DR. GISELHER WIRSING

CHRIST UND WELT.
Stuttgart-Sillenbuch
Aixhelmer Straße 26
Telefon 27 51 41

Professor
Dr. Henry Kissinger

Washington D.C.
The White House
USA

GENERAL

F66-11-1 KISSINGER, HENRY A.
KISSINGER, HENRY A./W*

January 14, 1970

Dear Professor Kissinger,

I would like to come to Washington again this spring and want to ask you early, if there is any chance to see you between the 13th or 14th of April and the 21st. I would of course appreciate it very much to have a conversation with you about so many fundamentally changed subjects concerning Germany and Europe.

I wonder if you received Christ und Welt regularly and if you could sometimes have a look at it. I send you herewith my two last articles. One about Kiesinger, the other one about Brandt. As you will see, I belong to the Young Turks of the opposition in spite of my age.

Hoping to seeing you in April.

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

MAR 27 1970

Dear Dr. Wirsing:

Thank you for your letter of March 18. It is always
difficult to schedule too far in advance but I now believe
that I will be in Washington during the period April 14 - 21
and would very much like to see you.

Please telephone my office when you arrive so that a
convenient time and date may be arranged for us to meet.
My office phone is Area Code 202 - 456/2235.

With warm regards,

Dr. Giselher Wirsing
Christ und Welt
Aixheimer Strasse 26
Stuttgart-Sillenbuch, Germany.

RECEIVED

MAR 28 1970

CENTRAL FILES

MEMORANDUM

NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL

26316

ACTION

March 4, 1971

MEMORANDUM FOR MR. KISSINGER

FROM: Helmut Sonnenfeldt
SUBJECT: Letter from Wirsing (Tab B)

You have a letter from Dr. Giselher Wirsing who will be here the last week of March and early April, and indicates he will call your office on the morning of March 29th. He says he would like to do a major article about you personally, of course in close relationship with the President's foreign policy. He also wants to use the article to correct some of the nasty passages in the *Spiegel* article. In addition, he wants to show the relationship with the President's domestic reform proposals and for this purpose would like you to arrange a meeting with John Ehrlichman. Finally, he says he wants to counter the emotional anti-American tirades in Germany which have been revived by the events in Laos, and he therefore asks for your help in doing his proposed article.

It appears from the letter that you may have sent word through Peter Ehrlichman that you will see Wirsing. I assume you will want to establish ground rules concerning direct quotation, etc.

On the assumption that the question of a meeting is in fact settled, there is a letter for your signature at Tab A.

RECOMMENDATION

That you sign the letter to Dr. Wirsing at Tab A.

26316

DR. GISELHER WIRSING

»CHRIST UND WELT«

Herrn
Professor Henry Kissinger
The White House
Washington, D.C.
-----------------
U.S.A.

24. Februar 1971

Lieber Professor Kissinger,

in Peter Ehrlichman habe ich einen besonders intelligenten jungen Mann kennengelernt. Nächste Woche wird er mit einigen seiner Kameraden zu einem Rundgespräch in mein Haus kommen.

Ich werde also - wie schon besprochen - in der letzten Märzwoche bis Anfang April in Washington sein und werde am Vormittag des 29. März in Ihrem Büro anrufen, wann Sie Zeit haben.

Meine Idee ist diesmal etwas anders. Ich möchte gerne in Christ und Welt einen größeren Artikel über Sie persönlich, natürlich in enger Verbindung mit der Außenpolitik des Präsidenten, schreiben, bei welcher Gelegenheit man auch einiges korrigieren kann, was an Bosheiten im Spiegel erschien (naturlich ohne direkten Bezug). Das ganze möchte ich auch gerne mit einer umfassenderen Darstellung der Reformvorschläge verbinden, die Präsident Nixon am 22. Januar dem Kongreß vorgeschlagen hat. Dies in einem anderen, der Innenpolitik gewidmeten Artikel. Vielleicht könnten Sie zu diesem Zweck freundlicherweise auch eine Unterhaltung mit Ihrem Kollegen Ehrlichman arrangieren, wenn dies möglich ist.

Die schwierige Entwicklung in Laos führt hier erneut zu Ausbrüchen emotionaler anti-amerikanischer Tiraden. Da muß man energisch gegensteuern. Ich beabsichtige also eine etwas weiter ausgreifende Darstellung und hoffe dabei auf Ihre Hilfe.

Inzwischen verbleibe ich mit herzlichen Grüßen
Ihr ergebener

P.S. Bitte lassen Sie mich es wissen, falls sich Ihre Telefonnummer 456 - 2235 geändert haben sollte.

GENERAL

FC6-11-1/KISSINGER, HENRY A.

KISSINGER, HENRY A. /W

X

March 13, 1972

Dr. Giselher Wirsing
Deutsche Zeitung
Christ und Welt
Stuttgart 75
Aixheimer Strasse 26
Federal Republic of Germany

Regarding your request to see Henry A. Kissinger in the week of
20 March, it now appears Mr. Kissinger will be away from Washington
on vacation at that time. However, as his schedule may have changed
again by the time you reach Washington, please call 456-2235 on your
arrival. If Mr. Kissinger is in Washington he will certainly do his
best to see you. Irene Derus, Secretary to Mr. Kissinger

RECEIVED

MAR 2 2 1972

CENTRAL FILES

DR. GISELHER WIRSING

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

DEUTSCHE ZEITUNG
Christ und Welt
Stuttgart 75
Aixhelmer Straße 26
Telefon (0711) 475141

12. März 1973

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

I have learned that you are going for two weeks to
Acapulco.

I will stay in Washington in the Statler Hilton from
the 1st of April and I hope to have the opportunity
to see you in one of the following days.

With warm regards,
Sincerely yours,

RECEIVED

APR 11 1973

CENTRAL FILES

DR. GISELHER WIRSING

DEUTSCHE ZEITUNG
Christ und Welt
Stuttgart 75
Aixhelmer Straße 26
Telefon (0711) 47 51 41

A.

Dr.
Henry Kissinger
The White House

Washington, D.C.

U.S.A.

July 31st, 1973

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

I just saw a short notice that your birthplace Fürth is awaiting you September 12th for a celebration. Could we arrange our lately postponed meeting on this occasion? I would very much appreciate if you could find in your time schedule an hour for me when you will be in Germany. Perhaps you can kindly let me know what time we could meet in Nürnberg or any other place.

I have written a somewhat critical article on the methods of consultation concerning the American-Soviet atom agreement. There was some room for misunderstandings which may be clarified meanwhile.

What I would be eager to talk to you are not so much certain details but the philosophy of the alliance under the now prevailing circumstances.

Hoping to have a chance to see you in September.

With kindest regards,

RECEIVED
SEP 8 1973

WRIGHT;

Add to pkg number 25875, also from
Judge Wise, which you are holding.

NSC/S

UN 6-9045

RAYMOND L. WISE

400 88th Street
Surfside, Florida 33154

Hon. Henry Kissinger
The White House
Washington D.C.

February 14, 1971

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

The enclosed reprint from the January issue of the American
Bar Association Journal may be of some help in the preparation
of the "State of the World" message.

I sent a copy to the President.

It supplements the telegram I sent to the President at
Key Biscayne suggesting that he advocate the calling of a meeting
of all 145 nations, since the U.N. represents only 128 of them.

I believe such a step would vastly improve our moral image
all over the world and lead to constructive solutions.

With best wishes for your continued success,

Views
of Our
Readers

Reprinted from the
American Bar Association
Journal

Jaunary, 1971 issue

On World Disarmament

SURFSIDE, FLORIDA

I am in complete disagreement with
the article by Senator Clark and Mr.
Schwartz in your October, 1970, issue en-
titled "World Peace Through Law: The
Lawyer's Job" (page 953). The authors
contend that lawyers should strive for
world disarmament.

Such an approach to world order is
unrealistic. Nations will not discard their
armament or turn it over to the United
Nations or to that impossible dream, a
world government.

However, there is a clear duty on all
lawyers everywhere to work for a sensi-
ble plan for world order. It is now possi-
ble to achieve. Thirty years ago it was
seemingly equally impossible to walk on
the moon.

First, the ten most powerful nations
must agree to settle all differences by or-
derly means and to fuse their power into
collective security to keep order in the
world for all mankind, with the agree-
ment and co-operation of the other 127
nations.

Second, when, pursuant to this interna-
tional agreement, the nations with power
wage a collective security war against
another nation for breaking that agree-
ment, then world order will be born.

To reach that desirable goal a meeting
of all 137 nations should be convened as
a world order commission to formulate

Members of our Association are in-
vited to submit short communications
expressing their opinions, or giving in-
formation, as to any matter appearing
in the *Journal* or otherwise, within the
province of the Association. State-
ments not exceeding 300 words will
be most suitable. The Board of Editors
reserves to itself the right to select the
communications or excerpts therefrom
that it will publish and to reject others.
The Board is not responsible for mat-
ters stated or views expressed in any
communication.

the needed treaty—a global answer to a
global problem.

The lawyers in every nation should
form organizations to work for the possi-
ble goal of collective security and not for
the impossible one of disarmament.

There is perhaps an average of only
fifteen men of real power and influence
in each nation. The lawyers should
spend their time and effort in persuad-
ing these leaders that a world order com-
mission should be convened for the stated
purposes.

We keep order today by the insane
means of threatening to burn alive 100
million men, women and children. No
concept could be more immoral.

In addition to the moral argument,
there are sound legal grounds for using
effective collective security. The 127 na-
tions which have signed the United Na-
tions Charter agreed, in Article 106, that
in the "transitional period"—until the
United Nations is strong enough to main-
tain world order—the powerful nations
shall do so, after consulting with other
nations.

We are still in the "transitional pe-
riod" and always will be. Leaving the
power where it is and using it collec-
tively instead of transferring it to the
United Nations is the difference between
the possible and wishful thinking.

A final word. The authors are critical
of the World Peace Through Law Center
for not working for disarmament. Charles
S. Rhyne and the 5,000 members of the
center deserve high praise for their fine
work in developing world law. They are
not a political organization. Their name
is intended only to convey a concept of
direction rather than of immediate desti-
nation.

For those who would pursue the above
in depth, I recommend *Order Please*, a
book published in 1970 which I wrote on
the need for implementing Article 106 of
the United Nations Charter.

RAYMOND L. WISE

*Now 128 members;

#Now 145 nations

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

The criticism by Joseph S. Clark and
Harry K. Schwartz as to the indirect
means employed by the World Peace
Through Law Center to attain the goal
implicit in its name was well stated and
justified. I agree, as do they, with the es-
sential principles sufficient to achieve an
end to war without jeopardizing the basic
rights of peoples of a disarmed world
concisely set forth by Grenville Clark
and Louis B. Sohn.

If lawyers with an express interest in
world peace through law cannot even see
fit to formally consider as a body propos-
als such as Clark-Sohn's, hope is less-
ened for acceptance and implementation
of these principles by the governments
and peoples of diverse and often hostile
nations. Yet, the attainment of the goal
of world peace through law seems so
within the grasp of reason, and the alter-
natives so catastrophic, that the imple-
mentation of these principles must be
held, perhaps as no more than an article
of faith, to be possible.

Although the recommendations made
to lawyers in the article by Messrs. Clark
and Schwartz are commendable, further
suggestions as to concrete action which
individual lawyers may take to promote
acceptance and implementation of the
Clark-Sohn principles would be desira-
ble.

WILLIAM D. CARSTEDT

BATON ROUGE, LOUISIANA

While he was in the United States Sen-
ate, Joseph S. Clark frequently pro-
pounded his odd ideas on disarmament
and the sacrifice of national sovereignty
to world government. Evidently his con-
stituency in Pennsylvania didn't like this
any more than I do, for Clark is no
longer in the Senate. How many lawyers
who are members of the Association
would seriously advise their clients that
the way to win a pending case is pub-

(Continued on page 8)

4 American Bar Association Journal

January, 1971 • Volume 57

UN 6-9045

RAYMOND L. WISE

Hon. Henry Kissinger
The White House
Washington, D.C.

Feb. 8, 1971

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

I follow your actions with great interest and approval. We
are lucky to have you.

As you may recall, in my book "Order Please" which I sent you,
I advocated a meeting of all 145 nations to find global answers to
the global problem of abolishing war by creating collective security.

The United Nations represents only 128 nations and we cannot
have world order without the consensus of all 145 nations.

There are some aspects of the subject I would like to discuss
with you in person. I am about fifteen miles from Key Biscayne.
If you are down here I would be greatly honored if you could give me
fifteen minutes with you.

I could ask Senator Javits, with whom I once practised law,
or Mr. Justice Harlan - he and I were once in the same law office,
now Tom Dewey's - or Tom Dewey himself, whom I know well, to ask you
to see me. The trouble with that is that if you want to say "no"
you would have to say it to them instead of to me.

I hope you say "yes". The enclosed maybe of interest to you.

With every good wish for your continued success,

[LC]

Views
of Our
Readers

On World Disarmament

SURFSIDE, FLORIDA

I am in complete disagreement with the article by Senator Clark and Mr. Schwartz in your October, 1970, issue entitled "World Peace Through Law: The Lawyer's Job" (page 953). The authors contend that lawyers should strive for world disarmament.

First, the ten most powerful nations must agree to settle all differences by orderly means and to fuse their power into collective security to keep order in the world for all mankind, with the agreement and co-operation of the other 127 nations.

In addition to the moral argument, there are sound legal grounds for urging effective collective security. The 127 nations which have signed the United Nations Charter agreed, in Article 106, that in the "transitional period"—until the United Nations is strong enough to maintain world order—the powerful nations shall do so, after consulting with other nations.

RAYMOND L. WISE

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

WILLIAM D. CARSTEDT

BATON ROUGE, LOUISIANA

(Continued on page 8)

January, 1971 • Volume 57