WASHINGTON POST
13 February 1972

Speaking of Peking

By John Carmody
and Dorothy McCardle

Andre Malraux helped brief President Nixon for the latter's forthcoming trip to Peking yesterday.

Then he joined the President at a stag "working dinner" for 12 last night at the White House, where he was the guest of honor.

The 71-year-old French novelist and intellectual reportedly will conclude his 40-hour visit to the United States today with a visit to President Kennedy's grave in Arlington National Cemetery and an afternoon press conference at the French embassy.

Last week, Mr. Nixon told a press conference that he had been "particularly impressed" with Malraux' analysis of China's leaders during a 1969 dinner given in Paris by the late President De Gaulle. Malraux at the time was minister of culture for France.

The President also commended the first volume of autobiography, characteristically called "Antimemoirs" by the enigmatic French author, "not only for what it tells about China and its leaders, but also about France, its problems, and the whole World War II and Post-World War II era." The invitation to visit Mr. Nixon was extended to Malraux last week.

Yesterday's discussions were joined only by Dr. Henry Kissinger, the President's foreign policy adviser, and an interpreter, according to the White House.

Malraux was escorted to the dinner by French Ambassador Charles Lucet. Most of the other guests at the black-tie affair included men who will accompany the President to Peking, but not all. Among the Presidential advisers present were Kissinger, Secretary of State William P. Rogers, special presidential consultant Leonard Garment, White House Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler, special consultant to the President John Scali, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Marshall Green, and Brig. Gen. Alexander M. Haig Jr., who is deputy assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.

Also included were Senate Minority Leader Hugh Scott and TV commentator How-

ard K. Smith.

The dinner menu, hand-inscribed in French, included cold salmon with cheese straws, filet of beef with potatoes browned in almonds, fresh asparagus, Kentucky lettuce with cheese, and a souffle for dessert.

Malraux has been impressing—and sometimes baffling—Western leaders almost since he first burst onto the French intellectual scene in the early 1920s. His political acumen alone is remarkable in the light of 1972 world affairs.

He worked against French colonial forces in Indochina (and edited a newspaper in Saigon) in the early 1920s. As a Communist, he took part in the early years of the Chinese Revolution. He led the flimsy Spanish Republican Air Force against Franco in the mid 1930s. During World War II, he led a tank brigade before his capture by the Germans and following his escape became the No. 2 leader in the Macquis underground movement against the Nazis.

After the war he joined forces with Gen. De Gaulle, serving as his chief of information in the former's first period of rule and then as his minister of culture through the tempestuous 1960s.

But during this extraordinarily active political career, Malraux found time to write five powerful novels, one of which, "Man's Fate," describes the tragic beginnings from which Peking's present government was formed. The late French author Albert Camus, on receiving the Nobel Prize for literature, reputedly suggested it was Malraux who should have received it long before.

Moreover, Malraux gained an international reputation as an art critic and explorer. He is considered one of the spellbinding orators of his time — a politician who is comfortable with words like "hegemony" and "metamorphosis" and somehow makes large audiences like them, too.

He has maintained a good deal of secrecy in his private life, although it is known he has suffered several personal tragedies that match anything in his remarkable novels.

NEW YORK TIMES
13 February 1972

JAKARTA TIGHTENS
AUSTRALIAN TIES

Suharto, on a State Visit,
Cets Cordial Welcome

By ROBERT TRUMBULL
Special to The New York Times

SYDNEY, Australia, Feb. 12—Deeper Australian involvement in Indonesia, this country's nearest neighbor and most recent enemy, is expected to follow the state visit this week of President Suharto, the first Indonesian head of state to come here.

With Indonesian islands lying close to Australia's northwestern coast, that country is regarded here as a potential Australian gateway into Asia. A land border with Indonesia in New Guinea will disappear when Australian New Guinea becomes independent by 1980.

But the Indonesian presence in Indonesia is small, its most visible manifestation being a horse-racing track and stadium sponsored by Australians in Jakarta, the capital. Prime Minister William McMahon has agreed with President Suharto on a program to expand contacts by encouraging more Australian private investment in Indonesia, now put at about $20-million.

Reception Is Friendly

The cordial reception to President Suharto and his party, which includes Foreign Minister Adam Malik, has underscored the complete turnabout in relations between Australia and Indonesia within the past decade.

Ten years ago, Australia was buying long-range war planes from the United States in the belief that war with Indonesia was imminent. Today Australia is donating surplus military aircraft to her erstwhile enemy. In addition, Australia has committed about $64-million in economic aid to Indonesia over a three-year period.

The rift had occurred over the Indonesian policy of "confrontation" with Australia's ally, Malaya, now called Malaysia. Under President Sukarno, Indonesia had violently opposed absorption into Malaysia of the two former British colonies of Sabah and Sarawak, which adjoin the Indonesian state of Kalimantan on the island of Borneo.

The overthrow of President Sukarno by General Suharto in 1966 set Indonesia on a more

peaceable course. As one consequence, Indonesian soldiers have taken instruction in Australia in the last two years, and Australian soldiers and airmen carry out mapping projects in Indonesia.

Jets Offered to Jakarta

Recently, Australia offered Indonesia 16 surplus F-86 Sabrejet fighter planes as a gift. Indonesia is now considering whether she can afford to take over the planes in view of the cost of upkeep and pilot training.

Australia has never received the planes she ordered from the United States. These are 24 F-111 long-range swinging fighter bombers that are still undergoing modifications and tests in the United States following a long series of mishaps. Many Australians say that the need for them has passed since Indonesia has become a friend.

At a parliamentary lunch in Mr. Suharto's honor Monday, Prime Minister McMahon said that he and the Indonesian leader had agreed that Australia and Indonesia "can cooperate together in a military area when it is in the interest of Indonesia, Australia and the free world."

However, Mr. Suharto was reported to have stated in the private talk with Mr. McMahon that Indonesia, known as a neutral power, wished to remain clear of regional defense pacts, such as the five-nation agreement that links Australia, New Zealand and Britain in the joint defense of Singapore and Malaysia.

Annual Meetings Planned

Meanwhile, as a result of Mr. Suharto's visit, the two governments have agreed to an annual intergovernmental meeting, the first to be held next August, and a conference to settle the territorial limits between the two countries in the Timor Sea by an underwater boundary.

In one-day visits to Melbourne and Sydney, President Suharto met heads of Australian companies with interests in Indonesia ranging from minerals development to glass-packaging.

In his public appearances in Sydney, the Indonesian President was heckled by demonstrators, estimated by police at about 200, who shouted such slogans as "Free your political prisoners!" This was a reference to the thousands of persons under detention on suspicion of hostility to the regime. Many were arrested after an attempted Communist coup failed in 1965. The attempt resulted in the murder of several generals and eventually the deposition of President Sukarno.

36

BALTIMORE SUN
15 February 1972

Viet land reform
faces new hurdles

By MICHAEL PARKS

Sun Staff Correspondent

Saigon—South Vietnam's land reform program in nearing its two-year goal of distributing 1.5 million acres of rice land to tenant farmers, but how much further it can go is now uncertain.

American and South Vietnamese officials originally planned to distribute an additional million acres over the next year, but this is seriously threatened by declining security in many areas.

A related program to establish the boundaries of tribal lands in South Vietnam's Central Highlands is at a standstill because of friction and mistrust between the Vietnamese government officials and the Montagnard hill tribemen.

American advisers regard the ultimate success of both programs as jeopardized but say they remain optimistic.

### "We are confident"

"We do have some very serious problems, but in each of the programs, but we are confident they will be overcome because of the firm commitment of the Vietnamese to the program," says Will Muller, the chief American land reform adviser. "We are not anywhere near despairing. The picture simply is mixed right now."

Both Vietnamese land reform officials and their American advisers had been worried that, once the 1971 presidential and legislative elections were over, land reform would become a forgotten program. So far, however, President Nguyen Van Thieu has kept pressure on, Saigon and provincial officials to meet the program's goals.

Vietnamese and American officials believe that titles to 1.5 million acres will be distributed to about 400,000 families by March 26, the second anniversary of the land reform law.

Most of this land lies in relatively secure areas in the populous Mekong Delta, where land reform has generally become the strong tie between the peasant and the central Saigon government, as it was meant to be.

If the program is to meet its third-year goal of an additional million acres, however, land reform workers will have to go into remote and less secure areas, including many where pacification has faltered as South Vietnamese troops are spread more thinly to make up for departing Americans.

Land officials say they are also being seriously hampered now by poor land title records

in many areas and, particularly in north and central South Vietnam, by apathy on the part of tenant farmers whose landlords are often relatives, neighbors or friends.

Questions are also being raised now about the program's original goal of redistributing 2.5 million of an estimated 3.3 million acres of tenanted rice lands. Critics note that while the goal represents about 60 per cent of tenanted lands in 1969, another 2.5 million were not then planted but may be again as fighting wanes.

### "No Longer Realistic"

"The original goal is no longer realistic because soldiers will be coming back from the war and wanting lands to farm," says an opposition member of the National Assembly's Agriculture Committee. "But there will be no money to buy lands for them and they will have to become tenant farmers. That means they will be poor and prime targets for Viet Cong recruitment."

The Thieu administration has no plans for extending or expanding the program, beyond 2.5 million acres, government officials say.

Although the Montagnard program affects fewer than a million persons living in the remote highlands of central South Vietnam, American advisers have placed a high priority on it.

"Strategically, the government must have the Montagnards with it if the interior of central Vietnam is to be safe from Communist infiltration," a senior American official in the region says. "Morally and politically, the government must act to prevent the theft of these lands from the Montagnards."

So far, however, the 15-month-old program has actually worked to deprive the tribemen of their traditional lands and has increased the Montagnards' distrust of ethnic Vietnamese.

### No Explanations

"Nobody explained the program to the Montagnard leaders, and some of the technical teams that went in to map out the tribal areas did not even talk with the hamlet chiefs," an American adviser in the area said.

"The ham-handed way the Vietnamese went about it probably set the program back two or three years."

A moratorium has been declared on further work pending a complete reorganization of the Montagnard program. Offi-

WASHINGTON POST
15 February 1972

Nixon Eases
Restraints on
China Trade

By Don Oberdorfer

Washington Post Staff Writer

Three days before leaving for Peking, President Nixon yesterday ordered a further relaxation of U.S. restrictions on trade with China.

The White House also announced some further details of the eight-day Nixon visit to China.

As reported by press secretary Ronald L. Ziegler, the

effect of Mr. Nixon's trade action is to place China on a par with the Soviet Union in the range of goods and commodities that it can purchase from the United States without special permission.

Among the items China will now be able to buy under "general license" from American firms are locomotives, construction equipment, a variety of industrial chemicals, internal combustion engines and rolling mills.

The Chinese will still need special permission to obtain items that are considered "strategic." The action left China well short of the most-favored-nation status accorded to most non-Communist countries that trade with the United States.

Yesterday's move is one of a series of unilateral steps taken toward China since 1969. The major step in the trade field, taken last June, was the lifting of the 21-year embargo on U.S. trade with China.

The June order lifted restrictions on most imports from China and permitted

free export to China of 75 to 80 per cent of the goods that could be freely exported to the Soviet Union.

Another part of yesterday's order cuts down on the red tape required for special U.S. Treasury licenses for trade with China by American-owned companies abroad.

While denying that the timing of the new trade action is connected with Mr. Nixon's forthcoming journey to Peking, Ziegler said yesterday, "We would hope that the People's Republic of China will be receptive to this step."

There was no immediate reaction from Peking, where the official Communist Party organ, "People's Daily," castigated for the second straight day U.S. policies in Indochina and the current U.S. bombing campaign there.

Continuing his preparations for the Peking visit, Mr. Nixon met yesterday for 80 minutes with French author Andre Malraux, who visited Peking in 1965 as French cultural minister. Malraux was the honored guest at a White House dinner last night.

Royal Trip

CHIANG MAI, Thailand—Visiting Queen Elizabeth of Britain made home movies of a demonstration by 61 elephants in the mountains of northern Thailand and hiked up a dirt trail to watch Meo hill tribemen perform traditional dances. The Thai royal family accompanied the Queen.

The Queen, her husband Prince Philip and Princess Anne are currently on a five-day visit to Thailand.

cials had planned to define the boundaries of 600 tribal hamlets this year, and 450 were being worked on, but only 75 are expected to be completed now.

The principal reason for the breakdown, according to both American and Vietnamese officials, was the traditional disdain for the Montagnards, considered savages by the Vietnamese. The program was further confused by the government uprooting of dozens of hamlets to move them to more secure areas and prevent collaboration with the Viet Cong.

35

Burlingame was the foreign official most trusted by the Chinese. Though there was some wishful thinking and a desire to use the United States against the European powers, some Chinese officials favorably distinguished the Americans from the other Westerners.

At the turn of the century, as the Western nations now joined by an emerging Japan sought to partition China, the United States stood aloof, but made certain afterward that it was granted the same privileges as they were. America's proclaimed the policy of the Open Door which meant that China could not become the preserve of any one power, but would be kept open for the economic penetration of all powers. This policy served American interest because it prevented the U.S. from being excluded from China and it served America's ideals because it upheld China's independence. This approach once again contrasted favorably with the more aggressive, militaristic policies of the other powers.

Though the United States became a target in the nationalist upsurge in the first decade of the 20th century, with the 1911 revolution, the notion of a special Chinese-American friendship re-emerged.

Its leader, Sun Yat-sen, a Westernized Chinese, had great expectations of American help, but when these failed to materialize and the United States was unable to restore China its full sovereignty, disillusionment set in. With Lenin's theory of imperialism permeating all spectra of political belief in China

in the 1920's, the United States was labeled as aggressively imperialist as the other Western powers. Yet, with the Japanese attack on China in the 1930's, it was regarded as an anti-Japanese imperialist. So once again, there was a period of cooperation, though strained, between China and the United States against Japan.

When the Communists came to power in

1949, the United States retained its special position, but this time as the main enemy. Not only had it militarily supported the Chiang Kai-shek government and opposed the Communists, it had shunned several overtures from the Chinese Communists. Instead of being heralded as the most benevolent of the imperialist powers, it was now pictured as leading the aggression against China in the 19th and 20th centuries. Both nations regarded each other as the major threats to their security as well as major ideological enemies. Both reacted traumatically to the disappearance of their familiar images of each other.

Thus, in terms of the immediate past the rapprochement between the United States and China is startling, but it is not so startling when viewed in a longer historical perspective. Still, given the legacy of recent history and the U.S. commitment to Taiwan, it would be naïve to expect a rapid, full normalization of relations. It is likely, however, that contacts will become more extensive and trade will increase.

When President Nixon arrives in Peking Feb. 21 and shakes hands with Chou En-lai, it will not only usher in a new phase in Chinese-American relations, it will also reshape the visions the two nations have of each other. The images will be based more on a feeling of equality than on a feeling of superior to inferior. This more realistic appraisal on both sides should dispel the romanticism, wishful thinking, and distortions of the past. Yet, it is probable they will continue to see a uniqueness in each other as they have in the past.

Mrs. Merle Goldman teaches Chinese history at Boston University and is a research associate at the Harvard East Asian Research Center. She is the author of "Literary Dissent in Communist China" published by Harvard University Press.

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

14 February 1972

## The UN and the press

It is a pity that Kurt Waldheim, the United Nations' new Secretary-General, has seen fit, in one of his first official acts, to uphold the decision to withdraw the accreditation of the two Nationalist Chinese members of the UN press corps.

Both journalists work for Nationalist China's official news agency. They were barred from the UN last December at the request of Communist China on the ground that the General Assembly's resolution expelling Nationalist China from the UN applied equally to the news agency's employees.

The ruling touched off a wave of protests from newsmen and press organizations, including the International Press Institute and the UN Correspondents' Association. The latter backed up its protest with a legal opinion from Ernest A. Gross, a former United States representative at the UN, who found that the disaccreditation of the two correspondents was erroneous "in fact and in law."

But Mr. Waldheim told his recent press conference that he stood by the opinion of the UN's own legal counsel that the disaccreditation was mandatory under the assembly's resolution.

In his affidavit, Mr. Gross pointed out that the UN had never in the past made a distinction between the various types of news media represented at the UN — whether official, semiofficial or private. We might add that several nonmember states have journalists accredited to the UN, among them Communist East Germany, which is represented by a correspondent of its official press.

As we said at the time of the original ruling in December, we deplore the ouster of the Nationalist Chinese journalists as a flagrant violation of the principle of press freedom. Moreover, it constitutes a dangerous precedent, for in effect it allows a Communist country to place a ban on newsmen that it does not want to have around.

## South Korea Urges Removal of Arms From Buffer Zone

Special to The New York Times

SEOUL, South Korea, Feb. 12 — South Korea called on North Korea today to help reduce tension on the Korean peninsula by removing all military installations from the demilitarized zone along their border.

Foreign Minister Kim Yong Shin also demanded in a statement that the Pyongyang regime immediately stop sending armed agents and spies into the South, return a hijacked South Korean airliner and its crew, and disavow any policy of violence against the South.

Mr. Kim said his Government was ready to discuss "nonpolitical" issues with Pyongyang if the current Red Cross talks between the two Koreas, aimed at reuniting divided families, should succeed. In a subsequent stage, political questions, could be taken up. His call was the latest in a series of South Korean proposals aimed at reducing tensions in Korea.

NEW YORK TIMES
12 February 1972

## MOSCOW SAYS NIXON SEeks CAPITULATION

MOSCOW, Feb. 11 (UPI)—

The Soviet Government said today that President Nixon's eight-point peace plan was unsatisfactory and that Communist acceptance would mean full capitulation.

The first official Soviet reaction, a Government statement distributed by Tass, the Soviet press agency, reaffirmed Moscow's unswerving support for the Communist forces in Indonesia.

The statement said: "The acceptance of the eight-point plan would mean, in fact, that the patriotic forces of Vietnam should lay down their arms and fully capitulate."

It added that "the Soviet Government fully supports the just demands of the Vietnamese people and reaffirms its unswerving policy of firm support for the struggle of the peoples of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia against the imperialist aggression."

"Some people in Washington," it continued, "are clearly trying to replace quests for a political settlement with various political maneuvers aimed at attaining those same goals which the U. S. military could not attain on the battlefield."

34

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

15 February 1972

# The historical perspective

By Merle Goldman

*Written for The Christian Science Monitor*

EVEN IF NOTHING RESULTS FROM President Nixon's forthcoming visit to China, the event itself is of historic proportions. It marks the first time that the head of a Western nation, in this case the West's most powerful nation, will meet Chinese leaders on Chinese soil. Whereas we see no implication of humility in the President's going to China, to the Chinese such a visit signifies a show of respect and honor.

What produced this sudden détente? Its immediate causes can be found on both sides. By a progressive disengagement from the Asian continent and by a series of gestures toward China, President Nixon has demonstrated that improvement in relations with China is a prime objective of American policy.

China responded for a variety of reasons. In domestic affairs, the conclusion of the "cultural revolution" has shifted control to a coalition of central and regional military commanders and the state administration of Chou En-lai. This coalition wishes to emerge from the prevailing isolation and xenophobia of the past years.

## Czech invasion convincing

In foreign relations, the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, with its promulgation of the Brezhnev doctrine justifying intervention in a socialist state and clashes with the Soviets along their common border, convinced the Chinese leadership that the Soviet threat might be greater than the American one. Also, whether warranted or not, the Chinese feel threatened by a dynamic Japan and fear a resurgence of Japanese economic and military expansion.

China's positive response may be a version of China's traditional method of playing off "barbarian against barbarian." By dividing its leading opponents, China hopes to achieve greater flexibility in foreign relations.

Besides these immediate causes, there are long-term historical factors that might help explain this sudden rapprochement. Considering the enmity between the United States and China since the Chinese Communist takeover of the mainland, it may be hard to believe that U.S. relations with the Chinese have been anything but hostile. Yet, there have been moments when these contacts have been relatively friendly.

There was something a little different about China's relations with the United States than with the other Western nations. In part this difference was due to the fact that the United States was less aggressive than the European powers in its approach to China.

It is true that America demanded and

received many of the same privileges such as most-favored-nation status and extra-territoriality that the Europeans had forced from China.

Americans also participated in a Western police action to suppress the Boxer Rebellion. Verbally, Americans talked of self-determination for China, but in actuality they did little to uphold it.

Yet, because of America's own revolution and anti-imperialist tradition, the U.S. refrained from becoming involved in the colonialism and military incursions of the European powers in the 19th and early part of the 20th century.

The American view of China was similarly contradictory. It vacillated between attraction and rejection, depending on the political requirements of the time. Periodically, there has been an outpouring of sympathy toward China as seen in the response to Pearl Buck's "The Good Earth," which sold several million copies in the 1930's when it first appeared. The book's idealistic picture of the persevering, hardworking Chinese peasant confronted with insurmountable obstacles was enthusiastically received. No comparable work about a Japanese or Russian peasant has evoked such a response in the United States.

Despite U.S. rejection of China after 1949, it is obvious that a receptive climate of opinion never disappeared, as seen in the current flooding of American media, fashion, and advertising pages with Chinoiserie. By contrast, Soviet life has aroused little interest and Soviet products have sometimes been boycotted.

This special feeling toward China has at times been reciprocated by the Chinese. When the West began the opium trade in China at the beginning of the 19th century, of all the Western groups only the American missionaries openly protested. It took several years before the British missionaries joined the protest.

Though Americans were involved in this trade, they were latecomers. Influential members of Chinese society, recognizing that there were elements in American society who opposed this trade and that the U.S. had been less energetic in imposing its demands, differentiated between the United States and the other Western powers.

The most important Chinese official of the mid-19th century, Tseng Kuo-fen, said of Americans: "Of all the Western barbarians, the English are the most crafty, the French the next; the Russians are stronger than either the English or French. . . . The Americans are of pureminded and honest disposition and long recognized as respectful and compliant toward China."

## Policy of the Open Door

The role of individual Americans in China was as crucial as that of Henry Kissinger today in forming its view of the United States. In the 1860's, the American Minister Anson

WASHINGTON POST

15 February 1972

## New Satellite In Place for China Relay

Associated Press

A new communications satellite went into operation yesterday 22,300 miles in space—in time to carry television and press reports of President Nixon's visit to China.

There will be at least one ground station, and possibly two, to transmit live television and written stories of the visit that begins Feb. 21.

The satellite, known as Intelsat 4, can carry 5,000 telephone or 12 color television circuits simultaneously—more than four times the number of Intelsat 3, which it replaces.

A temporary earth station—two moving vans with a giant antenna on top—already is set up in Peking. It is possible that a second American-made ground station will be operating from Shanghai, another Nixon stop, by Feb. 24.

The satellites relay printer and television images as well as news pictures from one ground station to another via the satellite. The station that will be used in the United States is in Jamesburg, Calif. From there distribution is by land lines.

The $13.5-million Intelsat 4 is in a stationary orbit above the equator in mid-Pacific. The 45,000-mile trip from Peking to Jamesburg will be accomplished in less than a half second.

Intelsat is an 83-nation partnership, called the International Telecommunications Satellite Consortium. Comset, the Communications Satellite Corp., which represents the United States in the joint venture, owns 52.5 per cent of the Intelsat system.

## New York Times

13 Feb. 1972

Guerrillas Near Vientiane

VIENTIANE, Laos, Feb. 12 (Agence France-Presse)—Anti-Government forces have advanced into the Vientiane Plain immediately north of the capital for the first time, military sources disclosed today. The sources said that Thursday men believed to be Pathet Lao guerrillas killed four truck drivers in a forest 25 miles northwest of here and escaped with their vehicles and a bulldozer.

A Laotian military patrol sent to the scene fell into anambush and retreated. Four Laotian soldiers, including an officer, were killed.

33

NEW YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1972

# Waldheim Bars Reinstatement of 2 Chinese Nationalist Newsmen

By HENRY TANNER

Special to The New York Times

UNITED NATIONS, N. Y.,

Feb. 10 — Secretary General Waldheim declared today that there was no legal basis for reinstating two Chinese Nationalist correspondents who were ousted from United Nations headquarters last December.

Mr. Waldheim, who made this statement in response to a question at a news conference, endorsed a new legal opinion written by Constantin A. Stavropoulos, the organization's chief legal counsel, to the effect that the disaccreditation of the two was mandatory under the General Assembly resolution of Oct. 25. The resolution described the Communist Government in Peking as the only legitimate representative of China and called for the expulsion of the "representatives of Chiang Kai-shek," the Chinese Nationalist President.

Mr. Stavropoulos argued that the two correspondents, who worked for the Central News Agency, were the representatives of an official agency of the Nationalist Government on Taiwan, which was no longer recognized as the legitimate

government of China by the General Assembly. He said that therefore the Secretary General had no power to maintain their accreditation. He added that they could apply for accreditation as correspondents of private news media in Taiwan.

Thant Acted in December

The two are T. C. Tang and Chen-chi Lin, both of whom had been covering the United Nations for many years. Their accreditation was withdrawn on Dec. 17 by Secretary General Thant at the request of the delegation from China. Mr. Thant acted on the advice of Mr. Stavropoulos.

Mr. Waldheim, who had endorsed his predecessor's decision on several occasions, said he had requested a new statement from Mr. Stavropoulos after he received a detailed legal opinion from Ernest A. Gross, a former United States representative at the United Nations, acting as honorary counsel to the United Nations Correspondents Association.

Mr. Gross wrote that Mr. Stavropoulos's argument for the disaccreditation of the two correspondents was erroneous "in fact and in law." The Assembly resolution, he said, dealt

exclusively with "representatives to the United Nations" and therefore, by definition, did not apply to newsmen.

Criteria Are Given

Mr. Gross cited examples to show that it had been the long-standing policy of the United Nations to grant accreditation to any applicant who showed, first, that he was a bona fide professional representative of a recognized medium of public information and, second, that he intended to engage actively in the coverage of the United Nations.

The Chinese Nationalist correspondents had met the two criteria, Mr. Gross wrote. The United Nations had never in the past made a distinction in the official, semiofficial or private character of a news medium, he added.

His affidavit was dated Jan. 27.

Mr. Waldheim, in answer to a question, said that he was still prepared to meet with the representatives of 16 American news executives who in a letter delivered to him Tuesday, protested the ouster of the two correspondents. The letter was signed by Richard N. Vogel of

oakland, Calif., the chairman of the Freedom of Information Committee of Sigma Delta Chi, a journalistic fraternity.

Other organizations of journalists, including the United Nations Correspondents Association, have also protested against the ouster as a infringement on international freedom of information.

On other topics, Mr. Waldheim said he was hopeful that both the short- and long-run financial difficulties of the United Nations, would be solved. He said that several governments had promised that they would pay their contributions earlier than usual this year.

The Secretary General said that he would go to South Africa within the next few weeks as requested by a resolution adopted by the Security Council in its recent special session in Ethiopia, for consultation on the future status of South-West which the United Nations calls Africa, Namibia. He said he had received an invitation "without conditions" from the Government of South Africa, which controls South-West Africa.

WASHINGTON POST

5 February 1972

## "Free" Press at the U.N.

At 10 a.m. last Dec. 17, aides of then-Secretary General U Thant informed T. C. Tang and Chen-chi Lin, who had represented the Central News Agency of China (Taiwan) at the United Nations for 26 and 16 years respectively, that their accreditation had been revoked and that they must turn in their passes, close their offices and depart the premises by the close of business that day. Their ouster, subsequently upheld by the new Secretary General Kurt Waldheim, was and is an outrage.

The purported fact of the matter, so asserted by the U.N. Secretariat, is that since Central News is the official press agency of Nationalist China and since the General Assembly resolution of Oct. 25 admitting Peking called for expulsion of all "representatives of Chiang Kai-shek," the agency had to go.

The actual fact of the matter, we suspect, is that the new delegation from Peking insisted on a mean and gratuitous gesture further humiliating Taiwan and that the Secretariat, not to put too

fine a point on it, caved. In doing so, the Secretariat turned its back on the values of freedom of information which were supported, in this particular instance, by parties as disparate as the United States Government and the United Nations Correspondents Association, including Pravda and Tass.

We would urge Mr. Waldheim to reconsider. There is no question but that Mr. Tang and Mr. Lin are journalists who were covering a legitimate and important news activity. In deciding that one claimant rather than another deserved the single "China" seat at the United Nations, the General Assembly surely did not mean that the losing claimant should be deprived of news about the U.N. In a formal sense the two journalists may have "represented" the Nationalist government but in a real sense they represented the right of all peoples and nations to learn the news. That is the appropriate basis, we believe, on which their accreditation should be restored.

32

Far East

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

15 February 1972

Even U.S. technicians silenced

Nixon and Chou agree
to avert leaks to press

NEW YORK TIMES

15 February 1972

'Very Rough' Schedule
Issued for Nixon Trip

WASHINGTON, Feb. 14
(UPI)—Following is the "very
rough" schedule for President
Nixon's visit to China issued
by the White House today:

Feb. 14—President and Mrs.
Nixon depart Andrews Air
Force Base for Oahu Island,
Hawaii. Overnight in Hawaii.
Feb. 18—Hawaii.

Feb. 19—Depart for Guam, cross-
ing International dateline. Ar-
rive in Guam Feb. 20 local
time.

Feb. 20—Overnight in Guam.

Feb. 21—Arrive in Peking 11:30
A.M. Peking time (10:30 P.M.
Sunday, New York time) for
formal greeting. First meet-
ing with Chinese leaders.
Dinner at Great Hall of Peo-
ple.

Feb. 22-25—In Peking. Sched-
ule will include meetings; trips
to Great Wall, Ming Tombs
and Forbidden City, and a
banquet for Mr. Nixon by
Chinese leaders.

Feb. 26—Depart Peking aboard
Chinese aircraft for Hangchow.
Boat ride on West Lake and
banquet by Provincial Revolu-
tionary Committee of Che-
kiang Province. Overnight in
Hangchow.

Feb. 28—Depart Hangchow for
Shanghai. Attend a cultural
show and the Shanghai Indus-
trial Exposition. Dinner by
Shanghai Municipal Revolu-
tionary Committee. Overnight
in Shanghai.

Feb. 28—Depart Shanghai for
Washington on a polar flight
with a refueling stop in An-
chorage.

WASHINGTON POST
11 February 1972

Chinese Ouster

Secretary General Kurt Waldheim said that he would stand by a decision taken earlier to bar two correspondents of the Nationalist Chinese central news agency from the United Nations. Waldheim said, however, that he is still prepared to meet with 16 U.S. news executives who pro-tested in a letter to the secretary general Tuesday the expulsion of the Nationalists in December.

Washington

President Nixon announced Monday further steps to relax trade barriers with China, placing the People's Republic on as equal a trade footing with the U.S. as the Soviet Union, Associated Press reports.

By John Burns

Special to The Christian Science Monitor
©1972 Toronto Globe and Mail

Peking

Wide as the differences are between President Nixon and Premier Chou En-lai on the issues which they will discuss here next week, it is clear that the two men are in complete agreement on one point: that no premature press disclosures, however minor, will be allowed to get in the way of the negotiations.

The determination of the two sides on this score was underlined at the weekend when members of the United States television and radio team which is here to cover the President's visit told correspondents that Chinese officials have asked them not to discuss their work with the press.

The effect of the Chinese move has been to dry up, at least temporarily, the only reliable source of information on the plans that the Chinese are making for Mr. Nixon's one-week visit, which begins a week from today.

The move also will hamper correspondents who are resident here in their attempts to cover the activities of the TV and radio team as it prepares to make the first live broadcasts out of China by foreigners.

The news blackout appeared to mark a reversal of the position taken earlier by Chinese officials, who had assured correspondents that there would be no attempt to inhibit contacts between the Americans and the press, provided the Americans agreed.

Ironically, the reversal appears to have been brought about by the only interview that correspondents have been able to obtain with any of the Americans since the

broadcast team arrived here two weeks
ago.

In the interview, two weekends ago, a senior member of the broadcast team gave correspondents a rundown on the team's activities up to that time. Among other things, he revealed that the Chinese were planning what they referred to as "a normal head of state welcome" for Mr. Nixon when he arrives at Peking Airport.

Members of the broadcast team who spoke with correspondents during a sight-seeing tour of the city said that Chinese officials appeared to have been troubled by the stories filed on the basis of the interview.

"I think they were upset," one man said. "They just asked us not to talk (to correspondents) anymore.

Contacts frustrated

Contact with the Americans has been frustrated from the day of their arrival by the squads of soldiers, police officers, and plain-clothes security men assigned to duty outside their hotel in the city and the broadcast center which has been built for them at the airport.

Correspondents have been turned away from the hotel and the broadcast center, and all calls to the hotel have been handled by a Chinese official who insists that there are no Americans available, whatever the hour of day.

Apart from the 60 members of the broadcast team, there are about 30 White House officials also staying at the hotel, but attempts to reach them have proved similarly unavailing.

Despite the news blackout, it was apparent from the relaxed demeanor of members of the broadcast crew during their sight-seeing tour that the complex arrangements for the coverage of the visit must be well in hand.

"It's a day off," one of them said as he joined others in the party in a stroll around the Square of Heavenly Peace in the city's center.

"I think you could say we've earned it."

NEW YORK TIMES

15 February 1972

18 More U.S. Technicians
In Peking to Await Nixon

PEKING, Feb. 14 (Reuters)—
A party of 18 United States
technicians arrived in Peking
today to join about 70 White
House staff and technicians
preparing for President Nixon's
visit next Monday.

They arrived aboard a Chi-

nese Ilyushin-18 turboprop from
Shanghai and were met by Chi-
nese officials. They were then
driven in a fleet of 20 cars to
the National Minorities Hotel
in central Peking where the
other Americans are staying.

The technicians are operat-
ing satellite ground stations set
up in Peking and Shanghai to
handle communications during
Mr. Nixon's visit.

31

of world we live in, it isn't necessarily bad, either.

Q. You said a central Chinese purpose for the summit was to protect itself from the Russians. Is that the only purpose in making up with the Americans?

A. No. Chinese-American relations for long have been impaled on the issue of Taiwan. China says the United States is occupying one of its provinces, the island held by Chiang Kai-shek. The United States has a mutual defense pact with Chiang's China. For years Washington said Chiang was the true ruler of all of China. But Mr. Nixon has retreated from that, in effect conceding that Chiang speaks only for Taiwan. Most important, the President has said the issue between Mao and Chiang should be settled by the Chinese themselves. That is close to what Peking wants. And it is another evidence of the Nixon retrenchment policy. Peking recognized that and undoubtedly it was a major reason why the President was invited to China.

Q. Then it has been the United States, not China, that has changed its policy?

A. Basically, yes. Mao and Chou, seeing this and worrying about the Russians, have ended China's recent isolationism and re-enforced the international diplomatic arena. They saw their opportunity and seized it in self-interest. Mr. Nixon acted in a way to encourage that.

Q. So when the President's trip to China is over and the official communique on the talks has been issued it will be clear that a new day has dawned?

A. No. The Chinese-American problem is too complex. For one thing, Mr. Nixon is not about to renounce the treaty with Chiang. There can be no formal diplomatic relations until the Taiwan issue is fully resolved. But clever men, and those meeting in Peking all are clever, can find a way to move in that direction if each side decides that is in its own interest. Probably this was outlined during the earlier Kissinger visits to Peking.

Q. That what is the test as to whether this has been a useful summit?

A. The way the wind blows. Note specifically the mechanism the two countries agree on to carry on from the summit. A dialogue began before the summit and continued there. Its continuation is vital and the modalities of how that is to be done should tell us something. Watch for how the Chinese handle the joint announcement. If the words seem vague, as they may be, read the experts on what they mean, reporters such as The Washington Post's Stanley Karnow now in China. But don't jump to conclusions.

Q. What about that "spirit of Peking"?

A. Spirits are evanescent, as were the "spirit of Geneva" in 1955, the "spirit of Camp David" in 1959 and "the spirit of Hollywood" in 1967. Yet those summits served a purpose even though they resolved no specific problems at the moment. The China summit probably will fall into that category rather than in the disastrous mood of the Kennedy-Khrushchev summit of 1961 or the Paris summit of 1960 that collapsed before it began.

Q. You're leaving a rather ragged edge to this summit, then?

A. Yes, and deliberately so. It won't be over when the TV coverage ends. There are too many uncertainties, in China, in the United States, elsewhere. At the most we should get a sense of direction. Remember that diplomats and journalists never suffer from technological unemployment. Both will be dissecting the China summit for years. And then will come the historians. Take a long view of history. You've had a glimpse of it.

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

28 February 1972

Thai-U.S. relations still high

By Henry S. Hayward

Staff correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor

Bangkok, Thailand

Good Thai-American relations remain unchanged since the military coup of last Nov. 17, the opinion of most observers here.

But concern over the future course of Chinese-American relations — and their possible repercussions here — does cause some Thai apprehension.

What underlies Thai concern about possible closer United States ties with the People's Republic of China is China's rapid reemergence on the world scene and how Thailand can accommodate to that change.

The Thais naturally think of their huge neighbor to the north in terms of ideological orientation.

Major power

China is a major Communist power. Thailand, by contrast, is a small independent nation, very anti-Communist in its basic thinking. It has endured more than a decade of worrying about Chinese-backed guerrilla insurgents in its northern—and southern—highlands.

It also has a large Chinese population of its own, estimated at over 3 million, or roughly 10 percent of the people. The latent fear is that Thailand's Chinese—although a peaceful and well-assimilated minority—might be stirred up or manipulated by words from Peking.

Chinese weight

The Chinese community here carries weight beyond its numbers among the 35 million Thais. This is partly a result of its wealth and business activity. Justified or not, such importance contrib-

utes to government concern.

Chinese admission to the United Nations last fall caused a shrill debate in Thailand about the implications of China recognition. Some experts regard this as one of several developments that precipitated the November coup here.

If, as a consequence of the Nixon visit, the United States subsequently establishes relations with Peking, Bangkok will worry whether to come along—or continue to stand aside. What about the Chinese insurgent threat and the Thai Government's vigorous anti-insurgent campaign?

Confidence

Confidence, meanwhile, is expressed unofficially about the Nixon visit to Peking. The Thais quickly recovered their equilibrium about not being consulted in advance about the Nixon trip.

In their present positive outlook, Mr. Nixon becomes almost Thailand's friend in Peking.

The Thais, meanwhile, are aware that a basic change has occurred in Thai-American relations over the past three or four years.

The U.S. posture in Asia has been shifting during that interval—with increasing sentiment for disengagement in Vietnam and for cutting back foreign spending in general.

The leaders have made two fundamental assumptions about the consequences, according to informants.

Lower profile

One is that the United States is assuming a lower profile of activity in South Asia—and that it will expect the nations of the area to carry an increasing share of their own defense, relief, and development programs for the foreseeable future.

A second assumption is that Washington nevertheless intends to fulfill its present treaty and defense commitments to its friends in Asia—among whom Thailand counts itself one.

38

WASHINGTON POST
25 February 1972

# "The Spirit of Peking"—Answering Some Questions

By Chalmers M. Roberts

VIETNAM was the first war to enter the American living room, thanks to television. Now from China, day and night, we see diplomacy in living color. Deeds on the battlefield, however, seen more finite and easier to fathom than words in the conference room. How does one contemplate Mao Tse-tung, Richard Nixon, Chou En-lai and Henry Kissinger together? Gymnasts and dancers, farms and factories, chopsticks and tea, the Great Wall and the Forbidden City all add to the confusion as we watch the glowing tube.

It is indeed a historic event as we have been told again and again by the TV commentators, many of whom seem to have fallen into the "mysterious East" syndrome. The President has indulged in his usual hyperbole: "What we do here can change the world." Offstage, we are told, there are grumbles in Moscow and Hanoi and anxieties in Tokyo, New Delhi and elsewhere.

The China summit is a grand spectacle. It will have world-wide effects. Already the term "spirit of Peking" is on the airwaves. What can one make of it all at this distance?

History is a series of seemingly disjointed events largely the work of man. Historians have the luxury of hindsight. They examine the public record, seek out the hidden notes and memoirs, place the events in the context of their age and usually end up with a grand sweep of national or international relationships. It is a long and arduous process. Yet even when it is done someone will come along to challenge the result. George Washington was debunked earlier in this century. Currently the revisionist historians are telling us we have been wrong about what has occurred since World War II.

TELEVISION, however, is instant, here and now. You see it and then it dissolves. There is an inevitable dichotomy between this instant history on the screen and the long term meaning of the President's trip to China. One needs a guide en route. Perhaps this will help.

**Q. Why is this meeting being held?**

A. Because it serves a purpose for Mr. Nixon and because it serves a purpose for Mao and Chou. A central Nixon purpose these past three years has been to lower the American profile abroad, to reposition the United States, to disengage from Vietnam, but all without diminishing the American role in the world. This requires, among other things, a relatively stable working relationship with China.

**Q. And if he achieves that?**

A. It can be pictured as removing the Chinese threat to the rest of Asia, the threat used as a major justification for Vietnam. In Peking the President has publicly absolved China, in his phrase, from seeking to stretch out his hand to "rule the world." A new stable relationship can be pictured as fulfilling Mr. Nixon's campaign pledge to "win the peace in the Pacific." In turn, for many

## A Look Behind the "Mysterious East"
Syndrome and the Big TV Spectacular
At Some of the Long Term Possibilities

Americans it will reduce Vietnam to the status of a minor affair. It will demonstrate that Mr. Nixon has moved "from an era of confrontation to an era of negotiation," one of his stated aims.

**Q. And for the Chinese?**

A. A central Chinese purpose of the summit must surely be to help protect itself from its hostile neighbor, the Soviet Union, which has stationed nearly a million men on its long border with China.

**Q. How does the summit do this?**

A. By playing the oldest diplomatic game in the world, balance of power politics. For a long time the Kremlin has furthered the American image of China as a nation led by dangerous men willing to risk a nuclear war. Because Americans were isolated from China, we had only Moscow's view to abet our imagination and beliefs. Now Mao and Chou have chosen to break out of that isolation and to deny the Moscow view by finding a live-and-let-live relationship with America. Of late Moscow has begun to worry about Chinese-American "collusion" against Russia. Mao and Chou doubtless are happy to keep that worry active in the Kremlin even while denying any such collusion.

**Q. Such "collusion" seems ridiculous.**

**Why should Moscow worry about it?**

A. If you were in the Kremlin could you be sure where the Peking summit will lead? Who thought President Truman would go to war in Korea? And who in the Kremlin can forget how quickly Germany and Japan changed from being enemies to being America's allies? The Russians, like the Chinese, take a long view of history. It is a reasonable assumption that Moscow will be less rather than more likely, after the Peking summit, to strike a blow at China. A new balance of power will be in play.

**Q. But what does this do to Soviet relations with the United States? After all, the President is going to Moscow in May.**

A. That's a hard one. There has been some loose talk in Washington that a successful Peking trip would put pressure on Moscow to come to terms on such issues as strategic arms limitation, the Middle East and East-West troop reductions in Europe. History indicates, however, the opposite is more likely. The Kremlin may get its back up if it really believes there is a new Chinese-American collusion aimed at the Soviet Union.

**Q. But hasn't Mr. Nixon said he was not trying to play Moscow off against Peking or Peking against Moscow?**

A. Yes, he said that and he will repeat it in Moscow. But many even in his own administration believe that is exactly what he is doing. The indications are that many in Moscow believe it, too. Mao and Chou probably also believe it. What people think is a fact often is more important than the fact itself. Divide and conquer is an old rule of international relations. Mr. Nixon is not out to "conquer" anybody, least of all the Soviet Union or China. But he and Kissinger are playing balance of power politics. Don't let anybody kid you about that. Given the kind

NEW YORK TIMES
25 February 1972

## Peking Discloses Acting Chief of State Is Tung Pi-wu, 86

TOKYO, Feb. 24 (AP)—China has named 86-year-old Tung Pi-wu acting chief of state, filling the vacancy created by the ouster of Liu Shao-chi, a Peking broadcast disclosed today.

Mr. Tung served in a presidential capacity as far back as October, 1969. But the designation of acting head of state was accorded him today for the first time in an official report by Hsinhua, the Chinese press agency, of a congratulatory message to KuMIT on her National Day.

The message, addressed to the Emir of Kuwait, was signed "Tung Pi-wu, acting chairman of the People's Republic of China."

Since Mao Tse-tung, the Chairman of the Communist party, deposed Mr. Liu during the Cultural Revolution, the presidential post has been considered a largely ceremonial one.

Mr. Tung has been one of the two deputy chiefs of state and is a member of the Polit-buro of the Communist party Central Committee. The other deputy chief of state is Soong Ching-ling, widow of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Chinese Republic.

The broadcast did not indicate whether the National People's Congress, which has not been in session since 1965, will be called on soon to name a new chief of state.

37

NEW YORK TIMES, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1972

# Captured North Vietnamese Soldier Tells of His Hard March South

By FOX BUTTERFIELD

Special to The New York Times

PLEIKU, South Vietnam, Feb. 16—When Pt. Bui Van Auleft his native village near Hanoi last fall to begin the long march to South Vietnam, he says, his parents and relatives cried for a long time. For no soldier from their village had ever returned after infiltrating into the South.

Private Au's journey ended three days ago when his company of 80 men was spotted by an American observation plane in the Central Highlands near Kontum. Air strikes were called in, killing almost all of his comrades, and Private Au was captured by an American helicopter pilot who swooped down on the survivors.

Private Au, who says his mission was to bolster North Vietnamese strength in the Highlands in preparation for a major offensive, discussed his experiences on the Ho Chi Minh Trail in an unusual interview today. In the past, the South Vietnamese Army has seldom allowed interviews with enemy prisoners.

Although the Central Highlands has remained quiet this week, Americans and South Vietnamese officials in Pleiku, the headquarters of Military region II, which includes the Central Highlands area, still believe that the Communists will

launch a major attack here by this weekend.

Division Infiltrated

The capture of Private Au, and the discovery that his unit, the 304B Division, had just infiltrated into Kontum Province from North Vietnam, added to the expectation that Hanoi would launch its predicted Tet offensive in the Highlands.

"Actually, the Tet offensive has already begun," said John Paul Vann, the chief American official in Military Region II. "It began last week with a series of small-scale attacks in Binhdinh Province on the coast and an attempt to cut the highway up to the Highlands."

Mr. Vann, a short, intense man, believes that some of the isolated South Vietnamese Ranger camps along the Cambodian and Laotian borders, such as Benhet, may be temporarily overrun.

But, he argued, the disparity is great between what the Communists have told their men they will do and what they are now capable of achieving. The Communists have somewhere between 35,000 and 60,000 men, most of them regular North Vietnamese soldiers, in the mountainous, jungle-covered Central Highlands.

But the South Vietnamese

and their allies have 220,000, and they are well prepared for any offensive, Mr. Vann asserts. "Actually, I welcome a Communist offensive," he said. "For after the enemy expands himself and loses many of his men, he has to stay quiet until next year and gives us a chance to expand our control."

Since a prolonged North Vietnamese siege of Fire Bases 5 and 6 in Kontum Province last spring, enemy activity in the Central Highlands has been at its lowest level since the build-up of the war in 1965, Mr. Vann added.

Private Au, who was interviewed with another member of his unit, Private Nguyen van Minh, in South Vietnam, appeared tired and nervous, but in good health. He spoke through a South Vietnamese Army interpreter.

A slight, boyish-looking 20-year-old with close-cropped hair and an easy smile, Private Au said that his officers had told him very little about conditions in South Vietnam, except that his unit was to help liberate the South Vietnamese from the Americans.

"At home in my village, the people didn't pay much attention to the war," he said. "The war has been going on so long,

who knows when it will end. Besides, they are more interested in planting their crops."

Private Au, who was drafted last May, explained that he had not been happy about joining the army. "None of the soldiers from my village who have gone off to the South have ever returned, and I can remember only one time when anyone in the village got a letter from a relative who had been sent south." Private Minh told a similar story.

Other North Vietnamese prisoners have previously reported that until the last year or two the Ho Chi Minh Trail network has been largely a one-way street, with few soldiers ever going back to the North.

Private Au's unit marched during the day, but it was hard going, with steep mountains and mud up to the men's knees. At first they got food, at stations along the way, but, as they moved farther south they were given only rice and salt and were often hungry.

"We could hear air strikes in the distance," Private Minh reported, "but we never experienced any ourselves until three days ago. The worst problem was the fear—we didn't know what to expect—and all the marching. We got so tired."

NEW YORK TIMES

26 February 1972

## Behind a Great Decision

After months of studied neglect, Communist China's press this week suddenly gave broad, favorable coverage to President Nixon's visit, and overnight the idea of reconciliation with the United States became respectable throughout that vast country. The problem of marshalling public support for such a momentous policy shift in a democracy like the United States is not so simple. President Nixon's decision to seek a dialogue with Peking could not have been made if a substantial portion of American public opinion had not already been prepared to accept such a dramatic turnabout.

Among the many groups and individuals who contributed to a change in American attitudes toward China over the past decade or more—in the press, in educational institutions, from the pulpit and elsewhere—is the half-century-old Foreign Policy Association through its "Great Decisions" program, which annually presents background information for study and discussion of major foreign policy issues.

Five years ago thousands of Americans throughout the country were discussing a Great Decisions topic entitled "Communist China and the United States." Again the following year, again last year. And next week, with fortuitous timing, the discussion groups will be focusing on "Our China Policy—How Far and Deep the Thaw?"

That is a question that all Americans will be pondering in the coming months, thanks in no small measure to the work of the Foreign Policy Association and others who have dedicated themselves to the proposition that in a democracy the great decisions in international affairs are every citizen's concern.

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

24 February 1972

## Book to give photos, details of Peking trip

By the Associated Press

New York

Bantam Books says it will publish a 160-page paperback book entitled "The President's Trip to China" within eight days after President Nixon returns to the United States.

In its announcement Bantam said the book will contain 96 pages of photographs of the trip and 64 pages of text.

The first printing will run 300,000 copies and the first copies are due off the press March 3. Price $1.50.

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

28 February 1972

# Nixon's image enhanced for UN diplomats

By David Winder

United Nations, N.Y.

A few days of President Nixon beaming, handshaking, and generally looking at ease on television in China has done wonders for his image here.

Apparently there is also a bonus for the UN in President Nixon's visit to China: a conviction that the trip can only improve the political climate in this world forum.

The man who is often accused of leading an administration that spurns the UN, and who would normally rate low on any international diplomatic poll here, now finds his stature noticeably enhanced in the eyes of many UN diplomats.

An African ambassador and past Security Council president described President Nixon's performance effusively as, "It's wonderful. Nobody could have said it better." This was a reference to the President's hope as he recounted his visit to the Great Wall of China that no further ideological walls would divide mankind.

## One phrase favored

An East European, a Middle Eastern, and a Latin American delegate all zeroed in on the one phrase, "very favorable," for their evaluation.

A European ambassador with close contacts with the Chinese leadership in Peking was more expansive:

"It was a very good performance, and it was absolutely necessary for the United States to make a dramatic gesture. I was sure the Chinese would be very hospitable and gracious. But it has been a little more than that."

Even past cynics are enthusiastic.

Said an Iranian delegate: "I have always thought of President Nixon as being very shrewd—a man who plans for only day-to-day effects. But whatever his objective, this has long-range positive implications, and I believe his stature has increased at the UN."

A sensitive constituency at the UN is the "third world," but a senior member of a vocal third-world country declared: "As far as the third-world countries are concerned, this is a very marvelous development for international peace and cooperation."

Nevertheless, third-world countries very much doubt that the Nixon trip will diminish criticism of U.S. policy at the UN, particularly in regard to African affairs.

Where the effects of the trip are said to be beneficial is in contributing to and improvement in the general atmosphere at the UN.

Thus several delegates go along with the view that the language of the Chinese, insofar as it will be directed against the United States, is likely to be less strident.

"Relations between the two countries in the UN will be turned to the positive side. That's natural," says a delegate from Romania, a country which, along with Albania, probably has the best relations with the People's Republic of China at the UN.

No compromise in basic Chinese policy is foreseen, however. A well-informed Egyptian source pointed out that "the rhetoric will be the same. China will not sell out. It will stick with the Africans and Asians. It's a color thing."

Perhaps of greatest interest here is the reaction of the Russians.

Now they are reportedly taking a less-critical view of the China proceedings, a development ascribed to Moscow's feeling that the Soviet Union might initially have overreacted.

A Russian source nevertheless proclaimed the trip "interesting" and "historic." The President's forthcoming trip to Moscow would undoubtedly be "important," he said, but not historic, since links already exist between the two countries.

Significantly, while few delegates dispute that relations between China and United States are likely to improve within the coming year at the UN, the relations between the Soviet Union and China are not expected to improve. After their acid encounters last year the expectation is that they may even get worse.

BALTIMORE SUN

25 February 1972

## China stages look of leisure for the Nixons

Peking (UP)—When President and Mrs. Nixon visited the 500-year-old Ming tombs outside Peking yesterday, they found scores of Chinese, apparently on holiday, carrying new transistor radios and sporting colorful garb the First Family had not seen elsewhere in the country.

After the Nixons left, functionaries went among the people, collecting the radios.

As the President and Mrs. Nixon approached the tomb of Emperor Chang Ling, they paused to watch four Chinese schoolgirls singing and jumping rope. The Nixons beamed, shook hands and chatted with the four youngsters and the two women who held the rope for them. As soon as the Nixons turned to enter the tombs, the little girls took off the bright ribbons around their pigtails, rolled up their ropes and departed.

## Cards at 27 degrees

At one outdoor concrete picnic table just below the towering pagoda of the tombs, two couples played cards in the 27-degree cold while American television photographers recorded them.

They, too, picked up their cards and vanished soon after the Nixons left.

Newsmen asked a senior member of the White House staff how he thought the people had come to the remote site, some miles from any population center, in a country which has few automobiles and only a limited number of tourist buses.

"You raise a good point," he replied.

NEW YORK TIMES

26 February 1972

## Nixon Gift to Mao First Designed as Peace Symbol

TRENTON, Feb. 25 (UPI)—President Nixon's gift to Chairman Mao, a porcelain swan group, was designed as a new peace symbol for display in the White House, the sculptor disclosed today.

Mrs. Helen Boehm said the idea for a new bird of peace emerged in 1969, when Mr. Nixon asked her to decorate the Oval room of the White House with a collection of

her late husband's works.

Her husband, Edward Marshall Boehm, the sculptor and ornithologist, founded the porcelain studio here where his widow worked on the Nixon swan project.

She said that she had taken 18 porcelain birds to Washington to show to Mr. Nixon, and that a newsman had asked her if there were any hawks or doves in the group.

"The President said, 'I'm tired of that,' and I asked him, 'How about a new peace bird?'" Mrs. Boehm recalled. "That's a fine idea," he said.

Mrs. Boehm, whose husband died in 1969, said she had sent letters to ornithologists throughout the world asking suggestions for a peace bird symbol. She said most suggested the mute swan, or Cygnus olor.

"They chose it for its tranquility," she said. "It's much more peaceful than any dove."

Robert Crum, a Memphis porcelain dealer and friend of Mrs. Boehm's, said the "swans are the most magnificent work I have ever seen."

"There is really no way to place a value on them," he said. "Offers of $250,000 have been turned down."

34

NEW YORK TIMES

26 February 1972

Transcripts of Toasts by Nixon and Chou at Dinner

PEKING, Feb. 25 (UPI)—
Following are transcripts of
the toasts delivered at a ban-
quet tonight by President
Nixon and by Premier
Chou
En-lai of China:

By President Nixon

It's a great privilege that while we are guests in your country to be able to welcome you and the Chinese who are present here as our guests this evening, and on behalf of Mrs. Nixon and all of the members of our official party, I want to express my deep appreciation for the boundless and gracious hospitality which you have extended to us.

As you know it is the custom in our country that the members of the press have the right to speak for themselves and that no one in Government can speak for them. But I am sure that all those from the American press who are here tonight will grant me the rare privilege of speaking for the press in extending their appreciation to you and your Government for the many courtesies you have extended to them.

You have made it possible for the story of this historic visit to be read, seen and heard by more people all over the world than on any previous occasion in history. Yesterday, along with hundreds of millions of viewers on a television we saw what is truely of the wonders of the world—the Great Wall.

As I walked along the wall, I thought of the sacrifices that went into building it. I thought of what it showed about the determination of the Chinese people to retain their independence throughout their long history. I thought about the fact that the wall tells us that China has a great history and that the people who built this wonder of the world also have a great future.

The Great Wall is no longer a wall dividing China from the rest of the world. But it is a reminder of the fact that there are many walls still existing in the world which divided nations and people. The Great Wall is also a reminder that for almost a generation there has been a wall between the People's Republic of China and the United States of America. In these past four days, we have begun the long process of removing that wall between us.

Differences Are Acknowledged

We began our talks recognizing that we have great differences. But we are determined that those differences not prevent us from living together in peace.

It is not our common beliefs that have brought us together here, but our common interests and our common hopes. The interests each of us has to maintain our independence and the security of our people and the hope that each of us has to build a new world order in which nations of people with different systems and different values can live together in peace, respecting one another while disagreeing with one another, letting history rather than the battlefield be the judge of their different ideas.

Mr. Prime Minister, you have noted that the plane which brought us here is named the Spirit of '76. Just this week we have celebrated in America the birth of George Washington, the father of our country, who led America to independence in our revolution and served as our first President. He made farewell at the close of his term with these words to his country: "Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all."

It is in that spirit, the spirit of '76, that I ask you to rise and join me in a toast to Chairman Mao, to Premier Chou, the people of our two countries and to the hope of our children that peace and harmony can be the legacy of our generation to them.

By Premier Chou

Mr. President and Mrs. Nixon, ladies and gentlemen, comrades and friends. First of all, on behalf of all my Chinese colleagues here, and in my own name, I would like to express my appreciation to Mr. President and Mrs. Nixon for inviting us to this banquet.

The President and his party are leaving Peking tomorrow to visit southern parts of China. In the past few days President Nixon met with Chairman Mao Tse-tung and our two sides held a number of further talks in which we exchanged views on the normalization of relations between China and the United States and on other questions of concern to the two sides.

There exists great difference of principle between our two sides. Through earnest and frank discussion, a clearer

knowledge of each other's positions and stands has been gained. This has been beneficial to both sides.

The times are advancing and the world changes. We are deeply convinced that the strength of the people is powerful and that whatever zigzags and reverses there will be in the development of history, the general trend of the world is definitely toward light and not darkness.

It is the common desire of the Chinese and American peoples to enhance their mu-

tual understanding and friendship and promote the normalization of relations between China and the United States. The Chinese Government and people will work unsatisfingly toward this goal.

I now propose a toast: To the great American people, to the great Chinese people, to the friendship of the Chinese and American peoples, to the health of President Nixon and Mrs. Nixon, and to the health of all the other American guests present.

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

25 February 1972

Peking opens
doors but not
the airwaves

By Lucia Mouat
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Washington

It's jamming as usual on the Chinese mainland this week.

Those listening to Voice of America broadcasts in Mandarin—which dwell heavily, as one expects, on the Nixon visit in the People's Republic—find that Chinese officialism is jamming the broadcasts as faithfully as ever.

VOA officials say they are not surprised. Chinese jamming of the regular 10-hours-a-day Mandarin broadcasts has always been massive over the years. The interference has been somewhat spotty geographically but steady in urban areas, with virtually none of the Voice's version of the news getting through.

English gets through

The Voice, which this week celebrates its 30th anniversary of broadcasting, is nonetheless stepping up its English broadcasts on the Chinese mainland this week in honor of the President's visit.

Filling in with music, news, and commentary between the usual morning and evening newscasts, the Voice leaves English-speaking listeners bereft of its services now for a mere four hours in the middle of the night.

Unlike the Mandarin, the English programs are never jammed. Perhaps the Chinese find English-speaking listeners tend to be more loyal to the regime, one source suggested.

In any case, the audience in the People's Republic, in whatever language, is largely an unknown. VOA officials admit, "We're really broadcasting in the dark." Occasionally a foreign diplomat or newsman brings word back of effectiveness, but the measurements are far from precise.

33

tries far beyond their positions of
a year ago when the Ameri-
can table tennis team received
its invitation to Peking and
when Chairman Mao first indi-
cated through Edgar Snow, the
late American journalist, that
the President would be received
here if he wished to come.

At that time, Mr. Kissinger
said, China envisioned only
low-level people-to-people ex-
changes. China's decision to
encourage much broader ex-
changes, to create a diplomatic
mechanism for continuing con-
tact and to join the United
States in the definition of
policy principles were all still
"unthinkable" a year ago, he
added.

The talks here last week
also ranged beyond his own
conversations with Premier
Chou, in July and October, Mr.
Kissinger said, in that he had
none of the President's ability
to make commitments and to
speak with authority on a
variety of topics.

This defense of the value of
Mr. Nixon's personal involve-
ment was also offered by
Ronald Ziegler, the President's
press secretary, in a television
statement before American
cameras here. The very fact of
the communique between the
governments "is symbolic of
the greater understanding pro-
duced" by the participation of
Mr. Nixon, Mr. Ziegler said.

The President's concluding
comment on the communique
was an expression of gratitude
for the "gracious hospitality"
shown him by the Chinese
Government. Encompassed in
that remark was gratitude not
only for the food and the com-
fortable quarters made avail-
able to the American visitors
but also for the security and
communications arrangements
and the extraordinary efforts
to facilitate live-color trans-
mission of television coverage
of many of Mr. Nixon's ac-
tivities here.

The Chinese allowed hun-
dreds of technicians and news-
men to run through their cities
in every direction to manage
this technological extra-
ganza, with the help of two
ground stations that fed the
television signals to a satellite
over the Pacific for relay to
New York.

Mr. Nixon's host thus pro-
vided him with a massive stage,
from the Great Hall of the Rea-
ple in Peking to the Great Wall
of China; 35 miles away, and
other attractions in Hangchow
and Shanghai. Apparently the
Chinese understood Mr. Nixon's
political desire for exposure at
home in this election year and
deemed it an accommodation
that could be made without
significant loss of control in
their own territory. They may
even have calculated that the
vast coverage only further com-
mitted the President to a suc-
cessful outcome here, thus
easing their negotiating task
somewhat.

Mr. Kissinger insisted that
the American delegation did not
look upon the relationship here
with a scoreboard mentality,
registering points for or against
one side or the other on various
issues. But the Presidential

NEW YORK TIMES
28 February 1972

FIVE U.S. NEWSMEN
STAYING ON IN CHINA

SHANGHAI, Feb. 27 (UPI)—Five American correspondents who have been reporting on President Nixon's trip to China have been permitted to remain in the country after the departure of the official party for the United States.

They are Joseph Kraft,
columnist for Publishers-Hall
Syndicate, Jerrold Schechter of
Time magazine, Henry Brad-
sher of The Washington Star,
Richard Dudman of The St.
Louis Post-Dispatch and Robert
Boyd of Knight Newspapers.

Mr. Kraft and Mr. Schechter
were the first newsmen to be
notified by the Chinese that
they would be allowed to re-
main. Mr. Kraft had obtained
a visa earlier to visit China
and Mr. Schechter had a person-
al invitation from Prince Noro-
dom Sihanouk, the deposed
Cambodian leader, who now
resides in Peking.

Before Mr. Nixon's departure,
the Chinese authorized the
three other newsmen to stay
behind for a few days and
leave by way of Cangreon in the
South. It was unclear how long
the trip would be permitted
to remain.

Most of the 87 newsmen
traveling with Mr. Nixon had
applied to remain in China to
write additional reports, but
only the five were chosen.

Chinese Sending Delegation
To U.N. Talk on Environment

Special to The New York Times

GENEVA, Feb. 24—China will
send a delegate headed by a
Health Ministry official to the
United Nations conference on
the environment to be held in
Stockholm, it was announced
today.

Peking has given the name
"Three Wastes and Three Ben-
efits" to the conference, which
will be held in June. The wastes
are air, water and waste pollu-
tion and the benefits arise from
recycling wastes, a spokesman
said.

He added that Peking had
notified conference officials
that it did not permit an indus-
try to operate if it has not
solved the pollution problem.

aide, who has been the im-
presario for the entire under-
taking, was unusually tense in
addressing the news confer-
ence.

This was probably due in
part to the inhibitions imposed
by the need to address sensitive
subjects on Chinese soil. But
the nervousness appeared also
to derive from a sense in the
American delegation that some
of its concessions might not be
favorably received at home or
in allied capitals.

As one diplomatic reporter
observed, the negotiating side
that feels it is coming out ahead
does not usually disdain a look
at the scoreboard.

Communique From Shanghai

The communique issued in Shanghai by President Nixon and Premier Chou En-lai is an agreement to disagree on many points, while clearing the way for future negotiations on the outstanding issues. It is a renunciation of force, in favor of diplomacy.

This result confirms the realistic predictions that personal cordiality during the five-day summit meetings would not melt away the many substantive differences between Washington and Peking; but it also vindicates the more optimistic expectations that the talks could be the beginning of a long march toward a new, mutually advantageous relationship.

If the communique offers no dramatic surprises, it is far more important that it contains no major disappointments. Agreement not only to move toward bilateral trade but to seek exchanges in such fields as science, technology, culture, sports and news reporting represents concrete achievement.

The official outlines of the two nations' ideological positions are remarkable for their moderation. They seemed designed largely to reassure each of the negotiators' own people that fundamental principles have not been bartered away. But there is also much to be gained from an acknowledgment of real differences "so as to lessen the risks of confrontation through accident, miscalculation or misunderstanding."

The United States failed nevertheless to persuade Peking to permit the establishment of a permanent mission in China now. But even though Peking made it clear that the Taiwan question continues to obstruct "the normalization of relations," it agreed to the compromise which will allow the periodic dispatch of a senior U.S. representative to China for specific consultation and to prepare the way for more regular representation.

On the most acute questions of Indochina and Taiwan, the negotiators choose to be purposefully vague, but Peking's hard line has unmistakably given way to a new flexibility. The war with Saigon is no longer portrayed as a fight to the bitter end. Premier Chou considers negotiable the peace proposals now on the table. His exclusive mention of the offers by the National Liberation Front may even contain a hint of strained relations with Hanoi.

President Nixon, though agreeing to continued reduction of American forces in Taiwan and to an eventual settlement of the conflict as an internal matter between the Chinese, has committed himself to an American withdrawal only after such a settlement. Peking for its part is evidently satisfied with the present level of cautious rapprochement with the U.S.—without insistence on any specific timetable in Taiwan, Vietnam or anywhere else in Asia and without any of its earlier preconditions for Sino-American negotiations.

At the end of the historic meetings, an outline now exists for a future agenda for discussions, particularly on relations with Vietnam, Taiwan, Korea and Japan. President Nixon, in proclaiming that the Chinese and American people "tonight hold the future of the world in their hands," may have been carried away by the drama of the occasion. The official message is more limited in tone and intent. But the President is justified in suggesting that the communique is "not nearly as important as what we will do in the years ahead to build a bridge across 16,000 miles and 22 years of hostility."

30