EMBARGOED FOR RELEASE
UNTIL 10:30 PM E.D.T.

SEPTEMBER 18, 1974

Office of the White House Press Secretary
(New York City, New York)

THE WHITE HOUSE

ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT GERALD R. FORD
AT THE
UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
NEW YORK CITY

In 1946, President Harry Truman welcomed representatives of 55 nations to the first General Assembly of the United Nations. Since then, every American President has had the honor of addressing this Assembly. Today, with pleasure and humility, I take my turn in welcoming you, the distinguished representatives of 138 nations.

When I took office, I told the American people that my remarks would be "just a little straight talk among friends." Straight talk is what I propose here today in my first address to the representatives of the world.

Since the U.N. was founded, the world has experienced conflicts and threats to peace. But we have avoided the greatest danger: another world war. Today, we have the opportunity to make the remainder of this century an era of peace and cooperation and economic well-being.

The harsh hostilities which once held great powers in their rigid grasp have begun to moderate. Many of the crises which dominated past General Assemblies are now behind us. And technological progress holds out the hope that one day all men can achieve a decent life.

Nations too often have had no choice but to be either hammer or anvil: to strike or be struck. Now we have a new opportunity -- to forge, in concert with others, a framework of international cooperation. That is the course the United States has chosen for itself.

On behalf of the American people, I renew these basic pledges to you today:

- We are committed to the pursuit of a more peaceful, stable and co-operative world. While we are determined never to be bested in a test of strength, we will devote our strength to what is best. And in the nuclear era, there is no rational alternative to accords of mutual restraint between the United States and the Soviet Union, two nations which have the power to destroy mankind.

- We will bolster our partnerships with traditional friends and allies around the world to meet new challenges in a rapidly changing world. The maintenance of such relationships underpins rather than undercuts the search for peace.

- We will seek out and expand relations with old adversaries. For example, our new rapport with the People's Republic of China best serves the purposes of each nation and the interests of the entire world.

- We will strive to heal old wounds re-opened in recent conflicts in Cyprus, the Middle East and Indochina. Peace cannot be imposed from without, but we will do whatever is within our capacity to help achieve it.

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-- We re-dedicate ourselves to the search for justice, equality and freedom. Recent developments in Africa signal the welcome end of colonialism. Behavior appropriate to an era of dependence must give way to the new responsibilities of an era of interdependence.

No single nation, no single group of m tions, no single organization can meet all of the challenges before the community of nations. We must act in concert. Progress towards a better world must come through cooperative efforts across the whole range of bilateral and multilateral relations.

America's revolutionary birth and centuries of experience in adjusting demo-
cratic government to changing conditions have made Americans practical as
well as idealistic. As idealists, we are proud of our role in the founding of
the United Nations and in supporting its many accomplishments. As practical
people, we are sometimes impatient at what we see as shortcomings.

In my 25 years as a member of the Congress of the United States, I learned two
basic practical lessons:

First, men of differing political persuasions can find common ground for cooperation. We need not agree on all issues in order to agree on most. Differences of principle, of purpose, of perspective will not disappear. But neither will our mutual problems disappear unless we are determined to find mutually helpful solutions.

Second, a majority must take into account the proper interest of a minority if the decisions of the majority are to be accepted. We who believe in and live by majority rule must always be alert to the danger of "tyranny of the majority." Majority rule thrives on the habits of accommodation, moderation and consideration of the interests of others.

A stark reality has tempered America's actions for decades -- and must now temper the actions of all nations. Prevention of full-scale warfare in the nuclear age has become everybody's responsibility. Today's regional conflict must not become tomorrow's world disaster. We must assure by every means at our disposal that local crises are quickly contained and resolved.

The challenge before the United Nations is clear. This organization can place the weight of the world community on the side of world peace. And this organization can provide impartial forces to maintain the peace.

Let the quality of our response measure up to the magnitude of the challenge.
I pledge to you that America will continue to be constructive, innovative and
responsive in the work of this great body.

The nations in this hall are united by a deep concern for peace. We are united
as well by our desire to ensure a better life for all people.

Today, the economy of the world is under unprecedented stress. We need new approaches to international cooperation to respond effectively. Developing and developed countries, market and non-market economies -- we are all part of one interdependent economic system.

The food and oil crises demonstrate the extent of our inter-dependence. Many developing nations need the food surplus of a few developed nations. And many industrialized nations need the oil production of a few developing nations.

Energy is required to produce food and food to produce energy -- and both to provide a decent life for everyone. The problems of food and energy can be resolved on the basis of cooperation -- or can be made unmanageable on the basis of confrontation. Runaway inflation, propelled by food and oil price

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increases, is an early warning signal.

Let us not delude ourselves. Failure to cooperate on oil, food, and inflation could spell disaster for every nation represented in this room. The United Nations must not and need not allow this to occur. A global strategy for food and energy is urgently required.

The United States believes four principles should guide a global approach:

- **First**, all nations must substantially increase production. Just to maintain the present standards of living the world must almost double its output of food and energy to match the expected increase in the world's population by the end of this century. To meet aspirations for a better life, production will have to expand at a significant faster rate than population growth.

- **Second**, all nations must seek to achieve a level of prices which not only provides an incentive to producers but which consumers can afford. It should now be clear that the developed nations are not the only countries which demand and receive an adequate return for their goods. But it should also be clear that by confronting consumers with production restrictions, artificial pricing, and the prospect of ultimate bankruptcy, producers will eventually become the victims of their own actions.

- **Third**, all nations must avoid the abuse of man's fundamental needs for the sake of narrow national or bloc advantage. The attempt by any country to use one commodity for political purposes will inevitably tempt other countries to use their commodities for their own purposes.

- **Fourth**, the nations of the world must assure that the poorest among us are not overwhelmed by rising prices of the imports necessary for their survival. The traditional aid donors and the increasingly wealthy oil producers must join in this effort.

The United States recognizes the special responsibility we bear as the world's largest producer of food. That is why Secretary Kissinger proposed from this podium last year a World Food Conference to define a global food policy. And that is one reason why we have removed domestic restrictions on food production in the United States. It has not been our policy to use food as a political weapon despite the oil embargo and recent oil price and production decisions.

It would be tempting for the United States -- beset by inflation and soaring energy prices -- to turn a deaf ear to external appeals for food assistance, or to respond to internal appeals for export controls. But however difficult our own economic situation, we recognize that the plight of others is worse.

Americans have always responded to human emergencies in the past. We respond again today.

In response to Secretary General Waldheim's appeal and to help meet the long-term challenge in food, I reiterate:

To help developing nations realize their aspiration to grow more of their own food, the United States will substantially increase its assistance to agriculture production programs in other countries.

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Next, to ensure that the survival of millions of our fellow men does not depend upon the vagaries of weather, the United States is prepared to join in a world-wide effort to negotiate, establish, and maintain an international system of food reserves. But each nation must determine for itself how it manages its reserves.

Finally, to make certain that the more immediate needs for food are met this year, the United States will not only maintain the amount it spends for food shipments to nations in need, but it will increase this amount.

Thus, the United States is striving to help define and contribute to a cooperative global policy to meet man's immediate and long-term need for food. We will set forth our comprehensive proposals at the World Food Conference in November.

Now is the time for the oil producers to define their conception of a global policy on energy to meet the growing need -- and to do this without imposing unacceptable burdens on the international monetary and trade system.

A world of economic confrontation cannot be a world of political cooperation. If we fail to satisfy man's fundamental needs for energy and food, we face a threat not just to our aspirations for a better life for all our peoples, but to our hopes for a more stable and peaceful world. By working together to overcome our common problems, mankind can turn from fear towards hope.

From the time of the founding of the United Nations, America volunteered to help nations in need, frequently as the main benefactor. We were able to do it. We were glad to do it. But as new economic forces alter and reshape today's complex world, no single nation can be expected to feed all the world's hungry peoples. Fortunately, however, many nations are increasingly able to help. I call on them to join with us as truly United Nations in the struggle to provide more food at lower prices for the hungry and, in general, a better life for the needy of this world.

America will continue to do more than its share. But there are realistic limits to our capacities. There is no limit, however, to our determination to act in concert with other nations to fulfill the vision of the United Nations Charter: "to save succeeding generations from the scourage of war" and "to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom."

# # #

NEWS CONFERENCE

#31

AT THE WHITE HOUSE

WITH JACK HUSHEN

AT 12:25 P.M. EDT

SEPTEMBER 19, 1974

THURSDAY

MR. HUSHEN: I don't like to start these briefings at 12:24 any more than you like having them start at 12:24, but I do like to follow one policy; that is, seeing the President before I come out here. I think that is important to being able to respond more fully to your questions, and that is what I have been doing.

Let me just go quickly through the announcements.

Following the President's return from the United Nations yesterday, he greeted this year's delegation of United States and European Parlementarians' annual exchange visit. This year there are 14 Europeans visiting the United States. They were at the White House yesterday to pay a courtesy call on the President. I believe we posted a list of those who were at that meeting.

Then, as many of you know because you were there, last night the President and Mrs. Ford attended the Washington Press Club inauguration at which time Ron "Godfather" Sarro was sworn in as the new president and you have the President's remarks.

We have posted the President's schedule. The first item of the day was the breakfast meeting with the Congressional leaders and the Armed Services Committee chairman and ranking representatives. That meeting lasted 90 minutes. We posted a list of those attending.

The purpose of the meeting was, as the President announced at his press conference, to meet with the Congressional leaders to review the procedures for the Congressional oversight of CIA covert operations, and that is what was discussed at the meeting.

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They also set a London-to-Los Angeles record, 3 hours 48 minutes, on September 11.

Again at 4:00 p.m., the President will meet with a number of Congressmen during another Congressional hour's session.

Q Do you know how many, Jack?

MR. HUSHEN: Yes, I do. There are eight Congressmen scheduled in. They are Representative Bill Young, Republican from Florida -- I should have read Members of Congress and the Senate -- Senator Charles Mathias, Republican of Maryland; Representative Jerry Pettis, Republican of California; Senator J. Glenn Beall, Republican of Maryland; Representative Earl Landgrebe, Republican of Indiana; Representative David Satterfield, Democrat of Virginia; Representative Don Riegle, Democrat of Michigan, and Representative Orville Hansen, Republican of Idaho.

Q What is this?

MR. HUSHEN: These are meetings set up following a consultation between Bill Timmons and the President to give Members of Congress a chance to come in briefly, if they have something they want to take up with the President, or to bring somebody down to be introduced to the President, such as a distinguished personality from their State, something like that, but it is kind of an open-door policy with the Hill.

Q They don't come in together?

MR. HUSHEN: No; rarely.

Q And it lasts for how long?

MR. HUSHEN: There is no set time for each one. We just try to get all eight in the hours, so it will vary. Some will be for longer than others.

Then at 5:30 today, the President will meet with the Indian Foreign Minister, Swaran Singh. This meeting will give the President and the Foreign Minister an opportunity for a general review of the progress in our relations with India in recent months. It will be the first meeting on a Presidential level with an Indian leader since Prime Minister Ghandi visited Washington in November of 1971.

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Q Who else will be in the meeting?

MR. HUSHEN: I don't know whether Mr. Kissinger will be there or not. I will check.

Q Does Mr. Singh have a message for the President from Mrs. Ghandi?

MR. HUSHEN: I can't answer that, but the Secretary of State will be in that meeting.

Q Will they talk about food aid, do you know? Is that one of the topics?

MR. HUSHEN: That may well be. I don't know if it has a structured agenda or not. One of the reasons, of course, is Secretary Kissinger is planning to visit South Asia, including India, next month. And this is the first of a series of meetings with foreign leaders and the President which the President will be holding during the U.N. General Assembly session.

Q Will he meet with Gromyko?

MR. HUSHEN: He will be meeting with Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko at 11:00 tomorrow. As you know, he is in the United States to attend the same General Assembly session. That meeting will provide an opportunity for the President and the Foreign Minister to review the relations between the two countries.

Q Would you go back to the meeting with Mr. Singh. Does the President have any plans or intentions for reassuring Mr. Singh and through Mr. Singh, Mrs. Ghandi, about the role of the activities of the Central Intelligence Agency in India?

MR. HUSHEN: I can't give you any guidance on that at this time.

Looking ahead on the President's schedule, I don't have anything for tomorrow yet, other than the Gromyko visit, but as you know, on Saturday, the President will meet with Prime Minister Tanaka of Japan, which was previously announced.

On Monday, he will go to Detroit to open the World Energy Conference at Cobo Hall.

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#31

This Copy For

NEWS CONFERENCE

#31

AT THE WHITE HOUSE

WITH JACK HUSHEN

AT 12:25 P.M. EDT

SEPTEMBER 19, 1974

THURSDAY

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#31

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#31

Q Will he meet with Gromyko?

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#31

This Copy For

NEWS CONFERENCE

#32

AT THE WHITE HOUSE

WITH JACK HUSHEN

AT 12 NOON EDT

SEPTEMBER 20, 1974

FRIDAY

MR. HUSHEN: Good morning. We seem to have
a full house today.

Let me just go quickly through the announce-
ments.

Last evening before making the campaign
appearance on behalf of Congressman Stanford Parris,
the President met for an hour with Indian Foreign
Minister, Swaran Singh. As you know, this was the
first opportunity for the President to meet with a
high level Indian official since assuming office,
and the first such Presidential contact since Prime
Minister Ghandi's visit in November of 1971.

The President and Mr. Singh took this
opportunity to have a wide-ranging discussion of issues
of interest to both sides in the field of foreign policy.
That includes South Asia, bilateral relations and a
discussion of Secretary Kissinger's trip to that area
next month.

The President expressed support for the
continued strengthening of relations between India
and the United States.

The President got started early this morning
at 7:45 and has been meeting with staff members,
including Al Haig, Secretary Kissinger, General
Scowcroft, Phil Buchen.

Due to the fact that he met for about 45
minutes this morning with Senator Henry Jackson to
discuss the trade bill, I was not able to see the
President prior to coming out here.

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#32

["Department of State", "TELEGRAM", "UNCLASSIFIED", "PAGE 02 STATE 209456", "IN AFGHANISTAN, OUR TRADITIONAL FRIENDSHIP HAS WITHSTOOD\nTHE TEST OF A TRANSITION TO A NEW REPUBLICAN REGIME UNDER\nTHE LEADERSHIP OF PRESIDENT MOHAMMED DAoud.", "WE HAVE MAINTAINED OUR WARM TIES, INCLUDING A MODEST", "ASSISTANCE PROGRAM, WITH THE KINGDOM OF NEPAL WHOSE CON-\NTINUED INDEPENDENT NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT WE STRONGLY\nSUPPORT.", "WE FEEL A SPECIAL AFFINITY TO SRI LANKA IN ITS EFFORTS\nTO ACHIEVE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT WHILE MAINTAINING A\nVIGOROUS DEMOCRACY. WE ARE HEARTENED BY OUR CONTINUING\nFRIENDLY RELATIONS. UNQUOTE. INGERSOLL", "UNCLASSIFIED"]

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

SEPTEMBER 23, 1974

OFFICE OF THE WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY
(Detroit, Michigan)

THE WHITE HOUSE

REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT
TO THE
NINTH WORLD ENERGY CONFERENCE

COBO HALL

10:40 A.M. EDT

President Groza, Steve Bechtel, Walker Cisler, Governor Milliken, Senator Griffin, Mayor Young, Minister MacDonald, other distinguished guests from abroad and all participants in this special World Energy Conference:

On behalf of the American people, on behalf of my home State of Michigan, on behalf of the City of Detroit, it gives me a very great privilege and pleasure to welcome you to the city which some blame for the energy crisis.

But I hasten to add this, if I might: This is also a city which we, along with the world's other great industrial nations, look for significant solutions that I know are possible. This is a "can do," a problem-solving city and State.

It was here in Detroit that the internal combustion engine was transformed from the plaything of the rich into basic transportation on which people all over the world now depend.

The whole structure of our world society rests upon the expectation of abundant fuel at reasonable prices. I refer to cities and suburbs, farms and factories, shopping centers and office buildings, schools and churches and the roadways that connect them all.

The expectation of an assured supply of energy has now been challenged. The repercussions are being felt worldwide. There is widespread uncertainty and deep and serious apprehension. Today, at the opening of this conference, we are determined to provide guidance to a world in crisis.

Many people become aware that there was an energy problem for the first time last October when the oil embargo was imposed. But those who were well informed about the energy situation had known for some time that a crisis was coming.

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With burgeoning demands all over the world, they knew that we could not forever expect a steady supply of low-priced fuel. The embargo merely brought to a head what experts had known for many years, that energy sources must be expanded and wastefulness eliminated to keep pace with the needs of a growing and modernizing world.

Everyone can now see the pulverizing impact of energy price increases on every aspect of the world economy. The food problem, the inflation problem, the monetary problem and other major problems are directly linked to the all-pervasive energy problem.

The American response to the oil embargo and recent oil price increases, along with production decisions, has taken the form of a program for action under the general title Project Independence. This integrated domestic energy program will seek in many, many different ways to reduce American consumption and to increase production of energy.

Officials of my Administration will more fully ascribe to this conference our determination to achieve energy independence. We will take tough steps to obtain the degree of self-sufficiency which is necessary to avoid disruption of our economy.

We will make sure there is heat for our homes and power for the people who work in our plants. Realistically, this does not mean zero imports.

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In the immediate future, we will expand our efforts to increase our energy efficiency. This will reduce the growing dependence on foreign petroleum. Project Independence will also require us to increase the output of existing domestic resources. In mobilizing to achieve long-term goals, we will fully exploit one of our most powerful natural resources, U.S. technology. We are moving in this direction.

Last year, for example, the United States Govern-
ment funding for energy research and development was
approximately $1-1/4 billion. This year, we will spend
over $2-1/4 billion. These funds, together with those
provided by private industry, will support a growing
national effort. In terms of joint private and public
resources, it will mean a commitment in excess of the
successful one made by John F. Kennedy to put a man on
the moon in the last decade.

I mention this highly successful moon landing to
dramatize the magnitude of the energy task before us,
the dedication with which we approach it and the national
mobilization of attention and talent it will require.

We are also moving to improve the organization of
the U.S. Government for carrying out our energy programs.
A key step now awaiting final action by the Congress is
the **creation** of an energy research and development
administration. It will provide coordination and leadership in cooperation with private industry in developing the
necessary technology to fulfill our long-range energy
requirements.

Even if there had been no political interference
in the production and distribution of petroleum, nations
today would still be facing the problem of finding enough
fuel at reasonable prices to continue the modernization
of our world. Our needs then and now for energy are
increasing much, much faster than our abilities to produce
them. But in addition, most industrialized nations
experienced the direct impact of the oil embargo which
obviously greatly intensified the problem.

All nations have been adversely affected by
price increases. When nations use their resources as
political weapons against others, the result is human
suffering. It is then tempting to speculate on how much
better off man would be if nature had distributed vital
resources more evenly around the world, making every nation
self-sufficient. But perhaps nature had a better idea,
because vital resources are distributed unevenly, nations
are forced to choose between conflict and cooperation.

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As you know, a theme of the foreign policy of
this Administration is international cooperation in an
interdependent world, stressing interdependence. You
may ask why is our domestic energy program called Project
Independence? As I see it, especially with regard to
energy, national sufficiency and international inter-
dependence fit together and actually work together.

No nation can be part of the modern world and
live unto itself. No nation has or can have within its
borders everything necessary for a full and rich life for
all its people. Independence cannot mean isolation.

The aim of Project Independence is not to set
the United States apart from the rest of the world, it
is to enable the United States to do its part more
effectively in the world's effort to provide more energy.

Project Independence will seek new ways to reduce
energy usage and to increase its production. To the
extent that we succeed, the world will benefit. There
will be much more energy available for others.

As America expands existing sources and develops
new ones, other nations will also benefit. We especially
want to share our experience and our technology with other
countries in efforts to increase their own energy supplies.
We are also aware that in some respects other countries
are ahead of us and we will seek to learn from them.

Sovereign nations try to avoid dependence on
other nations that exploit their own resources to the
detriment of others. Sovereign nations cannot allow their
policies to be dictated or their fate decided by artificial
rigging and distortion of world commodity markets.

No one can foresee the extent of damage, nor
the end of the disastrous consequences if nations refuse
to share natures gifts for the benefit of all mankind.

I told the United Nations assembly last Wednesday,
and I quote, "The attempt by any country to use one
commodity for political purposes will inevitably tempt
other countries to use their commodities for their own
purposes."

There are three ways: fortunately, that this
danger can and must be avoided.

First, each nation must resolve not to misuse
its resources.

Second, each nation must fully utilize its
own energy resources.

And third, each nation must join with others
in cooperative efforts to reduce its energy vulnerability.

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In doing so, we emphasize that our actions
are not directed against any other nations, but are
only taken to maintain the conditions of international
order and well being.

The quest for energy need not promote division
and discord. It can expand the horizons of the world's
peoples. I envision a strong movement towards a unifying
cooperation to ensure a decent life for all.

I welcome the development in Brussels last
Friday of a new international energy program by the
energy cooperating group of the Washington Energy
Conference. We were pleased to participate in that
meeting.

The 12 nations reached an ad referendum agree-
ment on a far-reaching cooperative plan to deal with
such emergencies as embargoes by sharing available oil
and by cutting consumption and using stocks on an
equitable basis.

While seeking conservation, we and the other
nations will work for expanded production of both conven-
tional and nonconventional fuels. The cooperative
countries are also creating an international agency
to carry out this program.

The United States welcomes this demonstration
of international action rather than words. Just as
Americans are challenged by Project Independence, the world
faces a related challenge that requires a Project
Interdependence.

No single country can solve the energy problem
by itself. As President, I offer America's partnership
to every other nation willing to join in a common effort
to expand the spirit flowing from the Washington Energy
Conference.

A start has been made in Brussels. The momentum
must be continued if true interdependence is to be
achieved.

The economy of the world is facing unprecedented
challenges. Old remedies are inadequate for new
problems. New and appropriate solutions must be found
without delay, and I am absolutely convinced that they
will be found.

I firmly believe that the unselfishness of all
nations is in the self-interest of each nation. We all
depend on each other in so many ways that there is no
way in today's world for any nation to benefit at the expense
of others, except for the very short-term and at a very
great risk.

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Without having planned it, we find ourselves
in the strange situation in which the most selfish
individual can figure out that it is profitable to
live by what we call the golden rule.

We can help ourselves only if we are considerate
and helpful to others.

The energy crisis is the clearest example of
the world's interdependence. The industrialized nations
need the oil produced by a few developing nations. And
all developing nations need the technology, the services
and the products of industrialized nations.

The opportunity for a great advance for the
whole world is tantalizingly apparent, but so is
the danger that we will throw away this very, very rare
opportunity to realize mankind's hopes. Let us build and
implement a global strategy for energy.

If I may, I call on this World Energy Conference
and other international organizations to accept the challenge
of formulating Project Interdependence, a comprehensive
energy program for the world to develop our resources
not just for the benefit of a few, but for all mankind.

This task is surely monumental. But the United
States believes that it is possible, that it is essential
to help you in the beginning to take the first steps.

Let me propose some principles that could guide
a global approach.

First, all nations must seek to increase production,
each according to its resources and its level of technology.
Some can develop known and available resources. Others
can try to improve methods of extraction or intensifying exploration, and others are capable of developing new sources
of energy appropriate to their own circumstances.

But all nations can and should play a part in
enlarging and diversifying the sources of usable energy.
Diversification can help to turn nations from resorting
to monopolistic prices or practices.

Next, the rate of increase in consumption of
energy must be reduced and waste eliminated. Americans
will do their part in this necessary effort.

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Page 8

But all nations can contribute to discovering new ways to reduce the energy we consume, partly through common sense, partly through self-discipline and partly through new technological improvements.

Whatever energy-saving methods are developed anywhere must be communicated quickly to all concerned. Energy-saving possibilities are promising, especially for the short-term as production increases.

Third, a cooperative spirit, a cooperative conduct are essential to success in a global energy program. Nothing, in my judgment, could be more harmful than policies directed against other nations. If we lapse into confrontation of exporters on the one hand, and consumers on the other, or an unseemly scramble of consumers being played off one against another, all hopes for a global solution will be destroyed.

Fourth, we must be especially attentive to the situation of the poorest nations which will suffer drastically if the energy problem does not come under control. Actually, they are the chief victims, even now, of the uncontrolled inflation driving world prices up, far beyond their reach for all the gas and all the services they must import to survive.

Finally, a global strategy must seek to achieve fuel prices which provide a strong incentive to producers but which do not seriously disrupt the economies of the consumer. We recognize the desires of the producers to earn a fair share or a fair price for their oil as a means of helping to develop their own economies. But exorbitant prices can only distort the world economy, run the risk of a worldwide depression and threaten the breakdown of world order and world safety.

It is difficult to discuss the energy problem without lapsing unfortunately into doomsday language. The danger is clear. It is very severe. Nevertheless, I am very optimistic. The advantages of cooperation are as visible as the dangers of confrontation and that gives me hope as well as optimism. But good intentions will not be enough. Able people, like all of you at this important conference, are needed to give understanding, analysis, technical competence and solutions for the people and the leaders to consider.

I call on all of you to respond to the challenge and to propose to the world your recommendations for a global energy strategy. Whether you call it Project Interdependence, or some other name, is not the essential point. What is essential is the challenge be accepted and the job be done quickly and well.

Ladies and gentlemen, I now declare the Ninth World Energy Conference officially open, and thank you very, very much.

END

(AT 11:06 A.M. EDT)