THE RADICAL PARTY OF COLORADO.

DENVER, C. T. June 5, 1867.

MR. EDITOR:-We have in this community colored children to the number of fifty, who have no school facilities; and unless some measure is taken for their education, must grow up in ignorance. This state of affairs exists, not because the colored people do not pay taxes for the support of public schools, but because those who have charge of the public schools deny to colored children the right to the benefit of the public school system. It is true that the school board, or somebody connected with it, have at different times set aside sums for the support of colored schools, consisting, they say, of the taxes paid by colored people, which sums have always been insufficient to carry on a school longer than three months, although the colored people furnished room and fuel for the school, out of their private purses. I would like to inquire what right has the school board to divide the benefits of taxes among the different races in this community, in proportion to the taxes such races pay, saying to one race, this is your share, and to another, this is yours? Are not the people taxed for the benefit of all alike, and are not all to receive like benefits?

There is a way for the colored people of Colorado to obtain the rights of which they have been robbed by the dominant party of the Territory, though it may take a long time, and require some agitation—and that is, for us to unite our votes

with some party favorable to our elevation and progress.

I am sorry to have to say that the so-called Radical Union party in this Territory, is more responsible for this proscription in public schools, by which colored children are denied admission, than any other party in the Territory. While the Radical party in the East and South are keenly alive to the importance of educating the negro, not alone for his benefit, but for the good of all—the Radical Republican party of free Colorado, places obstacles in his way, and continues on the Territorial statute books laws placed there by Republican votes, I understand, which deny to us rights and privileges which we, in common with other citizens, pay for.

The Radical party (so-called) of this Territory, while very desirous of getting our votes, after the elective franchise has been extended to us by Congress, therefore, when the question was up, voted against us, and denied us the right to sit on juries. I will say just here, to the Radical party (so-called) of Colorado, that the colored people cannot be led into throwing their ballots for its candidates simply because it assumes the name of Radical. We are not so much after the name of the thing, as the thing itself. Unlike the ignorant foreigner, who is caught

up and induced to vote the Democratic ticket, because it bears the title "Democratic," we look for, and will vote for nothing else but Radical principles with the Radical ticket.

If this so-called Radical party is in union with the sentiments and principles of the Radical party of the East and South, they will show it by extending to the black race their full rights in this Territory. Let it be understood in the next campaign that they stand for all Rights for all, and if they cannot take this ground, then we, the colored people, with our two hundred and fifty votes in the Territory, must form the nucleus of a party that believes in equal and exact justice to all men.

We may be defeated at first. What of it? It is better than voting with a party that robs us of our rights, while at the same time professing to be the friends of Right. Respectfully,

LEWIS H. DOUGLASS.

The Colored Men of Colorado.

Some time since Gov. Evans, Senator elect from Colorado, called the colored citizens of that Territory together, with a view to induce them to favor the admission of Colorado as a State into the Union. The following is the response made by Lewis H. Douglass in behalf of a committee of colored citizens appointed to express their views on the subject:

In response to the request of Gov. Evans, Senator elect from Colorado, to take into consideration the following proposition and express our views thereupon, we have, after due reflection, arrived at the conclusion herein set forth:

Mr. Evans argues "that the welfare of the colored people of Colorado Territory would be greatly enhanced by her immediate admission into the Union as a State. That their right to exercise the elective franchise can be more easily obtained under a State government than under the territorial form of government. He therefore asks the co-operation of the colored people of Colorado in securing their admission as a State."

The Constitution for the government of the State, as already drawn up and adopted by an overwhelming majority, gives the right of suffrage to white male citizens of full age only. On the proposition to strike out the word "white" from the qualifications of voters being submitted to the people, the vote stood, in favor of striking out 476 and opposed 4,192. Under a State government this immense opposition to the extension of the elective franchise to persons of color must be overcome before they can enjoy that right. In answer to the inquiry as to what assurances can be given that this decided opposition can be overcome, Mr. Evans says that the word "white" in the Constitution, fully carried out, excludes not only persons of African descent from the exercise of the elective franchise, but all persons not white; and as a large body of Mexicans in the Territory are allowed to vote without question, though their color is anything but white, Mr. Evans argues that, should the issue be made again the voting Mexican population, recognizing the danger of their being disqualified by a strict construction of that clause in the Constitution regulating suffrage, would unite the voting Mexican Union party, which party Mr. Evans considers favorable to impartial suffrage, and thus secure sufficient votes to strike out the word "white" from the Constitution.

After taking into consideration that the question of impartial suffrage has already been laid before the people of Colorado, Mexicans included, and the proposition to strike out the word "white" so as to allow persons of color to vote, has been voted down by a large and decisive majority, consisting of the votes of the Radical Union party and the Mexican, we cannot agree with Mr. Evans that justice to the colored people can be had any easier under a State government than under the Territorial Government.

It must be remembered that should the issue be made raising the question of striking out of the Constitution the objectionable word "white" and the Mexican population should favor the proposition, it would be very easy for the opponents of impartial suffrage to object to the Mexican voting at all, and with the Constitution of the State as authority their objection would be irresistible.

Again, the party to which Mr. Evans points with much confidence as being in favor of impartial suffrage and justice to all men, has now control of the Territory, and it is an undeniable fact that the rights of the colored people are but very little respected under that control. That party, through its organ, the Denver News, opposes their right to the enjoyment of school privileges while it exacts from the colored, equally with the white people, their proportion of the school tax. Under the rule of Mr. Evans's party colored men were robbed of the right to vote in the Territory, though some of its most enterprising and industrious citizens were numbered with that class, thus proving sufficiently, we hold, the hopelessness of depending upon that party any more than upon the so called Democratic party for the bestowal of the right of suffrage.

We do not expect the Copperheads to extend the right of suffrage to a class of people who are, without the shadow of a doubt, directly opposed to their policy, but we have a right to expect from a party professing to be firm believers in the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, much better treatment than is accorded us by our worst enemies. With the fact before us that the only party in the Territory approximating anywhere near the hopes and desires of the colored people is the strong opponent to equal suffrage, when having the power to make it, the law of the land, we are constrained to the belief that the colored people must look outside of the territory for a redress of their grievances.

Having in view the determined feeling of a large majority of the people of the nation to maintain and uphold practically the teachings of the Declaration of Independence, and the unanimity with which they sustain the acts of Congress having a tendency to equal and exact justice to all men, we feel that the rights of the colored people of this Territory can best be obtained under the protecting care of the Congress of the United States, through whom the will of the people of this nation finds expression.

It is therefore our opinion that the colored people and all believers in the doctrine that "Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed," should petition Congress to pass a law making it necessary that all Territories hereafter applying for admission to the Union shall have a republican form of government, and that no person shall be denied the right of suffrage, for reasons not applicable to persons of all races, classes or colors.

THE DENVER DAILY.

DENVER, COLORADO:

Saturday, February 9, 1867.

For the Denver Daily.

MRS. GORDON'S LECTURE.

DENVER, February 8, 1867.

EDITORS DAILY.—The lecture by Mrs. Gordon on Thursday evening, was attended by a small, but very attentive audience and but for the unfavorable change in the weather, there would have been a full house. It was fortunate for the auditors that they were few in number, since the zero temperature of the hall would have been intolerable, if there had not been space sufficient, immediately around the two stoves, by which the place is warmed, (?) to accommodate the few persons present.

As it was, the audience presented a picture of “Blue Noses,” not to be excelled this side of New Brunswick; and the fair lecturer followed suit in that direction e’re the lecture was half-finished. To lecture under the circumstances, would be considered almost impossible by even the “lords of creation,” but not so with Mrs. Gordon.

The lecturer commenced with her usual earnestness, which, like the attention of her listeners, increased until the lecture was concluded.

The speaker began by remarking that the all-absorbing topic of Re-construction involved the settlement of one of the most important questions that had ever come before the American public, namely, “Who shall vote?”

This question involves the rights of citizenship, and the principles of democracy, and if rightly understood and answered, would at once decide the question of Re-construction.

Thomas Jefferson declared American democracy as “Equal and exact justice to all men of whatever state or profession, religion or political—, and a jealous care of the right of election by the people,” &c., which if taken as a standard, would with the proposed Constitutional amendment, forever settle the question of citizenship, and likewise the vexed question, of who shall enjoy the elective franchise.

Some standard must be adopted, and some indispensable qualification decided upon, whereby the right of suffrage can be regulated. According to Jefferson and other statesmen and the Constitution, “all persons native born or naturalized, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States,” &c., which, if taken as a standard would settle that question beyond controversy in favor of all, white, black, red or yellow, as citizens.

But each State has the power to regulate this matter of suffrage, and should do so by some just and equitable standard. Since the Government is made by the people and rests upon their shoulders, it is of the most vital importance that “the people” themselves should understand thoroughly the principles of civil government, and know that the nature of a Republican form of Government depends upon the people; and will be wise and just in proportion to the wisdom and intelligence, and honesty of those from whom it emanates.

This view of the matter makes an educational qualification for suffrage an absolute necessity. For this we have the best authority in America.

Washington in his message to the second Congress in 1700, said: “Knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. In one in which the measures of Government receive this impression so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours, it is proportionably essential.” As only the most enlightened and intelligent portion of mankind are capable of self-government, the power to regulate measures of government should rest with them, to the exclusion of the ignorant and unlearned.

No Republic on earth can exist where the people are not liberal-minded and intelligent. Mexico stands to-day a pitiable example of an ignorant, superstitious people, striving to perpetuate Republicanism. Let America profit by the example, and fix an unalloyed standard whereby knowledge and education shall be the qualification for the right of suffrage.

The last five years war might perhaps be traced directly or indirectly to the power of the ignorant “poor white trash” so-called, of the South, and the almost equally ignorant class, mostly foreigners, of the North, who have been allowed to exercise the right to vote, when the educated and enlightened women of the American Republic, were excluded.

The plea for extension of suffrage to the negro, is based upon the fact that he was so valuable an auxiliary, during the war, to the Union cause; and this should be his reward. Were the wives, mothers, and daughters of this Republic no assistance to the Union cause during the war? And what is their reward?

The negro has been rewarded by receiving his liberty, which certainly is no mean compensation, if slavery was so bad as we fully believed; and, now, without a word in regard to the compensation due women, there are hundreds of thousands who are clamorous that the colored man should vote as a reward from the Government for such valuable service rendered.

Woman receives her reward by being obliged to pay taxes, levied to pay the war debt, which war gave freedom to the slave, yet not a word has she to say about who her money shall go to support in office, and who not.

The ignorant plantation hands of the South, and the illiterate Irish factory operators of New England, forced to vote as their employers dictate, are to-day considered citizens with the right of suffrage; but woman, with all her knowledge and enlightenment, is considered even inferior to the negro, in citizenship, though her money, taken as taxes, goes to sustain the Government which refuses to recognize her right to representation. We can hope, however, since some few editors have the hardihood to acknowledge that they like the idea of women voting, as well as the negro, that we may

hereafter be reckoned as equal to the negro, at least.

The educational qualification for the Elective Franchise, should prescribe that every one who hoped to enjoy that right must not only be able to read the Constitution of the United States, the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of his own State, but that he had done so. And further, “every person” either Caucasian, Indian, Ethiopian or Malay, male or female, “native born or naturalized” who were thus qualified, should be allowed to vote. This would be according to Jefferson’s idea of American Democracy, and the only safe and sure foundation upon which a Republic can rest.

If men and women were thus offered the right of suffrage, there would be some inducement to acquire knowledge and many who are to-day utterly ignorant of the principles of Government and the rights of citizens, would soon be fully enlightened upon those subjects and “knowing their rights, would dare maintain them.”

If the citizens of Colorado could find liberal minded men for representatives and elect them too, who would frame a Constitution, extending the right of suffrage to women, with which to wheel into line with the states of the Union, what a glorious example it would be, and reproof as well, to the boastful New England States who assume to lead off in every progressive movement and first adopt every beneficial reform. It is an idea worth thinking about, and if such a thing could be accomplished, what a change would occur in the public mind of the Eastern States, in regard to Colorado, whose inhabitants have been considered with those of all Rocky Mountain regions, outside the pale of all civilization and enlightenment, and incapable of appreciating any measures of progress or reform.”

The above is but a meagre synopsis of one of the most logical and interesting lectures on the above subject it has been our good fortune to attend.

TYPO.

For the Denver Daily.

LECTURE BY MRS. GORDON.

DENVER, February 8, 1867.

EDITORS DAILY.—Last evening I attended the lecture given by Mrs. Gordon at the People’s Theatre, being attracted by the subject, which was “The Elective Franchise,” a topic that is engaging the attention of politicians and statesmen throughout the nation. I was anxious to see how such a subject would be handled before a Colorado audience at this time, when her admission as a State hangs up on her reception of the idea of impartial suffrage. I was disappointed to find the subject discussed from a “Conservative,” rather than a “Radical” stand-point. The lecturer advocated an educational qualification as a basis for the exercise of the elective franchise, which in my opinion, is at variance with the idea of the founders of the government, and of those who resisted the tyranny of England; for it was their firm belief and opinion “that taxation and representation should go together,” and “that all governments derive their just power from the consent of the governed.”

While I can agree with the lady that equal and exact justice demands that the right of the elective franchise should be extended to women, I cannot agree with her that white women have any stronger claim to the exercise of that right, than black men, as her comparison of the intelligence of the one, and the ignorance of the other, would seem to imply. She says that it is proposed to extend the right of exercising the elective franchise to negroes, as a compensation for their services during the late war, and remarks that the negroes have received no considerable compensation in their emancipation, and asks what compensation has woman received for her services.

If she argues, ignorant negroes at the South are to have the elective franchise in addition to the compensation of freedom, why should not the educated and refined white woman, who has received nothing for her devotion to the Union, also be allowed the same right. In my opinion, a much stronger plea for suffrage for women can be made than such disparaging comparisons of the ignorance of

The Central Overland California and Pike's Peak Express Company

NOTICE.

A STATED MEETING of Columbia Typographical Union No. 101 will be held this evening, at City Hall, at half-past 7 o'clock.

The question of the election of L. H. Douglass to membership of Typographical Union No. 101 will be brought before the meeting this evening, and we respectfully ask, out of respect for Mr. Douglass as an efficient fellow-craftsman and comrade, that the members of the Union who are employed in this office—every man—will attend, and promptly place the subject before the Union.

The question has been discussed by every newspaper in the country in sympathy with the government and with the laws of the land, and the unanimous opinion of the good, the wise, and just, has declared that Mr. Douglass should become a member of our Union, and that the charge of his having been a rat was unfounded and a trick of the prejudiced and unprincipled.

To postpone this subject longer would be cowardly and unmanly. The question is at issue, and let us meet it in a spirit of Christian sympathy for the man and of honor to that noble Constitution which declares all men free and equal.

Those who declare against him must recollect that they throw a fellow-working-man upon the world, without the means of support, and without the hope of ever being employed under the protection of the National Union—branded as a rat.

Can any consistently, while receiving support at the hands of the government, through prejudice, or mistaken zeal for the good of the craft, throw a comrade upon the world, and close the door to all future respectable employment at his trade, for no other reason than that he is a colored man?

SIDNEY T. BATES,

Chairman Document Room.

19th 1861

IOM RECEIVED.

BY LEWIS H. DOUGLASS.

A correspondent of the New York Independent, indulging in a criticism of the speech of Senator Revels on the Georgia bill, charges him with making a few overstatements, and says: "But when he proclaimed that the people of the North owe the colored race a deep obligation which it is no easy matter to fulfill, he certainly made one. The deeper obligation is on the other side. It is true, as Mr. Revels says, that when the federal armies were thinned by death and disaster, additional force was gained in the sable soldier, who, at the eleventh hour, were mustered in to fight for the enfranchisement of their race. But before that hour came the land was planted thick with the flower of northern youth, who died for them. They fought for themselves. And the race that would not arm and fight to the death for its own liberty, would deserve to perish."

Just in what the "deeper obligation" is on the other side, the writer does not make clear, unless it be the statement that "the land was planted thick with the flower of northern youth," who died for the freedom of the black man, or in attempting to secure freedom for him. We hold that the black man is under no deep obligation to the people of the North for his enfranchisement; that the land is notplanted with the flower of northern youth who died fighting for the freedom of the negro.

The fact is, the youth of the North fought to preserve the Union from disruption; and the Government of the United States was the more easily enabled to fill its armies by a declaration from Congress, made early in the war, that the institution of slavery was not to be interfered with. Officers commanding the armies of the Union, engaged in hunting down and returning to disloyal masters their slaves, and, in one or two instances, warned the black man that if he dared assert his right to liberty he should be crushed with an iron hand, and these acts were applauded throughout the North.

When it became evident to the President of the United States, as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, that it would be impossible to crush the rebellion without depriving the rebels of that element of strength which furnished food, assisted in the manufacture of ordnance, and built fortifications, he issued a proclamation emancipating slaves in the rebellious portions of the nation. How was this received by the "flower of Northern youth?" Did they wish to take up arms to make that proclamation effectual? Our recollection is that they did not. It became necessary for the Government to pass, and enforce, conscription laws, to place before the "youth" of the North inducements in the shape of heavy bounties to take up arms and defend a country that had been to them just, true, and regardful of their every interest.

At this juncture, the black man is allowed to fight, simply because it was absolutely necessary; the Union armies were being defeated on every battle-field, the "flower of Northern youth" were not coming up to die for the freedom of the black man as rapidly as the safety of the nation demanded, hence the sable soldiers took places in the decimated armies of the Union, and their pay was to be that of which they had been robbed, viz: their freedom.

How absurd is it to claim that to restore to a person that of which you have robbed him places him under obligation to yon.

We hold that the right of the black man to freedom always existed, and that the United States, in depriving him of the exercise of that right, committed a gross outrage upon him, the full measure of which can never be determined, so monstrous has been its evil effect; and that allowing him, after much importuning on his part, to take up arms and assist in preserving the union of States, does not place him under deeper obligations to the people of the North than are under him. Abraham Lincoln, the emancipator, forsook upon the blood spilled in the war and the graves filled by deadeners of

the nation, as an atonement for the crimes and countless outrages perpetrated upon a weak and defenseless race with the sanction of the people of the North; as evidence of this read these words from his inaugural address of 1865 :

"Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may soon pass away. Yet if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid with another drawn by the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said: The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."

While the black man is deeply grateful for his enfranchisement, I trust that he will not consider himself as being under unfathomable obligation to a people for restoring to him that of which they had robbed him, such restoration being accompanied with no repentance of the wrong done, and which simply wrung from their necessities.

## MR. DOUGLASS RISES TO EXPLAIN THE ROW IN THE COUNTY SCHOOLS.

### The Row in the County Schools

The Editor of the National Republic

SIG: In your issue of this date, under the caption of "Row in the County Schools," you have been misled into a statement concerning my conduct erroneous in the highest degree. In the first place, you state that the passage of the door, "inplying that it was done unwarrantably. I spoke on an invitation extended by the principal of the school. The error is mine. I made a speech of "decidedly unwarrantable. I was expressing the hope that prescribed schools, such as the one we were in, and every negro school in the District of Columbia, would give way to mixed schools, attempting to argue that such a condition would be better for all sides." The trustee, Ambrose F. Folliott, offered me, in an uncouth manner, to take away from him, in an unkind way, any one of the appliances belonging to the school. As to the denunciation of the governor, the Legislature, or the school board, there have only to say that there is not the slightest reason for your informant making such statement; the statement is not true. I am in favor of mixed schools." Mr. Folliott is not; he is a necromancer, and he took occasion yesterday to insinuate me because of my difference of opinion with him on the question of what is best for my race, and under the plea of checking political discussion in schools, induced me to leave the school. If there was any "row" Mr. Folliott, by his direct attack upon me, and a member of my family, provoked it; LEWIS H. DOUGLASS.

## THE SCHOOL ROW AT HILLS-DALE.

### Mr. Douglass Rises to Explain.

To the Editor of the Chronicle:

In your issue of to-day your reporter does me a gross injustice in the local item entitled, "Disgraceful Scene." The truth of the matter is that I was speaking in favor of mixed schools, and expressed the opinion that colored schools in the county were not as well provided for, as for the white schools and recting the absence of many in the school. I used that fact as an illustration of what I meant. I did not denounce any classes, nor did I denounce any person. The statement that I did is incorrect. Mr. Folliott accused my brother of "wading" and stoves from the school-house I took him that I considered it unmanly and cowardly to bring such charges when my brother was not present to reply to them. I may as well say, Mr. Folliott, as the statement in regard to the disposition of the schools and stoves, redress has been sought for the cause, at law, and if his statement is true he has an opportunity to show it. "If the report of my remarks, as published with this morning, I hardly think that you can justify Mr. Folliott for his remarks in reference to my brother. The report of the schools would indicate that the opinions of the mixed school people had prejudices to that and the same spirit that in the days of very revised and denominated sentiments of the character hoped-for by calumny and falsehood to destroy the influence of those who claim the right to judge and equality before the law for the negro. The report of the schools ordered me to sit down."

"I was making a capital handling in the days of slavery and theocracy, and refuse to hear the use of pits who reached against the "society" of all villages, on the ground that slavery was a political question. Your reporter, in attempting to quote me, said that I "complained that the colored schools and white schools in the county ought to be mixed; that the colored schools were as well provided for as the white schools; and that no maps were hanging at the walls in order to enable the children to understand their studies in geography. I did not permit that I used words to the negative effect, and ask your reporter to point out anything personal or abusive in them." The conversation that is given as passing between Mr. Folliott and myself did not take place. The only exception to this was the "veracity" before commenced. Further, I have been told that many of the teachers present agreed with my views on the mixed school question, but only desired me to stop speaking from fear that the disposition exhibited by the trustees would cause a disgraceful disturbance. So far as the scene in the school building can be described, the school is concerned, for need have no fear. The people of Potomac City are in sympathy with every progressive movement, and have long hoped for the day when liberal ideas shall prevail, and have no sympathy with those people in Uniontown who, if it reported, have declared that no colored man can be the other side of a white man, and have only to purchase a lot there. How my making a speech in favor of mixed schools is affected by any division in politics among colored people your reporter fails to enlighten us. In conclusion, let me say that whatever discrediting your reporter or anybody else chooses to heap upon me for advocating mixed schools I am proud to receive.

WASHINGTON, June 28, 1873.

RECEIVED

["THE STAR COURSE.", "MISS ANNA E. DICKINSON.", "\"Workingmen and Demagogues\"—A\nBrilliant Effort and an Enthusiast\nReception—An Adverse Treatment of\nthe Trades-Union Question.", "The Academy was filled last evening to its greatest capacity to hear Miss Anna E. Dickinson, of New England, deliver her new lecture, \"Demagogues and Workingmen,\" an effort that has met with unqualified approval wherever it has been delivered.", "As usual the music of the evening was beyond reproach. \"The Blue Bells of Scotland,\" by Mr. Pearce's choir, and \"The Last Rose of Summer,\" by Mrs. Kelleher, were both very finely rendered, as was also \"There is no Place Like Home,\" an encore by the gifted young sangster. At the conclusion of the music Miss Dickinson appeared on the stage, and was greeted with prolonged applause.", "She opened her lecture by showing how, in all times and in all ages, there had been a tendency toward equality among mankind, and that they are poorly paid. I take issue at once with this proposition that only hand laborers are the workingmen; every man in America is a workingman. The laboring men here are just as much the lawyers, the clergymen, the physicians, as they are the workers in industry. The old system has sometimes stopped, sometimes even turned backward. It had its rests, its battlefields, its sleeps, but through all and above it, and through all the ages, there has been between king and noble, serfs and free, here, but lately, the land, between master and slave. Now we call it capital and labor.", "The reformers say that laborers—that is hand laborers—are the workingmen of the country, and that they are poorly paid. I take issue at once with this proposition that only hand laborers are the workingmen. Every man in America is a workingman. The laboring men here are just as much the lawyers, the clergymen, the physicians, as they are the workers in industry. The old system has sometimes stopped, sometimes even turned backward. It had its rests, its battlefields, its sleeps, but through all and above it, and through all the ages, there has been between king and noble, serfs and free, here, but lately, the land, between master and slave. Now we call it capital and labor.", "They say that our workingmen are drifting to a worse condition than that of the workingmen of England, and that there is no chance for the poor here to rise to prominence or wealth because the rich and powerful grind them down. The lectures alluded to the strikes in America, and the strikes alluded to in England, insinuate that there was a difference between a strike amongst the New-castle miners, where they deprived themselves of food, of clothing, of life itself, to obtain an advance of eight cen's, and here in our greatest, the long strike at Albany amongst the brisk manufacturers. The trouble is that our land is already overburdened with legislation, and that two-thirds of our laws are not obeyed.", "She asserted the weakness of the arguments adduced by the coal miners, and that their pay in reality averaged more than that of members of the learned profession. The facts of the case are, that the mine owners make money the miners make money, and when the mine owners lose money the miners continue to make money. So much for the study of miners! She gave instances of intimitation and murder that had occurred in the coal regions, and then said, \"And this is moral suasion. She existed in the days of the union systems, declaring that their principles and practice were wrong and wicked from beginning to end, illustrating the case by the example of a man who had a perfect right to demand any price for his goods that he pleased, that he had no right whatever to jump over the counter, seize his customer by the throat, and compel him to pay a price exorbitant and unfair. She alluded to the system of terrorism practiced by the unions, and said that in overthrowing the authority of his employer and submitting to the authority of this master the workman killed the lion only to be devoured by the wolf, clinching her argument with the words, \"All tyranny is bad, but the very worst words, that which works with the machinery of freedom.\"", "She said that by their exclusiveness and arbitrary laws the unionists are excluded from the union to the non-union working man but that of the prison, and that even when driven by these cruel societies from honest work and forced into crime, and by crime into prison, these hardly demagogues objected to convict labor because, forsooth, the dignity of laboring men by it was lowered, and an unfair competition resulted with which they could not contend.", "She then reviewed at length the introduction of \"Chinese cheap labor,\" stating that the cry among the workmen here was, \"Join shoulder to shoulder, strike hands together, and press back this new element into the sea!\" and told how San Francisco she had seen a mob attack a freshly-landed band of Chinese laborers and shoot them down in the streets, when at that very time the great want on the Pacific slope was for men to till the land and work the mines. This massacre she said, was but the legitimate working out of trades-union principles.", "I want to ask a few questions of such work- ingmen as may be amongst my audience, for I am enough of a Yankee to believe that I have a message for the workmen, and thus have a right to demand that the whole crew, from one end of the land to the other, is for more skilled labor and for more men. Why, then, is skilled labor and why are men paid so much from certain number of apprentices can be employed in union shops, and your reason for this is lowered, and an unfair competition with you in your trades. Why do not members of the liberal professions raise the same objections? A student of divinity can preach in a pulpit, and the whole audience of an ordained minister; a student of law can draw a brief, to the exclusion of a man who has for years practiced at the bar, and the whole audience of the same prescribe for a sick man, to the exclusion of a regular physician. Is not their case the same as yours? Why do not they, and still more, do not they, and still more

"CORDELLA" TO "CARRIE."

ROUND THE CORNER FROM GRANT PLACE,
Washington, D. C., Dec. 13, 1873.

DEAR CARRIE: My letters to you certainly
possess one virtue, that of regularity, and I ac-
cept your comments thereon with due modesty
and satisfaction. The long-talked-of conven-
tion is now in session, and the excitement and
confusion have been intense. I scarcely know
where to begin to write you; everything as
viewed from my stand-point seems very much
mixed. I have attended during the evenings,
and was forcibly reminded of previous evenings
at previous conventions. The only difference
noticeable is that there are a great many more
members this time, hence a greater amount of
confusion. The first topic for discussion, or
rather the opening argument for disagreement
was the plurality of delegates. There were fifty-
eight from Maryland, and viewed from a very
liberal stand-point, it must have been quantity,
not quality, which had led to the selection. As
the preliminary step in conventions of any kind,
is the reading of the report of the committee
on credentials, you can readily see that at the
very outset confusion reigned. The peculiar
rights of the two sets of delegates, into which
the fifty-eight were divided, managed to absorb
the entire time of the first session, morning and
evening. A temporary chairman was appointed
so that the contest might be conducted in a truly
belligerent style. There were all kinds of points
of order and questions of privilege, and besides
any amount of personalities concerning the acts
of one and another during the last campaign.
It seemed to me that some of the delegates
thought that if a man had been a Liberal Re-
publican, he had less right to the equal rights
and privileges of citizenship than one who had
voted the Republican ticket, which seemed to
me quite at variance with the spirit of the con-
vention. White men vote for whom they please,
and colored men might be accorded the same
privilege. If I were a man, I don't know
whether I would be a Republican or not, the
non-fundament of promises would soon weaken
my faith in any party.

Elliott, from South Carolina, was temporary
chairman, and during the excitement on this
question of delegates he did all a man could do
to preserve order. He deserves credit for his
efforts. But, Carrie, such an unruly body of
men! those who wanted to talk would talk in
spite of the most energetic raps of the gavel.
It was enough to make one's head ache to hear
that gavel rapping on the desk in order to com-
mand order from the disorderly crowd; the noise
only served to increase the desire of the con-
testants to be heard. I don't believe that some
of the anxious ones would have come to order if
the chairman had rapped on their heads. It
would be difficult to gratify the wishes of two
or three hundred men at the same time, and it
seems as if the two or three hundred men con-
sidered it the easiest matter imaginable. There
has been quite a decided party feeling among
the various delegates, and to get and retain the
floor was the determination of all. When men
assume to meet for deliberation and action on
questions of importance to the people they
represent, it does not seem necessary that there
should be such confusion and excitement over
minor matters.

One would have concluded from the confused
and rambling state of everything that these men
had met for the personal discussion of the say-
ings and doings of two or three men who took a
prominent part in politics. I was formerly re-
minded during some of the exciting scenes in the
controversy of the "Women's Convention" in
one of Beadle's Dime Novels, which the school
children speak at examinations.

The conflicting claims of the two sets of de-
gates having been settled by a committee of three
appointed for that purpose, the next absorbing
question was that of the chairmanship. This
question was that of the chairmanship. This
question was that of the chairmanship. It would be
occupied the next day's session. It would be
impossible to describe the noise and confusion
which ensued, only an eye-witness and an ear-
witness could fully realize the occasion. It was
a perfect Babel of voices. Pinchback, of Louis-
iana, was finally honored (?) with the position
of president, and every other man was made
vice president. Perhaps that a slight exag-
geration, but there is certainly a long list of
vices. The voting was pretty general, and it
was not at all necessary to be a delegate in order
to vote upon any measure. I was amused at the
notoriety-seeking intrudients who hung around
the president's desk and endeavored to be very
important in the eyes of the audience, especially
that portion of it which was composed of women-
folks. I watched several whom I knew had no
other part to play than that of a looker-on, who
to the unsophisticated would appear to be the
striking spirits of the convention. How moving
the peculiarities of this class of persons become
on a public occasion like this. The president,
however, cleared away all outsiders from the
vicinity of the desk, and so all the would-be im-
portant and clean-faced boys were forced to perch
elsewhere.

The Dean made a speech, and at no time dur-
ing the session was there such quiet in the
house; all listened, all felt the force of his argu-
mentative eloquence. They may say what they
will about the dean's speeches, but all agree that
he has the requirements necessary for a fine
orator. He knows his own strength, and he
understands the matter of which he speaks.
He advocated no half-way measures, civil rights
everywhere, anywhere. He talked earnestly, as
he always does, and convincingly. As an orator
he has no superior among our people at least.
There were very good speeches from Mr. Ware
and Mr. Harlan, also D. A. S., the latter, you
know, uses the king's English in a perfectly
delightful manner, and one always listens to
him with pleasure. The mixed-school question
felt up too, and there were some who felt
to wait for the "good time coming." A
debate waited on the President Wednesday,
and he was kind enough to tell them that he
thought the bill would pass if some injudicious
friend did not ask too much. Can a man ask
right of citizenship? I wonder what would be
an exaggeration of the civil-rights bill? A
debate visited Senator Sumner too, and
asked him to address the convention. He gave
them some excellent advice, and if he had
advised a speedy adjournment of the conven-
tion it would have been quite as fitting.

There was any amount of fussing over Mr.
Sumner's reception of the committee, and it was
finally reduced to writing to satisfy all con-
cerned. In fact everything made a disturbance,
every resolution only added to the general hub-
bub. The quieter portion of the delegates en-
devored, it seems, to do their talking through
the day, and give up the evening to the noisy
ones as a general thing. There was some man
from New York, I think, who made a speech as
to the admittance of some Mr. White as a de-
gate from North Carolina, and there was a long,
nonsensical argument as to Mr. White's fitness
and unfitness for the honor of membership. I
wondered what great advantage would accrue
to the man who were a member. I don't
this same White if he were a member. I don't
think any man had a right to interfere with the
legislature from other States, do you? But,
Carrie, this man from New York— I don't know.

his name; he had something to do with a paper
there. I believe— in the course of his arguments
and said that he had come to this convention, and
his constituents had come too. May be the poor
man was right; perhaps his constituency was so
small that it would conveniently do so.

We had bad Latin and worse English, and
during the controversy a band of music passed
the window, and an indescribable scene of con-
fusion ensued, which lasted about five minutes.
Some thought the house on fire, others that there
was a fight, but those who were near the front
part of the house knew that it was only the ex-
citement which a band of music always causes
to a certain class of people. The noise at this
time boggied description, but when the time
came for the payment of the money the climax
of disorder was reached. Imagine, Carrie, a
body of men, all on the floor, all talking, the
president pounding on the desk for order, the
secretary calling the names of the delegates, the
vice presidents endeavoring to make points, the
rude crowds of men in the audience jeering and
calling out to this or that one of their fraternity,
and commenting on the actions of the various

members, and you may perhaps form some di-
ision of the state of things.

They adoured last night until this morning,
and as I will miss the mail if I postpone this
letter longer, I must send it off to-day. I don't
know when the convention will adjourn, if
ever the manner in which it is conducting its
affairs would require an eternity for the consum-
mitment of anything. As I left last evening I
inquired of Charlie as to what civil rights had
to do with the meeting.

The Louisiana delegation seemed to feel quite
important, and one member of it was par-
licularly obnoxious in his bearing; he seemed to
feel that it was this delegation, and that it composed
the convention. Nothing suited him, and Jim
Bundy said that he would only be at ease in the
presidential chair—that he came for that pur-
pose. The editor of the Era made several good
moves in the convention, and the tact he dis-
played at various times in the disposition of
vexed questions is particularly commendable. I
liked his quiet way of doing business; he
seemed actuated by no make-believe interest in
the convention, and did his best toward carrying
out the object for which it was called. More
men like him, practical and energetic, would
have materially aided in carrying it out. You
need not think I have given you an exaggerated
accident of this convention; in fact, it would be
impossible for me to do it justice; it would take
a Dickens or a Thackeray to do that. Where
there should have been deliberation and dignity
there has only been confusion and noisy debate.
There were men who could have talked ably,
but with a few exceptions the time was occupied
by those who would have appeared to better ad-
vantage as listeners. What the result will be,
what good has been accomplished, how much
nearer we are to the full enjoyment of our rights
and privileges, are questions which must forever
remain unanswered. I must close here. In my
next I will give an account of the conclusion of
this matter, as at this writing the cauldron is
still boiling. And by the way, Carrie, my next
letter must necessarily be my last to you from
here, as I expect to see you in propria persona
before another month. Until my next,
Yours,
CORDELLA.

CEIVED.

The Central Overland California and Pike's Peak Express Company.

No. 248.

From

PASSENGERS' NAMES.

An Arkansas local soliloquies thus :

"Some of our exchanges are publishing, as a curious item, a statement to the effect that a horse in Iowa pulled the plug out of the bunghole of a barrel, for the purpose of slaking his thirst. We do not see anything extraordinary in the occurrence. Now, if the horse had pulled the barrel out of the bunghole, and slaked his thirst with the plug; or if the barrel had pulled the bunghole out of the plug and slaked its thirst with the horse; or if the plug had pulled the horse out of the barrel and slaked its thirst with the bunghole; or if the bunghole had pulled the thirst out of the horse and slaked the plug with the barrel; or if the barrel had pulled the horse out of the bunghole and plugged its thirst with a slake; or if plug had bunged the horse at his barrel hole and slaked his tail with thirst; or if the bung had plugged his tail with the slake, and horsed his barrel with the thirst hole; or bunged the plug in his tail and slaked his thirst hole; or if he had bunged the thirst with the slake of his tail and holed the plug with his barrel, it might be worth while to make some fuss over it."

"ARKANSAS TRAVELER."

SUM PAID.
Dollars, Cts.

BY WHOM RECEIVED.

["CIVIL RIGHTS,\nFRED. DOUGLASS AGAIN,", "Views on the Pending Bill,", "\"WE WANT IT BECAUSE IT IS\nRIGHT.\"", "No Concessions to the Prejudices of\nSlavery.", "The Case of Pinchback Discussed—A Dis-\nsertation on the Slavery of the South\nHard Hits at Certain Senators:\nAn Able, Comprehensive,\nand Ringing Pending.", "To the Editor of the Washington Chronicle:", "The Editor of the Washington Chronicle:\nMr. Pinchback has already been in my\nspace in your columns to speak in the\ninterest of my people, for which I thank you\nwith all my敬敬my obligation by allowing me\nspace for a few words merely to show the\nopposition to the pending civil rights bill. While\nter than to the one I am incommensurably be-\nlieve to be the one of the utmost importance\nthat or the other of the most important\nopposition to the pending civil rights bill. There\nare urgent points in the life of the South, the\npeople in the South, the interests of the South\nand becomes the law of the land, and the\nopposition to the pending civil rights bill is passed\nby the people of the South, and the people of\nthe South, and the interests of the South, and\nsoundedness of the law of the land, and the\nopposition to the pending civil rights bill, and\nby the people of the South, and the people of\nthe South, and the interests of the South, and\nthat, sink or swim, the opposition of the country,\nmust be met, and the opposition of the country,\nmust be met, and the opposition of the country,\nby that principle, and by that\njustifiably so.", "AT THIS MOMENT OF GLOOM,", "when the party is standing steadily rising to power, and\nthe opposition is growing rapidly, and the\npeople are becoming more and more\nsympathetic and loyal.", "APOSTATES FROM OUR RANKS", "The party is in the face, and equalizing the\nhands of the people, and making the\nopposition to the pending bill would be\nso much as one of the most important\npoints in the life of the Republic party, and\nso much as one of the most important\npoints in the life of the South, my people\nare killed, and so are the interests of the\npeople of the South, my people are killed,\nand so are the interests of the South, and\nhave been, or are about to be abandoned by\nthem. We need the means not so much for its\nlateral execution as for its direct\naction.", "WE WANT IT BECAUSE IT IS RIGHT", "The party, and the people, that it has been\ndebated for years, if it shall be defined as\ndemoralized, and that it would be defended our\nfrom the opposition to it, will have been had no\natTEMPT to pass it. I counsel nothing,\nnothing but the opposition to it, and I know\nthat the opposition to it, and the principles,\nand the principles of the Republic party, and\nthat position has already been conspicuously\npermanently taken by party from which it\ncannot be wrested. Our strength is in keep-\ning on our own ground. Any opposition to\nthe Republic party of slaveholders is\nPOLICY AND WEAKNESS OF THE WORN", "KIND.", "It exposes the party, with some show of\ntruth, to one of the most dangerous charges\nthat can be brought against it, and that is\nthat it can better be brought against it, and\nthat it can far better be brought against it,\nand that it can better be brought against it,\nby the opposition to the pending bill, and\nby

The Central Oregon California and Pike's Peak Express Company

From Portland, O.

No. 220

PASSENGERS' NAMES.

No. OF SEATS.

WHERE FROM.

WHERE TO.

SUM PAID.
Dollars. Cts.

BY WHOM RECEIVED.

—On Saturday, Lewis H. Douglass, of Washington, D. C., oldest son of the celebrated colored Orator, Frederick Douglass, was in town. He was commissioned some months ago as a Special Agent of the Post Office Department, and has been on active duty constantly. He was sent to Elkland, Tioga county, Pa., last week to investigate a charge that postage stamps in large quantities had been sold to persons in that borough, at a reduced price. He found that the stamps came from the post master of Mixtown, a hamlet about twenty miles from Elkland. He drove to Mixtown, and showed his commission to the astonished post master, who had never before seen a colored official of the Department, and probably imagined his errand. He enquired for a copy of his current account with the Department, and comparing the last one that could be found, he ascertained that the sales of stamps as compared with that of a year previous, had risen from about three dollars per quarter up to one hundred and twenty dollars. The hamlet had not increased in population forty-fold, but the stamps had been sold to increase the compensation of the post master, which in offices of the lowest grade is contingent on the sale of postage stamps, the salary being forty per cent. on the first hundred dollars of increase, and a gradual decrease on each hundred dollars beyond that sum. Thus the post master was making a handsome commission on the sales, whereas the law only contemplates the legitimate revenues from the disposal of stamps that are required by the people doing business at the office. Special Agent Douglass will doubtless recommend a change of post masters, and it will be done. There is no penalty for such violation of the law other than this. Mr. Douglass is a very intelligent mulatto, aged about thirty years. Some readers will recollect that about five years ago there was great commotion in the Printer's Union, at Washington, because the Government Printer, Hon. A. M. Clapp, gave him a situation as a journeyman. The power of prejudice, and the strength of the Printer's Union in that city were brought to bear to secure his discharge, but Mr. Clapp stood firm, and Mr. Douglass held his situation as long as he chose. He thus, amid much obloquy, and in peril of personal injury by stealthy enemies, tested the right of a colored man to labor as a mechanic as an equal in compensation and dignity with white men.

—Lewis H. Douglas, son of Frederic Douglas, was in the city yesterday. Mr. Douglas is a special agent of the Postoffice Department, and is a gentleman who by deportment, intelligence and ability does honor to the position.

Lincoln's Second Inaugural--1865.

"If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of these offenc-
es, which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which having
continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove,
and that he gives to both North and South this terrible war as th
woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein
any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in
a living God always ascribe to him?

Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of
war may speedily pass away, yet, if God wills that it continue until
all the wealth piled by the bondman's 250 years of unrequited toil
shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash
shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said 3000 years
ago, so still it must be said, that the judgments of the Lord are
are true and righteous altogether".

I witnessed the Second Inaugural in 1865, but I heard distinctly
only --"The progress of our arms"--and"With high hope for the future".

Julia A. Wilbur.

Continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a civil war, testing whether that nation, or
any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.

We are met on a great battle-field of that war.

We are met to dedicate a portion of it, as the final resting place
of those who here gave their lives that, that nation might live.
It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we
cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who
struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our power to add or
to detract. The world, will little note or long remember what we
say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us,
the living, rather to be dedicated to the unfinished work that they
have thus far, so nobly carried on. It is rather for us, to be here
dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these
honored dead we take increased devotion: That we here highly re-
solve, that the dead shall not have died in vain: that the nation,
shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom; and governments of the
people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from
this earth.

PASSENGERS' NA

President Lincoln-At Gettysburg.

"Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this Continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war.

WE are met to dedicate a portion of it as the final resting place of those that here gave their lives that, that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or to detract. The world will little note or long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what we did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work that they have thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion: that we should hereafter in all things have a new birth of freedom; and that the nation, under God, have a new birth of freedom; and government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.