THE STAR and NEWS
Washington, D. C.
Saturday, June 23, 1973
Religious News A-11

## Talks
Nitions'

the compulsion itself negates the negotiations and makes them valueless."

Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, meanwhile, said in Lod, Israel, that a meeting between her and President Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia was "100 percent" up to the Tunisian leader, but added that she, too, would not accept prior conditions to the talks.

SHE ALSO SAID she could not accept the principle of a Palestinian state created within Israeli borders or between Israel and Jordan. The Concept was recently advanced in U.N. debate by El-Zayyat.

The publication of the Egyptian statements yesterday coincided with the arrival in Cairo of Libyan leader Muammar Kadafi.

The semiofficial Middle East News Agency said Kadafi would hold "important talks" with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. But he did not specify whether the talks might touch on the peace moves in the Middle East or deal only with the prospective union between Libya and Egypt in September.

### BINGO HALL

NEW—Completely AC

1,000 Seating Capacity

#### BINGO IS NOW LEGAL IN VA.

Will rent to non-profit organization only, to help them raise money for their charities.

FOR MORE INFO., CALL MR. LINK

751-4444

#### VA. AREA ONLY

WE CARRY A COMPLETE LINE OF BINGO EQUIPMENT

## ATTENTION... HOME BUILDERS

### BRICK / Factory-direct

Service

We're ready to serve

you and your clients with a large selection of brick from nearby plants.

Our showroom is stocked with samples from which to choose.

Glen-Gery Corporation

815 Thayer Ave.
Silver Spring, Md. 20910

301-589-8677

One of the Nation's Leading Brick Manufacturers.

## uptight?

### Unwind!

WITH A LOAN
FROM US

Cameron
Brown

COMPANY

CONSUMER FINANCE DIVISION

533-1184
13 W. BROAD ST.
ALLS CHURCH, VA.

424-2070
414 HUNGERFORD DR.
ROCKVILLE, MD.

587-3070

868-5317
7801 OLD BRANCH AVE

## MARYLAND & VIRGINIA HOMEOWNERS!

SECOND TRUST LOANS!

NO BROKER'S FEE

HOME OWNERS LOANS for any worthwhile purpose: home improvements, debt consolidation, business, or assume on existing mortgage.

<table><thead><tr><th>Amount Financed</th><th>5-Year Monthly</th><th>7-Year Monthly</th><th>Total of Payments</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>$2,000.00</td><td>$43.34</td><td>$33.81</td><td>$2,600.00 5-Yr.</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>$2,840.00 7-Yr.</td></tr><tr><td>$3,000.00</td><td>$65.00</td><td>$50.72</td><td>$3,900.00 5-Yr.</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>$4,260.00 7-Yr.</td></tr><tr><td>$5,000.00</td><td>$108.34</td><td>$84.53</td><td>$6,500.00 5-Yr.</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>$7,100.00 7-Yr.</td></tr><tr><td>$10,000.00</td><td>$218.84</td><td>$170.74</td><td>$13,130.00 5-Yr.</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>$14,342.00 7-Yr.</td></tr></tbody></table>

### FINANCE CHARGE

* 5-Year loans are ANNUAL PERCENTAGE RATE of 11.25%

* 7-Year loans are ANNUAL PERCENTAGE RATE of 11.00%

* Other amounts and terms upon request. The above includes all closing cost except recordation. Life insurance available.

Marquis Childs

A Warm
Diplomatic
Climate
In China

Associated Press

Dr. Kissinger with Chou En-lai (center) and Mao Tse-tung.

PEKING—On Chinese television and in movie theaters throughout the country is a documentary film entitled “Chairman Mao and Dr. Kissinger.” With Chinese subtitles for Kissinger’s English it shows the revered leader with President Nixon’s adviser for national security in a discussion of the two nations and their growing friendship.

This is a striking illustration of the commitment the leaders of the People's Republic have made to the American involvement. It is, in effect, a blessing before the hundreds of millions by the man who has something like the status of a god in the eyes of those same millions. It says something, too, about the importance of Kissinger's role in the drama of America and the new China.

In the handsome China Pictorial two pages with color photos are given to "Dr. Kissinger Visits China." Kissinger and his aide, Winston Lord, are pictured in earnest conversation with Mao and Premier Chou En-lai. This English-language publication is widely distributed.

The leaders of the People's Republic look to continuity and stability far into the future. A blessing by Mao will carry into the years ahead and be a plus during the transitional period when the old leaders will have passed from the scene. Mao is 79, Chou is 75. To outsiders, at any rate, their successors are not visible.

What China hopes for from the United States is twofold. First is the very fact of friendship. The American presence in Peking, the rapidly growing exchanges—these are a counter to the fear that is basic not only to Chinese policy but to the fundamental conviction of the people subject to a continuous infusion of propaganda. That is the fear of an attack by the Soviet Union—either preemptive strike against China's nuclear development or a mass attack by the million or more Russians on the northern border.

Friendship with Washington, one of the two superpowers, is an offset to the frigid propriety of relations with Moscow. This in no way suggests dependence, for self-reliance is the constantly repeated resolve of Chinese

policy. Yet, if President Nixon had not dared so much in his mission to Peking, the diplomatic climate would have been less assured than it is today.

The second hope is for greatly expanded trade. The 10 Boeing 707s that will be delivered next year are a beginning of the kind of benefits to accrue from America's advanced technology.

Pay-as-you-go on the international market is a policy long adhered to by the Chinese. There are signs, however, that a shift is in the making. Several times to this reporter officials have spoken of the possibility of "deferred payments." They may well be interested in credits from the Export-Import Bank that could open the way for the construction of petro-chemical and fertilizer plants.

While trade with the United States could become important, the great stress is on a variety of trading partners. The principal trading partner today and very likely for the foreseeable future is Japan. Trade each way between the two Asia nations is close to $1 billion annually. That exchange has deep roots in the past.

But the past does not govern what is occurring today. The isolation of the Middle Kingdom of another day and the embattled fastness of the Communist retreat in Yenan after the long march and the civil war that followed have been completely shattered.

Scarcely a day goes by that a foreign minister or a minister of trade from Europe, Africa or Asia does not arrive here. The handsome tree-lined route to the Peking airport sees a procession of welcoming committees. And those who come are only a fraction of those who seek the coveted visa for China, whether in search of trade or merely to have a look at the rebirth of a nation — the most remarkable phenomenon of the modern age.

If China's leaders are overly concerned about the disarray in Washington reported in every short-wave broadcast, they have not shown this concern to the Americans who established the liaison mission here. They clearly want to believe in the continuity and stability of the superpower with whom they have formed a friendship.

© 1973. United Feature Syndicate

# U.S., Hanoi Say Talks Make Progress

By Jonathan C. Randal

Washington Post Foreign Service

PARIS, May 23—Henry A. Kissinger flew back to Washington today after announcing “significant progress” was made in week-long talks with North Vietnam's Le Duc Tho and that negotiations would resume here June 6 to assure compliance with the Vietnam cease-fire agreements.

In a departure from his usual almost off-hand airport remarks of the past, White House adviser Kissinger read his departure statement which he indicated had been cleared with Tho “to make sure that I keep to what we have agreed.”

Kissinger stressed the final sentence of the statement which read: “We have every intention of concluding our discussions during the next series of meetings.”

In the light of the presence in Saigon of William H. Sullivan, Kissinger's top aide in the talks and deputy assistant secretary of state, that phrase seemed an ominous warning that neither Washington nor Hanoi would tolerate major footdragging by President Nguyen Van Thieu. Objections from Thieu delayed the completion of the original cease-

fire agreement for several months.

Despite the official news blackout on the week-long negotiations, informed sources said that Kissinger and Tho had hammered out at least the rough outlines of major concessions that Saigon must make in strictly applying the Jan. 27 cease-fire.

Kissinger's statement said:

> "The purpose of the meetings was to bring about a strict implementation of the Paris agreement. The meetings were conducted in a constructive and positive manner. Significant progress was made.

> "Ambassador Sullivan is now in Saigon to discuss the results with the government of South Vietnam. I am returning to Washington to report to the President."

North Vietnamese sources tonight confirmed Kissinger's assertion of “significant progress.” But they seemed somewhat embarrassed about what was an overnight change of heart about their public view of the state of the talks.

See TALKS, A29, Col. 8

United Press International

Le Duc Tho and Henry Kissinger exchange greetings before final meeting of this round of Paris negotiations.

Q. I understand that for years Henry Kissinger and Bob Haldeman despised and sought to annihilate each other in the White House struggle for power. Now that Kissinger has won, is he licking his chops? —M. R., Washington, D.C.

A. It is no secret that Haldeman detested Kissinger for his life style, his publicity, his fame, his influence with the President. Kissinger, in turn, regarded Haldeman as his number-one enemy in the White House. Kissinger, however, did not destroy Haldeman. A man of arrogance, strangely capable of a deep, visceral hate, Haldeman may have severely harmed himself. But surely Kissinger has not played "Mr. Clean" in the Nixon melodrama, currently entitled, "Malice in Blunderland." Henry, too, has been stained by the widening disclosures of staff and newsmen wiretaps in which he played a part.

BOB HALDEMAN

HENRY KISSINGER

POST JUNE 24, 1973

TO BRIEF CHOU ON SUMMIT

STAR
6/26/73

China Trip for Kissinger

By George Sherman
Star-News Staff Writer

SAN CLEMENTE, Calif.
— Presidential aide Henry A. Kissinger is likely to travel to Peking next month to explain to Chinese Premier Chou En-lai the results of the summit between President Nixon and Soviet leader Leonid I. Brezhnev.

During the visit, the word
here is Chou "may pick up"
President Nixon's invita-

tion, made during the 1972
China visit, to visit the Unit-
ed States. It would be the
first visit by any Peking
leader, and would give a
further boost to Nixon's
Watergate-dampened pres-
tige.

But White House officials
flatly deny Japanese press
reports yesterday that
Chou's visit is already un-
der active preparation for
October. They insist the

Chinese have given no such
indication yet.

In any case, the July Kissinger visit is under active preparation, according to reliable sources. This trip to Peking would be the second since emergence of the "pattern of triangular relations" between Washington, Moscow, and Peking. Kissinger last year visited Peking in June after the May 1972 summit in Moscow, and

again in February after the
agreement with Hanoi on a
Vietnam cease-fire.

Yesterday, Kissinger, at
a news conference summing
up the Soviet summit, re-
peated his thesis that as ties
among the big powers "fall
into clear focus," prospects
of solving "wars of national
liberation" improve. Offi-
cials say the strong Soviet
endorsement of an "early
end" to the Cambodian war
in the final communique
issued with Nixon illus-
trates this point.

Reliable sources here
suggest guardedly that the
next two to three months
should tell whether Hanoi is
prepared to join efforts to
get a cease-fire. For that
reason, together with evi-
dence that both Peking and
Moscow are moving to end
the final phase of the Indo-
china war, these sources
claim the Congressional
amendment to cut off Amer-
ican bombing in Cambodia
is a particularly serious
blow to the American bar-
gaining position.

The White House had said
the President will not de-
cide whether to veto the bill
until he has had a chance to
consult with Congressional
leaders.

The meeting today be-
tween Brezhnev and French
President Georges Pompi-
dou, meanwhile, is liable to
be the most difficult Fran-
co-Russian meeting since
Gen. Charles de Gaulle
started wooing Moscow in
1964.

The French are saying
that no matter what was
agreed upon between
Brezhnev and Nixon, France
intends to remain independ-
ent on national defense,
particularly concerning
nuclear and conventional
weaponry cuts.

They see Brezhnev's re-
ported readiness to have
Pompidou head a "super
East-West summit" next
winter as a ploy to divert
France from its deter-
minedly independent stand.
Pompidou is scheduled to
visit China in September.

See KISSINGER, A-2

STAR
26 JUNE 73

III. 26 Jun 73

AA 10

USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
NIXON-BREZHNEV SUMMIT

culture, and in other fields of mutual interest, the two sides agreed to broaden the scope of these activities under a new general agreement on contacts, exchanges and cooperation, with a duration of six years.

The two sides agreed to this in the mutual belief that it will further promote better understanding between the peoples of the Soviet Union and the United States and will help to improve the general state of relations between the two countries.

Both sides believe that the talks at the highest level, which were held in a frank and constructive spirit, were very valuable and made an important contribution to developing mutually advantageous relations between the USSR and the USA. In the view of both sides, these talks will have a favorable impact on international relations.

They noted that the success of the discussions in the United States was facilitated by the continuing consultations and contacts as agreed in May 1972. They reaffirmed that the practice of consultations should continue. They agreed that further meetings at the highest level should be held regularly.

Having expressed his appreciation to President R. Nixon for the hospitality extended during the visit to the United States, General Secretary L.I. Brezhnev invited the President to visit the USSR in 1974. The invitation was accepted.

June 24, 1973.

L. Brezhnev, general secretary
of the Central Committee, CPSU

R. Nixon, president of the
United States of America.

KISSINGER NOTES SUCCESS OF SUMMIT AT PRESS CONFERENCE

Moscow TASS in English 1046 GMT 26 Jun 73 L

[Text] Washington June 26 TASS--U.S. Presidential Adviser for National Security Affairs Henry Kissinger said that the official visit to the United States by General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Leonid Brezhnev and his summit talks with President Richard Nixon were successful. Speaking on Monday at a press conference in San Clemente, California, Kissinger said, he cannot name anything that was hoped for that was not achieved. He said that the success of the Soviet-American summit meeting has been ensured by its thorough preparation.

Kissinger said that preliminary discussion of the questions was started during the talks between Leonid Brezhnev and Richard Nixon in the president's residence in San Clemente which must be solved during the preparation for the next round of Soviet-American summit talks to be held next summer in Moscow.

MORE ON BREZHNEV'S SAN CLEMENTE DEPARTING SPEECH

Moscow TASS in English 1003 GMT 25 Jun 73 L

[Text] San Clemente June 25 TASS--Speaking in San Clemente before his departure on Sunday the general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Leonid Brezhnev said.

Now that the official part of my visit to your country is over I want to express my appreciation to you, Mr President, the Government of the USA and the American people for the hospitality which was accorded to me and my colleagues who have come in the USA together with me.

III. 26 Jun 73

AA 11

It was a pleasure for me to visit the United States and to resume the contacts which were initiated in Moscow in May 1972, during the visit of Mr President to Moscow.

At the beginning of our meetings in Washington we said we were ready to work hard for the sake of a lasting peace, in the interests of our peoples and in the name of the great goals which we set before us.

In our talks in Washington, in Camp David and here in San Clemente, we did not follow strictly the rules of protocol and devoted most of the time to business talks. Last night, too, our final talk with the President here in California lasted into the early hours of the morning.

Summing up today we can say with a clear conscience that our efforts have not been in vain and our expectations have been justified. We reached a number of major agreements which meet the interests of our peoples and the peoples of other countries.

The most significant is the agreement on the prevention of nuclear war which the President and I signed on Friday. This is an important event not only for our two countries. It will help strengthen world peace. Therefore, it is welcomed by all the world public, by all peaceloving peoples.

While staying in your country we had an opportunity of meeting and conversing with American senators and congressmen and with a large group of businessmen. Here in California, too, we had an opportunity of meeting many prominent leaders of the state and people in various walks of life. My colleagues who have arrived together with me have also had many meetings with Americans. All these contacts and talks have led us to believe that broad public circles in the USA are well aware of the significance of the steps taken by us to further develop Soviet-American relations, and approve of these steps.

One of these days I met here a large group of American pressmen. They also commented approvingly on what has been done recently to make relations between our countries still more stable. It was a pleasure for me to hear this. For my part, I want to assure you that the Soviet people fully support the line for improving Soviet-American relations in the name of a lasting peace and will undoubtedly approve the documents signed in Washington and San Clemente these days.

I do not doubt that these documents will be welcomed by all upright peaceloving people throughout the world.

Therefore we are leaving the United States with good feelings. What has been done gives us added strength and energies in order to continue our work on behalf of peace.

I am sure that when President Nixon arrives in Moscow next year--on which we have agreed between ourselves--new major agreements will be reached, agreements which will not only consolidate what we started in Moscow and resumed in Washington but will further advance this noble work.

Mr President, at the end of my visit to your country I want to thank, on my own behalf and on behalf of all my colleagues in Moscow, all Americans who support the line for developing relations between our two countries.

I should like to believe that the spirit which was characteristic of all our meetings and talks with President Nixon and other U.S. statesmen will continue to determine the character of our relations and their development. I think that this policy of President

WASHINGTON POST- 24 JUNE 1973 (26)

The Story of SALT. By John Newhouse.
Holt, Rinehart & Winston. 302 pages.
$7.95

By MEG GREENFIELD

THIS UNIQUE AND UNIQUELY READABLE account of the politics that lay behind last year's strategic arms agreements comes out at a particularly timely moment. That is not just because the continuing United States-Soviet effort to limit the development of each side's nuclear arsenal is back in the news. It also has something to do with—well—the Watergate affair, at least to the extent that Watergate has come to connote a national argument over news leaks, government countermeasures, security, classification and the rest. The point is that John Newhouse is able to discourse freely on classified papers that have yet to see the light of day and to report the content of conversations that were not even known to have occurred until now. It is in no way to suggest that he has written either a lazy or an "inspired" book (on the contrary, the evidence of much digging and much independence is there) to observe that he has manifestly enjoyed some White House cooperation in this massive security leak which, under other circumstances, would have been enough to bring Liddy and Hunt through the bedroom window.

Governmental outrage at instant declassification, then, tends to depend on whose reputation is being gored and/or on whose particular objective is being sunk. Presumably most of those who revealed these high-level secrets to Mr. Newhouse acted in the belief that time and circumstance no longer required their secrecy for national security reasons and that their own part in the drama of reaching the Moscow arms accords would look creditable in a fairly consistent way. In fact both propositions are at least open to question. Theoretically, anyway, one could make a case for the government's interest in continuing discretion where private dealings with the Russians on this subject are concerned or where the revelations of internal United States bureaucratic workings may serve to corroborate certain foreign intelligence as well as to embarrass or inflame the homegrown military with stories about how they were cleverly manipulated on this and that.

On the second score—and a little less theoretically—it can be said that despite the success in achieving the strategic arms accords in May of 1972, the manner of their achievement in the final days, as recounted by Newhouse, is something other than a tribute to the orderliness or care of the main American actors. In this connection one is bound to reflect on the injustice of the post-agreement attack last year on Arms Control and Disarmament Agency Director Gerard Smith and other United States delegation members for, among other things, the particular deal the United States struck with the Russians on missile-bearing submarines and sub-launched ballistic missiles: Newhouse asserts that the delegation had in fact opposed this particular type of arrangement and was overridden by the White House.

He does so in the dispassionate, matter-of-fact, descriptive way that makes the book an example of journalism at its best. Anyone who has done much reading in the literature of strategic nuclear arms knows that it tends to be an alternating wallow—first in apocalypse, then in mind-breaking technological detail. And anyone who has ever written on the subject knows how difficult it is to do what

MEG GREENFIELD is deputy editorial page editor of The Washington Post.

Newhouse has done: namely, to communicate something other than a string of baffling acronyms (MIRV), connected by a string of even more baffling "explanations" (multiple independently targeted re-entry vehicle). To be sure, Newhouse has views and he renders judgments—especially where the hapless and (in his view) defective American anti-ballistic missile project is concerned. And—necessarily—he leads the reader through some pretty complicated technological thickets. But what he has succeeded in doing is to put into a clear and understandable political context many of the concerns and deliberations that went into reaching the first United States-Soviet strategic arms limitations.

The period covered is roughly that from the mid-1960s, when both the critical weapons and the impulse to control them began to emerge, to the May 1972 summit meeting in Moscow. Newhouse describes in fascinating detail the way in which the Johnson administration reached its decisions to go ahead with an anti-ballistic missile system and with the testing of the multiple warhead missiles, the manner in which former Defense Secretary McNamara sought to hold off the ABM by getting some sort of talks going with the Russians, the frantic preparations for the summit that never came off because of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, and Mr. Johnson's vain attempt to revive that meeting after the 1968 presidential election. The story is no less interesting in recounting Mr. Nixon's change of views on nuclear weapons and strategy after entering office or on the sequential negotiating sessions at Helsinki and Vienna which had some very low moments and which were eventually preempted by simultaneous "back channel" talks (as with Vietnam) undertaken by Henry Kissinger and Soviet Ambassador Dobrynin in Washington.

More things changed of course in the period under study than American administrations or Mr. Nixon's mind or the venue of the arms talks themselves. There were changing political and bureaucratic pressures on both sides, changes in the status of various technologies and changes in each side's perceptions of what the other was doing. New house is especially skilled in weaving these threads into a consistent whole. Doubtless he does not have the entire story and one must assume that his account of particular events will be sharply challenged by some of the participants. But he has offered, overall, a compelling and plausible—if necessarily limited—version of cause and effect.

One is struck by several facts as a result of reading this book. The first is that there is a certain consistency to the way these agreements are reached, despite professed differences in purpose and style on the part of different administrations. It is true that many of those most deeply involved in the Nixon administration effort—the late Llewelyn Thompson, Richard Helms, Paul Nitze, John Foster Jr. at Defense, Raymond Garthoff at State, Gerard Smith and others—had been intimately involved in these matters in previous administrations. But that does not so much account for the recurring patterns of behavior, I suspect, as do the circumstantial pressures and limitations on those involved. Inevitably at some point internal government politics seem to require the placing of veils between the key bureaucracies and the truth of what is going on: the Johnson administration froze out both the Arms Control Agency and the military at some critical moments in its preparations, and Dr. Kissinger did the same in the course of the talks.

Inevitably too it seems that order and analysis must give way to instinct and political feeling. The Nixon administration, with its endless papers and

CONTINUED NEXT PAGE

11-F

# Fact & Fantasy

## Golda and Paul ...

*The Last Seder*—“During Passover, Paul and Golda argue over whether the sacramental wafer is Jesus’ flesh or a Manishewitz matzo.”

Told of the plans for the series while in Aruba, where she is vacationing, Mrs. Meir was heard to exclaim: “Shelley Winters!?”

Meanwhile, in New York, where he had flown to receive *Cosmopolitan’s* Bachelor of the Year Award, Pope Paul declined comment. A high Vatican source, however, categorically denied a report, in Beirut’s *Al Nahar*, accusing the Vatican of preparing world opinion for a recognition of Israel and a compromise with the Jews on Jerusalem.

HOLLYWOOD

To the dismay of many Jews and Catholics across the country, CBS-TV Programming Director Irving O'Shaughnessy has announced that not only is the network renewing the controversial *Bridget Loves Bernie* series, but that another comedy series based on a Jewish-Catholic romance would be added to the fall schedule.

The new show, based on the recent meeting at the Vatican between Israel's Prime Minister Golda Meir and His Holiness Pope Paul, will be called *Golda Loves Paul (VI)*.

Explained O'Shaughnessy: "If a show like *Bridget Loves Bernie*, with its countless jokes about the Jewish and Catholic religions, was a hit, we think we'll have a real winner with GLPVI."

The show will avoid such threadbare gags as *gut-yontiff-pontiff; vos is naies, Pius; what's the dope, Pope. It will be perched on a lofty ecumenical level. Pax vobiscum*—is it good for the Jews?

O'Shaughnessy disclosed that Shelley Winters has been signed to portray Mrs. Meir but that no actor has been selected yet for the role of Pope Paul. "We've already turned down hundreds of applicants," O'Shaughnessy said, "including Frank Sinatra, George Plimpton, Wayne Newton and Abe Fortas."

The first scheduled episode of the show will deal with Mrs. Meir's plans to surprise the Pope on Christmas by crocheting a *yarmulke* for him. Other titles and plot synopses include:

*Lord Love a Fish*—"A mix-up results when Golda serves Paul a *cholent* for lunch, not realizing it is Friday;"

*The Rhythm Blues*—"Paul finds out that Golda is using The Pill;"

## ... And Henry and Haim

NEW YORK

President Nixon is considering "trading" Dr. Henry Kissinger to Israel "for Moshe Dayan, two minor officials and an undisclosed amount of cash."

This is one of the more startling disclosures made by Mrs. Paula Kissinger, mother of Dr. Kissinger, in her diary, *My Son, Haim*, just published by Doubleday.

Writes Mrs. Kissinger: "Haim told me that Dayan would be used in America 'to shake up the fellas at the Pentagon and give 'em hell' and that Haim would help Israel by making secret peace talks —his specialty—with the Arabs." Adds Mrs. Kissinger: "I know Haim is good at secret talks because lately he even has them with himself." (p. 209)

The 232-page book, which covers the years 1969-1972, may be a disappointment to many readers because rather than shedding light on the presidential advisor's secret peace negotiations or romantic entanglements, the diary dwells on Mrs. Kissinger's apprehensions about her son getting enough rest, eating properly, traveling too much, and, most of

all, "settling down with a nice Jewish girl." (At one point, after being informed by her son of new hopes for world peace, she writes in despair: "Détente, shmaytente, if only he'd call up that sweet Rosalie Shapiro.")

Evident in the diary is Mrs. Kissinger's constant concern over her son's welfare: "I called Haim at his apartment last night and it was either a bad connection or the Republican National Committee boys are up to their tricks again because I could swear I heard a girl giggling on the line. Come to think of it, Haim probably realized we were being monitored because he was in a big hurry to get off the phone and he sounded very preoccupied. I do hope he's getting his proper rest." (p. 143)

Mrs. Kissinger, who reportedly received more than $500,000 for the book, commented: "I've been writing for years but this is definitely my biggest sale. Personally, I think my 1,900-page biography of my husband, Louis, was better written, but for some reason I haven't been able to sell it yet."

Gary Rosenblatt

22 ■ The NATIONAL JEWISH MONTHLY

# IN EUROPE FOR $299.*
(SUMMER, YET.)

## MOTELS, AND 21 MEALS.

Others have found inspiration and romance. Over 100 years ago, Chopin made beautiful music there with George Sand.) You'll have a room with private bath at the Melia Magaluf, located on one Majorca's most exquisite beaches. Throughout your stay you'll get continental breakfast and lunch. By day, you can play tennis, swim, sunbathe, sail, and explore an island rich in folklore, history,

Shangri-La. On the 15th day of your trip-after you've seen England and the north of Europe, Majorca and the south of Europe-Saturn Airways will pick you up, serve you a champagne dinner, and bring you back to New York.

All for as little as $299.*

Which ought to convince you that this Little Vacation® is a lot of vacation for the money.

## GO TO MAJORCA FOR A WEEK.

And scenic beauty. After dark, you can enjoy a chic continental nightlife among beauties from all over the world.

One morning you'll be given a sightseeing tour of Palma by motorcoach. Among other things, you'll visit a 13th century cathedral and a 14th century castle. Then do things on your own. Shop for Majorcan pearls. Go down to the grottos where you'll see an illuminated underground lake. Go to Formentor where you'll think you've seen

## DEPARTURES JUNE, JULY, AUGUST, SEPTEMBER.

<table><thead><tr><th>Departure City</th><th>Departure & Return Dates</th><th>Price*</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>New York</td><td>June 4-20<br>(15 nights)</td><td>$299.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>June 12-27</td><td>$299.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>June 19-July 4</td><td>$299.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>June 26-July 11</td><td>$329.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>July 3-18</td><td>$329.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>July 10-25</td><td>$329.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>July 17-Aug. 1</td><td>$329.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>July 24-Aug. 8</td><td>$329.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>July 31-Aug. 15</td><td>$329.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>August 7-22</td><td>$329.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>August 14-29</td><td>$299.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>Aug. 21-Sept. 5</td><td>$299.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>Aug. 28-Sept. 12</td><td>$329.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>Sept. 4-19</td><td>$329.00</td></tr><tr><td>New York</td><td>Sept. 11-26</td><td>$329.00</td></tr><tr><td>Baltimore</td><td>June 4-20<br>(15 nights)</td><td>$349.00</td></tr><tr><td>Baltimore</td><td>July 17-Aug. 1</td><td>$379.00</td></tr><tr><td>Baltimore</td><td>Aug. 21-Sept. 5</td><td>$349.00</td></tr><tr><td>Baltimore</td><td>Sept. 11-26</td><td>$379.00</td></tr><tr><td>Boston</td><td>June 4-20<br>(15 nights)</td><td>$349.00</td></tr><tr><td>Boston</td><td>July 3-18</td><td>$379.00</td></tr><tr><td>Boston</td><td>July 24-Aug. 8</td><td>$379.00</td></tr><tr><td>Boston</td><td>Sept. 11-26</td><td>$379.00</td></tr><tr><td>Chicago</td><td>June 4-20<br>(15 nights)</td><td>$413.00</td></tr><tr><td>Chicago</td><td>June 19-July 4</td><td>$413.00</td></tr><tr><td>Chicago</td><td>July 10-25</td><td>$443.00</td></tr><tr><td>Chicago</td><td>July 24-Aug. 8</td><td>$443.00</td></tr><tr><td>Chicago</td><td>August 7-22</td><td>$443.00</td></tr><tr><td>Chicago</td><td>Aug. 21-Sept. 5</td><td>$413.00</td></tr><tr><td>Chicago</td><td>Sept. 4-19</td><td>$443.00</td></tr><tr><td>Chicago</td><td>Sept. 11-26</td><td>$443.00</td></tr><tr><td>Cleveland</td><td>June 12-27</td><td>$379.00</td></tr><tr><td>Cleveland</td><td>July 24-Aug. 8</td><td>$409.00</td></tr><tr><td>Cleveland</td><td>Aug. 28-Sept. 12</td><td>$409.00</td></tr><tr><td>Atlanta</td><td>June 19-July 4</td><td>$407.00</td></tr><tr><td>Atlanta</td><td>July 24-Aug. 8</td><td>$437.00</td></tr><tr><td>Atlanta</td><td>August 14-29</td><td>$407.00</td></tr><tr><td>Atlanta</td><td>Sept. 4-19</td><td>$437.00</td></tr></tbody></table>

<table><thead><tr><th>Departure City</th><th>Departure & Return Dates</th><th>Price*</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Buffalo</td><td>June 12-27</td><td>$355.00</td></tr><tr><td>Cincinnati</td><td>August 14-29</td><td>$391.00</td></tr><tr><td>Columbus</td><td>Aug. 21-Sept. 5</td><td>$373.00</td></tr><tr><td>Dallas</td><td>July 10-25</td><td>$484.00</td></tr><tr><td>Denver</td><td>August 7-22</td><td>$534.00</td></tr><tr><td>Detroit</td><td>June 19-July 4</td><td>$387.00</td></tr><tr><td>Detroit</td><td>Sept. 11-26</td><td>$417.00</td></tr><tr><td>Houston</td><td>July 17-Aug. 1</td><td>$486.50</td></tr><tr><td>Houston</td><td>August 14-29</td><td>$456.50</td></tr><tr><td>Indianapolis</td><td>July 10-25</td><td>$421.50</td></tr><tr><td>Kansas City</td><td>July 31-Aug. 15</td><td>$482.00</td></tr><tr><td>Louisville</td><td>June 19-July 4</td><td>$390.00</td></tr><tr><td>Memphis</td><td>July 17-Aug. 1</td><td>$441.50</td></tr><tr><td>Milwaukee</td><td>July 3-18</td><td>$441.00</td></tr><tr><td>Milwaukee</td><td>Aug. 21-Sept. 5</td><td>$411.00</td></tr><tr><td>Minneapolis</td><td>June 19-July 4</td><td>$439.00</td></tr><tr><td>Minneapolis</td><td>August 7-22</td><td>$469.00</td></tr><tr><td>Montreal</td><td>July 3-18</td><td>$403.00</td></tr><tr><td>Montreal</td><td>July 31-Aug. 15</td><td>$403.00</td></tr><tr><td>Montreal</td><td>Sept. 4-19</td><td>$403.00</td></tr><tr><td>New Orleans</td><td>July 17-August 1</td><td>$482.00</td></tr><tr><td>New Orleans</td><td>Aug. 28-Sept. 12</td><td>$482.00</td></tr><tr><td>Omaha</td><td>June 26-July 11</td><td>$462.00</td></tr><tr><td>Omaha</td><td>August 14-29</td><td>$432.00</td></tr><tr><td>Philadelphia</td><td>June 4-20<br>(15 nights)</td><td>$337.00</td></tr><tr><td>Philadelphia</td><td>June 26-July 11</td><td>$367.00</td></tr><tr><td>Philadelphia</td><td>Aug. 28-Sept. 12</td><td>$367.00</td></tr><tr><td>Pittsburgh</td><td>June 12-27</td><td>$359.00</td></tr><tr><td>Pittsburgh</td><td>Aug. 28-Sept. 12</td><td>$389.00</td></tr><tr><td>Rochester</td><td>June 26-July 11</td><td>$379.00</td></tr><tr><td>Rochester</td><td>August 7-22</td><td>$379.00</td></tr><tr><td>St. Louis</td><td>July 10-25</td><td>$442.50</td></tr><tr><td>St. Louis</td><td>Sept. 11-26</td><td>$442.50</td></tr><tr><td>Toronto</td><td>July 3-18</td><td>$375.00</td></tr><tr><td>Toronto</td><td>July 31-Aug. 15</td><td>$375.00</td></tr><tr><td>Toronto</td><td>Sept. 4-19</td><td>$375.00</td></tr><tr><td>Washington</td><td>June 12-27</td><td>$353.00</td></tr><tr><td>Washington</td><td>June 26-July 11</td><td>$383.00</td></tr><tr><td>Washington</td><td>July 31-Aug. 15</td><td>$383.00</td></tr></tbody></table>

*Add $12.50 non-refundable registration fee and $45.00 for taxes, services and dollar devaluation to all rates listed. NOTE: Above prices do not include overnight accommodations in New York should your return flight from Majorca arrive in New York too late for the last connecting flight to your city of departure.

### CHECK PAYABLE TO B'NAI B'RITH.
TO: B'NAI B'RITH NATIONAL DEPARTMENT OF TOURS

9 East 38 Street, New York 10016 (212) 725-4600

Santa Office: (404) 872-0093 Boston Office: (617) 527-3792

Chicago Office: (312) 939-6250 Los Angeles Office: (213) 651-2471

Detroit Office: (313) 354-6100 Washington, D.C. Office: (202) 393-5284

### THE TOUR RATES INCLUDE:

Round trip air transportation on American Airlines (and/or other scheduled U.S. air carriers) between New York and departure cities other in New York on the basis of affinity group fares. 2. Air transportation to New York-London, London-Palma, Palma-New York on a Saturn Airways 8-54 Fan Jet. (Saturn is a U.S. certificated supplemental air carrier.) Hotel accommodations basis 2 persons to a room with private bath in London and Majorca. 4. Round trip transfers and baggage handling between the airports and hotels in London and Majorca. 5. Services of a representative from arrival until departure in London and Majorca. "extras" are included in the tour rates, but service charges and applicable local and room taxes are not included.

Prices shown are based on full pro-rata charter aircraft. For trips starting June 4, 12, 19, and August 14 and 21 the land rate is $132.05. All other trips, land rate is $162.05.

Name

Address

City State Zip Tel. No.

Lodge or Chapter Name and relationship of persons

accompanying me

Enclosed is my check in the amount of $__________ (minimum deposit $100.00 per person) for reservation(s) in the tour to London and Majorca departing from (city) __________ on (date) __________

ELIGIBILITY: B'nai B'rith members of at least six months standing and their immediate families.

In the event that a charter does not fill, B'nai B'rith reserves the right to cancel the trip up to 30 days prior to departure. We also reserve the right to substitute hotels rated in the same category as those advertised here.

Booking of the trip implies acceptance of all terms and conditions noted herein.

I'm sorry, but I cannot recognize any text in the image. The image is too blurry and abstract to contain legible characters.

back again.

But Miss Scherrer, the anthropologist, says "the elders don't understand." In the Elmole tribe, elders do not listen to children.

# Hard-to-Fill
U.S. Vacancy
In Moscow

B. Ed. Stevens

Senior Special Correspondent

Moscow—Spaso House, the spacious neo-classical mansion once belonged to the family of an American fur king built for his mistress, now the American Embassy residence here, has been vacant since Ambassador Jacob Bown went home for good last January. In the code of diplomacy a void traditionally means strained relations. But American-Soviet contacts have continued to develop, thanks in part to the skill of Charge d'Affaires Adolph (Spike) Dubs. And the Russians, usually so sensitive to nuances of protocol, have shown no signs of umbrage.

Watergate may have added to the delay in replacing Beam. But well before the political scandal reached present dimensions, the White House was finding it hard to pick a suitable man for the Moscow assignment. In a routine manner, the State Department had proposed Malcolm Toon, a capable career officer with considerable previous Moscow experience, who is now Ambassador to Yugoslavia. The Russians were cool to this choice, and let it be known that in view of the new American-Soviet relationship and the emphasis on trade, they would prefer a prominent business figure to a professional diplomat with a Cold War past.

Moscow has lacked the luster that renders ambassadorial posts in London, Paris, Rome or even Luxembourg coveted plums for wealthy political patrons of the administration. The Russians are painfully aware of this, which is one reason for their present posture. Short of a Rockefeller, they would welcome any reputable tycoon as a symbol of their upgraded status in American eyes.

The lag in filling the Moscow vacancy also reflects President Nixon's cavalier attitude toward the State Department, especially his tendency to bypass the career Foreign Service. Thus, arrangements for the President's visit to Moscow last year as well as for Soviet leader Brezhnev's Washington trip this year were completed directly with Soviet leadership, outside regular diplomatic channels. When presidential adviser Henry Kissinger flew to Moscow in April, 1972, to confer with Brezhnev, the embassy received no advance notice. Beam learned of Kissinger's presence from the Soviet Foreign Ministry. On the third and last day of Kissinger's stay, a phone call from the ministry advised Beam that a car was being sent to take him to a secret rendezvous. He was driven to a guest villa on the outskirts where he spent an hour with Kissinger.

According to the rules, an ambassador is the plenipotentiary representative of his country in all its relations to the country to which he is accredited. The demeaning prospect of being upstaged by Kissinger again and again doubtless decided Beam against volunteering to stay on in Moscow after his formal retirement until a successor was found.

UPI Photo

Two per-

13

III. 28 Jun 73

USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

AA 1

NIXON-BREZHNEV SUMMIT

KISSINGER'S PRESS CONFERENCE FOLLOWING SUMMIT REPORTED

Moscow Domestic Service in Russian 1900 GMT 27 Jun 73 L

[Text] Kissinger, U.S. presidential assistant for national security, has held a news conference in San Clemente in connection with the end of the official visit to the United States by Leonid Ilich Brezhnev, general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

The current meeting between Leonid Ilich Brezhnev and Richard Nixon, he said, was designed to strengthen the bonds of cooperation which have come about in various spheres, to give fresh impetus to talks on key problems especially on limiting strategic armaments and on a mutual reduction of armed forces, to further develop joint principles and to consolidate them by an official agreement designed to avert war, especially nuclear war. The President's assistant dwelt in particular on the agreement signed by Leonid Ilich Brezhnev and Richard Nixon on averting nuclear war. This agreement, he stressed, can become a landmark in the attainment of voluntary restraint between states, which is the essence of peace, and can serve as the basis for new international relations.

In reply to correspondents' questions Kissinger said that as a result of the summit meeting and the agreements concluded at it both peoples will obtain specific benefits. Kissinger pointed out that the granting of "most-favored-nation" status to the Soviet Union is important for the development of widespread trade and particularly important for the development of Soviet-American relations.

NIXON SPEECH AT SAN CLEMENTE COMMUNIQUE SIGNING

Moscow PRAVDA in Russian 25 Jun 73 pp 1, 2 L

[Dispatch from TASS special correspondent V. Vashedchenko: "The Signing of the Joint Soviet-U.S. Communique"]

[Excerpt] San Clemente, 24 June--L.I. Brezhnev, general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, and U.S. President R. Nixon have signed a joint Soviet-U.S. communique here.

The officials present during the signing were, on the Soviet side: A.A. Gromyko, member of the CPSU Central Committee Politburo and USSR foreign minister; A.M. Aleksandrov, assistant to the CPSU Central Committee general secretary; A.F. Dobrynin, Soviet ambassador to the United States; L.M. Zamyatin, general director of TASS; and G.M. Korniyenko, member of the USSR Foreign Ministry Collegium; and on the U.S. side: W. Rogers, secretary of state; H. Kissinger, the President's assistant for national security affairs; and other officials.

U.S. President R. Nixon and L.I. Brezhnev, general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, spoke at the signing ceremony.

R. Nixon's speech

Mr General Secretary, esteemed guests from the Soviet Union, ladies and gentlemen,

Only last week, when you arrived in Washington, Mr General Secretary, I mentioned that in addition to the millions of people in the Soviet Union and the United States watching us on television, many millions of other people throughout the world would be watching what we would do this week.

III. 28 Jun 73

USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

AAA 1

VIETNAM DEVELOPMENTS

SAIGON CONTINUES SERIOUS VIOLATIONS OF PARIS AGREEMENT

Moscow TASS in English 1702 GMT 27 Jun 73 L

[Text] Hanoi June 27 TASS--TASS correspondent Sergey Afonin reports:

The Saigon administration continues serious violations of the Paris Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam, the 4-Party Joint Communique on the Implementation of the Paris Agreement and the Ceasefire Order,--the LIBERATION PRESS AGENCY reported.

It is said in the report that the Saigon administration conducts subversive operations against areas controlled by the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam and already has 104 thousand violations of the Paris Agreement on Vietnam on its record by now.

Only in the time between the 15th and the 25th of June, that is in the 10 days after the 4-Party Joint Communique on Implementation of the Paris Agreement was signed, 2405 different violations of this agreement by the Saigon administration were registered. The LIBERATION PRESS AGENCY indicated that the number includes 184 big operations intended to capture the liberated areas.

Deputy chief military delegate of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam at the 2-Party Joint Military Commission Vo Dong Jiang has sent a note to the International Commission for Control and Supervision, proposing investigation into the fact that the Saigon troops have captured several liberated districts in the provinces of the central plateau and the Mekong River Delta.

The LIBERATION PRESS AGENCY stressed that the people of South Vietnam are loyal to the idea of peace, independence, democracy and national concord, that they scrupulously implement the Paris Agreement on Vietnam and demand that the Saigon administration do likewise.

SOVIET FREIGHTERS CONTINUE DELIVERIES TO HAIPHONG

Leningrad Vessel

Leningrad Domestic Service in Russian 1500 GMT 13 Jun 73 L

[Summary] Motor vessel Akademik Yuryev of Leningrad registration has delivered a big consignment of freight to the coast of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Dockers of Haiphong warmly greeted Leningrad sailors and have handled the cargo ahead of schedule.

Cargo of Flour

Vladivostok Maritime Service in Russian to the Pacific Far East 0700 GMT 23 Jun 73 B

[Text] The motorship Botsman Gotov is en route for Haiphong from Hungnam [DPRK] and will arrive there 27 June. On the same day the motorship Nagayevo will arrive in Haiphong with a cargo of flour.

'KISSINGER' AND KISSINGER

BANGKOK WORLD 28 JUNE 73

by C.L. SULZBERGER

BELFAST
ALTHOUGH Michel Jobert, who became French foreign minister this spring, is married to an American girl and has travelled extensively in the United States, his visit to the US will afford Washington its first chance to receive him as a Cabinet member and head of France's diplomatic establishment.

As a matter of fact, it is arguable that in his previous position — Secretary General of the Elysee Palace — Mr Jobert was even more powerful because that placed him in touch with both internal and external affairs filtering up through his office to President Pompidou.

In the Fifth Republic, although there is a prime minister responsible to Parliament, the President has much greater influence and decision-making authority than under the four previous French republics.

When he was at the Elysée, Jobert was known as Pompidou's "Kissinger." This description was so widely accepted that when Poland was arranging an official trip to France by Edward Gierek, the Polish Communist boss, Warsaw asked Paris if they couldn't work out the preliminaries between their "Kissinger" and Jobert, then the French "Kissinger."

Jobert had little personal ambition to move from the Elysée to the grandeur of the Quai d'Orsay. He does not court publicity or trappings of authority.

He is an exceedingly intelligent and devoted civil servant and I would venture that he is less likely to succumb to Lord Acton's law and be corrupted by power than any man in the forefront of Western public life since the late Harry S. Truman.

Jobert will be the analogue of Secretary of State

Rogers but, in fact, he knows the original Kissinger, first of the new diplomatic specialties, much better personally.

Thus, although Jobert comes as Foreign Minister, he cannot escape being regarded as a "Kissinger". This is certainly no disadvantage because it is well known he has the closest ties with Pompidou. He can get things done.

Jobert joined Pompidou in 1962 when the latter was Prime Minister. A slight, modest man of 52, he had a first-class war record as a tank officer and then completed his education at the new Ecole Nationale d'Administration.

He was brought into Pompidou's entourage by a classmate who had become the former's chief aide.

Jobert made his mark as exceptionally intelligent, discreet and a hard worker.

While Pompidou's "Kissinger" he had only 15 staff members handling everything from taxes to foreign policy. His function was to co-ordinate things and get the right experts moving on the right subject whenever required.

He was on the job six days a week and never left Paris Sundays although he took an annual one-month holiday with his family.

Left-handed, he is an avid tennis player and ca noeist, but his true passion is gardening. He also confides (not wholly true): "I have an immense capacity for doing nothing whatsoever."

It is very useful for both

countries that this remarkable and modest Frenchman should be visiting America. There is quite a catalogue of bilateral problems to be settled. The most obvious is that of new monetary arrangements, which Paris gives top priority.

France doesn't consider the United States idea of a "New Atlantic Charter" as a very adroit formulation. Furthermore, Paris is discreetly interested in exploring the unexpected United States initiative supposed to encourage a new European nuclear force based on existing national forces of Britain and France.

Washington hints it would facilitate such a development by authorising London for the first time to share with Paris - American secrets from which the French have hitherto been excluded.

Certainly Jobert, who is always meticulously brief-

ed, is aware that Kissinger quit the Kennedy team 11 years ago over that President's policy toward France and shortly afterward published an article saying: "It was inevitable that countries with the historical traditions of our European allies would not be content forever to depend entirely on the protection of our nuclear power...Rather than obstruct the development of European nuclear strength, we should seek to channel it in the most constructive direction."

As Washington's guest, Jobert's formal role will be as Foreign Minister of France, but no one can forget for a moment that this position is vastly strengthened by the fact that Pompidou insisted on putting him in that job because he had so much personal confidence in him. It is precisely as if President Nixon were to make Henry Kissinger Secretary of State.

TOP: Riot police on alert. ABOVE: Hungry students reach for a basket of food.

is deputy secretary-general of the Board of Supervision and Follow-up of Government Operations, charged that a group of about 10 people, mostly merchants, were the "third hands" who were responsible for agitating the current student unrest.

He claimed that authorities knew the identities and whereabouts of the alleged agitators and would move to arrest them soon.

He said that this group of persons was regularly found mixing with demonstrators on nearly every demonstration.

Asked whether he would take up the vacated post as rector of Ramkhamhaeng University if he was approached, he said "no."

## TOO EASY TO FAKE

# Treasury plans new 5-haht coin

# Long delay over new

Under the headline "Axel Springer - Monsieur Berlin" the French weekly "L'EXPRESS" (600 000 circulation) prints an interview with the West German publisher Axel Springer (issue of 18 - 24 June 1973).

The main theme of the interview, which was planned for the twentieth anniversary of the workers' rising in East Germany, is the future of Berlin. The interview is introduced by a series of photographs showing from the most various angles the Wall "which can only be crossed without a permit at the risk of death".

In the interview Axel Springer criticises the way in which the "policy of detente" is conducted. He speaks in detail about the question of economic cooperation and suggests that Berlin be made into a "turntable" of such trade, as a "test" as to whether the Soviets are in earnest.

Axel Springer speaks of morality as the desirable mainspring of politics. Other problems touched upon are the problems of radicalism, the arms race af the Warsaw Pact powers, and relations with the Jews.

The interview closes in the hope that one day Berlin, "having passed the test" ... may become "the heart of Europe".

**Express:** Twenty years ago, on June 17, 1953, Berlin rose against the Soviet troops. How is Berlin now, twenty years later?

Mr Brezhnev has just visited West Germany for the first time. Chancellor Willy Brandt has - for the first time - paid an official visit to Israel. And when this interview appears, Mr Nixon and Mr Brezhnev will be meeting in the United States.

You, who have put everything on Berlin, who live in and for Berlin, who have become a kind of "Monsieur Berlin" - how do you view from here the great changes which have happened in the world?

**A.S.:** Yesterday I put on a black suit and went to the funeral of a little boy. This five-year-old had fallen into the Spree, which at the particular point belongs to East Berlin, while the bank on this side is West Berlin territory. Nobody helped him. The West Berlin police had no right to intervene, and those of East Berlin had to consult their superiors first. So this little boy drowned.

It is the second child that this very simple family has lost, for a daughter was killed and almost on the same spot the murderer threw the body into the Spree.

I interested myself in this family and went to the funeral. It was a painful surprise to see that this time I was the only one. Ten years ago one would have seen the Mayor of Berlin there as well. That is no longer so.

- 2 -

**Express:** Will you celebrate the 20th anniversary of the 1953 Rising in Berlin, as you do every year?

**A.S.:** I will. But our Government now prefers to display great discretion with regard to all these things.

When I came to Berlin - called upon by the then Mayor, Willy Brandt, who feared that the isolated city would be abandoned - there were huge demonstrations in front of the Reichstag every year on May the first, Labour Day. Like many others I marched with the workers. All the parties spoke of liberty. Once a coloured singer was engaged to sing a song about freedom. Those were great times for Berlin.

In the other part of Berlin the German Communist army marched the goose step in uniforms, which recalled, some, the old Wehrmacht, others the Russian army's. They marched although their presence was a breach of the Allied agreements on Berlin. Today they still go on marching. But we on this side of the Wall modestly held a meeting of the trade unions in a closed hall of the Radio House on May 1. That is all.

You have to be a dreamer to live in hope in this city.

**Express:** To dream of what?

**A.S.:** An Israeli friend, a distinguished scientist, recently sent me a book with the following inscription: "It's an old story, but remains for ever true: only the dreamers of great dreams are the creators of the future." Berlin must survive. Berlin is the

- 3 -

- 3 -

heart of Europe - I know no other. That is the constant vision, the obsession, with which one must be filled. It is by Berlin's survival, its elan, that one will be able to measure the value of any policies, whatever they are. The value for the future of liberty. If it has a future.

**Express:** In this future the Soviet Union will play a great part, at least for Berlin?

**A.S.:** I would like to remind you that many years ago, in 1958, I went to Moscow to help to create better relations with the Russians. I had consulted about it with leading members of the Bundestag. It is of course an urgent necessity to establish good relations of significance with Moscow.

But one must not forget that the present Soviet Ambassador in Bonn has several times in the past stated that the integration of Berlin, the entire city, in the Eastern empire is only a matter of time, that this process is in the logic of history. ... As a German I have learnt to give great attention to statements by totalitarian states. They always say aloud their real goals. Only far too many people do not want to believe it.

The "New York Times", a paper which closely observes developments in Berlin, recently wrote that the Berlin problems, seen in the framework of a wider politics between East and West, were apparently minimal, but that they were decisive questions on which the survival of a free Europe depended. And that the Chancellor should have insisted on clear guarantees for Berlin when he was dealing with Mr Brezhnev. I fully agree with the "New York Times" on this point.

- 4 -

- 4 -

**Express:** Why this Springer house in the heart of Berlin, why this passion and this risk, why did you come to Berlin?

**A.S.:** I am not a Berliner by birth, I have become one since. When the Berlin situation became dramatic, on the eve of what has been called "the second Berlin crisis", during the so called Khrushchev ultimatum, I came here. I did so against the advice of all my staff. And I did it, totally, without reservation and for ever, for a single reason:

The independence of this city is vital for the future of the entire West, for the future of every free society in Europe, perhaps in the world. The life of Berlin, that is the sign. And this sign was menaced by death twenty years ago; just as today it runs the risk of being menaced in an other way. There must be no illusions!

When in 1961 I had made my decision to go on building despite the Wall, Willy Brandt wrote me a letter: "Dear Mr Springer, I wanted just to say a word this way of my personal and official joy at your plans in Berlin. You will surely not mind if we describe you as an example of German investment in Berlin." That was the climate at that time.

I want to say clearly that for long years of my life I have been closer to the Social Democratic party than to any other.

During the National Socialist regime I managed not to be called up as a soldier. That was pretty difficult for a "tall blond from the North". I went under cover with my parents in the Lüneburger

- 5 -

- 5 -

Heath. My relations to Germany as a young man
were deeply disturbed. I aspired to freedom of
speech. I dreamed of freedom of expression. But
I had to submit like everybody else.

The swastika flag waved over every city in my
country and very soon over Europe; and yet in
my dreams I built the publishing house which I
hoped one day to found. The letters I wrote to
my friends at the time (in a converted stable)
were always signed: "Your 'mammoth publisher'
Axel Springer".

My parents were a little worried. My father some-
times said to my mother: "I believe our son is
mad." But my mother, an absolutely wonderful
woman, always answered: "With Axel you never
know. Who knows?"

After the Nazi nightmare it was some of the famous
Social Democrats, Ernst Reuter and others, who re-
conciled me to Germany. Because I have gone through
their school I could become a German again. And
that is why I went to Berlin later, when "things
went badly", although I am not a Berliner: this
is the heart of Germany.

**Express:** When did the influence of Social Democrats
like Ernst Reuter begin to work on you?

**A.S.:** After the war Ernst Reuter, Wilhelm Kaisen,
Max Brauer helped me to find again my cordial and
emotional contact to my country again. Max Brauer
was something like my spiritual foster father.
Like me he comes from Altona near Hamburg.

Before this building in Berlin was inaugurated I
visited the Mayor of Jerusalem, my friend Teddy
Kollek. He took me to the roof of his office.

- 6 -

- 6 -

There he told me that in the event of a future reunification of Jerusalem it was imperative to stay as close as possible to the notorious wall and build. I replied, "Whom are you telling?"

Incidentally one of the most impressive moments I ever experienced was directly after the Six Days' war when I walked at five o'clock in the morning with Teddy Kollek round the Arab quarter of Jerusalem. Afterwards I was so moved that for two hours I could not speak. After this visit I went to the Vatican at the request of Israeli friends to plead for the cause of the reunification of Jerusalem - quite unusual for a German and a Protestant at that. But for me these two dedicated towns, Berlin and Jerusalem, are bound together by destiny.

A few words about France.

The day my family learned of the defeat of France was one of our blackest days; for we could not grasp how a "valet" - Hitler - become the ruler over Paris, this symbol of liberty. The thought was unbearable.

Now I am sorry I do not know France very well. Born on the outskirts of Hamburg, I am more oriented towards England. But I can promise Mr Pompidou that he will never need to use the force de frappe against Germany ...

Here in Berlin the French troops have always behaved exemplarily. Relations with the population are excellent. Every year July 14th there is the Franco-German people's fête, a brilliant event.

In the other provinces of Germany there is not the same reception on this scale, not the same open spirit. Berlin is the only real metropolis in Germany.

- 7 -

- 7 -

**Express:** Are you afraid that Chancellor Brandt may go further than you believe would be good for the freedom of Germany? More precisely: What gives you most concern with regard to Germany and of course Berlin in the present state of world history?

**A.S.:** Willy Brandt certainly does not wish to make any decision which would have negative consequences for Germany. But despite this it may happen.

I believe that the building of the Wall, the inactivity of the protecting powers, particularly of the Americans, gave Willy Brandt a shock. His apprehensions have grown that one day America may leave Europe in the lurch. When the Social Democrat floor leader, Herbert Wehner, once spoke about this in the Bundestag Brandt applauded demonstratively. This present misgiving in regard to the Americans is the germ of the Ostpolitik, this concern which has grown into a conviction that the Soviet Union either is or soon will be the dominant political and military factor in Europe.

It is obvious - and I said before that we must reach a detente with the countries of the East. But a detente policy whipped through in haste, whose result gives the other side far, far more advantages than it gives us, I just cannot support.

When I was with Krushchev in Moscow in 1958 he revealed the Soviets' long-term plans for Germany quite openly. What was aspired to then has now been laid down in the treaties. What has been lauded everywhere as the new German Ostpolitik is really nothing but a - unfortunately only too successful - Soviet Westpolitik.

- 3 -

- 8 -

In a speech I once contrasted the "pax sovietica"
for Europe which Moscow is heading for and the
"pax americana" I would like to see. A letter-
writer corrected me: we should aim at a "pax
europeana", a peace settlement for Europe closely
associated with America. I would be glad to sub-
scribe to that.

Detente with the East under conditions which
really will lower tensions. We should talk about
that. Conditions too that everybody can accept
with all their hearts.

Berlin could be an example, a test case, the key
to everything. We will and should talk about that.

I have studied the possibilities for economic
cooperation between Germany and the Soviet Union.
I have ascertained that in these German-Soviet
exchanges we have long been the ones who have given
the most in advance. This would in itself not be a
bad thing if our other engagements did not suffer
through it.

What counts today in the long view - beyond texts,
treaties and diplomacy - is economic development.
Since the war we Germans and the Japanese have been
quick to recognise this. The Americans showed us
the way. All the free countries of Europe have
taken this path.

The Soviets too know that the future lies in the
economy. Years ago Konrad Adenauer told me that
one of the Soviets' goals was to tie the West German
economic capacity to that of the East. The Soviets
would then have won the conflict with the West.

Limited to their own forces they will never manage,
they have not managed in 50 years, to outstrip the
West. That is why they are so extraordinarily in-
terested in economic collaboration with Western

- 9 -

- 9 -

countries. Economic questions dominate Brezhnev's visit to Bonn just as they do the visit to Washington.

I say, conditionally, "Yes" to economic cooperation, one can almost call it economic aid. However the prerequisite is that the economy is not used as a vehicle for domination.

What part can Berlin play in such a framework of economic cooperation? We will return to the question.

Today Berlin is a threatened, secondary, scene of German and international East-West politics. The Soviets and their allies, particularly East Berlin, try for instance to exclude West Berlin from all agreements which concern West Germany. If we allow that, we have lost the battle. If we were to allow Berlin to decline, the way would actually be free for the Kremlin's expansionist policy. What we need is firmness and perseverance.

For two thousand years the Jews in the world have been saying: "Do not forget Jerusalem." It is this thought which has helped them to survive despite all resistances and all tragedies. For each of us the word in future must be: "Do not forget Berlin."

From this an extraordinarily vast field can open up. I am personally acquainted with the fate of Pasternak. And of course I know the fate that the persecuted writers and others in the Soviet Union are suffering. As a German I am particularly sensitive when free man are in captivity. We must do everything to help them, to open their prisons.

If the "opening to the East" leads to the "opening of the prisons", then we will have the correct Ostpolitik. In this Ostpolitik I could fully agree with Willy Brandt.

- 10 -

- 10 -

It may seem strange to speak of morality in our age, but I like to classify all political ideas according to an ethical scale of values. You can see at the back of my office the portrait of Bismarck. He was without doubt a great man, but naturally he applied the methods of a different century. He tried to realise the dream of German unity. He opposed the German princes and even his King in order to impose his ideas, and in the euphoria of victory had the German Reich proclaimed in Versailles, not in Berlin.

This Reich has gone. It will only arise again - in a purified form - when the place of power is taken by morality. Then one will again see all of Germany again. United for the sake of freedom, and integrated in a free Europe. I am convinced of this. I would gladly live to see this happen, but if not, my son will be there.

I want to stress that I long with all my heart for the reunification of Germany, but I am not a fana-tic of reunification. If the Germans on the other side of the Wall lived in freedom I would not be upset at having to show my identity card when I crossed the boundary.

As a result of the Second World War, for which we were responsible, two German states? All right, if freedom and human rights are guaranteed in both.

The day when the basic treaty, the Grundvertrag, between the two German states was initialled I was visited by the ambassador of a great power who seemed to regard the partition of Germany into two states as a natural thing. We had a very lively discussion. I told him it was not so much a matter of Germany. It was a matter of a part of Europe

- 11 -

- 11 -

which must live in freedom. This Europe can only
be realised in mutual respect and provided that
each helps the other. Here in Berlin the idea of
such a Europe falls on fruitful ground.

<u>Express</u>: Are there many Germans in the East who
want to cross the Wall, that is, to come to the
West?

<u>A.S.</u>: There are many who would like to come to
the West, but very few succeed. Most of them are
old people who receive a permit.

Some years ago, after the Wall was built in 1961,
an emissary of the East got in touch with me in
Berlin to ask whether we would be prepared to pay
for every German from the East who might be gran-
ted a permit to leave. He put the ransom money at
DM 40 000 per head.

I informed the Federal Government immediately, and
of course the offer was accepted. It was all strictly
secret, of course. I had engaged myself.

One day I was disturbed when I read three lines on
the subject in the "New York Times". I feared the
whole system would now fail. But there were no
consequences.

Now I can talk about it.

<u>Express</u>: As in many other places in Europe there
is in Berlin a certain amount of agitation and de-
monstrations in which the young generation manifests
its dissatisfaction with the present course of our
society. You have often said that such expressions
were not always spontaneous and that manipulation
was behind it. You who believe in a free society,
where do you draw the line between libertarian
utterances and subversion?

- 12 -

- 12 -

A.S.: Our newspapers were the first in Germany to call for reform in the universities. We showed militant activity in this field. We were the first to propose reforming the old system of the professors. But our newspapers were also those which first called attention to the extremist groups such as the Baader-Meinhof or Mahler and his adherents.

I was for thirteen hours a witness in the Mahler trial. And there I saw faces which were the faces of fanatics. It was also highly significant that after the murder of the Israeli Olympic Games competitors in Munich was made known, Mahler in prison in Berlin praised the murderers as heroes of peace.

I am not an expert in university policy. But I do know that at present in Berlin demonstrations are held against the amendments to the law on universities, which is dubbed "reactionary". Whatever differences I have with the governing party in Berlin, the SPD, I would never go so far as to say they were reactionary. In fact in Germany the radical core is a quite small minority which is very active, very specialised. They are fanatics, anti-democrats, anti-Zionists, anti-Semites and dupes. Those who placed bombs in our Hamburg publishing house a year ago were among them.

There prevails among them an almost grotesque anti-Americanism. Communism they praise in the highest tones. But if one says to them, go and stay in the East, they do not want to at all.

On this sofa two members of universities, scholars, sat here recently. They had left Germany as persecuted Jews after 1933. After the war they came back

- 13 -

- 13 -

and now they visited me; they are being perse-
cuted again, by the terrorists in the Berlin
university, and they told me they were leaving
Germany again. They no longer have the strength
to face 400 militant extremists of the Spartakus
league who are blocking the work of the university.

The rather left liberal paper "Newsweek" recently
described the Free University in Berlin as an
"incubator of radicalism". And it is worse, if
possible, at other Berlin colleges.

The present Mayor of Berlin, Klaus Schütz, a former
Assistant at the university, spent the main part of
his early activity in slandering with the band of
extremists in the universities. One cannot agree
with Mr Schütz in certain points, but one cannot
accuse him of being a reactionary.

**Express:** It is not a small group of extremists
and then all the others; or else Berlin would be
a country apart. The agitators of whom you speak
interest us less than this whole protesting part
of the young, those who question the form of
society.

**A.S.:** If they respect the rights of freedom, the
rules of the game of democracy, a basis for dis-
cussion, understanding and construction can be found.

Our whole history shows that we Germans easily in-
cline to exaggeration in our convictions. My mother,
who read a great deal of Goethe, always told me that
the German can be as excellent as an individual as
intolerable in the mass. But I am confident ...

**Express:** In an article in "Die Welt" you speak of
the arms race in East Europe. Do you mean that
actually a disequilibrium can be observed in central
Europe?

- 14 -

- 14 -

**A.S.:** Yes. I have alluded to it and my allusion is based on precise information. I am not the only one who knows it. Herr Leber, the Defense Minister, has already spoken about it in public, just as Joseph Lums, the Secretary General of Nato, has. And all the experts who deal with this problem know; ask any leading NATO general.

It is one of the reasons why I am not happy about the course of Mr Brezhnev's visit in Bonn. They should have talked openly to him about this. You can say anything to the Russians. I have experienced it myself. My tip to statesmen: less so called diplomacy, more morality, frankness and intrepidity.

**Express:** You have said a great deal about Israel. Why do you always link the fates of Berlin and Jerusalem?

**A.S.:** This building does not stand at Jerusalemer Straße, it is in it.

I am very unhappy that Germany has lost the entire Jewish intellectual contribution. We miss it in every field: in the universities, the press, the theatre, the cinema, the economy - in short, everywhere.

I have very friendly relations with the "Leo Baeck Institute" in New York, which I support. Leo Baeck was the leading German rabbi after 1933, a great man. When I see what we call the Victory Avenue in this institute, the photographs of so many German Nobel prizewinners of Jewish origin, I am particularly struck at what we have lost.

So the first thing is this: the decisive contribution which Jews have made for Germany. And then there is the absolute will to make reparation for the crimes which the German people have committed against the Jews - as far as that is possible. I try tirelessly to keep awake this attitude towards the Jewish people, in Germany.

- 15 -

- 15 -

There is also a third reason which I want to declare quite openly. I try to be a religious man, to behave like a man of faith. There is for me the love of-Jewry arising from religion.

I recently read a remark by the evangelist Billy Graham which expressed the conviction that God has always maintained special relations with the Jewish people. The fact that 16 million Jews have survived as Jews, despite the Diaspora, thanks to God's providence, is a great and significant mystery which is closely bound up with my faith.

When I talk to the Germans about Germany I often recall that the Jews have for 2 000 years prayed: Next year in Jerusalem! And in the end the prayer has been fulfilled. From all that the Jews have known how to bear so as to reach this goal, we must learn the lesson of steadfastness. Which provides a true bond between Berlin and Jerusalem.

Incidentally: A pamphlet put out by the neo-Nazi party, the NPD, recently called me "the Zionist Springer". I like this kind of title.

**Express:** Let us assume that you were responsible for Berlin. What would you do?

**A.S.:** West Berlin absolutely must be filled with life. Of course I know that Bonn tirelessly contributes to the necessary financial support; that is the basis. Berlin, which no longer possesses its function as the capital, has lost substance enormously. That must be compensated for. Besides economic investments from West Germany and the United States in Berlin, all the countries of western Europe must be harnessed to the task. We said before, Berlin's radiance is indispensable to all.

- 16 -

- 16 -

I have here various reports from the Berlin Chamber of Industry and Commerce and from the Berlin Landesbank - reports coming from organisations of very different classes independent of each other. They show that the present situation is giving rise to concern, as it did in 1972 as well.

Free access to Berlin is a good thing; but it has not enough effect on the life force of this city. The investment of the entire West is needed.

I indicated before: as a test of sincerity we should demand from the East readiness to include Berlin in all projects of economic collaboration. Berlin must cease to be a stake or a hostage. I repeat: Berlin must be the test and, from the Western standpoint, the turntable for every possible development.

All western undertakings which wish to participate in economic collaboration with the Soviet Union or other East bloc states should actively support this turntable function of Berlin. That is a duty for every one of us. The world will always measure the life force of free, democratic Europe by the prosperity, the brilliance, the life of Berlin.

If I had to share in the responsibility for Berlin - that was your question - I would ask you and everyone to help so that every undertaking in the free world will realise that it must be in its foremost interest to help, here in Berlin, to maintain the radiant strength of Berlin.

If we all wish it, Berlin will remain the moral capital of the world in which I believe and which alone enables survival in a framework worthy of humanity.

- 17 -

- 17 -

I would like to quote Jean-Jacques Rousseau. It is his "volonté générale" that we need for Berlin.

Berlin must also preserve its idealistic character, for it is first and foremost a city of youth, who would rather live here than in some lost corner of Germany. So homes must be built for these young people, homes in which they can feel at their ease. This applies particularly to the young workers: these plans for construction already exist in part, and other efforts are also being made, for example the creation of the Institute for Development, a national foundation, congresses of UN organisations and the like.

We must reverse the trend which might shift the centre of gravity to East Berlin. For instance there are to be a hundred embassies there. I would urge that there also be diplomatic missions in West Berlin. We have a - quite superfluous - Soviet Consulate General in West Berlin. I would try to get a consular mission from Peking here in our town, very soon, perhaps before all the others.

**Express:** Have you a taste for power?

**A.S.:** No. Fundamentally I hate power. It promotes corruption. Power has to be used very cautiously. If it is there at all, it must be associated with morality.

**Express:** The rules of morality are not the same for everybody. They are even becoming less and less so. Are you an optimist?

**A.S.:** Yes. I hope I am a reasonable optimist. We will see. Now is the moment when everything is at stake.

- 18 -

- 18 -

The important thing for me is that life be
brought into this city. It is fine to be a
Berliner, but it is very exhausting and
demanding.

On this subject I would take the liberty of
passing an opinion on France, although I do
not know much of the country. In France every-
thing is very strongly concentrated in Paris,
whereas we have fallen into the opposite extreme
in Germany. We simply have no capital city which
exerts the function of convergence, synthesis,
of forces.

Express: Perhaps we can come to an arrangement.

A.S.: That's it. One must find the happy medium.
I always say I am a "middle-of-the road radical".
Willy Brandt has also chosen the middle of the
road. But do we both mean the same?

Germany, above all Germany, must beware of extremes.
And Berlin's goal should not so much be to be the
capital of the Reich again but to be a life centre,
a hope, the city of Europe in the best sense of
the word. Then, having passed the test, it will
one day be the heart of Europe.