brought together, under Party auspices, and their difficulties
three possible answers: either the two individuals can be
out to be the ultimate objection. To this problem there are
activities of some Party member working in the same field turned
neutralize him or her. Sometimes personal bridge apart the
in such situations was to recruit the other person, or at least
mining factor. The easiest -- if not the quickest -- solution
Sometimes the attitude of a wife or a husband was the deter-
mined to be disposed of before it comes to the surface.

it is hidden beneath a number of false "reasons," which must
multifarious as human character and experience, and very often
extraordinary variety; the final block seems to have forms as
to asset with others' recruits. The problems I met with had
with direct recruits of my own and as a party leader called in
In my years in the Party I had considerable experience both
one or two non-members.

unmet-closed party meetings, at which there are present only
fellow-traveling dignitaries, or in carefully stage-managed,
of inclusion in small and select social events with Party and
arising from the impact of large mass meetings to the flatterly
This is the time for the fundamental use of emotional methods,
called in to help personally in conversation and discussion.
Party to asset the recruiter. Peding Party members are

6 - 14

6 - 15

[LC]

straightened out; or the new member can be assured, in a way
which gives him a feeling of being already brought into the
counsels of the Party, that the Party agrees with many of his
criticisms, and in fact wants him as a member partly in order
to overcome these weaknesses; or, if neither of these methods
will work, it is sometimes necessary, and possible, to assure
the prospective recruit that he will be given other more important
work in another field.

Then there are an almost infinite variety of objections on
theoretical grounds. If this is the real reason for hesitation
and not simply a cover for some other objection, the only solu-
tion is to argue the matter out and convince the recruit -- a
process which may take a good long time and much effort, and
which is by no means certain of success.

Finally, there are the large number of cases where the real
difficulty is either deep underlying moral objections, of which
the person is hardly aware himself, or a prudential regard for
his future and the future of his family -- what the Party would
call "opportunism" or "fear." In such situations very rarely
is it advisable even to admit the existence of the real reason.
Instead, the objections actually brought forward are handled
one by one; and meanwhile a combination of persuasion, pressure,
and flattery is exercised. If the suspected reason is moral in

and flattery is exercised. If the abysmal reason is meant in
one by one; and mean while a compensation of compensation, pressure,
instead, the objections actually brought forward are handled
in a way that is quite as good as the existence of the real reason.
It is advisable even to admit the existence of the real reason,
call "opportunism" or "leak." In such circumstances very rarely
the future and the future of the family -- what the Party would
the person is hardly aware himself, or a brusquely regard for
difficulty is either deep underlying moral objections, of which
finally, there are the large number of cases where the real
which is by no means certain of success.

process which may take a good long time and much effort, and
tion is to argue the matter out and convince the recruit -- a
and not simply a cover for some other objection, the only solu-
tiological ground. If this is the real reason for hesitation
then there are an almost infinite variety of objections on
work in another field.

the prospective recruit that he will be given other more important
will work, it is sometimes necessary, and possible, to assure
to overcome these weaknesses; or, it neither of these methods
criticize, and in fact wants him as a member partly in order
commits of the party, that the party agrees with many of his
which gives him a feeling of being already brought into the
straightened out; or the new member can be assured, in a way

6 - 12

[r]

[LC]

6 - 16

character, tangential discussion of such questions, without in
any way pointing them to the person concerned, is carefully
induced. If the reason is assumed to be "fear," then in the
same tangential way, reassurance is given the individual that
the Party works very carefully, that all measures are taken "to
protect members in special situations," that "progressives are
safer in the Party than outside of it."

But, whatever the problem might be, there is almost certain
to be a problem. Very rarely -- even after the most carefully
developed approach -- is actual recruitment automatic. And
the final clinching requires a skillful combination of pressure
and tact.

The energy expended upon any single effort to recruit varies,
of course, depending upon the Party's judgment of the probable
usefulness of the individual. That judgment is influenced by two
considerations. First, does the prospective recruit already hold
some strategic position of influence or show signs of abilities
which will enable him to achieve such a position? Secondly,
has he qualities which indicate cadre-potentiality?

While these two possibilities may be combined in the same
individual, it is the cadre-potentiality which is decisive. The
ability to discern the existence of such potentiality in

apability to discern the existence of such potentiality in
individual, it is the caprice-betotentiality which is decisive. The
While these two possibilities may be combined in the same
use he duties which indicate caprice-betotentiality?

which will enable him to achieve such a position? Secondly,
some strategic position of influence or some signs of aptitude
considerations. First, does the prospective recruit already hold
suitability of the individual? That judgment is influenced by two
of course, depending upon the party's judgment of the probable
The energy expended upon any single effort to recruit varies,

and tact.

the final clinching requires a skillful combination of pressure
developed approach -- is actual recruitment automatic. And
to be a problem. Very rarely -- even after the most carefully
but, whatever the problem might be, there is almost certain
saken in the party than outside of it."

protect members in special situations," that "progressives are
the party works very carefully, that all measures are taken "to
same tangential way, reassurance is given the individual that
influenced. If the reason is assumed to be "year," then in the
any way pointing them to the person concerned, is carefully
caracter, tangential discussion of such questions, without in

9 - 10

[LC]

6 - 17

individuals who have as yet not been exposed to the Party mould-
ing process is highly respected in the Party leadership. This
ability depends upon a combination of experience and intuitive
judgment, since no specific table of qualities or specification
of types is applicable. Observing a number of potential recruits
in the same activity or organization, one who looks as though he
would be a headache for any disciplined organization of which he
were a part can be seen to have precisely the qualities out of
which a Communist can be made. Another who seems to have the most
impressive native qualities of leadership can be seen offhand to
be devoid of the inner toughness which can take the moulding
process without cracking. A third who appears docile and hard-
working would become extremely difficult, a real "personal prob-
lem," at any advanced level in the Party. And a fourth who because
of timidity or self-effacement fails to stand out at all, has
exactly the qualities of character and intellect which in the
training process will overcome his backwardness and make him an
outstanding leader.

Although cadre-potentiality and strategic usefulness are the
real criteria by which the Party leadership judges individual
recruits, great emphasis is placed in Party exhortation and
planning of recruiting drives upon statistical aspects. When
quotas are placed for the country, for a district, for a section

["dotes are placed for the country, for a district, for a section\nblaming of recruiting drives upon statistical aspects. When\nrecruiters, great emphasize he placed in party exhortation and\nreal criteria by which the party leadership judges individual", "Virtuallyэрсъ-ботоътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътътът

6 - 18

[LC]

or for a unit, the demand will be made for the recruitment of
so many steel workers, so many Negroes, so many "women in basic
industry." In practice, the carrying out of such directives
depends almost entirely upon whether or not the Party has carried
out its "concentration work" in the areas concerned. The statistical
"composition" of the recruiting, while it may be affected to a
small degree by the pressure for "concentration recruiting,"
reflects little more than the previous activity of the Party.
Judged by the real interest shown and the emphasis given in
action, effective concentration in recruiting is upon individuals;
effective discrimination in recruiting is between individuals.

And, in fact, it is those who have been the object of such
concentration and such discrimination who turn out to be the sort
of Party member with whom we are concerned -- those from whom the
cadre is developed. While there are a few exceptions among the
indiscriminate harvest of agitational and accidental recruits,
these are the good recruits, the stable and valuable ones.

Whatever finally motivates any serious recruit, and however
weighty the factors of immediate activity and association may be,
he comes into the Party because he accepts the Party. It is very
rare indeed that someone joins on a single issue or the better to
participate in a specific campaign, or for any such reason. A

participate in a specific campaign, or for any such reason. A rare indeed that someone joins on a single issue or the better to be comes into the party because he accepts the party. It is very weighty the factors of immediate activity and association may be. Whatever finally motivates any serious recruit, and however

these are the good recruits, the stable and valuable ones. Indiscriminate harvest of agitational and accidental recruits, capable is developed. While there are a few exceptions among the of party member with whom we are concerned -- those from whom the concentration and such discrimination who turn out to be the sort And, in fact, if those who have been the object of such effective discrimination in recruiting is between individuals.

action, effective concentration in recruiting is shown individuals; judged by the real interest shown and the enthusiasm given in reflects little more than the previous activity of the party. small degree by the pressure for "concentration recruiting." "composition" of the recruiting, while it may be affected to a
out its "concentration work," in the areas concerned. The statistical
depends almost entirely upon whether or not the party has carried
industry." In practice, the carrying out of such directives
so many steel workers, so many Negroes, so many "women in male
or for a unit" the demand will be made for the recruitment of

9 - 18

[r]

6 - 19

[L]

man joins the Communist Party because he wants to be a Communist, and the decisive step of joining the Party is taken with a deep awareness of passing a decisive climacteric.

It may be too dramatic to say that every recruit thinks in terms of a world abandoned and a world found -- for familiar landmarks exist at one and the same time in the two worlds. But something of such a feeling imbues the decision: the hope of a clarity dimly envisaged but not as yet achieved; an outlook upon the world which will make petty, pressing problems sink into insignificance; the idea of action unhampered by the confusions of the individual stance; or the hope of being an accepted member of a history-chosen elite. It is, in a word -- whatever the concrete content with which the peculiar outlook of the individual fills it -- a decision of large proportions. Mean and petty motives, as in all human existence, undoubtedly affect it, but they are not fundamental.

Unfortunately, in spite of the naked power content of Communism, its public appeal is primarily directed not to narrow, but to broad and deep responses in the human personality. And so, despite the fact that once a recruit is drawn into the Communist machine, terrific pressure is brought to bear to mould him into the desired ideal Communist by destroying his individuality, the process of recruiting itself concentrates upon him as an individual.

as an individual.

as the process of recruiting itself concentrates upon him
into the desired ideal Communist by destroying the individual-
member machine, terrific pressure is brought to bear to world
so, despite the fact that once a recruit is drawn into the Com-
put to broad and deep responses in the human personality. And
humanity, its public appeal is primarily directed not so narrow,
unfortunately, in spite of the naked power content of Com-
they are not fundamental.

motives, as in all human existence, undoubtedly affect it, but
it title it -- a decalator of large proportions. Mean and betty
crete content with which the decalator outlook of the individual
of a history-chosen elite. It is, in a word -- whatever the con-
of the individual stance; or the job of being an accepted member
inconstititance; the idea of action unnumbered by the confusions
upon the world which will make betty, breathing problems sink into
of a clarity dimly envisaged but not as yet achieved; an outlook
but something of such a feeling improves the decalation: the job
landmarks exist at one and the same time in the two worlds.

It may be too dramatic to say that every recruit thinks in
with a deep awareness of basing a decisive characteristic.

Communist, and the decisive step of joining the Party is taken
man joins the Communist Party because he wants to be a Com-

[2]

[3]

NOTES - Chapter 6 - Recruits

1

[LC]

1. Cf.: "It is not the presence of poverty which is new. The new factor in the situation is the presence of millions of modern pagans. Communism is the child of unbelief. Bad social conditions are only the things on which it feeds... I would say that the majority who come to communism do so because, in the first instance, they are subconsciously looking for a cause that will fill the void left by unbelief, or, as in my own case, an insecurely held belief that is failing to satisfy them intellectually and spiritually."
Douglas Hyde, *I Believed* (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1950), p. 299.

"It would seem that People's Liberation Communism is intimately related to a general process now going on in most underdeveloped areas of the world. Large numbers of people are losing their sense of identity with their traditional ways of life and are seeking restlessly to realize a modern way... They are the people who feel isolated from, and even hostile toward, the ways of their forefathers. But they are also the people who find that as yet they are not personally a part of the new; they are anxious to belong to the future, but they are concerned lest it pass them by."
Lucian W. Pye, *Guerrilla Communism in Malaya* (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1956), p. 7.

University Press, 1930), b. 7.

Guerrilla Communism in Malaysia (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
but they are concerned with it base them by." Patrick W. Dye,
a part of the new; they are anxious to belong to the future,
also the people who find that as yet they are not personally
positive toward, the way of their forefathers. But they are
way... They are the people who feel isolated from, and even
way of life and are seeking rectlessly to realise a modern
are losing their sense of identity with their traditional
underdeveloped areas of the world. Large numbers of people
intimately related to a general process now going on in most
"It would seem that People's Liberation Communism is
1920's, b. 299.

Douglas Hage, *I Believed* (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons,
telling to satisfy them intellectually and spiritually."
or, as in my own case, an insecurely held belief that is
looking for a cause that will fill the void left by unbelief,
because, in the first instance, they are spontaneously
I would say that the majority who come to communism do so
social conditions are only the things on which it feeds...
of modern humans. Communism is the child of unbelief. Bad
The new factor in the situation is the presence of millions
I. Cf.: "It is not the presence of poverty which is new,
NOTES - Chapter 9 - Recruits

1

1

[lc]

NOTES - Chapter 6 - Recruits

2

[LC]

"The fact that communist propaganda is making much more headway among the bourgeoisie and prosperous groups, such as administrators, educators and scientists, than among the peasantry and the working class lends support to the thesis that it is not poverty or even starvation that primarily predisposes men to the attraction of communism.

While economic factors undoubtedly play a part, the basic motivations are psychological and emotional. It is the psychological and emotional void created by the loosening of the hold of the traditional religions of India that provides room for what is essentially a new religion of materialism. It is the literate middle-class man so affected who utilises and exploits the economic conditions of the rural and urban toilers." M. R. Masani, *The Communist Party of India* (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1954), p. 237.

"... people become Communists, for the most part, because of something they find *within* the Communist movement, i.e., in actual *participation* in that movement; ... people tend to seek that something within the Communist movement because, or rather in so far as, they do *not* find it in the political communities to which they belong.... [*whose*] characteristic ... is their *purposelessness*, i.e., their failure to make *demands* upon their members, i.e.,

their failure to make demands upon their members, i.e.,
[whose] characteristic ... is their *bureaucracy*, i.e.,
it in the political committees to which they belong....
movement because, or rather in so far as, they do not find
people tend to seek that something within the Communist
ment, i.e., in actual *participation* in that movement; ...
because of something they find *within* the Communist move-
"... people become Communists, for the most part,

of India (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1924), p. 537.

**nutural and urban collers.**" M. R. Masani, *The Communist Party who starves and exploits the economic conditions of the factory*. It is the literate middle-class man so affected videos room for what is essentially a new religion of matter: the hold of the traditional religions of India that bro-bychological and emotional acid created by the loosening motivations are psychological and emotional. It is the White economic factors undoubtedly play a part, the past merely preexists man to the attraction of communism.

thesis that it is not poverty or even starvation that brt-the beauty and the working class tend to the society as administrators, equators and scientists, then among more reachway among the poorgeotale and broader sions,

NOTES - Chapter 9 - Recruitment

3

[no]

NOTES - Chapter 6 - Recruits

3

[lc]

their inability to infuse _meaning_ into their members' lives...
(Italics in original). Willmoore Kendall, Introduction to
A. Rossi, _A Communist Party in Action_ (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1949), p. xviii.

2. This last may seem far-fetched, but one of the outstanding leaders of the Communist Party once told me that when he was a milk-driver with no interests beyond limited and personal ones, it was the pure accident of picking up a leaflet one day which started him on the road to Communism.

3. "As a church, the [Communist] conspiracy attracts the religious natures; as order, it attracts average men; as a war, it attracts the warlike. Each man is caught in a trap for which his own imagination supplies the bait, and they all find in the conspiracy what they themselves have brought to it." Jules Monnerot, _Sociology and Psychology of Communism_ (Boston: The Beacon Press, 1953), p. 158.

4. _Recruit_, a Communist Party brochure for members, no date, but by internal evidence, 1947.

5. "Remember -- every recruit is an individual campaign! You must hand-tailor your approach to the particular person you are trying to recruit... Every prospective recruit has certain special problems. He requires an individual campaign. Therefore, once your general survey has been made, plan a

Therefore, once both General Assembly has passed usage, bring a
certain special problems. He requires an individual campaign.
You are trying to recruit... Every prospective recruit has
must hand-tailor him abroad to the particular person

2. "Remember -- every recruit is an individual campaign! You put by internal evidence, 1947.

4. **Recruit**, a Communist Party procedure for members, no date, of *Communism* (Boston: The Beacon Press, 1923), b. 128. brought co it." Jules Monnerot, *Sociology and Anthropology* they all find in the conspiracy what they themselves have trap for which he own imagination subplies the past, and a war, it attracts the warlike. Each man is caught in a religious nature; as order, it attracts average men; as a
3. "As a church, the [Communist] conspiracy attracts the day which started him on the road to Communism.

one's, it was the bare accident of picking up a leaflet one
a milk-driver with no interests beyond limited and personal
leaders of the Communist Party once told me that when he was
3. This last may seem far-fetched, but one of the outstanding
University Press, 1949), b. xviif.

V. Rose, *V Communist Party in Action* (New Haven: Yale (Italy in original). Wilmore Kendall, Introduction to their inability to influence meaning into their members, lives...

NOTES - Chapter 9 - Recruit

3

[il]

NOTES - Chapter 6 - Recruits

4

[LC]

special approach for each person. Select those phases of
the Party's program which would most likely appeal to that
particular individual." (*Recruit*, Party brochure.)

6. "One has to be potentially good or intelligent even to be aware that it is not enough simply to drift along without sense of purpose or direction, with neither faith nor ideal. That is why communism so often claims the best, those who feel the miss. (p. 299)...At all costs I must hold fast to what I felt to be the facts, those which I knew from my own experience to be true, the belief that the most evil thing in communism is that it claims some of the best and molds their minds and twists their consciences so that they can be used for the worst." (p. 303). Douglas Hyde, *I Believed*.

be need for the worst." (p. 303). Douglas Hyde, *I Believed*, their mind and twist their conscience so that they own in communia that it claims some of the best and holds experience to be true, the belief that the best ever living what I felt to be the facts, those which I knew from my own feel the mind. (p. 399)...At all costs I must hold fast to that is why communia so often claims the best, those who sense of purpose or direction, with neither faith nor itself, aware that it is not enough simply to drift along without c. "One has to be potentially good or intelligent even to be particular individual." (Recruit, Party procedure.) the party's program which would most likely appeal to that special approach for each person. Select those biases of

NOTES - Chapter 6 - Recruit

4

[LC]

7. THE RANK AND FILE

Insofar as the rank-and-file members of the Party are not developed Communists, not members of the cadre, they must be led and guided rather as are close followers outside the Party, by methods of propaganda and agitation. On the other hand, since all Party members are potentially cadres, the training of the rank and file must be directed toward developing as many as possible of them into true Communists.

The Communist leadership, therefore is up against a continuing contradiction between two incompatible goals: the building of a mass Party and the moulding of an iron Party. Both are demanded by the oracles of the movement, and to attack either goal would be to be guilty of a deviation ("sectarian underestimation of the importance of the mass party" or "a rotten liberal attitude toward the membership"). In practice the dilemma is effectively resolved by varying the emphasis on "mass Party" or "iron Party" from one period to another, although even during the "broadest" periods the selection and training of the cadre receives major stress.

When the Party's tactics are "peaceful", "democratic", and non-revolutionary, widespread recruiting takes place; the new recruit and the rank and file are put under less pressure;

new recruit and the rank and file are put under less pressure; and non-revolutionary, widespread recruiting takes place; the
When the Party's tactics are "besetful," "democratic," receives major stress.

the "prospect" periods the selection and training of the cadre "iron party," from one period to another, although even during
tactively resolved by varying the emphasis on "mass party," or
toward the membership
to the importance of the mass party," or "a rotten liberal act-
would be to be guilty of a deviation ("sectarian underestimation
manded by the oracle of the movement," and to attack either goal
of a mass party and the mounding of an iron party). Both are de-
ing contradiction between two incompatible goals: the building
The Communist leadership, therefore, is up against a continu-
able of them into true Communists.

rank and file must be directed toward developing as many as pos-
all party members are potentially cadres, the training of the
by methods of barbages and agitation. On the other hand, since
led and guided rather as are close followers outside the party,
developed Communists, not members of the cadre, they must be

Insofar as the rank-and-file members of the party are not

THE RANK AND FILE

[a]

7 - 2

[LC]

and relatively smaller numbers of the rank and file are subject to the process of cadre development. When the situation or the line changes, the emphasis is reversed. Recruiting is slowed; Party membership is squeezed, either by formal purges or by less dramatic methods; and the whole remaining membership is placed under much heavier pressure, with the aim of developing from the lessened number a much higher proportion for the cadre.

The enormously high "turnover" figures in Party membership -- approaching as high as 80 per cent in the American Party over a five-year period in which I was intimately concerned with the problem, 1936-41¹ -- are the direct result of this process. There is constant complaint about "turnover" in Communist organizational discussion and constant criticism of the middle functionaries because of it. But "turnover" would seem to be a necessary result of Communist organizational and political methods. The primary aim is the creation of a steeled cadre, flexible enough to take any tactically-desired stand on current questions, accreting strength as it moves through opposite and contradictory campaigns and feeds upon generation after generation of the rank and file of the formal Parties.

## The New Member

Whatever the motivations and circumstances of the new member's recruitment may have been, however "theoretically

Whatever the motivations and circumstances of the new
member's recruitment may have been, however, "theoretically

## The New Member

the rank and file of the formal parties.

tory campaigns and feeds upon generation after generation of
accreting strength as it moves through obsolescence and contradic-
tionaries because of it. But "turnover" would seem to be a
sational discussion and constant criticism of the middle func-
tion in the American party in Communist organi-
bility, 1936-41 -- are the direct result of this process.

five-year period in which I was intimately concerned with the
approaching as high as 80 per cent in the American party over a

The enormously high "turnover" figures in Party membership --
ing from the lessened number a much higher proportion for the cadre.

is placed under much heavier pressure, with the aim of develop-
ing by less dramatic methods; and the whole remaining membership
allowed; Party membership is addressed, either by formal burges
or the line changes, the emphasis is reversed. Recruiting is
react to the process of cadre development. When the situation
and relatively smaller numbers of the rank and file are up-

1 - 3

7 - 3

[LC]

prepared" he may be, he can have had little if any preparation for the life of a Party member. Even if he knows Party members intimately and has some idea of what sorts of things are demanded of them and of how their lives are occupied, he cannot have been in a position to grasp subjectively the quality of an experience so specific in character, an experience which is so radical a departure from ordinary life.

All circumstances emphasize the gulf which separates the new social situation from his previous life. Where the Party is well organized and functioning efficiently, the very process of his acceptance as a member is calculated to produce this effect.

After he signs an application it will usually be a considerable time before he is notified of his acceptance, during which time the friend who recruited him is very likely, openly or covertly, to indicate that he is being investigated, considered, judged.

Looking back on the weeks before he was asked to join, he may remember how much information about his personal history, connections and attitudes, has been carefully extracted from him.

When he signed his application, his sponsor probably suggested, or even insisted, that he use a false name, and warned him not to tell anyone of his application. Thus, even before he has become a member, he is learning his first lessons in conspiracy -- lessons significant as much for the attitude toward life which

reasons significant as much for the attitude toward life which
become a member, he is learning his first lessons in conspiracy --
to tell anyone of his application. Time, even before he has
or even initiated, that he uses a false name, and warned him not
When he signed his application, his sponsor properly suggested,
connections and attitudes, has been carefully extracted from him.
remember how much information about his personal history, con-
looking pack on the weeks before he was asked to join, he may
to indicate that he is being investigated, considered, judged.
the friend who recruited him is very likely, openly or covertly,
time before he is notified of his acceptance, during which time
After he signs an application it will usually be a considerable
acceptance as a member is calculated to produce this effect.
organised and functioning efficiently, the very process of his
social situation from his previous life. Where the party is well
All circumstances emphasise the guilt which separates the new
departure from ordinary life.
so specific in character, an experience which is so radical a
in a position to grasp subjectively the quality of an experience
of them and of how their lives are occupied, he cannot have been
intimately and has some idea of what sort of things are demanded
for the life of a party member. Even if he knows party members
prepared, he may be, he can have had little if any preparation

1 - 3

[n]

[LC]

7 - 4

they inculcate as for their practical value.²

No matter how much he may have read or thought about revolution, whatever large heroic images of the embattled revolutionary may have presented themselves to him, he will hardly have envisaged the specific, somewhat petty and very immediate "outlaw" role which, in some degree at least, he is taking on. Yet, with that strange signature of a "Party name," he has already taken a small but unequivocal step towards transforming his loyalties to the accepted political authorities of society into disloyalties, and towards transferring his allegiance to a set of institutions with its own laws, its own customs, its own executive and judicial bodies.³ It will be long before he can say with Dimitroff, that the highest executive authority he recognizes is the Executive Committee of the Communist International and the highest judicial authority, the International Control Commission of the Communist International; but he has submitted his life, to a small degree, to the judgment of the bureau of a unit of the Party.

Very often, particularly if the unit he is to join is a shop or professional one, he will be personally looked over by a functionary, or even by the whole unit bureau. Here, the probing into his background and attitudes will be more direct and detailed. Here for the first time he is likely to experience

and detailed. Here for the first time he is likely to experience
breeping into his background and attitudes will be more direct
a functionary, or even by the whole unit itself. Here, the
shop or professional one, he will be personally looked over by
Very often, particularly if the unit he is to join is a
pursuall of a unit of the party.

ammitted his life, to a small degree, to the judgment of the
Control Commission of the Communist International; but he has
national and the highest judicial authority, the International
he recognizes as the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter-
can say with Dimitroff, that the highest executive authority
own executive and judicial bodies.⁵ It will be long before he
a set of institutions with its own laws, its own customs, its
into disloyalties, and towards transferring his allegiance to
his loyalties to the accepted political authorities of society
already taken a small part un卸vocal step towards transforming
Yet, with that strange signature of a "party name," he has
"outlaw" role which, in some degree at least, he is taking on.
have envisaged the specific, somewhat betty and very immediate
tronary may have presented themselves to him, he will hardly
invention, whatever large heroic images of the empowered revolu-
tion, no matter how much he may have read or thought about revolu-
tion they inculcate as for their practical value.⁶

7 - 4

[fc]

7 - 5

[LC]

that curious impersonal approach, amounting almost to brutality, with which the Communist examines an individual very much as a carpenter examines a piece of lumber.

It is not that warmth or enthusiasm is lacking in the immediate contact, but rather that the questions asked, the implied criteria, are alien to the immediate human situation within which they are asked. His family becomes a "social origin"; his race, his ancestry, his religion, a "national origin". Previously he has taken these for granted or found them a source of pride or a cause of difficulty. To his interrogators, however, they are but one more item in the specification of his technical usefulness, like the tensile strength of a bar of steel.

His ideas are of no interest in themselves; they are only important as an index of how "developed" he is. His occupation, his hobbies, his friends, are but possibilities to be utilized. None of this will he realize fully: of some of it he will be entirely unconscious; but something of the tone is bound to penetrate and to add its weight to the other impressions he has been receiving.

After this preparation, the notification of his acceptance as a member of the Party and the invitation to his first Party meeting arouse portentous feelings. The sense of having taken a decisive step in life and the self-satisfaction at being

a decisive step in life and the self-satisfaction at being
meeting around portentous feelings. The sense of having taken
as a member of the Party and the invitation to his first Party
After this preparation, the notification of his acceptance
been receiving.

bemerkte und to add its weight to the other impressions he has
entirely unconscious; but something of the tone is found to
None of this will he realize fully: of some of it he will be
his hobbie, his friend, are put possibilities to be utilized.
important as an index of how "developed" he is. His occupation,
His ideas are of no interest in themselves; they are only
like the temporary strength of a par of steel.

but one more item in the specification of his technical qualifications,
a cause of difficulty. To his interrogators, however, they are
has taken these for granted or found them a source of pride or
his ancestry, his religion, a "national origin". Previously he
they are asked. His family becomes a "social origin"; his race,
criteria, are alien to the immediate human situation within which
mediate contact, but rather that the questions asked, the implied
It is not that warmth or enthusiasm is lacking in the im-
carpetier examines a piece of lumber.

with which the Communist examines an individual very much as a
that curious impersonal approach, amounting almost to prudence.

1 - 3

["[LC]", "7 - 6", "accepted by an exclusive group, are tempered by a certain\nfeeling of trepidation before the unknown. He is splendidly\nprepared for the impact of his first Party meeting.", "Unless it is one of those brief periods when the Party is\nbehaving in the most \"open\" way, he will not even be told of\nthe place of the meeting but will be conducted there by the man\nwho recruited him or by someone else assigned to do so. Whether\nit is in a worker's kitchen, or a middle-class living room, or\nin one of those bare workers' halls belonging to one or another\nof the multifarious \"language-group\" organizations which dot the\ncountry, the circumstances of his induction will be much the same.\nCommunist unit meetings, as a matter of fact, not only in vary-\ning social milieux in the United States, but, from my experience,\nin England, France, Germany, Holland and Belgium as well, follow\nso similar a pattern that, except for differences of language\nand the details of local situation, one could be transported\nfrom Wedding to South Chicago, to Montparnasse, to Paddington,\nwithout noticing any fundamental change.", "The general character of the meeting, apart from what con-\ncerns the new member personally, hits him all at once, a microcosm\nof what he is to experience in succeeding months. The very\nlanguage used contains strange words like \"Org.-Sec.,\" or
\"D. B.,\" and peculiar usages of ordinary words like \"concrete\""]

"D. B.'", and benefit nages of ordinary words like "concrete" or language need contains strange words like "0x8.-2ec.'", or of what he is to experience in succeeding months. The very cause the new member personally, fits him all at once, a microcosm The general character of the meeting, apart from what con-
without noticing any fundamental change.

from Weddling to South Chicago, to Montbannasse, to Paddington, and the details of local situation, one could be transported so similar a pattern that, except for differences of language in England, France, Germany, Holland and Belgium as well, follow ing social milieu in the United States, put, from my experience, Communist unt meetings, as a matter of fact, not only in vary-
country, the circumstances of his induction will be much the same. of the multiracions "language-group", organizations which dot the in one of those bare workers, falls belonging to one or another it is in a worker's kitchen, or a middle-class living room, or who recruited him or by someone else assigned to do so. Whether the place of the meeting put will be conducted there by the man behaving in the most "open" way, he will not even be told of

Unless it is one of those brief periods when the Party is
prepared for the impact of his first Party meeting.

feeling of trepidation before the unknown. He is splendidly
accepted by an exclusive group, are tempered by a certain

7-6

7 - 7

[Lc]

and "mobilize" and "sharply,"¹⁴ to say nothing of the formal appellation, "Comrade," used here by people who have called each other by their first names for years. The linking of the pettiest problems of literature sale or signature collection with earth-shaking international and national events serves to transform the ordinary into the significant. In fact, perhaps the most impressive aspect of the meeting is the tremendous seriousness with which the proceedings are invested, not by explicit modes of speech but by the implicit attitude of the participants.

Apart from his astonishment at finding among the members people he has known but never suspected of being Communists, the transformation of personality and of role among others whom he knows adds to the impression of a world of trans-valued values. He will see a leader of his union, or an influential person in his community, taking a brow-beating -- meekly or truculently or indignantly, but taking it -- from the unit organizer or from some other leading member of the unit, whom he has previously been aware of only as a more or less insignificant figure. Or, if a representative of a higher echelon is present on some mission, the unquestioned authority with which he speaks -- "The District Bureau thinks...," "The Party's decision is..." -- will teach him more about "democratic centralism" in one

-- will teach him more about "democratic centralism" in one
"The District Bureau thinks...," "The party's decision is..."
mission, the undisturbed authority with which he speaks --
it a representative of a higher scale is present on some
been aware of only as a more or less insignificant figure. Or,
some other leading member of the unit, whom he has previously
or insignificance, put taking it -- from the unit organizer or from
his community, taking a pro-peaking -- weekly or truculently
He will see a leader of his union, or an influential person in
knows edges to the impression of a world of trans-valued values.
transformation of personality and of role among others whom he
beoks he has known but never unobserved of beingCommunists, the
Apart from his containment at finding among the members
participants.

explicit modes of speech put by the implicit attitude of the
seriousness with which the proceedings are invested, not by
the most impressive aspect of the meeting is the tremendous
transformation the ordinarily into the significant. In fact, perhaps
with earth-shaking international and national events serves to
bottleneck problems of literature safe or signature collection
each other by their first names for years. The linking of the
aberration, "Comrade," need here by people who have called
and "mopitize," and "sharply," to say nothing of the formal

[r]

1 - 3

7 - 8

[lc]

moment than everything he has read in a year.

Minor things strike his attention: peculiarities of
Communist "parliamentary procedure," the prevalence of unanimity
on any but the most trivial questions, the odd institution of
"the summing up," all of which he will learn much more about
later.

In this particular meeting he himself is a most important
factor. He is a new member, and the others, as well as he, are
affected by the significance of this fact. To the section or
the district he is only an integer in statistical achievement.
But to the unit, he is not only another step toward the fulfill-
ment or the "over-fulfillment" of their recruiting quota, with
the kudos that will entail. They also know him as a person, and
the deeper emotional feelings, which from time to time become
overlaid in the grinding trivia of day-to-day activity, come to
the surface on such an occasion. Even before the meeting begins,
the heartfelt greetings of those whom he already knows and the
quick and intimate reception by those whom he does not, welcome
him to the "in-group." In the course of the meeting he is
ceremoniously introduced and the previous informal reception is
formalized. At one period he would stand before the unit and
gravely take this pledge:

gravely take this pledge:

formulated. At one period he would stand before the unit and
ceremoniously introduced and the previous informal reception to
him to the "in-broth." In the course of the meeting he is
druck and intimate reception by those whom he does not, welcome
the heartiest greetings of those whom he already knows and the
surface on such an occasion. "When before the meeting begins,
overlast in the grinding trivias of day-to-day activity, come to
the deeper emotional feelings, which from time to time become
the the that will entail. They also know him as a person, and
ment or the "over-fulfillment" of their recruiting quota, with
But to the unit, he is not only another step toward the fulfill-
the district he is only an integer in statistical achievement.
affected by the significance of this fact. To the section or
factor: He is a new member, and the others, as well as he, are
In this particular meeting he himself is a most important
later.

"the arming up," all of which he will learn much more apont
on any put the most trivial questions, the odd institution of
Communist "parliamentary procedure," the prevalence of unanimity
Minor things strike his attention: peculiarities of
moment than everything he has read in a year.

7 - 8

[il]

7 - 9

[LC]

"I now take my place in the ranks of the Communist Party, the Party of the working class. I take this solemn oath to give the best that is in me to the service of my class. I pledge myself to spare no effort in uniting the workers in militant struggle against fascism and war. I pledge myself to work unsparingly in the unions, in the shops, among the unemployed, to lead the struggles for the daily needs of the masses. I solemnly pledge to take my place in the forefront of the struggle for Negro rights; against Jim-Crowism and lynching, against the chauvinist lies of the ruling class. I pledge myself to rally the masses to defend the Soviet Union, the land of victorious Socialism. I pledge myself to remain at all times a vigilant and firm defender of the Leninist line of the Party, the only line that insures the triumph of Soviet Power in the United States." (5)

At another time, when the line is different, the emphasis would differ: for "Leninist" would be substituted "Marxist"; for "Soviet Power," "Socialism." The language would be modified and more "American." But the implied content of the pledge is the same. Or, if it is a time when pledges are not the Party fashion, he will be initiated with a sober speech by the unit organizer. In any case the emphasis is the same: duty, responsibility, and the privilege of being one of those who have elected for History -- or, to lower the tone, who "know the score," are not "confused," on the outside, dragged by events.

The details of his induction are no less conducive to this feeling of initiation into a new life. The Party card he receives from the financial secretary, with that strange false name written on it, is accompanied with a query about his income.

name written on it, is accompanied with a duly apart his income.
receives from the financial secretary, with that strange false
feeling of initiation into a new life. The party card he
The details of his induction are no less congruous to this
trued," on the outside, dragged by events.

-- or, to lower the tone, who "know the score," are not "con-
the privilege of being one of those who have elected for History
in any case the emphasis is the same: duty, reasonableness, and
he will be initiated with a proper speech by the unit organizer.
same. Or, if it is a time when pledges are not the party fashion,
more "American." But the implied content of the pledge is the
"Soviet Power," "Societal." The language would be modified and
differ: for "Reminisc" would be abbreviated "Markiat;" for

At another time, when the line is different, the emphasis would
 States." (2)
that insures the triumph of Soviet Power in the United
defender of the Reminisc line of the Party, the only line
I pledge myself to remain at all times a vigilant and firm
detend the Soviet Union, the land of victorious Socialism,
the ruling class. I pledge myself to rally the masses to
tim-Gorbac and lynching, against the чавниет life of
the forefront of the struggle for Negro rights; against
needs of the masses. I solemnly pledge to take my place in
among the unemployed, to lead the struggles for the daily
mawelt to work meaningly in the unions, in the shops,
in militant struggle against racism and war. I pledge
I pledge myself to share no effort in uniting the workers
to give the best that is in us to the service of my class.
the Party of the working class. I take this solemn oath
"I now take my place in the ranks of the Communist Party,

7 - 8

7 - 10

[LC]

Party dues are proportionate to income; the bite can be very deep (and this is only the beginning, as he will soon learn; contributions, literature purchases, subscriptions, mass-organization demands, will cut deeper and deeper, averaging from 15 to 30 per cent of the member's income).

What lies ahead for him is also adumbrated at this first meeting. He has listened to campaigns discussed and assignments made -- and to "check-up," soon to become the persistent tracker of his steps. Now, however, only two evenings of the week are demanded: the weekly unit meeting and the New Members' Class, which he must attend weekly for four or six weeks. Of course, if he is already active in any organization, he is expected to continue that activity under Party guidance; and if he has an interest or hobby or a connection, the political value of which is immediately apparent, he may be "mobilized" on the spot to begin capitalizing on it -- which will mean a further claim upon his time.

The new member's first Party meeting is the beginning of the inculcation of two attitudes which are essential to the being of the Communist: for the Communist, the Party is the be-all and the end-all of life, the center of all human purpose; and the Party demands of him no partial segment of his life but all of his life.⁶ However nebulously these concepts may affect

all of life's life⁶. However repulsively these concepts may affect
and the party demands of him no partial segment of life life put
pe-all and the end-all of life, the center of all human purpose;
being of the Communist: for the Communist, the Party is the
the incitement of two attitudes which are essential to the
The new member's first Party meeting is the beginning of
upon life time.

begin capitalising on it -- which will mean a further claim
it immediately abherent, he may be "mobilitized," on the spot to
interest or hoppy or a connection, the political value of which
continue that activity under Party Guidance; and if he has an
it he is already active in any organisation, he is expected to
which he must attend weekly for four or six weeks. Of course,
demanded: the weekly unit meeting and the New Members' Class,
of life steps. Now, however, only two evenings of the week are
made -- and to "check-up," soon to become the baleful tracker
meeting. He has intimated to campaigns discussed and assignments
What life ahead for him is also ascribed at this first

12 to 30 per cent of the member's income).
Gen Justification demands, will cut deeper and deeper, averaging from
contributions, literature purchases, subscriptions, mass-or-
dee (and this is only the beginning, as he will soon learn;
Party dues are proportionate to income; the pite can be very

[a]

J - 10

7 - 11

[LC]

him at the moment, a process has begun which will continue for
the rest of his Party life.

## New Members' Classes

In the first few weeks of membership, the three most important influences are the unit meetings themselves, any activities the new recruit may be involved in, and the New Members' Classes. The particular form New Members' Classes should take is always a matter of considerable internal Party discussion. Clearly it is impossible in so brief a time, and with the pressing need of immediate orientation, to approach the minimum desideratum of understanding of Marxism-Leninism. Nor, on the other hand, are these classes supposed to substitute for what the unit itself should teach the new member about the details of practical activity. One central idea, however, dominates all the variations: to inculcate the desired attitude to the Party.

What follows is a typical set of topics around which such
classes are organized:

1.) **The Class Struggle.** This prologue is adapted to the level of understanding of the particular group. A capsule of the theory of historical materialism, it concentrated on preparing the ground for

2.) **The Party.** In New Members' Classes, the Marxist-Leninist doctrine of the Party is projected primarily

Revoltist doctrine of the Party is projected primarily

3.) *The Party*. In New Members' Classes, the Marxist-on-preparing the ground for of the theory of historical materialism, it concentrates level of understanding of the particular group. A capable i.) *The Class Struggle*. This prolotype is adapted to the classes are organized:

Must follow is a typical set of topics around which such
incite the desired attitude to the Party.
One central idea, however, dominates all the variations: to
teach the new member about the details of practical activity.
Classes embodied to补正for what the unit itself should
standing of Marxism-Revolution. Nor, on the other hand, are these
mediate orientation, to approach the minimum desideratum of under-
impossible in so strict a time, and with the pressing need of im-
mature of considerable internal party discussion. Clearly it is
The particular form New Members' Classes should take is always a
the new recruit may be involved in, and the New Members' Classes.
tant influences are the unit meetings themselves, any activities
In the first few weeks of membership, the three most impor-

New Members' Classes

the rest of his party life.

J - 11

7 - 12

[LC]

emotionally and imaginatively. The teachers are rarely regular teachers of the Party educational apparatus; they are selected from the most experienced **actives** available and encouraged to personalize their teaching from their own experiences and the folklore of the Party.

3.) **The Organizational Structure and Methods of Work of the Party.** This is a delicate question for the new and inexperienced, and the wind is tempered to the shorn lamb. An idealized picture is presented, placing great stress on the theoretical existence of a flow from bottom to top as complement to the flow from top to bottom. Great play is made with apt anecdotes about the initiative of individuals, the wisdom of the leadership, and the "undemocratic" character of ordinary democratic methods.

4.) **Analysis of the current situation and the current line,** with renewed emphasis on the role of the Party and the particular tasks facing the local organization.

Usually these classes end with a talk by some representative of a higher echelon, a sort of second welcoming and initiation, in which the personal responsibility of the new members is stressed.

Apart from the direct result achieved in these classes through absorption of the material taught -- the raising of the Party from a mundane institution to a mystical entity -- two other results

a membrane institution to a mystical entity -- two other results
absorption of the material taught -- the raising of the party from
which the personal responsibility of the new members is stressed.
A higher echelon, a sort of second welcoming and initiation, in
usually these classes meet with a talk by some representative of
particular tasks facing the local organisation.

4.) *Analysis of the current situation and the current line*, ordinary democratic methods.

dom of the leadership, and the "undemocratic" character of
absurd anecdotae spout the initiative of individuals, the wit-
ness to the flow from top to bottom. Great play is made with
theoretical existence of a flow from bottom to top as comple-
teized picture is presented, placing great stress on the
tempered, and the wind is t Tempered so the storm temp. An
un Party.
This is a delicate question for the new and inexper-


3.) *The Organisational Structure and Methods of Work of the*
*experiences and the folklore of the Party.*

The new and in exper-

and encouraged to personalize their teaching from their own
are selected from the most experienced active available
regular teachers of the party educational apparatus; they
emotionally and imaginatively. The teachers are rarely

7 - 15

7 - 13

[LC]

are attained. In the first place, the Communist method of
teaching through a guided discussion directed toward a pre-
determined end confirms the belief of the new member that the
conclusions to which he comes have been arrived at freely and
by his own thinking, although they always turn out to be the
conclusions of the Party. In the second place, another attitude,
corollary to this, is developed, an attitude without which the
first would be untenable -- an enormous respect for the "science"
of Marxism-Leninism, both as an indispensable tool to be mastered
by the neophyte if he wants to become a good Communist and as
justification for the authority of the leadership. The leader-
ship is to be conceived of not in the normal democratic manner,
but as a board of scientists, the most capable Marxist-Leninists.

It is not their personal opinions, their judgments, that they
are putting forward, but their scientific analysis of the situa-
tion. It would be as absurd to place the uninstructed will of
the majority of the Party against their judgment on political
and social matters as to counterpose the vote of first-year
physics students to the considered opinion of a group of leading
physicists. The student emerges conditioned both to accept the
decisions of the leadership and to feel that, to the degree of
his understanding, he has arrived at those decisions himself
and will understand them more and more fully the more thoroughly
he masters the science of the movement.

and will understand them more and more fully the more thoroughly
the understanding, he has arrived at those declarations himself;
decisions of the leadership and to feel that, to the degree of
physicists. The student emerges conditioned both to accept the
physics students to the considered opinion of a group of feeding
and social matters as to counterpose the vote of first-year
the majority of the party against their judgment on political
tion. It would be as absurd to place the uninastrated will of
are acting forward, but their scientific analysis of the situs-
It is not their personal opinions, their judgments, that they
put as a board of scientists, the most capable Marxist-Revolution-
ship is to be conceived of not in the normal democratic manner,
justification for the authority of the leadership. The leader-
by the neophyte if he wants to become a good Communist and as
of Marxism-Revolution, both as an indispensable tool to be mastered
first would be unenceptible -- an enormous respect for the "science,
corollary to this, is developed, an attitude without which the
conclusions of the Party. In the second place, another attitude,
by his own thinking, although they always turn out to be the
conclusions to which he comes have been arrived at freely and
determined and confirms the belief of the new member that the
teaching through a guided discussion directed toward a pre-
are attained. In the first place, the Communist method of

7 - 13

[d]

[LC]

7 - 14

## The Rank and Filer

The experiences of the first few weeks of Party membership have a reasonably uniform character, and it has been possible to discuss this period more or less as a homogenous whole. When it comes to a consideration of the influences which contribute to the training of the Party member throughout his rank-and-file period, a different approach is necessary. There is no assignable temporal order to the gamut of possible events. What may have tremendous influence on one rank and filer three months after he has joined may not happen to another for three years. And so much is going on at once in different areas of Party life that it is impossible to describe it except schematically. Therefore, I shall discuss *seriatim*:

1.) The Party meeting: the focus of Party life.

2.) The activities of the rank-and-file Party member: training exercises.

3.) The impact of the Party in daily life.

There is a fourth, and very important category, formal training in Party classes, schools, etc. This will be treated in Chapter 9. It must be remembered, however, that throughout the process I am discussing, most members will be receiving some formal education of this kind.

the process I am discussing, most members will be receiving
in Chapter 9. It must be remembered, however, that throughout
training in party classes, schools, etc. This will be treated
There is a fourth, and very important category, formal

3.) The impact of the party in daily life, training exercises.

2.) The activities of the rank-and-file party member:
   1.) The party meeting: the focus of party file.

I shall discuss *series*:

it is impossible to describe it except schematically. Therefore,
which is going on at once in different areas of party life that
has joined may not happen to another for three years. And so
transcendent influence on one rank and filet three months after he
temoral order to theamt of possible events. What may have
period, a different approach is necessary. There is no assignable
to the training of the party member throughout his rank-and-file
it comes to a consideration of the influences which contribute
to discuss this period more or less as a homogeneous whole. When
have a reasonably uniform character, and it has been possible

The experiences of the first few weeks of party membership

The Rank and File

7 - 14

[il]

[LC]

7 - 15

## The Party Meeting

For the rank and filer, the Party meeting is the unit meeting. He may occasionally be present at a section convention or a section conference. If his unit has done some remarkable piece of work, he may even be shown off at a district convention or conference. But these are exceptions. The unit meeting is the point at which the rank-and-filer's Party life comes to focus.

It is here that he receives the assignments which originate his activity, and here that he is held accountable for the results of that activity. Here he meets the authority of the Party and learns to accept it freely, through mimesis and through absorption of the universal rationale of Communist action, the justification of all actions in terms of Marxist-Leninist dogma.

The mode of procedure itself plays an important part in adapting the unit meeting to its dual purpose as an instrument of training and as a flexible means for directing and mobilizing the Party membership. The method of discussion and decision follows the uniform practice of the Party from top to bottom. In the unit bureau the unit organizer, in the unit meeting a representative of the unit bureau, makes a report. The other members discuss it. The reporter summarizes, accepting some points in the discussion and rejecting others. His report, as amended by his summary, is adopted unanimously.⁷ The only exception to this is on matters where the organizer implicitly

exception to this is on matters where the organizer implicitly
amended by his summary, is adopted unreasonably.⁷ The only
points in the discussion and rejecting others. His report, as
matters discuss it. The reporter summarizes, accepting some
representative of the unit bureau, makes a report. The other
In the unit bureau the unit organizer, in the unit meeting a
follows the uniform practice of the party from top to bottom.
the party membership. The method of discussion and decision
of training and as a flexible means for directing and modifying
adjusting the unit meeting to its dual purpose as an instrument

Justification of all actions in terms of Marxist-Leninist dogma.

sorption of the universal rationale of Communist action, the
and seems to accept it freely, through mismeans and through ap-
units of that activity. Here he meets the authority of the party
his activity, and here that he is held accountable for the re-

It is here that he receives the assignments which originate
point at which the rank-and-file, a party life comes to focus.

conference. But these are exceptions. The unit meeting is the
of work, he may even be shown off at a district convention or

a section conference. If the unit has done some remarkable piece
ing. He may occasionally be present at a section convention or

For the rank and file, the party meeting is the unit meet-

The Party Meeting

7 - 12

[lc]

7 - 16

waives his prerogative, and that he does only on matters of
organizational detail or in preliminary discussion of questions
of no "political" importance, that is, questions in no way in-
volving the Party line.

This bald picture would seem to place the individual member
in the position of an automaton, obeying orders without in any
way contributing to the elaboration of policy or maintaining any
feeling of freedom or initiative. But this does justice neither
to the full situation nor to the subjective reaction of the in-
dividual. These discussions are often lively, spirited and
violent. The illusion is sedulously fostered that this method
gives the individual much more real participation in the making
of decisions than a simple vote. A capable Communist leader of
any level, whether he be a unit organizer or the General Secre-
tary of the Party, will in his summary mention by name those
whose proposals he adopts, and in rejecting other proposals, he
will utilize his superior command of dialectics so that the re-
jection seems based not on individual judgment but on objective
"scientific" analysis. On an important question, and in particu-
lar in higher bodies, to have one's proposal so adopted by the
Party leader gives one a tremendous feeling of influencing policy
and of personal achievement.

At any Party level, despite the risks of sticking to a

At any party level, despite the risks of sticking to a
and of personal achievement.

Party leaders give one a tremendous feeling of influencing policy far in higher bodies, to have one's proposals so adopted by the "scientific" analysts. On an important question, and in party-lection seems based not on individual judgment but on objective will utilize the anterior command of intellect so that the re-
whose proposals he adopts, and in rejecting other proposals, he
calls for the party, will in his summary mention by name those
any level, whether he be a unit organizer or the General Secre-
tion decisions than a simple vote. A capable Communist leader of
gives the individual much more real participation in the making
violent. The illustration is seriously fostered that this method
divided. These discussions are often lively, spirited and
to the full attraction nor to the subjective reaction of the in-
feeling of freedom or initiative. But this does justice neither
may contributing to the elaboration of policy or maturing any
in the position of an automaton, obeying orders without in any
This paid picture would seem to place the individual member
behind the party line.

of no "political" importance, that is, questions in no way in-
organisational detail or in preliminary discussion of questions
waives his prerogative, and that he does only on matters of

7 - 16

7 - 17

[LC]

position which is not approved, people fight furiously for
their position -- and are expected to. In fact, one of the
commonest aphorisms of Communist morality is: "A good bolshevik
fights for his position until the Party has made a decision."
Of course, if he fights successfully enough to convince a large
section of a lower organization to vote against the view of a
higher organization, all hell breaks loose. Representatives from
the higher committee attend a specially summoned meeting of the
recalcitrant organization, after having individually called the
leaders of the organization on the carpet. Not only the "in-
correctness" of the decision taken, but the deep social factors
in the personalities of the members which caused them to take it,
are gone into at great length. And then, when the vote is taken
and the higher organization upheld (as it always is), anyone who
has voted against it, or abstained, or even opposed the position
of the leadership in the discussion, is individually interviewed,
patiently but inexorably, for weeks or even months. If he does
not fall into line, he is disciplined and finally expelled.

But here we get beyond the scope of this chapter. Such an ex-
perience is the beginning of initiation into the cadre. Those
who survive it are well on their way.

Communist meetings, then, despite the earnestness and the

[lc]

7 - 18

comradeship, are extremely vociferous, even quarrelsome. Hardly a question is raised but arguments, more or less acrimonious, arise. Such an atmosphere, in conjunction with the inevitable unanimity at the end and with the constant pressure of Party authority, is well suited to help in producing that tension between personal initiative and acceptance of authority which is a desideratum of the developed Communist.

All agendas are thoroughly prepared by the unit bureau following an established pattern. The emphasis and content of the great majority of the items on that agenda are derived from written and verbal communications from higher echelons. Only questions of purely local concern are initiated by the bureau itself, and these also are under the over-all guidance of section and district. But the role of the bureau and its members in preparing reports is not an automatic one. They must take arid general directives and present them in a form which will stimulate the unit, interpret them in terms of practical activity for the unit, draw up a plan of campaign, and assign forces from their membership to carry it out.

The bureau is absolute lord of the agenda, and the agenda has tyrannical sway over the individual member. There is no such point on a Communist agenda as the conventional "New Business" or "General Welfare." The only way a member can place a

need" or "General Welfare." The only way a member can place a
such point on a Communist agenda as the conventional "New Busi-
ness dynamical away the individual member." There is no
The Bureau is absolute lord of the agenda, and the agenda
membership to carry it out.

unit, draw up a plan of campaign, and assign forces from their
to the unit, interpret them in terms of practical activity for the
General directives and present them in a form which will stimulate
preparing reports is not an automatic one. They must take part
and district. But the role of the Bureau and its members in
itself, and these also are under the overall guidance of section
questions of purely local concern are initiated by the Bureau
written and verbal communications from higher levels. Only
great majority of the items on that agenda are derived from
following an established pattern. The emphafe and content of the
All agenda are thoroughly prepared by the unit Bureau fol-
a desideratum of the developed Communist.

tween personal initiative and acceptance of authority which is
authority, is well suited to help in producing that tension be-
manly at the end and with the constant presence of Party
arise. Such an atmosphere, in conjunction with the inevitable
a question is raised put arguments, more or less scrupulous,
comradship, are extremely vociferous, even quarrelsome. Hardly

1 - 18

[f]

[1c]

7 - 19

question on the agenda is to discuss it with the organizer in advance. Then, if he and the bureau decide that it should be discussed, it is. Otherwise, it is almost impossible, without a small political revolt, to get it taken up.

The agenda of unit meetings has acquired through time a uniformity of general content. These are the elements which are supposed to make up all unit agendas, and in the great majority of cases actually do:

1. The "educational" -- a political discussion more or less theoretical in character.

2. The most important general campaigns of the Party at the time.

3. The most important activities specific to the unit.

4. Check-up on campaigns previously initiated and assignments previously made.

5. Perennial routine activity and check-up: Party press, literature, finances, etc.

6. Recruiting and discussion of individual contacts.

This is a tremendous order, and it is not surprising that the average weekly unit meeting lasts about four hours (except under illegal or semi-legal circumstances). It is a grueling weekly workout. No wonder the frequent complaint we hear from anti-Communist fighters in trade unions and other mass organizations that only the Communists stay to the end of meetings and decide the vote! They have plenty of practice. This staying

decide so note! They have plenty of practice. This staving
sions that only the Communists stay to the end of meetings and
such-Communist fighters in trade unions and other mass organisa-
weekly workout. No wonder the frequent complaint we hear from
under illegal or semi-legal circumstances). It is a gruelling
the average weekly unit meeting lasts about four hours (except
This is a tremendous order, and it is not surprising that

literature, finances, etc.

2. Personal routine activity and check-up: Party press,

ments previously made.

4. Check-up on campaigns previously initiated and assign-

the time.

2. The most important General campaign of the Party at

I. The "educational" -- a political discussion more or

of cases actually do:

embodied to make up all unit agendas, and in the great majority
uniformity of general content. These are the elements which are
The agenda of unit meetings has acquired through time a

discussed, it is. Otherwise, it is almost impossible, without
advance. Then, if he and the party decide that it should be
discussion on the agenda to discuss it with the organiser in

10 - 19

[n]

7 - 20

[LC]

power does not arise, as is so often implied, from the Communists' greater enthusiasm, but from their discipline and training.

In spite of the grinding, detailed character of so much of the business of the unit meeting, the recurring stress on theoretical considerations, which is a constant motif of the reports and discussions, has a cumulative effect. Even if the rank-and-file member does not get any formal Party schooling, he will pick up the essentials of the Communist outlook here. Very rapidly, phrases such as "bourgeois-democratic," "The Party is the vanguard of the working class," "opportunism," "petty-bourgeois attitudes," and even more esoteric ones like "tailism," "spontaneity," "left deviation," take on a content which makes them more than mere catchwords, so that they become connecting concepts in a developing over-all outlook.

In particular, the "educational" serves this function.⁸
It is not a formal theoretical class, except in rare circumstances. At the time, for example, of a Party anniversary or the issuance of an important theoretical manual, the district will work out a series of outlines and send down special instructors to transform the educationals of the units into formal classes for a few weeks; but this is an exception. Normally, the educational is a discussion of some aspect of the Party line based on an authoritative contemporary Party statement and backed up with material from the Marxist classics. But it is ••

up with material from the Marxist classless. But it is a
based on an authoritative contemporary party statement and packed
the educational is a discussion of some aspect of the party line
classes for a few weeks; but this is an exception. Normally,
to transform the educational of the units into formal
will work out a series of outlines and send down special instruc-
ture issuance of an important theoretical manual, the distinct
stances. At the time, for example, of a party anniversary or
It is not a formal theoretical class, except in rare circum-
In particular, the "educational" serves this function.⁸
in a developing over-all outlook.
than were cadres, so that they become connecting concepts
eity," "left deviation," take on a content which makes them more
attitudes," and even more socratic ones like "capital," "about-
guard of the working class," "obsequious," "betty-pompeo-
phrases such as "pompeo-democratic." The party is the van-
up the essentials of the Communist outlook here. Very rapidly,
file member does not get any formal party schooling, he will pick
and discussions, has a cumulative effect. Even if the rank-and-
retical considerations, which is a constant motif of the reports
the business of the unit meeting, the recurring stress on theo-
In spite of the grinding, detailed character of so much of
rates, greater enthusiasm, put from their discipline and training.
bother does not arise, as is so often implied, from the Comm-

7 - 30

[10]

7 - 21

[LC]

predominantly **practical**-theoretical; it is concerned not with **developing** a theoretical foundation but with presenting, justifying, and building up enthusiasm for the political line of the Party.

The members are encouraged in the discussion to raise ques-
tions (if, for their "age and grade" in the movement, they are
proportionately not too heretical); to bring up apt points from
the classics to bolster the line; to suggest from their experience
ways and means to implement it. The process is lively and at the
same time cozy. The wolves may howl outside, but before the
blazing fire of Marxism-Leninism, everything falls into comfort-
able order. No matter how little the rank-and-file member may
be versed in the systematic theory of Communism, constant demon-
stration of the derivation of the Communist outlook from "Science"
-- that hallowed source of authority in our age -- together with
the feeling of solidarity in the fellowship of those who under-
stand, quickly prepares him to accept analyses and decisions of
the Party as his own. Far from thinking himself subject to ex-
traneous authority, he identifies himself with its conclusions
with progressively less difficulty or resistance. He considers
himself infinitely superior to the "confused" and benighted
ordinary mortals who have to come to conclusions about events
without guide or compass, "blinded by the prejudices of the
capitalist world and drummed into sheep-like conformity by the

capitalist world and drummed into sleep-like conformity by the
without guide or compass, "plunged by the prejudices of the
ordinary mortals who have to come to conclusions about events
himself infinitely superior to the "confused" and penituted
with progressively less difficulty or restlessness. He considers
traneous authority, he identifies himself with its conclusions
the Party as his own. Far from thinking himself subject to ex-
stand, quickly prepares him to accept analyses and declarations of
the feeling of solidarity in the fellowship of those who under-
-- that allowed source of authority in our age -- together with
attraction of the derivation of the Communist outlook from "Science"
be varied in the systematic theory of Communism, constant demon-
acle order. No matter how little the rank-and-file member may
pissing fire of Marxism-Communism, everything falls into comfort-
same time cosy. The wolves may howl outside, but before the
ways and means to implement it. The process is lively and at the
core classes to polarize the line; to suggest from their experience
proportionately not too heretic); to bring up abot points from
tions (it, for their "age and grade" in the movement, they are
The members are encouraged in the discussion to raise ques-
ing, and building up eminents for the political line of the Party.
developing a theoretical foundation put with presenting, justify-
berepresentatively practical-theoretical; it is concerned not with

7 - 31

[r2]

7 - 22

[LC]

pounding of the capitalist press." Such justification and acceptance of a series of minor changes, emphases, and de-emphases in the Party line "in accordance with the objective situation," results in a conditioning so effective that even among the rank and file major shifts of line cause comparatively little turmoil.

As the experience of the unit meetings develops, acceptance of the main outlines of Communist theory and of the leadership's interpretation of that theory, so also it begins to create in the rank-and-file Communist a new attitude towards himself. His constant availability for assignment, irrespective of his personal preferences, together with the constant check-up on his assignments, develops an awareness of accountability to an intense degree. This is a situation in which no adult in a free society finds himself. Everyone, of course, is accountable to someone to some degree -- in his job, for instance -- but this is restricted to limited aspects of his life. Even in the Army, whole areas of life are free from discipline and constraint. In the Party, however, while the intensity increases only gradually as the rank and file moves towards the cadre, the pressure is always there, affecting all aspects of his life.

A gradual displacement of apprehension of the self as pure self begins, and the invasion of a new concept in which

bureaucracy begins, and the invasion of a new concept in which
A great pretence of abstraction of the self as
breams it always there, affecting all aspects of life.
Gradually as the rank and file moves towards the centre, the
In the party, however, while the intensity increases only
whole areas of life are free from discipline and constraint.
restricted to limited aspects of life. Even in the Army,
to some degree -- inside top, for instance -- put this to
finds himself. Everyone, of course, is accountable to someone
degrees. This is a situation in which no adult in a free society
ments, develops an awareness of accountability to an intense
preference, together with the constant check-up on his assign-
constant availability for assignment, irrespective of his personal
tie rank-and-file Communist a new attitude towards himself. His
interpretation of that theory, so also it begins to create in
of the main outlines of Communist theory and of the leadership,
As the experience of the unit meetings develops, acceptance
fittie turn to it.

1 - 11

[LC]

7 - 23

he begins to accept himself more and more as a projection of the Party, living and breathing only as informed by its spirit. Also affecting his conception of self is another phenomenon, experienced mainly in unit meetings. He begins to conquer what the Party calls his "subjectivity," to learn to criticize himself, or vote for himself, as he would criticize or vote for someone else. Self-criticism and openly voting for one's self would be the two most strikingly bizarre characteristics of a Communist meeting to an outsider. But there is nothing self-conscious about these acts. From the very beginning the new member is habituated to the idea of a discussion of himself by others in the most impersonal way. Soon, by observation of what goes on in unit meetings, he becomes accustomed to the idea of people themselves participating in such a discussion about themselves, negatively and positively, though mainly negatively. If some of these discussions amaze him, the theory of self-criticism is explained to him by an older comrade.

Nevertheless, the first time the neophyte is himself subject to "self-criticism," it is probably the most painful thing that has ever happened to him.⁹ For self-criticism consists in estimating (perhaps in connection with some failure of work or in consideration of promotion to some post) his own personality, his abilities and lack of abilities, and in digging into the

his abilities and lack of spinites, and in digging into the
consideration of promotion to some post) he own benevolence,
using (beneath in connection with some failure of work or in
pass over happened to him.⁹ For self-criticism consists in each-
thing "self-criticism", it is properly the most beautiful thing that
Nevertheless, the first time the neophyte is himself subjected
self-criticism is explained to him by an older comrade.

tively. If some of these discussions amuse him, the theory of
apont themselves, negatively and positively, though mainly nega-
tive of people themselves participating in such a discussion
what goes on in unit meetings, he becomes accustomed to the
others in the most interpersonal way. Soon, by observation of
member is situated to the idea of a discussion of himself by
consecutive apont these acts. From the very beginning the new
Communist meeting to an ender. But there is nothing self-
would be the two most strikingly bizarre characteristics of a
someone else. Self-criticism and openly voting for one's a self
self, or vote for himself, as he would criticize or vote for
the Party calls his "subjectivity", to learn to criticize him-
experienced mainly in unit meetings. He begins to condure what
Viaa affecting his conception of self is another phenomenon,
Party, living and preaching only as informed by its spirit.

1 - 33

[n]

7 - 24

[LC]

circumstances of his political, social and personal background which are "responsible" for his shortcomings. Of course, one is "helped" in this process; hence, the full name of the practice is "criticism and self-criticism." Part of the training is to learn to accept the bitterest attack as though it were impartial and impersonal assistance from the Party, and to join in the discussion, rebutting only what seems objectively untrue, emphasizing and expanding the rest.

Besides the function of the unit meeting in the development of Communist attitudes, it trains the rank-and-file member in many practical ways. Here he learns the painstaking methods of Communist organization. No matter how much organizational experience he may have had elsewhere, this is much more demanding, much more meticulous and thorough. A non-Communist organizer of many "cause committees", now an active anti-Communist, said to me recently, rather ruefully, that there were some advantages to the days when the "causes" for which he stood had Communist support and Communist workers in the ranks. "You didn't have to worry then about getting things done. They knew *how* to do them and they always *did* them. Now they're all like me -- sometimes things get done and sometimes they don't." It is mainly in unit meetings that these skills and this responsibility are learnt.

are issued.

mainly in unit meetings that these skills and the reasonableness
sometimes things get done and sometimes they don't." It is
them and they always did them. Now they're all like me --
to worry then about getting things done. They know how to do
subject and Communist workers in the ranks. "You didn't have
to the day when the "causes" for which he stood had Communist
me recently, rather regularly, that there were some advantages
many "cause committees", now an active anti-Communist, said to
much more meticulous and thorough. A non-Communist organizer of
berience he may have had elsewhere, this is much more demanding,
Communist organization. No matter how much organizational ex-
many practical ways. Here he learns the painstaking methods of
of Communist attitudes, it trains the rank-and-file member in
Besides the function of the unit meeting in the development
bloating and expanding the rest.
discussion, reputing only what seems objectively true, em-
and impersonal assistance from the party, and to join in the
learn to accept the bitterest attack as though it were impertinent
to "criticism and self-criticism." Part of the training is to
be "helped" in this process: hence, the full name of the practice
which are "reasonable" for his shortcomings. Of course, one
circumstances of his political, social and personal background

7 - 34

[n]

7 - 25

[LC]

In the unit meetings also the elementary principles of conspiracy are absorbed. It becomes routine to call people only by first names, to communicate the place of meetings carefully, and verbally only, to learn not to ask questions about the sudden disappearance of a comrade from activity (when it is obviously not a case of backsliding), or for that matter not to ask questions about anything that is not one's direct concern. One learns not to keep written notes, never to write down names. One becomes accustomed to accepting from the tone of the organizer's introduction the authority of individuals present at the unit meeting without knowing who or what they are.

## The Activities of the Rank-and-File Party Member

The relationship between the Party meeting and the activities of rank-and-file Communists can be looked at in two ways. If one thinks of the Party as an ordinary organization whose day-to-day and year-to-year activities are of primary importance, these activities would seem to be the *raison d'être* of the unit meeting. Sometimes, even in the Party, under the pressure of immediate events, it begins to look that way. But when that happens, it is because the Party is temporarily suffering from "revisionist tendencies."

The Party is not an ordinary organization; it is a special type of revolutionary organization, and everything it does in

type of revolutionary organization, and everything it does in
The Party is not an ordinary organization; it is a special
"revolutionist tendency."

happens, it is because the Party is temporarily suffering from
of immediate events, it begins to look that way. But when that
unit meeting, sometimes, even in the Party, under the pressure
these activities would seem to be the "tension date" of the
to-day and year-to-year activities are of primary importance,
one thinks of the Party as an ordinary organization whose day-
of rank-and-file Communique can be looked at in two ways. It

The relationship between the Party meeting and the activities
present at the unit meeting without knowing who or what they are.
of the organizer's introduction the authority of individual
down names. One becomes accustomed to accepting from the tone
concern. One learns not to keep written notes, never to write
not to ask questions about anything that is not one's direct
it is obviously not a case of packselling, or for that matter
about the sudden disappearance of a comrade from activity (when
carefully, and especially only, to learn not to ask questions
only by first names, to communicate the place of meetings
conspiracy are spurious). It becomes routine to call people

In the unit meetings also the elementary principles of
The Activities of the Rank-and-file Party Number
present at the unit meeting without knowing who or what they are.
of the organizer's introduction the authority of individual
down names. One becomes accustomed to accepting from the tone
concern. One learns not to keep written notes, never to write
not to ask questions about anything that is not one's direct
it is obviously not a case of packselling, or for that matter
about the sudden disappearance of a comrade from activity (when
carefully, and especially only, to learn not to ask questions
only by first names, to communicate the place of meetings
conspiracy are spurious). It becomes routine to call people

7 - 32

7 - 26

[LC]

the period preliminary to a revolutionary situation must be justified by what is contributed to preparation for the seizure of power. So with all the Party's activities. They serve their purpose only to the degree that they "raise the consciousness of the workers," "build connections between the Party and the masses," and lead to the placing of Communists in influential and strategic positions. 10 But the main task of any Communist Party in the pre-revolutionary period is to build and strengthen the Communist cadre for the day when it will be needed for its only proper task. Any attitude which attaches values to activities for their own sake, is from the Marxist-Leninist point of view reformist -- that is, non-revolutionary, non-Communist, a "betrayal of the working class." It is the cardinal sin, revision of Marxism-Leninism.

Therefore, external activities must be regarded primarily as training maneuvers. They are subordinate to the inner life of the Party, and this is so despite all the emphasis on mass work in Communist documents. Certainly the Communist must be active, the Party must have connections with the masses, but only because it is no more possible to build a revolutionary army without the practice of political activity than it is to build a conventional army without the practice of field maneuvers.

Therefore, in the training of the rank-and-file Communist,

Therefore, in the training of the rank-and-file Communist, build a conventional army without the practice of field maneuvers. Army without the practice of political activity than it is to only because it is no more feasible to build a revolutionary active, the party must have connections with the masses, put work in Communist document. Certainly the Communist must be of the party, and this is so despite all the embassies on mass training maneuvers. They are subordinate to the inner life Therefore, external activities must be regarded primarily of Marxist-Leninism.

trayal of the working class." It is the cardinal aim, revolution reformist -- that is, non-revolutionary, non-Communist, a "people's party" -- that is, the party of the masses, and led to the placing of Communists in influential places of the workers' "build connections between the party and their burghers only to the degree that they raise the consciousness of power." So with all the party's activities. They serve justified by what is contributed to preparation for the seizure the period preliminary to a revolutionary attraction must be

7 - 36

[10]

7 - 27

[Lc]

the activities in which he participates should be considered primarily in relation to the training he receives in the Party itself -- in the unit meeting, in Party life generally, and in his formal education. Activities are the field in which he tries out his skills, both individually and in deployed formation; and the successes and failures of this activity become material for the analysis and discussion which further his training.

These activities are extraordinarily variform. There are straight Party campaigns: subscription drives and canvassing for the Party press; Party election campaigns (collecting of signatures, house-to-house canvassing, street-corner meetings, mass meetings, etc.); campaigns around indicted or imprisoned Party leaders; the selling of tickets for Party mass meetings. There is the duty of participating in demonstrations and picket lines, whether run in the name of the Party or of organizations and trade unions supported by the Party. There is the work of shoring up, supporting, and expanding Party-front organizations and of furthering their campaigns. There is the work within organizations and professional associations alien to the Party, neutral, or in the process of being captured. There is work within the trade unions and the factories. And then, there is the responsibility of making something of one's situation as an individual, whatever it is -- in a profession, in a place of work,

individual, whatever it is -- in a profession, in a place of work, the responsibility of making something of one's situation as an within the trade unions and the factories. And then, there is neutral, or in the process of being captured. There is work organizations and professional associations away to the party, and of furthering their campaigns. There is the work within smoking up, supporting, and expanding party-front organizations and trade unions supported by the party. There is the work of lines, whether run in the name of the party or of organizations There is the duty of participating in demonstrations and ticket party readers: the selling of tickets for party mass meetings, mass meetings, etc.); campaigns around indicted or imprisoned signatures, house-to-home canvassing, street-corner meetings, for the party press; party election campaigns (collecting of straight party campaigns: subscription drives and canvassing These activities are extraordinarily various. There are the surveys and discussion which further party training. the successes and failures of this activity become material for out party skills, both individually and in deployed formation; and party formal education. Activities are the field in which he tries itself -- in the unit meeting, in party life (generally), and in primarily in relation to the training he receives in the party the activities in which he participates should be considered

J - 31

[n]

[lc]

7 - 28

among friends, at a Brooklyn clambake or a Main Line dinner party.

In activity, qualities which are taught in the abstract within the Party are fully developed. Some of these are in the nature of skills: the ability to speak to small or moderately large groups; to run a mimeograph machine and write a simple leaflet; to subordinate one's egotism in personal contacts in order to achieve results for the Party; to thrust aside diverting and inessential conditions -- from the point of view of the Party -- and concentrate always on determined goals. One or two basic qualities also must be learned primarily in contact with the outside world. Fortitude, both moral and physical, is such a quality. The exercise of fortitude requires the presence of hostile forces, and in the activities of the Party there is plenty of opportunity for it. The rank and filer must have the moral courage to take an unpopular position among associates, friends and family, or to put forward a minority position to a scornfully listening audience. He must be able to attack publicly a position which a week ago, "before the objective situation changed," he had defended just as vigorously, and he must be able to do so without the slightest thought that he is doing anything but a noble thing. He must have the physical courage to participate in demonstrations and picket lines where there is a possibility of a clash with hostile groups or with the police, or to distribute

class with hostile groups or with the police, or to distribute
attractions and ticket lines where there is a possibility of a
dating. He must have the physical courage to participate in demon-
out the eighteenth thought that he is doing anything but a noble
defended just as vigorously, and he must be able to do so with-
a week ago, "before the objective situation changed," he had
audience. He must be able to attack publicly a position which
to but forward a minority position to a severelySMARTENg
an unpopular position among associates, friends and family, or
for it. The rank and file must have the moral courage to take
and in the activities of the party there is plenty of opportunity
The exercise of fortitude requires the presence of hostile forces,
side world. Fortitude, both moral and physical, is such a quality.
durability also must be learned primarily in contact with the out-
and concentrate always on determined goals. One or two basic
and unessential conditions -- from the point of view of the party --
order to achieve results for the party; to thrust aside diverting
resentment; to subordinate one's egoism in personal contacts in
large groups; to run a mimeograph machine and write a simple
nature of skills; the ability to bear to small or moderately
within the party are fully developed. Some of these are in the
In activity, duties which are taught in the abstract
among friends, at a Brooklyn clamp-kate or a Main Line dinner party.

7 - 38

[LC]

7 - 29

leaflets and collect signatures in tough and unfriendly neighborhoods.

Then, too, it is in activity, particularly where a number of Communists are well organized in a fraction within a mass organization or a trade union, that the rank and file first begins to acquire a feeling of the power of the Party, a power with which he identifies himself. This feeling arises for the first time, perhaps, when he sees a half-dozen Communists, of whom he is one, carry out plans which have been worked out in detail beforehand in a fraction meeting, and bring an organization with hundreds or thousands of members to take exactly the position the Party wants it to take. This feeling becomes like the smell of powder to a cavalry horse. It console the Communist for many an external defeat and internal tongue-lashing; and the promise of its repetition on a greater and greater scale is a tremendous stimulus to the efforts necessary for his development to the cadre.

## The Impact of the Party in Daily Life

In the general life of the Party, in conversation, reminiscences, banter, this sense of the power of the Party is intensified by association with the victories of the international Communist movement. Partially through formal education and partially through reading Party publications, but mainly through

["partially through reading party publications, but mainly through\nCommunist movement. Partially through formal education and\nfled by association with the victories of the international\nciences, panter, this sense of the power of the party is internal-\nIn the general life of the party, in conversation, remains", "The Impact of the Party in Daily Life", "to the cadre.\n\ntravellers, and collect signatures in tough and untidy neigh-\nborhoods.\n\nthem, too, it is in activity, particularly where a number\nof communicate are well organized in a fraction within a year\norganization or a trade union, that the rank and file first\nbegin to acquire a feeling of the power of the party, a power\nwith which he identifies himself. This feeling arises for the\nfirst time, perhaps, when he sees a half-dosed Communist, of\nwhom he is one, carry out acts which have been worked out in\na fraction beforehand in a fraction meeting, and bring an organisa-\ntion to the end.", "them, too, it is in activity, particularly where a number\nof Communists are well organized in a fraction within a year\nperiods.\n\nperiods.\n\nperiods.\n\nperiods.\

7 - 30

[Lc]

the absorption of attitudes from older comrades and from the
atmosphere around him, there grows an identification with "our
heroic Chinese comrades," with "our glorious Soviet comrades,
moving forward from the successful construction of Socialism
to the building of Communism." The compelling power of this
sense of grandeur is more than sufficient to make up for the
personal difficulties and dangers in which the individual Com-
munist may find himself. The cause is advancing, the chariot of
History is rolling inexorably on, and the Communist is firmly
seated on that chariot, no matter how uncomfortable his personal
position.

In the great emotional mass meetings and in the songs of the
movement this identification is ritually consecrated. The more
popular literature of the movement, revolutionary novels, short
stories, reportage -- and Soviet films -- contribute considerably.
Conversations about national and international developments,
reports on Party activities, pamphlets glorifying "the building
of Socialism," all play their part in strengthening this identi-
fication with an advancing victorious force. The conviction
grows that for the movement "there are no fortresses bolsheviks
cannot conquer"; and the foundations are being laid within the
personality of the rank and filer himself for the time when this
slogan will possess him individually as well.

Symbol will become him individually as well.
 Paragonity of the rank and filter himself for the time when this
cannot condense; and the foundations are being laid within the
Grows that for the movement "there are no forresses polemik
fication with an advancing victorious force. The conviction
of Socialism," all play their part in strengthening this identi-
reports on Party activities, campaigns glorifying "the building
Conferences about national and international developments,
stories", reports -- and Soviet films -- contribute considerably.
Popular literature of the movement, revolutionary novels, short
movement this identification is virtually concreted. The more
In the great emotional mass meetings and in the songs of the
beation.

seated on that chariot, no matter how uncomfortable his personal
history is rolling inexorably on, and the Communist is firmly
united may find himself. The cause is advancing, the chariot of
personal difficulties and dangers in which the individual Com-
cause of Grandeur is more than sufficient to make up for the
to the building of Communism." The compelling power of this
moving forward from the successful construction of Socialism
beyond Chinese comrades," with "our glorious Soviet comrades,
atmosphere around him, there grows an identification with "our
the absorption of attitudes from older comrades and from the

7 - 30

[r]

7 - 31

[LC]

With the growth of enthusiasm and of the sentiment of comradeship towards those linked with him, he develops also a half-pleasurable, half-frightening sensation of bridge after bridge being burnt behind him. Although this process, too, is only beginning and will not be consummated before the cadre stage, what is taking place are the first steps towards total commitment -- what the Party means by "loyalty."

As he finds that the Party takes cognizance and demands an accounting not merely of his political activity, but of his personal life, his relations with his family, the books he reads, the pictures on his walls, the way he spends his vacation, of the casual phrases he utters, this sense of commitment grows upon him. And some day in gossip about some party member who has "turned sour," he hears the phrase: "You can't resign, you can only be expelled." It is true, the Party in countries where it is not in power has no physical sanctions with which to enforce this anathema. But he has begun to understand what can happen even to a rank and filer of two or three years' standing whose life has become so intertwined with the Party that his friendships, his associations, perhaps his very career or job, can be blasted by an expulsion.¹¹ It is not that this threatening aspect is important to him at the time. He could never commit the sacrilege that Comrade X has committed; and the Party is fully justified in dealing summarily with those who

the party is fully justified in dealing summarily with those who
never commit the sacrifice that Courage X has committed; and
threatening affect is important to him at the time. He could
or top, can be pitted by an expletator. If it is not that this
that his friendships, his associations, perhaps his very career
standing whose life has become so intertwined with the party
can happen even to a rank and filter of two or three here,
to enforce this amendment. But he has begun to understand what
where it is not in power has no bilaterial sanctions with which
can only be expelled." It is true, the party in countries
has "turned some," he means the phrase: "You can't reach you
upon him. And some only in regard about some partly memper who
the causal phrases he utters, this sense of commitment shows
the pictures on his walls, the way he abandons his vacation, of
some life, his relations with his family, the poeks he reads,
accounting not merely of his political activity, but of his per-
ve he finds that the party takes cognisance and demands an
commitment -- what the party means by "loyalty."

stage, what is taking place are the first steps towards total
is only beginning and will not be consummated before the end
bridge being put behind him. Although this process, too,
half-bеспurple, half-frightening sensation of bridge after
comradery with those linked with him, he develops also a
With the growth of egotism and of the sentiment of

7 - 31

7 - 32

endanger the cause of the future. Nevertheless, a gulf is created between him and the world around him.

The image of burned bridges is apt. Like Cortes and his little band in the midst of an alien empire, so the Communist, while he feels the strength of solidarity and of his mission, sees menacing forces around him everywhere. Previously, the policeman on the corner has been for him, as for most Americans or Englishmen, a neutral symbol at the worst, at the best a source of information and ultimate protection against robbers and other malefactors. Now he is transformed into an immediate symbol of danger, an agent of the enemy, the bourgeois state, with whom one's only potential relations are those of warfare. An alienation from the mores of the society is being artificially created. The state, from being the limited government of a constitutional republic, is becoming "the executive committee of the ruling class." Through theory, through atmosphere, through interpreted experience in demonstration or picket line, the sense of community with the nation is shattered. Very concretely, the idea of a commonwealth within the established commonwealth, and in bitter battle with it, is instilled.

The church is by definition the enemy of an organization whose theoretical basis is militantly materialist. The multifarious voluntary organizations of society, from Elks to Boy

farious voluntary organizations of society, from Elks to Boy
whose theoretical basis is militarily materialistic. The multi-
The church is by definition the enemy of an organization
pitter-patter with it, is instilled.

of a commonwealth within the established commonwealth, and in
unity with the nation is shattered. Very concretely, the idea
experience in demonstration or picket line, the sense of com-
class." Through theory, through atmosphere, through interpreted
republic, is becoming "the executive committee of the ruling
The state, from being the limited government of a constitutional
tion from the more of the society is being artificially created.
one's only potential relations are those of warlords. In some-
c danger, an agent of the enemy, theekofoe state, with whom
mestacors. Now he is transformed into an immediate symbol of
of information and ultimate protection against rappers and other
or Englishmen, a neutral symbol at the worst, at the best a source
bohemans on the corner has been for him, as for most Americans
sees menacing forces around him everywhere. Previously, the
while he feels the strength of solidarity and of his mission,
little band in the midst of an alien empire, so the Communist,
The image of burned bridges is apt. Like Cortes and his
created between him and the world around him.

endanger the cause of the future. Nevertheless, a grid is

7 - 25

[r]

[LC]

7 - 33

Scouts, have their parts to play in the "conspiracy of Wall Street." The "capitalist press" from being a paper to read becomes a direct organ of the same conspiracy. So with the family; and here more immediately because it is one's own family, and any relations with it which impede one's immediate usefulness and availability to the Party are directly and vigorously "handled." Nor is this merely a matter of filial piety. The intimate family, wife or husband, is included. If one or the other is not a Party member, all sorts of complications ensue, and failure to straighten out the situation by recruitment becomes a continuing and outstand-
ing Party sin. If both are Party members, the Party assumes all sorts of rights to regulate relationships; family quarrels, the disposition of respective time, even the having of children, become political matters. At the cadre level, and occasionally before that, this has gone to the extreme of enforcing separation or divorce.

The most widespread, open and blatant pressure of this kind on rank and filers that I know of in a legal Western party took place in the United States during World War II. Its aim was to prevent wives from visiting their husbands at Army training camps, and especially to prevent their moving to live nearby. Every political, ideological and emotional stop was pulled, from sob-sister columns by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn in the *Daily Worker* to

ester column by Elisabeth Carley Flynn in the *Daily Worker* to
political, ideological and emotional atop was builied, from sop-
and especially to prevent their moving to live nearby. Every
prevent wives from visiting their husbands at Army training camps.
place in the United States during World War II. It's aim was to
on rank and filters that I know of in a legal Western party took
The most widespread, open and direct pressure of this kind
or divorce.

before that, this has gone to the extreme of enforcing separation
become political matters. At the core level, and occasionally
disagreement of respective time, even the having of children,
sorts of rights to regulate relationships; family quarrels, the
ring party sin. If both are party members, the party assumes all
out the situation by recruitment becomes a continuing and outstanding
member, all sorts of complications arise, and failure to straddle
wire or impede, is included. If one or the other is not a party
nor is this merely a matter of tidal bility. The intimate family,
and availability to the party are directly and vigorously "handled."
and any relations with it which impede one's immediate usefulness
family; and here more immediately because it is one's own family,
becomes a direct organ of the same conspiracy. So with the
street." The "capitalist press" from being a paper to read
Scouts, have their part to play in the "conspiracy of Wall

7 - 33

7 - 34

[LC]

special classes for women, disciplinary actions, expulsions and
the threat of expulsion. The Party's motive in this campaign
against what it indecently labeled "camp following," was to
hold on to "female forces" to replace men drafted into the Army.
To my personal knowledge, a number of divorces were precipitated
as a result of this campaign.

In any individual case, the impingement of the Party on
personal life will vary. In some cases, it may be a long time
before important pressure of this kind directly affects the rank
and filer. Nevertheless, he knows what the Party's attitude is,
what his own attitude is supposed to be, and the awareness of
commitment grows.

Commitment creates in turn a deep sense of separation from
ordinary people, a sort of inner mark of Cain. Partly this is
a feeling of superiority to the "confused" non-Party people
around him. Partly it is a consciousness of always having
another motive than the surface one, of living a special and
infinitely more important life within the life he apparently
leads. All affect drains out of situations irrelevant to the
Party. This is the major reason why the Communist finds that
he has gradually lost all close friendships with people outside
of the Party. Communists -- and this is true of rank and filers
though even more so of the cadre -- seem to find their really

though even more so of the cadres -- seem to find their really
of the party. Committes -- and this is true of rank and filters
he has gradually lost all close friendships with people outside
party. This is the major reason why the Communist finds that
leads. All affect drains out of situations irrelevant to the
infinitely more important life within the life he apparently
another motive than the surface one, of living a special and
around him. Party it is a consciousness of alive having
a feeling of superiority to the "confused" non-party people
ordinary people, a sort of inner mark of Gain. Party this is
commitment grows.

what his own attitude is supposed to be, and the awareness of
and filter. Nevertheless, he knows what the party's attitude is,
before important pressure of this kind directly affects the rank
personal life will vary. In some cases, it may be a long time
In any individual case, the impairment of the party on
as a result of this campaign.

To my personal knowledge, a number of divorces were precluded
held on to "female forces," to replace men drafted into the Army.
against what it independently labeled "camp following," was to
the threat of excommunication. The party's motive in this campaign
special classes for women, disciplinary actions, excommunications and

[n] 7 - 34

7 - 35

[lc]

enjoyable recreation in informal, relaxed Party talk: talking
shop, post-mortems, anecdotes, reminiscences, semi-theoretical
argument, Party gossip. The drying up of personal connections
of depth with the outside world is compensated to a considerable
degree by the comradeship that undoubtedly exists in the Party,
born of common association, shared perils, and the mutuality
of sympathy engendered by a common ideology, a common loyalty,
and a common sense of separation from the world around. This
comradeship is, however, a different thing from friendship or
love. While genuine friendships do exist in the Party, the
comradeship of which I am speaking is less a direct relationship
between two individuals, more a relationship mediated through the
aura of emotion thrown up by the Party.

It is in this narrowing of the area of awareness of men
as men, in this progressive depreciation of the value of person-
ality, in this shifting of affect from real people and real
situations to the Party and all it stands for, that the under-
lying source of the growing sense of separation is to be found.
In the rank and filer the process is still in an embryonic
stage; its further growth will bring him into the decisive area
of rupture with the moral and spiritual outlook of his civiliza-
tion.
12

typical of rebuke with the motor and spiritual outlook of life citizenship; its further growth will bring him into the decisive area in the rank and title the process is still in an embryonic state. In the growing sense of separation is to be found situations to the party and all it stands for, that the underlying spirit, in this shifting of affect from real people and real as men, in this progressive depreciation of the value of persons, is in this narrowing of the area of awareness of men

area of emotion thrown up by the party.

comradship of which I am speaking is less a direct relationship

love. While genuine friendships do exist in the party, the

comradship is, however, a different thing from friendship or

of symbology engendered by a common ideology, a common loyalty,

port of common association, shared beliefs, and the mutuality

degree by the comradship that undoubtedly exists in the party,

argument, party goals. The drying up of personal connections

and, boat-mortems, anecdotes, reminiscences, semi-theoretical

enjoyable recreation in informal, relaxed party talk: talking

7 - 32

[Lc]

7 - 36

The Hellenic and Hebraic traditions of the dignity of the individual man, fused by Christianity in the self-sacrifice of a divine Person, imbue the deep consciousness of the West with that view of the human person as ultimately sacred which takes ethical form in the Golden Rule. Kant's expression of that ethic: "So act as to treat humanity, whether in thine own person or in that of any other, in every case as an end withal, never as means only"¹³ brings sharply to a head the irreconcilable opposition between the native outlook of the rank and filer and that towards which he is being inexorably pressed. Very few men actually live always by this maxim; but most men in the West accept it in some form or other as the way they _ought_ to live.

The whole of Communist training, however, drives towards the acceptance of the revolution as the end to which all things and all persons must be strictly subordinated as means. The Communist "practical imperative" would run: "So act as to treat the Revolution as the only end, and persons, whether _themselves_ or others, as servants of that end." The good or evil in any situation is determined by whether it helps the revolution or impedes it.

Sooner or later, these opposing outlooks come seriously to grips. Throughout the Communist's rank-and-file experience, the development of such a crisis is adumbrated in smaller ways.

the development of such a craft is accomplished in smaller ways.

Scriba. Throughout the Communist's rank-and-file experience,

 sooner or later, these opposing outlooks come seriously to

impose it.

situation is determined by whether it helps the revolution or
others, as servants of that end." The good or ill in any
Revolution as the only end, and persons, whether itself or
that "practical imperative" would run: "So set as to treat the
all persons must be strictly superordinated as means. The Comm-
acceptance of the revolution as the end to which all things and
The whole of Communist training, however, drives towards the
form or other as the way they ought to live.

always by this maxim: put most men in the West accept it in some
which he is being innonorably pressed. Very few men actually live
between the native outlook of the rank and filter and that towards
only."¹³

prince sharply to a head the irreconcilable opposition
that of any other, in every case as an end withal, never as means
"So set as to treat immunity, whether in this own person or in
ethical form in the Golden Rule. Kant's expression of that ethic:
that view of the human person as ultimately sacred which takes
a divine person, impure the deep consciousness of the West with
individual man, fused by Christianity in the self-sacrifice of
The Heilnic and Neptale traditions of the dignity of the

7 - 30

7 - 37

[LC]

But the crisis itself and its resolution will decide whether
he leaves the Party, or remains in a suspended rank-and-file
position, or moves to the cadre. Whatever secondary factors
may exist in any individual case, the heart of that crisis is
this clash of ethos.

this clash of ethos.

may exist in any individual case, the heart of that crisis is
position, or moves to the cadre. Whatever secondary factors
he leaves the party, or remains in a suspended rank-and-file
but the crisis itself and its resolution will decide whether

7 - 31

NOTES - Chapter 7 - The Rank and File

1

[LC]

1. Benjamin Gitlow gives 85 per cent as the figure for the years of his experience, 1919-1929. *I Confess* (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1940), p. 291.

"In the numerically largest European party of the Comintern -- the German -- these membership fluctuations were intensified during the years of the depression. In 1930, for instance, the German Communist party gained 143,000 new and lost 95,000 old members. The membership of the French Communist party changed in similar fashion. Between 1924 and 1929 it decreased from 68,000 to 46,000. In 1933 it lost nine-tenths of its old members and during the following years up to 1939 gained more than 200,000 members."

(Ypsilon, *Pattern for World Revolution*, Chicago; Ziff-Davis Publishing Co., 1947), p. 383.

"The membership of the communist parties was subject to an almost incredible amount of 'fluctuation,' about which complaints abound." This is followed by figures for the German, Czechoslovak, French, British and American parties, which are generally confirmatory of this analysis. F. Borkenau, *World Communism* (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., Inc., 1939), pp. 366-370.

2. "But there would appear to be a further basic object and result of this technique of secret membership of the

result of this technique of secret membership of the
2. "But there would appear to be a further basic object and
Inc., 1939), b. 366-370.

Borkowski, *World Communism* (New York: W. N. Norton & Co.,
which are generally confirmatory of this analysis. E.
German, Czechoslovak, French, British and American parties,
complaints against." This is followed by figures for the
an almost incredible amount of 'fluctuation', apart which
"The membership of the communist parties was subject to
Papitalising Co., 1941), b. 383.

(Abatou, *Pattern for World Revolution*, Chicago: Sitt-Davie
years up to 1939 gained more than 300,000 members."
nine-tenths of its old members and during the following
1939 it decreased from 68,000 to 46,000. In 1933 it lost
communist party changed in similar fashion. Between 1934 and
1938,000 of members. The membership of the French Com-
pany, the German Communist party gained 143,000 new and
fired during the years of the depression. In 1930, for in-
-- the German -- these membership fluctuations were inten-
"In the numerically largest European party of the Commun-
E. B. Dutton & Co., 1940), b. 381.

years of life experience, 1918-1938. I Confess (New York:
J. Benjamin Citlow gives 82 per cent as the figure for the

NOTES - Chapter 1 - The Bank and Life

1

[n]

NOTES' - Chapter 7 - The Rank and File

2

[Lc]

Communist Party organized in secret 'cells' or study-groups.

"This object is to accustom the young Canadian adherent gradually to an atmosphere and an ethic of conspiracy. The general effect on the young man or woman over a period of time of _secret_ meetings, _secret_ acquaintances, and _secret_ objectives, plans and policies, can easily be imagined.

The technique seems calculated to develop the psychology of a double life and double standards.

"To judge from much of the evidence, the secret adherent is apparently encouraged never to be honest or frank, outside of the secret 'cell' meetings, about his real political attitudes or views, and apparently is led to believe that frankness in these matters is the equivalent of dangerous indiscretion and a potential menace to the organization as a whole...

"An inevitable result of this emphasis on a conspiratorial atmosphere and behaviour even in political discussions, correspondence, and meetings which are in themselves perfectly legal and indeed are the cherished right of everyone in a democratic society, would seem to be the gradual disintegration of normal moral principles such as frankness, honesty, integrity, and a respect for the sanctity of oaths." *Report of the Royal Commission*, pp. 70-71; ital. in original.

of the Royal Commission, by 10-1/2; it is, in original, integrity, and a respect for the sanctity of oaths." Report of normal worst principles such as frames, honesty, democratic society, would seem to be the gradual detioration and indeed are the cherished right of everyone in a correspondence, and meetings which are in themselves perfectly moral atmosphere and behaviour even in political discussions.
"An inevitable result of this emphasis on a corrup-
sion...

indifference and a potential menace to the organization as
frankness in these matters is the equivalent of dangerous
attitudes or views, and ab�rantly if led to believe that
side of the secret 'cell' meetings, about his real political
is ab�rantly encouraged never to be honest or frank, out-
To judge from much of the evidence, the secret adherent
of a couple life and double standards.

The technique seems calculated to develop the bayesian
objectives, brimes and boffies, can easily be imagined.
Time of secret meetings, secret seductions, and secret
general effect on the long run or woman over a period of
gradually to an atmosphere and an ethic of conspiracy.
The

"This object is to accelerate the young Canadian adjacent
Communist party organized in secret 'cells' or study-Gronberg.

NOTE2 - Chapter 1 - The Rank and Life

3

[n]

3

[lc]

3. "... le communisme est devenu une <u>societas perfecta</u>, avec ses principes, sa hiérarchie, sa structure, ses moeurs, une société vivant au sein de l'autre société qu'il est appelé à renverser et à transformer. Le vrai communiste se sent déjà 'citoyen' d'une autre cité, dont il accepte les lois, en attendant de pouvoir les imposer à tous les autres, le parti est pour lui la préfiguration de la société nouvelle..." Rossi, <u>Physiologie du Parti Communiste Francais</u>, p. 302-303.

4. "Not only our thinking, but also our vocabulary was reconditioned. Certain words were taboo -- for instance, 'lesser evil' or 'spontaneous' ... Other words and turns of phrase became favorite stock-in-trade...like 'concrete' or 'sectarian' ... According to their vocabulary and favorite cliches, you could smell out at once people with Trotskyite, Reformist, Brandlerite, Blanquist and other deviations. And vice versa, Communists betrayed themselves by their vocabulary to the police, and later to the Gestapo. I know of one girl whom the Gestapo had picked up almost at random, without any evidence against her, and who was caught out on the word 'concrete.' The Gestapo Commissar had listened to her with boredom, half-convinced that his underlings had blundered in arresting her -- until she used

undergoing had pestered in arresting her -- until she used
itself to her with porcupine, self-commenced that life
out on the word 'concrete'. The Gestavo Committee had
random, without any evidence against her, and who was caught
I know of one girl whom the Gestavo had picked up almost at
once their vocabulary to the police, and later to the Gestavo.
deviations. And vice versa. Communists betrayed themselves
Trotzkyite, Reformist, Branderite, Brandriet and other
ite cities, you could smell out at once becase with
or, 'secular', ... According to their vocabulary and favor-
bridee became favorite stock-in-trade...like 'courtes',
self, or, 'abountaneous', ... Other words and tume of
tioned. Certain words were tapoo -- for instance, 'lesser
'Not only our thinking, but also our vocabulary was recog-
ntized.

**Francesc**, b. 303-303.

**societe nouvelle...** " Rosci, *Biologie du Fart Communiste
autres*, le bari est bom ! In the preflightation de la
les fols', en attendant de savoir les imhoar a tous les
as seant cela 'citoyen, d'une autre cité', dont il accepte
abbeje a revenuer et a transformer. Le arat communique
mme societe, vivant au sein de l'autre societe du 'fart est
ses branche', as hierarchie, as structure, see moans'.

3. "... le communique est devers une societa perle, avec

NOTES - Chapter 1 - The Rank and Life

[LC]

4

the fatal word for the second time." Arthur Koestler in
<u>The God That Failed</u>, pp. 45-46.

5. J. Peters, <u>The Communist Party -- A Manual on Organization</u> (New York: Workers Library Publishers, 1935). Reprinted in <u>Hearings, Appendix, Pt. I, U.S. House Special Committee on Un-American Activities, 76th Cong., 1st sess.</u>, Washington, 1940, p. 731.

6. "My spare time was the Party's, my home, my income, my happiness and that of my family, were placed in pawn to the Party. And if ever I grew impatient with this, why the Revolution was around the corner, wasn't it?" Bob Darke, <u>Cockney Communist</u>, p. 14.

7. "If one is present at the meeting of the secretariat of the Comintern and utters an opinion divergent from that of Dimitrov and Manuilsky, he will be listened to. But the decision proposed by the two last-named will be adopted without discussion. There is no voting, only a summary by Dimitrov or Manuilsky." Delgado, <u>J'ai perdu la foi à Moscou</u>, p. 115, as cited in David J. Dallin, <u>The New Soviet Empire</u> (London: Hollis & Carter, 1951), p. 165.

8. "La 'question éducative' prend un grand hiver, c'est la moitié ou le tiers du temps fixé pour la réunion, ce qui confirme l'importance qu'on lui attribue. La nature de ce

confirms its importance even in its attributes. It is nature of course it is a matter on the side of time like but for the removal of that duty

8. "Is it a question of relative weight whether we are speaking of the Empire (London: Hells & Carter, 1921), b. 192.

MOSAIC, b. 112, as cited in David J. Delfin, *The New Secretary by Dimitrov or Musselfield*.

9. "My spare time was the party's, my home, my income, my happiness and that of my family, were placed in beam to the party.

10. "On American Activities, 16th Cong., 1st session, Washington, in Hearings, Appendix, Pt. 1, U.S. House Special Committee (New York: Workers Library Publishers, 1932). Reprinted in The God That Failed, b. 42-46.

NOTE 2 - Chapter 1 - The Bank and Life

4

[nc]

9-7

[LC]

tested at a level of Communist consciousness higher than would
in the ordinary course of events, be demanded of him at his
present rank. The nearest parallel I know of, outside of the
Communist Party, are the special testing courses conducted by
organizations like the OSS. There is, however, an important
~~difference, however, is that~~ although I have used the word "artificial" to attempt to indicate
an aspect of these Communist schools -- there is from the Com-
munist point of view nothing really artificial about them. The
content of the activity of the students at cadre training schools
is theoretical study, and theoretical study from a Communist
point of view is as real and practical an activity as a strike
or a demonstration or a political intrigue. The artificiality
consists not in the activity, but in the way in which that
activity is carried on, so that challenges to the Communist
stamina of the student, which normally might be spread over
years, are concentrated in a relatively short period of time.

Furthermore, since the absorption of Communist theory is of the
greatest importance, the schools thus serve the double function
of inculcating theory and testing the Communist personality.

Every circumstance in the organization of the schools is
directed towards creating conditions conducive to this latter end.

Given the devotion of the students, there is no worry about the
absorption of Communist theory. But for students whose life is

absorption of Communist theory. But for students whose file is
given the devotion of the students, there is no worry about the
concerned-to-be-else conditions conducive to this latter end.

Every circumstance in the organization of the schools is
of inculcating theory and testing the Communist loyalty.
Greatest importance, the schools thus serve the double function
Furthermore, since the absorption of Communist theory is of the
same, are concentrated in a relatively short period of time.

attract of the student, when normally eight to十二 activity is carried on, so that challenges to the Communist consists not in the activity, but in the way in which that or a demonstration or a political intrigue. The artificiality point of view is as real and practical an activity as a strike is theoretical study, and theoretical study from a Communist content of the activity of the students at cadres training schools must be point of view nothing really artificial about them. The an aspect of these Communist schools -- there is from the Com- although I have used the word "artificial" to attempt to indicate organizations like the O28. The difference, however, is that in Communist Party, are the special testing courses conducted by present rank. The nearest parallel I know of, outside of the international organizations of the League, are the Command of him at the tested at a level of Communist consciousness higher than would

9 - 1

[lc]

9 - 8

already highly charged with the tensions ordinary to the Communist who is subject to the moulding process, ways must be found to raise the tensions of the schools to a significantly higher pitch if they are to serve their function.

Physical conditions are designed to isolate the students as much as possible from the world around, even from the normal Party world. Clandestine and conspiratorial arrangements surround the schools, not only when the Party is in one of its periods of illegality or semi-illegality but also when a school could perfectly safely be held quite openly. The director of the school has the fullest Party authority over the students, so that within their artificially created community they live under conditions of constant and direct Party discipline in every aspect of their lives. Every moment of their waking time is under supervision and pressure. Lectures, classes, group discussions, personal study periods, the communal meals, periods of "relaxation,"³ extra-curricular activities such as the writing and editing of "wall newspapers," the presentation of skits, personal conversation and casual observations: everything is an occasion for scrutiny of the words, the attitudes, the scarcely expressed veleities of each student.

The instrument of application of these pressures is "criticism and self-criticism." This prodding, delving examination and

["class and self-criticism.\" This brooding, deflating examination and the instrument of absorption of these pressures is \"criticism of the words, the attitudes, the scarcely expressed", "of the words, the attitudes, the scarcely expressed sensitivity of the words, the self-criticism, is \"criticism of each student.\" The presentation of news, the personal conversation and casual operations: everything is an occasion for study periods, the communal meals, periods of \"relaxation,\" and pressure. Lectures, classes, group discussions, personal lives. Every moment of their working time is under supervision of constant and direct party discipline in every respect of their artificiality created community they live under conditions pass the fullest party authority over the students, so that within exactly safely be held quite openly. The director of the school is the only one who can be the only one who

[Lc]

9 - 9

re-examination of intellectual and psychological motive, which
by the nature of the case is discontinuous in the day-to-day life
of the Communist, becomes in the schools a constant ever-present phenomenon. From the teachers in formal classes, from
the students to each other in study groups, and in the regular
formal "self-criticism sessions" under the aegis of the director
and other Party leaders, every student is subjected to a constant
examination of his consciousness and the degree to which it reflects the Communist ideal.⁴

## Curriculum

Although every aspect of waking time can provide occasion
for this process, the substance of the curriculum serves as the
major occasion. A "mistake" in understanding a doctrinal principle, or in analysis of a concrete instance, is never considered
corrected by simple intellectual acknowledgment of the "right"
answer to the problem. Nor is it even sufficient to trace back
to its fundamentals the theoretical "weakness" that brought it
about. It is demanded that the reasons for this weakness in
turn be examined -- emotional failings, the effects of "alien
class influences," defects of will, of Communist morality.

The intensity and depth of the curriculum varies with the
level and therefore the duration of the school (district schools
will last a month to three months; national schools, six months to

will last a month to ~~12~~ 6 months; national schools, six months to level and therefore the duration of the school (district schools class influences", defects of will, of Communist morality.

turn be examined -- emotional failings, the effects of "alien
apost. It is demanded that the reasons for these weaknesses in
to its fundamentals the theoretical "weakness" that brought it
answer to the problem. Nor is it even sufficient to trace back
corrected by a simple intellectual acknowledgment of the "right"
right" or in analysis of a concrete instance, it is never considered
major occasion. A "mistake" in understanding a doctrinal principle
for this process, the mistake of the curriculum serves as the
Vithough every aspect of making time can provide occasion

Curriculum

Effects the Communist ideal.

Examination of the consciousness and the degree to which it re-
and other party leaders, every student is subjected to a constant
formal "self-criticism sessions" under the same degree of the director
the students to each other in study groups, and in the regular
present phenomenon. From the teachers in formal classes, from
of the Communist, becomes in the schools a standard and ever-
ply the nature of the case is discussed in the day-to-day life
re-examination of intellectual and psychological morials, which

9 - 8

[r]

[LC]

9 - 10

a year; the international courses from one to three years); but
the essential content is universal. Since the purpose of the
schools in terms of theoretical indoctrination is to provide a
firm foundation of Communist belief, the central themes of the
curriculum are the themes I have developed in the discussion of
Communist theory in Chapter 4; and to a large degree the division
of the curriculum is parallel to the categories there outlined.

One of these categories and one only is not presented formally
in the curriculum of any but the very highest schools -- that is
the philosophical. But this is only an apparent exception. In
a very real sense the entire curriculum of all the schools is
devoted to indoctrinating the outlook of dialectical materialism.
That it is not formally and explicitly taught generally is due
to the very characteristics of Communist philosophy and to peda-
gogical principles based upon those characteristics. Dialectical
materialism is conceived as arising so directly out of an under-
standing of substantive material happenings, that it is believed
to be best taught in conjunction with the study of political
economy, history, the political theory of Marxism-Leninism,
strategy and tactics. Its approaches pervade all other teaching,
but a technical study of its principles in the abstract is reserved
for those highest levels of understanding where the student will
be sure to grasp fully that in reality dialectical materialism

[Lc]

9 -11

does not exist in the abstract.

Otherwise the division of the curriculum follows the essen-
tial categories of Communist theory. Even the proportional
divisions of time between the various subjects is approximately
uniform in all schools, whether they are
the same, whether the school is longer or shorter. Roughly one-
fifth of the available time is generally devoted to Marxist
economics (called "political economy" in Communist schools);
one-fifth to historical materialism (usually taught in conjunction
with a highly stylized Marxist version of the history of "the
capitalist era" or of the country in which the school takes place);
and the remaining time is divided between political theory (taught
as "Marxism-Leninism," often combined with "History of the Com-
munist Party of the Soviet Union"), "strategy and tactics," and
a specific discussion of the contemporary Communist line inter-
nationally, nationally and in the area in which the Communist work
of the student is to be carried out.⁵

(In addition to the central theoretical core of the curriculum,
there is always considerable special instruction in practical
techniques, varying from the humdrum writing of leaflets and
running of mimeograph machines to practical problems of conspira-
torial activity, the organization of strikes and demonstrations,
and, in some cases, para-military techniques.)

The textbooks are the relevant works of Marx, Engels, Lenin,

9 - 12

[Lc]

of Stalin and Mao Tse-Tung, and of contemporary Communist leaders internationally and nationally; specific pamphlets and studies on particular questions issued by the Parties (both published works and mimeographed documents for limited inner circulation); and, of course, the latest resolutions and decisions of the Communist leadership.

The mode of teaching is admirably adapted to the ends of the moulding process. While of course the fullest grasp of the subject-matter is demanded of the students, the primary emphasis is not upon their agreement with doctrinal conclusions but upon their complete and integral participation in the "dialectical" way of arriving at them and upon acceptance of the deepest pre-suppositions of Marxism-Leninism, an acceptance untinged by the slightest reservation.⁶ Even when, after long and arduous discussion, a "deviational" concept is cleared up, the fact that it existed becomes, as I have said, the occasion for fierce and elaborate analysis of the offender's emotional and personal "weaknesses" in regular "criticism and self-criticism" sessions before the entire student body.

Every student in the Party school is put through this process. And this is planned by the director and the teachers. Although most students provide the occasion, either by some "weakness" displayed in class or some hint of a "deviational" attitude

displayed in class or some hint of a "devotional" attitude
host students provide the occasion, either by some "nessiness"

And this is branded by the director and the teachers. (Vitality)

Every student in the Party school is but through this process,
entire student body.

in regular "criticism and self-criticism" sessions before the
analysis of the offender's emotional and personal "worldness".
become, as I have said, the occasion for fierce and elaborate
"devotional" concept is cleared up, the fact that it existed
reservation.⁶ Even when, after long and arduous discussion, a
series of Marxian-Leninian, an acceptance mottled by the slightest
arriving at them and upon acceptance of the deepest pre-under-
complete and integral participation in the "disarmative" way of
upon their agreement with doctrinal концентрате put upon their
matter is demanded of the students, the primary emphasis is not
mounding process. While of course the fullest grasp of the subject-
the mode of teaching is admirably adapted to the end of the
tone of the Communist leadership.

bundled works and unmeasured documents for limited inner
attitudes on particular questions framed by the parties (both
leaders internationally and nationally; specific briefs and
of Stalin and Mao Tse-Tung, and of contemporary Communists

9 - 15

[LC]

9 - 13

exhibited in the course of the life of the school, ~~But~~ when neither occurs, booby-traps are deliberately planned, designed to catch the student at what is considered his most vulnerable point, in order that he may be subjected to concentrated pressure in the highly intensified form possible only in the semi-artificial conditions of the schools.

The Party school is, in short, an epitome of the process of moulding Communists. In its function it is in no way discontinuous with that process as it goes on throughout the Communist's career. The schools a Communist attends do, however, serve to speed up and sharpen his development -- each at key points in his career. ~~And very often they mark transitions from stage to stage of responsibility.~~ Many fall by the wayside in such schools, fail to meet the test; and the failure to meet the test (as with the failure to surmount a crisis) means the interruption, and usually the end, of their cadre development. But for those who successfully meet the test, the schools register a distinct advance in their cadre position. A district school will be the transition point between secondary responsibilities and absorption into the cadre of the district leadership; a national school will mark the transition to top leadership in the district, or in a functional activity of the Party; an international school will

functional activity of the party; an international school will
mark the transition to top leadership in the district, or in a
into the centre of the district leadership; a national school will
transition point between secondary schools and upper secondary
advance in their centre position. A district school will be the
successfully meet the test, the schools register a district
naturally the end, of the centre development. But for those who
the failure to amount a create) means the interruption, and
fail to meet the test; and the failure to meet the test (see with
obsolescence and extinction). Many fail by the wayide in such schools,
career, usually because, especially in the case of a centre school,
speed up and sharpen its development -- each at its key points in its
career. The schools a Communist attends do, however, serve to
one with that process as it goes on throughout the Communist's
moulding Communists. In its function it is in no way discontinu-
ous. The party school is, in short, an epitome of the process of
conditions of the schools.

highly international form possible only in the semi-artificial
order that he may be subjected to concentrated pressure in the
the student at what he considered his most vulnerable point, in
occurs, poppy-trauma are deliberately planned, designed to catch
exposed in the course of the life of the school, when neither
But

9 - 13

[n]

9 - 14

[LC]

bring the Communist who attends it into top leadership of the
national Party or into international activity.

The schools compress into a brief time conflicts, tensions,
resolutions that would in the ordinary course of events occur
only at scattered and irregular intervals. Conflicts, tensions,
and their resolutions are the very stuff of the transformation
of traditional man into Communist man. The schools in their
artificial intensity are forcing beds of the process; but whether
applied in these greenhouse conditions or in the open fields of
day-to-day Communist activity, the process remains the same.
It is devoted to the extirpation of every remnant of philosophical,
moral, aesthetic principle or instinct natural to the human being,
and the substitution of the principles and instincts of the Com-
munist world-view.

Communist world-view.

and the appropriation of the principles and instincts of the Com-
moral, aesthetic principle or instinctual natural to the human being,

It is devoted to the extirpation of every remnant of philosophical,
day-to-day Communist activity, the process remains the same,

applied in these greenhouse conditions or in the open fields of
artificial intensity are forcing peds of the process; but whether
of traditional man into Communist man. The schools in their
and their resolutions are the very act of the transformation
only at scattered and irregular intervals. Conflicts, tensions,
resolutions that would in the ordinary course of events occur

The schools compress into a brief time conflicts, tensions,
national party or into international activity.

9 - 14

[n]

NOTES - Chapter 9 - Party Training Schools

1

[LC]

1. The literature on Communism is full of testimony to the existence of multifarious schools for all levels and all specialized sections of the cadre.

For example, for France: "Once the cadres have been selected, it is necessary to train them. For this there are 'cadre schools' ... From the beginning of 1947 to the middle of 1948 three schools with four-month training periods operated to train national officers. During the same period, eleven schools with four-week training periods were created for Communist militants in the trade union movement, in peasant organizations, in women's groups, and in youth movements.

At the federation level, 129 schools, in session for two weeks, assembled 2,071 leaders of federal and section committees. In the first six months of 1948, 6,344 militants took courses in 777 schools. We must add many study centers intended for members of parliament, editors of newspapers, and others." Mario Einaudi, Jean-Marie Domenach, and Aldo Garosci, *Communism in Western Europe* (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1951), p. 94.

For Italy: "To pass a three or a six months' course of ideological specialization at L'Istituto di Studi Comunisti is the dream of all the 340,000 young Communists who have frequented the lower party schools of different degrees all

frosted the lower party schools of different degrees all
the dream of all the 340,000 young Communists who have
ideological specification (see *Instituto di Studi Communist*)
for Italy: "To pass a three or a six months' course of
University Press, 1931), p. 94.

Garooti, *Communism in Western Europe* (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell
and others), Mario Emanueli, Jean-Marie Domenach, and Vido
intended for members of parliament, editors of newspapers,
took courses in 777 schools. We must add many study centers
inسسات. In the first six months of 1948, 6,344 militants
weeks' sampled 5,071 leaders of federal and section com-
At the federation level, 152 schools, in session for two
organizations, in women's groups, and in youth movements.
Communist writers in the trade union movement, in basic
schools with four-week training periods were created for
to train national officers. During the same period, eleven
1948 three schools with four-month training periods operated
schools, ... From the beginning of 1947 to the middle of
it is necessary to train them. For this there are 'cadre
for example, for France: "Once the cadres have been selected,
specialized sections of the cadre.

existence of multilingual schools for all levels and all
The literature on Communism is full of testimony to the
I.

1

[r]

2

[Lc]

over Italy during the past years... Among the ... Party schools of a lower level, the most important are above all a special centre in Bologna for male students from parts of Italy where Communism still is not strong and a special centre for women -- accommodation for sixty -- in Como near the Swiss border, and then the ordinary district schools in all the reddest parts of Italy or in Emilia, Lombardy, Tuscany, Piedmont and Liguria and the so-called provincial schools in Ravenna, Bologna, Reggio Emilia, Perrara, Siena, Arezzo, Milan, Udine and Florence." Gunnar Kumlien, "A Letter from Rome," *The Tablet* [London], February 5, 1955, p. 130.

See also: Aczel and Meray, *The Revolt of the Mind*, pp. 46-47 (Hungary); Leonhard, *Child of the Revolution*, pp. 177-179 (Comintern School), pp. 365-367, 372 (Germany); Einaudi, Domenach, and Garosci, *Communism in Western Europe*, p. 204 (Italy); North, *Moscow and Chinese Communists*, pp. 197-198, 260-262 (China); Justus M. van der Kroef, "Indonesian Communism under Aidit," *Problems of Communism*, Nov.-Dec., 1958, p. 16, footnote 4; Heinrich von Einsiedel, *I Joined the Russians* (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953), Chap. 7 (Soviet Union); El Campesino, *Life and Death in Soviet Russia* (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1952), Chap. 6;

Breslau (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1923), Chap. 9;
1 (Soviet Union); E. Camus, *Life and Death in Soviet Russia* (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1923), Chap.
b. 19, footnote 4; Historisch-vor Einteilung, I, Tödung des
Communismus under Articul', *Problemy of Communism*, Nov.-Dec., 1928,
290-363 (China); Justus M. van der Kroet, "Indonesien Com-
(Italy); North, Moscow and Chinese Communists," pp. 187-198,
Domenich, and Garacot, *Communism in Western Europe*, b. 204
(Countryside School), pp. 362-367, 315 (Germany); Ehrmann,
(Hamburg); Reimhard, *Child of the Revolution*, b. 111-119
See also: Venzel and Mersy, *The Revolt of the Mind*, pp. 46-47
1922, b. 130.

Letter from Rome," *The Times*, London, February 2,
Venezia, Milan, Udine and Florence." Gunther Knauf, "A
school in Ravenna," Bologna, Reggio Emilia, Ferrara, Siena,
city, Brescia and Liguria and the so-called provincial
all the request bars of Italy or in Emilia, Lombardy, Tis-
cane, Swiss border, and then the ordinary district schools in
centre for women -- accommodation for sixty -- in Como near
of Italy where Communists still are not strong and a socialist
a specialist centre in Bologna for male students from bars
schools of a lower level, the most important are open all
over Italy during the best years... Among the ... party

3

[r]

3

[1c]

Fischer, *Stalin and German Communism*, pp. 509-10 (The Lenin School); Krivitsky, *In Stalin's Secret Service*, pp. 58-59 (Comintern schools).

Testimony before the House Committee on Un-American Activities and the Senate Internal Security Committee has revealed the existence of a whole network of schools at the highest level for foreign Communists in the Soviet Union. Where, in the decades before the war, the Lenin School, the University of the Peoples of the East, and one or two specialized institutions comprised the top echelon of institutions for the training of the cadre of the various Parties, today there seem to be an indefinite number of schools at the disposal of the foreign section of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

2. Cf.: "Of all the Party schools, this one on Karolina Avenue was the most important ... The students came from every corner of the country. There were Party secretaries of the various Budapest iron works, the commander of the southern frontier guards, agitation-propaganda personnel from the mining district, the working-class director of a textile factory, the chairman of the best village cooperative, a university lecturer, the headmaster of a country school, the head of a village council, and workaday members of the

["the head of a village council, and worksday members of the university lecturer, the headmaster of a country school, factory, the chairman of the best village cooperative, a mining district, the working-class director of a textile frontier garage, agitation-broadsides personnel from the various bridges from works, the commander of the southern corner of the country. There were party secretaries of the was the most important ... The students came from every", "3. Cf.: \"Of all the Party schools, this one on Karolina Avenue Party of the Soviet Union.", "foreign section of the Central Committee of the Communist\nbe an indefinite number of schools at the disposal of the\ning of the cadre of the various parties, today there seem to\ncomprise the top echelon of institutions for the train-\ntions comprised the top echelon

[LC]

4

Party machinery." Aczel and Meray, *The Revolt of the Mind*, pp. 47-48.

3. Relaxation in the schools is indeed a very serious political matter. Although I know this to be the case, I would hardly expect my readers to believe me unless I had confirmation from Wolfgang Leonhard's report on the Comintern School he attended in the Soviet Union: "Our working time was so full up that the only free time we had was on Saturday afternoon and Sunday... It was clear, however, that the school authorities recognised that a little gaiety and relaxation was needed, and a resolution was passed to this effect. The immediate result was a meeting of the group to discuss the theme of 'relaxation' [!] . Klassner gave us an address... 'It is of the highest importance that we should meet together sometimes outside working hours' ... The result was a model of the realisation of theory in practice... We sang in the grave and disciplined manner which was expected of us in everything, but on this occasion it did not seem right. We received a new directive from Wandel: 'Comrades, you must sing more gaily and cheerfully.'" *Child of the Revolution*, pp. 194-195.

4. "'Look into yourself' ... 'discover the roots' ... 'kill the petty-bourgeois remnants in yourself...' How often the

[LC]

5

writer had to listen to these warnings during his period at the school! Then the headmaster presented the question to the study group, and the fellow students -- to help him, naturally -- 'evaluated' his entire attitude. For hours they discussed him, pulled him to pieces, argued about him, and, in the end, it invariably turned out that, 'although he is a good guy, a decent comrade, he couldn't *quite* fit into the collective.' The working-class woman whom, for long months, *he* had helped with her work, said that he had helped her too much, thus preventing her from working independently. The reason for it -- she said -- was quite obvious: he undervalued the capabilities of the working class. The army officer declared that, whenever the school marched together in demonstrations, he had noticed that the writer never sang with the others. This, beyond a doubt, was caused by some petty-bourgeois bashfulness ... Naturally, such 'individual evaluations' were not restricted to writers.

Every student of the Party school had his turn. Some of them were so badly 'manhandled' by their fellow students that they walked around in a daze for weeks. There were innumerable such cases of mild nervous breakdowns." Aczel and Meray, *The Revolt of the Mind*, pp. 51-52; emphasis in original.

"The students became terribly upset and very unhappy during

"The students became terminally weak and very unmanly during the experiment."

The Report of the Mind, pp. 31-33; Emphasis in original.

The students became terminally weak and very unmanly during
apoplexy and cases of mild nervous breakdowns." Ackef and Mersy,
they walked around in a daze for weeks. There were immer-
were so badly 'manumpled' by their fellow students that
Every student of the party school had his turn. Some of them
divided evaluations, were not restricted to writers.

some betsy-pourgeote peashulness ... Naturally, such 'in-
sang with the others.' Tuth, beyond a doubt, was caused by
gether in demonstrations, he had noticed that the writer never
army officer declared that, whenever the school marched to-
he undervained the capabilities of the working class. The
bendently. The reason for it -- she said -- was quite obvious:

helped her too much, time preventing her from working inde-
long months, he had helped with her work, said that he had
into the collective.' The working-class woman whom, for
he is a good guy, a decent comrade, he confu's quite fit
and, in the end, it invariably turned out that, although
they discussed him, buffed him to pieces, argued about him,
naturally -- 'evaluated' his entire attitude. For some
to the study group, and the fellow students -- to help him,
at the school! Then the headwater presented the question
writer had to face to these warnings during his period

M01E2 - Chapter 9 - Party Training Schools

?

[rd]

6

this period [intensive self-criticism program]. Girls often broke into tears, weeping aloud under this constant probing into their thoughts and the internal struggles brought about in their mental systems. But they weren't the only ones to collapse. Men did also. They wept more than the girls, it seemed, but they were under greater pressure. Girls had fewer social contacts, politically speaking, and so comparatively less pressure was put on them. Some tried to escape from what seemed an insoluble problem by leaping into the quietude of Kwan Ming Lake within the grounds of the Summer Palace. Some tried other ways of committing suicide." Edward Hunter, *Brainwashing in Red China* (New York: Vanguard Press, 1951), p. 38.

"Every one of us has to tell his life story and examine his social and political attitude in front of his comrades. The others are supposed to critize what is said in order to help one 'discover one's weaknesses.'" Einsidel, *I Joined the Russians*, p. 166.

5. Cf.: Leonhard, *Child of the Revolution*, pp. 184, 369; Aczel and Meray, *The Revolt of the Mind*, p. 48; Edward Hunter, *Brainwashing in Red China*, pp. 26-27.

6. For two excellent concrete examples of teaching in cadre schools, see Leonhard, *Child of the Revolution*, pp. 209-213; Aczel and Meray, *The Revolt of the Mind*, pp. 49-51.

Acset and Meray, *The Revolt of the Mind*, pp. 49-51.

Schools, see Leonard, *Child of the Revolution*, pp. 508-513.

6. For two excellent concrete examples of teaching in class
*Brainwriting in Red China*, pp. 36-57,
and Meray, *The Revolt of the Mind*, p. 48; Edward Hunter,

2. Cf.: Leonard, *Child of the Revolution*, pp. 184-186; Acset
*Breastcare*, p. 166.
one 'discover one's messengers.'" Euclid, *I RаЪНЕТ the
others are supposed to criticize what is said in order to help
social and political attitude in front of his comrades. The
"Every one of us has to tell his little story and examine his
China* (New York: Amsard Press, 1921), p. 38.

comicting an edge." Edward Hunter, *Brainwriting in Red*

Grounds of the Summer Palace. Some tried other ways of
leaping into the drijndde of Kwan Ming Pake within the
tried to escape from what seemed an insoluble problem by
and so comparatively less pressure was but on them. Some
sane. Girls had fewer social contacts, politically speaking,
than the Girls, it seemed, but they were under greater pres-
the only ones to collaborate. Men did also. They went more
brought about in their mental systems. But they weren't
bumping into their thoughts and the internal struggles
often prove into tears, weeping aloud under this constant
this period [intensive self-criticism program]. Girls

[1c]

## CONCLUSION

The Communist is made, not born. It has been the purpose of this book to show how he is made, and in so doing to illuminate his essence from within, so that he may be conceived in his true being, with an understanding that neither underestimates his strength nor ignores his total enmity, his challenge **à** *outrance* to our civilization.

The Communist training process exists to create this man. It moulds the person to an ideal image, to the image Communist eschatology dictates. And however each Communist in his different way may fall short of the demands of that ideal, every Communist of the cadre approximates to it. The cadre Communist's understanding of existence is rooted in Marxism-Leninism. His will is hardened to the service of the Communist vision of History and of the Party, its avatar. The whole of his life is Communism; he is held fast to the pole of Communist victory. And by victory he means domination of the world. The Communist is the original totalitarian: his aims are total--"Morgen die ganze Welt."

His support of humanitarian causes, or of Hitler's savagery; his bland appeals for peace and disarmament, or his rocket-rattling threats and brutal ultimata; his solicitude for the Alabama Negro and the Bolivian tin-miner, or his ruthless smashing of the Hungarians and the Tibetans: none of these and all of these represent his true being. What he is in his reality no policy, no maneuver, no tactic, no strategy

in his reality no bohemian, no manaver, no tactic, no strategy
these and all of these represent his true being. What he is
less amazing of the Humanities and the Tropes: none of
for the Alpama Negro and the Bolivian tin-miner, or his rudy-
rocket-rattling thunders and brutal ultimates; his solititude
savagery; his plant ebbeles for peace and disarmament, or his
His subport of humanitarian causes, or of Hitler's
are total--Morgen die kasse Welt."

worth. The Communist is the original totalitarian; he aims
Communist victory. And by victory he means combination of the
whole of his life is Communism; he is held fast to the core of
Communist vision of History and of the Party, its avatar. The
Marxism-Leninism. His will is hardened to the service of the
centre Communist's understanding of existence is rooted in
ideal, every Communist of the centre approximates to it. The
in his different may fall short of the demands of that
Communist eschatology dictates. And however each Communist
man. It means the person to an ideal image, to the image
The Communist training process exists to create this
challenge & entrance to our civilization.

underestimates his strength nor ignores his total enmity. He
ceived in his true being, with an understanding that neither
to illuminate his essence from within, so that he may be con-
butee of this book to show how he is made, and in so doing
The Communist is made, not born. It has been the
CONCLUSION

[n]

Conclusion - 2

[lc]

can disclose; he can only be understood if we understand the end to which he is devoted as the compass is drawn to the magnetic pole: the conquest of the world for Communism--with any weapons, so long as they are effective, by any means if they achieve his end...and at any cost.

Confronted by this "man of a special mould," tempered in his belief and in his will, infinitely flexible in his methods, the West faces a crisis greater and more demanding than any in its history, greater and more demanding than when in its youth it threw back the armies of Islam. Against this vision, the devotion, the determination of Communist man, there is no recourse in compromise, reasonableness, peaceful co-existence. Only a greater determination can avail, for Communist man poses two stark alternatives for us: victory or defeat.

men pose two stark alternatives for us: victory or defeat. Only a greater determination can avail, for Communist victory, the devotion, the determination of Communist men, there in its youth it threw back the armies of Islam. Against this then and in its history, greater and more demanding than when methods, the West faces a crisis greater and more demanding in its belief and in its will, infinitely flexible in its

Confronted by this "man of a special world," I Remember they achieve his end...and at any cost.

Any weapons, so long as they are effective, p and q means it magnetic bores: the conduct of the world for Communism--with end to which he is devoted as the compass is drawn to the can disclose; he can only be understood if we understand the

Conclusion - 5