all right for the Governor to attend the dinner. I called him over the telephone at Trenton and he arrived at the dinner at 9.45 in plenty of time to make his speech. No one knew of the hitch so it went off well. I had a delightful evening sitting at the table with McAdoo, Norman Hapgood, William Church Osborn, Mitchell Palmer, F. K. Lane, Louis Brandeis and Borden Harriman. Wilson spoke against panics, the subject being brought to his mind probably by the discussion of J. P. Morgan. He also referred in an indirect way to the Pujo Committee.

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December 18, 1912.

I had an engagement to see Mrs. Borden Harriman at eleven o'clock. In the meantime, the Governor called me over the telephone and I asked if he did not think it best to come to our apartment for lunch and he agreed that it was. I instructed the telephone girl and hall boys not to disturb us and not to call us on the telephone.

Martin came in just as I was going to Mrs. Harriman's and I took him on his way. I found Mrs. Harriman very interesting. She has some scheme for starting a "civic society" to pass upon questions before the public as to whether they are worthy of consideration etc. She has such men interested as Brandeis, Hapgood, and others, and asked me to become a member.

I then went to the Century Club to see Hapgood, Brandeis, Phelan and Amos Pinchot.

Governor Wilson came at half past one. I talked to him about Morganthau and suggested him for Turkey. He replied "there aint going to be no Turkey", and I said, "then let him go look for it."

I called to him

We talked about Tumulty and I asked him if he had considered him for Secretary to the President. He said "yes, but the trouble with Tumulty is that he cannot see beyond Hudson County, his vision is so narrow". I assented but thought he had the political instinct which would be an essential asset. I asked if he had anyone else in mind, and he said yes, Newton Baker of Cleveland. I thought if I were in his place I would take only men I knew, that in making a selection it was like walking in the country, one could always imagine that something better was beyond, but upon reaching the point given, the view was still in the distance like the rainbow.

It was decided that he would suggest to McCombs that he take either Italy or Austria on account of his health, and with a tentative promise of calling him to the Cabinet later. I advised firmness in dealing with McCombs, he talked big but was a man of but little courage. The Governor is to see him tomorrow at half past three and will let me know tonight or tomorrow what has been done.

["(35)", "Bryan was also discussed freely. I advised him to (cordially) offer Bryan the Secretaryship of State, but to afterwards suggest that it would be of great service if he would go to Russia at this critical time. He thought Bryan would want to discuss with him the personel of his Cabinet and that they could never agree. I argued that there were many people and things that they could agree upon as their object was really the same, only their ways of getting at it were different. He might, I thought, suggest mention the names of Burleson, Daniels and others if xkxmxhe was considering for the Cabinet, who were also friends of Mr. Bryan", "We discussed again the Attorney Generalship and he asked about Brandeis. I told him that it was with much regret that I had to advise against him, that I liked him x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x

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sirend and that I knew the President-elect thought straight concerning the issue.

Judge Jim Wells came to lunch and to talk over Texas appointments.

Governor Wilson called me over the telephone and said that McCombs was dis-
tinctly disappointed at the ambassadorial offer made him yesterday, and no decision was arrived at. He wanted to know again about Bryan and my advice about it. I advised being cordial in making the offer, and to make it plain afterwards that he would appreciate his taking the foreign post.

McAdoo called to discuss his chances for the Treasury, and I pleased him greatly by telling him that I thought, unless the President-elect changed his mind, he would give him that place. We discussed the proper man for Secretary to the President, and we both concluded that his present Secretary, Tumulty, would be the best selection.

McAdoo was very insistent upon my going into the Cabinet. He thought the Navy would be an easy place and that I could devote myself to the larger questions which seemed certain to confront the administration. He said it would be a great thing for the President and the members of the Cabinet if I were present at the meetings. He was afraid if I were not a member of the Cabinet it would cause some feeling if I were invited to sit in constantly in an advisory capacity. I said I had no notion of having such an invitation extended me, but that it was my purpose to hold myself always at the disposition of the President to serve him in a broad and general way to the best of my ability. That I had no further purpose in life than to see this administration all I had hoped for it, and to help the President solve those problems nearest my heart.

We went to the opera with Jas. D. Phelan and Franklin K. Lane. Phelan requested me to make an engagement for him with the President-elect in order that he might discuss Pacific Slope matters with him before he returned. As a matter of fact, he has in mind a Cabinet place. Lane desires to be a member of the Supreme Court and I discussed with him between acts this ambition.

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I told the Governor yesterday that I would send for Wallace and get him help me straighten out the tangle which the Inauguration has gotten into, and that I would also ascertain whether McCombs would finally accept a foreign ambassadorship—either Italy or Austria. Wallace reported at half past nine o'clock and immediately set to work. He and Thos. Nelson Page had conferred last night concerning the Inaugural matter, and they had agreed to recommend to McCombs the appointment of William Corcoran Eustis orColonel Allen of the Army, as Chairman.

Wallace reported again at half past twelve. McCombs is sick in bed and refused to see him but he insisted upon a five minute interview and is to let me know the result later in the day.

B. M. Baruch, McCombs' friend, told Wallace that he had advised McCombs not to accept office but to resign from the National Committee and (to) go into the practice of law as soon as his health permits. McCombs seems terribly "cut up" over the fact that Governor Wilson has not offered him all that he desired and that he (has) offered him an ambassadorship instead of a Cabinet place.

Samuel Untermyer asked me to lunch on Sunday at his country place, Greystones, but I declined. He then asked me for tomorrow and I promised to give him an answer at seven o'clock. He said he wished to discuss some matters relating to future legislation and the problems confronting the next Congress, and that my views were nearer his own than anybody's with whom he had talked. He therefore wished to get my opinion further regarding these matters.

Mrs. Borden Harriman telephoned and asked us for lunch at her country place on Sunday. We declined. She reported what she had been able to find out concerning Interstate Commerce Commissioner E. E. Clark, whose confirmation is now before the Senate. John Mitchel endorsed him heartily and the Civic Federation people were equally enthusiastic.

Senator Gore telephoned from Washington last night to discuss this matter and I advised, in my opinion, that he should be confirmed.

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Mrs. Harriman also invited me to lunch with Mitchel on Monday, and wanted to know if I would not meet some of Mr. Morgan's partner's and discuss the currency question I delicately but firmly declined. I told her that it would not be good for them nor for currency reform, that whether rightly or wrongly, the country had a strong prejudice against the firm, and I thought it well for them to keep out of any discussion of the matter. I promised to explain more in detail when we met.

Burleson telephoned from Washington around lunch time. He thought it very important to have McCombs write Senator Gore, giving him authority to do what he could towards electing democratic senators in Maine, New Hampshire, Illinois and Michigan. I told him McCombs was sick and that it would be impossible to get such a letter, but I suggested that he have Senator Gore write Governor Wilson about the matter, and that I would confer with him, the Governor, over the telephone today, advising him to write a discreet letter to Gore stating his great interest in these elections.

McReynolds was to come at five o'clock but since Wallace was to report at that time I postponed it until morning. Wallace was very late, having worried with McCombs for hours. It was nearly six O'clock before he came. McCombs at last said, after talking over the situation and changing his mind five or six times, that he would appoint Eustis if he would promise in turn to appoint Jordan as his assistant and Vick as secretary. Wallace telephoned this to Washington and Eustis absolutely refused to consider the position with any strings to it, so it is held up for the present. If Eustis finally declines, they have two Army men in mind.

McAdoo came in at half past eight o'clock and remained all the evening. He is very discouraged and almost ready to give up. He thinks he would like to be in my position and independent.

I called up Governor Wilson to talk things over and he asked if I still held (agreed) to my advice about Mr. Bryan and I answered, yes.. This is the third or fourth time he has asked me this. It shows how distrustful he is of having Mr.

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Bryan in his Cabinet.

December 21, 1912.

McReynolds came early and we talked of his ambition. He has never given up his citizenship in Tennessee and has always voted there which is fortunate. It has been decided to try and send Joseph Wilson to the Senate and McReynolds is to do what he can in this direction.

Henry and Albert Roberts came to lunch and are to be with us at dinner. I advised McAdoo to see Mr. Bryan at the dinner, which he later decided not to attend, and to ask him to lunch with us tomorrow. Bryan left, however, on a late train as he had to be in Washington.

Tumulty telephoned about the Governor's and Bryan's interview. Bryan was in fine humor and everything was lovely. He asked me to send a further list of men whom I thought it best for the Governor to see. I had already sent in a list several days ago to Trenton. In this list were the names of Senator Gore, James, Smith and Phelan.

McCombs has finally appointed Eustis and Eustis has appointed Jordan and Vick so that matter is settled. McCombs now wants the Attorney Generalship, and has asked several to see the Governor about it. Sometime ago he asked Burleson to see Wilson, but Burleson declined.

McAdoo grows more nervous each day, and it takes much to soothe him. He is now anxious to go to Staunton, where the Governor is to attend some celebration given in his honor on the 28th, and some of McAdoo's friends are urging him to go, telling him he is effacing himself too much and will be forgotten. I advised to the contrary but wished him to use his own judgment.

December 22, 1912.

Henry Roberts lunched with us again also Gordon and Janet. Frank Trumbull called and remained nearly all afternoon.

Henry is very complimentary about Philip Dru, thinks it a remarkable book, but that I should drop the fiction and rewrite it as a serious governmental work.

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He regrets that I did not ask his help in putting it out. Advised also getting
McAdoo to quote from it in some speech.

December 23, 1912.

Governor Wilson telephoned about Mrs. Stephen N. Ayers who has gotten up a
"Womans National Democratic Club". She was in Princeton yesterday for his advice
as to its organization and its officers and he referred her to me. He commends her
highly, stating that both he and Mrs. Wilson had received a favorable impression of
her. He also said that he had had a delightful interview with Mr. Bryan on Sat-
urday, and that he would tell me about it as soon as we got together. He did not
wish to discuss it over the telephone.

I advised "going slow" on the Tennessee Senatorial matter and to leave it to us.
He said he had done nothing except to write his brother. I asked him to do nothing
further and to see that his brother made no mention of his letter. I regard this
as a delicate and dangerous proposition and one which must be handled with care.
The senatorial candidates in Tennessee would not look with favor upon any inter-
ference from the outside, and I have misgivings as to the propriety of his brother
entering the race.

We discussed senatorial matters and I explained that the situation was be-
coming critical in Kansas. I hardly knew how to proceed, that action should come
from the National Committee, and that with McCombs sick and in an ugly mood, it
was difficult to do anything.

McAdoo called up immediately after the Governor had finished talking and
invited me to lunch with himself and Vanderlip to discuss the currency question.
I declined but told him I would have them for dinner here some evening. Among
other things McAdoo said that in his talk with the Governor last night, he asked
him what I thought of the Tennessee situation. He, said the reason he wanted to
know was because I had kept him from making many mistakes, and that he had come to
rely upon me. McAdoo said in reply that I had also saved him in the same way.
I advised McAdoo to subordinate himself for the moment, although his friends are

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insisting it is not the proper course to pursue. He received an invitation from the Town of Staunton to come over to the celebration given to the Governor on the anniversary of his birth. I had advised him not to go but told him to discuss it with the Governor and ask for his frank opinion. He did this, and the Governor agreed with me that it was best to remain away.

Mrs. Ayers came and remained to lunch. She wished me to become Chairman of the Advisory Committee, and Loulie to become President of the Association. I declined explaining that I had never accepted any office but that I would be glad to advise.

Martin was also at lunch. Mr. Harvey told him that I was the best adviser the President-elect had, and that he thought I should be given the Secretaryship of the Treasury. Martin wanted to know if my health permitted, would I take it? I replied, "not if I were as strong as a bull," I would not be able to accomplish my desires if I were even in a receptive mood; that as it was, the Governor discussed everything frankly and without fear of (any) misunderstanding, but that if I were an applicant for any position, both he and I would feel the restraint.

McCombs called me over the telephone three times and at last found me. He said he had been in bed sick but that he had taken the bit in his own teeth and appointed Eustis and had placed Jordan and Vick under him. He wished me to come to the Vanderbilt Hotel to see him and I agreed to do so at five o'clock.

He evidently wanted to tell me some things which he hoped I would convey to Governor Wilson. He said some people seemed anxious about his health. By some people he evidently meant the Governor. That he did not want an ambassadorship that it seemed too much like being exiled. Being Chairman of the National Committee suited him better as it gave him more power, although he might be induced to take a Cabinet position if it were offered him in the right way and if Governor Wilson thought he could be of service. He asked my opinion. I answered that I would not have an ambassadorship even if someone would pay all my expenses for four years, but for that matter, I would not have a Cabinet place. That the only office I would ever think of holding would be Chairman of the Na-

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tional Committee, and even that would not appeal to me. I advised him to hold on to that office. My purpose in this was that I knew he thought we wanted him to resign and I felt the best way to get him to do so was to let him think that we did not care whether he held it or not but rather preferred that he should do so. He is a great handicap to us for the reason that the senatorial situation in the doubtful states needs careful attention, which he is not giving it and which it cannot very well receive from other sources than the National Committee. He said see he was going to Princeton to the Governor in the next few days.

When governor Wilson talked to me over the telephone last night, I told him of my interview with McCombs and that I was satisfied that what he said was all meant for him, and I advised him to urge McCombs to keep the Chairmanship which he said he would do.

McAdoo continues to call me over the telephone every few hours. The strain is evidently getting on his nerves and I wish the governor would settle the matter. The more I see of McAdoo the better I like him. He is a splendid fellow, whole-souled and generous without a tinge of envy and, with it all, he is honest and progressive. His thoughts are in line with my own.

December 24, 1912.

Nothing of importance happened today. I talked with Burleson from Washington and told him to make out a list of names that he, Gore and Mitchell Palmer desire the Governor to see. He is to send this tomorrow morning. The Governor has invited all those I have suggested.

December 25, 1912.

An unusually quiet day. McAdoo telephoned as usual. He is at the borden Harrimans place at Mount Kisco.

Albert Roberts and James Marwick took lunch with us. Gordon and Janet were also with us. In the afternoon E. S. Martin and James Byrne called. Mr. Byrne desired me to meet Sir Horace Plunkett for the purpose of talking over agricultural co-operative credits and other matter relating thereto. I told him I

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had already met Sir Horace some two or three years ago at a dinner given by Walter Page but that I would be glad to meet him again. He wanted me to arrange a meeting between Governor Wilson and Sir Horace which I promised to do. Provided it could be brought about in a way that would result in a satisfactory conference.

December 26, 1912.

Paul Warburg of Kuhn, Loeb & Co. called at five this afternoon to discuss currency reform. I had not had time to read the data which he had given me before but I promised to do so at once. He expressed the hope that I would be the next Secretary of the Treasury and I asked him answered as usual that under no circumstances would I accept it even if tendered. I assured him, however, that the appointment would go to someone who was economically sound. He had heard that the currency measure would be postponed until Autumn. I did not credit this, as my information was that it would be pushed as near a conclusion as possible at the extra session.

McAdoo called me over the telephone and we had a long talk about the senatorial situation in Tennessee. He is to meet Senator Luke Lea and others in Washington on Monday to go over the matter with them.

December 28, 1912.

McAdoo called and we talked of many things. He was told by a man of the name of McQuin, who was attached to Headquarters during the campaign, and who is an Irish Catholic, that the Catholics wanted a representative in the Cabinet and he thought Senator Burke of South Dakota would be a good man. McQuin introduced to McAdoo a man by the name of Carroll who is a representative of the C. B. & Q. at Washington. Carroll told McAdoo that they had offered McCombs $25 000. a year to come to Washington as his assistant. Carroll is evidently J. J. Hill's man there.

Tumulty called me over the telephone and we discussed the man to whom Governor Wilson should send invitations for conferences. We finally arranged

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that he should come over tomorrow at five o'clock for a further discussion.

December 29, 1912.

Loulie and I lunched with Frederic H. Allen at his country place. Allen wishes to be Ambassador to France.

Tumulty was with me from five until half past nine in the evening. We went over the situation in detail. He is very desirous of being Secretary to the President. Strangely enough, when we were discussing Cabinet material he named Newton Baker as being one of the best and ablest men in the country. He caught me smiling, and asked for my reasons fxx but I evaded the question. He then went on with the conversation and said that Baker had written the Governor suggesting that he appoint Brand Whitlock, Mayor of Toledo, as his Secretary. I asked Tumulty if he thought this showed delicacy of feeling and good judgment. He confessed that he did not. He finally pressed me to a point where I told him that the Governor was considering Baker as Secretary to the President. It was amusing to see him change countenance, and he discussed more freely Baker's indelicacy and lack of judgment in wanting Brand Whitlock as Secretary to the President.

I asked Tumulty how many letters of protest the Governor was receiving against himself for that position. He admitted that there had been five or six hundred. I inquired if he showed them to the Governor. He had not shown him all, but had always told him of the number received. He did not show him the letters which came that were favorable to him either.

We discussed the advisability of the Governor keeping quiet for awhile, that is not to speak or write any more letters of a public nature. We decided it was best for him "to get down to his knitting" and show something of performance rather than of promises.

In speaking of the Cabinet, he said he had asked the Governor why he did not make me Secretary of War, that the place was one of the most desirable in the Cabinet and yet the duties were not arduous enough to be objectionable. The

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Governor had replied that I would not accept it, but that I might have anything within his gift if I desired it.

One of the interesting things Tumulty told me was that during the Baltimore Convention, and while he was with Governor Wilson at Seagirt, McCombs call the Governor on the telephone three times to say that he was beaten. At one time the Governor told him that he could release the Wilson delegation, but he refused to name his preference. My Bryan also call him over the telephone from Baltimore saying that he was beaten but that he had one single chance left, and that was to come out strongly with a statement that he would not accept the nomination if it were brought about by the vote of the New York-Murphy Delegation. During these conversations both the Governor and Tumulty were at the telephone, Tumulty holding one receiver and the Governor another. This was for the purpose of verification, and in order that there might be no mistake as to what was said by either party.

The Governor and Tumulty considered Mr. Bryan's proposition and concluded that it was a last desperate chance and they might as well take it. At this juncture, Mrs. Wilson was taken into the conference and decided emphatically against the plan. Her idea was that Mr. Bryan was not playing fair, and that it would place the Governor at a disadvantage and make his nomination impossible.

Governor Wilson and Tumulty finally took her view and, instead of replying to Mr. Bryan, they called up McCombs and told him to use his judgment about it.

Tumulty said that Joseph Davies of Wisconsin told him just after the Convention, that McCombs had come to him and said "our man is beaten and we had better look out for ourselves. What do you think we had best do?" All this is interesting from the fact that it has been repeatedly said that McCombs never lost hope and confidently expected Wilson's nomination from the beginning.

December 30, 1912.

Hugh Wallace came in this morning. Speaking Clark had been telling him of his interview with the President-elect last Tuesday. Clark said that he got very little out of Governor Wilson, that the Governor asked him to make suggestions re-

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garding Cabinet material, saying he would like one man from Texas and asking whom he would suggest. Clark said "If I were you I should appoint Mr. House". Clark said that my name was the only one that seemed to raise the slightest enthusiasm from the President-elect.

Wallace met the Chief Justice the day before Christmas and he asked him how he was getting along with his aspirations for a Cabinet place, and White told him that as much as he would dislike intruding upon Governor Wilson, that he was inclined to write a letter in his, Wallace's, behalf if he desired it. I advised against it for the present at least. Wallace said, if the Governor desired it, the Chief Justice would come to New York and he thought if this could be brought about, it would be best for them to meet in my apartment. He expressed his disappointment in McCombs. He has never thanked him for anything that he has done in the Inauguration matter or for anything else. He expressed the belief that McCombs would not do anything for anybody as long as his own personal fortunes were in the balance.

Macauley of the World called this morning to show me a letter he was writing to the President-elect in behalf of Commissioner Waldo for the position of Governor General of the Philippine Islands. Macauley draws his cartoons each day and complains of the constant nervous strain. He advised against my becoming a member of the New York Press Club, which he once proposed, for the reason that my close relations with the President might cause some embarrassment.

Frederic H. Allen called at half past ten this morning and suggested that Governor Wilson meet at dinner a crowd of representative bankers, carefully selected, from New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Chicago and the South. Also some political economists and business men to discuss the currency measure. He suggested that the dinner be given at the Union Club. I promised to talk to Governor Wilson about it, but I thought, if it were given at all, it should be confined to not more than fifteen or twenty people.

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McAdoo called me over the telephone. Tumulty had informed him that Governor Wilson was to see me in a few days and McAdoo was anxious to confirm it.

Benj. Yoakum called and spent more than an hour. He is very anxious that Wilson should announce that he would prosecute and put in jail the railroad men who did not keep the letter of the law. He is very positive about this and insists that they all employ attorneys to advise them how far they can go in evading the law, never as to how to keep it. I asked him to write a letter and say what he liked and to submit it to me. I thought this was rather a bad time to make such an announcement but he seemed to think it a good one. I am wondering what he is up to?

December 31, 1912.

Frederic H. Allen came in the morning and remained for more than an hour. He is completely at sea to his procedure in the matter of securing the Ambassador-ship to France, and he wanted advice.

I lunched with Mr. Glascow at the Waldorf. McAdoo and Tumulty both rang me up and urged me to telephone Governor Wilson. Tumulty said the Governor asked me over Monday but it rained so hard he hesitated to do so.

McCombs telephoned and talked for an hour. He was more pleasant and seemed like himself. He wished me to advise the Governor to invite W. R. Hearst down to Trenton for a conference. He intimated that Hearst would like some honor offered him. I asked McCombs whether he wanted a foreign appointment and he said no, the Cabinet. I said he would have no chance for this and to this he assented. He thought the Governor would have every newspaper in New York against him and that it would be well to be on good terms with Hearst. He said even the World would soon come out against him.

January 1, 1913.

I was ill in bed all day. The Governor called over the telephone in the evening at nine o'clock and asked me to come over and spend the night with him at Princeton Friday (the next day). I was too ill to go and he asked that I let him

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know when I was better and able to come.

January 3rd, 4th & 1913.

In bed with fever and cold. A great many people rang me up but I could not see them.

January 5, 1913.

Senator Gore sent Governor John Lind of Minnesota to see me. He called at eleven o'clock and I talked with him and hour. I found him an able and interesting man. He wanted to talk of Fred Lynch for the Cabinet but I told him that I had only one man to suggest to Governor Wilson from Minnesota, and that was himself. He seemed pleased but still spoke of Lynch. I had to receive Lind in bed and sent him away in about an hour.

Cas Gilbert, the architect, called at four o'clock to discuss Texas University architectural matters. He was born and bred in Minnesota and I asked him about Governor Lind and Lynch. Of the two, he recommended Lind as the higher type but thought, perhaps, he lacked nerve and cited some incidents to illustrate it.

He had seen in the papers that the President-elect was thinking of Governor Vance of Montana for the Cabinet. He thought Vance a third rate man. Gilbert stayed until Tumulty arrived and I introduced them. Tumulty remained until half past eight o'clock.

The Governor has invited Burleson, Palmer, Culberson, Gore, Hoke Smith, and Bob Henry, as I had suggested, to come to Trenton this week. Tumulty said the Governor did not want to invite them much as he thought there was nothing that he wished to discuss with them. Tumulty explained to him that I thought he should see them in order to compliment them rather than to expect much help from their advice. He then consented to see them.

upon me

Tumulty again urged the desirability of being in the Cabinet and asked if I had not changed my mind. I answered no. That I was willing to devote my time to the success of Governor Wilson's administration but I did not want office. He

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thought the trouble would be that important matters would arise, that quick action would be necessary, and if I were there all the time they would have the benefit of my advice.

We talked particularly about whether the Governor should invite Hearst to Trenton for a conference. We both decided that he had better not do so, that there was no way to satisfy Hearst, and if the Governor gave way to him in one thing he would want another until there would certainly be a point where he could go no further. The rupture would then come and the conference would only have given Hearst an additional weapon with which to do harm.

January 6, 1913.

George L. Patton of Pasadena, California, was sent to me by Franklyn K. Lane and Senator Gore. He is a man of wealth and has been a democratic leader in Southern California. He wants an Assistant Secretaryship, preferably of War. I expressed relief that he was willing to take an assistant secretaryship, that everyone wanted to be in the Cabinet. I have only met two willing to take second place.

McAdoo came in and ran him away, but I invited him back before he left New York. McAdoo remained for something over an hour telling of his trip to Washington. He stopped with Hugh Wallace, and on Sunday Wallace had Speaker Clark, Senators Newlands and Smith to meet him at lunch. They discussed the Hay-Pauncefort Treaty. Smith and Newlands thought that this country was in the wrong and Speaker Clark said that it was our money and our canal and therefore we could do what we pleased with it.

It seems that Senator Clapp is preparing a resolution to investigate the recent campaign funds. Wallace showed some uneasiness at this but Hoke Smith said he was for it and McAdoo thought it was the only position our party could take. We discussed the trouble this might make for McCombs and others who handled the campaign during the last two weeks during which time almost half of the fund of $1,150,000. was raised. McAdoo and I both knew of incidents where

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people had subscribed for amounts which were given them by others. McAdoo said he was glad that nothing had happened while he was in charge to be ashamed of. He asked if I recalled the fact that he and I were both in favor of shutting down the headquarters rather than take a dollar from an objectionable source. I did recall it with much pleasure.

He also spoke of Mitchell Palmer for Attorney General. It was the only place Palmer wanted and he, McAdoo, thought he was better fitted for it in almost every way, (excepting that of legal ability) than McReynolds. McReynolds was a lawyer, pure and simple, but he understood that he did not get along well with men and that he had no great political sagacity or breadth of view. Senator Gore had spoken to McAdoo about the advisability of putting Joseph Wilson, the President-elect's brother, in as Secretary to the Senate. He thought the relations of the Senate and President might sometime be strained and that it would be very embarrassing for everybody concerned. This, I think, is true, and that is why I dropped the matter several weeks ago.

Burleson came in about half past seven o'clock and remained until nine. He had just come from Trenton and from his conference with Governor Wilson. He and Mitchell Palmer went together and the Governor talked to them of legislative matters only.

Unless Burleson is mistaken, Governor Wilson is not thinking straight regarding the currency problem. Burleson tells me that he has in mind dividing the country into zones and each zone issuing its own currency. I think Burleson must be mistaken.

Palmer remained with the Governor after Burleson left in order to have a private talk, but I do not think it was satisfactory to Palmer. Burleson said he seemed disturbed. We believe that McCombs has given the Governor his version of the temptation offered Palmer at Baltimore by Murphy, Taggart, Sullivan and others who were trying to beat Wilson. McCombs' version is that Palmer flickered, but Burleson states that McCombs was not present at the conference,

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and that he only he and Palmer were present representing the Wilson faction and
that Palmer remained firm. I offered to explain this to Wilson when I saw him.
Burleson was elated because in comparing his invitation with that of Palmer's
the Governor seemed more cordial with him. The newspaper men over in Trenton
had also told him that they thought he and Daniels had been slated for the Cab-
inet.

I mentioned to Burleson that perhaps I would go South after my interview
with the Governor and that he would have to look out for Gregory. He promised
to do so, and said it would be strange if he "could not run away with at least
one ear of corn". I do not imagine, however, that Albert is as much interested
in Gregory as he is in A. S. B.

January 7, 1913.

I have a letter this morning from Governor Wilson asking me to Princeton
to be his guest tomorrow night. He also suggested in his own handwriting that
I bring Loulie.

Wallace came in from Washington this morning. He had nothing of importance to
tell. I inquired about the Clapp resolution of investigating the campaign funds
He said it was a matter of indifference to him for while he had subscribed more
than appeared in his name, at the same time, he gave it to the others to sub-
scribe. He thought, however, that McCombs had obtained money from some sources
that had never come into the campaign fund regularly, and had never been account-
ed for at all. I think this is likely for McCombs had a great deal of money in
his pockets at the close of the campaign. I doubt though if there has been any
large amount of money taken from doubtful sources.

E. S. Martin came while I was talking to Wallace. He says that George
Harvey is still pressing me for Secretary of the Treasury which, Martin adds,
increases his regard for Harvey. I shall try and bring Harvey and the Governor
together soon.

Wallace tells me that he understands from Thos. Nelson Page and others

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that Harvey is anxious for a reconciliation. Martin says that Harvey has a
plan for disposing of Bryan. I answered that a lot of people were busy with
such plans but I thought Governor Wilson and Mr. Bryan would be able to manage
the matter themselves.

McAdoo came at five and remained until seven o'clock. We discussed Cabinet
possibilities. He wanted to know what my general idea was and I told him that
I thought the Governor had poor material to select from. McAdoo replied "I
believe you are right, and you may include me too". I disclaimed any thought
or reference to him but he cheerfully included himself. I explained that my rea-
son for saying this was that the Democratic Party had been out of power so long
that no one had been in training or in process of development for public office.

I telephoned the Governor last night and to say that we would be over on
the 4.40 train if that would be convenient. He said to suit my convenience, and
if I did not feel like coming then to come as soon as I was able.

January 8, 1921.

McAdoo rang me up bright and early to read an article which appeared in the
World concerning his elimination from the current political situation. He
thinks McCombs was instrumental in putting it in, in a general endeavor to dis-
credit him.

Patton of California called again this morning. I outlined the manner in
which I thought he should proceed to accomplish his desires. He left full of
protestations of gratitude. He seems a well educated, well informed, modest
gentleman and I hope he may be successful.

We took the 4.08 train for Princeton and arrived there at 5.30 and was
met by Mrs. Wilson. On the way over, sitting opposite to us in the chair car,
were two ladies. They began to talk rather freely as to what the President-ele-
would do concerning the Ambassador to the Court of St James. They had seen the
papers that William Church Osborn would be appointed, and they were exceedingly

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curious over the matter. It finally occurred to one of them to wonder who we
were. She called a man over and asked him if he knew. He looked at us and
answered in the negative. She then called another and repeated the process.
When we arrived in Princeton, I asked Mrs. Wilson who the lady was. It was Mrs.
Moses Taylor Pyne.

We drove to the Princeton Inn, dressed for dinner and reached the Wilson's at seven o'clock. I was struck by the extreme courtesy of the President-elect. He refused to either enter or go out before me. He was particularly solicitous as to my comfort and got up during the dinner to regulate the air.

Mrs. Wilson said: "Mr. House you are Woodrow's confidential adviser, let us have your opinion as to whether I should accept the silk which a Patterson silk firm desires to present me for my Inauguration dress." She said she was satisfied that both Mrs. Roosevelt and Mrs. Taft has accepted silk from the same mill and for the same purpose. I advised its acceptance but spoke my mind pretty freely against the acceptance of presents of any value."

In order that the Governor and I might talk at dinner, I sat at his end of the table and Loulie sat next Mrs. Wilson. After dinner the ladies left us and the Governor and I sat in the living room for our conference.

He said Underwood pleased him greatly, that he seemed a whole-souled, frank gentleman. They had discussed the question of the time for the Special Session and Underwood wanted him to delay calling it until the Ways and Means Committee had formulated their tariff bill. He wished Governor Wilson to let some interim lapse between the death of the old Congress and the birth of the new, so that the members might go home and leave the committee free to work to the best advantage. He thought if the members were there, his time would be largely taken up in committee assignments and other matters.

The Governor thinks that the Special Session will be called around the 18th of March. Underwood said he would regret it if Mitchell Palmer were taken from the House, that he regarded him as his right arm. I am wondering whether

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Underwood really feels this or whether it was his purpose to defeat Palmer's am-
bition. While I do not question his sincerity, it is my purpose to find out
from accurate sources.

We discussed the currency question and much to my surprise he said he had
talked with Glass and Hope Smith some measure of this sort: The country to be
divided into zones and each zone to issue currency and look out for its own
affairs. The Governor said he knew this was not a complete measure but that
it was like building three stories of a four story house, with the expectation
that a fourth story would be demanded because of the needs of the situation.

I expressed myself very earnestly against any such measure. I told him
he could not afford to lend his name to any measure that was unscientific, or
that would be thought to be economically unsound by the other nations of the
world. I said that banking had become a science, and that it could be worked
out as closely as an insurance proposition, and in much the same way. That so
much reserve had to be held; that currency should be bottomed on so much gold, and
so much commercial papers and other assets.

It was my belief if he departed from what was known to be a sound currency,
he would weaken his administration and that he would place himself in the eyes of
the world very much as Mr. Bryan did when he advocated free silver.

The upshot of it was that he has agreed to put me in touch with Glass,
Chairman of the Banking and Currency Committee and I am to help work out a meas-
ure which is to be submitted to him.

He spoke of his fear that Bryan would not approve such a bill as I have
in mind. I said it was better to contend with Mr. Bryan's disapproval and fail
in securing any bill at all than it was to get one which was not sound.

We then talked of men for the Cabinet and among them were, McAdoo, Mc-
Combs, Burleson, Mitchell Palmer, Walter H. Page, David F. Houston, A. S. Burle-
son, Josephus Daniels, Congressman Redfield, Teal of Oregon, Governor Burke of
South Dakota, Governor Lind of Minnesota, Fred Lynch and Joseph Davies.

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He eliminated Burleson and Palmer by saying that he did not want to take them from the House, and by the further remark that Tumulty had told him that Senator-elect Billy Hughes had said that Burleson did not have the confidence of the members of the House, that he was considered a schemeing and uncertain quantity. I believe Burleson would have been successful if this had not come to the Governor's ears. The Governor said he had never known Hughes to fail to correctly estimate anyone's popularity in Congress.

I thought if he did not appoint Burleson he should not appoint anyone from the House or Senate so that the blow would be softened. He said he agreed with this and that he would make a statement as to why he did not go to Congress for Cabinet material.

I was surprised to find that he had no prejudice whatever against Mitchell Palmer over what had happened at Baltimore. McCombs had told him his version of it but he knew the true story and spoke in the highest terms and most affectionate way of Palmer.

He asked my opinion of Walter Page for Secretary of the Interior and of Houston for Secretary of Agriculture. I gave Houston unqualified praise but was somewhat guarded in regard to Page. We shifted them about several times, giving Page Interior, Houston, Agriculture, and then Houston Interior and Page Agriculture, where we finally left them temporarily.

He wondered if McAdoo would accept the Governor Generalship of the Philippine Islands. I thought he would not, and that it was a Cabinet place or nothing with him. We then talked of him for the Treasury. He asked if I thought he would make a good Postmaster General. I said he would make an excellent one, and for a moment it looked as we would pin his name to that post. We finally concluded that it would be scarcely fair since he desired the Treasury.

When we had McAdoo as Postmaster General, we placed Houston in the Treasury. I told the Governor if we had two men like Houston and McAdoo in the Cabinet he could afford to have a fairly mediocre lot for the other places.

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We spoke of Daniels, but somehow or other, Daniels did not fit in. The
Governor wants to appoint him, but he does not size big enough for anything we
could think of. He may, however, make him Postmaster General.

Chas. R. Crane of Chicago, was discussed and it is my purpose to suggest
him for Postmaster General.

I told him he was now leaving Texas out of the Cabinet. His reply was,
"I want you to go in the Cabinet." I answered by saying that I merely wished
to be an ex-officio member, and that I had no desire to go into the Cabinet it-
self. He urged me not to give a definite answer for the present and said he
very much wished me to be a member of his official family, that it seemed to
coincide with the fitness of things.

He generously asked me what place I would like, evidently leaving me to
choose. I regard this as a very high compliment for the reason that he has
offered no one a place in the Cabinet up to now excepting Mr. Bryan, whom we
agreed upon just after the election(and which was a purely) political necessity.
With me it is different. He offers me anything within his gift before he has
thought of tendering anything to anyone else. Of course, I shall not take
any office although I would do much to oblige him and to be of service. My
reasons are that I am not strong enough to tie myself down to a Cabinet depart-
ment and,in addition, my general disinclination to hold office. I very much
prefer being a free lance, and to advise with him regarding matters in general,
and to have a roving commission to serve wherever and whenever possible.

I spoke of Gregory wanting to be Ambassador to Mexico and he asked if I
thought Gregory would be good Cabinet material; that if I declined to come into
the Cabinet, he wondered whether we could not fit Gregory in somewhere. I
spoke highly of him and said that I thought he would be invaluable.

The Governor is getting a line on Brandeis. He is having someone in
Massachusetts ask the rank and file of people there what they think of him.
The report will probably favorable to Brandeis, but even so, I think it would

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be a mistake to appoint him to any other place other than Commerce and Labor,
and even that is a doubtful experiment, expedient.

He asked if I thought it would be well to place Cleveland Dodge in the
Cabinet. I thought Dodge was a republican and, if I were in his place, I
would make him Ambassador to England.

I asked if he realized that he was taking too many men from New York. There
is McCombs, whom he has already offered the Ambassadorship to Austria, and there
are McAdoo, Walter Page and Redfield.

We talked of Tumulty for Secretary to the President and he thought he
would not appoint him. Tumulty has nearly all the necessary qualifications,
but he has others that would not fit him for the Washington atmosphere in such a
place as that contemplated. He also thinks that Tumulty is too provincial. He
intends offering him a collectorship or something better which he hopes will be
satisfactory. I am sorry for Tumulty for he has many qualifications for the
job.

He spoke of Newton Baker as being a probable choice in the event he would accept. He called my attention to the fact that nearly all the men we had discussed were Southerners, even though some of them were now living in northern States.

There is Walter Page, McAdoo, McCombs, Daniels, Houston, Newton Baker, Gregory and others.

I invited the Governor to come and stay with me some night. He promised
to do so. I explained that we would have the apartment to ourselves and could
talk undisturbed. I think he will come next week. Mrs. Wilson is coming to
New York on Tuesday and on Wednesday she takes lunch with us and goes to a play.
She is a strong woman but is beginning to show the effect of over work.

The Governor and I discussed the advisability of his seeing Hearst some
time. He saw no purpose in it. He did not believe that it would do more than
satisfy Hearst for a short while, and it would give him more power to do harm,
so he is determined to let Hearst do his worst and pay no attention to his re-
quest for a conference.

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McCombs has urged that he at least be permitted to refuse an appointment to the Cabinet, but the Governor has refused to hold that he does not believe the National Chairman should go into the Cabinet, and he does not wish to stultify himself by offering him something that he could not accept.

McAdoo came at five o'clock. He was very much delighted when I told him the Governor had spoken so kindly and favorably of him. He was pleased that the Governor had promised to say publicly that their relations were still of the most cordial nature, and that he often consulted him by telephone. We discussed the Cabinet again and were again apalled by the paucity of material.

January 10, 1913.

Senator Culberson called this morning. He had an interview yesterday with the President-elect. He said they talked probable legislation but that the Governor did not ask his advice concerning appointments. Senator O'Gorman was also present at the interview. The Governor wanted to know what they thought of Brandeis. Both Senators gave an unfavorable opinion. I told Culberson that I thought Burleson would not be appointed to the Cabinet unless the President-elect changed his mind, and I asked him if he would care to consider the Attorney Generalship. He replied that he was not an applicant for office, which I take it means that he could be induced to accept. I asked him if he had any second choice for a Cabinet place for a Texas man. He replied that Burleson was his only choice.

Hugh C. Wallace came after Culberson left. He had no particular news to impart. He met Senator Bailey the other day and asked him if he knew me. Bailey replied "yes, I know him, but he was not for me during my trouble in Texas, at the same time, in my opinion, Wilson has got the very best adviser in him he could get". This I appreciated coming from such a source.

Jesse Grant lunched with me. He now wishes to be Minister to China or Mexico. I told him the Mexico mission was barred unless the President declined to give it to Gregory in which event I would present his name, but that I

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would present his name for Minister to China with much pleasure. He said his
father, the late President Grant, stood so high in China that his appointment
would be particularly acceptable to them, and I believe this is true. He said
that, up to the time of his father's death, the Chinese officials consulted him
upon all matters of importance. That furthermore they had placed a tablet on
his father's tomb expressing their high regard for him, and that each year, the
Chinese Government instructed their representative to place a wreath there.

Jesse is very interesting when talking of the days when he lived in the
and
White House, of the utter lack of etiquette which his father insisted upon.
He said practically everyone addressed him as "General" and very few as "Mr.
President". Mrs. Phil Sheridan told me that she thought Jesse more like his
father than any of the Grant boys, and I take it this is true.

I called Burleson up and asked him to come over for a conference Sun-
day morning. Tumulty rang me up during the afternoon and evidently wanted to
see me badly. I asked him to lunch tomorrow. The poor fellow is on the anx-
ious seat, and wishes news which I am sorry to say I cannot give him.

Wallace called again this afternoon. Among other interesting things
he told me that Borden Harriman had said that Mrs. Harriman was responsible
for the appointment of Miss Hagner as Mrs. Wilson's Social Secretary. Wallace
considers the appointment a mistake. Maxxaka "Bordy" also told him that McAdoo
dined with them last night, and among others, Mr. Davison, Morgan's partner, was
present. McAdoo failed to give me this information when he telephoned during
the day.

McAdoo states that Harris, who is in the office with McCombs, told him
that McCombs now wishes to be Secretary of the Treasury. It seems that he al-
ways wants something beyond his reach. Whenever you think you have satisfied
him, he at once picks another and better place. As a matter of fact, the Gov-
ernor will never put him in the Cabinet.

January 11, 1913.

Fred. H. Allen called to tell me something of his endeavors to secure the

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post of Ambassador to France, and to ask my advice concerning developments.

Tumulty called and lunched with me. He is getting worried and unhappy. He says it is a good thing the Governor has me to talk to. He is very fearful that he will make mistakes and spoil his administration before it has begun. He thought it a mistake for him not to consider Burleson and Palmer for the Cabinet. I said nothing, but I thought of his telling the Governor what Billy Hughes had said about Burleson, and that it was largely responsible for Burleson's elimination.

I went to the opera in the afternoon. In the evening Gordon and Janet remained with us for dinner.

Vick called at 5.30 and wanted several things. He wanted to tell about the Inauguration arrangements, of which he is Secretary, and also to show me some correspondence between himself, Tumulty and Governor Wilson. According to it, Tumulty seems supersensitive and Vick comes out of it much better than he does. Vick showed a moderation and temper which surprised me.

January 12, 1913.

This morning bright and early Burleson came in from Washington. We had a long talk about Cabinet matters. He was convinced that Underwood was a friend of Mitchell Palmer's. I told him that Underwood had asked the Governor not to remove Palmer from the House saying that he was his right hand. Burleson now thinks that Underwood may not be sincere. I assured him that Governor Wilson had the kindest feelings for both himself and Palmer, and that he did not question in the slightest Palmer's loyalty.

I asked Burleson, if he did not go in the Cabinet, whether he would prefer Texas to be unrepresented. He expressed his preference to that, although he was not insistent. He said that Mrs. Burleson was very much astonished when Senator Culberson told him that Governor Wilson had given him no opportunity to speak in his, Burleson's, behalf. Her astonishment was not that Governor Wilson

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had not given him the opportunity, but that Culberson did not make one.

Woolley came at half past two o'clock this afternoon. He wished to talk of his candidacy for Secretary of the Senate, which we had formerly proposed, and which I had set in motion through Senator Gore. It seems that the two re-actionary Senators from Virginia, Martin and Swanson, have to be seen, and their support obtained on account of senatorial courtesy, Woolley coming from their State. Woolley was afraid they would demand some pledges from him, but he was very clear that under no circumstances, would he give any. They could sup-port him or not, as they saw fit. He is to see Senator Martin tomorrow eve-ning and the question of his support will then be determined. I have agreed to writes Senators Culberson and Sheppard in his behalf. He went over the ground thoroughly with me indicating such Senators as would be for or against him and why.

George Feigl of the Tammany Times called to ask my good offices in behalf of Vick as Secretary to the President. He said that Tumulty was not nearly so well fitted as Vick, and that Tumulty already had an office to which the Governor ap-pointed him sometime ago-- that is Clerk to the Supreme Court of New Jersey. I thought that the Governor knew both Vick and Tumulty better than either he or I, and that it would be useless to suggest to him what he should do in the premises, particularly as no one was concerned excepting himself. Feigl finally took this view.

McCombs telephoned to say he was back. He wished to know what the Governor had decided about meeting Hearst. I replied that he had decided not to meet him support McCombs thought it a mistake, for it was an easy way to get potential which he would now lose. I mildly suggested that the Governor thought he would lose it in any event, but I did not add that he did not want Hearst's support.

We took dinner at the Ritz with Mr. and Mrs George Poole of Boston. Poole voted for Taft, but expressed himself as very pleased with Governor Wilson's recent utterances.

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January 13, 1913.

I had a long talk over the telephone with McAdoo. He thought Governor Wilson was making a mistake to continue to berate the business element of the country as he did in his Chicago speech. He thought it was time to let matters alone; that it was not necessary to scare people to death before anything happened.

I telephoned Walter Page and asked him to lunch with me at one o'clock tomorrow.

Earl Harding, of the New York World, telephoned concerning going to Washington in order to write letters to the weekly and daily press throughout the country in regard to tariff and currency reform. I shall try to arrange for this sometime during the week.

January 14, 1913.

I have a letter from Mr. Bryan this morning from Miami, Florida. The postscript, written in his own hand, says: "I think it might be well for you to come as soon as Governor Wilson gets back from Chicago. You might bring a message from him and take back one. There are some things that cannot be written".

Mrs. Wilson is coming in on the eleven o'clock train and I am to meet her. She is to use our motor during the day and tomorrow she is to lunch with us and go to a play.

Walter Page lunched with me today. I found that he had been advising Governor Wilson very much along the lines I have. He made the remark that Governor Wilson could get anybody in the Cabinet he pleased for the reason that there was no man who would refuse if properly presented to him. He did not know that I had already refused and he did not know that he will probably be asked.

I tried him out as to the department in which he was most interested. If the Governor appoints him, I shall advise that he be given the Interior. I told Page that I was fearful that the Governor was thinking of appointing too many Independents and that he was not looking for rock-ribbed democrats. I thought the success of the Administration would rest upon its accomplishments and not

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upon the manner in which each individual department was run. That in order to
get great measures enacted into law, it was necessary to be on good terms with
his party in Congress, and that, to my mind, was the most essential thing that
confronted him, for it was there that his future would ultimately rest.

McAdoo wanted to come at five o'clock but I put him off for James Creelman
Chamberlain
who also asked to come. Wallace telephoned to say that Senators Gummusman of
Oregon and Newlands of Nevada would support him for a Cabinet place, and that
they would see Governor Wilson at Trenton next Monday.

Creelman discussed his recent visit to Washington where he went to listen
to the testimony of George Baker and others before the Pujo Committee. Creelman
is now Editor of the Evening Mail and is putting a good deal of vim in that paper.
He made one suggestion which I asked him to put in writing, that is for Governor
Wilson to write a letter to President Taft telling him that he had seen it stat-
ed that he, Taft, wanted to appoint General Goethals, Governor of Panama, and
that he, Wilson, thoroughly approved the appointment and hoped it would be made.
Wilson
That if he did not do so, that he would, as soon as he became President.

Creelman wanted to know about the Cabinet and particularly about Bryan,
but I was very cautious in my information.

In the evening I worked a little further on a currency measure which I
am trying to evolve.

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January 15, 1913.

Mrs. Wilson and Eleanor are taking lunch with Loulie today. Janet, Mrs. Lovett and Mrs. W. A. Tucker will also be here, and they will all go to the matinee later.

I have a letter from Tumulty this morning saying that Governor Wilson will make another engagement with me in a day or two.

Mr. paul Warburg called over the telephone and we had an extended talk on the currency question. I told him some of the things I was doing. He was rather solicitous as to the effect of Governor Wilson's various public talks and hoped he would discontinue them for the present. We exchanged views as to the currency measure and also as to the prospect of its enactment.

Mrs. Wilson and Eleanor came in again after the matinee and remained with us until train time, seven o'clock. We gave them a little supper before they left, and took them to the station.

I talked to Mrs. Wilson about Tumulty for Secretary to the President, and found that she liked him very much and had a good deal of confidence in him. She brought up the question of his being a Roman Catholic. I thought the fact that he was already the Governor's private secretary would seem to make it the natural thing for him to continue in that capacity. She said she had received a great number of letter concerning the matter, that the writers were afraid to send them to Governor Wilson because they thought that Tumulty would intercept them and that they would never reach him. I replied that I thought when the Governor made the appointment, opposition would cease. She wanted to know if I would appoint Tumulty if I were President, and whether I would advise "Woodrow" to do so. I evaded this and said that the Governor knew Tumulty better than I did, that I had known him for less than a month, and that I hardly liked to give a positive opinion. I said, as an original proposition, I would prefer Newton Baker, but that it was not an original proposition, and that I was very loath to swap horses in crossing a stream. I

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said that Governor Wilson had been very confidential with Tumulty, that he knew
all the ins and outs of his public and private affairs, and on that account his
appointment would be singularly fit.

We then discussed McCombs. She said he had the strangest effect upon
the Governor, that when they went to Staunton and McCombs was with him for an
hour or more, he told her that he felt as if he had been "sucked by a vampire
and had been left weak and ill". She wanted to know whether I thought the
Governor should continue to refuse him a Cabinet place. I did not think it
was any longer a question for speculation because the Governor had definitely
made up his mind upon the subject and there was no use in discussing it further.
I also thought it would not do to put both McCombs and McAdoo in the Cabinet
which she of course understood.

I told her that the men the Governor had in mind for his Cabinet were
nearly all irregular party men, and that most of them had voted for Taft four
years ago. I cited McAdoo as an instance. She spoke up immediately and said
"but you would not keep him out of the Cabinet on that account?" I replied no,
not in his case, but I would not put him too many with the same sort of record, for
the reason that the moment his Cabinet was announced, their political records
would be exposed.

She wished to know what I thought of Josephus Daniels. I replied that I
liked him immensely, but that he seemed more fitted for Secretary to the Pres-
ident than for a Cabinet place; that there was no Cabinet place that I could
think of that he could fill satisfactorily.

We spoke of Hearst and she wanted to know if I did not think "Woodrow"
right in refusing to consult with him. I asked her yes, for the rea-
son that it would do no good and in the end would give Hearst more power to do
harm.

She told me again that "Woodrow" valued my opinion more than that of any
other man.

I thought that in twenty years from now no one would know how the

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different departments had been run and that the
President's fame would rest entirely upon the big constructive measures he was
able to get through Congress, and in order to get them through, he had to be on
more or less good terms with that body. This, I thought, was one of the most
important things he had to consider, for his future reputation would rest almost
wholly upon it. I pointed out how Cleveland failed as a President because he
was unable to do just that.

I suggested that I would like the Governor to come over and spend the
night with me, that I would send Loulie up to Janet's, and we could go to the
theater in order to have some diversion before consulting upon matters of im-
portance. She said she would urge him to do so.

After taking them to the station, we returned home for dinner. After
dinner R. H. Baker called. He said that he and Yoakum and some others were in-
terested in getting up a trust company upon the lines of some of the French com-
panies, to lend money to famers at low rates. They wished to get a national
charter and had intended to get it through Taft and the present administration.
Judge Morgan O'Brien had been down to see Taft who was said to be enthusiastic
over it; that Yoakum thought the matter should be postponed until after Wilson's
Administration began as to give him the credit for the movement. They de-
sired me to take it up with Governor Wilson. Their idea is to get a national
charter rather than a state, so that the concern will not be restricted in the
lending of funds in any state.

McAdoo called up while Baker was here, and talked to me about his
tunnel reorganization plan and other matters.

January 16, 1913.

Edward S. Martin came to lunch and incidentally told me that George Harvey
would like to call after lunch if convenient to me. I telephoned Harvey that I
would be glad to see him. He came at two and remained until after four o'clock.

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I was very much interested in his views upon different matters. As to the Philippines, he thought Governor Wilson should ask Congress to empower him to appoint a man to investigate the subject thoroughly in order to accurately determine what was best to do in regard to giving them their independence or otherwise.

He thought that if a commission composed of such men as Eliot of Harvard, Hadley of Yale, and others of that calibre it would give the American people confidence in whatever recommendations they might make, and would go a long way towards determining our action.

Another matter of interest about which he spoke was that of Ambassador to England. He said this was the only important ambassadorship President Wilson would have to name. That it was important largely on account of the Panama Canal and the infinite number of questions it might involve, including the question of tolls, of our relations with the South American Republics and our relations with Japan and China. He thought if a man of the proper calibre went to England, he could bring about a sympathetic understanding with England which would be of immense value to us.

He spoke well of Thos. Nelson Page who is his friend, but who he said would merely walk through the part and leave no impression. He thought the British Government, as now constituted, would like a virile representative who understood the questions of the day.

We talked of McCombs and of his future. He thought that McCombs was not an intellectual ghiant by any means, but he considered that he had fair ability and that he might be successful in the future unless he spoiled his chances himself. He said it was unthinkable for the President-elect to put him in the Treasury, for he knew nothing of the questions appertaining to that bureau. He also spoke of McCombs making money out of his profession, and thought it would be difficult, for times had changed when a man might use his influence for gain, that it would be impossible for him to take the character of clients that some

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years ago would have been considered perfectly legitimate. He said that McCombs'
aspirations were pretty high, and intimated that they were too high for his abil-
ities.

He told some interesting things about England and the English. He said John
Garvin, Editor of the Observer, and who is now the Editor of Pall Mall, was the
most virile force in the Conservative Party, and that he was the greatest edito-
rial writer in the world. That Hammersley bought the Observer when it was los-
ing money merely to take over Garvin, that he gave Garvin one fifth interest in
the paper, and that last year he paid him $300,000, for that one fifth interest.

He spoke of Lloyd George, Winston Churchill and Asquith, placing the
highest estimate upon George and Churchill. The latter, he disliked personally,
but he had a great admiration for his ability.

In speaking of Governor Wilson, he said he was afraid that one of the
Governor's faults was suspicion, which if carried to excess would hamper him
greatly. Upon the whole he spoke kindly of him and expressed the hope that
his administration would be a marked success.

Tom Pence came at half past five o'clock. He wished to see me about
two things, one to suggest that governor Wilson send for Hearst. He said he
had gotten it from one very close to Hearst that he was fretting under what he
seemed to think was a slight. I promised to speak to Governor Wilson and I
did not let him know that I had already take the matter up with him at McCombs'
request.

The other matter was that the Governor should speak in the third person
and not permit any newspaper to quote him direct. It is easy to see the wis-
dom of this, and it is the custom for Presidents to adopt this rule.

I went to dinner at the Plaza with Mr. King of the Columbia-Knickerbock
Trust Company. He had as guests W. A. Tucker and Mr. Strauss of Seligman & Co.
We went to the theater afterwards to see the "Yellow Jacket": Both King and
Strauss are interesting men. There was one very interesting topic of discus-
sion and that was as to whether there was undue waste of labor in the making

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of unimportant articles of luxury and adornment. That is, if the labor and
money expended in ornaments such as women wear, and in the useless manufacture
of so many high class automobiles, was diverted into machinery for making the
essentials of life, whether the cost of living would not be materially lessened.

If money and labor put into the raising of wheat or other food-stuffs, or if
money and labor put inot dams for waterpower and things of that sort instead of
into articles of luxury, would the world be better off? We came to no settled
conclusion upon the subject.

Messrs King, Strauss and Tucker criticized the President-elect for con-
demning all business men in his recent speech. They contend that the business
world as a whole is honest, and that it is unfair to criticize it without dis-
criminating as it has a tendency to mislead people and to make a bad impression
among the working class.

January 17, 1913.

McAdoo called early this morning. We discussed many matters. He called my
attention to the testimony before the Pujo Committee in reference to the finan-
cing of the McAdoo tunnels. Untermeyer was trying to make the point that the
Morgan interests were largely instrumental in financing them. He wanted to
know whether I thought he should answer it. I advised letting it alone and
promised to speak to the President-elect about the matter myself.

We talked of the articles he has written upon the President for the March
number of the Century Magazine. He gave me the proofs to read and asked me
to criticize it, which I did.

Martin came in, and while the two had met upon some previous occasion, I
made them better known to one another. When McAdoo left, Martin and I talk-
ed of Colonel Harvey as a possible Ambassador to Great Britain, but we conclud-
ed that in the first place, the Governor would not appoint him, and in the se-
cond, that he was rather too crude for the position, though he presented many
admirable qualities otherwise.

(70)

Governor Wilson telephoned this morning asking if I would be disengaged for the evening. Upon my telling him yes, he said he would like to come over and spend the night with me and go to the theater. He is to leave Trenton on the 4.32 and I am to meet him at six. Loulie is to go to Janet's for the night, so we will have the apartment to ourselves.

I have taken a box at the Cort Theater where "Peg O My Heart" is playing and which Mrs. Wilson very much wanted the Governor to see.

Tumulty telephoned me of some conversations he had with McCombs. It seems that McCombs is now backing him for Secretary to the President, which is a complete change of base and was brought about by what he evidently thought was an inevitable thing. Tumulty also said McCombs told him he thought he would go to Europe. I found that Tumulty did not know that the President-elect was coming over to spend the night with me. I told him, however, to see that the Governor was not detained and that he got his train.

I met the Governor upon the arrival of the 5.56 train. He had a number of reporters and three secret service men with him. We took the three secret service men with us in the automobile and drove to our apartment at 145 East 35th Street, We talked nearly an hour before dinner, going over the political situation pretty thoroughly. I explained to him that the tentative Cabinet we had outlined the last time we were together, were nearly all irregular, that Wallace was practically the only regular one of the number. That McAdoo, Page, Crane, Houston, Brandeis and some of the others had voted for Taft four years ago, and that some of them had not voted a democratic national ticket for sixteen years. I thought it was positively necessary to put in some rock-ribbed democrats; that it would not do to name more than McAdoo, Houston and Crane and perhaps Walter Page.

We then talked of Burleson and Palmer for the Cabinet. The Governor was insistent that his position was the correct one, that is he should not go to Congress at all but he should keep these men as his most active lieutenants

(71)

or, as he termed it, his Congressional Cabinet. He said it was his purpose to be in the President's room at the Capitol several days a week, and that it was his purpose to confer freely with both Senators and Representatives. That of course such men as Palmer, Burleson, Gore, Culberson, Henry and others would be his active lieutenants. There is no gainsaying the correctness of this view point of view, and I suppose Palmer and Burleson will have to be content with it, for his determination seems to be fixed.

I told him I wanted to do whatever was best to increase his influence with both houses of Congress, and that it seemed to me by putting Palmer and Burleson in, this might be accomplished. He thought, however, the plan he had in mind was much more effective.

We went over practically every Cabinet place. Unless there is some change in the slate, Bryan, McAdoo, Houston, Crane and perhaps Daniels will go in. We discussed the Attorney Generalship and we practically eliminated Brandeis from any Cabinet place. It was my opinion that it would be unwise to put him in. McReynolds he is to send for, ostensibly to discuss the appointment of a District Attorney for New York, but really to size him up for the Attorney General's office.

I called his attention to the importance of the British Mission, in which he fully acquiesced. We could find no man who suited either of us for that place. He spoke of President Eliot for the Chinese mission. He thought it would be a wonderful thing for a man like Eliot to go to China to help uplift them in their general struggle to help themselves. He expressed a profound sympathy for the Chinese and he wished to do all that was possible to aid them. I told him that Jesse Grant desired the place, but the matter dropped there.

He asked what I thought of Rudolph Spreckles for the German mission. I thought it was the best place he could send him. He showed me a letter from Spreckles in which he proposed that the Government should inaugurate a weekly paper to be sent to every voter in the United States. I considered it an Utopian scheme and impracticable, and to this he agreed. I thought it would give

(72)

an abnormal power to whatever administration was in, and that it would not accom-
plish the purpose which Spreckles had in mind.

The President-elect announced that he did not intend to give the ambassador-
ships to the merely rich who were clamoring for them. He spoke particularly of
Judge Jas. W. Gerard and said that under no circumstances would he give that type
of man recognition.

he

He spoke of McCombs and of how tired and exhausted him with his interviews.
I feel sorry for this. There is no compatibility between them. He spoke of an
old college friend who came in to see him the other day. He said he spent an hour
or more harrowing him with the enormous responsibility which confronted him, and
the almost certainty of failure. He could not understand how a friend could
bring himself to talk in this way. He said if he gave way to his fears and appre-
hensions, he would lose his reason. I encouraged him and said that he would make
make a great success; that it could not be otherwise; that his steedfastness of
purpose; that the righteousness of his cause, would inevitably mean success. I
was glad that the dominant note throughout his administration was to be the giving
of equal opportunity to all classes, thereby leavening the entire social fabric;
that it was better worth while to do something for your fellow man than it was to
do something for yourself. I believed that this had never been done, as far as
I knew, and he said "no" not since Jefferson". This pleased me greatly for I am
more interested in that motif than in anything. I pointed out that it could not
be accomplished by law, but if he would say it often enough, it would set people
to thinking who had never thought along those lines before, and that it would make
them feel ashamed of their selfishness and their lack of thought for their fellow
man. I thought it would do untold good.

We went to the Cort Theater with two of the Secret Service men to see
Laurette Taylor in Peg O My Heart. The Secret Service men sat in the box with us.
The audience almost immediately recognized the President-elect, and throughout the
evening he was the center of attraction. He enjoyed the play immensely, for it

["(73)", "was well acted and very diverting.", "We came home at eleven o'clock and a Secret Service man was left on guard down\nstairs for the night. We had a few sandwiches and a little further conversation\nand by twelve o'clock were ready for bed.", "January 18, 1913.", "eats", "This morning we arose and breakfasted at eight o'clock. The Governor x_x_x\na cereal and two raw eggs in which some lemon or orange juice was squeezed. He\ntakes neither coffee nor tea.", "expressed", "We talked about Mexico and I 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Charles G. Loring called at five o'clock and we discussed the proposed Uni-
versity of Texas plans and Mr. Cass Gilbert's relation in regard thereto.

We went to the theater with Jas. C. McReynolds to see "Joseph and His Breth-
ren". Between acts we discussed the appointment of a Federal District Attorney for
New York. As far as I can see, George Gordon Battle is the best man for the place
though he is not entirely satisfactory to either of us. McReynolds is to bring him
around to see me tomorrow in order that I may look him over. It is necessary for
Governor Wilson to decide upon this appointment at once, for the present incumbent ,
Henry S. Wise, has given notice that he wants to be relieved after the Fourth of
March. McReynolds thinks Governor Wilson should consult with Senator O'Gorman
about this appointment and we discussed at some length the position which the next
administration should take towards the Senate in regard to his appointments.

January 19, 1913.

Burleson called me from Washington to ask about his chances for the Cabinet.
I thought the situation was practically unchanged. I also thought that he could
count on no one else going in the Cabinet from Texas unless he was named. This
pleased him. He said R. L. Henry was getting up endorsements xnd in his own be-
half for a Cabinet place and having them sent to Governor Wilson. He repeated
that Billy Hughes thought that he, Burleson, would be in the Cabinet. I advised
that he send Billy Hughes to me which he said he would do. As a matter of fact,
someone is not acting fairly for Governor Wilson received his worst impression of
Burleson from what Hughes had to say to Tutulty about him.

McReynolds and George Gordon Battle called at five. Battle is personally
very agreeable. How much law he knows, and how forceful he is, I was unable to
determine.

After they left Otto Carmicheal came. He claims to know the inside of the
New York political situation. He says the reason that Hearst wants to see Governor
Wilson is because Hearst is satisfied that Governor Sulzer will throw him down soon-
er or later and therefore he wants to tie to Wilson. I can scarcely credit this

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motive. I think the one that attributes to him a desire to be recognized is the true motive. Carmicheal says that Sulzer is trailing Hearst along for the purpose of getting him to support Murphy's candidate for Mayor of New York; that he is giving the New York World his support in their plan for chartering the Stock Exchange and that he pardoned Brandt on account of both the World and Hearst, after getting first getting Mr. Jacob Shiff's permission to do so. Shiff agreed that he could pardon Brandt under two conditions, one was that he should retract everything he, Brandt, had said about Mrs. Mortimer Shiff, and the other that he should leave New York permanently. The reason Sulzer consulted Shiff before doing anything was because Shiff raised a large part of the money to promote his election.

Carmicheal then talked of McCombs. He said that McCombs was deeply hurt by Governor Wilson's ignoring him. I asked in what way was the Governor ignoring him. I asked him that of all the Campaign Committee, McCombs was the only one about whom he had publicly said the kindest and most complimentary things. Carmicheal replied, that might be true, but the newspaper crowd and the politicians who gathered around the Waldorf thought McCombs was scheduled for the scrap-heep; that he was going under with George Harvey; that he had lost his health, his money and his time in promoting Wilson's election and now his usefulness was over he was to be discredited. I argued the point with him and showed what a great injustice this was to Wilson. I took McAdoo as an example. McAdoo had certainly devoted a large part of his time for a year to the campaign and to my positive knowledge, Governor Wilson had not seen him, or called him in conference a single time since the election.

I asked why the Governor should particularly favor McCombs. He said he thought that while he should not defer to McCombs in regard to the Cabinet and the principal places, yet on account of his position he should make the different Senators and Representatives get McCombs' visa for the minor appointments.

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Tumulty called after Carmicheal left and took supper with us. There was nothing of great importance discussed. He told of several instances where the Governor would have done foolish things if it had not been for him. He said if he went to Washington with him, it was his purpose to remain constantly at his side in order that he should not go astray. This amused me immensely.

January 20, 1913.

This Morning Josiah Quincy and W. F. (?) Fitzgerald of Boston called. They wished to tell me about Brandeis and how many kinds of rascal he was. I explained that I knew the Boston situation and it was unnecessary to expatiate upon that subject. Fitzgerald was particularly bitter, so bitter indeed that Quincy tried to soften him, saying he thought he was going too far. I also added mildly that his opinion did not coincide with that of many prominent and good people, both in and out of New England.

They suggested that Governor Wilson have a coterie of business men in Boston and New York and elsewhere, back him in his endeavor to keep the business situation steady and not allow it to be depressed.

Wallace was with me after they left and we talked of the general situation. He is returning for lunch. He too was fearful that Governor Wilson was going to prove a great radical. He said he was at the White House at an entertainment the other day, and among those present were Mrs. Grover Cleveland, President Hibben and Dean West of Princeton and Ex-Governor Griggs of New Jersey. Mrs. Cleveland was conservative in her statements but Griggs and West went to the limit in their denunciation of Governor Wilson. I asked him what they said, and he replied that it would be much easier to tell me what they did not say. He did not think that President Taft had the slightest idea at that he was inviting such a crowd to the White House.

We all went to the theater with McAdoo and Mrs. Borden Harriman to see Peg O My Heart.

January 21, 1913.

Macauley came to show me a scrapbook he had made for Governor Wilson. It

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was a beautiful book filled with the World's editorials concerning Wilson written
during the last four years. Macauley had bound the book himself in royal purple
levant with gold tracing. It is one of the handsomest things of the kind I ever
saw. It seems that he learned book-binding as a fad.

McAdoo came in the afternoon and we discussed the Cabinet. We found much
difficulty in deciding upon the men. McAdoo does not want anything excepting the
Treasury or War. He is urging me to accept the Ambassadorship to Great Britain.
I answered by saying I would consider it after it was offered. He said there would
be no difficulty if I would accept it. Of course, I would not take it, and I
think the Governor knows this so well that he would not now consider my name in
connection with any office.

January 22, 1913.

Street Cleaning Commissioner Bill Edwards called this morning by appointment.
He wishes to be Collector of the Port of New York. He names as his backers among
others, McCombs, Governor Sulzer, Justice Dowling, Chas. R. Crane, Cleveland H.
Dodge, Morgan O'Brien etc. etc.

Huebsch is to lunch with me tomorrow to go over matters relating to Philip
Dru.

Edward S. Martin is lunching with us today. Mr. Yoakum asked talked over the
telephone concerning Wilson and his policies. He was rather complimentary than
otherwise, and did not seem to take the ordinary Wall Street view. He invited us
to go down to the Inauguration in his private car which I shall not do.

Arthur Little, Editor and owner of Pearson's Magazine, talked with me over
the telephone and wished to arrange a meeting between Governor Wilson and a son
of the Chief Justice of the Hawaii Islands. I asked him to write me a letter
and I would try and arrange it for him. He wished to know if Hearst and Wilson
were seeing anything of one another and if there were to be any negotiations in
regard to their meeting. I evaded this question. He said he had been told that
I was going into the Cabinet and wanted to know whether it was true. I told him

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no. In the event it was true, he wished to write a special article about me. I thanked him and said it was not necessary.

Martin lunched with me. We talked of many things. I told him that I wanted to get Governor Wilson to let me bring about an understanding between Great Britain, this country and Germany in regard to the Monroe Doctrine. He asked how it could be done and whether I would take Mr. Bryan and the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs into the plan.

I thought it best not to take anybody into it excepting the President, that not even the Ambassadors to England and Germany should know about it; that it would only be necessary to have me take messages directly from the President to the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in England, and to the Emperor in Germany.

Martin wanted to know how the President could control the matter. I told him he could do it by influencing the Secretary of State and by influencing the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the Senate without their knowing just why he was doing it.

That if the English Minister and the German Emperor knew the President's thought upon the subject, that, in itself, would be sufficient for a workable understanding.

I also told him that it would be my endeavor to bring about a better understanding between England and Germany, that if England were less intolerant of Germany's aspirations for expansion, good feeling could be brought about between them. I thought we could encourage Germany to exploit South America in a legitimate way, that is by development of its resources and by sending her surplus population there; that such a move would be good for South America and would have a beneficial result generally.

I also said that I was trying to get the President-elect to run one dominant note through all his public utterances, and that was the strong should help the weak, that the fortunate should aid the unfortunate, and that business should be conducted upon a higher and more humane plane. I thought these things could not

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be accomplished by laws but it must necessarily be done by education and influence;
that I was not in favor of intolerant or drastic legislation looking to the accom-
plishment of things which were almost purely moral and religious.

I called his attention to the great change which had come over the world
within the last ten years in this regard; that within the last five years this
sentiment had grown enormously and that it was much greater this year than last.
I thought that he, himself, was an obvious example of what I meant. He had given
thirty years of his life to the building up of the publication called Life, until
now its proprietor had waxed rich. I knew that it was the accepted view that he
had been paid for his services and that there was no further moral obligation at-
tached to the owners, but it was my belief that in a few years it would be impossi-
ble for a man like himself to be discarded after his usefulness was over, without
bringing odium upon those who did it.

Tumulty telephoned to say he had had a long and satisfactory talk with the
Governor this morning concerning Mitchell Palmer and Burleson. He had explained
to the Governor the view which he and I had taken in regard to them and that the
Governor for the first time appreciated it. He emphasized the point that if he
discarded them there would be a general belief throughout the country that those
who had done most for him were the ones to be least recognized.

D. F. Houston came at five o'clock and he seemed delighted at his strong
prospects of getting into the Cabinet. We went over Cabinet material and he tried
to make some suggestions but he was not very successful. We talked of the Interior
Departments and he said one of the difficulties there would be the handling of the
pension question.

He said Walter Page was writing in the World's Work on the conservation ques-
tion and the pension matter, and that it would raise a storm of protest to appoint
a man of his views. This is very like Houston. Page is one of his very best
friends and yet I doubt whether he wants him in the Cabinet.

Senator Gore telephoned from Washington and after a long talk about other

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matters I asked him particularly about Cabinet matters. He thought that Palmer
would do for Attorney General. He did not think well of Chas. R. Crane for any-
thing, but thought perhaps it might do to give him a diplomatic post. He said
Crane talked too much, that that was why Taft took away the Chinese post after giv-
ing it to him. He considered him a man a little above the average in ability and
that he might possibly be able to hold down Commerce and Labor in the Cabinet. He
thought Daniels might do for Postmaster General.

He is exceedingly anxious for Burleson to have the Interior, but I thought that
was out of the question. I stimulated Gore again in regard to his personal endea-
vors, and I hoped he would be the foremost man in the Senate at the end of four
years. He promised to do his best.

January 23, 1913.

Josiah Quincy telephoned and we talked further about Btandeia. He said some
documents were to be placed in my hands not later than Friday. He also talked of
his plan of organizing Wilson business men in Boston and elsewhere to look out for
the general welfare of the administration. He expressed a desire to know me better.

McAdoo telephoned and said that he was at the office of Kuhn, Loeb & Co. yes-
terday discussing the Hudson Tunnel financing, that he had met Mr. Warburg and had
a long talk with him upon currency reform. He told Warburg that he and I were work-
ing together along these lines which seemed to give Warburg satisfaction. Warburg
expressed a hope that there would be no investigation of campaign funds eised dur-
ing the recent campaign. McAdoo wondered why he said this.

McAdoo also told of his telephone conversation with the Governor yesterday
concerning the Tennessee situation. The Governor expressed himself as being sorry
that his brother had not been thought of further for Secretary of the Senate. McAdoo
explained to him that some of our Senate friends thought it would be very awkward if
his brother should be Secretary of the Senate and there should be any considerable
arise
difference between the Senate and himself. The President-elect saw this at once.

I had a very pleasant hour or two with Huebsch. We talked a good deal of

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Harry Steger and he related many little incidents of him which I had not known. We both feel that one of the most promising young men in the publishing world has gone out.

We talked of Philip Dru, and he said he thought I had perhaps made a mistake in writing it in the form of fiction, but that it was something no one could determine until after it was done. He promised to use every endeavor to push the sales and said that I could count upon him in any way I desired.

Houston came at five o'clock and we had a very interesting discussion in regard to the Cabinet and currency reform. We tried to formulate some sort of measure which would appeal to the ignorant of the country and yet be fundamentally sound.

Gilbert H. Montague came at six. He had some special data concerning Brandeis. I told him that I never asked for data except where violent charges were made against a man. In the case of Brandeis it seemed to me that a great many charges had been brought without any specific proof. He spoke highly of Brandeis, saying that he had done so much good that he was unwilling to lend himself to any scheme to pull him down. He thought, however, that Brandeis had such an active splendid mind that he was led in moments of enthusiasm and in his desire to accomplish a purpose, to do some things which were seriously open to criticism.

He spoke of Dudley Malone as being his friend and I told him that I would be glad to meet him sometime with Dudley in order to get the data he had, but I wanted it distinctly understood that I was in no way antagonistic to Brandeis and that I had the very highest regard for what he had accomplished.

Tumulty telephoned me around half past six. He wished to tell of McCombs' visit to Trenton. I invited him to lunch tomorrow. He said that Josephus Daniels would be in New York at nine o'clock tonight and wished to see me. Daniels and others have asked the Governor to invite the entire Delaware Legislature over to Trenton in order to confer with him concerning the Senatorial deadlock. Tumulty advised me the Governor not to do this; advice which I strongly approve. It is one of the most foolish suggestions I have heard of in a long while.

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Daniels came at half past nine and remained until half past ten. We discussed the McCombs-McAdoo feud. Also the Senatorial deadlock. He is going to Philadelphia tomorrow afternoon to meet the man who is doing more to create the deadlock than anyone else, and he will try and persuade him to support Saulsbury or some stalwart democrat.

I telephoned Governor Wilson during the evening regarding his coming over to spend the night and go to the theater tomorrow. He said he had written about it and that I would receive the letter in the morning. He had to go to Philadelphia to have his teeth worked on, but he hoped to reach New York by two o'clock with Mrs. Wilson; that they were to do some shopping, and he expected to be at our apartment by six o'clock. I offered the use of our car but he said the Government had arranged for one.

January 24, 1913.

Frederic H. Allen telephoned and asked for a letter of introduction to Carter Glass. I advised his looking up Burleson and having him take him around and introducing him to Glass.

Houston telephoned to say that he would be in New Haven practically all day and tomorrow he would be in a meeting which would keep him until one o'clock, but after that hour he would be free. We discussed the advisability of his seeing the Governor and we decided it would be better not to do so. He asked me if I thought it would be permissible for him to mention the matter of his going into the Cabinet to Mr. Brookings, Chairman of his Board. I thought it perfectly proper to do so.

I called up J. C. McReynolds and asked him to remain at his hotel tomorrow until ten o'clock in order that I might reach him in the event the President-elect desired to see him.

Vick telephoned and we had a pleasant chat of a few moments. He wanted to arrange for my reservation to Florida but I told him that Hugh Wallace had already done so.

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Governor Wilson came at 5.45 and we talked over the Cabinet and foreign appoint-
ments for about an hour until it was time to dress for dinner. He had just come
from seeing Dr. Eliot of Harvard to whom he offered the Chinese post. He placed it
before Dr. Eliot in such a complimentary way that he promised to take it under con-
sideration, intimating that he would probably accept it provided Mrs. Eliot gave her
consent.

The President-elect expressed his purpose of elevating our foreign service
by appointments as nearly akin to that of Dr. Eliot as he could find favorable mater-
ial.

McCombs asked him why he suggested Austria to him. As a matter of fact,
the reason way that McCombs had at one time told me that he would like to go there,
and I in turn conveyed the information to the Governor. However, he told McCombs
that it was one of the most interesting places he had to offer on account of the Bal-
kan situation. The Governor is very earnest in his desire that the United States
should express itself sympathetically towards the new Confederation of Balkan States.

McCombs said he would prefer Italy. To this the Governor replied that he would be
perfectly willing to send him there, it was a question for McCombs to decide. Mc
Combs was still insistent that he be offered a Cabinet place in order that he might
say he had declined it. The Governor was quite as insistent upon maintaining his
original attitude that no Chairman of the National Committee should be elevated to a
position in the Cabinet. So the matter stands.

We discussed the various candidates for Ambassadorial honors but came to
no conclusion for the matter is not pressing.

We then took up the Cabinet and after much discussion we made this slate:
W. J. Bryan, Secretary of State, M. G. McAdoo, Secretary of the Treasury, Mitchell
Palmer, Attorney General, A. S. Burleson, Secretary of War, D. F. Houston, Secreta-
ry of Agriculture, Newton Baker, Secretary of the Interior, Redfield, Commerce &
Labor, Lewis of Maryland, Postmaster General, and Wilson of Pennsylvania, Secretary
of Labor, in the event Commerce and Labor are separated which is probable. Josephus

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Daniels as Secretary of the Navy has crowded Wallace out, but the Governor wants Daniels in and it could not be helped. This slate may be revamped, but it seems now as if it will go through largely as it is.

I urged McReynolds for Solicitor General and that may be offered him. We left out Cras. R. Crane, whom the Governor had put down tentatively for Secretary of the Treasury. I told him I did not believe Crane could fill the place satisfactorily and that he had better return to McAdoo. I suggested that he send Crane abroad, also Phelan or Teal of Oregon so as to satisfy the Pacific Coast if he did not put Wallace in.

We wanted to know what we could do with Burke and I suggested making him Chairman of the Canadian Boundaries Commission. The Governor had never heard of this Commission and I could not myself give him much information but I shall look it up.

We had dinner together quietly and enjoyably. I did not permit the telephone to be connected and no one was allowed to come to the apartment.

We talked of Brandeis and the Governor suggested him for Solicitor General. I told him again that it would not be wise to appoint him to anything of a legal nature, and in this view I think he finally concurs.

We discussed Tumulty for Secretary to the President and I think this appointment will finally be given him.

I asked him concerning his views in regard to the Panama Canal tolls controversy with Great Britain. I was glad to find that he took the same view that I have and that is that the clause should be repealed. We discussed Senator O'Gorman's attitude in this matter and we both thought it entirely untenable.

Neither of us believe that O'Gorman is maintaining himself well as Senator and we expressed the opinion that he would be crused between the reform element of our party and the machine end of it. I also asked if he had suggested to Gore the creation of two more Supreme Judges which Gore is advocating. He said he had not that he did not approve it unless they divided into a triangular court, three jus-

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tices being able to give a final opinion in any matter. This is in accordance
with the English system and would greatly facilitate business.

He asked me to tell Mr. Bryan of his offer of the Chinese post to Dr. Eliot,
and also those whom he had tentatively slated for the Cabinet. It was understood
that I should remain away for sometime provided Mr. Bryan did not have an urgent
message for me to bring back. In that event, I shall return immediately.

The Governor and I went to the Little Theater to see "Rutherford and Son".
It is a well acted but gloomy play.

We came home and had a little supper of sandwiches. While eating them he
told me something of his troubles at Princeton. He said that Princeton was real-
ly for sale, and if he could find some man with ten millions of dollars to invest,
he would like to have him take Princeton out of its present influence and make it
what it should be. He did not show the slightest bitterness towards anyone, not
even to those who have so constantly assailed him. He spoke of his relations with
President and Mrs. Hibben. He said that up to the time of his trouble they were
close friends and that it was a matter of real sorrow to him that Hibben had gone
over to his enemies.

I talked to him about George Harvey and he spoke of him most kindly and
asked that I convey to Harvey his assurance of friendship. We talked a good deal
the
about Harvey-Watterson incident but there was no new light thrown upon it.

January 25, 1913.

We breakfasted at eight o'clock. The Governor expressed a desire to see the
Morgan Collection at the Metropolitan Museum. We found upon inquiry that it did
not open until ten o'clock but I arranged with the officials to open it earlier.
Mr. Kent kindly showed us through. We then went to the Battery where the Governor
took boat for Ellis Island. He expressed the keenest regret at my departure for
Florida, but we agreed if he wanted me that I would return at a moment's notice.

The play last night was of Scotch middle class life. This started the Gov-
ernor talking of his Scotch ancestry and of his visits to Scotland.

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I telephoned Burleson at Washington and told him to send Congressman Lewis over to see me tomorrow morning. I also asked him, Burleson, to meet me at Baltimore with Mitchell Palmer at five o'clock Monday afternoon and ride with me as far as Washington.

I have been bothered all day with people trying to make engagements but I have steadily declined to see any excepting those whom it was absolutely necessary to see.

I suggested to the Governor that he appoint George Gordon Battle as District Attorney for this district. The suggestion seemed to meet his approval but he later said "he is another Southerner". It looks as if that fatality was pursuing me.

In speaking of patronage, I asked him what his attitude would be regarding consulting Senators and Representatives. The practice was to consult the Senators regarding district attorneys, marshals and collectors, and the Congressmen as to postmasters. He said it was his intention to consult with them before making appointments, and that when a state was represented by republican senators, he would consult them to the extent of asking them whether they knew of any reason why an appointment should not be made. In the event they objected, it was his purpose to inquire further into the fitness of the applicant.

Mr. Eldridge of Texas called at two o'clock, and at half past two Houston came in. I dismissed Eldridge and discussed the Cabinet with Houston. He said I was undertaking a great responsibility in recommending him for Secretary of Agriculture. I replied that I would assume it.

Frank Trumbull called at five but I could not see him. Tumulty called and remained for an hour and a half. We discussed the Cabinet and his own appointment. He was very much surprised when I told him the Governor had Lewis of Maryland in mind for Postmaster General. He did not think he would do at all. I suggested that he see Billy Hughes and get his opinion and that I would get in-

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formation from several quarters, besides seeing Lewis in person.

January 26, 1913.

Lewis came at half past nine o'clock. I found him a stout little fellow, about 5 ft 4 in. high. He was formerly a miner and comes of Welsh parentage. He was born in Pennsylvania and now represents a Maryland district in Congress. He seems to be very familiar with the Postoffice Department and the work now before it. However, I am afraid that his facts and information might come merely from reading and denote a knowledge more superficial than real.

Otto Carmicheal called me on the telephone while Lewis was here. He wanted to tell several things he had gleaned in Washington. One was that Fitzgerald, Chairman of the Appropriations Committee was very much disgruntled because he had not been invited to Trenton.

I called Tumulty over the telephone and arranged to have Fitzgerald invited this week. Thompson of Pittsburg came in while Carmicheal was with me but I missed him almost immediately.

Mr. Frank Trumbull came at two o'clock by appointment. He had several things to discuss. He wished me to offer the President-elect a cottage at the White Sulphur Springs to be used at his convenience during the summer. He also wanted me to arrange a meeting between himself and the President at his convenience. I suggested that this be postponed until April.

Josiah Quincy of Boston came before Trumbull left. He wished to discuss the Brandeis matter further. I told him they had better let it alone; that I thought it wise for them to drop it. He had recently seen Senator Murray Crane and Crane told him that he understood that the President-elect had some thought of appointing a republican in his Cabinet. He thought it would be a mistake to do so.

In speaking of New England being represented in the Cabinet Quincy again advised that it be left out. I told him that was an easy matter. He spoke in behalf of Morganthau for the Cabinet but I gave him no satisfaction.

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I have an engagement with McAdoo at five, with Franklin K. Lane at six and with Jas. C. McReynolds tomorrow at nine thirty.

Senator Billy Hughes telephoned and we discussed Lewis. He agreed with Tumulty that it would be a great mistake to consider him for Postmaster General.

McAdoo came at five and Frank Lane at six. I discussed with McAdoo and afterwards with Lane, the question of appointing Lewis Postmaster General. Neither of them thought well of it. Lane knows him and does not think he is the kind of man for the place. He promised to write me so that I may send his letter to Governor Wilson.

seven half past eight
McCombs called at half past eight and remained until after nine o'clock.
Dudley Field Malone came at half past eight and stayed until after nine. McAdoo
called again and remained until bedtime. I have not time to go into the different
subjects discussed while with these gentlemen.

January 27, 1913.

McReynolds called this morning and we talked of the appointment for District
Attorney and also the question of his going over to Trenton.

C. R. Macauley called me up and wished me to meet Judge Freschi in order that I
might look him over. I talked with them a few minutes and sent them down to McRey-
nolds.

We left for Florida on the 12.35 train and Burleson and Woolley met me in
Baltimore. I discussed with Burleson Cabinet matters and with Woolley the can-
didacy of Joe Wilson as Secretary of the Senate. At Washington, Vick, Henry Ro-
berts and several others came to the train to see me as we passed through. Mr.
and Mrs. H. C. Wallace joined us there to accompany us to Florida. The trip to
Miami was without incident. We stopped at the Royal Pal Hotel.

Miami, Florida.

January 29, 1913.

After breakfast I telephoned the Bryans and they said they would be around to
see us at noon. I outlined to him Governor Wilson's mind as to the Cabinet.

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It is now tentatively composed of: Mr. Bryan, Secretary of State, McAdoo, Treasury, Palmer, Attorney General, Burleson, War, Daniels, Navy, Houston, Agriculture, Wilson Labor, with the Postoffice Department, Interior and Commerce undecided.

Mr. Bryan and I walked up and down under the palms very earnestly discussing it. He did not like Palmer at all for Attorney General, and he did not care much for Burleson. I asked them to lunch but they had an engagement. They, in turn, asked me to come in after supper to have a general talk.

I got there about eight o'clock. They are living in a hired cottage now, but they showed me plans of the new house they are building about two and a half miles from Miami. It is to be of concrete and will have a patio. It seemed attractive.

We soon fell to a discussion of politics and the Cabinet as Governor Wilson has tentatively formed it. Mr. Bryan suggested a great many names for Attorney General, ex-Governor Jos. Folk of Missouri being the one he pressed most. I told him I did not believe that Speaker Clark would care for Folk. He replied that it would be a good stroke if Governor Wilson would tell Folk that he would appoint him provided he secured the endorsement of Clark. His idea was, I think, that Clark would discredit himself in Missouri if he did not endorse Folk. I did not give much encouragement in regard to Folk because I knew that the President-elect would not appoint him.

He suggested Governor Dunne of Illinois among others. He said his brother Charles would be in Miami within the next day or two and he would like me to have a conference with him.

While we were talking a Sir [illegible] Smith of England came in. By some unaccountable means he came in by the back way through the dining room, and he was in the sitting room almost before we knew it. He gave his name to Mr. Bryan and to my amusement Mr. Bryan began addressing him as "Mr. Smith". I thought this was a pretty poor start in diplomacy for a Secretary of State, but Sir [illegible] Smith did

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not seem to mind it.

I left early for I found that the Bryans lead almost primitive lives in regard to their daily habits. They arise around six o'clock, have a light breakfast; lunch around eleven and supper or dinner around five or six o'clock, and I suppose are safely in bed by nine. They invited us to lunch with them tomorrow.

January 30, 1913.

We had a very enjoyable time at lunch and afterwards went with the Bryans out to their new place. They are already beginning to improve it and will build almost immediately. They have 200 feet frontage, running 400 feet down to the Bay. He paid $6000. for it and has already put about $1000. of improvements on it. I land take it that the house and land together will cost him somewhere between $20,000. and $25,000. This is a good deal of money for a man of his means who already owns two other homes, one in Lincoln and the other at Mission, Texas, and they will have to take another residence in Washington. The place at Mission they expect to sell. Mr. Bryan has, I think, about $200,000. made largely from his lectures. I take it that it is mostly invested in unproductive homes and that he probably has an income of not more than $5000. or $6000. a year.

Mr. Bryan was as pleased with his new place as a child with a new toy. He is really a fine man, full of democratic simplicity, earnest, patriotic and of a fervently religious nature. Mrs. Bryan is the "salt of the earth". She has all the poise and good common sense which is lacking in her distinguished husband.

They invited us to go through the Everglades tomorrow at two o'clock in their gasolene launch. Upon my arrival for lunch, Mr. Bryan handed me a dispatch which he said he had opened but had not read. It was from Tumulty saying that the Governor had asked him to be Secretary to the President. He closed the message by saying: "God bless you", in this way expressing his gratitude.

January 31, 1913.

It was so warm that we did not go through the Everglades. Mr. Bryan came over in the evening and we had another political talk. He was much distressed.

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when I told him that Governor Wilson had offered the Chinese mission to Dr. (Chas.) W
Eliot. He thought it the poorest selection that could be made for the reason that
Eliot was an Unitarian and did not believe in the divinity of Christ, and the new
Chinese civilization was founded upon the Christian movement there. I asked him to
state his objections in writing, not only to Dr. Eliot but as to any member of the
proposed Cabinet. I said as far as Eliot was concerned it was too late, but I did
not believe Dr. Eliot would accept for he had told the Governor that he would only
take it if his wife approved and he was afraid she would not. Mr. Bryan was hope-
ful she would not.

He attracted so much attention when he came to the hotel that we concluded to
meet more privately next time. He brought with him a large basket of oranges for
us. I think this attracted as much attention as he did himself as he walked through
the hotel lobby.

They have invited us to go to the islands tomorrow but I doubt whether we
will go. The weather is too hot to enjoy such excursions. They like the heat;
we do not. I suppose this is because he was born in a cold climate and we in a
warm one.

He sent me over a large amount of memoranda concerning different public
men, being his comments upon the tentative Cabinet and upon others whom he hoped
might be considered. I forwarded all this to Governor Wilson.

February 1, 1913.

and Mrs

We did not go across the Bay with the Bryans on account of the heat, but Mr.
Bryan came to the hotel in their electric runabout. They telephoned in advance
and I was on the lookout for them, going down the road to meet them. I got in
the car and we talked there.

Mr. Bryan seemed very interested in the formation of the Cabinet and was
more reasonable and amenable to advice than I have ever known him. He wanted very
much to have Governor Osborn of Wyoming as Assistant Secretary of State, though he

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Adoo's office and met some of my friends, among them Gregory. Later I returned to the White House and had tea with the President. At dinner there was no one present but the family and the conversation ran along general lines. I asked the President how high he ranked Lincoln's Gettysburg Address. He said, *very very high*. He had also noticed when great orators and great poems, when spoken or written under deep emotion, were simple in language. He mentioned Burke as an example. Some member of the family took exception to this opinion and cited Browning and also suggested that Shakespeare made his heroes say grandiloquent things under stress of much emotion.

After dinner we gathered around the fire in one of the upstairs sitting rooms and fell to talking of the gullibility of people. The President spoke of the well known Tichbourne claimant episode of which Mark Twain wrote so entertainingly. Speaking of Mark Twain, I told the President how firm he was in his conviction that Bacon wrote Shakespeare's works. The President thought of all the ridiculous beliefs, this was the worst, and he had no patience with Baconites. He said one could prove anything in the same cryptic way, and cited the fact that someone had proved that Christ had never lived and that another, using the same method, proved that Napoleon had never lived.

Mrs. Wilson and I took up their finances again. She said they were $5000. in debt when they came to Washington; that they had paid this off, and had given relatives about $5000. more, and they were now saving about $2000. a month. I urged her to increase this a little. The President interrupted us and said that he wished to discuss with me the Federal Reserve Board and other matters, and we could resume the financial discussion later in the evening.

We went to his study and I held forth for about an hour. I first gave him the names of men I thought would do for the Federal Reserve Board. I told him I had gotten these names together in about twenty-four hours; that Tumulty had telephoned on Saturday that he was advising an immediate selection

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and announcement of those who were to go on the Board, that within an hour McAdoo had telephoned me he was advising an indefinite postponement of appointments, and not knowing just what his, the President's, views were, I concluded I had better get busy and give him some names to consider.

We discussed the names at length, and he placed my memoranda in his portfolio to take to Pass Christian with him.

We fell to talking of the Cabinet. He was thanking there was no genius in it, that geniuses were a nuisance. We spoke again of the lack of interest the people at large had in the Cabinet. I told him that President Mezes of the University of Texas, had asked his sophomore class in some examination papers to name the members of the Cabinet, and although Burleson was born and reared in and around Austin, and although Houston had been President of that University, there were hardly any of them who gave their correct places in the Cabinet. Some of them did not know they were in it at all. Such is fame!

I read him "Mr. Dooley" on Mr. Bryan and himself which amused him very much. This brought us to talking about a second terms and Mr. Bryan's keen desire that no President should have more than one. The President's position is that he will not try to be the first, and he does not desire it in the event his legislative program is completed during his present term. But if the Party demands his renomination he will accept, for he has no patience with the one term idea.

I urged him to play big politics, that is to do big things in a big way for the country and to pay no attention to politics and the political bosses. He agreed this was the right view, saying if he were dependent upon the bosses for a nomination it would not be worth having, for it would probably not carry with it an election. We both concurred again that Mr. Bryan's lack of knowledge of men would make him a failure as a President, though I told the President I should necessarily befor him in the event he, the President, de-

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cided not to run again. He remarked that he was afraid he was in the same po-
sition.

Going back to the discussion of the Federal Reserve Board, he said he did
not want to get a board that was in any way personal. He wished to remove it,
not only from himself but from McAdoo, and he did not sympathize with McAdoo's
contention that a board should be appointed which would work in harmony with
him. (Note)

We discussed direct primaries and I found he had a very mild measure in
himd and not at all what Colonel Nelson and other progressives of that school
desire. I spoke of his success, and he said his Princeton experience hung
over him sometimes like a nightmare; that he had wonderful success there, and
all at once conditions changed and the troubles, of which everyone knew, were
brought about. He seemed to fear that such a denouement might occur again. I
thought there was a difference in dealing with the American peoples and a small
clique of selfish millionaires. He said the opposition at Princeton were on-
ly interested in the social side of the college; that they permitted him to do
anything he pleased with important matters, that is the matters colleges are
created to deal with, such as the system of education, etc. etc. but when he
touched upon the social features and tried to make the college more democratic,
then his troubles began.

I congratulated him upon never having reached "the know it all" attitude.
I said my long experience with public officials had made me fearful of anyone
after they were elected to office; that the adulation of friends and partisans
and the position itself, seemed to go to their heads and they did not do ration-
al things. They soon became involved in difficulties. He thought there was
no fear of this with him, that his long University training had shown him how
necessary it was to confer about important matters; that he seldom went into a
conference and came out with the same ideas as when he went in. (Note)

#2. He so seldom confers with anyone other than myself that I wondered at this statement.

I think McAdoo shook him out of this view later.

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We spoke of the telegraph and telephone acquisition by the Government. He believed it was coming, but the time was not now. I thought it was a mistake for Burleson to put it in his report or to have mentioned it at this time.

During our talk we were interrupted frequently by messages from the Capitol concerning the currency debate which was going on in the House. We also heard that the Senate had set 2.30 tomorrow afternoon to vote upon the measure. It irritated him to think they would postpone it so long when there was no need for it. He spoke of them as being a lot of old women, and one of them was so feminine he considered it immodest for him to wear trousers.

Mrs. Wilson came in at this point and wondered whether we were going to stay up all night. She wanted to talk finances, which we did for the next half hour. The President told me of his insurance policies and we discussed what was best to do with them. They also told of how they had invested their savings so far. (Note)

I offered to get a list of securities in which I thought they might safely invest without fear of loss and without fear of criticism. It is my idea that they should not buy anything of an interstate character, but to confine themselves to securities wholly under the control of state authorities, such as public service corporation bonds.

Mrs. Wilson suggested that the President could also make a good income after he left the Presidency, by writing. To this he said that the kind of books he cared to write did not sell well. I had heard that Roosevelt obtained fifty cents a word for his African trip. The President declared he could not write that kind of thing, and I hoped he would not, as money meant so little in comparison with his place in history. I urged him to have in mind but one thing, and that was to leave as permanent an impress of usefulness upon his time as it was possible to do.

It was twenty minutes to twelve when we left his study for bed. He was

Note. While they owed $5000. when they came to the White House, still they had nearly $50,000. invested in various securities.

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solicitous of my welfare and came into my room to see that everything was properly arranged. He said he enjoyed talking with me because he did not have to think about what he was saying. He was at his best tonight and was most affectionate in his manner.

During the evening he asked if I could understand why he had so much influence with Congress. I thought it was because he was a gentleman, and always treated Members of Congress as one gentleman would another, without making them feel he was President. In other words, that he was merely one of them trying to do his best for the country. Cleveland and Roosevelt always made them feel they were in the presence of the Chief Executive, and they resented it. I thought this view would be useful in future dealings with Congress.

December 23, 1913.

We breakfasted at 8.10. The President spoke of his rebuke to the Caribbean Society and the reason for it. I related what General Wood had said to Sidney Brooks, and he was surprised that Wood should be so indiscreet.

We talked of our foreign representatives and we thought, on the whole, we had an average lot, poor as some of them seem to be. Walter Page, of course, lifts up the average. The President was afraid of Gerard. He thought if we had any serious business with Germany, Gerard would fall short of the mark. He said Gerard had written the other day that the Kaiser had remarked apropos of the Mexican situation, "dividends are more important than moral issues".

I asked if he had ever offered Frederick Penfield Germany. He had not. Dumba told me that Penfield said he had been offered it, but I doubted it at the time. The President thought Penfield would get along better than Gerard, with the same ability, because he had had some diplomatic training.

We discussed the Mexican situation. It looks pretty hopeless to us both. The Constitutionalists are now paying 40% more for their ammunition than the

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Federals, which hardly seems fair, and he wondered whether he had not better
lift the embargo on arms. He had been told that the Constitutionalists' pro-
gram was to kill Huerta and his Cabinet, in the event they took the City of Mex-
ico. They also purported doing away with land monopoly and dispersing it among
the proletariat. At the Last Cabinet meeting Houston had brought up my pro-
posal that no speeches should be made by members of the Cabinet without his di-
rection, and that it seemed to meet with approval.

After breakfast I wished to tell the President goodbye, but he insisted
upon my going over to the White House offices, just before the Cabinet met, and
bidding him goodbye there. He went to his study to dictate letters, and I saw
Burleson. Burleson said he had been made "the goat" in his telegraph and Tel-
ephone proposal, which I think is true, though he should not have proposed it
at present.

I went to the Treasury Department to meet Commissioner Newman of the
District of Columbia, to tell him I had spoken to the President about their plans,
and that he was well pleased with them and would aid in carrying them out.

I walked with McAdoo to the Cabinet meeting and saw the others as they assem-
bled. Redfield was particularly anxious to show me some statistics regarding
our exports which he considered interesting.

I bade the President goodbye, and then had a talk with Joseph Davies of the
Bureau of Corporations. I also saw David Lawrence of the A. P. and Price of
the Washington Star. The latter asked if I was not remaining over to see the
Currency Bill signed. I replied that I did not care for that kind of thing,
for when the work was over I was satisfied. He said, "I wish to heaven you
would let us tell what we know about you, for the President and you have put
all the sense in the Currency Bill that it contains".

I had a short talk with Tumulty before leaving. He was full of the
big "I". The President wanted to do etc. etc., but I kept him from it".

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I went over to the White House proper and bade Mrs. Wilson goodbye. I suggested that she and I had better correspond about their finances and not bother the President. She thought this a good plan. I left on the 12.30 train for New York.

New York, December 24, 1913.

Sir Horace Plunkett and Lawrence Godkin and young Spring-Rice lunched with us yesterday. I could not be here as the President asked me to remain in Washington. Both Godkin and Sir Horace called me over the telephone as soon as I got back to talk over some matters of interest.

I found upon my desk this morning a warm letter of congratulation from Jacob Shiff concerning the work I have done on the Currency Bill.

December 25, 1913.

I spent a delightful day with the family and was not bothered by out-siders except to a very limited degree.

December 26, 1913.

I had a busy day with City matters, but since they are not of par-ticular interest I shall not go into them in detail. The Mayor-elect called this afternoon and remained for an hour or more. He much disturbed about his appointments and seems to be not particularly cable of handling the sit-uation. However, I hope experience will come to him quickly, and that he will not make serious mistakes. I cannot advise him well because he has not kept in touch with me as closely as he might, but comes at the last moment when he is full of trouble and asks advice which I am not prepared to give.

December 27, 1913.

The City situation again has taken a good deal of my time, much to my sorrow. I do not mind taking it up and doing something if the responsibil-ity rests upon me, but since Mitchel has come at the eleventh hour I do not feel like taking on this additional burden.

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December 28, 1913.

City matters almost entirely today. Bruere in the morning, Clarence Shearn in the afternoon and Mrs. Harriman in between. Bruere told me that last night someone held forth to a number of important gentlemen concerning my Mexican policy. As he told it, I am representing certain American interests, and am getting the President to do the things which are best for this particular group. I do not know where this false rumor started or for what purpose. I shall try to run it down.

December 29, 1913.

Rather a quiet day as far as the telephone and callers are concerned, but a busy one getting up back work in the way of correspondence etc. etc.

I dined at Lawrence Godkin's with Sir Horace Plunkett and Sidney Mezes. McAdoo telephoned me yesterday saying he was all. He hoped to be well enough to be with me on Friday here in New York.

We had a delightful evening at Godkin's although I had to leave early in order to meet Dudley Malone at half past nine. He remained until nearly twelve o'clock.

Sir Horace said that Sir Cecil Spring Rice was exceedingly grateful for what I had done in bringing about a good understanding between England and America; that he had realized the situation was becoming tense and on account of his illness he was helpless to better it. Sir Horace thought I had saved Sir Cecil's life. He also said he was very interested in the solution of the Ulster troubles in Ireland in connection with Home Rule, and had a plan which he desired to submit to me. He read it aloud. It is his intention to take it up with Asquith as soon as he returns to London next week.

He asked if I would be willing to come to Ireland next Spring or summer and help bring about a settlement of their difficulties. He felt that I knew politics in such a big way and had been so successful that he thought I could

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be of service. He asked me to keep in confidence his plan, but he would
like for me to communicate with certain members of the British Government and
ask them to give his plan a hearing.

I told him I knew just what concessions his Government would make, but
I was not at liberty to disclose them. He read a letter he had written Mr.
Andrew Carnegie regarding the disposition of a part of the Carnegie Foundation
Fund. He wants him to set aside $500,000. of it for the purpose of educating
Americans in rural life problems and rural credits, so they may be sent as mis-
sionaries, as it were, to the different states. He thinks our farmers are
economically the most unsound of any of the civilized peoples. They exhaust
the soil instead of conserving it, and do nothing to increase productiveness.
He says our population is rapidly catching up with our production and that soon
we will not be able to export any food stuffs, but if we will farm the land
properly we will have an enormous excess for export. What he wanted of me was
that I should reinforce his letter to Mr. Carnegie by writing a letter to Dr.
Pritchett, who is the President of the Carnegie Foundation Board, expressing
my approval of the plan.

Dudley Malone desired to talk to me about State politics, which we went
into at some length. It was agreed that he should go to Albany on Friday to
have a talk with Governor Glynn. It was also agreed that he should give a
dinner next week in order to bring about a better understanding between Sena-
tor O'Gorman and me so we may later discuss the Panama tolls question. Malone
thinks I will find O'Gorman very determined and that I will have difficulty in
getting him to <u>xx</u>xxxxxx lessen his opposition.

December 30, 1913.

Among my many callers today the most interesting were the Mayor-elect
and Dudley Malone. Mitchel was in a better mood with himself and the situa-
tion. He wished to discuss his appointments. The ones troubling him most

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are Corporation Counsel and Police Commissioner. He still has Colonel Goethals
in mind and has had a cable sent him to find definitely whether he may hope
further in that direction. I cannot conceive of his taking the place, though
since General Wood considered it, I shall not be surprised at anything.

Joseph Davies came to lunch and we went over the work he has done as
head of the Bureau of Corporations. I shall send some of his suggestions to
the President at Pass Christian for his information, in preparing his message to
Congress.

I have a delightful letter from the President today saying he was enjoying
his stay on the Gulf, but he was surprised to find the weather so cold.

December 31, 1913.

Timothy Healy came to ask my good offices in behalf of a friend of his
whom he desires made United States Marshal here.

Mr. Alling and Judge Miribeau Towne came concerning Mr. Alling's fit-
ness for a place on the Federal Reserve Board, either at Washington or in
the Federal Reserve Bank here.

Montgomery Hare followed. He is exceedingly bitter against Mitchel
who had told him he would not appoint him Corporation Counsel. He spoke of
Mitchel as being weak and a prolific liar.

Harry Walker followed to inform me concerning some articles he is
writing for Tammany Hall for the Saturday Evening Post. After him came
Pierre Jay to discuss appointments for the Federal Reserve Board. Upon his
heels Sir Horace Plunkett and Dr. Pritchett arrived. Pritchett was very
frank in his discussion of Mr. Carnegie. He said, at one time, Carnegie had
as much as four hundred million dollars, but that Rockefeller had much more,
perhaps double as much, though I cannot credit this. Carnegie has given
everything away excepting fifteen millions, which he had retained for himself
for the moment. He has given his wife ten millions and his daughter ten and

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they have agreed not to make any further claim upon his estate. All this
goes to show the courage Carnegie has shown in giving away this enormous for-
tune. Not many men could do it. He has not given altogether wisely in some
instances, but his intentions have been of the best.

I agreed to write Pritchett a letter concerning the $500,000. fund which
Sir Horace wishes set aside for the propaganda he is carrying on in regard to
the betterment of rural conditions.

Pritchett told an interesting story of Carnegie's regret that he sold out
to the Steel Trust when he did. He could have doubled his fortune had he
held on a few years longer. On the other hand, Pritchett tells him he should
congratulate himself that Mr. Frick did not exercise the option at one hundred
millions which he held a year or two prior to the sale. Carnegie, he says,
never invests in stocks. He is as much opposed to speculation on the Stock
Exchange as Mr. Bryan himself. Another curious thing is his penchant for
great men. He thinks if the President ever desired Mr. Carnegie to do any-
thing he would be apt to acquiesce, simply because a President was making the
request.
Approved for pages from 1 to 409 in-
- clause. Miltome running from
Sept. 25/12 to Dec. 31/13.