The Secretary
of State

Statement

April 2, 1976

Washington, D.C.

Bureau of Public Affairs

Office of Media Services

SALE OF C-130'S TO EGYPT

*Secretary Henry A. Kissinger before the Subcommittee on Foreign Assistance of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.*

The President has asked me to convey to you his strong support for the government-to-government cash sale of six C-130 transport aircraft to Egypt and for the training of Egyptians in the U.S. service schools. In the Presidential Determination forwarded to Congress on March 25, the President stated that this sale and such training will strengthen the security of the United States and promote world peace. I want to address this morning the question of why we firmly believe this to be the case.

We have felt from the beginning of our discussion with Egypt about the C-130 sale that, modest as it is, it represents a policy decision that should be the subject of full consultation between the Executive and the Legislature. This is particularly true in light of the history of restrictive legislation relating to our relationship with Egypt—legislation that was enacted in a very different era of U.S.-Egyptian relations.

I would like to begin by putting this sale and the training in the context of the policy we have been following in the Middle East since 1973—with congressional support—to help bring about a settlement of the intractable and complex Arab-Israel dispute, to support and insure the survival and security of Israel, and to improve our relations with the Arab states of the region. It has been vital to this endeavor to gain and hold the confidence of the Arab states most involved, as well as to keep

the confidence of Israel. The Arab states, with some of whom we had had little or no relationship for seven years, had to develop confidence that we took their concerns seriously and were prepared to treat their legitimate needs fairly and with sympathy. We were asking the Arab leaders, in their own interests, to break with the past and follow us in the difficult steps that could lead to a negotiated peace. Their confidence in us and in our capacity to respond to their needs and interests was and is essential if we are to maintain progress toward a settlement.

Egypt, under President Sadat, has taken the lead on the Arab side in cooperating with our endeavors to help the region break out of the cycle of recurring war. Egypt has also moved to reorient its policy, after more than 20 years, away from the Soviet Union and toward the United States. These positive developments in Egyptian policy provide both opportunities and challenges. The opportunities, I think, are clear, both in terms of our bilateral relationship and in terms of our search for peace. The challenges are equally real. The Arab world as a whole is aware of what President Sadat has staked in signing the Sinai II agreement with Israel, in abrogating the friendship treaty with the Soviet Union, and in taking his economy off a war basis and rebuilding the cities along the Suez Canal. Other Arab states are skeptical that he can derive sufficient benefit from this new policy to make it advantageous for Egypt.

Let me say a word about what I mean by "advantageous for Egypt." For the first time in the history of the Arab-Israeli dispute, there are voices

PR 153

in the Arab world—Egypt among them—that say they are prepared to make peace with Israel. Given our fundamental commitment to Israel's right to exist, this step was necessary before there could be common ground for cooperation between the United States and the Arab world in the search for a political solution to the problems that have brought four Arab-Israeli wars in 25 years. Egypt seeks a peace that will meet its legitimate concerns for sovereignty over Arab territory and justice for the Palestinians without bringing into question Israel's right to exist in peace and security. Egypt under President Sadat's leadership has sought to throw off the shackles of the past. We must seek to do the same in our relations with Egypt.

We must, in other words, by the responsiveness of our policy, help give President Sadat a positive answer to make it possible for him to continue on the course he has chosen and encourage the other Arab states to follow his example. For this reason, and to build a durable bilateral relationship, we have broadened our ties with Egypt extensively in the past two years, primarily in the economic field. The Administration has requested $750 million to finance an economic assistance program with Egypt this year. The PL-480 program adds about another $190 million. A U.S.-Egyptian joint commission has been established and its activities have added a further dimension to our relationship. There are biannual joint working group meetings in medicine and health, education and culture, agriculture, science, and economics. These meetings, and the joint projects developed by them, have resulted in a broadening of our relationship with Egypt. Our doctors talk with theirs about problems of concern to us both. In other fields, American specialists are working closely with their Egyptian counterparts. There are over 100 projects currently underway in Egypt under the aegis of the joint commission. These projects are being funded

by U.S.-owned Egyptian pounds which have been generated by the PL-480 program.

In the private sector, a joint U.S.-Egyptian business council has been formed and is headed by Thomas Murphy, Chairman of the Board of General Motors Corporation. This council has helped Egyptian Government officials to understand better how a modern market economy works today and in what way government bureaucracies can facilitate private investment and thereby accelerate economic development.

While the economic side of our relationship will remain the most important, President Sadat considers that some evidence of American willingness to help meet his national security needs through the sale of some military equipment would be very important to him. The supply of military equipment from the Soviet Union had largely dried up during the course of 1975 and the abrogation of the Egyptian-Soviet treaty, as well as the cancellation of Soviet access to Alexandria shipyard facilities, can only be expected to cut Egypt off even more completely from that source.

To meet President Sadat's needs for an American gesture of this sort, we have decided to sell the six C-130's to Egypt and to provide some training for Egyptian military personnel in American service schools. This is an individual step and sets no precedent for the future. There is no further commitment on our part.

What we are intending to do is clearly of much greater political than military importance. If we fail now to follow through—if Congress should reject the sale—it would have very serious consequences not only in Egypt but throughout the Arab world. The capacity of the United States to respond to governments that adopt policies we favor would be called into further question by countries who have long been skeptical on this score.

REMARKS

AFSA MEMORIAL PLAQUE CEREMONY

Friday, April 2, 1976

5:15 p. m.

-- President Ford has asked me to read the
following message on this occasion:

"Today tribute is being paid to six individuals
who lost their lives in the service of their country.

That sacrifice is one which many others have
made in times of both war and peace. The names
of these six have been inscribed on the memorial
plaque so they will not be forgotten. However, we
must not forget the deeds of those whose names
have previously been recorded here.

Our Nation's history has been an unending
story of the efforts of those who made the ultimate
sacrifice when the circumstances required. Some
have been praised as heroes; others have gone
unnoticed. But all have placed their mark on history.
It is their sacrifice, small or large, that has helped

- 2 -

to preserve those twin ideals of human
dignity and freedom and has contributed to our
goal of a just and lasting peace with all nations.

The families and loved ones of Consular Ag
Agent John Patrick Egan, Vice Consul Steven A.
Haukness, Staff Sergeant Charles W.
Turberville, Corporal Charles McMahon,
Lance Corporal Darwin L. Judge and Sergeant
James C. Marshall have my deepest sympathy.

A grateful nation extends its respect and
deepest thanks."

-- There is little I can add to the President's
words.

-- I do have two thoughts of my own as I
look at these memorials to those who have
died -- both those of the Foreign Service, and
the brave men of the Marine Corps, with which
we have been through so much side by side.

-- First, these lists are too long.

-- Second, I remember a remark Napoleon once made to a French woman who inquired about the nature of courage in a man facing death.

Napoleon characterized it as "two o'clock in the morning courage -- unprepared courage."

-- Each of the six men we honor today had to summon, in extremis, that two o'clock in the morning courage.

-- There is a particular and monstrous injustice in violent death coming to those engaged in the work of peace.

-- Perhaps we can most appropriately honor these men who have died by inquiring into ourselves -- by making sure that we embody their courage in our work for peace, so that their sacrifice will be our commitment.

REMARKS
Foreign Service Day Reception

Friday, April 2, 1976

6:00 p.m.

-- I have the highest respect and admiration for the honorable state of retirement which many of you have reached. But lest that statement by misinterpreted by any of my friends in the press who hear of it, I do not immediately aspire to that state myself.

-- Nor is the rumor true that I think so highly of retirement that I have attempted to nudge a large segment of today's active Foreign Service towards it.

-- You do have, though, a unique perspective on today's Foreign Service and the challenges it faces, and that is why we so value this annual exchange of views with you.

The Secretary
of State

[LC]

## Press Conference

April 22, 1976

Washington, D.C.

Bureau of Public Affairs

Office of Media Services

**MAJOR TOPICS:** Relations with U.S.S.R., Africa, Byrd Amendment, Cuba, Middle East, Viet-Nam, OAS Meeting

**THE PRESS:** Mr. Secretary, in January you gave a very optimistic report on the status of detente and SALT. Since then it is evident that the situation has deteriorated. Can you tell us what happened and what are the prospects for improvement, if any?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** The principal element in the deterioration of relations with the Soviet Union is Soviet action in Angola. We pointed out at the time, and we repeat, that we consider those actions irresponsible, inconsistent with the principles that govern the conduct between our nations, and the introduction of Cuban surrogate forces a very dangerous development.

On the other hand, the basic necessities of preserving peace in the nuclear age and of regulating the relationship between the superpowers remain. And, therefore, the United States will continue to pursue the dual policy that we have emphasized over recent months.

That is to say, first, we will resist irresponsible actions or the expansion of Soviet political influence by military power or the use of surrogate forces. Secondly, we remain ready to work for a more peaceful world and more just international arrangements on the basis of strict reciprocity. We will pursue both of these strands and we remain ready to pursue both of these strands.

**Q:** Mr. Secretary, do you believe that the United States today is capable of resisting irresponsible action by the Soviet Union? Does it have that kind of unity and coherence?

**A:** The United States has the military capacity, and it has the political will to resist irresponsible actions.

**Q:** Mr. Secretary, could I follow up the African part of that question? You and the President have been urging the Soviets to act with restraint in Africa. How do you define restraint? Does it require

the removal of the last Cuban and Soviet military person?

**A:** Our basic view with respect to Africa is that African problems should be settled by African nations and that Africa should be kept free of great-power rivalry.

The United States is prepared to act according to this principle, and it hopes that other major countries will act in the same manner. The United States would be extremely concerned, as we have pointed out on a number of occasions, if the use of surrogate military forces, which could only take place with the support of a superpower, became an accepted pattern of dealing with issues in Africa.

Now, we will make clear during my visit what our position is with respect to southern Africa and our strong support for majority rule in southern Africa. We will also make clear our support for the development objectives of African nations. And finally, we will make clear our support for the unity of African nations.

We have no interest in splitting the African nations or lining them up into groups, some of which support one superpower and others another superpower. But we believe, of course, that this requires restraint by all sides, and this must be our definition.

**Q:** Specifically on that, how will the Soviets have to act to convince the United States that they are acting responsibly in Africa?

**A:** They would have to act to live up to these principles of not interfering with military force and/or large-scale military equipment in internal African problems. And we believe, of course, that Cuban troops should be withdrawn from Africa.

**Q:** Mr. Secretary, what are the Cubans and the Soviet Union doing at this particular time? Angola is now more or less over. Is there still a flow of Soviet arms? Is there still a replacement or

PR 186/93

2

continuing level of Cuban forces in Angola? And
what is your perception of what the Cuban sur-
rogate forces will be doing next?

A: The present level of Cuban forces in Afri-
ca, including all the countries, is in excess of
15,000. Our estimate of Cuban forces in Angola is
13,000 or 14,000. There has been some rotation.
That is, some troops have been replaced by other,
more technical personnel. But the total number of
Cuban forces in Angola is roughly at the level at
which it has been since the end of January.

We receive conflicting reports about what
Cuban forces are doing in other parts of Africa or
whether Cuban forces from Angola are being
moved from Angola to other areas. We have had no
confirmed reports, but we have warned repeatedly
that the use of Cuban surrogate forces is going to
increase international tensions enormously and is
going to be incompatible with the relaxation of
tensions and is going to be a very dangerous course.

Q: Mr. Secretary, may we assume that the chances for a SALT agreement in the present political climate for the foreseeable future are pretty much eliminated?

A: As the President pointed out yesterday, we
remain prepared to continue the SALT nego-
tiations, and we believe that an equitable SALT
agreement is possible and is desirable. We are not
operating against an artificial deadline. We are
studying the Soviet reply.

We have had several meetings on the subject.
And we will answer it in due course. I would not
preclude the possibility that significant progress
can be made this year.

Q: Mr. Secretary, some observers have noted
that there may be a contradiction in the American
pledges of support for black majority rule in south-
ern Africa and your warnings against Cuban or
Soviet interference in that some of the black na-
tions may be hoping or relying on Cuban or
Soviet help in achieving the objective of black
African rule.

I want to ask you whether you feel on this
trip you can make credible the American com-
mitment to support black African majority rule.

A: Of course, the achievement of African ob-
jectives has to be primarily an African problem,
but I will be prepared to discuss with my African
hosts the concrete policies that could be imple-
mented to bring about majority rule. And I will be
prepared to put forward what the United States in
its turn is prepared to do or to support.

I do not accept the proposition that the use
of extracontinental military force supported by
one of the superpowers is the only way of
achieving the aspirations of the black African coun-

tries. And it is indeed our belief that it is the way
that leads to the greatest danger that Africa will
become a part of the great-power rivalry.

So we recognize that this strong desire exists
on the part of the black African nations, that it
must be given a realistic perspective, and we be-
lieve that this is achievable.

Q: Mr. Secretary, do you think that majority
rule in Rhodesia is possible in the next decade?

A: Yes, I do.

Q: Mr. Secretary, could we go back to detente
for a moment? I would like to read to you and
 invite your comment on a question from a Tony
Lewis [N.Y. Times, April 19] column last week.
He's speaking—he's writing about your speeches
across the country. He says: "The Kissinger road-
show has a desperate tone, and no wonder. For the
Secretary of State is campaigning at the same time
on behalf of a policy and of a President who has
effectively abandoned that policy."

How much is your own Administration
responsible for the slow progress in detente at this
point, leaving aside the Reagans and the Jacksons?

A: I have noticed that the Op Ed page of the
New York Times is not unanimous in support of
me. The policy that I have stated is, of course, the
policy of the President. The statements about the
objectives of the United States with respect to rela-
tions with the Soviet Union are the views of the
President as, of course, they are my own views.
Therefore, I cannot accept the particular statement
that you have read.

We have, as I pointed out at the time—as a
result of Watergate, of the aftermath of Watergate,
of a series of congressional-executive disagree-
ments—we have suffered from a lack of clarity in
other countries' minds about what the United
States can and will do in given circumstances. For
this we have paid a price. This we are attempting to
rectify. And this, any administration will have to
overcome. But the basic objective of seeking to
prevent Soviet expansion and at the same time to
build a safer world than one that depends entirely
on nuclear confrontation, those objectives are
fixed and will have to be pursued by any admin-
istration.

Q: A brief follow, if I may. But aren't you
making any concessions on your own to the fact
that there is a political campaign going on now?
Isn't detente slowing down by U.S. desires, by
Administration desires, to avoid a campaign prob-
lem?

A: The primary problem in relations with the
Soviet Union has been the irresponsible Soviet
action in Angola. The basic foreign policy of the
United States depends on the national interests of

3

the United States, and it is not a partisan matter.

Q: Mr. Secretary, you talked about Watergate. Going beyond Watergate, given the fact that we are now in the Presidential campaign with the inevitable attacks on foreign policy, are you finding that these attacks are affecting the perception of the United States abroad and affecting America's ability to operate in the international arena?

A: Inevitably, when the United States is described as second-rate, when it is alleged that senior officials of the United States Government are resigned to getting the best deal they can from a nation that is perceived to be dominant—all charges which are wrong and irresponsible—inevitably, this is bound to affect the perceptions of other countries.

On the other hand, I believe that other countries have seen enough of American political campaigns to know that candidates sometimes get carried away with the exuberance of their speech writers; and, therefore, I think it will be seen in the correct perspective as the campaign—

Q: Mr. Secretary, on your remarks about U.S.-Soviet relations, you said the United States has the military capacity and the political will to resist. Other than rhetoric, how has the United States demonstrated either of those capacities in the past few weeks?

A: In the past few weeks there has been no occasion to demonstrate that capacity.

Q: I am speaking more of will than military capacity.

A: I can only speak for the Administration. The Administration believes that we have the military capacity. And we certainly have the will to resist any expansionist moves, any irresponsible actions.

We believe also that, after an understandable readjustment in the executive-congressional balance, that within the Congress there is a growing realization that, in times of crisis, decisive American action may be necessary. What the congressional reaction will be in specific circumstances can, of course, not be determined until the circumstances arise.

Q: Well, one of the charges that's been leveled against the Administration is of an unwillingness to use some of the web of relationships that you've built up over the past couple of years with the Soviet Union, to withhold from the Soviets, for example, some of the scientific information—or the wheat, as in the grain deal. Can you give one instance where the United States, over the past few months, has implemented any of these tools?

A: The fact is that as a result of legislative actions, this web of relationships exists more in the

imagination of some writers than in reality. There are no technological exchanges of any significance that could have been interrupted. The only item of any significance that was available for interruption was the sale of grain.

As you know, the Administration is already being accused of having interrupted that for four months last year. And it is obvious that a major trading relationship cannot be interrupted every three months and still be available as a part of a fabric of the overall relationship.

Except for that, there are no significant exchanges in which the government participates that could have been interrupted. We did interrupt those items that were mostly of a discussion nature that were available to us to indicate our displeasure with the actions that had been taken. But, I repeat, the United States will use the tools it has available. And it would have used more tools had they been made available, in case there were irresponsible actions.

Q: Mr. Secretary, are you seeing any reaction whatsoever—in any positive form—to these warnings that you have been sounding since February? You have said that U.S.-Soviet relations cannot survive another Angola. Are you not having greater difficulty distinguishing between the validity of maintaining these two tracks than you have had before, if the weight that you are putting, and you are emphasizing, here is so heavy on the danger the Soviet Union is putting on the maintenance of the total relationship?

A: I'm not absolutely sure that I understand all the ramifications of the question.

Q: Try any one of them.

A: But as I understand the question, of course there haven't been any more Angolas since January. I would not consider that conclusive within any four-month period. And I believe that the Soviet Union is taking stock, just as we are, of the significance of recent events.

I can only repeat that the basic validity of our two-track approach remains in effect. Of course, in specific periods, it may be that one has to put more emphasis on one side rather than the other.

At this point, we have to warn against the dangers of irresponsible actions because there is a danger of irresponsible action. But we would also emphasize that we are prepared to work for a better relationship and the choice is essentially up to the Soviet Union.

Q: Mr. Secretary, if I can go back to an earlier question here and your answer about the American commitment to black majority rule in Africa: the Administration is on record as opposing the Byrd Amendment, but doesn't really do anything to get

4

it repealed. You made strong statements reaffirming the commitment to black majority rule only after the Soviet Union and Cuba intervened in Angola. And the only question was: How are you going to make credible, now, in view of this past history, this commitment and this desire for change in southern Africa?

A: Well, that will be one of the problems on my African trip. And I think that the decision that will have to be made by African countries, as by us, is to what extent they want to continue discussions about the past or to what extent they are willing to turn to the future.

There have been periods, for example, in our Middle East policy, when it would have been equally correct to say that the United States did not pursue an extremely active Middle East policy. When we decided that the time was right to move, for whatever reason, we became more active.

The same is true in Africa. I am going to Africa with an open mind and with the intention of working together with African nations to achieve those objectives which we share. It is now up, in part, to the African nations to see with what attitude they will respond.

We will certainly go with an attitude of goodwill and with an open mind and with some concrete ideas, which we are prepared to modify, of how these objectives—both in the political field and in the economic field—can be realized.

Q: Mr. Secretary, President Kaunda [Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia] and President Nyerere [Julius Nyerere of Tanzania] have both advocated that war is probably the only solution for the racial problem. The leaders of the black African movement in Rhodesia have described your visit as an attempt to set up a puppet regime of Africans. Do you think you might be missing the boat on this one? Are you going in a little bit too late?

A: Well, that remains to be seen. We certainly do not go to set up a puppet regime. It is beyond our capabilities, and it is beyond our intentions.

The only successful African policy is one in which African nations can achieve African objectives without outside intervention. Whether war is the only means available depends in part on the progress of negotiations between especially the Rhodesian regime and the black liberation movements in that area.

We have strongly supported the urgent resumption of negotiations. We have also supported the proposals put forward by the then British Foreign Secretary Callaghan.

So I believe that it may be possible to achieve these objectives by peaceful means, and that is certainly our preference.

Q: Before you go ahead, may I ask three related Mideast questions?

First of all, has any compromise been reached on the transition funds for Israel?

A: To the best of my knowledge, no.

Q: Secondly, has there been any change in the U.S. position regarding whether Israel should negotiate with the PLO [Palestine Liberation Organization]?

A: No.

Q: And third, what's your current assessment of the situation in Lebanon and the number of Syrian troops now in Lebanon?

A: Well, the situation in Lebanon remains precarious. You have many factions, with partially incompatible objectives. You have the total absence, at this moment, of a central authority with its own means of enforcing its directives. Now, you have a precarious cease-fire. You have an attempt to work out a constitutional solution. And over all of this hangs the threat of various kinds of outside intervention, some by countries in the area, some by countries outside of the area.

Now, we're attempting to assist the parties in walking through this minefield, in avoiding outside intervention, in achieving a political solution that preserves a degree of autonomy for both of the communities and that preserves the integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon.

There has been some Syrian military intervention in the border areas. There has not been a massive military intervention in the key areas. We are opposed to the military intervention of outside countries, and we have repeatedly pointed out the factual situation that there is a flashpoint at which events could become irreversible.

Up to now, we think that the general evolution in Lebanon has moved in the direction of a constitutional solution which preserves a position for both of the communities. And we believe also that the best way to prevent outside intervention is to bring about this constitutional solution within Lebanon as rapidly as possible.

I think we have announced that Ambassador [L. Dean] Brown—who has done an outstanding job—is returning for consultations. I'm meeting with him in London tomorrow night, and then he's coming back to the United States. His assignment was always to be a temporary assignment. He will return briefly to Lebanon, and then he will be replaced by Ambassador Meloy [Francis E. Meloy, Jr.] in the first part of May.

Q: Mr. Secretary, I wonder if you could take us into your confidence and share some of your private thoughts with us.

What are you not doing in order to accommo-

(L)

5

date to the political requirements of President Ford under attack by Senator Jackson and Governor Reagan? What areas of American foreign policy are now languishing—loitering, so to speak—because you find yourself hampered by political requirements?

A: Well, it would be very difficult to answer this in absolute terms. There are no occasions when the President and I meet where he would say "We cannot do this for political reasons."

On the other hand, it is clear that when there are so many candidates in the field and when there's a possibility of being accused of political motivations in making a dramatic move, that there is a temptation—or a tendency—to defer dramatic moves that could be seen as being politically motivated until that particular element of discord is removed. And that is not so much because of any immediate controversy, but because of the necessity that our foreign policy be seen as the foreign policy of a unified country and not as being inspired by partisan maneuvers.

So, on the whole, I think it is true that as foreign countries look at the United States every four years, there is a certain slowdown in new initiatives that can be carried out. This is part of the price we pay for our free political process. It seems to happen every four years. And it is unavoidable, to some extent—though compressing the political campaign would not hurt our foreign policy.

Q: Mr. Secretary, just a second ago, when you said that there was a threat of some outside intervention in Lebanon from countries outside of the area—not only from countries—were you referring to the Soviet Union?

A: I do not believe that there is any immediate threat of Soviet intervention in the area. There's the general danger that, in case of a Middle East war, that outside powers might be drawn in, at least, in the form of confrontations, as has happened in every other Middle East confrontation.

Q: With respect to your forthcoming trip to Africa, you state you're in favor of majority rule. Why hasn't the Administration made a concerted effort to repeal the Byrd Amendment? There was an attempt by some Congressmen to do that in the last two weeks, but they said they couldn't do it unless there was Administration support.

A: In the last few weeks there was an attempt to hang a repeal of the Byrd Amendment on another piece of legislation. I would expect that after my return from Africa we will take another look at the Byrd Amendment, and we will make our position clear to the Congress insofar as it isn't clear today.

Q: Mr. Secretary, to follow up that, is the United States ready to do anything to limit our economic relations with South Africa? And are we ready to give any kind of support, economic or otherwise, to any of the liberation groups, particularly Rhodesian groups?

A: Well, the United States has already restricted its economic contact, its governmental economic contact with South Africa. But we will announce an integrated policy after my trip to Africa, after I've had an opportunity to meet with key leaders and after I have had an opportunity to report to the President for any decisions that he may want to make.

Q: Will it be any specific objective, Mr. Secretary, of yours on this trip to try to get negotiations between the Smith regime and the black nationalist government of—

A: I would not say this is a specific objective by which you can measure the trip. We strongly favor the resumption of negotiations on Rhodesia at the earliest possible occasion. The primary objective of the trip is to establish with African leaders a community of concerns with respect to the problem of the political evolution of southern Africa and with respect to the problem of development which affects Africa more than any other region of the world, since all of its countries are really developing countries.

It's for this reason that I'm returning from Dakar clear across the continent to head our delegation at the UNCTAD [U.N. Conference on Trade and Development] Conference in Nairobi—to put forward what I hope will be considered constructive American proposals to the general problem of development.

Q: Mr. Secretary, in what country will you meet with the black leaders of Rhodesia?

A: Probably in Zambia.

Q: Mr. Nkomo [Joshua Nkomo, leader of the internal faction of the African National Council]? And who else?

A: We will see as the trip develops. But certainly Mr. Nkomo.

Q: Mr. Secretary, it has been nearly a year since the fall of Saigon. You have had an exchange of messages with the leaders in Hanoi. What is your evaluation of the prospects toward normalization?

A: The leaders in Hanoi developed certain patterns of dealing with us during the Vietnamese war which are not always conducive to improving relations between the United States and Hanoi. They have a tendency to proceed by the formulation of ultimatums and to suffer from the misapprehension that we need an improved relationship with Hanoi in order to affect the outcome of

6

our elections. I have read this in various newspaper accounts in Hanoi.

As far as the United States is concerned, our principal interest is to get an accounting for the missing in action. And there is no possibility of improving our relationship without an accounting for the missing in action.

If Hanoi believes that we are doing this in order to affect the outcome of the election, we are perfectly prepared to wait for discussions until after the election, and thereby remove this particular issue.

We have stated publicly that we are, in principle, prepared to have talks with Hanoi in which each side will be free to raise any issue that it wishes, and that then the outcome of these talks can determine whether there is a sufficient basis for normalizing relations.

As far as we are concerned, the absolute pre-condition is a complete accounting for the missing in action.

*Q: Mr. Secretary, there seems to have been something of a disparity between your statements on relations with Cuba and the President's. The President said that it was all over in attempts to achieve some kind of normalization; you said it was interrupted. And the President said that Castro was an international outlaw, and you didn't.*

*I ask now, in light of this apparent disparity, what has to be done to get some kind of attempt at normalization with Cuba going again? And how do you implement the hijacking agreement with a man who has been termed an international outlaw?*

A: The President has a more plastic way of expressing himself then I do. Or I may have a more complicated way of expressing myself.

We, of course, are prepared to implement the hijacking agreement. And we do not approve of any activities that may be mounted from American territory against Cuban shipping.

There is no possibility of continuing any discussions with Cuba about normalization of relations as long as Cuban military forces are stationed in Africa, and as long as Cuba continues the attacks on America, on American policy in Puerto Rico and elsewhere.

So, unless there is a substantial change in Cuban attitudes, the process of improving relations can be considered suspended.

*Q: Mr. Secretary, let me ask you about the status of the Hawk missile deal with Jordan. Has it fallen through? Is it true that it is out of the question?*

A: The Hawk missile deal with Jordan, which was originally computed primarily on the basis of hardware, when the additional collateral costs

became evident, went beyond what Saudi Arabia had originally promised to Jordan. There are now discussions going on between Jordan and Saudi Arabia, and between the United States and Saudi Arabia, to see whether Saudi Arabia would be prepared to support the additional costs that would be involved in the Hawk deal.

These discussions are still going on: and until we have conclusive answer, we cannot tell whether the Hawk deal can be implemented.

*Q: Mr. Secretary, what did you mean when you said the President has a plastic way of expressing himself?*

A: You are absolutely determined that I ruin myself before I get off to Africa. [Laughter.]

*Q: Plastic melts in heat. I don't understand the term.*

A: I am not aware that plastic melts in heat. I think that the President's use of adjectives is more graphic than mine because, being from the Teutonic tradition, you cannot tell what a sentence of mine means until I place the verb at the end of it. [Laughter.]

*Q: Mr. Secretary, is it a fair summary of your response to Bernie Kalb's [CBS] question that there will be no new initiatives in dealings with the Soviet Union-what? Until the Republican Convention or until the election? Until Reagan is out of the way? What are you saying exactly?*

Q: Mr. Secretary—

A: Wait a minute. Do you want to answer the question?

Q: No. [Laughter.]

A: As I understood Bernie Kalb's question, it was in the great philosophical tradition of these press conferences.

Q: Yes.

A: And he asked me to give a brief political science lecture on the impact of political campaigns on the conduct of foreign policy. And I stated, as a general proposition, that those new initiatives that might be considered by the public as being motivated by partisan considerations would tend to be deferred until it is clearer that they are not motivated by partisan considerations—if they can be deferred.

On the other hand, there are many well established policies, including SALT, which the President reaffirmed again yesterday, basic relationships with Western Europe, basic relationships with Japan and other areas, as well as new African policies, that will of course be pursued with energy and conviction during the campaign.

I simply responded in a philosophical way to a philosophical question, and you should not draw—

7

Q: Mr. Secretary, can I strip my question of the philosophy now, and take you to the specifics? Can you itemize, for example, what initiatives might in fact be deferred because they might be perceived, as you suggest, as deriving from partisan consideration? What would you feel is being in fact put off until the election?

A: First of all, I didn't say that matters would be put off until the election. I stated the fact that, as far as foreign governments are concerned, the perception of the United States in an election year, with all the controversy that is going on about basic policies and our basic intentions, tends to be that in an election year there is a slowdown on great new initiatives.

There is no specific initiative, as I specifically pointed out, which has been deferred as a result of the electoral campaign. But it is obvious that the attention of key personnel is focused not exclusively on foreign policy. At least that is my impression.

Q: Assistant Secretary [of State for Inter-American Affairs William D.] Rogers called in Chilean junta Ambassador Manuel Trucco to criticize the continuing violations of human rights in that country, and particularly harassment of the Chileans who had met with U.S. Congressmen in Chile recently. This would seem to indicate Administration displeasure with the military regime's policies. But at the same time, it has been announced that you plan to attend the OAS [Organization of American States] meeting in Santiago in June; and that possibility has been criticized by some as one that would legitimize that dictatorship's policies. Do you plan to attend the meeting? And could you please respond to the criticism?

A: The meeting in Santiago is a meeting of all the foreign ministers of the Western Hemisphere. It is a meeting of the OAS in Santiago. All other foreign ministers, with one possible exception, are planning to attend.

The purpose of my visit to this meeting would be to continue discussions about our Western Hemisphere policy with my Latin American colleagues. And when I go, if I go—which is highly probable—I would plan to visit those countries in Latin America, or most of those countries in Latin America, that I did not have an opportunity to visit on my first trip.

Q: Mr. Secretary, isn't the negotiation on the Panama Canal an example of the sort of thing that is being deferred until after the election? And in that connection, doesn't the controversy over the Canal, in a way, help your negotiating position to

show how much opposition, and how slowly you have to go?

A: Well, I don't want to encourage any more of the statements which we have suffered with respect to the Panama Canal.

With respect to the Panama Canal, there are a number of key issues that have to be settled before we can be sure that an agreement is possible. We believe that the basic issue is under what conditions the free and open and neutral access through the Canal, which is essential for the United States, can best be guaranteed and under what conditions our relationships with the Western Hemisphere, with other nations of the Western Hemisphere, can best be preserved.

It is our judgment that the negotiations that are now going on are the best way of doing this. Their pace is importantly determined by the ability to settle specific issues, and the degree to which the current debate influences the negotiating process can be argued on both sides.

Q: Mr. Secretary, there is a recent report that the State Department not only knew of some overseas payoffs by American corporations regarding arms sales but also, in some cases, the Department asked officials to assist in those arms sales. Ambassador Akins [James Akins, former U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia] is supposed to testify on that next month.

A: I think those statements are absolutely irresponsible. The only case that has come to my attention, which was after it was published in a newspaper, involved a request to us by the Defense Department to clarify some requests that, in turn, had been made to the Defense Department with respect to some fees, not with respect to some payoffs.

We sent a routine cable, which was done at a very low level on a routine basis, to find out the Saudi perception of their legal obligations. It was quite the opposite of what has been alleged. It was not an attempt to bring about a payment, but to determine what the legal status of this particular incident was.

And I welcome Ambassador Akins testifying about this.

Q: Why do you think he had a different perception of those cables than you do?

A: Because he has retired as Ambassador, and he has been going through his cables at a frantic rate. [Laughter.]

Q: Mr. Secretary, concerning your stopover in Paris, will you be discussing with the French Government the proposal by a group of French parliamentarians that the French set up some kind of

8

safeguarding peace force in Lebanon once the new
government has been formed?

A: I have no particular agenda to discuss in Paris. Of course, France, with its long tradition of relationships in Africa, will—I would expect its leaders will want to discuss my impressions of the African trip.

Also, we are look forward to the visit of President Giscard to this country and I expect to discuss with him in general terms a possible agenda of his meeting with President Ford.

Finally, with respect to Lebanon, France again has had an historic relationship. There have been French missions to Lebanon. We have exchanged information during this recent crisis. I do not plan to discuss any particular solution or any particular French role in Lebanon or in the solution of the Lebanese crisis, but I will be prepared to discuss it if my French hosts would care to raise it.

Q: Mr. Secretary, the President said, as I understand him, that his purpose in the Panama Canal negotiations is to retain U.S. rights to control, maintenance, and defense through the life of

the pending treaty. Is that your perception of the negotiations? Is that the perception of the Panamanians, as you understand it?

A: That is substantially my perception of the negotiations. But in any event, the United States, regardless of control and defense arrangements, will insist on the permanent, free, and neutral and open passage of American ships through the Canal.

Q: Is the United States willing to share control and maintenance during the life of the treaty?

A: That is correct.

Q: Since you are going to see black Rhodesian leaders on this trip, will you also see white Rhodesian leaders anywhere?

A: I do not plan to see white Rhodesian leaders on this trip. I do not consider this trip to be the last word in our African policy. I expect it to be the basis from which an integrated African policy will be developed and therefore, we expect to be in contact with other leaders in both black African countries, as well as in white southern African countries, or with southern African regimes, after I return to the United States.

THE PRESS: Thank you, Mr. Secretary.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, U.S.A.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20520

POSTAGE AND FEES PAID
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
STA-501

PAUL E. BARBIAN
SPECIAL ASSISTANT
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

ROOM 7226

PR # 195

- 2 -

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** The composition of the security forces is one of the subjects that is under negotiation right now, and I don't think it is for us to speculate as to the elements, but obviously a security force to be effective must be acceptable to all of the parties there, and all of the parties that feel threatened.

**QUESTION:** What kind of time frame are you talking about?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** We, of course, do not control the time frame. Again I must stress the situation is tenuous and delicate, and it has been brought to this point through the constructive attitude of all of the parties. On the assumption that that continues, we would think that the election of a new President could be completed within a two-week period, and that the beginning of a return to more normal processes should start immediately after that.

**QUESTION:** Has the danger of massive outside intervention been reduced?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** It is my impression from Ambassador Brown's report that the danger of outside intervention has been reduced. But, of course, if the situation in Lebanon should blow up again, the danger could return.

**QUESTION:** Are the Syrian troops still in there?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** I don't think there has been any significant change in troop deployment since I answered questions at a press conference yesterday.

**QUESTION:** Would the US play any role - perhaps as a guarantor in case security forces were to be established?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** Our basic position has been to avoid intervention by outside powers or to give outside powers the right of intervention, and therefore we would believe that the best solution would be one in which the Lebanese factions agree among themselves as to the creation of the security force.

**QUESTION:** What are the prospects for Syrians removing their troops from Lebanon?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** Well, this is a question that will have to be negotiated between the Lebanese and the Syrians, but it is our impression that they are there as part of the immediate situation and not a permanent feature of the Lebanese scene.

**QUESTION:** What is the US role in the creation of the security force? Is Ambassador Brown trying to get factions to agree on the compositions or —

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** Well, I think it is fair to say that Ambassador Brown has been one of the very few people who has been in touch with all of the factions, and I say very few, probably the only person in Lebanon — and therefore he has been in a position to carry the views of the various parties to the others. My judgment is that he's played a very useful, in fact, almost decisive role in this diplomatic process. And we will do

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

April 24, 1976

NO. 195

REMARKS TO THE PRESS BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
AND
AMBASSADOR L. DEAN BROWN
FOLLOWING THEIR MEETING
LONDON

April 23, 1976

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** Ambassador Brown and I have had a very good, very helpful talk. As you know, Ambassador Brown was sent to Lebanon four weeks ago taking leave from his position as President of the Middle East Institute and left within something like twenty-four hours notice. At that time, the situation in Lebanon was chaotic, and the danger of outside intervention was very great. In the interval, partly as a result of his extraordinary efforts, we can now talk about the beginning of a restoration of constitutional government in Lebanon. We discussed such things as the creation of a security force and the danger of the situation in Lebanon escalating into a Middle East crisis has been reduced. We've repeatedly pointed out that it remains a delicate process and that it could easily be upset by irresponsible actions of individuals, actions of outside powers, and the US view is that all of the factions, all of the interested outside powers should continue to exhibit the constructive attitude that has brought matters to this point. Ambassador Brown is going to return to the United States to report to the President. He will then return to Lebanon for a few days and then he will have completed his mission with great distinction — and as a great service to peace in the area — a great service to the foreign policy of the United States.

**QUESTION:** What do you mean by the creation of a security force?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** Well, as you know, the security force in the country — the military forces, and the police — disintegrated under the impact of the civil war, and when a new President is elected and the government is reconstituted, one of the obvious problem it will fact is how to create a force that is responsive to the government and that can interpose itself between the various factions. And there are some ideas on this subject that are now being explored and with which Ambassador Brown has also been helpful.

**QUESTION:** Will there be Lebanese forces or outside forces?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** We are talking about Lebanese forces drawn perhaps from some of the factions or separately recruited. We don't want to go into any of the details, but we are specifically talking about Lebanese security forces to deal with Lebanese problems.

**QUESTION:** Will there be indigenous Palestinians in that security force?

For further information contact:

PR #195

- 3 -

as we indicated when we sent Ambassador Brown — he will be ready to do what the parties ask him to do and to help them to move towards common objectives. And when he leaves, in about two weeks, Ambassador Meloy will replace him to perform again whatever functions —

**QUESTION:** Ambassador Brown — just as a matter of curiosity, what's happened to your blood pressure?

**AMBASSADOR BROWN:** It's gone down.

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** You are contradicting me.

**QUESTION:** Ambassador Brown, did you have any direct or indirect contacts with the Palestine Liberation Organization in your negotiations?

**AMBASSADOR BROWN:** I did not.

**QUESTION:** Can I ask you something else, if I would, please? In Indianapolis early today, President Ford said there was no prospect the US will extend diplomatic relations to North Viet-Nam. Some reporters out there sense a contradiction in what you said in the past. What are the prospects, and is there any contradiction between your position and the President's?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** President Ford and I meet practically every day and it is traditional that the foreign policy of the Secretary of State coincides with the foreign policy of the President — a tradition which is not going to be interrupted this year. As I understand the President's statement, and I have talked to General Scowcroft in the interval, and I believe the President has spoken in this sense today as well, it was his assessment since it was the President's assessment that since we had not been given a satisfactory answer to the missing in action that he saw no prospect of normalizing relations. And, therefore, the policy of the Administration is as the President expressed it in Hawaii in December. As we've repeated since, we're prepared to talk to North Viet-Nam but the absolute precondition before considering any other move is an accounting of the missing in action.

* * *

[lc]

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

April 24, 1976

No. 196

REMARKS TO THE PRESS BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
AND
BRITISH FOREIGN SECRETARY ANTHONY CROSLAND
WADDINGTON ROYAL AIR FORCE BASE
ENGLAND

April 24, 1976

**FOREIGN SECRETARY CROSLAND:** I would like to start simply by welcoming Dr. Kissinger to Lincolnshire, to thank him for his kindness and courtesy. I have done this privately; I would like to do it publicly now. In agreeing to come to Lincolnshire so that I was able to keep a number of rather crucial constituency engagements. We have had extremely friendly, fruitful and productive discussions concentrating largely, of course, on his visit to Africa which starts in about five minutes time. Would you like to say something?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** I would like to thank the Foreign Secretary for the very warm and friendly reception I have had here. The close and confidential relationship between the Secretary of State and the British Foreign Secretary is one of the important factors of international life and Mr. Crosland and I expect to continue this tradition. We had a very extensive talk about Africa, particularly the problem of majority rule in southern Africa. Our views and those of the United Kingdom -- as far as I can determine -- are identical. We strongly support the proposals made by the British Prime Minister in Parliament. I benefitted very greatly from the advice of Mr. Crosland and his colleagues and we expect to remain in close touch about this problem and about the most effective means of achieving rapid majority rule -- especially in Rhodesia. We also reviewed a number of other subjects briefly. And of course since this is only the first of what will be many meetings, there will be many other subjects to talk about when we next meet -- I suppose at the NATO meeting is Oslo.

**QUESTION:** Mr. Foreign Secretary, how can the U. S., specifically Dr. Kissinger, play a useful role in working towards majority rule on this trip?

**FOREIGN SECRETARY CROSLAND:** Well, Dr. Kissinger really made an important contribution, if I may say so, by saying publicly, firmly, and loudly how strongly he agreed with the statement that our then Foreign Secretary Callaghan made in Parliament on March 26. That, if you remember, was a very, very explicit statement of government policy in Rhodesia, and Dr. Kissinger took the immediate opportunity of giving his full backing of support to that statement. And indeed, he has confirmed this very

PR #196

-2-

strongly in private conversations this morning, and evidently proposes to do so when he reaches Africa.

**QUESTION:** Beyond that, what else?

**FOREIGN SECRETARY CROSLAND:** For the moment, the United Kingdom Government does not propose to take any further new initiative. Our position remains as stated by Mr. Callaghan that until there is some sign that the white Rhodesians are willing to accept the principle of an early move to majority rule -- until that principle has been accepted by the white Rhodesians -- the British Government does not intend to take another initiative.

**QUESTION:** Mr. Secretary, what is your present view of the danger of rapid deterioration of the situation in Rhodesia?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** We believe that time is running out, that the opportunity for a negotiated settlement that may still exist must be seized almost immediately, and as far as the United States is concerned, we will give our full support to immediate resumption of negotiations designed to bring about majority rule in Rhodesia in the near future.

**QUESTION:** (Garbled questions - intermixed)

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** I have no personal experience in Africa or with African leaders. It is my strong hope that it can be done peacefully and we believe that this is in the interest not only of the black majority, but of the white settlers in Rhodesia. I do not know whether it is possible. We will certainly do our best to make it possible.

**QUESTION:** But time is running out.

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** That is correct.

**QUESTION:** Mr. Secretary, at the moment there are various black nationalist groups in Rhodesia vying for power. Does the United States have a position on which of those nationalist groups it prefers to form a majority government?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** The United States does not support any particular group in Rhodesia. And the general United States position with respect to African liberation movements is that as long as a solution is sought by African methods and within an African context we will not take sides to express our preferences. It is our general view that the greater unity that can be achieved, either between African states and/or African movements the better it will be for the Africans. We have no interest in lining some countries with us and other countries with some other powers or lining up some liberation movement with us and other liberation movements with some other powers. We believe that they should cooperate and that in that way they can guarantee the solution will be an African solution.

**QUESTION:** Mr. Foreign Secretary, why do you think that negotiations can succeed now when they have failed in the past?

**FOREIGN SECRETARY CROSLAND:** What has changed, I think, is an increasing realization on the part of the white Rhodesians that the present system of minority rule cannot indefinitely survive. This change of sentiment has not yet got to the point where Mr. Smith's government is willing to start serious negotiations on the subject of majority rule. But, nevertheless, until the possibility of further change in thinking on the part of the white Rhodesians, which we must all hope and pray, will make a negotiated settlement possible.

**QUESTION:** Mr. Foreign Secretary, can you give us some idea of what period of time you are thinking about when you say that time is running out?

PR #196

-3-

**FOREIGN SECRETARY CROSLAND:** No, I would not like to put a period of time on it.

**QUESTION:** Roughly, is it weeks? Months?

**FOREIGN SECRETARY CROSLAND:** I think it is impossible to put a time on it. What is absolutely clear is that if there is not agreement, a negotiated settlement then the white Rhodesian government cannot indefinitely procrastinate.

**QUESTION:** Mr. Crosland, do you see any evidence that the Western powers can be any more effective in bringing their influence to bear on the situation collectively than they have in the past?

**FOREIGN SECRETARY CROSLAND:** I think there is a possibility, there is a possible hope in the present situation. I think that it is far from a certainty. That for the reason I gave just now that things are moving in southern Africa. I think that there is a possibility, not just that Western influence will work on the Rhodesians, no, but that the changing situation will have the effect of forcing the regime to make a proper settlement on the lines that Mr. Callaghan has laid down. But it is not a certainty, it is only a hope and the longer it goes on, the more the hope diminishes.

* * * * *

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

April 24, 1976

No. 197

REMARKS BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
UPON ARRIVAL
NAIROBI, KENYA

April 24, 1976

SECRETARY KISSINGER: Mr. Vice President, Mr. Foreign Minister, the Finance Minister, the Attorney General, Mr. Ambassador. I would first of all like to thank the distinguished members of the Government of Kenya for having come to the airport to greet me. It is a moving occasion for me to visit the first African independent country in my experience. I was here 15 years ago before independence.

I have come to Africa in order to help President Ford devise a new approach to the problems of Africa and to the relations between the United States and this great continent. I have come here to make clear that the United States associates itself with the two great aspirations of the independent nations of Africa. The aspiration to human dignity and racial equality, and the aspiration to economic progress.

I think it is fitting that this visit should start in Kenya. I have had a special feeling for this country since my first visit as a tourist 15 years ago and I, therefore, will have an opportunity to see firsthand what I have heard in the meantime of the enormous progress that has been made in this country since independence. And I look forward to meeting the great leader President Kenyatta who led the struggle for independence and inspired people far beyond the borders of his own country.

After my trip around Africa, I will return to Nairobi for the Conference of the United Nations Commission on Trade and Development, in order to put before that Commission the American conception of how the nations of the world, rich and poor, developed and developing, north and south, can cooperate for the common benefit. The problem of development has no greater urgency than on this continent that has only recently achieved its independence and is still suffering from the vestiges of colonial rule. And it is appropriate that this Conference take place in a Republic whose motto is Harambee, to work together for the good of all.

American cooperation with Africa will be the determination of our government, recognizing that the future of Africa must be shaped by Africans. I am not here to line up one group of African nations, or one half group of African movements against another. We believe that the problems of Africa and the aspirations of Africa can best be achieved through the unity of African nations and African movements. And so I hope that when

PR #197

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I return to Nairobi in about two weeks time that we can feel that an important step has been taken in identifying the aspirations of the United States with the aspirations of Africa.

And in the meantime I look forward to an exchange of views and to learning a great deal from the distinguished leaders of this great country.

Thank you.

* * * * *

[LC]

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

April 25, 1976

NO. 200

STATEMENT
AND QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
UPON DEPARTURE
NAIROBI, KENYA
APRIL 25, 1976

SECRETARY KISSINGER:

Mr. Foreign Minister, Mr. Finance Minister, Mr. Attorney General; First of all on behalf of all my colleagues, I would like to thank the President and all of his colleagues for the extraordinarily cordial reception we have had here. We had extensive talks this morning and at lunch with the President that were conducted in a most friendly atmosphere. We dealt with the bilateral relations between Kenya and the United States, which we consider good, and discussed means by which the United States could contribute to the progress of Kenya and to peace in the area. Needless to say, in dealing with one of the great leaders of Africa we also discussed general problems of Africa's future, and the discussions have been of very great benefit to me, and will contribute to the new Africa policy that President Ford intends to formulate upon my return. So we could not have had a more auspicious start to our trip in this continent. We established not only political but personal ties. It is of course somewhat unsettling for me to deal with a President who speaks English with less of an accent than I do [laughter]. I will be glad to take a few questions.

**QUESTION:** Did you discuss, Mr. Secretary, specifically the idea of military assistance to Kenya?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** Well, the United States is giving some military assistance and we discussed that program and some adaptations of it. Yes.

**QUESTION:** Did you discuss concern about a balance of power between Kenya and her neighboring countries?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** Well, we discussed in general terms the political situation and the military situation in this general area and this issue arose. Yes.

**QUESTION:** Mr. Secretary, are you aware that Uganda Radio at one o'clock was criticizing you for coming here to confuse Africa and saying that you were discussing with Kenya the prospect of balance of arms against neighboring countries, specifically Uganda and Somalia?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** Well, it's of course extremely difficult for me to imagine that any country would criticize me. But on the theory that I haven't heard this report myself, I have not come here to discuss the military balance as such, I have come here to discuss the concerns that

PR #200

- 2 -

that were raised by the Government of Kenya. We have no interest in
setting one African country against the other. We agree very much that
what President Kenyatta said this morning that he wants peace and progress
in the area and we want the states of Africa to work together in unity.
We have absolutely no interest in setting one African state against
another.

**QUESTION:** Mr. Secretary, could you clarify the US position on military aid, either direct or indirect to the nationalist movements in Africa?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** The United States does not plan to give military aid in any form to the nationalist movements in Africa. The United States will state and has stated its support for majority rule, and it will use its political and economic influence to bring about these objectives.

**QUESTION:** Mr. Secretary, what's your attitude towards liberation movements?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** Well, I will be meeting with some of the representatives of the liberation movements, and we believe that they must be consulted in certain countries such as Namibia and must participate in negotiations in other countries such as Rhodesia, and we believe they have a legitimate and crucial role to play.

**QUESTION:** Mr. Secretary, would you possibly offer other kinds of economic aid besides military aid to liberation movements in Southern Africa?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** We will deal with the governments in the area, as I have understood the objectives of the countries in Africa is that they would like to handle the problem of the evolution of southern Africa as an African problem. We believe that it should be dealt with by African nations together with whatever movements they wish to support. We do not believe it is helpful for outside powers to inject themselves because it can only lead to the division of Africa. But we are prepared to discuss economic programs with various countries in Africa, and we will make concrete proposals both on our trip and wehn I return to Nairboi for the UNCTAD Conference.

* * * * *

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

[LC]

April 25, 1976

NO. 201

STATEMENT BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
UPON ARRIVAL
DAR ES SALAAM, UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA
APRIL 25, 1976

SECRETARY KISSINGER:

Ladies and Gentlemen: I have long wanted to visit Tanzania and to meet
President Nyerere. I am very pleased to be able to fulfill this desire.

Tanzania and the United States each are dedicated to great goals: self-determination, social progress, racial justice, and a world in which all peoples may live and prosper in peace.

The path each of us is taking to reach our goals is different; each nation must determine for itself the manner and the form of its search for progress. But despite differing approaches, it is important for us to consider fully and seriously each other's needs and interests — and to respect each other's values. Only in this way can we help to build a just and cooperative world which serves all the people. And this is the attitude with which I am here.

I have come here to learn the views of the leaders of Tanzania, especially President Nyerere, on the important questions now facing your country, Africa, and the world community. And I shall set forth the positions, concerns, and values of the United States on these matters. I am confident that with mutual respect and an open mind we can learn much about each other and explore ways in which we might join in contributing to the objectives we share. The United States will do its utmost to encourage majority rule in southern Africa and to promote economic progress for all Africa.

I look forward with anticipation to meeting President Nyerere. As a teacher myself, I know that a good teacher must also be a student. I welcome this opportunity to listen to the thoughts of your teacher, for his influence is known far beyond the borders of your country.

Finally, let me congratulate you on this, the eve of your "Union Day."
I wish all the peoples of the United Republic of Tanzania peace and pro-
sperity now and in the years to come. I look forward to my stay in
Tanzania and I thank you for your welcome to me.

* * * * *

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

[LC]

April 25, 1976

No. 202

TOAST BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
AT THE DINNER HOSTED BY
THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF
THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA
IBRAHIM MOHAMED KADUMA
DAR ES SALAAM, TANZANIA

APRIL 25, 1976

Mr. Foreign Minister, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen:

I have always known that it is dangerous to have professors in high office, particularly when one is forced to reply to them in a toast.

I would like, first of all, on behalf of all of my colleagues, to express our profound appreciation at the warmth with which we have been received here and for the revolutionary cordiality with which we have been greeted. I believe that the talks we have already had have led to a greater understanding and to the possibility for increasingly fruitful cooperative action. In China once I learned a Chinese proverb which no Chinese present understood — they thought I was talking German — and I now would like to say two words in Swahili on behalf of all of my colleagues: *asante sana* [thank you very much].

As I said, Mr. Foreign Minister, I am honored by this occasion and gratified by your kindness. The strengthening of relations between Africa and the United States and between your country and ours is — and as President Ford has made clear — will henceforth be one of the key elements of our foreign policy. We believe that the major issues facing Africa today — the political issues of self-determination, majority rule, racial justice, and African unity, and the economic issues of development in a fair and mutually beneficial global economy — are objectives on which international stability will depend and on which cooperation between African nations and the United States is essential.

We agree, Mr. Foreign Minister, with the principle of self-reliance, and we know that the problems of Africa must ultimately be solved by Africans. But we believe as well that practical cooperation between Africa and the United States can be helpful and even decisive if we are to realize successfully those aspirations which we hold in common.

This year the United States celebrates the 200th anniversary of the revolution which brought us from colonialism to independence. Today the United States is often thought of in terms of material success and not sufficiently in terms of revolutionary ideals we announced to the world 200 years ago. These ideals are, it seems to me, more important today than ever.

PR #202

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The first is the ideal of freedom. We think of ourselves as a free people. Having thrown off the burdens of colonialism in the 18th century, we did our best to insure that we did not fall under the control of any oppressor thereafter. We have been successful. Americans remain today what their ancestors were: a people upholding their liberty and the liberty of their friends, and confident that our children will defend the legacy of freedom and pass it on to future generations. Of course, America is critical of itself, but our open criticism reflects our attachment to the ideal of freedom and an idealism which is never satisfied with anything less than perfection.

The second ideal is equality. When foreign visitors came to the United States in its early years, they were struck by the refusal of the American people to accept the rigid class lines then common in Europe.— the average American's healthy conviction that he was the equal of anyone. But visitors to the early United States noted as well that equality did not extend to black Americans or to native Americans. It took a civil war for America to determine that it could not exist half slave and half free. In this century, Americans have continued to wrestle with the conflict between the ideal of equality and the reality of occasional inequality.

I believe that great gains toward fulfillment of the ideal have been made in recent years. Much more remains to be done, today and tomorrow; but few, if any, nations have done more to create a model of a harmonious multi-racial society. We will continue to work for the full realization of this vision.

And a third ideal is the ideal of progress. The generation of Americans who made our revolution expressed it as the pursuit of happiness. We have never been satisfied with things as they are. To Americans the future has always meant movement toward a better life through prosperity and justice, widely shared by all the people. In this century we have sought a society which would both grow in wealth and yet offer its bounty and its opportunity to all. In this, too, our ideal, like all ideals, has not yet been fully attained. But we believe that we have given our people the widening prospect of a more hopeful future on a scale never achieved previously.

It is because America accepts these ideals that we identify ourselves with those who work for similar ideals in Africa. We and Tanzania have our differences. We do not agree on the social structure to achieve these objectives. But, as free peoples, we can tolerate disagreements in the service of larger goals. There are many objectives that we have in common. We welcome the efforts Tanzania has made as mediator and conciliator on the problems of southern Africa, and as a strong advocate of the principles of racial equality and of majority rule. We wish every success to your great President and to the three other Presidents who met recently at Lusaka to seek urgent progress on this issue which has aroused the concern of Africa and the world. We stand with you in your work to extend the frontiers of freedom and equality throughout Africa. I have already learned much from my talk with your President and Foreign Minister.

The United States will lend its support to majority rule in southern Africa and for economic progress for all of Africa. Tanzania is working for economic progress as well. By the example of its people, by its self-reliance and the wide respect in which President Nyerere is held, Tanzania is playing a significant part in international deliberations on the great new questions of progress in an interdependent world.

PR #202

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Over the years the United States has participated in Tanzania's program of national development. It is our intention to continue to do so. And on the global scale the United States is committed to building a new era of international economic cooperation between the developed and developing nations, with programs that will be of particular benefit to the developing nations of Africa.

Indeed, America has already begun this vital task, but this commitment to cooperation should not be carried out in an atmosphere of confrontation. We are ready to go forward energetically, with dedication and in a spirit of goodwill; but it is essential for our mutual respect and our mutual dignity that we deal with each other not by threats or pressure but by reason and goodwill. Our shared hopes can best be fulfilled in an atmosphere of cooperation and, in our view, the prospects of cooperation in the world can best be achieved by the unity of African countries and by the unity of African movements.

We have no interest in the continent of Africa to divide peoples or movements. We do not want blocs or factions. We stand for unity, which we believe is fundamental to Africa's hopes for a free and progressive future. There will occur differences between us. We expect this, for we know that even the closest friends have issues on which they differ, just as we do not expect total agreement nor do we expect that there will be constant disagreement. We are confident that on the fundamental issues before our two nations we will find a means of dialogue and a means of joint action. We have much in common; when we differ we shall do so as friends without rancor. So let us put aside slogans and get to work on the common problems which we face. Let us seek to resolve our differences wherever we can. Let us strengthen our relationship in the cause of a better world for all, and let us work together for human dignity, racial equality and economic progress for all mankind and for all the people of Africa.

Mr. Minister, Ladies and Gentlemen, I ask you to join me in a toast to President Nyerere, to my colleague the Foreign Minister, to the United Republic of Tanzania, and to the friendship and understanding between our two peoples.

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I'LL HAVE ONE MORE QUESTION HERE AND THEN ....

1. (INDISTINCT) ADVOCATE ALWAYS THE UNITED STATES POLICY OF CHAMPIONING FREEDOM OF MANKIND. BUT IN SOME CASES, YOU HAVE BEEN REPORTED TO HAVE ISSUED WHAT I WOULD LIKE TO CALL THREATS TO SOME COUNTRIES IN THEIR OWN USE OF THEIR RIGHTFUL SELF-DETERMINATION IN INTERNATION-AL FORUMS, SAY THE COUNTRIES FOR EXAMPLE WHO VOTED IN THE U.N.

FOR COSTA RICA'S INDEPENDENCE ... PUERTO RICO ... AND YOUR DEPARTMENT ISSUED A STATEMENT CONDEMINING THOSE COUNTRIES WHICH SAID THAT THIS WAS INTERFERING WITH UNITED STATES INTERNAL AFFAIRS; AND HOW DO YOU SEE THIS QUESTION OF THE PEOPLE'S INDEPENDENCE BEING SORT OF AN INTERFERENCE IN YOUR INTERNAL AFFAIRS?

A. OUR VIEW WITH RESPECT TO DISCUSSING PUERTO RICO IN THE UNITED NATIONS WOULD BE VERY SIMILAR TO TANZANIA'S VIEW TO DISCUSSING ZANZIBAR IN THE UNITED NATIONS. IT IS OUR VIEW THAT THE PEOPLE OF PUERTO RICO HAVE EXPRESSED IN A NUMBER OF REFERENDUMS OVERWHELMINGLY THEIR DESIRE TO HAVE THEIR PRESENT POLITICAL AFFILIATION WITH THE UNITED STATES; AND THEREFORE WE ARE TO BE SURE TAKING A VERY STRONG VIEW ON THE ISSUES CONNECTED WITH PUERTO RICO. ON THE OTHER HAND, WE RECOGNIZE THAT COUNTRIES HAVE DIFFERENT NATIONAL INTERESTS. WE DO NOT EXPECT THAT A COUNTRY LIKE TANZANIA, OR ANY OTHER COUNTRY,

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AUTOMATICALLY SUPPORTS US IN THE UNITED NATIONS. WE ARE ADULT ENOUGH TO UNDERSTAND THAT YOU WILL PURSUE YOUR OWN NATIONAL INTERESTS IN YOUR OWN WAY; AND THEREFORE, IF ANOTHER COUNTRY VOTES AGAINST US IN THE UNITED NATIONS IN THE PURSUIT OF ITS OWN NATIONAL INTERESTS, THIS IS A MATTER THAT WE CAN UNDERSTAND. IF A NATION - AND I DON'T APPLY THIS TO TANZANIA - BUT IF A NATION AUTOMATICALLY OPPOSES EVERYTHING THAT WE STAND FOR, THEN IT IS HARDER TO CONSIDER IT NON-ALIGNED, BECAUSE THEN WE WOULD HAVE TO CONSIDER IT AS OPPOSED. BUT WE ACCEPT THAT NON-ALIGNED NATIONS WILL PURSUE THEIR OWN COURSE, WHICH MEANS THAT SOMETIMES THEY MAY AGREE WITH US, SOME-TIMES THEY MAY DISAGREE WITH US; AND WE ARE REALISTIC ENOUGH TO DEAL WITH THIS WITHOUT A CRISIS IN OUR RELATIONSHIPS.

Q. MAYBE WE COULD ELABORATE THIS POINT. I WOULD LIKE SOME KIND OF EMPHASIS, MR. SECRETARY OF STATE. CAN YOU EXPLAIN, THEN, WHY IS THE UNITED STATES ESTABLISHMENT ALWAYS ABUSING OTHER SOVEREIGN STATES BY ISSUING ULTIMATUMS AND WARNINGS? LIKE FOR EXAMPLE IN ANGOLA YOU WARNED CUBA; AND WHAT KIND OF CREDIBILITY AND CONFIDENCE DO YOU EXPECT TO ENJOY FROM THE WEAK COUNTRIES IN THE CIRCUMSTANCES THENB A. TO US, THE INTRODUCTION OF 15,000 CUBAN TROOPS INTO ANGOLA, A PLACE THOUSANDS OF MILES AWAY, IS A MATTER OF MASSIVE MILITARY INTERVENTION; AND CUBA BEING A COUNTRY IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, 80 MILES OFF THE COAST OF THE UNITED STATES, IT IS A MATTER THAT WE TAKE RATHER SERIOUSLY. THE UNITED STATES SUPPORTED A COALITION AMONG ALL OF THE FACTIONS IN ANGA, AND WE WERE PREPARED TO IMPLEMENT IN ANGOLA THE PRINCIPLES WHICH I HAVE ENUNCIATED HERE, OF ALL THE GROUPS HERE WORKING TOGETHER. BUT I WANT TO REPEAT THIS. WE UNDERSTAND THAT TANZANIA AND WE HAD A DIFFERENT APPROACH TO ANGOLA. WE NOW FACE A PROBLEM FOR THE FUTURE, AND I HAD THE IMPRESSION IN MY CONVERSATIONS WITH YOUR PRESIDENT THAT THERE ARE MANY RESPECTS IN WHICH OUR POINTS OF VIEW CAN BE PARALLEL; AND I SEE NO GREAT ADVANTAGE IN GOING OVER ALL OF THE EVENTS OF THE PAST AND REMASHING ALL OF THE DISAGREEMENTS.

Q. DR. KISSINGER, EXCUSE ME, IN VIEW OF THOSE DISAGREEMENTSBETWEEN TANZANIA AND THE UNITED STATES, WHICH WERE QUITE EXTENSIVE OVER ANGOLA, TO WHAT EXTENT WOULD YOU SAY THE TWO COUNTRIES NOW HAVE IN ANY

WAY OVERCOME THEIR DIFFERENCES IN VIEWPOINT ON APPROACHING THE RHODESIAN PROBLEM SPECIFICALLY?

A. I FOUND MY CONVERSATIONS WITH PRESIDENT NYERERE THE MOST INSTRUCTIVE THAT I'VE HAD WITH ANY LEADER, AND I CONSIDER THE RESULTS EXTREMELY CONSTRUCTIVE. THERE WILL STILL BE, I'M CERTAIN,

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OCCASIONAL POINTS OF DISAGREEMENT BUT ON THE MAIN LINES OF OBJECTIVES AND THE UNDERSTANDING OF WHAT EACH PARTY CAN DO WITH ITS CAPABILITIES, I BELIEVE THAT CONSIDERABLE PROGRESS HAS BEEN MADE.

Q. I WOULD LIKE TO FOLLOW THAT UP, SIR. HAS ANY SPECIAL PROVISION BEEN MADE FOR FOLLOWING UP THESE DISCUSSIONS HERE BETWEEN YOU AND PRSDENT NYERERE?

A. WE WILL STAY IN CLOSE TOUCH WITH EACH OTHER AND THERE WILL UNDOUBTEDLY BE FOLLOW-UP.

Q. (INDISTINCT) THE FACT OF THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE, THE LIBERATION WAR IS STARTED IN ZIMBABWE. NOW IN THE FACE OF THIS, DON'T YOU FIND YOUR VIEWS OF A PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT IN RHODESIA RATHER ARCHAIC?

Q. I BELIEVE THAT, AT SOME POINT, THERE WILL HAVE TO BE A NEGOTIATION;

IT IS, AFTER ALL, THE PURPOSE OF EVERY WAR TO BE ENDED BY NEGOTIATION. I'M STATING THE OBJECTIVES THAT SHOULD BE REALIZED AND THE PURPOSES THAT NEGOTIATIONS, WHEN THEY OCCUR, SHOULD SERVE.

Q. SIR, PRESIDENT NYERERE SAID THAT, UNLESS THE UNITED STATES IS WILLING TO APPLY THE ECONOMIC SANCTIONS VOTED BY THE UNITED NATIONS AND END U.S. TRADE IN CHROME WITH RHODESIA, THAT THE AMERICAN POLICY WILL NOT HAVE MUCH CREDIBILITY. IS THE UNITED STATES NOW PREPARED TO TAKE SUCH AN ACTION?

A. I WILL ADDRESS THIS QUESTION TOMORROW, AND I HAD A FULL TALK WITH PRESIDENT NYERERE ABOUT IT. HIS VIEWS WILL BE TAKEN MOST SERIOUSLY.

Q. YOUR COUNTRY HAS BEEN ...TIME AND AGAIN YOUR COUNTRY HAS COME UNDER STRONG ATTACK FROM A NUMBER OF AFRICAN COUNTRIES LATELY ANGOLA THAT YOU WORK TOWARDS THE SABOTAGING OF THE ECONOMIES.

Q. (THE SECRETARY) THE ECONOMY OF ANGOLAB

Q. YES, ONE OF THE THREE MAJOR AREAS OF YOUR CONCERN IS THAT AFRICA ATTAIN PROSPERITY FOR ITS PEOPLE AND BECOME A STRONG PARTICIPANT IN THE ECONOMIC ORDER. HOW DO YOU RECONCILE THIS OBVIOUS CONTRADICTION?

A. I THINK THAT YOU REALIZE THAT I CANNOT ANSWER EVERY CHANGE THAT IS MADE IN EVERY AFRICAN NEWSPAPER IN THE COURSE OF A WEEK. WE HAVE NO OBJECTION TO THE MPLA IN ANGOLA AS AN AFRICAN INSTITUTION OR AS AN AFRICAN MOVEMENT. FRELIMO, WITH WHICH YOU ARE VERY FAMILIAR, AND WHOSE PHILOSphy, I THINK IT IS SAFE TO SAY, IS NOT FULLY IDENTIFICAL WITH THAT OF THE UNITED STATES. NEVERTHELESS FOUND NO SIGNIFICANT -- FOUND NO OPPOSITION FROM THE UNITED

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STATES. WE RECOGNIZED FRELIMO AS SOON AS IT CAME INTO POWER, AND ESTABLISHED DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS VERY RAPIDLY; AND WE ARE GRADUALLY IMPROVING OUR RELATIONSHIP WITH MOZAMBIQUE. WE HAVE NO NATIONAL DIFFERENCES WITH ANGOLA AND WE HAVE NO INTEREST IN SABOTAGING THE ECONOMY OF ANGOLA AT ALL. ON THE CONTRARY, AT THE 7TH SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY WE PUT FORWARD A PROGRAM FOR DEVELOPMENT WHICH APPLIES TO ALL OF AFRICA INCLUDING ANGOLA. AND I'M RETURNING ACROSS THE CONTENENT FROM SENEGAL NEXT WEEK TO DELIVER A SPEECH IN NAIROBI AT A MEETING, WHICH IS NOT ATTENDED BY ANY OTHER FOREIGN MINISTER, SIMPLY TO EMPHASIZE THE POLITICAL INTERESTS THAT THE UNITED STATES HAS IN DEVELOPMENT. THE PROPOSALS THAT I SHALL MAKE THERE WILL EXCLUDE NO AFRICAN COUNTRY. THANK YOU VERY MUCH.

SPAIN

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FOR S/PRS; DEPT PASS NSC FOR MR. SCOWCROFT, WHITE HOUSE FOR
MR. NENSEN; USIA FOR IPS/PA

F.O. 11652: N/A
TAGS: OVIP (KISSINGER, HENRY A.)

LUSAKA PLEASE HAVE COPIES AVAILABLE FOR EACH OF TRAVELLING PRESS ON
ARRIVAL. PER FUNSETT INSTRUCTIONS.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: ABOVE ALL, I WOULD LIKE TO THANK PRESIDENT
NYFRERE, FOREIGN MINISTER KADUMA, AND ALL OF THEIR COLLEAGUES FOR
THE VERY WARM HOSPITALITY THAT THEY HAVE EXTENDED TO ME. I HAVE
CONSIDERED THIS VISIT TO TANZANIA ONE OF THE KEY STOPS ON MY
JOURNEY THROUGH AFRICA.

THE GOVERNMENT OF TANZANIA IS PURSUING IN ITS INTERNAL ORGANIZA-
TIONS DIFFERENT PRINCIPLES FROM THOSE THAT GOVERN THE UNITED
STATES. NEVERTHELESS, IT IS IMPORTANT FOR PEOPLE THAT FOLLOW
DIFFERENT APPROACHES IN THEIR INTERNAL ORGANIZATION TO BE ABLE
TO CARRY OUT PARALLEL OBJECTIVES IN THE INTERNATIONAL SPHERE. AND
SINCE THE UNITED STATES IS COMMITTED TO A WORLD IN WHICH EACH NATION
MUST BE ABLE TO DEVELOP ACCORDING TO ITS OWN VALUES, WE ATTACHED

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VERY GREAT IMPORTANCE TO THIS STOP. WE THOUGHT THIS STOP WAS ALL THE MORE IMPORTANT BECAUSE OF THE ENORMOUS ESTEEM THAT IS ENJOYED BY PRESIDENT NYERERE, NOT ONLY IN AFRICA BUT THROUGHOUT THE WORLD.

NEEDLESS TO SAY, THE SUBJECT THAT MOST CONCERNED US WAS HOW TO
MOVE SOUTHERN AFRICA TOWARDS MAJORITY RULE; AND, SECONDARILY, ISSUES
OF ECONOMIC PROGRESS FOR ALL AFRICA.

I HAVE ASSURED PRESIDENT NYERERE OF THE UNITED STATES' COMMIT-
MENT TO PURSUE AN ACTIVE POLICY IN SOUTHERN AFRICA IN SUPPORT OF
THE PRINCIPLES OF MAJORITY RULE, AND I EXPECT TOMORROW IN LUSAKA
TO MAKE A FORMAL STATEMENT OF THE UNITED STATES POSITION WHICH WILL
HAVE BENEFITTED VERY GREATLY FROM THE TALKS I HAVE HAD HERE WITH
PRESIDENT NYERERE.

THE FUTURE OF AFRICA MUST, OF COURSE, BE SHAPED BY AFRICANS.
THERE IS NO OUTSIDE POWER THAT CAN PRESCRIBE ITS COURSE. THE
UNITED STATES HOPES THAT THE FUTURE OF AFRICA WILL BE ACHIEVED
THROUGH THE UNITY OF AFRICAN NATIONS AND THE UNITY OF AFRICAN
MOVEMENTS. THE UNITED STATES WILL NOT MAKE ANY EFFORT TO
CREATE BLOCS OF NATIONS OR PREFERENTIAL MOVEMENTS OF ITS OWN.

I WOULD LIKE TO THANK YOU ALL AGAIN FOR THE WARM HOSPITALITY
THAT WE HAVE ENJOYED HERE. IT MEANT A LOT TO US TO BE ABLE TO
PARTICIPATE IN ONE OF YOUR NATIONAL HOLIDAYS.

IT IS MY STRONG HOPE AND CONVICTION THAT WE HAVE MADE A NEW
BEGINNING IN THE RELATIONS BETWEEN TANZANIA AND THE UNITED
STATES WHICH WILL CONTRIBUTE IMPORTANTLY TO A NEW RELATIONSHIP
BETWEEN AFRICA AND THE UNITED STATES. IT IS NOW OUR TASK TO
KEEP THIS SPIRIT OF FRANKNESS AND RESPECT AND FRIENDSHIP ALIVE.

I'LL BE GLAD TO ANSWER A FEW QUESTIONS, LET THE LOCAL PEOPLE ASK
FIRST:

Q: MR. SECRETARY OF STATE: TO THE PROBLEMS OF SOUTHERN AFRICA YOU HAVE ADVOCATED A RAPID AND PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT. IN THE FACE OF WHAT'S GOING ON NOW IN SOUTHERN AFRICA AND PARTICULARLY IN THE FACE OF THE CONTINUING INTRANSIGENCE OF THE WHITE MINORITY REGIMES IN SOUTH AFRICA HOW EXACTLY DO YOU PROPOSE TO GO ABOUT IT?

A: WE WILL AS STATED IN OUR PROGRAM, WHAT THE UNITED STATES CAN DO, AND PROPOSES SHOULD BE DONE, TOMORROW. I HAVE HAD AN OPPORTUNITY TO DISCUSS IT IN SOME DETAIL WITH YOUR PRESIDENT. WE HOPE THAT THIS PROGRAM, TOGETHER WITH OTHER PRESSURES THAT MAY COME INTO PLAY, WILL MOVE THE SITUATION TOWARDS MAJORITY RULE IN A RAPID PERIOD

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OF TIME.

Q: THE UNITED STATES, MR. SECRETARY OF STATE, HAS ONE OF THE WORLD'S MOSTLY HIGHLY DEVELOPED NATIONS, HAS WELL ESTABLISHED AND EXPLICIT FOREIGN POLICY GOALS AND GUIDELINES FOR MOST PARTS OF THE WORLD. WHY IS IT THAT THE UNITED STATES HAS FAILED TO DEVELOP AS SERIOUS A STANCE TOWARDS AFRICA AND, AS A RESULT, SEEMS TO SUPPORT THE POLICIES OF ALL OF THE COLONIAL POWERS, SUCH AS PORTUGAL AND BRITAIN?

A: THE UNITED STATES IN THE LAST DECADE HAS HAD A HUGE AGENDA OF PROBLEMS BEFORE IT. IT HAS HAD TO DEAL WITH THE PROBLEMS OF SOUTHEST ASIA, WITH THE PROBLEMS OF RECASTING ITS RELATIONSHIPS TO WESTERN EUROPE AND JAPAN, THE PROBELM OF OPENING TO THE PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF CHINA, AND STARTING AN IMPROVED RELATIONSHIP WITH THE SOVIET UNION. AND IT HAS, IN THE LAST THREE YEARS, BEGUN A NEW FOREIGN ECONOMIC POLICY TOWARDS THE DEVELOPING NATIONS. IT HAS NOT BEEN POSSIBLE--RIGHTLY OR WRONGLY--TO MOVE IN ALL AREAS SIMULTANEOUSLY. IT IS QUITE TRUE THAT WE HAVE NOT GIVEN THE SAME PRIORITY TO AFRICA THAT WE HAVE TO THE OTHER ISSUES THAT I HAVE MENTIONED TO YOU. WHATEVER THE PAST, HOWEVER, MY TRIP HERE SYMBOLIZES THAT THE UNITED STATES WILL PURSUE AN ACTIVE POLICY IN AFRICA. PRESIDENT FORD HAS SENT ME HERE IN ORDER TO BE ABLE TO REPORT TO HIM SO THAT A NEW AND MORE ACTIVE APPROACH TO AFRICA CAN BE FORMULATED. SO, BY THE TIME I COME BACK, I DON'T THINK YOU WILL BE ABLE TO ASK THE SAME QUESTION.

Q: A FOLLOW-UP: THE UNITED STATES' OWN POLICY ON SOUTHERN AFRICA IS BOTH INTERESTING AND CONFOUNDING, MR. SECRETARY. AT ONE POINT THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT AGREES THAT FREEDOM AND JUSTICE IS INALIENABLE FOR THE OPPRESSED BLACK MAJORITY, AT THE SAME TIME THEIR ANTI-COMMUNIST STANCE IS SO GREAT THAT ANY COMMUNIST SUPPORT IS SUSPECTIBLE (SIC) TO U.S. ALTERNATIVES (INDISTINCT). THIS, OF COURSE, IS A CONTRADICTION. NOW WHERE WOULD THE U.S. STAND IN CASE OF AN APPLICATION BY EITHER SIDE, THE SOUTH AFRICAN LIBERATION MOVEMENTS OR THE MINORITY RACIST REGIMES, FOR U.S. ARMS AND PERSONNEL?

A: THERE ARE MANY AFRICAN COUNTRIES, INCLUDING THIS, THAT HAVE FRIENDLY RELATIONS WITH COMMUNIST GOVERNMENTS WITHOUT OPPOSITION FROM THE UNITED STATES. WHERE THE UNITED STATES HAS DRAWN A

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DISTINCTION IS BETWEEN SITUATIONS WHERE ESTABLISHED GOVERNMENTS, OR EVEN MOVEMENTS, WERE ACCEPTING SOME NORMAL SUPPORT FROM COMMUNIST GOVERNMENTS, OR WHERE COMMUNIST GOVERNMENTS ATTEMPTED TO TAKE OVER THE WHOLE PROCESS AND INTRODUCE LARGE NUMBERS OF TROOPS. I KNOW THAT THERE ARE SOME WHO DO NOT AGREE WITH THIS ASSESSMENT, BUT I HAVE GIVEN YOU OUR INTERPRETATION OF EVENTS. WE BELIEVE, AS I UNDERSTAND YOUR PRESIDENT BELIEVES, THAT THE PROBLEMS OF SOUTHERN AFRICA CAN BE DEALT WITH BY AFRICANS, AND BY AFRICAN COUNTRIES, AND BY AFRICAN MOVEMENTS. THIS WE HAVE NO DIFFICULTY SUPPORTING EVEN IF THESE AFRICAN COUNTRIES ALSO ACCEPT SUPPORT FROM THE COUNTRIES WITH WHICH WE MAY NOT FULLY AGREE. YES, SIR.

1: THE UNITED STATES ACHIEVED ITS INDEPENDENCE BY ARMED STRUGGLE ABOUT 200 YEARS AGO. NOW CAN YOU TELL US WHY DO YOU OPPOSE THE USAGE OF ARMS IN LIBERATING ZIMBABWE, NAMIBIA, AND SOUTH AFRICA?

AS I HAVE STATED NO VIEW ABOUT THE APPROPRIATE METHODS, WE PREFER THAT THE SOLUTION BE FOUND THROUGH NEGOTIATIONS. IF WAR HAS STARTED, AS WE HAVE BEEN TOLD, THEN IT IS CLEAR THAT, AT SOME POINT, IT WILL HAVE TO BE ENDED BY NEGOTIATIONS. WE SUPPORT MAJORITY RULE. WE WILL INDICATE SPECIFIC METHODS BY WHICH THAT CAN BE ACHIEVED IN OUR JUDGMENT, IN WHICH WE CAN PARTICIPATE.

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NO. 204

STATEMENT BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
UPON ARRIVAL
LUSAKA INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT
LUSAKA, ZAMBIA

April 26, 1976

Secretary Kissinger: Foreign Minister, Ladies and Gentlemen, I would like to thank my old friend Foreign Minister Banda and the other officials of Zambia who so kindly took the time to come to the airport to welcome me.

Important questions, political and economic, now face the nations of Africa and the world community. Among the most urgent of these are the problems of southern Africa -- the issues of independence, majority rule and racial justice. The time has come for us to address these issues squarely and with a sense of solidarity. I will tomorrow present the view of the United States of how, we believe, these questions can be dealt with in some detail.

President Kaunda is well known to the American people as one of the most dedicated and respected statesmen in Africa. We admire and endorse his constructive approach to the problems of southern Africa, problems which are of special concern to Zambia. President Ford was very pleased to meet and exchange views with President Kaunda in Washington a year ago, and I look forward to my talks with President Kaunda and his colleagues while I am in Lusaka.

As we deliberate the issues before us we will do so from a firm foundation of friendship. Our effective cooperation in the past has built up a reservoir of goodwill plus a mutual respect with the United States and Zambia from which we can draw strength and confidence as we work together to solve the problems of the future.

I am delighted to be able to accept an invitation that you have so long extended to me. I have come to listen and to learn and to offer ways in which the United States can join its effort to Zambia's in the course of the aspirations and values we share and the aspirations and values of the people of Africa. I look forward to my stay in Zambia and I thank you for your warm welcome.

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think they would want to hear about your politics because they are always reported. They would like to hear one of those lovely off-the-cuff speeches that I have heard you give in New York and Washington before. So in this case that is what he is going to do. In my case I am going to read. I just told him about that right now.

QUOTE Your excellencies, I want first of all, on my personal behalf to thank the Secretary of State for accepting the invitation by our Party and Government which I extended to him last September in New York. He even asked me what is the best time to come to Zambia, and the significance, of course, of this time is that he has kept to the time that I suggested. In other words, he has adjusted himself to the other countries in order to be here when he said he would be here, which was April.

QUOTE It is, once again, my pleasant duty, on behalf of the Party, Government and the People of the Republic of Zambia, to welcome you, Mr. Secretary of State and your delegation, to Zambia.

late

QUOTE When I welcomed you at the airport/this afternoon, I expressed the hope that although your visit to Zambia was a short one, it would, nevertheless, afford you an opportunity to have

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an intimate knowledge of our concerns in southern Africa,
particularly in relation to the racist minority regimes.

QUOTE Zambia's stand on the situation in southern Africa is
well known. It has been reaffirmed, time and time again, at
international forums such as the Organization of African Unity, the
United Nations, the Non-Aligned and Commonwealth Conferences.

QUOTE When His Excellency the President, Dr. Kenneth Kaunda,
visited the United States last year, he warned of the grave
dangers inherent in the southern African situation. These
dangers, Mr. Secretary of State, are now more ominous than ever
before because of the stubborn refusal, on the part of the
racist minority regimes and their collaborators, to accede to
the just demands for freedom, justice and independence of
the oppressed peoples of southern Africa.

QUOTE It is a fact, Mr. Secretary of State, that we on our
part have advocated a peaceful change in southern Africa. It
is also a fact that the racist regimes have consistently
rejected our offer for a peaceful change. In The
liberation movements in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa
are now left with no option but to liberate themselves through
the only way open to them - armed struggle.

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QUOTE Zambia reaffirms her total commitment to that struggle. It is our fervent hope that the United States of America, which this year celebrates the Bicentennial of her war of liberation and independence, will identify herself more positively with the oppressed peoples of Southern Africa.

QUOTE In concluding my brief remarks, I wish to reiterate our desire to continue to work for the strengthening of relations between Zambia and the United States of America.

QUOTE May I now ask you all to join me in proposing a toast to the health of the President of the U.S. (May I have your glass) to the President of the United States, Mr. Ford. UNQUOTE Secretary of State Kissinger:

QUOTE Mr. Foreign Minister, Ministers, Excellencies, friends, I have looked forward for a long time to this opportunity of visiting Zambia. I have had a very close relationship with your Foreign Minister. I have admired your President and we have talked a long time about the possibility of my coming here. Indeed the Foreign Minister in his persuasive way of negotiating suggested that since in Zambia one is permitted to have four wives, it would be a particularly appropriate occasion for me to visit. As a result Nancy calls me every half hour to find out what I am doing. When President Kaunda visited

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Washington he first made a very eloquent toast at a dinner at the White House, and then he and his colleagues started singing for us. I had thought seriously whether I should not reciprocate. We have decided that when the Foreign Minister wants to clear this place out I will come up here and start singing for you.

QUOTE I am glad that the Foreign Minister pointed out that we had planned this visit for a long time. There is too much of an impression that this visit is the result of recent events and that it is caused by some sudden emergency. It is true that the United States has had many pre-occupations over the last decades, internally, and in other parts of the world; I confess that it has not been possible to deal with every part of the world with equal energy simultaneously, but as your Foreign Minister has pointed out we have planned this trip since last summer and we have chosen Lusaka to make a speech on the American view on southern Africa because of our admiration for the wisdom and moderation and dedication of the President of Zambia and of the Government of Zambia.

QUOTE The great issues of our time, respect for human dignity, for racial equality, and for majority rule reflect the basic values of the American constitution and of the American people and it is a privilege for us to identify ourselves with

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PR #205

[L]

## INTRODUCTION

President Ford has sent me here with a message of commitment and cooperation.

I have come to Africa because in so many ways, the challenges of Africa are the challenges of the modern era. Morally and politically, the drama of national independence in Africa over the last generation has transformed international affairs. More than any other region of the world, Africa symbolizes that the previous era of world affairs — the colonial era — is a thing of the past. The great tasks you face — in nation-building, in keeping the peace and integrity of this continent, in economic development, in gaining an equitable role in world councils, in achieving racial justice — these reflect the challenges of building a humane and progressive world order.

I have come to Africa with an open mind and an open heart to demonstrate my country's desire to work with you on these great tasks. My journey is intended to give fresh impetus to our cooperation and to usher in a new era in American policy.

The United States was one of the prime movers of the process of decolonization. The American people welcomed the new nations into the world community and for two decades have given aid and encouragement to economic and social progress in Africa. And America's responsibilities as a global power give us a strong interest today in the independence, peace and well-being of this vast continent comprising a fifth of the world's land surface. For without peace, racial justice and growing prosperity in Africa, we cannot speak of a just international order.

There is nothing to be gained in a debate about whether in the past America has neglected Africa or been insufficiently committed to African goals. The United States has many responsibilities in the world. Given the burden it has carried in the postwar period, it could not do everything simultaneously. African nations too have their own priorities and concerns, which have not always accorded with our own. No good can come of mutual recrimination. Our differing perspectives converge in a common purpose to build a secure and just future for Africa. In active collaboration there is much we can do; in contention or apart we will miss great opportunities. President Ford, the American Government and people are prepared to work with you with energy and goodwill if met in the same spirit.

So it is time to put aside slogans and to seek practical solutions. It is time to find our common ground and act boldly for common ends.

Africa is a continent of hope — a modern frontier. The United States from the beginning has been a country of the frontier, built by men and women of hope. The American people know from their history the meaning of the struggle for independence, for racial equality, for economic progress, for human dignity.

I am not here to give American prescriptions for Africa's problems. Your program must be African. The basic decisions and goals must be African. But we are prepared to help.

Nor am I here to set African against African, either among your governments or among factions of liberation movements. African problems cannot be solved and

PR #205

--2--

your destiny cannot be fulfilled except by a united Africa. America supports African unity. We urge all other countries to do the same.

Here in Africa the range of mankind's challenges and potential can be seen in all its complexity and enormous promise. The massive power and grandeur of nature is before us in all its aspects — as the harsh master and as a bountiful servant of mankind. Here we can feel the rich and living cultures which have changed and in-vigorated art, music and thought around the world. And here, on this continent, we are tested, all of us, to see whether our future will be determined for us or by us, whether humanity will be the victim or the architect of its destiny.

## THE PROBLEM OF SOUTHERN AFRICA

Of all the challenges before us, of all the purposes we have in common, racial justice is one of the most basic. This is a dominant issue of our age, within nations and among nations. We know from our own experience that the goal of racial justice is both compelling and achievable. Our support for this principle in southern Africa is not simply a matter of foreign policy, but an imperative of our own moral heritage.

The people of Zambia do not need to be reminded of the importance of realizing this goal. By geography and economic necessity, Zambia is affected directly and grievously by strife in southern Africa. Political stability in this region means more to Zambia than to many others. Yet Zambia has chosen to stand by her principles by closing her border with Rhodesia and enduring the economic consequences. This is a testimony to the determination of the people of this country and to the statesmanship of its great leader, President Kaunda.

And it was in this city seven years ago that leaders of east and central African states proclaimed their manifesto on southern Africa.

One is struck by the similarity of philosophy in the American Declaration of Independence and in the Lusaka Manifesto. Two hundred years ago, Thomas Jefferson wrote: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed."

And seven years ago, the leaders of east and central Africa declared here in Lusaka that:

"By this Manifesto we wish to make clear, beyond all shadow of doubt, our acceptance of the belief that all men are equal, and have equal rights to human dignity and respect, regardless of color, race, religion, or sex. We believe that all men have the right and duty to participate, as equal members of society, in their own government."

There can be no doubt that the United States remains committed to the principles of its own Declaration of Independence. It follows that we also adhere to the convictions of the Lusaka Manifesto.

Therefore, here in Lusaka, I reaffirm the unequivocal commitment of the United States to human rights, as expressed in the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We support self-determination, majority rule, equal rights and human dignity for all the peoples of southern Africa — in the name of moral principle, international law and world peace.

[c]

PR # 205

- 3 -

On this occasion I would like to set forth more fully American policy on some of
the immediate issues we face — in Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa — and then
to sketch our vision of southern Africa's hopeful future.

THE UNITED STATES POSITION ON RHODESIA

The United States position on Rhodesia is clear and unmistakable. As President Ford has said, "The United States is totally dedicated to seeing to it that the majority becomes the ruling power in Rhodesia." We do not recognize the Rhodesian minority regime. The United States voted for, and is committed to, the UN Security Council resolutions of 1966 and 1968 that imposed mandatory economic sanctions against the illegal Rhodesian regime. Earlier this year we co-sponsored a Security Council resolution, which was passed unanimously, expanding mandatory sanctions. And in March of this year, we joined with others to commend Mozambique for its decision to enforce these sanctions even at great economic cost to itself.

It is the responsibility of all who seek a negotiated solution to make clear to the Rhodesian minority that the world community is united in its insistence on rapid change. It is the responsibility of those in Rhodesia who believe in peace to take the steps necessary to avert a great tragedy.

United States policy for a just and durable Rhodesian solution will therefore rest on ten elements:

First, the United States declares its support in the strongest terms for the proposals made by British Prime Minister Callaghan on March 22 of this year: that independence must be preceded by majority rule which, in turn, must be achieved no later than two years following the expeditious conclusion of negotiations. We consider these proposals a basis for a settlement fair to all the people of Rhodesia. We urge that they be accepted.

Second, the Salisbury regime must understand that it cannot expect United States support either in diplomacy or in material help at any stage in its conflict with African states or African liberation movements. On the contrary, it will face our unrelenting opposition until a negotiated settlement is achieved.

Third, the United States will take steps to fulfill completely its obligation under international law to mandatory economic sanctions against Rhodesia. We will urge the Congress this year to repeal the Byrd Amendment, which authorizes Rhodesian chrome imports to the United States, an act inconsistent with United Nations sanctions. In parallel with this effort, we will approach other industrial nations to ensure the strictest and broadest international compliance with sanctions.

Fourth, to ensure that there are no misperceptions on the part of the leaders of the minority in Rhodesia, the United States, on the conclusion of my consultations in black Africa, will communicate clearly and directly to the Salisbury regime our view of the urgency of a rapid negotiated settlement leading to majority rule.

Fifth, the United States Government will carry out its responsibility to inform American citizens that we have no official representation in Rhodesia nor any means of providing them with assistance or protection. American travellers will be advised against entering Rhodesia; Americans resident there will be urged to leave.

PR #205

- 4 -

Sixth, as in the case of Zambia a few years ago, steps should be taken — in accordance with the recent UN Security Council resolution — to assist Mozambique, whose closing of its borders with Rhodesia to enforce sanctions has imposed upon it a great additional economic hardship. In accordance with this UN resolution, the United States is willing to provide $12.5 million of assistance.

Seventh, the United States — together with other members of the United Nations — is ready to help alleviate economic hardship for any countries neighboring Rhodesia which decide to enforce sanctions by closing their frontiers.

Eighth, humanitarian provision must be made for the thousands of refugees who have fled in distress from Rhodesia into neighboring countries. The United States will consider sympathetically requests for assistance for these refugees by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees or other appropriate international organizations.

Ninth, the world community should give its support to the people of Rhodesia as they make the peaceful transition to majority rule and independence, and should aid a newly independent Zimbabwe. To this end, we are ready to join with other interested nations in a program of economic, technical, and educational assistance, to enable an independent Zimbabwe to achieve the progress and the place in the community of nations to which its resources and the talents of all its people entitle it.

Finally, we state our conviction that whites as well as blacks should have a secure future and civil rights in a Zimbabwe that has achieved racial justice. A constitutional structure should protect minority rights together with establishing majority rule. We are prepared to devote some of our assistance programs to this objective.

In carrying out this program we shall consult closely with the Presidents of Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia.

We believe these are important measures. We are open-minded with respect to additional actions that can help speed a resolution. The United States will consult closely with African leaders, especially the four Presidents, and with other friends on the Rhodesian problem. For the central fact that I have come here to stress is this: the United States is wholly committed to help bring about a rapid, just and African solution to the issue of Rhodesia.

## NAMIBIA

Rhodesia is the most urgent but by no means the only critical problem in southern Africa. The status of Namibia has been a source of contention between the world community and South Africa for over three decades.

The territory of South-West Africa turned into a source of serious international discord following World War II. When the United Nations refused to accede to South Africa's proposal for annexation of the territory, South Africa declined to enter into a trusteeship agreement, and since then has refused to recognize the United Nations as the legal sovereign. In 1966, the General Assembly terminated South Africa's mandate over the territory. In 1971, the International Court of Justice concluded that South Africa's occupation of Namibia was illegal and that it should withdraw.

PR #205

- 5 -

The United States voted for the 1966 General Assembly resolution. We were the only major power to argue before the International Court that South African occupation was illegal. And in January 1976 the United States voted in favor of the UN resolution condemning the occupation of Namibia and calling for South Africa to take specific steps toward Namibia's self-determination and independence.

We are encouraged by the South African Government's evident decision to move Namibia toward independence. We are convinced that a solution can be found which will embody equal rights for the entire population and at the same time protect the interests of all who live and work there. But we are concerned that South Africa has failed to announce a definite timetable for the achievement of self-determination, that all the people and all political groupings of Namibia have not been allowed to take part in determining the form of government they shall one day have, and that South Africa continues to deny the United Nations its proper role in establishing a free and independent Namibia.

Therefore the United States position is as follows:

- We reiterate our call upon the South African Government to permit all the people and groups of Namibia to express their views freely, under UN supervision, on the political future and constitutional structure of their country.

- We urge the South African Government to announce a definite timetable acceptable to the world community for the achievement of self-determination.

- The United States is prepared to work with the international community, and especially with African leaders, to determine what further steps would improve prospects for a rapid and acceptable transition to Namibian independence. We are convinced that the need for progress is urgent.

- Once concrete movement toward self-determination is underway, the United States will ease its restrictions on trade and investment in Namibia. We stand ready to provide economic and technical assistance to help Namibia take its rightful place among the independent nations of the world.

## SOUTH AFRICA

Apartheid in South Africa remains an issue of great concern to those committed to racial justice and human dignity.

No country, no people can claim perfection in the realm of human rights. We in America are aware of our own imperfections. But because we are a free society, our problems and our shortcomings are fully aired and made known to the world. And we have reason to take pride in our progress in the quest for justice for all in our country.

The world community's concern with South Africa is not merely that racial discrimination exists there. What is unique is the extent to which racial discrimination has been institutionalized, enshrined in law and made all-pervasive.

No one — including the leaders of black Africa — challenges the right of white South Africans to live in their country. They are not colonialists; historically,

[Lc]

PR # 205

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they are an African people. But white South Africans must recognize as well that the world will continue to insist that the institutionalized separation of the races must end. The United States appeals to South Africa to heed the warning signals of the past two years. There is still time to bring about a reconciliation of South Africa's peoples for the benefit of all. But there is a limit to that time — a limit of far shorter duration than was generally perceived even a few years ago.

A peaceful end to institutionalized inequality is in the interest of all South Africans. The United States will continue to encourage and work for peaceful change. Our policy toward South Africa is based upon the premise that within a reasonable time we shall see a clear evolution toward equality of opportunity and basic human rights for all South Africans. The United States will exercise all its efforts in that direction. We urge the Government of South Africa to make that premise a reality.

In the immediate future, the Republic of South Africa can show its dedication to Africa — and its potential contribution to Africa — by using its influence in Salisbury to promote a rapid negotiated settlement for majority rule in Rhodesia. This, we are sure, would be viewed positively by the community of nations as well as by the rest of Africa.

[c]

PR #205

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A VISION OF THE FUTURE

Southern Africa has all the prerequisites for an exciting future. Richly endowed with minerals, agricultural and hydroelectric potential, a favorable climate, and, most important, great human resources, it needs only to overcome the human failure of racial strife to achieve bright prospects for all its peoples.

Let us all strive to speed the day when this vision becomes a reality.

The United States stands ready to work with the nations of southern Africa to help them achieve the economic progress which will give meaning to their political independence and dignity to their struggle for equality.

As you know, Deputy Secretary Robinson, an expert in economic development, is accompanying me on this visit. This is the first time that an American Secretary of State and Deputy Secretary together have come on such a mission, reflecting the importance we attach to the economic development of southern Africa. Mr. Robinson and I are discussing development needs with African officials in the various capitals and we shall continue these consultations at the UNCTAD meeting in Nairobi next week. After my return to Washington, based on what we have learned, we will urgently study a new aid program for this continent.

Africa and its friends face a dual challenge — immediate and long-term growth. In the short term, economic emergencies can arise from natural disasters or sharp swings in global economic conditions over which developing nations have little control. These economic shocks must be dealt with if the nations of the region are to maintain their hard-won progress toward development. For example, the sharp drop in world copper prices has had a devastating impact on the economies of Zambia and Zaire. The United States will deal with this problem in its bilateral assistance programs for these countries, and in our programs for multilateral action — to be proposed at UNCTAD next week — for resource development, buffer stocks, and earnings stabilization.

But our basic concern must go beyond responding to emergencies. We need to develop urgently programs to lay the foundations for sustained growth to enable the developing nations of southern Africa to deal effectively with global economic shocks and trends.

Let me mention four that are especially relevant to southern Africa: trained local manpower, rural development, advanced technology, and modern transportation.

- For Namibia and Zimbabwe, training programs should be intensified now so that needed manpower will be ready when majority rule is attained. Existing programs to train Namibian and Zimbabwean refugees as administrators and technicians should be expanded as rapidly as possible. We have requested additional funds from Congress for this purpose. We urge other donors and international organizations to do more.

- Development for all of southern Africa involves a process of transforming rural life. We are prepared to assist in agricultural development, in health

PR #205

-8-

programs, in manpower training, in improving rural transportation — through both bilateral and multilateral programs.

— A revolution in development planning could be achieved by the use of satellites to collect vital information on crops, weather, water resources, land use, and mineral exploration. The United States has already shared with developing nations information from our earliest earth resources survey satellites. We are now prepared to undertake much larger programs to apply this technology to Africa — including training programs and the development of training facilities and satellite receiving stations in Africa itself.

— Perhaps the most critical long-term economic need of southern Africa is a modern system of regional transportation. The magnitude of the effort extends beyond the capacity of any one nation or group of nations. For this reason the United States proposes that the World Bank undertake as a priority matter the organization of a multilateral consultative group of donors to develop a modern regional transportation system for southern Africa. For our part we promise our full cooperation in working out a long-term program and in financing appropriate portions of it.

— And finally, I can announce today that we expect to triple our support for development programs in southern and central Africa over the next three years.

In addition, the United States has offered leadership in many international forums to promote development through multilateral cooperation. The industrial nations, the newly wealthy oil producers and the developing countries themselves must collaborate for the goal of development. Africa is a principal beneficiary of the many United States initiatives in multilateral institutions and programs — to enhance economic security through supporting export earnings in the face of sharp economic swings; to promote growth through better access to capital markets and technology transfers; to accelerate agricultural production; to improve the conditions of trade and investment in key commodities; and to address the special needs of the poorest nations.

Many of the proposals we have made are already being implemented. Next week in Nairobi I will put forward new proposals to further advance progress in relations between developed and developing nations.

## CONCLUSION

Ladies and Gentlemen:

Today I have outlined the principles of American policy on the compelling challenges of southern Africa.

Our proposals are not a program made in America to be passively accepted by Africans. They are an expression of common aspirations and an agenda of cooperation. Underlying it is our fundamental conviction that Africa's destiny must remain in African hands.

No one who wishes this continent well can want to see Africans divided either between nations or between liberation movements. Africans cannot want outsiders seeking

PR #205

-9-

to impose solutions, or choosing among countries or movements. The United States, for its part, does not seek any pro-American African bloc confronting a bloc supporting any other power. Nor do we wish to support one faction of a liberation movement against another. But neither should any other country pursue hegemonic aspirations or bloc policies. An attempt by one will inevitably be countered by the other. The United States therefore supports African unity and integrity categorically as basic principles of our policy.

There is no better guarantee against outside pressure from any quarter than the determination of African nations in defense of their own independence and unity. You did not build African institutions to see outside forces fragment them into competing blocs. The United States supports Africa's genuine nonalignment and unity. We are ready for collaboration on the basis of mutual respect. We do so guided by our convictions and our values. Your cause is too compatible with our principles for you to need to pursue it by tactics of confrontation with the United States; our self-respect is too strong to let ourselves be pressured either directly or by outside powers.

What Africa needs now from the United States is not exuberant promises or emotional expressions of good will. What it needs is a concrete program which I have sought to offer today. So let us get down to business. Let us direct our eyes towards our great goals — national independence, economic development, racial justice — goals that can be achieved by common action.

Africa in this decade is a testing ground of the world's conscience and vision. That blacks and whites live together in harmony and equality is a moral imperative of our time. Let us prove that these goals can be realized by human choice, that justice can command by the force of its rightness instead of by force of arms.

These are ideals that bind all the races of mankind. They are the mandate of decency and progress and peace.

This drama will be played out in our own lifetime. Our children will inherit either our success or our failure. The world watches with hope, and we approach it with confidence.

So let it be said that black people and white people working together achieved on this continent — which has suffered so much and seen so much injustice — a new era of peace, well-being and human dignity.

*****

Introduction

I have come to Africa because in so many ways, the challenges of Africa are the challenges of the modern era. Morally and politically, the drama of national independence in Africa over the last generation has transformed international affairs. More than any other region of the world, Africa symbolizes that the previous era of world affairs -- the colonial era -- is a thing of the past. The great tasks you face -- in nation-building, in keeping the peace and integrity of this continent, in economic development, in gaining an equitable role in world councils, in achieving racial justice -- these reflect the challenges of building a humane and progressive world order.

--2--

Africa is a continent of hope -- a modern frontier. The United
States from the beginning has been a country of the frontier, built
by men and women of hope. The American people know from their
history the meaning of the struggle for independence, for racial
equality, for economic progress, for human dignity.

Nor am I here to set African against African, either among your
governments or among factions of liberation movements. African
problems cannot be solved and your destiny cannot be fulfilled ex-
cept by a united Africa. America supports African unity. We urge
all other countries to do the same.

Here in Africa the range of mankind's challenges and potential can
be seen in all its complexity and enormous promise. The massive
power and grandeur of nature is before us in all its aspects -- as
the harsh master and as a bountiful servant of mankind. Here we can
feel the rich and living cultures which have changed and invigorated
art, music and thought around the world. And here, on this
continent, we are tested, all of us, to see whether our future will
be determined for us or by us, whether humanity will be the victim
or the architect of its destiny.

## The Problem of Southern Africa

Of all the challenges before us, of all the purposes we have in
common, racial justice is one of the most basic. This is a dominant
issue of our age, *within* nations and *among* nations. We know from our
own experience that the goal of racial justice is both compelling
and achievable. Our support for this principle in Southern Africa
is not simply a matter of foreign policy, but an imperative of our own
moral heritage.

The people of Zambia do not need to be reminded of the importance of
realizing this goal. By geography and economic necessity, Zambia
is affected directly and grievously by strife in Southern Africa.
Political stability in this region means more to Zambia than to
many others. Yet Zambia

-3-

And it was in this city seven years ago that leaders of East and Central African states proclaimed their manifesto on Southern Africa.

And seven years ago, the leaders of East and Central Africa declared here in Lusaka that:

Therefore, here in Lusaka, I reaffirm the unequivocal commitment of the United States to human rights, as expressed in the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We support self-determination, majority rule, equal rights and human dignity for all the peoples of Southern Africa -- in the name of moral principle, international law and world peace.

On this occasion I would like to set forth more fully American policy on some of the immediate issues we face -- in Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa -- and then to sketch our vision of Southern Africa's hopeful future.

## The United States Position on Rhodesia

-4-

the ruling power in Rhodesia." We do not recognize the Rhodesian minority regime. The United States voted for, and is committed to the UN Security Council Resolutions of 1966 and 1968 that imposed mandatory economic sanctions against the illegal Rhodesian regime. Earlier this year we co-sponsored a Security Council resolution, which was passed unanimously, expanding mandatory sanctions. And in March of this year, we joined with others to commend Mozambique for its decision to enforce these sanctions even at great economic cost to itself.

Secondly, the Salisbury regime must understand that it cannot expect United States support either in diplomacy or in material help at any stage in its conflict with African states or African liberation movements. On the contrary, it will face our unrelenting opposition until a negotiated settlement is achieved.

Third, the United States will take steps to fulfill completely its obligation under international law to mandatory economic sanctions against Rhodesia. We will urge the Congress this year to repeal the Byrd Amendment, which authorizes Rhodesian chrome imports to the United States an act inconsistent with United Nations sanctions. In parallel with this effort, we will approach other industrial nations to ensure the strictest and broadest international compliance with sanctions.

-5-

official representation in Rhodesia nor any means of
providing them with assistance or protection. American
travellers will be advised against entering Rhodesia-
Americans resident there will be urged to leave.

**Sixth**, as in the case of Zambia a few years ago,
steps should be taken -- in accordance with the recent UN
Security Council resolution -- to assist Mozambique, whose
closing of its borders with Rhodesia to enforce sanctions
has imposed upon it a great additional economic hardship.
In accordance with this UN Resolution, the United States is
willing to provide $12.5 million of assistance.

**Seventh**, the United States -- together with other
members of the United Nations -- is ready to help alleviate
economic hardship for any countries neighboring Rhodesia
which decide to enforce sanctions by closing their frontiers.

**Eighth**, humanitarian provision must be made for the
thousands of refugees who have fled in distress from
Rhodesia into neighboring countries. The United States will
consider sympathetically requests for assistance for these
refugees by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees or other
appropriate international organizations.

**Ninth**, the world community should give its support to
the people of Rhodesia as they make the peaceful transition
to majority rule and independence, and should aid a newly
independent Zimbabwe. To this end, we are ready to join
with other interested nations in a program of economic,
technical, and educational assistance, to enable an
independent Zimbabwe to achieve the progress and the place
in the community of nations to which its resources and the
talents of all its people entitle it.

**Finally**, we state our conviction that whites as well
as blacks should have a secure future and civil rights in
a Zimbabwe that has achieved racial justice. A constitutional
structure should protect minority rights together with
establishing majority rule. We are prepared to devote some
of our assistance programs to this objective.

We believe these are important measures. We are open
minded with respect to additional actions that can help
speed a resolution. The United States will consult closely
with African leaders, especially the four Presidents, and

- 6 -

Namibia

Rhodesia is the most urgent but by no means the only
critical problem in Southern Africa. The status of Namibia
has been a source of contention between the world community
and South Africa for over three decades.

We are encouraged by the South African Government's
evident decision to move Namibia toward independence.
We are convinced that a solution can be found which will
embody equal rights for the entire population and at the
same time protect the interests of all who live and work
there. But we are concerned that South Africa has failed
to announce a definite timetable for the achievement of
self-determination; that all the people and all political
groupings of Namibia have not been allowed to take part
in determining the form of government they shall one day
have; and that South Africa continues to deny the United
Nations its proper role in establishing a free and
independent Namibia.

-- We reiterate our call upon the South African
Government to permit all the people and groups

-7-

## South Africa

No one -- including the leaders of black Africa -- challenges the right of white South Africans to live in

-8-

their country. They are not colonialists; historically, they are
an African people. But white South Africans must recognize as
well that the world will continue to insist that the institutionalized
separation of the races must end. The United States appeals to
South Africa to heed the warning signals of the past two years:
there is still time to bring about a reconciliation of South Africa's
peoples for the benefit of all. But there is a limit to that time --
a limit of far shorter duration than was generally perceived even
a few years ago.

A peaceful end to institutionalized inequality is in the interest
of all South Africans. The United States will continue to
encourage and work for peaceful change. Our policy toward South
Africa is based upon the premise that within a reasonable time we
shall see a clear evolution toward equality of opportunity and basic
human rights for all South Africans. The United States will
exercise all its efforts in that direction. We urge the government
of South Africa to make that premise a reality.

In the immediate future, the Republic of South Africa can show its
dedication to Africa -- and its potential contribution to Africa --
by using its influence in Salisbury to promote a rapid negotiated
settlement for majority rule in Rhodesia. This, we are sure, would
be viewed positively by the community of nations as well as by the
rest of Africa.

## A Vision of the Future

Southern Africa has all the prerequisites for an exciting future.
Richly endowed with minerals, agricultural and hydroelectric
potential, a favorable climate, and, most important, great human
resources it needs only to overcome the human failure of racial
strife to achieve bright prospects for all its peoples.

The United States stands ready to work with the nations of
Southern Africa to help them achieve the economic progress which
will give meaning to their political independence and dignity
to their struggle for equality.

As you know, Deputy Secretary Robinson, an expert
in economic development is accompanying me on this visit.

-9-

This is the first time that an American Secretary of State and Deputy Secretary together have come on such a mission reflecting the importance we attach to the economic development of Southern Africa. Mr. Robinson and I are discussing development needs with African officials in the various capitals and we shall continue these consultations at the UNCTAD meeting in Nairobi next week. After my return to Washington, based on what we have learned, we will urgently study a new aid program for this continent.

Africa and its friends face a dual challenge -- immediate and long-term growth. In the short term, economic emergencies can arise from natural disasters or sharp swings in global economic conditions over which developing nations have little control. These economic shocks must be dealt with if the nations of the region are to maintain their hard-won progress toward development. For example, the sharp drop in world copper prices has had a devastating impact on the economies of Zambia and Zaire. The United States will deal with this problem in its bilateral assistance programs for these countries, and in our programs for multilateral action -- to be proposed at UNCTAD next week -- for resource development, buffer stocks, and earnings stabilization.

But our basic concern must go beyond responding to emergencies. We need to develop urgently programs to lay the foundations for sustained growth to enable the developing nations of Southern Africa to deal effectively with global economic shocks and trends.

Let me mention four that are especially relevant to Southern Africa: trained local manpower, rural development, advanced technology, and modern transportation.

- Development for all of Southern Africa involves a process of transforming rural life. We are

- 10 -

prepared to assist in agricultural development, in health
programs, in manpower training, in improving rural trans-
portation -- through both bilateral and multilateral
programs.

-- A revolution in development planning could be
achieved by the use of satellites to collect vital
information on crops, weather, water resources, land use,
and mineral exploration. The United States has already
shared with developing nations information from our
earliest Earth Resources Survey Satellites. We are now
prepared to undertake much larger programs to apply this
technology to Africa -- including training programs and
the development of training facilities and satellite
receiving stations in Africa itself.

-- Perhaps the most critical long-term economic need of Southern Africa is a modern system of regional transportation. The magnitude of the effort extends beyond the capacity of any one nation or group of nations. For this reason the United States proposes that the World Bank undertake as a priority matter the organization of a multilateral consultative group of donors to develop a modern regional transportation system for Southern Africa. For our part we promise our full cooperation in working out a long-term program and in financing appropriate portions of it.

-- And finally, I can announce today that we expect
to triple our support for development programs in
Southern and Central Africa over the next three years.

In addition, the United States has offered leadership
in many international forums to promote development
through multilateral cooperation. The industrial nations,
the newly-wealthy oil-producers and the developing countries
themselves, must collaborate for the goal of development.
Africa is a principal beneficiary of the many United States
initiatives in multilateral institutions and programs -- to
enhance economic security through supporting export
earnings in the face of sharp economic swings; to promote
growth through better access to capital markets and
technology transfers; to accelerate agricultural production;
to improve the conditions of trade and investment in key

-11-

## Conclusion

Ladies and gentlemen:

No one who wishes this continent well can want to see
Africans divided either between nations or between
liberation movements. Africans cannot want outsiders
seeking to impose solutions; or choosing among countries
or movements. The United States, for its part, does
not seek any pro-American African bloc confronting a
 bloc supporting any other power. Nor do we wish to
support one faction of a liberation movement against
another. But neither should any other country pursue
hegemonic aspirations or bloc policies. An attempt
by one will inevitably be countered by the other. The
United States therefore supports African unity and
integrity categorically as basic principles of our
policy.

-]2-

What Africa needs now from the United States is not exuberant
promises or emotional expressions of good will. What it needs is
a concrete program which I have sought to offer today. So let
us get down to business. Let us direct our eyes towards our
great goals -- national independence, economic development,
racial justice -- goals that can be achieved by common action.

This drama will be played out in our own lifetime. Our
children will inherit either our success or our failure.
The world watches with hope and we approach it with confidence.

So let it be said that black people and white people working
together achieved on this continent -- which has suffered
so much and seen so much injustice -- a new era of peace,
well-being and human dignity.

The Secretary
of State

Speech

April 27, 1976

Lusaka, Zambia

Bureau of Public Affairs

Office of Media Services

SOUTHERN AFRICA AND THE UNITED STATES:
AN AGENDA FOR COOPERATION

*Secretary Henry A. Kissinger at a luncheon in his honor hosted by President Kenneth Kaunda.*

I have come to Africa because in so many ways, the challenges of Africa are the challenges of the modern era. Morally and politically the drama of national independence in Africa over the last generation has transformed international affairs. More than any other region of the world, Africa symbolizes that the previous era of world affairs—the colonial era—is a thing of the past. The great tasks you face—in nationbuilding, in keeping the peace and integrity of this continent, in economic development, in gaining an equitable role in world councils, in achieving racial justice—these reflect the challenges of building a humane and progressive world order.

The United States was one of the prime movers of the process of decolonization. The American people welcomed the new nations into the world community and for two decades have given aid and encouragement to economic and social progress in Africa. And America's responsibilities as a global power give us a strong interest today in the independence, peace, and well-being

of this vast continent comprising a fifth of the world's land surface. For without peace, racial justice, and growing prosperity in Africa we cannot speak of a just international order.

Africa is a continent of hope—a modern frontier. The United States, from the beginning, has been a country of the frontier, built by men and women of hope. The American people know from their history the meaning of the struggle for independence, for racial equality, for economic progress, for human dignity.

I am not here to give American prescriptions for Africa's problems. Your program must be Afri-

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2

Nor am I here to set African against African, either among your Governments or among factions of liberation movements. African problems cannot be solved and your destiny cannot be fulfilled except by a united Africa. America supports African unity. We urge all other countries to do the same.

Here in Africa the range of mankind's challenges and potential can be seen in all its complexity and enormous promise. The massive power and grandeur of nature is before us in all its aspects—as the harsh master and as a bountiful servant of mankind. Here we can feel the rich and living cultures which have changed and invigorated art, music, and thought around the world. And here, on this continent, we are tested—all of us—to see whether our future will be determined for us or by us, whether humanity will be the victim or the architect of its destiny.

Of all the challenges before us, of all the purposes we have in common, racial justice is one of the most basic. This is a dominant issue of our age, within nations and among nations. We know from our own experience that the goal of racial justice is both compelling and achievable. Our support for this principle in southern Africa is not simply a matter of foreign policy but an imperative of our own moral heritage.

The people of Zambia do not need to be reminded of the importance of realizing this goal. By geography and economic necessity Zambia is affected directly and grievously by strife in southern Africa. Political stability in this region means more to Zambia than to many others. Yet Zambia has chosen to stand by its principles by closing its border with Rhodesia and enduring the economic consequences. This is a testimony to the determination of the people of this country and to the statesmanship of its great leader, President Kaunda.

One is struck by the similarity of philosophy in the American Declaration of Independence and in the Lusaka Manifesto. Two hundred years ago Thomas Jefferson wrote: "We hold these Truths to

be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness—That to secure these Rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the Consent of the Governed..."

And seven years ago the leaders of east and central Africa declared here in Lusaka that:

> "By this Manifesto we wish to make clear, beyond all shadow of doubt, our acceptance of the belief that all men are equal, and have equal rights to human dignity and respect, regardless of color, race, religion or sex. We believe that all men have the right and the duty to participate, as equal members of the society, in their own Government."

Therefore, here in Lusaka, I reaffirm the unequivocal commitment of the United States to human rights, as expressed in the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We support self-determination, majority rule, equal rights, and human dignity for all the peoples of southern Africa—in the name of moral principle, international law, and world peace.

On this occasion I would like to set forth more fully American policy on some of the immediate issues we face—in Rhodesia, Namibia, and South Africa—and then to sketch our vision of southern Africa's hopeful future.

## Rhodesia

The U.S. position on Rhodesia is clear and unmistakable. As President Ford has said, "The United States is totally dedicated to seeing to it that the majority becomes the ruling power in Rhodesia." We do not recognize the Rhodesian minority regime. The United States voted for, and is committed to, the U.N. Security Council resolutions of 1966 and 1968 that imposed mandatory economic sanctions against the illegal Rhodesian regime. Earlier this year we cosponsored a Security Council resolution, which was passed unanimously, expanding mandatory sanctions. And in March of

3

this year we joined with others to commend
Mozambique for its decision to enforce these sanc-
tions even at great economic cost to itself.

It is the responsibility of all who seek a nego-
tiated solution to make clear to the Rhodesian mi-
nority that the world community is united in its
insistence on rapid change. It is the responsibility
of those in Rhodesia who believe in peace to take
the steps necessary to avert a great tragedy.

U.S. policy for a just and durable Rhodesian
solution will therefore rest on ten elements:

* First, the United States declares its support in the strongest terms for the proposals made by British Prime Minister [James] Callaghan on March 22 of this year—that independence must be pre-ceded by majority rule which, in turn, must be achieved no later than two years following the ex-peditious conclusion of negotiations. We consider these proposals a basis for a settlement fair to all the people of Rhodesia. We urge that they be accepted.

* Second, the Salisbury regime must under-
stand that it cannot expect U.S. support either in
diplomacy or in material help at any stage in its
conflict with African states or African liberation
movements. On the contrary it will face our unre-
lenting opposition until a negotiated settlement is
achieved.

* Third, the United States will take steps to fulfill completely its obligation under international law to mandatory economic sanctions against Rhodesia. We will urge the Congress this year to repeal the Byrd Amendment—which authorizes Rhodesian chrome imports to the United States—an act inconsistent with U.N. sanctions. In parallel with this effort we will approach other industrial nations to insure the strictest and broadest international compliance with sanctions.

* Fourth, to insure that there are no misper-
ceptions on the part of the leaders of the minority
in Rhodesia, the United States, on the conclusion
of my consultations in black Africa, will communi-
cate clearly and directly to the Salisbury regime
our view of the urgency of a rapid negotiated set-
tlement leading to majority rule.

* Fifth, the U.S. Government will carry out its
responsibility to inform American citizens that we
have no official representation in Rhodesia nor any
means of providing them with assistance or pro-
tection. American travelers will be advised against

* Sixth, as in the case of Zambia a few years ago, steps should be taken—in accordance with the recent U.N. Security Council resolution—to assist Mozambique, whose closing of its borders with Rhodesia to enforce sanctions has imposed upon it a great additional economic hardship. In accordance with this U.N. resolution, the United States is willing to provide $12.5 million of assistance.

* Seventh, the United States—together with other members of the United Nations—is ready to help alleviate economic hardship for any countries neighboring Rhodesia which decide to enforce sanctions by closing their frontiers.

* Eighth, humanitarian provision must be made for the thousands of refugees who have fled in distress from Rhodesia into neighboring countries. The United States will consider sympathetically requests for assistance for these refugees by the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees or other appropriate international organizations.

* Ninth, the world community should give its support to the people of Rhodesia as they make the peaceful transition to majority rule and independence and should aid a newly independent Zimbabwe. To this end we are ready to join with other interested nations in a program of economic, technical, and educational assistance to enable an independent Zimbabwe to achieve the progress and the place in the community of nations to which its resources and the talents of all its people entitle it.

* Finally, we state our conviction that whites as well as blacks should have a secure future and civil rights in a Zimbabwe that has achieved racial justice. A constitutional structure should protect minority rights together with establishing majority rule. We are prepared to devote some of our assistance programs to this objective.

In carrying out this program we shall consult
closely with the Presidents of Botswana, Mozam-
bique, Tanzania, and Zambia.

We believe these are important measures. We
are openminded with respect to additional actions
that can help speed a resolution. The United States
will consult closely with African leaders, especially
the four Presidents, and with other friends on the
Rhodesian problem. For the central fact that I
have come here to stress is this: The United States

4

is wholly committed to help bring about a rapid, just, and African solution to the issue of Rhodesia.

## Namibia

The territory of South-West Africa turned into a source of serious international discord following World War II. When the United Nations refused to accede to South Africa's proposal for annexation of the territory, South Africa declined to enter into a trusteeship agreement and since then has refused to recognize the United Nations as the legal sovereign. In 1966 the General Assembly terminated South Africa's mandate over the territory. In 1971 the International Court of Justice concluded that South Africa's occupation of Namibia was illegal and that it should withdraw.

The United States voted for the 1966 General Assembly resolution. We were the only major power to argue before the International Court that South African occupation was illegal. And in January 1976 the United States voted in favor of the U.N. resolution condemning the occupation of Namibia and calling for South Africa to take specific steps toward Namibia's self-determination and independence.

* We reiterate our call upon the South African Government to permit all the people and groups of

Namibia to express their views freely, under U.N. supervision, on the political future and constitutional structure of their country.

* We urge the South African Government to announce a definite timetable acceptable to the world community for the achievement of self-determination.

* The United States is prepared to work with the international community, and especially with African leaders, to determine what further steps would improve prospects for a rapid and acceptable transition to Namibian independence. We are convinced that the need for progress is urgent.

* Once concrete movement toward self-determination is underway, the United States will ease its restrictions on trade and investment in Namibia. We stand ready to provide economic and technical assistance to help Namibia take its rightful place among the independent nations of the world.

## South Africa

No country, no people can claim perfection in the realm of human rights. We in America are aware of our own imperfections. But because we are a free society, our problems and our shortcomings are fully aired and made known to the world. And we have reason to take pride in our progress in the quest for justice for all in our country. The world community's concern with South Africa is not merely that racial discrimination exists there. What is unique is the extent to which racial discrimination has been institutionalized, enshrined in law, and made all-pervasive.

No one—including the leaders of black Africa—challenges the right of white South Africans to live in their country. They are not colonialists; historically, they are an African people. But white South Africans must recognize as well that the world will continue to insist that the institutionalized separation of the races must end. The United States appeals to South Africa to heed the warning signals of the past two years. There is still time to bring about a reconciliation of South Africa's peoples for the benefit of all. But there is a limit to that time—a limit of far shorter duration than was generally perceived even a few years ago.

5

In the immediate future the Republic of South Africa can show its dedication to Africa—and its potential contribution to Africa—by using its influence in Salisbury to promote a rapid negotiated settlement for majority rule in Rhodesia. This, we are sure, would be viewed positively by the community of nations, as well as by the rest of Africa.

## A Vision of the Future

As you know, Deputy Secretary [of State Charles W.] Robinson, an expert in economic development, is accompanying me on this visit. This is the first time that an American Secretary of State and Deputy Secretary together have come on such a mission, reflecting the importance we attach to the economic development of southern Africa. Mr. Robinson and I are discussing development needs with African officials in the various capitals and we shall continue these consultations at the UNCTAD [U.N. Conference on Trade and Development] meeting in Nairobi next week. After my return to Washington, based on what we have learned, we will urgently study a new aid program for this continent.

Africa and its friends face a dual challenge—immediate and long-term growth. In the short term economic emergencies can arise from natural disasters or sharp swings in global economic conditions over which developing nations have little control. These economic shocks must be dealt with if the nations of the region are to maintain their hard-won progress toward development. For example the sharp drop in world copper prices has had a devastating impact on the economies of Zambia and Zaire. The United States will deal with this problem in its bilateral assistance programs for these countries and in our programs for multilateral action—to be proposed at UNCTAD next week—for resource development, buffer stocks, and earnings stabilization.

* For Namibia and Zimbabwe training programs should be intensified now so that needed manpower will be ready when majority rule is attained. Existing programs to train Namibian and Zimbabwean refugees as administrators and technicians should be expanded as rapidly as possible. We have requested additional funds from Congress for this purpose. We urge other donors and international organizations to do more.

* Development for all of southern Africa involves a process of transforming rural life. We are prepared to assist in agricultural development, in health programs, in manpower training, in improving rural transportation—through both bilateral and multilateral programs.

* A revolution in development planning could be achieved by the use of satellites to collect vital information on crops, weather, water resources, land use, and mineral exploration. The United States has already shared with developing nations information from our earliest Earth resources survey satellites. We are now prepared to undertake much larger programs to apply this technology to

6

Africa—including training programs and the development of training facilities and satellite receiving stations in Africa itself.

* Perhaps the most critical long-term economic need of southern Africa is a modern system of regional transportation. The magnitude of the effort extends beyond the capacity of any one nation or group of nations. For this reason the United States proposes that the World Bank undertake as a priority matter the organization of a multilateral consultative group of donors to develop a modern regional transportation system for southern Africa. For our part we promise our full cooperation in working out a long-term program and in financing appropriate portions of it.

* And finally, I can announce today that we expect to triple our support for development programs in southern and central Africa over the next three years.

In addition the United States has offered leadership in many international forums to promote development through multilateral cooperation. The industrial nations, the newly wealthy oil producers, and the developing countries themselves must collaborate for the goal of development. Africa is a principal beneficiary of the many U.S. initiatives in multilateral institutions and programs—to enhance economic security through supporting export earnings in the face of sharp economic swings, to promote growth through better access to capital markets and technology transfers, to accelerate agricultural production, to improve the conditions of trade and investment in key commodities, and to address the special needs of the poorest nations.

## Conclusion

No one who wishes this continent well can want to see Africans divided either between nations or between liberation movements. Africans cannot want outsiders seeking to impose solutions or choosing among countries or movements. The United States, for its part, does not seek any pro-American African bloc confronting a bloc supporting any other power. Nor do we wish to support one faction of a liberation movement against another. But neither should any other country pursue hegemonial aspirations or bloc policies. An attempt by one will inevitably be countered by the other. The United States, therefore, supports African unity and integrity categorically as basic principles of our policy.

What Africa needs now from the United States is not exuberant promises or emotional expressions of good will. What it needs is a concrete program which I have sought to offer today. So let us get down to business. Let us direct our eyes toward our great goals—national independence, economic development, racial justice—goals that can be achieved by common action.

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

April 28, 1976

NO. 206

STATEMENT BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
AND
COMMISSIONER NGUZA

UPON ARRIVAL
KINSHASA, ZAIRE

APRIL 28, 1976

**COMMISSIONER NGUZA:** Mr. Secretary, and may I say, dear friends, sometime ago my President, President Mobutu Sese Seko, sent me to your great country where I had the opportunity, the honor and privilege to be received by President Ford, and to meet twice with you at the Department of State. This privilege has touched very deeply my President and the people of my country. Our President, founder of our Movement for the Popular Revolution, President Mobutu Sese Seko, has asked that on his behalf I extend to you his greetings of welcome to our African land of Zaire, a friend of the United States, a friend of your President and a friend of you personally. This welcome comes straight from our heart because since our independence there has been by our side a permanent friend in good times and in bad times. The US has stood by our side permanently. It is therefore with great joy, pleasure and gratification that we welcome Secretary of State Kissinger, one of the most influential men in the world today, and the right arm of the President of the US. Your visit to Africa, sir, comes at the time of special economic conditions and at the time of special conditions prevailing in Central Africa and in southern Africa. Under those circumstances you are meeting the leaders of these countries and tomorrow you will be meeting with my own President. We place great hope upon the fact that your talks with our President will enable you to widen your viewpoints, to measure and to assess African positions in general, African positions more particularly in the context of Central African positions — more particularly in the context of Central Africa and southern Africa. We greet today a friend of Zaire. We bid you welcome.

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** Mr. Commissioner, I appreciate very much the warm words of welcome that you have uttered. Since we met in Washington, we have become close colleagues and good personal friends. The history of Zaire has been closely connected with friendship with the United States and support by the United States for the progress and independence of Zaire, and it is therefore highly appropriate that on this visit undertaken at the request of President Ford to begin a new era in our relations with Africa that we should visit one of our good friends and look forward to reviewing all of the problems of Africa and many of the problems of the world with it. In Africa today there are many issues. There is the economic uncertainty that is produced by fluctuating economic conditions in the world. There is the search for racial justice in southern Africa. There is the attempt by outside powers to divide Africa into hostile blocks and there is the need of African nations to achieve progress and to maintain their independence. On all these issues the US wants to cooperate

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

[LC]

April 28, 1976

NO. 208

JOINT U.S. - ZAIRIAN COMMUNIQUE

From the 27th to the 29th of April 1976 Dr. Kissinger, United States Secretary of State, accompanied by the Deputy Secretary of State Charles Robinson, made an official visit to the Republic of Zaire.

During his visit he was received by President-Founder of the MPR, President of the Republic of Zaire, Citizen Mobuto Sese Seko.

The American Secretary of State and Citizen Nguza Karl-I-Bond, Permanent Member of the Political Bureau and Commissioner of State for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, held several meetings.

These took place in a particularly friendly atmosphere marked by frankness and mutual understanding, and permitted the two interlocutors to make a *tour d'horizon* of the range of questions concerning cooperation between the United States of America and Zaire on the one hand, and current world problems on the other.

The Zairian party outlined for the American delegation the highlights of the stabilization plan decided upon by the President-Founder of the MPR, President of Zaire, with a view to coping with the difficulties which Zaire is presently experiencing.

The American party expressed its esteem for the effort exerted by the Executive Council to deal with the unfortunate effects of the international crisis on the Zairian economy and agreed to consider ways whereby the United States Government might provide assistance. In this connection, the Commissioner of State for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation and the American Secretary of State signed an agreement whereby the United States will provide Zaire with five million dollars for cotton under the terms of US Public Law 480. This agreement follows other recent American assistance, notably fifteen million dollars for rice through the commodity credit corporation and eight million dollars for rice through the PL-480 program. The two parties discussed other forms of assistance, including possible American export-import bank credit of twenty million dollars to finance the purchase of US mining equipment for gecamines.

The two parties also explored ways to attract American private investment in Zaire.

Several current international problems received the special attention of the two parties.

Particularly with regard to the forthcoming meeting of the IV Session of UNCTAD, the two parties noted a close coverage of views and emphasized the need for the international community to cooperate to achieve practical solutions to the economic problems it faces and thereby to improve the

PR #208

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well-being of all nations.

Addressing the problem of decolonization, the Secretary of State and the State Commissioner for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation reaffirmed their faith in the right of peoples to self-determination.

Particular attention was accorded the situation in southern Africa and in this regard the Zairian side expressed its appreciation of the American Secretary's recent exposition in Lusaka of US policy.

Both sides expressed their firm desire to see the majority accede to power in Rhodesia and deplored the refusal of the illegal regime to agree to serious negotiations.

They paid tribute to the Government of Mozambique for its courageous decision to apply the sanctions against Rhodesia called for by the Security Council of the United Nations.

The two parties registered their mutual opposition to South Africa's continued illegal occupation of Namibia and called on the South African Government in cooperation with the United Nations to move Namibia swiftly to independence.

The American delegation expressed its gratitude for the warm welcome accorded it.

Done at Kinshasa, the 28th of April 1976

For the United States of America

For the Republic of Zaire

The Secretary of State
Henry A. Kissinger

The State Commissioner for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation

Nguza Karl-I-Bond

Permanent Member of the Political Bureau of the MPR

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

[LC]

April 28, 1976

NO. 209

PRESS CONFERENCE BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
AND
CITIZEN NGUZA KARL-I-BOND
COMMISSIONER OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
OF THE REPUBLIC OF ZAIRE

PC 94

KINSHASA, ZAIRE
APRIL 28, 1976

**QUESTION:** Has the US made any representations to Ghana, Nigeria or the Soviet Union over the cancellation of your visit to Ghana?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** The decision of which country to visit is up to the country concerned and we have made no representations to any of those countries. We do regret that certain foreign countries found it necessary to express their views about the visit, but it is entirely up to the Government of Ghana and we will not make any representations.

**QUESTION:** Could you share your views with us about why the Soviet Union is determined to sabotage your visit to black Africa?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** I do not know whether the Soviet Union is determined to sabotage my trip through black Africa. My trip through black Africa is designed to establish a relationship between the United States and the countries of Africa with respect to the aspirations for majority rule and economic progress. This policy we pursue for our own purposes and out of our own convictions and I do not believe that the Soviet Union has the capability to sabotage this trip. I have been extremely well received in every country, and I believe that the trip has strengthened the bonds between the United States and black Africa which was its purpose, and this cannot be affected by any other country.

**QUESTION:** Do you have President Mobutu's support now for your initiative for negotiations between the Smith Government and black liberation movements?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** I think my friend the Commissioner should reply to this question. I have the impression, and the Communique in effect expresses it, that President Mobutu approves of the general direction of my speech in Lusaka. And I must say that I have found the talks I have had with the President, as well as the Commissioner, extremely friendly, extremely constructive and leading to a strengthening of the relationship between Zaire and the United States. But perhaps the Commissioner could answer this question.

**COMMISSIONER NGUZA:** The reply to the question is contained in the Joint Communique. President Mobutu congratulated Dr. Kissinger. In the course

PR #209

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of our talks he expressed how much we appreciated the Lusaka speech, particularly those parts pertaining to Rhodesia, South Africa and Namibia. The position of Zaire is well known. We stand for majority rule in Rhodesia. We would wish to see it come into being as peacefully as possible. Where we particularly appreciate Dr. Kissinger's speech is in that the United States removes all hopes from the minority in Rhodesia that it can with impunity continue to spurn the wishes of the majority and it must weigh very heavy in the balance and must be also a very strong point to consider from the liberation movements, because if stubbornness should set in then the liberation movements would be forced to attempt to secure their rights through armed struggles.

**QUESTION:** The Smith Government today said it was a shame you hadn't visited Rhodesia before you made your speech in Lusaka. Are you willing, or do you believe that you could play a useful role in trying to mediate a peaceful transition to majority rule in Rhodesia?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** I first want to complete my tour through black Africa and then return to the United States and report to the President. In principle, the United States is willing to assist the parties insofar as they would request it to bring about the objectives of the Lusaka speech, that is to say a rapid achievement of majority rule, a guarantee of minority rights in southern Africa and if the parties asked us to be helpful we would certainly take that very seriously.

**QUESTION:** Then you are coming back to Africa?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** I have no immediate plan to return to Africa nor am I saying that I personally will necessarily be the party that will extend the good offices. We now have to see what responses we receive from the various parties that are most concerned. So far President Kaunda, in the name of the other four Presidents, indicated support for my speech. So has President Mobutu. We will now see what reaction we will receive from the countries of southern Africa after we have made various approaches to them before we can decide where the United States can be most useful.

**QUESTION:** I know you have said on several occasions that you do not want to tip one African block against another. Does it not appear that the United States and the Soviet Union, at least diplomatically, are fighting for influence in Africa as a whole?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** The US has stated its positions in terms which we believe can command the support of all the African nations. This is not directed against the Soviet Union. We do not want any American blocks to be established in Africa. It is up to the Soviet Union to see whether it wishes to bring great power politics to this continent. We don't believe that this will happen and we believe it would be in the best interests of Africa if the great powers did not exploit their rivalries into this continent. That will be our attitude. As I said in Lusaka, if one country tries to establish hegemony then inevitably another country will respond. That is not our attitude and we hope that for the sake of the peoples of Africa it can be avoided.

**QUESTION:** What would be the reaction of the United States in the hypothesis of a Russian/Cuban action on the side of the liberation movements?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** I have the impression in my trip through black Africa that no African country wants the intervention of Soviet/Cuban forces in

PR #209

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African problems and the United States certainly supports this attitude.
I also hope that the policies that we are now pursuing will lead to a
positive conclusion.

**QUESTION:** Outside of the economic measures against Rhodesia does your country contemplate any other measure, and as a follow-up are you optimistic about the acceptance by your Congress of those measures against Rhodesia?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** As some of you present know, I have not always proved to be the best judge of what the Congress will support. However, I have the impression which has been confirmed in various messages from Washington that there is a good chance of passing the repeal of the Byrd Amendment. With respect to other measures you should consider that the speech that was made in Lusaka yesterday is the beginning of an American effort, and other measures will be considered as time goes on, and we will have to await developments.

**QUESTION:** Concerning southern Africa you have said that the United States supports the accession of the black majority to power in Rhodesia. Do you also support the coming to power of the black majority in Pretoria although the problem does not occur immediately?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** The problem of South Africa is in some aspects different from the problem of Rhodesia in the sense that all African countries recognize that South Africa is an African country, that the white settlers in South Africa are Africans in tradition. I stated yesterday that the United States opposes the principle of the institutionalized separation of the races expressed in the policy of apartheid and that it urges that this legal and institutionalized separation of the races be ended and this will have its own political consequences.

**QUESTION:** Concerning cooperation between Zaire and the United States some financial agreements have just now been signed. May we look beyond these agreements which are perhaps dictated by the present economic circumstances?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** Next week I am crossing this continent again to put forward the American position in Nairobi at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in which we will attempt to deal with the fundamental issues that have caused the economic difficulties for Zaire, particularly the rise in oil prices and the fluctuation in copper prices. Therefore, the United States, while at the same time cooperating with Zaire in its immediate emergency, believes that there are some fundamental measures that should be taken by the international economic community as a whole in order to prevent these fluctuations that are the basic cause of the difficulties.

**QUESTION:** Have any of the parties asked the United States to take a more active role in the possibility of negotiations and have you the possibility of adding any stops to your present itinerary for this trip?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** No, there has been no opportunity to be in touch with any of the parties. Of course the leaders of several of the states that I have visited, in fact all of the states that I have visited, have urged the United States to play a more active role. We have had no responses from any other country up to now nor do we expect any. There is no plan to add any additional stops to my journey. I will have an opportunity in Nairobi to see several Foreign Ministers, perhaps of countries that I have not visited on this trip.

PR #209

**QUESTION:** An African Chief of State has said that there is great risk to see Africa becoming the new Middle East. Do you consider that there is still an opportunity for negotiations or is it the case, as President Kaunda has said, in southern Africa and Rhodesia the hour of armed combat has come?

**SECRETARY KISSINGER:** I believe that the possibility of a negotiation still exists. Even if armed combat should have started in southern Africa all combat eventually must be settled by negotiations and the more rapidly negotiation is achieved the more lives will be saved and the more rapidly the objectives of the majority and the protection of the rights of the minority will be realized.

* * * * *

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

April 28, 1976

NO. 210

TOASTS BY
CITIZEN NGUZA KARL-I-BOND
COMMISSIONER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF ZAIRE
AND
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
AT A DINNER GIVEN IN HONOR OF
SECRETARY KISSINGER
KINSHASA, ZAIRE
APRIL 28, 1976

COMMISSIONER NGUZA:

Mr. Secretary, on the occasion of your first visit to Zaire I have the pleasant duty to reiterate the wishes of welcome, speaking on behalf of Citizen President, founder of the Popular Movement of the Revolution, President of the Republic, Citizen Mobutu Sese Seko, and on behalf of the Executive Council.

You are in the land of authenticity. I hope that your brief stay among us will enable you to experience first hand our realities and that it will be as pleasant as it will be fruitful.

Mr. Secretary, in Zaire we do not conceal our pleasure that you have chosen to visit our country when you are making your very first trip to Africa as Secretary of State. It is a sign of the strength of the friendship that the people of the United States and of Zaire have pledged one another.

Today, already, we can refer to the traditional relations of friendship between our two countries. Indeed, since Zaire's accession to international sovereignty, it has always been able to rely on the friendly support of your country. Zaire has always dealt with your great country on an equal footing within the context of respect for our respective sovereignty.

This climate of friendship and cordiality explains the various visits which have been exchanged by the leading figures of our two countries.

The Republic of Zaire has been honored in the past by visits from leading figures of the United States Government.

On our side I take pleasure to recall the State Visit to the United States in 1970 of Citizen President Mobutu as well as his visit to New York in 1973 to attend the 28th UNGA.

Mr. Secretary, whenever an opportunity to do so has presented itself. We have never failed to attest to the significantly effective assistance from which our country has benefitted on the part of the United States.

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American aid to Zaire extends throughout a wide range of fields, bilaterally
as well as multilaterally.

Thus, in order to preserve the unity and the territorial integrity of our
young republic upon its accession to independence, we were able to rely
upon the total support of the United States, particularly when your country
gave very effective logistical support to the armed forces of Zaire.

On the social, economic and cultural levels also, the Government and the
people of the United States have designed and implemented with the Executive
Council a wide-ranging program of development.

Allow me also to recall that in 1967, when we created the Zaire currency
unit, the Government of the United States gave us considerable financial
support to ensure the success of this operation, acting directly or
indirectly through the specialized agencies of the United Nations.

The United States has financed many projects which are essential for the
development of our nation. Indeed, the American participation in financing
of our gigantic Inga hydroelectric complex is a major one. It was also
thanks to American assistance that Zaire has a ground communications station.

It would be impossible to enumerate all the achievements of United States-
Zairian cooperation because the list is such a long one. Suffice it to
indicate that American investments occupy a choice position in our economy.
From 42 million Zaires in 1969 they had reached 109 million in 1974 and it
is anticipated that they will reach 1 billion Zaires by 1980.

This is an abundant demonstration of the dynamic character of the friendly
relations between your country and mine.

Mr. Secretary, we are going through a period of international crisis. All
countries are affected by the worldwide economic disarray. Each of our
countries must strive to repress this international evil.

In this struggle, both developed nations and those less developed have set
up for themselves a framework of concertation to search for ways and means
to come out of the present economic confusion and lay down new foundations
for a more harmonious development of our planet. I refer to the "North-
South dialogue."

Developing countries place their hopes upon the great economic powers in
general and upon the United States in particular to create a new economic
order "more just and more equitable." A new economic order in which raw
material-producing countries, which paradoxically are among the poorest
countries, will be able to share in setting the prices for their products.
It is in this way, among others, that the more developed nations will
help the less endowed countries.

In this context I hope that during the forthcoming UNCTAD, which will be
held in Nairobi, Kenya, the participants will know how to soar above
their own interests to make concessions to one another so that their
labors may contribute to the establishment of this new economic order we
all wish for.

Faithful to its foreign policy, Zaire will not fail to labor in the search
for a concerted approach leading toward the establishment of the new world

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economic order.

Mr. Secretary, if there is one aspiration which African states hold dearest, it is to see our continent totally liberated from the dual scourges of colonialism and racism. Africa relies upon the assistance of the United States, among others, to put an end to the exploitation of man by man upon our land in the name of an alleged civilizing mission or of a self-proclaimed superiority of skin color.

Africa, and all peace-loving and freedom-loving countries must do everything to ensure the total elimination of colonialism and racism in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa.

Mr. Secretary, we have read the important political speech you gave in Lusaka yesterday. We salute the political courage, the adequacy of the arguments and the full support your great nation has just granted to the struggle for African liberation. Your action will exert considerable weight in solving the problems of southern Africa. We hope that the contempt displayed by the Rhodesian settlers, the refusal of the South African authorities to yield to the pertinent decisions of the international community will find no echo in any country of the world.

Mr. Secretary, and dear friend, we are gratified by the atmosphere of frank cordiality in which our conversations have taken place and this new testimony of friendship and cooperation attests to the long and fruitful relations which our two countries intend to maintain and strengthen.

It is in this spirit of friendship that I invite you, Mr. Secretary, ladies, gentlemen, and citizens to pour a symbolic libation to our ancestors for the strengthening of the excellent relations that already exist between the United States and Zaire.

Mr. Secretary,
Gentlemen,
To the President of the United States.

* * *

SECRETARY KISSINGER:

Mr. Commissioner, distinguished guests, let me first express my great appreciation for the exceptionally warm hospitality which you have extended to me. I take it as an expression of the respect and affection that lie at the heart of the relationship between our two countries. The United States was present at the birth of this nation and we have been a proud partner ever since to the dramatic progress which Zaire has made.

It is for these reasons that today I feel at home — among old friends, official and personal. And I want to tell you that the United States will stand by its friends. We will support our friends in their efforts to increase their nation's prosperity, and ensure that its benefits are widely spread. And we will support our friends as they resist external forces which would impose their will on African independence and African unity.

We are discussing both these important topics during my stay here in Zaire. And the relaxed, confident, and understanding mood of our talks reflects the close bonds between our two nations. They continue the constructive

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and friendly course appropriate to dealings between major nations and sovereign equals and most recently exemplified a few weeks ago in Washington during your visit.

The United States has long been associated with Zaire's economic development. The vast potential which this country can bring to its people, to this region and to the cause of international economic cooperation compels America's support. I can assure you today that the United States will continue to stand by Zaire in promoting its economic progress. Since independence we have provided steady and substantial economic assistance to Zaire. And in international forums we have launched new initiatives designed to alleviate the burden borne by nations like Zaire as a result of the recent arbitrary rises in the price of oil, and the severe fluctuations in the world markets for key commodities like copper.

It is distressing to all who value self-determination and African unity that Zaire, which seeks to dedicate its energies to enormous economic problems now must also seek to bolster its defenses. These currents strain the unity of Africa, threatening to divide it into contending nations and actions, and open the way for renewed great power ambitions to assert themselves in the continent. The United States remains convinced that African problems should be resolved by African solutions. And this in turn, can only be done successfully and lastingly by a united Africa. The United States is committed to the proposition of African unity — as the most effective course toward African development and the most certain protection against the big power rivalries that could turn this continent into a gravely destabilizing factor on the world scene.

The United States will cooperate with those who seek an end to the injustices of the past, and with those who oppose the most recent challenges to African nationalism and African integrity. But I want to stress that the United States does not seek to line up a pro-American bloc. We have long accepted genuine non-alignment as valid, indeed as a necessary concept in today's world. The United States recognizes that each nation must find its own way to serve its people and to meet the challenges of our era of interdependence. We support the concept of authenticity to which the Commissioner contributed so much.

Our policy toward Africa is clear:

- We want Africa to enjoy its fair share of prosperity. It should play a major role in the dialogue between developed and developing nations begun at the Seventh Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly last September, and which will continue next week in Nairobi at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. There I will plan to put forth a program designed to advance the substantial progress we have made toward building a new era of international cooperation between the nations of north and south. This program will be of special benefit to African countries.

- We support the principles of self-determination, majority rule, and racial justice in Africa. As you have said, Mr. Commissioner, "If there is one aspiration which African states hold dearest, it is to see the continent totally liberated, from the scourges of colonialism and racism." Let me assure you that the United States will do all we can to see that Africa realizes its full potential under conditions of liberty and justice. Yesterday, in Lusaka on behalf of President Ford I put forth my country's position on these issues, especially as they pertain to southern Africa. We outlined a ten-point program designed to speed majority

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rule in Rhodesia. And we underlined the urgent need for independence in
Namibia and racial justice in South Africa. I appreciate the very gen-
erous words that you have spoken this evening about this program.

- We seek to insulate Africa to the greatest extent possible from great power rivalries. It would be a great tragedy if this continent, whose liberty and sense of unity are so well underway should be revisited by the external ambitions and suffocating oppressions of the past eras.

- And we attach great importance to our relations with Zaire. Your country is destined for greatness, and economic well-being. With greatness and prosperity comes responsibility. The United States values the friendship of Zaire. But we value as well the responsibility we must both bear as major nations. We are ready to fulfill that responsibility with you.

We believe these goals are entirely consistent with Africa's own objectives. The road to their achievement will be long and hard, but it will also be exhilarating and rewarding. As President Ford has said my visit is intended to open a new chapter in African-American relations. It will be, I am convinced, an era which will serve the aspirations of Africa and the interests of the world community for peace, justice, and a widening prosperity for all peoples.

My country has been, since its birth, an eloquent voice for human dignity — for freedom and for prosperity. We achieved great things. We consider our achievements to be a summons to greater effort.

In this post-independence period, Zaire, like the United States in its early years, is a land facing vast challenges but inspired by the prospect of success and progress. Zaire is poised to forge ahead to a new position of leadership in this last quarter of our century. Your country has enormous resources, not only for its own development but for the potential benefit of your neighbors as well. The dream of harnessing the Zaire River will shortly become a reality. The power to be produced at Inga-Shaba will increase Zaire's productive capacity many times over. And beyond national development lies a vision of regional cooperation, in which Zaire is destined to play a crucial part. Just as important as the material benefits will be the knowledge of having harnessed nature for the national good and the demonstration that man can work his will in this huge land.

Zaire can count on the United States. Economically, we will propose measures at the UNCTAD meeting in Nairobi which we believe will benefit Zaire and all developing nations. And we will, in our bilateral relations, do all we can to contribute to the cause of Zairian development and to alleviate Zaire's special difficulties, which have been brought about by the recent plunge in world copper prices. On questions of security, we have increased our foreign military sales program substantially in the past year and we plan to increase it in keeping with the perils Zaire faces.

Our two countries thus share the promise and the potential for great achievement. Let us turn to the exciting work before us and go forward together with goodwill and resolve. Let us grasp the opportunities that await us and turn them to the service of our peoples and to that human community whose ultimate creation is the goal we all share.

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

April 30, 1976

No. 211-A

STATEMENT BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
UPON ARRIVAL IN MONROVIA, LIBERIA

APRIL 30, 1976

Mr. Foreign Minister, friends:

It is a great pleasure to see you again, Mr. Foreign Minister, and to be here in Liberia, a nation whose history and future are inextricably interwoven with our own. It was with genuine regret that I was unable to accept President Tolbert's gracious invitation to attend his reinaugural. Now, like every other American Secretary of State who has visited this magnificent continent, I stand on Liberian soil, keenly aware of the special relationship that links our two peoples.

We in the United States greatly appreciate the cooperation consistently received from Liberia on major international issues. We are gratified that we can speak with each other as old friends, confident that our firmly rooted relationship will be strengthened by frank and forward-looking exchanges. And, as we depart on what we hope will be a new era in relationships between the United States and the peoples of Africa, it is particularly important for us to maintain and to strengthen our old and close relationships.

President Ford has charged me to convey his personal greetings to his friend, President Tolbert, and has asked me to carry a special message to him. I myself have long been looking forward to meeting with President Tolbert here. He is a good friend of the United States — one who is known and respected by the American people. His dedication to peace, his constructive role in the international arena, his moral leadership and his political courage have earned him widespread esteem and as we proceed now on common efforts for racial justice and economic progress in Africa, we place very great stress on his advice and counsel.

I look forward to my stay here and the discussions I will be having with you, Mr. Minister, and with other leaders of Liberia. It is my hope and conviction that my visit here will strengthen the already close bonds of affection between the Liberian and the American peoples.

* * * * *

The Secretary
of State

Speech

April 30, 1976

Monrovia, Liberia

Bureau of Public Affairs

Office of Media Services

AMERICA AND AFRICA

*Secretary Henry A. Kissinger's remarks at a dinner in his honor given by President William R. Tolbert.*

Midway through my African visit, I want to share with you some of what I have learned, and the convictions we bring to the relationship between Africa and the United States. President Ford has sent me to this continent to witness first-hand the aspirations of the peoples of Africa for national dignity, racial justice, and economic advance. I bring friendship and the strong conviction that the United States and Africa have much to do together in building peace and progress in the world.

I am greatly encouraged by my discussions with African leaders. I believe that my journey is laying the foundations of a new American policy toward this continent. We will not be deflected by attempts to interfere with what is being achieved. The promise of this effort is too important to the United States and to Africa.

The challenges ahead of us are arduous and long. They will require a mutual effort of understanding to overcome the legacies of the past. We are prepared to make this effort to bring into being together with you the dreams of our nations for a better and more secure life.

America's own moral values summon us to this policy. Two hundred years ago the United States won its independence. Having thrown off the burdens of colonialism, Americans determined never to fall under the yoke of despotism again. In that we have succeeded. More recently we have

resolved to build for peace, equality, and progress in the world.

It is fitting that I speak of these values and concerns here in this city named for President James Monroe, who consolidated America's independence, and here in Liberia whose people proudly proclaim, "The love of liberty brought us here." Though separated by an ocean, the tides of history again draw us together. Americans and Liberians remain what our ancestors were—proud and free peoples.

For almost a century and a half, since Commodore Perry's ship brought the first pioneers of freedom to these shores, the American people have enjoyed a relationship with Liberians unique in our association with Africa. Those who left America to found Liberia did so to implement a principle vital to our nations today, the love of liberty.

The United States for decades has been proud to cooperate in the national independence and economic development of Liberia. We are committed to continue to do so. Thus our nations are bound by history, by shared values, and by a commitment to the principles that two nations can work together closely with mutual respect for the imperatives of sovereignty and national dignity.

These principles have impelled the United States to play a vigorous and possibly decisive role in promoting the process of decolonization. We have consistently defended the basic moral imperatives of racial justice and human rights. We launched the great international effort of develop-

PR 211

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ment assistance for new nations; we took the lead in building the multilateral institutions of cooperation that hold so much promise for supporting African efforts. We have done so in many international forums and will continue this effort in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in a few days' time [May 3-28 in Nairobi].

Today, these same issues demand our attention. We have to deal both with immediate challenges and long-range needs. It is time for the nations of Africa and the United States to commit themselves to advancing our common goals: self-determination, racial justice, and economic progress. Apart, or in contention, we will dissipate our efforts. Together we can be true to our values and the aspirations of our peoples.

## Common Interests and Concerns

The strengthening of relations between the United States and Africa will henceforth be a key element of our foreign policy. A stable, just, and prosperous international order can be constructed only through the cooperation of the world's most powerful nation and the nations of the great African Continent.

The visitor to Africa is awed by its immensity, by the sweep of its great plains, by the magnificence of its great rivers, and by the knowledge that here is where man had his origins. The colonial stereotype of black Africa as a place devoid of history is dispelled by an awareness that modern Africa is building on the rich traditions of ancient African states: of Ghana, Mali, Kanem-Bornu, Songhay, Benin, the Zimbabwe culture, Ethiopia, and others. Before and during the colonial era, most of the rest of the world was unaware of the true nature of Africa, which to outsiders remained a land of mystery well into the 20th century. But as was so dramatically made clear within 15 years of the Second World War, Africa's colonial period was only a brief episode in the onward movement of the peoples of this continent.

In 1880, the eminent Liberian educator Edward Blyden said:

> *Africa is no vast island separated by an immense ocean from other portions of the globe, and cut off throughout the ages from the men who have made and influenced the destinies of mankind. She has been closely connected, both as*

> *source and nourisher, with some of the most potent influences which have affected for good the history of the world.*

Blyden's perceptive observation applies today even more than it did a century ago. At no time in history have we been more aware of the interdependence of all nations. Africa and the United States are linked by real interests and common concerns.

Politically, we share a dedication to peace, national dignity, and racial justice. America's historic identification with African aspirations is deeply rooted in the cultural heritage of 23 million black Americans—and in the moral sympathy of 200 million Americans. The assertion of black nationhood in Africa has coincided with a new affirmation of equality of opportunity and racial justice in the United States. These developments have reinforced each other and have added a profound moral strength to the bonds between us.

Economically, we each have a stake in each other's success and development, for our interdependence can be a vehicle for common progress. Our mutual trade is growing rapidly; your exports are reaching the American market at a rate approaching some $6 billion annually. Africa's importance to the United States as a producer of energy and commodities is obvious. And American investment in black Africa since its new era of independence has more than quadrupled, to over $1.5 billion. We are both aware that the prosperity of our peoples cannot be sustained unless the global economy is equitable, efficient, and expanding.

## U.S. Policy

Against this background of common interests, let me take up with you now some of the principles of U.S. policy toward Africa.

First, the United States unambiguously supports Africa's struggle to perfect its independence. Africa did not fight its long battle for liberation from colonial rule only to surrender it again to external domination that may take decades more to overcome. The United States seeks no bloc to follow our lead, no paramount influence in this continent. We believe that no other country should do so. Africans must determine their own destiny. The new Africa must be free of great-power rivalry.

3

African unity is therefore essential. Those who would divide Africa—either between governments or between factions—would diminish its promise, dissipate its energies in contention, and open the way for the return of external intervention. The end result is bound to be domination by one outside power, or division of the continent into competing blocs. It is deeply in our common interest that neither take place. The United States calls on all nations to affirm the principle of African unity. It will not import great-power conflict into Africa. It will oppose those who seek to do so.

Second, the United States is prepared for friendly relations with all independent African nations. We, as any country, have our preferences among political, social, and economic systems. But we are prepared for cooperative relations with any government of Africa which represents African principles and aspirations. Our concern arises only when an African movement is exploited by outside powers for their own ends.

In this context, let me mention Angola. The United States holds no enmity toward any African faction or government. Their ideology or social system is not of paramount concern to us; it is for each country to choose for itself. We did not oppose the coming to power of FRELIMO, a Marxist movement, in Mozambique because we considered it an essentially indigenous evolution. We recognized the Government of Mozambique immediately upon independence, and we bring no sense of acrimony to our bilateral dealings.

In the case of Angola, the United States accepted all three Angolan nationalist groups as legitimate African liberation movements. We regret that they were unable to resolve their differences peacefully and without outside military intervention. We could work with the MPLA [Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola] in Angola in the same spirit as with FRELIMO in Mozambique. What concerns us is the presence in Angola of large foreign forces from outside the continent. This is bound to raise questions about that Government's acceptance of nonalignment and the principle of African self-determination. What can be the purpose of 15,000 troops of an external expeditionary force now that all other foreign forces have withdrawn from Angola? How can a government be considered African if it has stationed on its soil a large force from Cuba?

The United States has no interest in seeing Angola remain a focus of contention. We have no quarrel with that country. We can deal with it in a cooperative spirit. We are willing in principle to open discussions with the Angolan authorities with a view toward normalizing our relations and seeking means of cooperating—including on economic development. We wish Angola well as a unified and independent state. But before we can go far down that road we want to know Angola's intention with respect to the presence of foreign forces on its soil.

Third, the United States pledges itself unambiguously on the side of majority rule, racial justice, and human dignity in southern Africa. A few days ago in Lusaka, on behalf of President Ford, I announced a new American commitment to these goals. As part of an international effort, I put forward a concrete 10-point program. In carrying out this program, we shall work closely with the Presidents of Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Zambia—and with the British Government. We have also called on the South African Government to demonstrate its commitment to African purposes by working with us in bringing majority rule to Rhodesia.

Fourth, the United States will help African nations develop and strengthen their economies. Africa's development goals are widening opportunity, social progress, self-reliance. The American people have always viewed these goals with the greatest sympathy. We have demonstrated our support in bilateral programs and in our efforts to build a new era of global economic cooperation between the developed and developing nations.

Let me discuss in further detail our approach to the crucial economic challenge—a challenge which will remain with us for the long term.

## The Economic Dimension

Africa has broken the shackles of the past and is determined to remain free. Africa is deeply engaged in the struggle to achieve racial justice. But the achievements of the past must be consolidated by the building of a prosperous tomorrow which raises the standard of living and the horizons of life for all the continent's peoples. The task ahead is formidable—in some parts of Africa, staggering. But Africa brings to the task great resources, vast potential, and the prospect that in the future Afri-

4

can energies will be freer to concentrate on positive goals.

Our policy toward African economic development is guided by these principles:

* First, Africa's development must rest on a foundation of economic security. No nation can plan its future effectively or mobilize its effort if its income is buffeted continually by external economic forces over which it has little or no influence. This is especially true in Africa, where the export earnings of many national economies depend upon global market conditions for a single commodity, and where higher energy prices or inflation abroad can raise the price of imports to prohibitive levels.

* Second, Africa must have an equitable voice and role in international economic institutions and in the negotiations that shape the global economy. All nations must have a stake in the global economic system if they are to assume responsibilities for its orderly evolution. The United States strongly believes that the world economy cannot be the exclusive preserve of the richer nations. An interdependent world demands a new era of economic cooperation.

* Third, the world community must devote special attention to the plight of the world's poorest nations—many of which are in Africa. In many countries the economic issue is simple human survival. And it is those very countries that have been most devastated by the massive and abrupt rise in oil prices. This has made it difficult, even impossible, to obtain modern fertilizers for expanding agricultural production, and to afford sufficient fuel for mechanization. Special account must be taken of the needs of the poorest.

Last September at the Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on economic development, the United States presented a comprehensive series of proposals for the world community to respond to the needs of the developing countries on a cooperative basis. Many of these proposals have been implemented and others are moving ahead. These measures will have a direct impact on Africa. Specifically:

First, to ensure economic security, Africa can look forward to more stable export earnings as a result of our proposal to enlarge the compensatory

finance facility of the International Monetary Fund, to which developing countries will now have greater access. To stabilize market conditions for key raw materials, the United States has signed and submitted for Congressional approval international commodity agreements on tin and coffee. We stand ready to discuss others. And we have proposed producer-consumer forums to discuss measures to improve conditions for all key commodities.

Second, to enhance Africa's participation in the global economic system, we have reduced the barriers to African exports into the United States market by instituting a generalized system of tariff preferences for developing countries. We have tabled offers to reduce tariffs for tropical products which are of special interest to Africa and we are prepared to pay special attention to the interests of developing countries in the Multilateral Trade Negotiations now underway in Geneva. To foster industrialization, we intend to make an initial contribution of $15 million to the African Development Fund; and we will be working with others to set up an international energy institute to help developing nations devise effective energy programs of their own.

Third, to promote economic justice, American development assistance programs emphasize the poorest countries and the rural poor. We plan to contribute $200 million to the International Fund for Agricultural Development. We will provide 60 percent of the 10 million ton food-aid target established by the World Food Conference. In addition, the IMF has approved our proposal for a trust fund for balance-of-payments assistance for poor countries.

The record is promising. But the needs of the developing world are enormous, and much work remains before us:

* We need to address the problem of the crushing international debt burden which many African countries suffer as a result of high oil prices and drastic swings in global commodity markets.

* We need satisfactory arrangements to foster the investment necessary for Africa's growth; arrangements that both respect national sovereignty and assure predictability and fair treatment for foreign investors.

5

* We must stimulate the flow of modern technology to Africa, to promote growth and diversify national economies.

* We need to mitigate the destructive effects of fluctuating prices for the key raw materials on which so many African economies rely.

* We must enhance the world community's capacity to respond effectively to natural disasters, like the Sahel drought, which can wreak vast tragedy on a scale of millions of people.

* And, we need to continue effective follow-up to the World Food Conference, especially to realize Africa's great potential for expanded food production.

In a few days, at the UNCTAD [U.N. Conference on Trade and Development] Conference in Nairobi, I will present a package of American proposals which will address many of these issues. We are dedicated to continuing the cooperative spirit which was forged at the Seventh Special Session. We expect others to meet us in this same spirit—without confrontation or unrealistic demands. In this way the momentum that has been achieved in recent months can be maintained and accelerated.

I have set forth, on the soil of Africa, concrete policies of the United States on the range of aspirations that Africa and we share—political, moral, and economic. I shall advance others before I return to America.

Our cooperation is offered freely in our common interest. On my trip I have heard the voices of Africa forcefully and eloquently expressed. The United States respects those voices and will respond in the spirit of the responsible and positive relationship that we seek. Africa's primary concern is for national dignity and development. The United States shares these goals but beyond them has an overriding concern for a just peace and economic progress in the world. If we are to work together we must understand that our aims are congruent, and encourage each other through mutual respect and understanding. The American people will respond to the aspirations of friends, but they will resist pressure or continual rhetorical attacks.

If African nations describe America as inherently hostile; if the dignity and respect which should mark the dealings between mature peoples is lacking; if nonalignment comes to be defined as

automatically opposing all U.S. policies, there cannot be the necessary strong public support in America for a new and mutually beneficial era of relations.

This does not mean that the United States and Africa will always agree. There will always be differences, even among the best of friends. But when we disagree, let us do so without rancor, and with an understanding of the importance of maintaining our friendship. Let us always consult early on issues which could divide us to ensure our mutual understanding and to reflect our mutual respect. Let us make our common aims the basis for practical achievement.

My country's responsibility to maintain the global balance of stability is consistent with, and reinforces, the achievement of African independence and African unity. The external intervention, which is our concern, can only diminish African self-determination and undermine the integrity of the continent. Similarly, Africa's drive for development accords with our own interest in a new era of global economic cooperation; we seek in our own interest to promote the interests of all nations—producers and consumers, developed and developing, large and small.

And so I will return to America to convey my fresh and deep impressions of this continent's needs and this continent's potential and with a heightened sense of the importance of strengthened ties between the United States and Africa. With respect for each other's ideals and motives, with determination to meet the challenges of our time, we can make African-American cooperation a model for cooperation and progress in the world. In the decades to come, a great drama will play itself out on the African continent. The new Africa will take its destiny firmly into its own hands, and will make its fundamental contribution to the world community. The United States is ready to join with you as this historical process unfolds. The stakes are high, the task is immense, but success will come if we seek it together in the service of humanity.

As we contemplate our future endeavors we can look to our relations with Liberia as an outstanding example of cooperation. My country is especially pleased to be associated with President Tolbert—a statesman and the driving force behind

6

the modernization and integration of Liberian society. Today it has been my privilege to convey to President Tolbert President Ford's personal invitation to make a state visit during this Bicentennial year. His visit will further underline the importance of our relations which have special historic meaning for Americans.

But the truest meaning of our Bicentennial is to celebrate not merely our past but our future. The highest aim of foreign policy must be to shape the course of history according to our hopes and

moral ends. The relationship between the United States and Africa can now enter one of its most fruitful and successful periods. It is up to us, the peoples of Africa and America. There is so much to be achieved.

In this spirit of hope, I raise my glass, ladies and gentlemen, and offer a toast to the health of President Tolbert, to the historic friendship between the United States and Liberia, and to the triumphs that lie ahead of us in the great collaboration between Africa and the United States.

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President Ford has sent me to this continent to witness first-hand the aspirations of the peoples of Africa for national dignity, racial justice and economic advance. I bring friendship and the strong conviction that the United States and Africa have much to do together in building peace and progress in the world.

America's own moral values summon us to this policy. Two hundred years ago the United States won its independence. Having thrown off the burdens of colonialism, Americans determined never to fall under the yoke of despotism again. In that we have succeeded. More recently we have resolved to build for peace, equality and progress in the world.

It is fitting that I speak of these values and concerns here in this city named for President James Monroe, who consolidated America's independence, and here in Liberia whose people proudly proclaim, "The love of liberty brought us here." Though separated by an ocean, the tides of history again draw us together. Americans and Liberians remain what our ancestors were — proud and free peoples.

These principles have impelled the United States to play a vigorous and possibly decisive role in promoting the process of decolonization. We have consistently defended the basic moral imperatives of racial justice and human rights. We launched the great international effort of development assistance for new nations; we took the lead in building the multilateral institutions of cooperation that hold so much promise for supporting African efforts. We have done so in many international forums and will continue this effort in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in a few days' time.

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Today, these same issues demand our attention. We have to deal both with immediate challenges and long-range needs. It is time for the nations of Africa and the United States to commit themselves to advancing our common goals: self-determination, racial justice and economic progress. Apart, or in contention, we will dissipate our efforts. Together we can be true to our values and the aspirations of our peoples.

## AFRICA'S GREATNESS AND AMERICA'S POLICY

The strengthening of relations between the United States and Africa will henceforth be a key element of our foreign policy. A stable, just and prosperous international order can be constructed only through the cooperation of the world's most powerful nation and the nations of the great African continent.

The visitor to Africa is awed by its immensity, by the sweep of its great plains, by the magnificence of its great rivers, and by the knowledge that here is where man had his origins. The colonial stereotype of black Africa as a place devoid of history is dispelled by an awareness that modern Africa is building on the rich traditions of ancient African states: of Ghana, Mali, Kanem-Bornu, Songhay, Benin, the Zimbabwe culture, Ethiopia and others. Before and during the colonial era, most of the rest of the world was unaware of the true nature of Africa, which to outsiders remained a land of mystery well into the 20th century. But as was so dramatically made clear within fifteen years of the Second World War, Africa's colonial period was only a brief episode in the onward movement of the peoples of this continent.

> Africa is no vast island separated by an immense ocean from other portions of the globe, and cut off throughout the ages from the men who have made and influenced the destinies of mankind. She has been closely connected, both as source and nourisher, with some of the most potent influences which have affected for good the history of the world.

Politically, we share a dedication to peace, national dignity and racial justice.

America's historic identification with African aspirations is deeply rooted in the cultural heritage of 23 million black Americans — and in the moral sympathy of 200 million Americans. The assertion of black nationhood in Africa has coincided with a new affirmation of equality of opportunity and racial justice in the United States. These developments have reinforced each other and have added a profound moral strength to the bonds between us.

Economically, we each have a stake in each other's success and development, for our interdependence can be a vehicle for common progress. Our mutual trade is growing rapidly; your exports are reaching the American market at a rate approaching some six billion dollars annually. Africa's importance to the United States as a producer of energy and commodities is obvious. And American investment in black Africa since its new era of independence has more than quadrupled, to over one and a half billion dollars. We are both aware that the prosperity of our peoples

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cannot be sustained unless the global economy is equitable, efficient and expanding.

Against this background of common interests, let me take up with you now some of
the principles of United States policy toward Africa.

First, the United States unambiguously supports Africa's struggle to perfect its independence. Africa did not fight its long battle for liberation from colonial rule only to surrender it again to external domination that may take decades more to overcome. The United States seeks no bloc to follow our lead, nor paramount influence in this continent. We believe that no other country should do so. Africans must determine their own destiny. The new Africa must be free of great power rivalry.

African unity is therefore essential. Those who would divide Africa — either between governments or between factions — would diminish its promise, dissipate its energies in contention, and open the way for the return of external intervention. The end result is bound to be domination by one outside power or division of the continent into competing blocs. It is deeply in our common interest that neither take place. The United States calls on all nations to affirm the principle of African unity. It will not import great power conflict into Africa. It will oppose those who seek to do so.

Second, the United States is prepared for friendly relations with all independent African nations. We, as any country, have our preferences among political, social and economic systems. But we are prepared for cooperative relations with any government of Africa which represents African principles and aspirations. Our concern arises only when an African movement is exploited by outside powers for their own ends.

In the case of Angola, the United States accepted all three Angolan nationalist groups as legitimate African liberation movements. We regret that they were unable to resolve their differences peacefully and without outside military intervention. We could work with the MPLA in Angola in the same spirit as with FRELIMO in Mozambique. What concerns us is the presence in Angola of large foreign forces from outside the continent. This is bound to raise questions about that Government's acceptance of non-alignment and the principle of African self-determination. What can be the purpose of 15,000 troops of an external expeditionary force now that all other foreign forces have withdrawn from Angola? How can a government be considered African if it has stationed on its soil a large force from Cuba?

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are willing in principle to open discussions with the Angolan authorities with a view toward normalizing our relations and seeking means of cooperating — including on economic development. We wish Angola well as a unified and independent state. But before we can go far down that road, we want to know Angola's intention with respect to the presence of foreign forces on its soil.

Third, the United States pledges itself unambiguously on the side of majority rule, racial justice and human dignity in southern Africa. A few days ago, in Lusaka, on behalf of President Ford, I announced a new American commitment to these goals. As part of an international effort, I put forward a concrete ten-point program. In carrying out this program, we shall work closely with the Presidents of Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia — and with the British Government. We have also called on the South African Government to demonstrate its commitment to African purposes by working with us in bringing majority rule to Rhodesia.

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Let me discuss in further detail our approach to the crucial economic challenge — a challenge which will remain with us for the long term.

## THE ECONOMIC DIMENSION

The task ahead is formidable — in some parts of Africa, staggering. But Africa brings to the task great resources, vast potential and the prospect that in the future African energies will be freer to concentrate on positive goals.

- First, Africa's development must rest on a foundation of economic security. No nation can plan its future effectively or mobilize its effort if its income is buffeted continually by external economic forces over which it has little or no influence. This is especially true in Africa, where the export earnings of many national economies depend upon global market conditions for a single commodity and where higher energy prices or inflation abroad can raise the price of imports to prohibitive levels.

- Second, Africa must have an equitable voice and role in international economic institutions and in the negotiations that shape the global economy. All nations must have a stake in the global economic system if they are to assume responsibilities for its orderly evolution. The United States strongly believes that the world economy cannot be the exclusive preserve of the richer nations. An interdependent world demands a new era of economic cooperation.

- Third, the world community must devote special attention to the plight of the world's poorest nations — many of which are in Africa. In many countries the economic issue is simple human survival. And it is those very countries that have been most devastated by the massive and abrupt rise in oil prices. This has made it difficult, even impossible, to obtain modern fertilizers for expanding agricultural production, and to afford sufficient fuel for mechanization. Special account must be taken of the needs of the poorest.

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Third, to promote economic justice, American development assistance programs emphasize the poorest countries and the rural poor. We plan to contribute $200 million to the International Fund for Agricultural Development. We will provide 60 percent of the 10 million ton food aid target established by the World Food Conference. In addition, the IMF has approved our proposal for a trust fund for balance of payments assistance for poor countries.

- We need to address the problem of the crushing international debt burden which many African countries suffer as a result of high oil prices and drastic swings in global commodity markets.

- We need satisfactory arrangements to foster the investment necessary for Africa's growth — arrangements that both respect national sovereignty and assure predictability and fair treatment for foreign investors.

- We must stimulate the flow of modern technology to Africa, to promote growth and diversify national economies.

- We need to mitigate the destructive effects of fluctuating prices for the key raw materials on which so many African economies rely.

- We must enhance the world community's capacity to respond effectively to natural disasters, like the Sahel drought, which can wreak vast tragedy on a scale of millions of people.

- And, we need to continue effective follow-up to the World Food Conference,

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In a few days, at the UNCTAD Conference in Nairobi, I will present a package of American proposals which will address many of these issues. We are dedicated to continuing the cooperative spirit which was forged at the Seventh Special Session. We expect others to meet us in this same spirit — without confrontation or unrealistic demands. In this way the momentum that has been achieved in recent months can be maintained and accelerated.

I have set forth, on the soil of Africa, concrete policies of the United States on the range of aspirations that Africa and we share — political, moral and economic. I shall advance others before I return to America.

Our cooperation is offered freely in our common interest. On my trip, I have heard the voices of Africa, forcefully and eloquently expressed. The United States respects those voices and will respond in the spirit of the responsible and positive relationship that we seek. Africa's primary concern is for national dignity and development. The United States shares these goals but beyond them has an overriding concern for a just peace and economic progress in the world. If we are to work together, we must understand that our aims are congruent, and encourage each other through mutual respect and understanding. The American people will respond to the aspirations of friends, but they will resist pressure or continual rhetorical attacks.

If African nations describe America as inherently hostile; if the dignity and respect which should mark the dealings between mature peoples is lacking; if non-alignment comes to be defined as automatically opposing all US policies, there cannot be the necessary strong public support in America for a new and mutually beneficial era of relations.

This does not mean that the United States and Africa will always agree. There will always be differences, even among the best of friends. But when we disagree, let us do so without rancor, and with an understanding of the importance of maintaining our friendship. Let us always consult early on issues which could divide us, to ensure our mutual understanding and to reflect our mutual respect. Let us make our common aims the basis for practical achievement.

My country's responsibility to maintain the global balance of stability is consistent with, and reinforces, the achievement of African independence and African unity; the external intervention, which is our concern, can only diminish African self-determination and undermine the integrity of the continent. Similarly, Africa's drive for development accords with our own interest in a new era of global economic cooperation; we seek in our own interest to promote the interests of all nations — producers and consumers, developed and developing, large and small.

And so, I will return to America to convey my fresh and deep impressions of this continent's needs and this continent's potential and with a heightened sense of the importance of strengthened ties between the United States and Africa.

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As we contemplate our future endeavors we can look to our relations with Liberia as an outstanding example of cooperation. My country is especially pleased to be associated with President Tolbert - a statesman and the driving force behind the modernization and integration of Liberian society.

In this spirit of hope, I raise my glass, ladies and gentlemen, and offer a toast:

- to the health of President Tolbert,

- to the historic friendship between the United States and Liberia,

- and to the triumphs that lie ahead of us in the great collaboration between Africa and the United States.

* * * * *

AMERICA AND AFRICA

Monrovia, April 30, 1976

I am greatly encouraged by my discussions with African leaders. I believe that my journey is laying the foundations of a new American policy toward this continent. We will not be deflected by attempts to interfere with what is being achieved. The promise of this effort is too important to the United States and to Africa. The challenges ahead of us are arduous and long. They will require a mutual effort of understanding to overcome the legacies of the past. We are prepared to make this effort to bring into being, together with you, the dreams of our nations for a better and more secure life.

America's own moral values summon us to this policy. Two hundred years ago the United States won its independence. Having thrown off the burdens of colonialism, Americans determined never to fall under the yoke of despotism again. In this we have succeeded. More recently we have resolved to build for peace, equality and progress in the world.

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tides of history again draw us together. Americans and Liberians remain what our ancestors were -- proud and free peoples.

For almost a century and a half since Commodore Perry's ship brought the first pioneers of freedom to these shores the American people have enjoyed a relationship with Liberians unique in our association with Africa. Those who left America to found Liberia did so to implement a principle vital to our nations today, the love of liberty.

Thus our nations are bound by history, by shared values, and by a commitment to the principle that two nations can work together closely with mutual respect for the imperatives of sovereignty and national dignity.

These principles have impelled the United States to play a vigorous and possibly decisive role in promoting the process of decolonization. We have consistently defended the basic moral imperatives of racial justice and human rights. We launched the great international effort of development assistance for new nations; and we took the lead in building the multilateral institutions of cooperation that hold so much promise for supporting African efforts. We have done so in many international forums and will continue this effort in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in a few days time.

## Africa's Greatness and America's Policy