II. 15 May 73

G 3

POLAND

JAROSZEWICZ TO VISIT TURKEY 22-25 MAY

Ankara Domestic Service in Turkish 1700 GMT 11 May 73 M

[Text] Polish Council of Ministers Chairman Piotr Jaroszewicz will visit Turkey 22-25 May as the guest of Prime Minister Naim Talu. Various international questions concerning Turkey and Poland will be discussed in the talks that will be held with Chairman Piotr Jaroszewicz and the delegation accompanying him. The two sides will also discuss bilateral relations.

OLSZOWSKI RECEIVES POLAND-FRG EXPERTS COMMISSION HEAD

Warsaw PAP in English 1617 GMT 14 May 73 L

[Text] PAP Warsaw 14 May-- Polish Foreign Minister Stefan Olszowski received here today Professor Wladysław Markiewicz, chairman of the Polish delegation to the Poland-F.R.G. commission of experts, which was appointed by the two countries' UNESCO committees to carry out joint work on the revision of the contents of school textbooks.

Professor Markiewicz, who was accompanied by Polish members of the commission, informed the foreign minister about the course of the commission's work to date, particularly about the course and the results of the successive session of the commission in Brunschwick early in April this year.

Thanking the Polish experts for their valuable contribution to the commission's work, Minister Olszowski stressed the importance of the jointly-launched school textbooks revision campaign for the initiated process of normalization of mutual relations between Poland and the F.R.G.

CPSU OFFICIAL RAZUMOV PAYS VISIT, PRESENTS LECTURE

Warsaw TRYBUNA LUDU in Polish 13 May 73 p 4 A

[Text] E. Razumov, deputy head of the CPSU Central Committee Party-Organizational Work Department, visited Poland at the invitation of the PZPR Central Committee.

E. Razumov read a lecture entitled "The party's leading role in developing the advanced socialist society" to the instructors and students of the higher social science school run by the PZPR Central Committee and to the leading cadres of the ideological front.

He met with the leadership of the cadres bureau and the PZPR Central Committee Organization Department and paid visits to Krakow and Pronin.

At the end of his visit, E. Razumov was received by F. Szlachcic, PZPR Politburo member and Central Committee secretary.

ZYCIE WARSZAWY VIEWS KISSINGER'S NEW ATLANTIC CHARTER

Warsaw ZYCIE WARSZAWY in Polish 6-7 May 73 p 8 A

[Ryszard Wojna article: "A Change in the Platform?"]

[Text] On 23 April, Henry Kissinger, who advises President Nixon on foreign policy, made a speech in New York which the West regards as very important.

II. 15 May 73

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POLAND

Kissinger announced that this year, which he called the "Year of Europe," the President will begin talks with the U.S. allies on the subject of a "new Atlantic charter." Everything demonstrates that Kissinger's speech bears the stamp of an official American declaration.

Considering that the Atlantic pact was created by the imperialist forces--next April it will be 25 years old--as a foundation for the antisocialist policy followed by the highly industrialized Western states, and that as such a foundation, it was and is one of the features of the situation in Europe, the announcement that the nature of this foundation will be changed may produce considerable consequences for both the NATO partners and for the development of the international situation.

Without attempting to predict the results of this U.S. initiative for the time being, let us consider the reasons that are inducing the Americans to promote talks among its allies, which will most certainly produce a powerful new surge of contradictions and conflicts within the Atlantic alliance.

It is common knowledge that all treaties reflect the balance of forces that exist at the moment they are signed. Changes in that balance undermine the content of the treaties or deprive them of the ability to act in crucial sectors. The situation in which the Atlantic pact was concluded belongs to the irreversible past. The United States, which was and is the dominating power of the capitalist world, was able to dictate its will with almost no restrictions on its immediate allies and on certain countries, which it bound itself to without paying any heed to their views. The supreme aim of the Atlantic pact was to rally the forces of the so-called "free world" in order to roll back socialism, as John Foster Dulles said. The United States wanted to hinder the establishment and consolidation of the community of socialist states, and this was to be done under the pressure of force. At that time, imperialism relied on its superiority, especially in nuclear weapons.

The socialist states countered this development with their concept of peaceful coexistence as a platform of confrontation between the systems, and our humanist concept won. Kissinger's proposals are proof of this.

Kissinger says: "The East-West strategic military balance has shifted from American superiority to almost an equilibrum, and has made it necessary to take a new view of the requirements of our common security." In ordinary language, this means that in the view of American experts, military strength has ceased to be an instrument for influencing the development of the situation in keeping with the American plans.

Still advocating an arms race (Kissinger is not at all ready to renounce this basic tool of imperialist policy), the United States is also aware of the need for accepting a challenge as regards the platform imposed on it by the socialist world, the platform of peaceful coexistence. And we should keep in mind that competition with socialism under the conditions of peaceful coexistence changes both the hierarchy of the aims of U.S. policy and calls for the application of other measures.

Summing up the announcement that the Atlantic charter will be reformed is a result of the fact that imperialism is considering the possibility that the contest of "who will defeat whom" will take place on a platform determined by the socialist states--that is, under the conditions of peaceful coexistence.

II. 15 May 73

G. 5

POLAND

The other element of the new American proposals seems to be the desire to draw lessons from the irreversible--there is much evidence for this--progress of the economic integration of Western Europe within the Common Market and to take insurance against it while it is still possible. And the Americans have as much time as the Common Market needs to achieve the postulated political integration. The possibility of a united states of Western Europe with tremendous manpower and economic potential is a fundamental threat to American hegemony in the Western world. It is true that Kissinger pointed out several times in his speech that the United States has stimulated the integration processes in Western Europe and that it views its success in the development of these processes. Nevertheless, the context reveals a clear fear lest this development be implemented at a given moment at a cost to the United States. In the view of the Americans (the West European financial circles are of the opposite view) this is already taking place in the monetary field.

This is why the United States would like--even before the emergence of a new quality in Western Europe--to be able to create a framework for a new accord, in the negotiations for which its still dominating role vis-a-vis the Common Market would play a part. Since that domination is most glaring in the military field, the United States would like to wrap up the economic, political and military problems as a single packet of negotiations with its allies.

From the U.S. desire to shift its forces to support rivalry under the conditions of peaceful coexistence and to insure itself in good time against the negative effects of West European integration, there results the logical proposal that Japan should also be included in the future scheme of the new Atlantic pact. The term "Atlantic" is to remain as only a historical term, and the crucial point is to set up a new group of the leading states of the capitalist world and to devise such instruments for common action as could be used to answer the challenge represented by socialism vis-a-vis capitalism and to take action with regard to the so-called Third World.

Proposing that Japan should participate in the new Atlantic pact and expecting that the acute contradiction of interests between Japan and the Common Market will induce Tokyo to support the U.S. plans, Washington wants to counter the increasingly real danger of multipolar development of the capitalist world. An attempt to impose a single common organization on that world might halt the trend toward that development. In this connection the Americans are counting above all on their nuclear-missile assets. It is a fact that at the moment the United States has no potential rival in the Western world. By offering the American "nuclear umbrella" to the capitalist world, the United States wants to shift its position as a leader of that part of the world to the new era, whose distinctive features are a new balance of power and a different nature of the struggles in progress.

Another consideration is that America is being harassed by the specter of the exhaustion of its raw material reserves, especially power reserves. The drying up of some reserves is already looming on the horizon. As is obvious from Kissinger's speech, the task of the new Atlantic pact would be to present a single front in this regard in order to exert effective pressure on the Third World. In other words, in keeping with U.S. policy, the bastion of world capitalism from Western Europe through the United States and Canada and as far away as Japan should prepare itself for the new situations that will arise in the near future.

II. 15 May 73

G 6

POLAND

We are involved here with thinking in world categories and in the context of a
clash with socialism, and this is yet another reaffirmation that the postwar era has
come to its end and that we are on the threshold of a new historical period, whose
configurations will soon emerge. In that period no country will be able to indulge
at all in thinking in the categories of parochialism. Superior interests stemming
from one's place in broad international communities will come increasingly to the
fore.

And another thing: The U.S. initiative indicates that the United States is
seriously counting on the success of the European Security and Cooperation Conference
and with the institutionalized insuring of peace in Europe in a new form.

This poses lessons for us, too.

IRANIAN PREMIER HOVEYDA ARRIVES; ACTIVITIES REPORTED

Warsaw PAP in English 1604 GMT 14 May 73 L

[Text] PAP Warsaw, 14 May--Premier Amir Abas Hoveyda of Iran arrived here today for a several-day official visit at the invitation of the chairman of the Council of Ministers Piotr Jaroszewicz. Premier Hoveyda is accompanied on his visit by a group of experts and advisers.

This is the first visit in Poland by a head of the Iranian cabinet.

The Iranian premier was greeted upon his arrival at the Warsaw airport by Premier Piotr Jaroszewicz and Foreign Minister Stefan Olszowski.

In a statement for the press, Premier A.A. Hoveyda expressed confidence that his
visit, which is taking place in a period of enlivened Polish-Iranian relations, will
promote the expansion of these relations, economic cooperation in particular.

In the afternoon, Premier Hoveyda and his party laid a wreath at the Tomb of the
Unknown Soldier in Warsaw.

Plenary Polish-Iranian talks began later in the day. They are conducted by the premiers of the two countries.

The talks were preceded by a private meeting of Premier Jaroszewicz with Premier Hoveyda. The plenary talks lasted more than two hours and they will be continued tomorrow.

A joint communique on the contents of talks and results of the visit is to be
published at the end of the visit, according to government spokesman Wlodzimierz
Janiurek.

The talks are frank and marked by mutual understanding. Their friendly atmosphere as
well as warm interest of the Polish society in the visit of Premier Hoveyda can be
attributed to the good state and prospects for further development of Polish-Iranian
relations and mutual sympathy of the two nations. The premiers of Poland and Iran
exchanged information on the situation in their countries and programmes of their
socio-economic development.

## Parley at Zavidovo

When Henry Kissinger flew off to Moscow last week, the general assumption—which neither the White House nor the Kremlin discouraged—was that he was going to complete arrangements for Mr. Brezhnev's planned visit here next month. In fact, the usual "informed sources" were pinpointing June 25 as the day Mr. Brezhnev would arrive in this country.

Against that background, it came as a shock when Mr. Kissinger wound up his Soviet visit with the indication that no date had yet been set and—perhaps even more significant—with no hint of major progress. The shock was all the greater because Mr. Brezhnev had seemingly gone all out to make the talks with Mr. Kissinger productive, transporting the President's envoy to the Brezhnev country home near Zavidovo and spending many hours in intensive negotiations spread over four days.

It is conceivable that Mr. Kissinger is deliberately maintaining a low profile in respect to his visit, understating his accomplishments in order to give President Nixon an opportunity personally to announce on national television the details of Mr. Brezhnev's arrival here and even some economic or cultural agreements that would make the Brezhnev visit more palatable in the United States than it otherwise might be. In these days of Watergate, the President must be anxious to present highly visible and persuasive evidence that he is successfully making progress toward the goal of lasting peace.

It seems more likely, however, that Mr. Kissinger's low-key performance as he left Moscow reflected disagreements at Zavidovo that could not be ironed out even after many hours of intensive negotiation. Traditionally the Soviet leaders have been very hard bargainers, especially when they have believed they had the upper hand in a negotiation. Mr. Kissinger said that Watergate figured "not at all" in his Zavidovo talks. No doubt the word was not mentioned explicitly, but the shadow of Watergate must have hung heavily over the bargaining table. The Kremlin leaders know what is going on in this country. It would be surprising if they did not calculate that Mr. Nixon needs something he could present as a foreign policy triumph, and if they were not therefore demanding a high price for agreement.

The other day a dispatch from Paris reported that the Soviet Union is trying to get a billion-dollar loan from a European banking group, but is insisting on an interest rate so low the banks involved would barely cover their costs. The report fits in well with the history of Soviet bargaining attitudes, and quite possibly it gives some insight into the atmosphere Mr. Kissinger encountered in his confrontation with Mr. Brezhnev at Zavidovo.

["## The Other News", "### Watergate Investigation", "Republican Governors told of Nixon openness. Page 17\nMitchell law firm faces a time of trouble. Page 18\nDuban admits break-in at doctor's office. Page 19\nI.A. doctors tell of study of Ellsberg. Page 19\nBolson ends denials on bogus cables. Page 20", "### International", "Essinger calls talks extreme-y satisfactory.\" Page 2\nNoi deemed mistrustful on point assistance. Page 3\nHis talks at a manageable compasse. Page 3\nBolton Premier backs presence of U.S. forces. Page 4\nEmbodian position is strafed with mistake. Page 5\nBolton sends envoys to rebel area. Page 6\nFier to initial force-cut talks broken. Page 10\nAli Arabia gives Britain air-defense pact. Page 11\nIsraeli maneuver begun in Golan. Page 12", "### Government and Politics", "Emblyman Biondo reports threats on his life. Page 32\nAmsterdam News endorses Badillo. Page 47\nBadillo seeks to be Queens District Attorney. Page 47", "### General", "Bolsonine rationing ruled out by Administration. Page 23\nCoco rations \"gas\" at 11 stations here. Page 23\nState task force offers ways to save energy. Page 29\nBill shows most favor power-y programs. Page 32\nNot fired at Rockland District Attorney. Page 32\nSeidon missile fails as Russians watch. Page 63", "### Education and Welfare", "President tuition barred in Michigan. Page 45", "### Health and Science", "Hylab to open a new phase in space. Page 7", "### Religion", "Greek bishops elect an \"old guard\" Synod. Page 2", "### Quotation of", "\"I don't want to be drawn but I am one of the Republicans betrayed by the shoddy standards whose activities have recently L. Richardson to a Senate com-", "### Amusements and the Arts", "Juilliard Opera Center gives Bloch's \"Macbeth.\" Page 24", "Muybridge photographs are displayed here. Page 24", "Rembrandt print is sold for $70,000. Page 25", "Show here seeks corporate support for arts. Page 26", "\"L'Amour\" comes to the UA Eastside. Page 26", "\"Hot and Cold Heros,\" a musical, opens. Page 27", "The Pop Life. Page 28", "James Cotton Blues Band plays here. Page 28", "Nabokov's \"A Russian Beauty\" is reviewed. Page 43", "### Going Out Guide Page 24", "### Family/Style", "Wives entertained while Governors work. Page 44", "Chinese chef gets his own restaurant. Page 44", "Brass beds can be designed to order. Page 44", "### Obituaries", "Jack E. Leonard, the night-club comedian. Page 36", "Sueyuki Wakasugi, head of Mitsui & Co. Page 36", "### Financial and Business", "Stocks off sharply as trading slackens. Page 51", "U.S. Steel to raise some prices by 4.8%. Page 51", "U.S. to study price rises on scrap steel. Page 51", "S.E.C. studies proposals to help mutual funds. Page 51", "Federal Reserve raises discount rate to 6%. Page 51", "Tighter monetary policy is shown in data. Page 51", "People and Business: Simon enlivens meeting. Page 53", "<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>Page</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Advertising News.60</td><td>Grains</td><td>55</td></tr><tr><td>Amer. Exchange.58</td><td>Market</td><td>Averages.56</td></tr><tr><td>Bond Sales.57</td><td>Market</td><td>Place.52</td></tr><tr><td>Business Briefs.56</td><td>Money</td><td>57</td></tr><tr><td>Commodities.55</td><td>Mutual Funds.59</td></tr><tr><td>Dividends.58</td><td>N.Y. Stock Exch.52</td></tr><tr><td>Foreign Exchange.57</td><td>Out-of-Town</td><td>61</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Over the Counter</td><td>59</td></tr></tbody></table>", "", "<table><thead><tr><th></th><th></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Sp</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Na</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>C</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>A</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>R</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>J</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>O</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>P</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>E</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>N</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>M</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>W</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>t</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>E</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>E</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>D</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>E</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>J</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>A</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>J</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>F</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>T</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>B</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>B</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>H</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>A</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>R</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>N</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>R</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>V</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>O</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>C</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>I</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Y</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>R</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>O</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>R</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>E</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>C</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>A</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>R</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>C</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>E</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>D</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>F</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>G</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>A</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>P</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>A</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>C</td><td

A 10

Sunday, May 13, 1973

THE WASHINGTON POST

# Brezhnev and Nixon to Open
# Summit Meeting Here June 18

KISSINGER, From A1

when Mr. Nixon and Brezhnev
meet next month "I believe
... that the broad directions
of subsequent negotiations can

be established and the imp-
tus can be accelerated."

Kissinger, who met in Lon-
don with Ambassador U.
Alexis Johnson, the U.S. rep-
resentative in the SALT II

talks, on the way to and from
Moscow, stressed a major dif-
ference with the successful
SALT I talks of two years ago.

Now, he said, "we are de-
ing not only with quantitative,
but with qualitative aspects
of the arms race . . . not only
with numbers, but with tech-
nology."

Discussions about SALT II
will continue between now
and the summit, but as of this
date "there has not yet been a
final decision on what will
come out with respect to
SALT at the summit," Kiss-
singer said.

Mainly in reply to reporters'
questions, Kissinger made
these additional points on a
broad range of subjects:

* The Watergate scandal was not mentioned in any of the "official discussions" in which he participated and has "no impact . . . on our foreign policy" so far as he noticed.

* He had not been aware of the FBI wiretap on the home phone of a former member of his staff, Morton Halperin, that was disclosed last week in the trial of Daniel Ellsberg, has "never received any information that cast doubt on his loyalty and discretion," and will have a full report from the FBI on the matter, at Kissinger's request, this week.

* He will meet Thursday in Paris with his North Vietnam-ese counterpart, Le Duc Tho (who left Peking for Paris yesterday), to try to achieve stricter implementation of the cease-fire agreement and to discuss Cambodia. In voting last week not to permit transfers of funds to pay for bombing Cambodia, the House of Representatives was not interfering with the Paris talks because it is "a co-equal branch of the government" with "every right to express its views on foreign policy."

Associated Press

Presidential adviser Henry A. Kissinger briefs news-
men on the June 18 Nixon-Brezhnev summit meeting.

THE WASHINGTON POST

Sunday, May 13, 1973
... R

A 9

Watergate on U.S. Policy

Cambodian forces against the insurgent forces plagues the United States, making the Lon Nol regime totally dependent on American air power for survival. The lighting capacity of the Phnom Penh regime's troops disintegrated especially after the Vietnam cease-fire was declared.

It was disclosed last December that there have been dozens of thousands of phantom soldiers" listed on the American-supported Cambodian army payroll. Salaries "at times" were admittedly paid to as many as 100,000 nonexistent troops—one-third of those on the record books.

An official Pentagon explanation protested that American news media were concentrating on "the more purid aspects of the situation" instead of recognizing Cambodia's efforts "to eradicate corruption" by acknowledging "it had been overpaying military commanders on monthly payrolls for soldiers who exist only on paper."

The United States since

then has played a major role behind the scenes in trying to induce the Cambodian government to clean house and broaden its base. Gen. Lon Non, characterized as the "dilettante" brother of Lon Nol, has been shipped abroad, and Lon Nol has remolded his government control into a national council of four men, including American-favored Sisowath Sirik Matak and the newly designated premier, In Tam.

With this new power base, the Nixon administration's hope is that the Phnom Penh regime can soon be prepared to bargain more effectively for a cease-fire. But the administration's continuing inability to give Congress any terminal point for this process is what has raised the greatest alarm that "another Vietnam" might be in the making, despite the administration's insistence that it cannot be lured into such a repetition.

In the wings, Cambodia's ousted Premier Norodom Sihanouk, with disputed claim to leadership of the insur-

gency, and North Vietnam's strategists, are both awaiting a windfall from these pressures on the American bargaining position.

For North Vietnam, what counts most is not essentially what happens to Cambodia as such, or to Sihanouk. North Vietnam wants to maintain access to the one-third of eastern Cambodia which adjoins South Vietnam, as a supply route and reinforcement zone for the Communist forces in South Vietnam, which otherwise could be subject to encirclement by Saigon's troops.

The price of a settlement in Cambodia that could take the Nixon administration off the hook with its strengthened critics in Congress therefore will have to be bargained out with all the other interlaced complexities of the fractured Vietnam cease-fire. That price can now run higher than any administration official projected when "peace with honor" was most prematurely proclaimed last January.

e!

T

# WALTER SCOTT'S
## Personality Parade

Want the facts? Want to learn the truth about prominent personalities? Want informed opinion? Write Walter Scott, Parade, 733 3rd Ave., New York, N.Y. 10017. Your full name will be used unless otherwise requested. Volume of mail received makes personal replies impossible.

**Q.** I read in the newspapers where the White House hatchetmen, Hans und Fritz, have chopped down Herb Klein, one of our local boys, who was President Nixon's communications director. Is that true? Also, how long will it take them to get Kissinger?—J.T., San Diego, Calif.

**A.** Hans und Fritz have gotten Klein. They will probably not get Kissinger.

**Q.** Frank Sinatra's first wife, Nancy—is she in love with producer Ross Hunter, producer Jacques Mapes, or both?—Helen Burns, Monaca, Pa.

**A.** She is in love with neither but accords both her friendship.

ROSS HUNTER

JACQUES MAPES

NANCY SINATRA

**Q.** How should one rate Scott Fitzgerald as a writer? Will he last?—Irving Upchurch, Chicago, Ill.

**A.** He was a man of shallow Princeton education. There is no appreciable depth in any of his novels. He was inspired by the jazz age era. He believed in craftsmanship as a writer, and could write like an angel. He filled notebooks with phrases, descriptions, memories and trivia. In one of his letters he writes: "One time I had a talk with Ernest Hemingway, and I told him against all the logic that was then current that I was the tortoise and he was the hare, and that's the truth of the matter, that everything I have ever attained has been through long and persistent struggle while it is Ernest who has a touch of genius which enables him to bring off extraordinary things with facility. I have no facility...."

MRS. OLA WELCH JOBE

PRESIDENT NIXON

**Q.** Can you tell me if Ola Welch Jobe, Richard Nixon's first girlfriend, is putting up for auction at Parke-Bernet Galleries the love letters she received from Nixon during the 1930-37 period of their courtship?—R.L., Prescott, Ariz.

**A.** She is not.

**Q.** With the great increase in counterfeiting why hasn't the United States government turned to multi-colored money to make it more difficult for the counterfeiter?—Augustus C. Baker, Hamet, Calif.

**A.** Precisely because the color of the currency doesn't make the counterfeiting any more difficult.

**Q.** Is it true that CBS plans to replace Walter Cronkite with Roger Mudd?—Emily Frankel, Hempstead, N.Y.

**A.** Cronkite recently signed a five-year deal with CBS which permits him a three-month vacation during which time Mudd would step in as his substitute. At the end of five years if Cronkite has had it, Mudd would be on hand to take over. But Walter will remain around for years.

WALTER CRONKITE WITH HIS WIFE.

**Q.** Several months ago you were asked your opinion of the three best and the three worst appointments in the first Nixon Administration. As I recall, you picked the three best as Henry Kissinger, who obviously has you in his pocket; Daniel Moynihan, now the U.S. Ambassador to India, and Pat Gray who resigned as acting head of the FBI. The three worst appointments, you said, were John N. Mitchell as Attorney General, Maurice Stans as Secretary of Commerce, and William Rehnquist as Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. How do those choices hold up in retrospect? Or have you changed your mind?—Leslie Bellamy, Los Angeles, Calif.

**A.** In retrospect they seem fair. Rehnquist is a brilliant justice, but he is an extreme right-wing idealogue. Intellectually however, he is far superior to Mitchell and Stans and perhaps should not have been linked with them. Otherwise the same selections hold.

STOMPANATO AND LANA TURNER'S DAUGHTER CHERYL.

**Q.** Who murdered the gangster Johnny Stompanato—was it Lana Turner or her daughter Cheryl? Wasn't it Lana who plunged the knife and Cheryl who took the blame?—Louis Katz, Hollywood, Calif.

**A.** It was Miss Turner's daughter, Cheryl, who, seeking to protect her mother, stabbed Stompanato.

**Q.** I have read many times that during World War II only Japanese-Americans were incarcerated in concentration camps. Isn't it true that Italian-Americans and German-Americans were also placed in such concentration camps?—Vega Wimmer, Detroit, Mich.

**A.** Unfortunately it is true. Italians and Germans were interned in Minnesota and Texas and other states.

parade
THE SUNDAY
NEWSPAPER MAGAZINE

MAY 13, 1973

chairman of the board, **ARTHUR H. MOTLEY**

president, **DANIEL D. KINLEY**

editor, **JESS GORKIN**

publisher, **WARREN J. REYNOLDS**

editor at large, **LLOYD SHEARER**

senior editor, **DAVID PALEY**

art director, **ANTHONY LA ROTONDA**

associate editors, **SAM ANGELOFF**, **ILENE BARTH**, **LINDA GUTSTEIN**, **LARRY JACKSON**, **HERBERT KUPFERBERG**, **JOHN G. ROGERS**, **ARTHUR ROTHSTEIN**

assistant art directors, **JOHN N. TIERNEY**, **ROBERT L. PETERSON** art associate, **AL TROIANI**

assistant to the editor, **MARION LONG** editorial assistants, **SUZANNE CURLEY**, **NOEL HUMPHREYS**, **DORIS SCHORTMAN**

home economics, **DEMETRIA TAYLOR** fashion, **VIRGINIA POPE** cartoon editor, **LAWRENCE LARIAR**

washington, bureau chief, **JACK ANDERSON**; **FRED BLUMENTHAL**, **OPAL GINN**

west coast bureau, **CHARLES PETERSON** Europe, **CONNECTICUT WALKER**

© 1973, Parade Publications, Inc., 733 Third Ave., New York, N.Y., 10017. All rights reserved under International and Pan American
Copyright Conventions. Reproduction in whole or in part of any article without permission is prohibited. PARADE®; Marca Reg.

2

Un lourd dossier attend Kissinger et Le Duc Tho jeudi à Paris

A deux jours de ses retrou-
vailles avec M. Le Duc Tho, ar-
rivé hier à Paris, Henry Kissin-
ger a précisé qu'il attend deux
choses de cette nouvelle série
d'entretiens : une « améliora-
tion considérable » de l'appli-
cation des accords de paix en
Indochine et l'occasion de faci-
liter la recherche d'un cessez-le-
feu au Cambodge. Or, sur ces
deux points, la tâche des négo-
ciateurs s'annonce très délicate.

Côté Vietnam, la « polémique du cessez-le-feu » entre les frères ennemis du Sud est toujours aussi vive. Saigon a adressé lundi aux 13 membres de la Conférence internationale de Paris un communiqué énu-mérant les « violations commu-nistes » dans les trois pays de la péninsule. Entre le 28 janvier et le 26 avril, affirme le texte, « plus de 50.000 soldats sud-vietnamiens sont passés du Nord au Sud-Vietnam ». Autre source de discorde entre les deux camps vietnamiens : les attaques contre les équipes de la Commis-sion internationale de contrôle et de surveillance (C.I.C.S.). Saigon en rejette la responsabi-lité sur la partie « communiste ». La base de la C.I.C.S. de Ben Cat, à 40 kilomètres de la capi-tale, a d'ailleurs de nouveau été bombardée dans la nuit de di-manche à lundi.

Hanoï et le G.R.P. ont réaf-
firmé que l'aviation U.S. bom-
barde les territoires contrôlés
par les révolutionnaires du Sud.
Des appareils américains ont
mitraillé samedi la région de
Loc Ninh, précise la radio viet-
cong.

Dernier grand point d'accro-

chage dans l'application des ac-
cords de Paris : la question des
détenus civils. Selon les accords,
ils devaient tous être libérés le
27 février dernier. Jusqu'à ce
jour, un millier d'entre eux seu-
lement ont eu cette chance,
alors que chaque camp en ré-
clame à l'autre plusieurs di-
zaines, voire centaines de mille.

Au Cambodge, second volet
des prochaines négociations Kis-
singer-Le Duc Tho, les perspec-
tives d'un règlement sont tou-
jours aussi lointaines. Le prince
Sihanouk, qui se trouve main-
tenant en Guinée, profite de sa

tournée africaine pour rappeler
que la cessation des raids amé-
ricains sur son pays est la condi-
tion sine qua non qu'il pose à
l'ouverture de pourparlers entre
Khmers (voir notre correspon-
dance de Dakar). De son côté,
le chef du gouvernement de
Phnom-Penh, M. In Tam, doit
affronter une nouvelle vague de
mécontentement, celle des mili-
taires : plusieurs centaines
d'entre eux ont défilé et tiré en
l'air lundi dans les rues de la
capitale khmère. Ils n'ont pas
touché leur solde depuis trois
mois.

A toutes ces difficultés qui

attendent MM. Kissinger et Le
Duc Tho, le *New York Times* en
ajoute une autre : l'opposition
grandissante du Congrès améri-
cain, qui réduira encore la mar-
ge de manœuvre du négociateur
américain. Le journal faisant
allusion au refus des représen-
tants de voter de nouveaux cré-
dits d'aide militaire au Cam-
bodge, écrit notamment : « Pour
la première fois depuis bien des
années, le président devra pren-
dre au sérieux la volonté du
peuple, telle qu'elle a été expri-
mée par l'intermédiaire du
Congrès, pour l'élaboration de
la politique indochinoise. »

## PREMIER ENTRETIEN FAYÇAL-POMPIDOU :

Crise du Proche-Orient et relations entre la France et l'Arabie séoudite

PAGE 3 : pas d'information

## POINT CULMIN DE LA GRÈVE en faveur des maîtres-auxil

● Perturbation des cours d'eau dans tous les ordres d'enseignement

PAGE 15 : notre information

## "FAIRE R

L'A violence de la campagne antimilitariste menée en France autour de la loi Débré ne pouvait rester sans explicite réponse gouvernementale. Cette réponse, M. Robert Galley l'a donnée avec une voieur qui a fait sur ses auditeurs bonne impression, au banquet de clôture de l'Union des officiers de réserve. Le ministre des Armées n'a pas seulement affirmé, quant au point central du débat, que, si des mesures d'assoupissement aux dispositions du service national étaient envisagées, il n'était pas question de capituler devant l'agitation lycéenne et ceux qui l'exploitent, en revendant à l'ancien régime.

Kissinger Sought
Security Leak Plug

WP
5/5/73

By William Claiborne

Washington Post Staff Writer

Wiretap records that have been missing from FBI files since 1971 were found Saturday in a safe in the White House office of former presidential assistant John Ehrlichman, Acting FBI Director William D. Ruckelshaus disclosed yesterday.

The records included summaries and logs that had been demanded by U.S. District Judge Matthew Byrne in the Pentagon Papers trial of Daniel Ellsberg, which ended last week in a mistrial.

Ruckelshaus also revealed that the FBI made the wiretaps on the telephones of four reporters and 13 White House officials following a series of discussions in the spring of 1969 between presidential adviser Henry A. Kissinger and the late FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover.

During the discussions, Ruckelshaus said, Kissinger told Hoover he was "extremely concerned" about news leaks that were affecting foreign policy.

The leaks and subsequent wiretaps preceded by two years the disclosure of the Pentagon Papers by Daniel Ellsberg. They came at a time of secret peace overtures to North Vietnamese negotiators and continued through early disclosures of the U.S. position in the strategic arms limitation talks (SALT) and of U.S.-U.S.S.R. anti-ballistic missiles capabilities.

Ruckelshaus refused to reveal the names of the reporters and administration officials whose telephones were tapped, saying that the "potential harm" to those involved outweighs any possible benefit of naming names.

However, it had been previously disclosed by government sources that the telephones of reporters of The New York Times, The Sunday Times of London and The Washington Post were tapped in connection with the publication of the Pentagon Papers and in connection with the reporting of other diplomatic stories.

In a candid review of a 10-day-long FBI investigation into the wiretaps and the disappearance of the transcripts, Ruckelshaus told a press conference that he and an FBI agent recovered two large boxes containing the logs and summaries of the telephone taps from a safe in the outer office of Ehrlichman, who has resigned as President Nixon's principal deputy for domestic affairs.

Ruckelshaus' disclosure of the finding of the records was the first formal admission by the government of the extensive use of wiretaps to pinpoint the source of news leaks.

In a press conference Saturday, Kissinger seemed to deny ordering such surveillance, although he said he had received summaries of internal security reports written by agency heads on their own initiative.

Asked if he was aware of wiretaps on the telephones of White House staff members, Kissinger responded that the

See RUCKELSHAUS, A6, Col. 4

# Missing FBI Records Found

## RUCKELSHAUS, From A1

"overwhelming majority" of such investigations are initiated by the FBI or the Central Intelligence Agency and that they follow "duly constituted processes."

Kissinger said yesterday:

"My conversation with J. Edgar Hoover concerned the safeguarding of classified information and not the initiation of any particular form of investigation."

Kissinger, in other words, was disclaiming responsibility for initiating the use of wiretapping as a special means to check on security leaks. He did not indicate, however, that he registered any objection to the methods employed by the FBI.

Ruckelshaus said the genesis of the telephone surveillance of reporters and administration officials was a series of "very general" discussions in the spring of 1969 between Kissinger and Hoover in which Kissinger expressed "extreme concern" over certain news leaks.

The acting FBI director said the request was routinely studied and approved by then Attorney General John N. Mitchell and that 17 wiretaps were made on the homes and offices of the reporters and administration officials. The surveillance lasted from one to 21 months, he said.

Ruckelshaus said that because of the "sensitivity of these particular surveillances," the records were kept at first in Hoover's office. Later, at Hoover's direction, Ruckelshaus said, they were moved to the office of William C. Sullivan, then assistant to the director of the FBI.

In the summer of 1971, Ruckelshaus said, the wiretap logs and summaries were moved to the White House on Sullivan's recommendation.

Ruckelshaus said that until Thursday night, when the

FBI interviewed Robert Mardian, former assistant attorney general in charge of internal security, he and other Justices Department officials had assumed that the logs and summaries had been destroyed.

This belief, Ruckelshaus said, was based on information supplied to Hoover by Mitchell.

Mitchell has denied making such a statement to Hoover.

Ruckelshaus said that Mardian told FBI agents Friday night that Sullivan said he wanted the wiretap records moved to the White House because he felt that Hoover might use the documents in some unspecified manner against Mitchell or President Nixon.

Ruckelshaus noted that Sullivan "does not affirm" Mardian's version of the transfer of the records.

The acting FBI director said his agency ended its investigation into the missing files when it "accepted the premise" that they had been destroyed.

"Unfortunately, the records were not located in time to respond to Judge Byrne's inquiries about the potential taint of evidence in the Ellsberg trial," Ruckelshaus said.

He added, "Of course, whether the loss of the records would have had any effect on the judge's decision is not for me to say."

All of the interceptions of Ellsberg's conversations, Ruckelshaus said, occurred when Ellsberg was visiting or conversing on the telephone with Morton Halperin, a staff member of the National Security Council until September, 1971.

It was disclosed last week at the Ellsberg trial that Halperin's home telephone was tapped for more than a the missing logs and summaries. "I take it Mr. Ehrlich-year."

Ruckelshaus said the FBI questioned Ehrlichman about man was simply a custodian of the files while he was in the White House," the acting FBI director said.

When asked to characterize the information obtained as a result of the taps, Ruckelshaus said, "The question of the worth of these taps will probably remain open and a question of debate well into the future."

He called the taps "completely legal when they were put in."

The legality of "national security" wiretaps is an unsettled question. Last year, the Supreme Court unanimously rejected Nixon administration claims to the right to conduct electronic surveillance without a court order in so-called "domestic subversion" cases, but the court left open whether the Executive Branch has such power in national security cases involving "foreign subversion."

When asked about Mr. Nixon's possible knowledge of the FBI investigation into the leaks, Ruckelshaus would say only that "it is known that the President was very concerned himself (about) the leaks."

He said that because the logs and summaries were sent to the White House, he assumed that Kissinger read them.

Meanwhile, it was confirmed that Mr. Nixon sent a letter in June, 1971, to Hoover advising the FBI director that White House aide Egil (Bud) Krogh was in charge of a special task force on national security and asking FBI cooperation.

Krogh's task force sought to plug leaks of information from within the administration, and subsequently became known as "the plumbers."

Krogh has admitted directing a burglary of the office of Ellsberg's psychiatrist and is himself the object of an investigation by a county grand jury in Los Angeles.

Ruckelshaus said he had told the White House and outgoing Attorney General Richard G. Kleindienst about his announcement of the missing wiretap records and that the response was, "Well, that's your statement."

"My departure may be more rapid than you think," Ruckelshaus told reporters.

Kissinger's NSC Staff Caught in Web

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

Henry A. Kissinger's
proud National Security
Council staff became en-
meshed in the use of wire-
taps as a test of its own
loyalty, informed sources
indicated yesterday.

Until the official confir-
mation by Acting FBI Di-
rector William D. Ruckel-
shaus that wiretaps were
used on the NSC staff and
on telephones of four
newsmen, Kissinger was
relatively free of taint in
the Watergate syndrome.

Kissinger drew an em-
phatic distinction yesterday
between the decision to use
wiretaps, and his obligation
for "safeguarding classified
information." He carried
the security problem to the
FBI. Kissinger agreed, but
he insisted that the meth-
ods used to cope with it
were not his "initiative."

The extent to which Kiss-
inger, nevertheless, may be
tainted for acquiescence in
the wiretapping process
caused him evident dismay
yesterday, his brief, taut,
public comment showed.

According to insiders,
what has been revealed so
far is only a portion of a
subtle process of internal
and external loyalty test-
ing that has operated in the
Nixon administration.

In this process, the will-
ingness of department
chiefs to consent to the use
of wiretaps and lie detectors
on their employees report-
edly became, in effect, a
"purity" gauge o fits own.

Some department chiefs
agreed to the use of tele-
phone taps, but balked at
subjecting their employees
to lie detectors. Others ap-
parently agreed to both

practices in their depart-
ments. Kissinger reportedly
refused to permit poly-
graphs, or lie detectors, on

News Analysis

his National Security Coun-
cil staff, while accepting the
wiretaps.

The implication is left
that a refusal of a depart-
ment chief to agree to
either practice could have
put in jeopardy his own
loyalty rating inside the
administration.

No official yesterday
would discuss openly this
subtle, double use of wire-
taps and lie detectors.
Bureaucratic veterans often
have discussed among them-
selves this double-edged
game, sometimes described
as "putting the fear of God
into the bureaucracy." Ac-

knowledging the existence of
the practice, however, has
itself been considered an
act of disloyalty.

Kissinger's NSC staff is
described as having been
especially exposed to intern-
al suspicion from super-
loyalists in the White House
since the outset of the
Nixon administration.

Many of the original staff
members recruited by Kiss-
inger, including Morton
Halperin, were holdovers
from other agencies in the
Kennedy - Johnson admin-
istrations. To key officials
such as John Ehrlichman
and H. R. Haldeman, these
staffers were from "enemy"
ranks.

As a result, insiders now
say, when news leaks on
sensitive international is-
sues first appeared in the
Nixon administration (as

they do in every administra-
tion), the loyalty of Kissin-
ger's staff faced special chal-
lenge from the Haldeman-
Ehrlichman branch of the
White House.

At that initial point in
May, 1969, the primary con-
cern is said to have been
leaks on administration stra-
tegy about Vietnam, the
Middle East and Korean pol-
icy. Later, the dominant
alarm about leaks centered
on the strategic arms limi-
tation talks (SALT) with the
Soviet Union.

Neither Kissinger nor any-
one else in the White House
would discuss yesterday ex-
actly what happened intern-
ally. But Kissinger is por-
trayed as having gone to
the late FBI Director J. Ed-
gar Hoover to request help
in safeguarding information

for the double purpose: not
just to block the leakage of
information, but to obtain
proof of the loyalty of his
staff and to help defend his
entire operation.

Kissinger's staff is said to
have come out "clean" of
suspicion of any security
disloyalty in the wiretap
surveillance of their tele-
phone calls. It is also claimed
that neither Kissinger nor
his staff was responsible in
any way for the wiretaps on
newsmen's telephones. So
far there is no independent
means for verifying any of
these specifics.

The public record shows
that subsequently, on Sept.
3, 1971, Secretary of State
William P. Rogers acknowl-
edged and defended the use
of lie detectors to check on
a news leak in a SALT story
published June 23, 1971.

Soviets See
Anti-Nixon
Plot in U.S.

By Dan Morgan

Washington Post Foreign Service

BELGRADE, May 14 — Soviet representatives in Eastern Europe have told Westerners that the Watergate scandal appears to them to be a "conspiracy" by powerful forces in the United States opposed to detente with Moscow.

The plot theory has been floated by a number of Soviet journalists and Communist editors regularly based in Belgrade, Bucharest, Warsaw and Moscow. According to this theory, reactionary American elements, which have never accepted the rapprochement with the Communists initiated by Mr. Nixon, have organized a plot to discredit him.

The Watergate case seems to have baffled and dismayed

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Confidential

Foreign Report

Published by The Economist Newspaper Limited

25 St. James's Street, London, SW1A 1HG

1295 16 May 1973

## Contents

- Franco appeases the right

- How far to the left in Holland?

- Brandt, Brezhnev and Barzel

- Qaddafi angers the Africans

- The new Soviet economic structure

# Franco appeases the right

The violence in Spain of the past two weeks has strengthened the regime – but weakened the government. Cabinet changes are expected this summer, probably around July.

Fundamentally, the regime's appeal to the newly prosperous, largely apolitical middle class is based on its ability to maintain order; and, in this context, extremist groups such as the trotskyists and maoists are virtually the regime's allies. It was the right-wing Warriors of Christ the King who started the violence before May Day, with attacks on leftist priests. But the violence of right-wing extremists is given little publicity, and indeed many conservatives consider it an acceptable way of keeping 'subversives' in their place. In contrast, the stabbing of a young policeman by leftists on May Day was given almost sensational treatment by the news media; and in some instances police and army officers supported and even sponsored right-wing protest demonstrations.

The right-wingers called at first for the dismissal of **Sr Garicano Goni**, the minister of the interior, who had ordered the police not to fire on May Day marchers. The no-shooting decision was, in fact, made by the cabinet; ministers wanted to avoid a repetition of incidents like those at Granada and Barcelona, which had aroused a good deal of indignation elsewhere in Europe. But soon the target for the demonstrators' wrath was the whole cabinet, in particular the Opus Dei technocrats.

The gestures of appeasement which the government has made to the right over the past three years seem likely to be increased. Some army and police officers have let

1

it be known that they are worried; and the cabinet is anxious to avoid giving the right a pretext for mass rallies similar to those which followed the Burgos trial in 1970. In the privileged Fuerza Nueva movement – whose propaganda has aroused resonant echoes in the army and police – there is a mood of triumph. The leader of Fuerza Nueva is the ultra-Catholic nationalist lawyer **Don Blas Piñar**, one of General Franco's personal nominees to the Cortes. Sr Piñar's principal targets in recent months have been (a) 'red priests' and (b) the foreign minister, **Sr López Bravo**, who is under fire for his alleged softness on several issues – Gibraltar, fishing rights, the Spanish Sahara, and policy towards the communist powers.

Well-placed sources say that Franco is now giving López Bravo his last chance to secure a British concession on Gibraltar that can be represented as a success for Spain; and these sources expect López Bravo and Sr Goni to be among the casualties of the next cabinet changes. On the other hand, Franco is notoriously averse to making changes already widely predicted. A tougher line towards Morocco and a request to the Vatican for co-operation in curbing 'red priests' do, however, seem likely.

Two generals seen in recent right-wing demonstrations – **Iniesta Cano** and **Diez Alegría** – are the focus of much speculation. Specifically: (i) Iniesta Cano, director-general of the para-military Guardia Civil, led one of the first protest demonstrations after the May Day murder; afterwards right-wingers shouted 'Iniesta take power'. Moderates hoped that the government would discipline him; they recalled that **General Roderigo Cifuentes** had been dismissed from his command in Granada three years ago, after he had criticised Opus Dei. But Roderigo Cifuentes was a political nonentity, and for personal reasons his fellow generals were glad to see him demoted. Iniesta is a much more important figure; eleven cabinet ministers attended the ceremony at which he took over the Guardia Civil. He is a right-wing falangist who firmly believes that after Franco nothing fundamental will change. Franco's principles 'will continue to govern Spain for centuries', he is quoted as saying. Fortunately for the government, he is due to retire this summer. But even in retirement he will remain an influential figure.

(ii) Diez Alegría, the chief of staff, is not popular with the right because he is opposed to intervention by the armed services in politics. One of his brothers is a left-wing Jesuit. He is now said to be mending his fences with the right, and even grooming himself for political office – with Franco's approval. (It was significant that he accompanied Sr López Bravo to London last week, although his presence had no serious military purpose.) Diez Alegría is the officer who would attract the broadest support in the political and ecclesiastical establishment, if the planned succession of Don Juan Carlos should break down or if the future king should need a military prime minister or foreign minister. (Admiral Carrero Blanco, the vice-president, has been chosen by Franco to serve as Juan Carlos's first prime minister, but – although impeccably right-wing – he is unpopular in the army.)

Extreme right-wingers would not be enthusiastic about Diez Alegría but, in principle, they would prefer a military man to a civilian in almost any post.

## How far to the left in Holland?

Although there is widespread relief that the 163-day constitutional crisis in Holland has ended, the new left-centre coalition, headed by **Mr Den Uyl**, has had a mixed reception, both in Holland itself and in western Europe. Ten of the 16 ministers belong

2

to the Progressive block (in which the Labour party predominates); the other six are
'progressive' members of the religious-based group sometimes loosely described as
Christian Democrats.

Mr Den Uyl hopes to present a policy statement to parliament within the next few weeks. This will be closely studied not merely by the Dutch but by western defence planners. The main issues are:

(i) *Foreign policy.* In a press interview, the new foreign minister, **Mr van der Stoel**, has already reaffirmed Holland's allegiance to Nato. But Mr van der Stoel is known for his antipathy to Spain, Portugal and Greece; and it was characteristic that, in his first public statement in his new post, he emphasised that the member countries of Nato must have democratic systems. (During the election campaign in the autumn, the Progressives argued that Holland should pull out of Nato if the Greek regime were not liberalised.) Mr van der Stoel also said that, although he wanted a 'close security relationship' with the United States, he would be ready to criticise 'some aspects of American foreign policy' - which can hardly be encouraging news to Mr Nixon.

Mr Den Uyl himself is an admirer of Herr Brandt. The new government will therefore lend fairly enthusiastic support to West Germany's Ostpolitik, and to general western moves for 'detente'. It is also likely to show more interest in the third world than previous Dutch governments have done - and be prepared to supply more in aid.

(ii) *Defence.* This is the question which worries Holland's allies most, for the new coalition is virtually committed to drastic defence cuts. But there are two constraints: (a) the leading ministers realise that these cuts will have to be worked out in consultation with Nato; and (b), more important, the new cabinet is unlikely to risk its own existence by pushing the defence issue too far. The whole question has been a thorny one in the political manoeuvring of the past months, and unanimity has not yet been reached in the cabinet itself. The new government's majority looks adequate on paper but is highly fragile - and the leader of the Liberal (conservative) party has vowed that he and his followers will do everything they can to oust the new coalition as soon as possible.

Another significant factor is that the new defence minister, **Mr Vredeling**, is an ardent European; it remains to be seen how his Europeanism will be expressed in his new post. He and Mr van der Stoel are both members of the Labour party.

(iii) *Economic questions.* These - in particular, the fight against inflation - could be decisive in the coming months. The new government will probably be more sympathetic to the claims of the trade unions than to those of the employers' organisations. In brass tacks, this will probably mean opposition to price increases rather than wage increases. Industrialists are holding back on investment until the new government clearly shows its hand. They are waiting, in particular, to see whether the Labour ministers will try to push through the proposed levy on industrial investment.

(iv) *The political structure.* One beneficial side-effect of the protracted constitutional crisis has been a general recognition that the complex party system needs drastic reform and that serious efforts should be made to reduce the number of parties. Some trends favour this development. The Christian Democrat groups are losing ground; in the last elections they lost 10 seats in the lower house, going down from 58 to 48, and they are divided among themselves. The liberals did very well, gaining six seats to reach a total of 22; and the Labour party gained four seats (39 to 43).

If the division within the ranks of the Christian Democrats continues, many of their

3