- 3 -

Nevertheless, after taking into account the proportion of their
labor force engaged in other activities, such as entertaining Jane Fonda,
we tentatively conclude that they can put in about 10,475.06 tons of
supplies per month at the top of the pipeline.

Now, there is a high attrition factor to be inputted into this model
as the stuff goes down the Trail. We have good estimates for these
factors: an average breakage-in-transit figure suggested to us by Allied
Van Lines and a weather damage assessment on a seasonal basis from
the Old Farmer's Almanac. In addition, Joseph Alsop has given us his
private estimate.

Anyway, as a result we calculate that throughput (T) equals
bicycles per capita (B/C) times population (P) minus breakage (B),
wear and tear (WT), misplaced goods (M), weather damage (W), and
pilfering (P) by the less disciplined cadre. For the month of March this
comes to about 482 pounds of supplies getting through.

The reader might be surprised at the small quantity. He may even
ask himself why the North Vietnamese keep so many troops in Laos to
consume supplies destined for Vietnam. But our job is capability, not
intention. The figure is not based on empirical data but on a sophisticated
analytical model which involves no human judgment whatever.

- 4 -

JCS

This is with reference to the memorandum of the CIA.

The JCS has recently taken steps to upgrade our information
data collection and assessment capability. The North Vietnamese
infiltration threat has been assessed by our new Ground Undercover
Numerical Gauge for the Ho Chi Minh Trail, or Operation GUNG-HO.

Our preliminary high-confidence estimate assessment judgment
is that a helluva lot of supplies are getting through. In many war-games
we have proved conclusively that to sustain a level of shooting requires
a sustained level of ammunition.

The linch pin of the pipeline is two key bridges in southern Laos.

We have a visual display of these bridges, with photos and maps, which we can bring to the Situation Room. Each of these bridges has a load capacity of 300 vehicles a day. Some of the supplies are transported on mules. The JCS are divided as to whether a mule can be considered a vehicle. The Army considers that a mule is a vehicle, and that this has been traditionally so in military history. The Air Force considers this laughable as tests have shown that you cannot install a radar on a mule. The Navy is willing to back the mule if it can get Army agreement to appropriations for the training of a company of dolphins for Naval Intelligence.

With the caveat of this split decision, the JCS have estimated that
about 25,000 tons a month are being put into the pipeline in North Vietnam,

[x]

- 5 -

and that about 30,000 tons are entering South Vietnam. The discrepancy
is explained by the well known fact that Communists are extremely tricky.

Our action recommendation is a contingency plan for a high
pay-off, low-risk one-day strike plan on these bridges in Laos. We
calculate that three bomber aircraft can take out two bridges.

Systems Analysis has commented that it is not necessary to take
out both bridges completely. In fact the destruction of 1 1/2 bridges
would serve the purpose equally well. This would require only 2 1/2
aircraft instead of three and would therefore be more cost-effective.

We disagree with this assessment if only because the services cannot
agree on which end of the bridge to hit.

- 6 -

State Department

The State Department paper is still in the process of being
cleared. As an interim recommendation, the Department proposes
setting up an American Consulate in Hanoi. The Department has
in reserve a couple of young Foreign Service Officers who have
undergone extensive training in infiltration logistics and who will count
the number of trucks going by the Consulate. This way we can eliminate
the need for a CIA man in the jungle, and strengthen the authority of the
Foreign Service.

In addition

* * * * * *

In addition there was a memorandum from the National Security
Advisor of great profundity and complexity. Unfortunately it is not
available because it is a translation from the German and the translators
have not yet found all the verbs.

- 7 -

Let me make a few serious remarks. This award means a great
deal to me -- especially coming at this time when we are moving, I hope,
steadily away from the war in Vietnam, and also coming from this group
many of whose members have shown less than full agreement with the
administration.

For years, one of the shibboleths of our political debate has been
that with the end of the war in Vietnam we could restore our priorities and
recover our unity. It is true that during the war debate dissolved increasingly
into a sterile chant of competing liturgies. But the end of the war has
produced a strange lassitude and uncertainty. Combattants have been
reluctant to leave the trenches. The habits of confrontation have proved
hard to overcome. We had clung to our divisions so stubbornly that we
seem anchorless without them. And we have grown more conscious of
what we seek to prevent than of what we should strive to achieve.

Someday -- I suspect sooner than we think -- the tactical debates
will be forgotten or seem irrelevant. But some of the deeper scars linger.
We have been shaken by the realization of our fallibility. It has been

- 8 -

painful to grasp that we are no longer pristine -- if we ever were. Later than
any nation, we have come to the recognition of our limits.

And yet that must not be the end of the story. We are living through
what historians will some day consider one of the great revolutions of history.
Such times cannot be understood, much less mastered. by regretting the loss
of innocence or by merely administering the symptoms of change. The essence
of a revolution is that its outcome depends on a vision of the future; its principal
certainty resides in conviction about the shape of the world to be fashioned.

In coming to a recognition of our limits, we have achieved one of the
definitions of maturity. But the danger is that we will learn that lesson too
well -- that instead of a mature recognition that we cannot do everything, we
will fall into the dangerous and destructive illusion that we cannot do anything.
Nothing is more urgent than a serious, dare I say compassionate, debate
as to where we are going at home and abroad. Technicians cannot master
revolutions; every great achievement was an idea before it became a reality.

-9-

Cathedrals cannot be built by those who are paralyzed by doubt or consumed by cynicism. If a society loses the capacity for great conception, it can be administered but not governed.

This is why an award from this group means so much to me. I first saw government at a high level over a decade ago -- at a time which is now occasionally debunked as overly brash, excessively optimistic, even somewhat arrogant. Some of these criticisms are justified. But a spirit prevailed then which was quintessentially American: that problems are a challenge, not an alibi; that men are measured not only by their success but also by their striving, that it is better to aim grandly than to wallow in mediocre comfort. Above, all, government and opponents thought of themselves in a common enterprise -- not in a permanent, irreconcilable contest.

The world needs our idealism, our faith and our purpose. In this respect the spirit of the Sixties was more nearly right and some of present attitudes are

10

[Y]

dangerous. In the 1920's we were isolationists because we thought we
were too good for this world. We are now in danger of withdrawing
from the world because we believe we are not good enough for it. The
result is the same and the disastrous consequences would be similar.

We were not guaranteed existence without suffering -- this is a peculiarly
American illusion. As Homer wrote in the Iliad:

> It is the lot the gods have spun for men that
> they should live in pain -- and only the gods
> are sorrowless.

So it is time to end our civil war. To be sure, we should leaven
our optimism with a sense of tragedy and temper our idealism with
humility and realism. But only as we regain a sense of direction can
we heal our nation's spirit and recover our unity -- the unity which
is the prerequisite for mastering the future and overcoming the
wounds and divisions of the recent past. In the words of Aeschylus:

> In our sleep
> Pain that cannot forget
> Falls drop by drop upon the heart
> Until in our own despair
> Comes wisdom through the awful
> Grace of God.

3

optimistic, even somewhat arrogant. Some of these criticisms are justified. But a spirit prevailed then which was quintessentially American: that problems are a challenge, not an alibi; that men are measured not only by their success but also by their striving, that it is better to aim grandly than to wallow in mediocre comfort. Above all, government and opponents thought of themselves in a common enterprise -- not in a permanent, irreconcilable contest.

The world needs our idealism, our faith and our purpose. In this respect the spirit of the Sixties was more nearly right and some of the present attitudes are dangerous. In the 1920's we were isolationists because we thought we were too good for this world. We are now in danger of withdrawing from the world because we believe we are not good enough for it. The result is the same and the disastrous consequences would be similar. We were not guaranteed existence without suffering -- this is a peculiarly American illusion.

4

-2-

[Y]

And yet that must not be the end of the story. We are living through
what historians will some day consider one of the great revolutions of history.
Such times cannot be understood, much less mastered, by regretting the loss
of certainty or by merely administering the symptoms of change. The essence
of a revolution is that its outcome depends on a vision of the future; its principal
certainty resides in conviction about the shape of the world to be fashioned.

In coming to a recognition of our limits, we have achieved one of the
definitions of maturity. But the danger is that we will learn that lesson too well--
that instead of a mature recognition that we cannot do everything, we will fall
into the dangerous and destructive illusion that we can do nothing. Nothing is
more urgent than a serious, dare I say compassionate debate as to where
we are going at home and abroad. Technicians cannot master revolutions;
every great achievement was an idea before it became a reality.

-3-

This is why an award from this group means so much to me. I first saw government at a high level over a decade ago -- at a time which is now occasionally debunked as overly brash, excessively optimistic, even somewhat arrogant. Some of these criticisms are justified. But a spirit prevailed then abroad which was quintessentially American: that problems are a challenge, not an alibi; that men are measured not only by their success but also by their striving, that it is better to aim grandly than to swathe themselves in mediocre comfort. Above all, government and opponents thought of themselves in a common enterprise -- not in a permanent, irreconcilable contest.

The world needs our idealism, our faith and our purpose. In this respect the spirit of the Sixties was more nearly right and some of our present attitudes are

- 4 -

So it is time to end our civil war. To be sure, we should leaven
our optimism with a sense of tragedy and temper our idealism with
humility and realism. But only as we regain a sense of direction can we
recover the unity which is the prerequisite for facing the future and
overcoming the recent divisions. In the words of Aeschylus:

- 7 -

[Y]

- 8 -

And yet that must not be the end of the story. We are living through
what historians will some day consider one of the great revolutions of history.
Such times cannot be understood, much less mastered, by regretting the loss
of innocence or by merely administering the symptoms of change. The essence
of a revolution is that its outcome depends on a vision of the future; its principal
certainty resides in conviction about the shape of the world to be fashioned.

-9-

- 2 -

painful to grasp that we are no longer pristine. Later than any nation we have come to the recognition of our limits. We no longer believe that effort is its own reward or activity its own end.

And yet that must not be the end of the story. We are living through what historians will some day consider one of the great revolutions of history. Such times cannot be understood, much less mastered, by regretting the loss of certainty or by administering the symptoms of change. The essence of a revolution is that its outcome depends on a vision of the future; its principal certainty resides in conviction about the shape of the world to be humble.

We have come to the recognition of limits which is a definition of maturity. But we must not exhaust ourselves in grieving for our innocence.

So we need, nothing more urgently, than a serious -- I would say -- *comparative debate*, *reverential discussion* as to where we are going at home and abroad.

[Y]

- 3 -

idea before it became a reality. Cathedrals cannot be built by those who
doubt themselves or their future.

LNGP sentinels ferm p4

This is why an award from this group means so much to me. I
saw government at a high level first over a decade ago -- at a time which
is now occasionally debunked as overly brash, excessively optimistic,
perhaps a little arrogant. Some of these criticisms are justified. But
in addition,
there was a spirit
there was a spirit(which was quintessentially American: that problems
are a challenge, not an alibi, that men are measured by their striving
and not only by their success, that it is better to aim grandly than to

persist in mediocre comfort. Above all,
apparent efforts tostimulate a common effort,-nd
in a permanent,measurable context.

The world needs our idealism, our faith and our purpose. In this
respect the Sixties were right and some of our current incipient attitudes
are dangerous. In the 1920's we were isolationists because we thought
we were too good for this world. We are now in danger of withdrawing
we are not
from the world because we believe/not good enough for it. The result is

[Y]

- 4 -

the same and the disastrous consequences will be similar. We were not
guaranteed existence without suffering -- this is a peculiarly American
illusion. As Homer wrote in the Iliad:

> It is the lot the gods have spun for men that they should
> live in pain -- and only the gods are sorrowless.

So it is time to end our civil war. A society can be administered
but not governed if it loses the capacity for great conception. We should
leaven our optimism but with a sense of tragedy, and couple our idealism
with humility. But only as we gain a sense of death
with compassion for each other as well as the peoples abroad. And on that
basis we can recover the unity which is the prerequisite for facing the
future and overcoming the recent divisions, and tragedies. In the words of

Aeschylus:

Let me make a few serious remarks. This award means a great
deal coming at this time and from this group. At this time when we move,
I hope, steadily away from the war in Vietnam and from this group whose
agreement with the administration has not been complete. We are at a
time of transition and we must have as a nation a wider consensus.

For years one of the shibboleths of our political debate has been
that with the end of the war in Vietnam we could restore our priorities
and recover our unity. The impact of the war was debilitating. Debate
became increasingly sterile when competing liturgies were clamoring
for attention. But the end of the war has produced a strange lassitude
and uncertainty. Combattants have been reluctant to leave the trenches.
The habits of confrontation have proved hard to overcome. We had clung
to our divisions so stubbornly that we seem anchorless without them.
And we have grown more conscious of what we seek to prevent than of
what we should strive to achieve.

- 2 -

[N]

Someday -- I suspect sooner than we think -- the tactical debates will be forgotten or seem irrelevant. But some of the deeper scars linger. We have been shaken by the realization of our fallibility. It has been painful to grasp that we are no longer pristine. Later than any nation we have come to the recognition of our limits. We can no longer believe that effort is its own reward or activity its own end.

And yet that must not be the end of the story. We are living through what historians will some day consider one of the great revolutions of history which may even be compared eventually with one of those periods which posterity considered religious conversions. Such times cannot be understood, much less mastered, by administering the symptoms of change.

The essence of a revolution is that its outcome depends on a vision of the future; its certainty resides in conviction; its assurance in belief.

- 3 -

Cathedral's cannot be built by those who doubt themselves or their future.

So we need nothing more urgently than a serious -- I would say --
reverential discussion as to where we are going at home and abroad.

This is why an award from this group means so much to me. I
saw government at a high level first over a decade ago -- at a time which
is now debunked as overly brash, excessively optimistic, perhaps a little
arrogant. Many of these criticisms are justified. But there was a spirit
which was quintessentially American: that problems are a challenge,

not an alibi, that men are measured by their striving and not only by
their success, that it is better to aim grandly than to persist in mediocre
comfort. In the 1920's we were isolationists. The world needs our
idealism, our faith and our purpose. And in this respect the Sixties were
right because we thought we were too good for this world. We are now in

[N]

- 4 -

[N]

danger of withdrawing from the world because we are not good enough for
it. The result is the same. We were not guaranteed existence without
suffering -- this is a peculiarly American illusion. As Homer wrote
in the Iliad:

So it is time to end our civil war. A society can be administered but
not governed if it loses the capacity for great conception. So we should
not lose our optimism nor leaven it with a sense of tragedy, nor abandon
our idealism, but couple it with compassion for each other as well as the
peoples abroad. And on that basis we can recover the unity which is the
prerequisite for a new world and overcome the recent divisions and
tragedies. In the words of Aeschylus:

[y]

Let me make a few serious remarks. This award means a great
deal coming at this time and from this group. At this time when we move
I hope, steadily away from the war in Vietnam and from this group whose
agreement with the administration has not been complete. We are at a
time of transition and we must have as a nation a wider consensus.

[N]

- 2 -

And yet that must not be the end of the story. We are living through what historians will some day consider one of the great revolutions of history, which may even be compared eventually with one of those periods which posterity considered religious conversions. Such times cannot be understood, much less mastered, by administering the symptoms of change. The essence of a revolution is that its outcome depends on a vision of the

- 3 -

This is why an award from this group means so much to me. I
saw government at a high level first over a decade ago -- at a time which
is now debunked as overly brash, excessively optimistic, perhaps a little
arrogant. Many of these criticisms are justified. But there was a spirit
which was quintessentially American: that problems are a challenge,
not an alibi, that men are measured by their striving and not only by
their success, that it is better to aim grandly than to persist in mediocre
comfort. In the 1920's we were isolationists. The world needs our
idealism, our faith and our purpose. And in this respect the Sixties were
not without their own unique attitudes and energies.
right because we thought we were too good for this world. We are now in

[Y]

- 4 -

believe

 and the direst consequences will result

 in the Iliad:

 leave it with a sense of tragedy, nor abandon

 not lose our optimism nor leave it with a sense of tragedy, nor abandon

 and couple it with compassion for each other as well as the

[Y]

Let me make a few serious remarks. This award means a great
to me -- especially)
deal coming at this time when we are moving, I hope, steadily away from
also coming) (many of whose members have shown
the war in Vietnam, and from this group, whose agreement with the
administration has not been complete.)

less than
full

For years, one of the shibboleths of our political debate has been that
with the end of the war in Vietnam we could restore our priorities and
recover our unity. It is true that during the war, with competing liturgies
dissolved into a chant of competing
clamoring for attention, debate became increasingly sterile. But the end
of the war has produced a strange lassitude and uncertainty. Combattants
have been reluctant to leave the trenches. The habits of confrontation
have proved hard to overcome. We had clung to our divisions so stubbornly
that we seem anchorless without them. And we have grown more conscious
of what we seek to prevent than of what we should strive to achieve.

- 3 -

[N]

idea before it became a reality. Cathedrals cannot be built by those who are paralyzed by doubt or consumed by cynicism. doubt themselves or their future.

This is why an award from this group means so much to me. I first saw government at a high level first over a decade ago -- at a time which is now occasionally debunked as overly brash, excessively optimistic, even somewhat perhaps a little arrogant. Some of these criticisms are justified. But prevailed then there was a spirit which was quintessentially American: that problems not only by their success but also are a challenge, not an alibi, that men are measured by their striving, and not only by their success, that it is better to aim grandly than to breathe ourselves persist in mediocre comfort.

The world needs our idealism, our faith and our purpose. In this spirit of the (was more nearly) present respect the Sixties were right and some of our current insipient attitudes are dangerous. In the 1920's we were isolationists because we thought we were too good for this world. We are now in danger of withdrawing we are from the world because we believe/not good enough for it. The result is

- 4 -

[Y]

> It is the lot the gods have spun for men that they should live in pain -- and only the gods are sorrowless.

So it is time to end our civil war. A society can be administered but not governed if it loses the capacity for great conception. We should leaven our optimism with a sense of tragedy, and couple our idealism with compassion for each other as well as the peoples abroad. And on that basis we can recover the unity which is the prerequisite for facing the future and overcoming the recent divisions and tragedies. In the words of

Aeschylus:

[Y]

Let me make a few serious remarks. This award means a great
to me -- especially
deal/coming at this time when we are moving, I hope, steadily away from

also coming
many of whose members have shown less
the war in Vietnam, and/from this group, whose agreement with the
than full
administration has not been complete.

For years, one of the shibboleths of our political debate has been that
with the end of the war in Vietnam we could restore our priorities and
recover our unity. It is true that during the war, with competing liturgies
dissolved into a chant of competing
contesting for attention, debate is becoming increasingly/sterile./ But the end of the war has produced a strange lassitude and uncertainty. Combattants have been reluctant to leave the trenches. The habits of confrontation have proved hard to overcome. We had clung to our divisions so stubbornly that we seem anchorless without them. And we have grown more conscious of what we seek to prevent than of what we should strive to achieve.

- 2 -

-- if we ever were,
painful to grasp that we are no longer pristine. We no longer believe
that effort is its own reward and activity its own award. Later than any
nation we have come to the recognition of our limits.

And yet that must not be the end of the story. We are living through
what historians will some day consider one of the great revolutions of
history. Such times cannot be understood, much less mastered, by
merely
regretting the loss of certainty or by administering the symptoms of change.
The essence of a revolution is that its outcome depends on a vision of the
future; its principal certainty resides in conviction about the shape of the
fashioned.
world to be奷.

In coming to a recognition of our limits, we have achieved one of the
We have come to the recognition of limits which is a definition of-
definitions of maturity. But the danger is that we will learn that lesson too well --
maturity. But we must not exhaust ourselves in grieving for our innocence.
that instead of a mature recognition that we cannot do everything, we will fall into
the dangerous and destructive illusion that we can do nothing.
Nothing is more urgent than a serious, dare I say compassionate debate
as to where we are going at home and abroad. Technicians cannot master
revolutions; every great achievement was an idea before it became a

are paralyzed by doubt or consumed by cynicism. reality. Cathedrals cannot be built by those who doubt themselves. If a society loses the capacity for great conception, it can lose their future. A society can be administered but not governed if it loses the capacity for great conception.

This is why an award from this group means so much to me. I first saw government at a high level first over a decade ago -- at a time which is now occasionally debunked as overly brash, excessively optimistic, even somewhat xmasy or too little arrogant. Some of these criticisms are justified. But

prevailed then there was a spirit/abroad then which was quintessentially American:

(not only by their success but also that problems are a challenge, not an alibi, that men are measured by)

their striving, and not only by their success, that it is better to aim grandly than to swathe themselves than to persist in mediocre comfort. Above all, government and opponents thought of themselves in a common enterprise -- not in a permanent, irreconcilable contest.

The world needs our idealism, our faith and our purpose. In this spirit of the ... was more nearly ... present ... respect the Sixties were right and some of our current attitudes are

[Y]

- 4 -

would
result is the same and the disastrous consequences will be similar.

So it is time to end our civil war. To be sure, we should leaven
our optimism but with a sense of tragedy and temper our idealism with

humility. But only as we regain a sense of direction can we recover the
unity which is the prerequisite for facing the future and overcoming the
recent divisions. In the words of Aeschylus:

But I do not want to make a conventional speech. Many of you
have asked for full disclosure of government information and some of
you have cooperated in trying to bring it about. Therefore the President
has authorized me to read to you tonight some memoranda about
infiltration through Laos which have recently occupied us.

# THE ENERGY CRISIS: AN OVERVIEW

I had hoped that I would be able to bring my good friend, Henry Kissinger, along just to show that there were no hard feelings between us.

But as you know, Henry left on another China trip. Actually, he would have left the day before, but Saturday was a kind of religious holiday for Henry.

Casanova's birthday.

In any event, before Henry left, I did him a little favor. He is scheduled to have dinner this evening with a number of top Chinese officials. It's going to be quite a spread: thousand-year eggs, shark fin soup, lizard tongues.... a lot of Henry's favorites. Well, he wasn't sure he was going to be able to hack his way through the menu, but he thought it might help if after dinner he was able to stand up and say something appropriate in Chinese. Besides, it would make him seem extremely cosmopolitan, and Henry likes that.

So, as I say, I did him a favor. I had a Sinologist friend of mine prepare a little toast for him in Chinese. It's all spelled out phonetically. Henry was very grateful.

What Henry doesn't know is that those sing-song ghost-written syllables he is going to be holding in his lap tonight are not the gracious

- 2 -

and traditional Chinese thank-you he imagines them to be.

No, sir. What Henry is going to stand up and say in about
eight hours is: "I can't believe I ate the whole thing."

CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY:

This memorandum is an initial response to the President's
request for an analysis of the problem of North Vietnamese infiltration
down the Ho Chi Minh Trail.

The reader should bear in mind about the parameters of this matrix
that we have very little in the way of direct empirical evidence of what
is getting through. We had our man there, hiding under a bush and
counting the bicycles going by, but we had to pull him out because we
needed an extra hand in Santiago.

However, we have a conceptual analytical model which extrapolates
from the data base we do have and gives us a good intelligence estimate.

Analysis

Basically we start with an input assessment reflecting what goes
into the pipeline at the Mu Gia Pass.

The average North Vietnamese is five feet tall and can carry
100 pounds on a bicycle. We don't know how many bicycles they have,
but we know they have a population of 17 million and the average bicycle-
per-capita figure for developing countries is 0.74. It is noteworthy that
in their latest recruiting drive, the Hanoi leadership made an intensive
effort to recruit cadre of more than five feet tall. A substantial portion
of their logistical force may now be as tall as five feet six inches. However,
it is not appropriate to extrapolate directly from this that these cadre are
capable of carrying a ten percent greater load. We flat this problem as
introducing an element of uncertainty.

2

Anyway, as a result we calculate that throughput (T) equals
bicycles per capita (B/C) times population (P) minus breakage (B1),
wear and tear (WT), misplaced goods (M), weather damage (W), and
pilfering (P). For the month of March this comes to about 482 pounds
of supplies getting through.

The reader might be surprised at the small quantity. He may
even ask himself why the North Vietnamese keep so many troops in Laos
to consume supplies destined for Vietnam. But our job is capability, not
intention. The figure is not based on empirical data but on a sophisticated
analytical model.

[4]

JCS

The linch pin of the pipeline is two key bridges in southern
Laos. We have a visual display of these bridges, with photos and maps,
which we can bring to the Situation Room. Each of these bridges has a
load capacity of 300 vehicles a day. Some of the supplies are
transported on mules. The JCS are divided as to whether a mule can
be considered a vehicle. The Army considers that a mule is a vehicle,
and that this has been traditionally so in military history. The Air
Force considers this laughable. The Navy is willing to back the mule
if it can get Army agreement to bigger appropriations for surface
ships in next year's budget.

-2-

Vietnam, and that about 30,000 tons are entering South Vietnam. The discrepancy is explained by the fact that it is well known that the NVA logistical teams along the Trail are growing additional rice for the war effort.

Our action recommendation is a contingency plan for a high pay-off, low-risk one-day strike plan on these bridges in Laos. It will be a surgical-precision decisive blow. We calculate that three bomber aircraft can take out two bridges.

Systems Analysis has commented on our bridge strike plan that it is not necessary to take out both bridges completely. In fact the destruction of 1 1/2 bridges would serve the purpose equally well. This would require only 2 1/2 aircraft instead of three and would therefore be more cost-effective. We disagree with this assessment if only because it would preclude full interservice participation.

State Department

The Department of State is very pleased to have been asked
by the President for its views on the problem of infiltration into
the Republic of Vietnam of military forces of the Democratic Republic
of Vietnam, transiting the Kingdom of Laos in violation of the Geneva
Agreements of 1954, the Geneva Agreement of 1962, the Convention
with the Tripoli pirates, and the Paris Agreement signed by Secretary
of State Rogers on January 27, 1973.

Our policy recommendation is as follows:

We should cable immediately to our Ambassador in Laos, and
ask for his recommendation. This direct request for his personal
recommendation will strengthen his authority.

The next key operational step is to try to set up an American
Consulate in Hanoi. The Department has in reserve a couple of young
Foreign Service Officers who have undergone extensive training in
infiltration logistics and can count the number of trucks going by the
Consulate. This way we can eliminate the need for a CIA man in the
jungle, and strengthen the authority of our Ambassador.

PETE PETERSON'S JOKES ON KISSINGER

Now the questions that I am most often asked are personified in the
form of one Henry Kissinger. I am most often asked "How do you get
along with Kissinger?" Well, I want you to know that it isn't easy. Every
American male who is worth anything loves to have -- you know-- a small
piece of the jungle, a few feet of territory where he can roar that he is
king, where he excels; but I've got to admit tonight that with Kissinger
that becomes very difficult. He seems to own the jungle and he subleases
very cautiously, I might add. (laughter)

Now one of the things you learn about very quickly in the White House
is that it is a very competitive place, like most jungles, but the word
'colleague' has a very special meaning in the White House. When they
refer to the word 'colleague' they mean colleague in the sense that
Brutus was a colleague of Ceasar's. (laughter) Now to illustrate
that vis-a-vis Kissinger, I might tell you that -- something you probably
didn't know, but Henry was having a few problems with India not too long
ago and one of my associates was heard to say -- Don't worry, Henry,
I'm standing right behind you. Henry said, I haven't been so terrified in
my life.

Now the problem, of course, is how does one position himself vis-a-vis
Henry -- how do you compete -- do you compete on the basis of power?
Well, that's ridiculous. As a matter of fact, after he returned the second

2

[1c]

time from Peking we had been rising whenever he entered the room, and
there was a very serious discussion about whether we shouldn't do something
more than that (laughter) and it's not what you think! We seriously discussed
kneeling but that presented us with some very serious problems because
if we kneeled for Kissinger, what would we do for the President, and we
just didn't know.

Now do you compete on the basis of access? Well, that is ridiculous.
Do you compete on the basis of intelligence? That is even more ridiculous.
So I told the group last night that I tried my own gambit, which is, as you
will see, failed miserably. I thought that maybe an area that one could
maneuver in this old arena of his reputation as a womanizer. Now, it's
not a Jack Anderson type secret that Henry likes girls. It's remarkably
distressingly, however, to some of us that apparently girls like him. (laughter)
So I went up to Henry one day, and said, Henry, I hate to confront you like
this, but I pretty much concluded that this womanizing image of yours is a
remarkably hollow mystique and that there is an enormous gap between your
rhetoric and your performance in this arena. He looked at me with those
baby blue eyes of his, and he said -- Peterson, what you don't understand
is that power is the ultimate aphrodisiac. (laughter)

So I started kidding him then about Gloria Steinem who is reported
to have said that she wasn't terribly moved by him. And Henry later made
this comment publicly, but he said -- Well, she has not indicated that
if nominated she would not run, or if elected she would not serve. (laughter)

3

So I walked out totally defeated. He looked up and said -- Peterson, eat your heart out, eat your heart out!

This is by way of saying that the Department of Commerce is looking
very attractive to me. There was a philosopher whom I can't remember
who said -- in the presence of superiority the only effective defense is
love. So I've been trying to love Henry lately, and I can tell you that it's easier
from a distance.

Now I don't want you to think that we aren't very helpful to others besides
Henry in the White House. We........

**Possible line:** If Cosmopolitan decides to sun similar fold out pictures of Administration representatives, I understand Henry Kissinger would be willing to pose, but only if Mrs. Brown promises not to put a staple in Henry's stomach.

Well you may have expected me to say something about my friend
Henry Kissinger today. I'd like to but the White House has asked me
very nicely if I would please take it easy on Henry for a few weeks. Of
course they also planted this little electrode under my left arm. At any
rate, I've decided to give a Henry a wide berth for a while. The way he's
been carrying on he needs a wide berth.

You know he likes to say that his power is the ultimate aphrodisiac.
In some men's hands the ultimate aphrodisiac would be analogous to an over-
dose. With Henry, it barely takes up the slack.

4

[1c]

Henry is briefed every morning about what is happening all over the world, and the news is always bad, and we are blamed for the bad news no matter whether we had anything to do with it or not, or whether we could have prevented it from happening. On this particular morning his briefing officer said, "Mr. Kissinger, all the news is bad," and he recounted what had happened during the night, and it was all bad. And Henry said, "Is there any news anywhere in the world that is good?" And he said, "No, sir, no good news." But he said, "You will be pleased to know that there is some bad news that we are not to blame for." Henry said, "What is that?" He said, "The Aswan Dam is leaking."

Speaking of my good friend, Henry Kissinger, many of you have seen the President's return from China last week with the First Lady. Kissinger also returned from China with the second lady, third lady, fourth lady ...

Good afternoon. I am delighted to have this opportunity to speak to you today on a subject of great concern to both of us -- the energy crisis.

I had hoped that I would be able to bring my good friend Henry Kissinger along just to show that there were no hard feelings between us. ...

Casanova's birthday.

5

[1c]

In any event, before Henry left, I did him a little favor. He is scheduled to have dinner this evening with a number of top Chinese officials. It's going to be quite a spread: thousand year eggs, shark fin soup, lizard tongue.... a lot of Henry's favorites. Well, he wasn't sure he was going to be able to hack his way through the menu, but he thought it might help if after dinner he was able to stand up and say something appropriate in Chinese. Besides, it would make him seem extremely cosmopolitan, and Henry likes that.

So, as I say, I did him a favor. I had a Sinologist friend of mine prepare a little toast for him in Chinese. It's all spelled out phonetically, Henry was very grateful.

What Henry doesn't know is that those sing-song ghost-written syllables he is going to be holding in his lap tonight are not the gracious and traditional Chinese thank you he imagines them to be.

No sir. What Henry is going to stand up and say in about eight hours is: "I can't believe I ate the whole thing."

Which brings me again to the energy crisis.........

I told Chou En Lai that I was coming to this dinner tonight, and he asked me to send his very best to all of you. Actually, he was tremendously impressed by the American press delegation and has a very warm feeling toward all of you. In fact, the very first question he asked me was "How many of their resignations did President Nixon accept."

Chou is surprisingly well informed on what is happening in the United States, and particularly in Washington. For Example, he had already seen the report in the Washingtonian Magazine listing the seventeen sexiest men in town. He said to me: "Dr. Kissinger, I can understand why a serious man like you would not be on the list, but how could they possibly leave out Herb Kaplow?"

Actually, I was not the least bit disappointed to be left out. After all the magazine would recognize that I think young, just like Ziegler.

I am sorry Bill Buckley isn't here tonight but
I understand that he is in Switzerland where he is
single handedly defending the American dollar. He
did send us a very cordial telegram. At least, I
think it is from Bill -- it is signed "Zurich National
Bank Account 94673.

***

I can also understand why Walter Cronkite couldn't
be here. He is in New York at a testimonial dinner
for Clay Whitehead.

- 2 -

As to my former colleague and good friend, Secretary Peterson, I am delighted to join you in honoring him tonight. It is unfortunate that there was so much rumor and conjecture about why Pete left the Administration.

I want to use this occasion to document the fact that Pete's departure was entirely voluntary. As you know, before joining Bell and Howell, he had a distinguished career as an advertising executive in Chicago. The White House records indicate that no member of the Nixon Administration who had any connection with an advertising agency has ever been fired. The answer is really very simple. When he heard that Bob Haldeman was moving into Georgetown he realized that the competition at cocktail parties would get too fierce. Therefore, he said, "this town is getting too small for both of us."

-3-

There may be some here who will wonder what this evening
will do for my ego. Their fears are groundless. I recognize that
public figures have an obligation to see themselves in proper
perspective.

No public servant is irreplaceable. I am aware at all
times that I could be fired on a moment's notice and easily replaced
by any combination of ten or so great thinkers.

Every night before retiring, I get down on my knees and
ask God for guidance and wisdom...................and then I ask
if there's anything I can do for Him..

I admit that I do have a problem in the morning while
shaving. Do you have any idea how difficult it is to shave and blow
kisses at the same time?

Of course, no man's courage is unlimited, and, in this
instance, I did take the precaution of telling Bob
Haldeman that I was to receive the Annual Award of the
Metropolitan Club.

Actually I have reviewed the past four years and I can
say that, until this moment, no person currently employed
in the White House has had any participation in or knowledge of
the Annual Awards ceremony at the Federal City Club.

It is a great honor to be on the same dais with Mrs. Longworth.
In addition to her charm and distinction which she brings to
this assembly, she is also a superb security blanket.

I don't want to add to the rumor and conjecture about why Pete
Peterson left us, but I can assure you that it was voluntary.
As you may know, in addition to his other distinctions, Pete
had an outstanding career as an advertising executive with the
firm of Kenyon and Eckhart. My research tells me that no
member of this Administration who ever had any connection
with an advertising agency has ever been fired.

-1-

Therefore, the President has authorized me to read to you tonight
some memoranda about infiltration through Laos which have
recently occupied us.

- 2 -

[Y]

CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY:

Analysis

Basically we start with an input assessment reflecting a conceptual analytical model.

The average North Vietnamese is five feet tall and can carry 100 pounds on a bicycle. We don't know how many bicycles they have, but we know they have a population of 17 million and the average bicycle-per-capita figure for developing countries is 0.74. It is noteworthy that in their latest recruiting drive, the Hanoi leadership made an intensive effort to recruit cadre of more than five feet tall. Therefore, a substantial portion of their logistical force may now be as tall as five feet six inches. However, it is not appropriate to extrapolate directly from this that these cadre are capable of carrying a ten percent greater load. We flag this problem as introducing an element of uncertainty.

- 3 -

Anyway, as a result we calculate that throughout (T) equals
bicycles per capita (B/C) times population (P) minus breakage (B1),
wear and tear (WT), misplaced goods (M), weather damage (W), and
pilfering (P) by the less disciplined cadre. For the month of March this
comes to about 482 pounds of supplies getting through.

- 4 -

JCS

- 5 -

-6-

State Department

- 7 -

- 8 -

- 9 -

This is why an award from this group means so much to me. I first saw government at a high level over a decade ago -- at a time which is now occasionally debunked as overly brash, excessively optimistic, even somewhat arrogant. Some of these criticisms are justified. But a spirit prevailed then which was quintessentially American: that problems are a challenge, not an alibi; that men are measured not only by their success but also by their striving, that it is better to aim grandly than to swathe ourselves in mediocre comfort. Above all, government and opponents thought of themselves in a common enterprise -- not in a permanent, irreconcilable contest.

10

[10]

Address by
Henry A. Kissinger
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs

Annual Dinner of the Washington Press Club
The Sheraton Park Hotel

January 26, 1972

Mme. Chairman, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen:

When I accepted this invitation, I was told that the speakers
would appear in protocol order -- in other words, I would precede
Senator Church. I then learned that Senator Church had asked for
the order to be reversed, and I was glad to oblige. Now that I think
of it, Senator Church and the Democratic caucus were probably
making an experiment: they wanted to see whether a man who has
been assassinated can commit suicide.

I am happy to share this occasion with my old friend, Senator
Church. We have long been on a first-name basis. He calls me Henry;
I call him Cooper.

This dinner is in honor of the Congress. They deserve it.
The entire House of Representatives and a third of the Senate are
running this year . . . and that is only for the Presidency.

As you know, I have been a somewhat controversial character
lately. An example of what I have endured is a remark by Gloria
Steinem reported in LIFE this week. She is quoted as having said

- 2 -

[lc]

that she is not now and never has been a girlfriend of Henry Kissinger.

But I am not discouraged -- after all, she did not say that if nominated she would not accept or if elected, she would not serve.

I would like to put the following comment under some restrictions because it concerns internal debates within this Administration and you know how jealously we guard them. Since I have failed with the Lindley Rule, I would like to apply the Kissinger rule.

In the light of recent controversies, let me now answer those questions that the press, in its sense of decorum and delicacy, has always been reluctant to ask.

First, a question that I ask myself just before retiring every night, as I look under the bed: "Is someone trying to get me?"

There have been a lot of stories to the effect that I have enemies who are out to undermine me. Nothing could be further from the truth. Secretary Laird, for example, has assured me that his confidence in me is unbounded. As evidence of that, he has recommended that I go along on the first space shuttle. In fact, he has promised me that if I accept he will urge the President to let the shuttle stay in orbit an extra month.

As for my relations with the Secretary of State, they can be best summed up by a conversation a couple of days ago. We attended

- 3 -

[Lc]

a meeting in the Situation Room. After it concluded, I suggested that we continue the discussion in the White House Mess. Bill said, "Fine, but before we go to your office, couldn't we get a bite to eat?"

So, you see, relations within the Administration could not be better. It is true that no one without a touch of paranoia was ever appointed to the Harvard faculty. No doubt this accounts for the fact that the other day when a colleague said, "Don't worry, Henry, I am right behind you," I considered it the scariest thing I had heard all week.

Am I planning to resign? I noticed that a Sunday newspaper reported that I might do something dramatic at this dinner like announcing my resignation. It is true I have been getting kicked around lately. And it is natural that some of you will wonder what life will be like when you won't have me to kick around anymore. But I could not leave before such a small audience. After all, there are twenty-thousand people in the State Department alone who want to be there for *that* occasion.

How do I feel about secrecy in government? I am convinced that a top secret clearance is not enough -- in order to see documents, a person must have a clear need to know. Of course, a columnist with 700 papers in his syndicate needs to know.

If I could not be Henry Kissinger, whom would I like to be?

[LC]

- 4 -

I have often wondered what it would be like to come to meetings of the National Security Council in dark glasses and in tennis shoes.

And I would like to hold all my briefings over the long-distance telephone. If I didn't like the way it turned out -- then it wasn't me on the other end of the line.

But it's only a dream. If any blonde shows up at my bank claiming to be Helga Kissinger, she's welcome to what's in the account.

And now, turning to China, let me put recent events into perspective.

Our advance party will soon be leaving, headed by Bebe Rebozo who has the problem of getting his houseboat up the Yangtze River.

We have already reached a compromise on the main course to be served at the first official dinner: cottage cheese with soy sauce.

The Chinese have been meticulous hosts. As you know, most Chinese carry a little book of the sayings of Chairman Mao. But Peking has overlooked nothing to make us feel at home. It will be quite an event to see 100,000 Chinese waving their copies of *Six Crises*.

The CIA -- those initials stand for "Creepers, It's Anderson" -- has supplied us with the minutes of a meeting of the Peking Special Action Group. It reads as follows: "All Americans look alike. So here is a

- 5 -

[Lc]

guide to identify the principals. The man who looks like our dear ally, Foreign Minister Gromyko, is President Nixon. The man who, when unobserved, mumbles "Let me at Joe Alsop" is Secretary Rogers. Dr. Kissinger is the one who asks all the questions about the methods we used to frighten the bureaucracy during the Cultural Revolution."

Let me conclude on a less frivolous note. I have had the honor of serving three Presidents. And I know that whatever their differences each wanted to leave the country and the world better than how he found it. Soon this President will be embarking on a series of journeys which we fervently hope will mark a milestone in the road to peace. And when the voice of controversy has stilled, all that will matter will be whether what was done made a difference, whether it marked an episode or an epoch.

We are clearly living through one of the most difficult periods of our history. Some say we are divided over Vietnam; others blame domestic discord. But I believe the cause of our anguish is deeper. Throughout our history, we believed that effort was its own reward. Partly because so much as been achieved here in America, we have tended to suppose that every problem must have a solution, and that good intentions should somehow guarantee good results. Utopia was seen not as a dream, but as our logical destination if we only traveled

- 6 -

the right road. Our generation is the first to have found that the road is endless, that in traveling it we will find not Utopia but only ourselves. The realization of our essential loneliness accounts for so much of the frustration and the rage of our time.

In a world in which there has never been more talk and never less dialogue, nothing is more important than to raise our debates from motives to issues. As we regain our trust in each other, the important can again replace the urgent in our concerns. So beyond all the hoopla and drama of Presidential trips, beyond the exegesis of communiques and speeches, we are on the quest for a peace deeper than the absence of war among nations -- something expressed in the Maxims of La Rochefoucauld. "When man finds no peace within himself, it is useless to seek it elsewhere."

One of the disconcerting habits of you ladies and gentlemen is that you always think you, yourselves, are the central element of the events you cover. I am not just referring to Stanley Karnow, who still believes the press hoopla in China determined the outcome of the bargaining over the Shanghai Communique. I mean that the New York Times' account of the China initiative begins it all with James Reston's appendectomy.

I told Chou En-lai before the President's trip that China had survived barbarian invasions before but had never encountered the White House press corps. I must say the Chinese proved their historic resilience once again.

Once they had proved they could survive the onslaught of the 80 of you, we knew it was safe to send Alsop alone.

Maybe they're now ready for Maxine Cheshire.

Le Duc Tho and I worked out that arrangement for the initialing and signing of the Vietnam Agreement. The initialing would be informal and private and the signing would be what he called "a solemn ceremony, with the press". I said to him it had never occurred to me to define solemnity as the presence of newsmen.

Barbara Walters was quite flattered when the President called her on the telephone. She doesn't seem to realize that when the President speaks to you on the telephone it means you are in trouble.

[lc]

-2-

My paranoia is bad enough without you ladies and gentlemen feeding it. Now whenever John Connally is seen going into a Chinese restaurant I get ten phone calls from newsmen tipping me off. I really appreciate it.

Actually Secretary Connally and I get along beautifully. When Oriana Fallaci reported that the model I emulated was the well-known cowboy on horseback riding alone, Secretary Connally called me up to tell me how flattered he was.

Jokes dictated over phone by PAUL KEYES, Sat. April 21, 1973

As you know, this is the Year of Europe. Only last week we had intensive discussions with Prime Minister Andreotti of Italy, and now on behalf of the President I have already opened negotiating discussions with representatives of Prime Minister Heath, President Pompidou and Claudia Cardinale.

As you know, Chancellor Brandt will make a state visit here on May first. This will not be Chancellor Brandt's first visit. He comes to the White House frequently to review the troops.... Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Ziegler, and Shultz.

Of course, later in the year we are expecting a visit from Chairman Brezhnev. There will be serious discussions with Chairman Brezhnev in the Oval Office, and so it appears that Senator Joseph McCarthy was right after all. We are going to wind up with a Communist in the White House.

As some of you may know, there had been talk of a visit to our country by the Prime Minister of Sweden. But apparently that is off. As I understand it, Olaf Palme got lost.... he took a wrong turn at Vietnam.

-2-

During Chairman Brezhnev's visit, the President, the Secretary of State and I will act as a troika in all the meetings. I suggested this to the President... which should put away for once and for all the rumors of any ill feeling between Bill Rogers and myself. Now, regarding those meetings, here is the agenda as I have worked it out. The President will meet with Chairman Brezhnev and discuss the high level, long range talks of mutual security and good will. Then I will meet with Mr. Brezhnev to discuss the implementation of the President's high level, long range talks of mutual security and good will. Then Bill Rogers will meet with Chairman Brezhnev to tell him the wheat deal if off.

Now I have heard all the rumors that John Connally was to be the successor to someone in this Administration... but I just don't think Virginia Knauer is going to quit.

Bill Rogers has given me his tickets to the hockey match at Palm Springs.

On the trip to Europe later this year the President will travel lightly, as always. He will carry the regular complement of the

KSI

KISSINGER FROM SAFIRE: LAST MINUTE THROUGHTS

1. Take your vacations now, there will be no foreign news for the next few weeks. I have to finish the State of the World report.

2. Max Frankel, I see, has deduced one of the President's speechwriters into his elitist ranks. Safire will be known as the Times Square.

3. Some say that I, too, may someday become a member of your proud if somewhat nervous profession. Nothing is impossible. Did you notice the look of exquisite satisfaction on the face of Chou En-Lai as he made up the front page of the next day's newspaper?

4. I have developed a new technique with women. It requires no lengthy explanations, which is especially important if you have to leave the country in a few hours. It is called "executive privilege."

5. Too much executive privilege, of course, leads to an "energy crisis"

6. As far as this group here is concerned, I can only join in the derogatory remark of a young lady who said "Keep your Old China Hands to yourself."

You realize, of course, that accepting this award is an act of
courage.

Until now, no one presently employed in the Nixon Administration
had any knowledge or participation in an award ceremony at
the Federal City Club.

I note that Dave Packard received this honor last year and,
upon checking into it, he XXXX accepted it after he left
the government.

In checking into the matter, I find that Packard agreed to
accept the award while still in government and he did leave
shortly thereafter.

As we review the list of past recipients, it includes Walter Lippmann,
George Ball, and Sarge Shriver. I recognize the high honor
which you do me in offering this high award and, at the same time,
I trust you will recognize that my accepting it is an act of courage.

FEDERAL CITY CLUB

You have read that my influence may be dwindling.
In rebuttal, I would only offer that I am trying to expand my
influence to domestic affairs. Only the other day I offered the
Mideast (and Cambodia) for Wounded Knee and three draft
choices.

OR --

...offered Senator Kennedy the Watergate and three draft choices for Chappaquidick.

draft choices for Chappuisidick.

OK --

choices.

Midwest (and Cambodia) for Wounded Knee and three draft
influence to domestic affairs. Only the other day I offered the
In reportal, I would only offer that I am trying to expand my

FEDERAL CITY CLUB

MEMORANDUM

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

11 April 1973

MEMORANDUM FOR: HENRY A. KISSINGER

FROM: PETER RODMAN PwL

SUBJECT: Federal City Club Talk

At tab A is an initial attempt at humor. More will come.

At tab B are some thoughts on a more serious theme. (I hope you can
tell the difference!!)

THE POW's AS SYMBOLS

TIME magazine had this comment on the POW's:

> In much the same manner as the prisoners sustained themselves on such bits of symbolism, the U.S. has now turned toward the P.O.W.s as uplifting symbols—victors, in the sense of having survived, in a war that was never won, patriots in a land that had grown weary of flag waving. For the moment, their return has provided the only solace at the end of what President Nixon last week described as "the longest and most difficult war in our history."

This is a good point, but too grudgingly made. It is true that the war was too controversial to produce public heroes out of either fighting men or political leaders, but that these guys could be universally hailed for simply enduring. But I think it was their patriotism that had the most stunning impact, long before the atrocity stories came out. These men had the most reason of all to resent the war and its prolongation. Whatever the explanation for their continued loyalty -- social background, the state of the country when they left home -- the left doesn't have the nerve to challenge them. The country is then left with the striking appearance of men who suffered all that and came out still believing in something.

For the sophisticates, this is something worth contemplating -- not only the attitude of the men but why the country was so affected by them. This could be a step toward the intellectuals' reconciling themselves to their own country.

Several of you have asked me why the first
group of visitors from the Peoples Republic of
China will include hormone specialist. To me, of
course, the answer is obvious: Hormones are
important.

Actually, the Chinese have much to teach us in
this field. For example, the American cattle
industry may soon benefit from a hormone pill
which the Chinese have just perfected. No matter
how old or how tired a steer may be, this pill will
keep him active seven days a week.

Unfortunately, I could not find out the
chemical formula, but it tastes a little like
peppermint.

- 2 -

As to my former colleague and good friend, Secretary Peterson, I am delighted to join you in honoring him tonight. It is unfortunate that there was so much rumor and conjecture about why Pete left the Administration, and the answer is really very simple. When he heard that Bob Haldeman was moving into Georgetown, he said "this town is getting too small for both of us."

Seriously, I can document the fact that Pete's departure was entirely voluntary. As you know, before joining Bell and Howell, he had a distinguished career as an advertising executive in Chicago. The White House records indicate that no member of the Nixon Administration who ever had any connection with an advertising agency has ever been fired.

**Alternate line:** In the Nixon Administration, we believe in **hiring** advertising men -- not **firing** them.

Federal City Club

(from Bill Safire)

1. As you know, I am working on my million dollar memoires. The title of it is going to be "Bury My Heart at Wounded Ego".

2. (In response to Peterson).

Some of my friends at the State Department have suggested
that I hitch my wagon to Pete Peterson's star.

-3-

I am very delighted to see my good friend John Sherman
Cooper here with us tonight. My relationship with Senator
Cooper proves once again the role of Divine Providence
in our lives, for John was always one of my strongest
supporters..........right up until he started going
to Church.

As for the so called trouble spots in the world today, I would
look on the Mid East as one of the more serious situations........
particularly as it xzazdzxzi azpx affects our long term
relations with Golda Meir. In that regard, I have told the President
on more than one occasion that I do have a plan to make Golda Meir
happy..........but he just won't approve it. And I cannot understand
his attitude..............after all, she is single.

This evening has worked out very fortunately. At one time
I thought I could not be here..........the President had said he wanted
me at Camp David. But then - the President couldn't go to Camp David....
he remembered he had promised to let David Eisenhower use Camp David
tonight.......so to interview prospective employers.

(He didn't want to do it in the White House so there'd be no question
of influence.)

As I'm sure you know, many of us thought that David would go into politics...possibly running for Congress. But the President had mixed emotions about that.

On the one hand, he wouldn't want to see David suffer an election defeat.

And on the other hand, he worried that if David were elected to Congress...due to Congressional Privilege he wouldn't even be allowed to talk to his own father-inlaw.

Despite what you may read in the papers, I can tell you tonight my relations with the President have never been better.

Only this afternoon, the President came over to my office...and the two of us sat in my office for over an hour having a warm and thoughtful conversation. The President was surprised when Haldeman (OR ANY NAME YOU WANT TO USE) came in and said he had been looking for the President over an hour. And the President said:

"I can't understand why...I told everybody I'd be in the White House Mess".

I am always so happy to see Alice Longworth. You may not know
this, but Alice was the first lady I ever dated here. That was
many years ago, and I'll never forget it. Alice said she would like me
to meet her relatives, and you can imagine my surprise
when our car pulled up to the White House, where Alice introduced
me to Franklin Roosevelt and Missy LeHand. . . . . . . . . who, as you know,
enough then the President and the Second Lady.

I know there is much speculation about the political future
of John Connally. Let me tell you how I see that. John Connally
will not run for the Presidency in 1976! As a matter of fact, due
to some new Reorganization
plans which President Nixon has not yet discussed with the Congress,
I can tell you flatly that John Connally will never be the President
of The United States of America. He may be the first Prime
Minister, but he'll never be the President. (WHO KNOWS -
BEFORE LONG TIME, MAY NOT BE ONLY
KING IN THE WHITE HOUSE,)

Now, as for Vice President Agnew, he is now very happy in his
job. And he is more than grateful TO President Nixon for giving
him the stature which the office of the Vice Presidency so
richly deserves. I was discussing this only today with the Vice
President's new military aide. . . . . . . . . a very nice young man by the
name of Corporal Smith.

As for the rumors that I may leave government service to return to the academic world, nothing could be further from my mind. As you know, when a man leaves the White House, he usually does so to make more money. And the academic world is not where one makes more money. Now, I don't want to give the impression that I am money oriented, but I confess that in the years ahead I would like to save up enough to buy back my introduction to Oriana Fallaci.

If I may have a personal note, I confess to all of you what a thrill it is for me to arrive at the White House every morning. To consider my relationship with the President and the work that I am privileged to do on his behalf. Altho, I further confess my feeling of elation is sometimes shattered when someone in one of the tours sees me and shouts: "Look, there goes Tonto".

(Moore)

3/2/73)

I was interested to note that Sammy Davis is entertaining in the East Room tonight, and will be an overnight guest in the White House. This takes a lot of courage because some of Sammy's old friends are saying some pretty mean things about him since he changed his politics. Just before I came over here, I saw a picket outside the White House with a sign saying: SAMMY DAVIS IS A RHODESIAN.

* * *

As you know, Secretary Ziegler is not only a good friend but he is my personal public relations advisor. On the Inaugural platform a month ago, it was Ron who told me: "Go ahead and yawn, Henry. Those TV cameras aren't on you."

* * *

I am sorry that Bill Buckley couldn't be here tonight, but he is in Switzerland where, as you know, one of his chateaus just burned down. It seems that during his visit to China a year ago, Bill acquired quite a taste for roast pig.

(Henry: I happen to like this, but I'm afraid it may be a trifle obscure.)

- 2 -

Friends have asked me why I was smiling during
the Barbara Walters interview. It is just that I
have come to realize that if you are going to be
interviewed by a lady journalist, there is nothing
like a nice American girl.

* * *

Barbara is very fair, but sometimes there is
such a thing as taking the ground rules a little
too literally. Our understanding was that the
questions would be about the trip and not about
me, and unfortunately, she insisted upon keeping
her word.

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

March 1, 1973

MEMORANDUM TO: HENRY KISSINGER

FROM: PAT BUCHANAN

Sorry for the delay, but RN called on several items with which
you are familiar. Possible line:

"There are many scenes in Peking which will shock the average American. For example, one afternoon White House aides walked into the Friendship Store in Peking, up to the jade counter, and found there William F. Buckley trading with the enemy."

******

"As you know, when eating the famous Peking Duck, it is a great honor to be served, not the meat, but the head of the duck. And in one of those acts of selflessness and humility for which I have become justifiably renowned, I deferred, and asked Chou En-Lai on my first visit to extend that honor to the Secretary of State.

The next morning Secretary Rogers told me that he had been
served every part of the duck but the meat.

You saw those pictures of me smiling with Mao Tse-tung on that
last trip -- that was what we were smiling about."

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

March 1, 1973.

LINES FOR KISSINGER - FROM SAFIRE

CHINA

For years, when they heard strange noises from my office, my associates would say "Henry's climbing the wall." Little did they know I was climbing the Great Wall...

RIFT

I mistakenly granted an interview to a reporter who wanted to talk about detente and normalization of relations. Not until the interview was begun did I learn that he was interested in the detente between the NSC and the State Department... and the normalization of relations between me and the President.

Talk of a rift between the President and myself on the matter of publicity is amusing to both of us. I assure you I am not in the least concerned when he gets publicity. Of course, in days gone by, he used to tell me he had this passion for anonymity...

Had a good meeting with the President today. He sat directly across the desk from me in the Oval Office. He looked directly into my eyes. We both picked up the telephones and began our conversation.

INITIALS

The recent negotiation has wreaked havoc with my credit standing. The only time I sign anything is with my initials, and most of my checks have bounced.

CONNALLY

Some people would have you believe this town is too small for both Governor Connally and myself. That is nonsense. We just made a lunch date for tomorrow, at twelve o'clock. Or, as the Governor so charmingly put it, "High Noon."

-2-

WOMEN

My colleagues, seeking a vicarious thrill, have given me authorization to date the most beautiful women in Paris, in New York, in Saigon, in a dozen other foreign capitals. But I always repeat what the President likes to say: "They can authorize all they want, I don't have to spend it."

Paul Keyes' suggested opening remarks for Henry Kissinger speaking to the Correspondents that traveled with the President to China on the anniversary of their return from China, Wednesday, February 28, 1973.

1. I consider it a great honor to meet with you on the occasion of the first anniversary of this historic trip during which we accompanied Bill Buckley to the People's Republic of China.

2. One year ago today we returned from our historic mission to Mao. As you know I spoke with Mao Tsetung again recently and I can tell you now that I noticed a change in him. He seemed to have softened quite a bit, but that's understandable when you consider how persuasive Joe Alsop can be.

3. Sometimes when I think of all of my travels in the last year, I wonder if it just wouldn't have been easier for me to go to Duke University for the rice diet.

4. Of course, the recent development in Indochina has affected my life in many ways. For one thing I am no longer awakened in the middle of the night. . . unless it's personal.

5. And although your day-to-day focus now is on Indochina, this year will offer each of you an opportunity to look in other directions, for the President has more than once indicated that 1973 will be the year of Europe. . . and of Debbie Reynolds.

6. Yes, the President has frequently said this is the year of Europe. . . and with my luck that probably means Ireland for me.

7. I should have suspected something four years ago when I joined the Administration and there was an Air Travel Card stapled to my White House pass.

8. Then the President showed me into a beautiful office which has since become my laundry drop.

9. As for my personal plans I read with interest of the continued speculation that I may leave Federal service and return to the campus of academic life. I don't plan to get into that here today but I will sum it up for you very quickly. Harvard No. . . Vassar, maybe.

- 2 -

10. I enjoy too much being here in Washington in the spring. It is a beautiful time in our nation's capital. As the blossoming cherry trees bring welcome visitors from all over the world to come here to examine the sources of our power structure and who wait patiently in line to visit the symbol of this power structure. . . the White House. . . the Capitol building. . . the Sans Souci.

11. As for the personal press I have received, while I am flattered, I must confess to you that all I have done was to serve the President as his personal emissary during the difficult peace negotiations, then, of course the exploratory talks with Premier Chou En-lai prior to the President's visit. I take no personal credit for this because I am fully aware that I was the President's second choice for being sent to these talks. He originally had someone else in mind but, _Della Abzug_ decided to run for Congress.

12. If I have any personal ambitions it would be to return to the People's Republic of China before the fall of 1973 because I certainly don't want to play second fiddle to the Philadelphia Symphony. All in all, looking back, I have enjoyed my service in this Administration. I still get a thrill being driven to the White House every morning and I am not so sophisticated that I fail to enjoy it when an occasional tourist points me out to her husband and says, "Look, there goes Tanto."

13. I have no illusions about the role I play in this Administration, nor has the President. I was made aware of this very recently when the President told me he did not want me and George Allen out of town at the same time.

14. In closing, as we meet here looking back over the past years, we must be aware that all of us in this room are now in the history books. You, because as newsmen (or should I say news persons) representing our democracy were welcomed into the People's Republic of China and me, because it is alleged by CBS that during Richard Nixon's second inaugural speech I _yawned_.

Mr. Toastmaster, Secretary Ziegler, Mr. Scali, Col. Haig. I realize I should have said Ambassador Scali and General Haig, but I have a deplorable tendency to think of people as they were when I first met them.

(Henry, this probably isn't quite right, but there could be a soft joke here about Scali and Haig.)

* * *

Before coming over here tonight, I naturally had a conference with the President's Counsel, John Dean. He said that if Mel Elfin is going to introduce you, just remember that truth is always a complete defense against libel. On that basis, after listening to Mel, I realize I have nothing to worry about.

* * *

I appreciate the fact that tonight is off the record. Incidentally, in my meeting with Chairman Mao, I assured him that everything I said would be off the record. He shook his head and said: "No, No. That's not good enough. I have been reading the way President Nixon does these things. He really understands how to keep a secret. For this interview, we will do it his way -- not just off the record, but Executive privilege.

* * *

Actually, I learned a lot about what happened on this trip when I watched the Martin Agronsky show the other night. I never miss that show because it is the most balanced discussion program on television. On the one side you usually have Agronsky, Sidey, Lisagor and Kraslow, and on the other side, you have Jack Kilpatrick.

* * *

Teddy White, of course, is at the John Connally
Ranch in Texas doing research for his next book. (The
Making of the President - 1976).

* * *

I have been told that on television the other day,
I practically endorsed Governor Connally as a presidential
candidate. I did no such thing. But, when the President
says that a man is capable of holding any job in the
world, I say so too.

We made a great impression on the Chinese with our technological
superiority. Chou En-lai was very proud of the Chinese invention
of messages in fortune cookies. I told him that someone on the Committee
for Reelection of the President had designed a fortune cookie that
could both send and receive.

* * *

Some of you know the story ot how, when I went secretly into China
in July 1971, I left all my shirts in Pakistan. This is true. I had
to conduct those momentous talks with Chou En-lai in shirts I
borrowed from my staff. So William Buckley got the story wrong:
I lost my shirt in Pakistan, not China.

* * *

Now I can reveal how all this talk began about the President no longer
trusting me. I proposed to him the idea of a Constitutional amendment
making naturalized citizens eligible for the Presidency. He said, fine.
Then I submitted a draft, which also made natural-born citizens
ineligible for the Presidency on the ground that they lacked the proper
global perspective. I never heard anything back, but ever since then
I was offered only back-row seats at the Sunday Worship Services.