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-14-

are deeply conscious that we owe it to future generations
not to be swayed by momentary passions.

The state of United States-Soviet relations today and
just a decade ago presents a dramatic contrast. The world
is no longer continually shaken by chronic and bitter con-
frontations. Periodic consultations -- including at the
highest level -- encourage restraint and amplify areas of
mutual interest. The forthcoming meeting between President
Ford and General Secretary Brezhnev should strengthen
this process.

Principles of mutual restraint have been enunciated
at various summit meetings; they were reaffirmed by the

- 15 -

Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe two
months ago. These principles provide a standard of
behavior by which our actions will be tested.

If they are observed -- as we insist -- and if
neither side seeks unilateral advantage, the specter
of general war will be lifted not only from our
own people but from all nations. There is no more
important task before us.

We have likewise pursued more constructive and
beneficial relationships with the countries of Eastern Europe.

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[Y]

plans to visit the People's Republic of China later this year
to confirm the vitality of our relationship and to advance
the ties between us on the basis of the strict implementation
of the Shanghai Communique. We take seriously the
process of normalizing our relationship. We are dedicated
to pursuing it.

## Containing Regional Conflicts

The world community must find a way to contain
or resolve regional conflicts before they spread into global
confrontation. Nowhere has the danger been greater than
in the Middle East. Nowhere has the need for persistent
and imaginative negotiation between suspicious rivals been
more evident. Nowhere is there greater promise of moving

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- 18 -

from perennial crisis towards peace. Nowhere has the United Nations Security Council established a clearer framework of principles ~~more than in its resolutions~~ than in its resolutions 242 and 338.

The road toward a lasting peace stretches long and hard before us. The Middle East has seen more than its share of dashed hopes and disappointment. But the conclusion of the recent Sinai agreement marks a major step forward. It is the first agreement in the long and tragic history of the Arab-Israeli conflict which is not the immediate consequence of hostilities. It could mark a turning point ~~toward peace in the Middle East.~~

The agreement deserves the support of all the

- 19 -

countries assembled here because every nation here has
an interest in progress towards peace in the Middle East.

It is another step in the process launched by Security
Council Resolution 338. The alternative was a continuing
stalemate which would have benefited no one and which
would have led over time to another war creating a serious
threat to world peace and the prospect of broad global
economic dislocation. Neither fear of the future nor
pride should obscure the fact that an unusual opportunity for
further progress on all issues now exists.

But opportunities must be seized or they will
disappear. I want to emphasize that the United States did
not help negotiate this agreement in order to put an end to the

- 20 -

YI

process of peace but to give it new impetus.

President Ford has stated that we will not accept stalemate and stagnation in the Middle East. That was true before the Sinai agreement was signed, it remains true today. The objective of our policy is not merely to create another temporary truce but to sustain the momentum of negotiations. The United States is determined to take every feasible step to help promote further practical progress towards final peace.

As a first step, it is essential that the Sinai agreement be carried out impeccably, within the terms and the time frame that are stipulated.

In the improved atmosphere thus created, the

- 21 -

United States stands ready to participate in any promising
initiative
effort towards peace at the request of the parties concerned.

We have made clear that we are prepared to
make a serious effort to encourage negotiations between
Syria and Israel.

We also intend to consult over the coming weeks
with all concerned regarding the reopening of the Geneva
Conference which met at an early crucial phase. As
co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference together with the
Soviet Union, our two countries have special responsibilities
in this regard.

We are prepared also to explore possibilities
for perhaps a more informal multilateral meeting to assess

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conditions and to discuss the future.

The United States seeks no special benefit; we
do not attempt to exclude any country. We will cooperate
with any nation that is willing to make a contribution. We
have no preference for any particular procedure. We will
support whatever process seems most promising. Our
approach will continue to be both flexible and determined.

The search for final peace must be conducted
on a wide basis. We have already begun discussions with
the Soviet Union, with a view to assessing the current
situation in the Middle East and weighing possible
diplomatic approaches to bring about a just and durable
peace in accordance with Security Council Resolutions

[y]

- 23 -

242 and 338. While we have had important differences with the Soviet Union, our two countries have held parallel views that the situation in the Middle East poses grave dangers and that partial steps must be part of and contribute to progress towards a comprehensive settlement.

The role of the world organization remains essential. If this organization had no other accomplishment than its effective peacekeeping role in this troubled area, it would have well justified itself. These soldiers of peace, wearing the blue beret of the United Nations, as members of UNTSO, UNEF, UNDOF have become indispensable to the maintenance of the two 1974 disengagement accords as well as the Sinai agreement.

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- 24 -

I want to take this occasion to salute Secretary General Waldheim and his staff, and General Siilasvuo, the Chief Coordinator of the UN Peacekeeping Missions in the Middle East; and all the men and women from many countries who have served in the forces without an enemy.

The deliberations of this body in the Middle East also play a central role. They can encourage progress or exacerbate tensions. Procedural decisions can be based on the recognition that dialogue requires universality of membership, or they can fuel a futile, self-defeating effort to discriminate -- in violation of the Charter -- against a memberstate whose participation is vital for a solution.

- 25 -

The Middle East will continue to be an area of
anguish, turmoil, and peril until a just and durable peace
is achieved. Such a peace must meet the principal
concerns and interests of all in the area; foremost
among these are territorial integrity; the right to live
in peace and security and the legitimate interests of the
Palestinians.

In the Middle East today there is a yearning
for peace surpassing any known for three decades. Let
us not doom the region to another generation of futile
struggle. Instead, let the world community seize the
historic opportunity before it. The suffering and bravery
of all the peoples of the Middle East cry out for it; the

- 26 -

hopes and interests of all the world's peoples demand it.

The United States promises its full dedication to further progress towards peace.

The contribution of the United Nations to the process of peace is essential in Cyprus as well. The Secretary-General has the responsibilities of organizing the peacekeeping forces on the island, and of facilitating the talks between the leaders of the Greek and Turkish communities.

Strict maintenance of the cease-fire is imperative.

For this we look to the restraint of the parties and the efficacy of the UN peacekeeping forces.

- 27 -

We know that the world community shares our sense of urgency that the negotiating process be resumed and that the parties demonstrate flexibility and statesmanship. The status quo on the island must not become permanent; a rapid and equitable solution is essential. The Secretary-General has worked tirelessly and imaginatively under the most difficult circumstances to narrow the differences. He deserves the full support of the parties and of every nation here.

The details of a Cyprus settlement are for the two communities themselves to decide. However, in keeping with United Nations resolutions which the United States has fully supported, the following principles are

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[Y]

essential:

-- A settlement must preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus;

-- It must ensure that both the Greek-Cypriot and the Turkish-Cypriot communities can live in freedom and have a large voice in their own affairs;

-- The present dividing lines cannot be permanent. There must be agreed territorial arrangements which reflect the economic requirements of the Greek Cypriot community and take account of its self-respect;

[Y]

- 29 -

-- There must be provision for the withdrawal
of foreign military forces other than those
present under the authority of international
agreements;

-- And there must be security for all Cypriots;
the needs and wishes of the refugees who have
been the principal victims and whose tragic
plight touches us all must be dealt with
speedily and with compassion.

These goals match the aspirations of the over-
whelming majority of the Cypriot people as well as the
interests of all neighboring states.

- 30 -

Another area where this organization will be called upon to take responsible action is the Korean peninsula.

This requires, above all, maintenance of the Armistice, pending agreement by all of the parties most directly concerned to replace it with a new arrangement.

The existing Armistice is the only legal instrument committing the parties to maintain the peace. It is a carefully designed structure for monitoring and policing the military demarcation line.

The U.N. Commander-in-Chief is a signatory to that agreement. The Armistice machinery functions

- 31 -

daily. None of the signatories has repudiated it. Nor could they do so, without serious risks to the peace of the world.

Since 1972, South and North Korea have pledged themselves to enter into a dialogue and to seek unification without resort to arms. This Assembly in 1973 and 1974 encouraged this process -- first in a consensus resolution supporting talks between the two sides; then in a resolution which looked toward termination of the UN Command. The United States agrees that twenty years after the end of the Korean war, it is timely to terminate the UN Command. We have, in fact, cosponsored a resolution to that effect which is now before you.

[Y]

- 32 -

It would be foodhardy, however, to terminate the
UN Command without new arrangements to preserve the
integrity of the Armistice Agreement. In the interest
of peace, the United States cannot accept any solution
which fails to provide for the continuing validity of the
Armistice Agreement.

The Republic of Korea and the United States have
stated their general readiness to meet with representatives
of the other side and with other members of the Security
Council to discuss termination of the UN Command while
preserving the Armistice Agreement.

Today I can be more specific. The United States

- 33 -

and the Republic of Korea, looking forward to the time
when a lasting solution of the Korean problem can be
achieved, are herewith proposing to the parties of the
Armistice the convening of a conference to discuss
ways to preserve the Armistice Agreement. At such
a meeting, we would also be prepared to explore other
measures to reduce tension on the Korean peninsula,
including the possibility of a larger conference to
negotiate a more fundamental arrangement.

It would be in keeping with this spirit of
dialogue for this body to open its doors to full membership
for the two Korean Governments. The United States
supports the dual entry of both South and North Korea

- 34 -

into the United Nations without prejudice to their
eventual reunification. For our part, if North Korea
and its allies would move to improve their relations
with the Republic of Korea, we would be prepared to
take similar reciprocal actions.

It goes without saying that no proposal for
security arrangements on the Korean peninsula which
attempts to exclude the Republic of Korea from the dis-
cussions can be accepted by the United States.

The United Nations can contribute significantly
to the process of peace on the Korean peninsula by
supporting a responsible approach.

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- 35 -

Over the past year the United States has followed
carefully and with great sympathy the efforts to reach
peaceful settlements in Southern Africa.

We welcome the statesmanlike efforts of both
black and white African leaders who are seeking to
prevent violence and bloodshed and to promote a
negotiated settlement in Rhodesia. The differences
between the two communities in that country while
substantial, have been narrowed significantly in the
last decade. Both sides in Rhodesia, and Rhodesia's
neighbors black and white, have an interest in averting
civil war. We will support all efforts to bring about

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- 36 -

a peaceful settlement.

In underlining our goal of peaceful change for
Southern Africa, I want to emphasize the importance of
an early settlement in Namibia. My government's
opposition to South Africa's continuing occupation of
Namibia and our rejection of South Africa's apartheid
system are well known. The United States has consistently
conveyed our position on this subject to South Africa.
We will continue to do so.

We believe that the people of Namibia should
be given the opportunity within a short time to express
their views on the political future and constitutional
structure of their country, freely and under UN supervision.

- 37 -

BUILDING INTERNATIONAL SECURITY

Peace in the world will be fragile and tenuous
without a curb and eventually an end of the arms race.
This is why the United States has embarked, with the
Soviet Union, upon the difficult and complex negotiation
to limit strategic arms. Our objectives are to prevent
unchecked destabilizing competition in strategic armaments;
to achieve reduction of these arms; to lessen further the
likelihood of hasty decisions in time of crisis; and to ease the
economic burden of the nuclear arms race.

The Vladivostok accord of last fall marked a major
step toward achieving these goals. When the agreement
in principle is translated into a treaty, agreed

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- 38 -

ceiling s will be placed on strategic force levels for
a ten-year period. This unprecedented step will slow the
pace of new arms programs especially those driven by
fear of major deployments by the other side. And it
will enhance prospects for international stability and for
political accommodation in other areas.

The United States is actively engaged in other
arms control negotiations. Together with the Soviet Union,
we have made progress toward establishing a regime for
peaceful nuclear explosions. And we have agreed to set
a threshold on the underground testing of nuclear
weapons. These are significant steps toward a verifiable
comprehensive test ban.

- 39 -

In addition, the United States and the USSR have
presented to the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament
texts of a Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any
Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques.
These techniques are still at a primitive stage of
development, but man's mastery of environmental forces
continues to advance. Misuse of this knowledge might open
new avenues of military competition and wreak untold and
irreversible harm upon all humanity. We urge the
Conference to complete its consideration rapidly.

Another urgent task is a substantial reduction in
the high levels of military forces now confronting each

- 40 -

other in various parts of the world. The United States/
believes that the time has come to give new impetus to
the negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions
in Central Europe. The significance of the Conference
on Security and Cooperation in Europe depends
importantly on whether we can achieve progress in this
area. An agreement that enhances mutual security in
Central Europe is feasible and essential. We will work
toward this goal.

The world faces a paradox with respect to the
proliferation of nuclear energy. Men have fashioned

- 41 -

[Y]

from the atom weapons which can in minutes end the
civilization of centuries. Simultaneously, the atom
is fast becoming a more and more essential source of
energy. It is clear that the cost and eventual scarcity
of oil and other fossil fuel will increasingly spread nuclear
power around the world in the decades ahead.

But the spreading of nuclear power poses starkly
the danger of proliferating nuclear weapons capabilities --
and the related risks of the theft of nuclear materials,
blackmail by terrorists, accidents or the injection of the
nuclear threat into regional political conflicts. Now is
the time to act. If we fail to restrain nuclear proliferation
future generations will live on a planet shadowed by
nuclear catastrophe.

Over the past year, the United States has repeatedly urged new

-42-

efforts among the supplier states to strengthen and
standardize safeguards and controls on export of nuclear
materials. We must not allow these safeguards to be
eroded by commercial competition. We must ensure the
broad availability of peaceful nuclear energy under safe,
economical and reliable conditions.

The United States has intensified its efforts within
the International Atomic Energy Agency and with other
nations to broaden and strengthen international standards
and safeguards and has proposed an international conven-
tion setting standards to protect the physical security of
nuclear materials in use, storage or transfer.

The United States continues to urge the widest pos-

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-43-

sible adherence to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the
associated safeguard measures of the IAEA.

The greatest single danger of unrestrained nuclear
proliferation resides in the spread under national control
of reprocessing facilities for the atomic materials in nuclear
power plants. The United States therefore proposes -- as
a major step to reinforce all other measures -- the estab-
lishment of multinational regional nuclear fuel cycle centers.

These centers would serve energy needs on a commercially
sound basis and encourage regional energy cooperation.

Their existence would reduce the incentive for small and
inefficient reprocessing facilities, limit the possibility of
diverting peaceful nuclear materials to military use, and

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-45-

the based on
our political relations will reflect an order of cooperation
or an era of conflict.

It would be one of history's most tragic ironies if,
at a time when we are putting behind us the tensions of the
Cold War, we were to enter a new period of conflict
between North and South, rich and poor. At the recently
concluded Special Session, the United States called for an
end to the sterile confrontation of the past. We stated that
when the ancient dream of mankind -- a world without
poverty -- becomes a possibility, our moral convictions
also make it a duty. And we emphasized that only cooperation --
not extortion -- can achieve this goal.

The Special Session gives us ground for hope that --

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-46-

at least for the immediate future -- a choice has been
made to turn away from confrontation toward cooperation.

The United States is proud to support the final document
which is the product of the arduous effort and dedication
of so many in this Chamber.

The United States considers the achievements of the
Special Session a beginning, not an end. As recommended
by the final report, we must now move forward in available
forums to give reality and content to the objectives on which
we have agreed. In the difficult negotiations ahead, my
government will participate energetically, in a cooperative
and conciliatory spirit.

-47-

BUILDING FOR JUSTICE

Beyond peace, security, and prosperity, lies a deeper
universal aspiration for dignity and equal opportunity.

Mankind will never be spared all the tragedies inherent
in the cycle of life and death. But we do have it in our
power to eliminate or ease the burden of social tragedy
and of organized injustice.

The United States has therefore traditionally been an
advocate of extending the reach of international law in
international affairs. We have offered our help to the
victims of disease and natural disaster. We have been
a champion of liberty and a beacon to the oppressed. There
is no longer any dispute that international human rights are

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-48-

on the agenda of international diplomacy.

The reach of international law must extend to the last frontiers of our planet, the oceans. They are the common heritage of mankind, but they can turn into arenas of conflict unless governed by law. They hold untapped sources of energy, minerals and protein; their environmental integrity is crucial to our survival.

The United States welcomed the United Nations mandate for a comprehensive treaty governing the use of the oceans and their resources. Last month in Montreal I set forth our approach to this negotiation and urged that next year's session of the Law of the Sea Conference move matters to a rapid and successful conclusion. No inter-

[Y]

-49-

national negotiation is more vital for long-term political
and economic stability and the prosperity of our globe.

International law must also come to grips with
international terrorism. Innumerable innocent lives
have been lost as a consequence of the lack of inter-
nationally accepted standards specifically designed to
avert unlawful and dangerous interference with civil
aviation. The hijacking of aircraft, the kidnapping and
murder of innocent civilian victims for presumed political
gain remain a plague on civilized man. This remains
one of the underdeveloped areas of international law
which merits the ~~much more~~ urgent attention of this
organization.

Compassion for our fellow men requires that we

-50-

mobilize international resources to combat the age-
old scourges of mankind -- disease, famine, and
national disaster. We are pleased that a concerted
effort has been undertaken by the World Health Organiza-
tion and interested governments, in response to our
initiative at the last General Assembly, to control
schistosomiasis, a disease which afflicts and debilitates
over 200 million people in 70 countries, and inflicts a
great human and economic cost.

The great human rights must be recognized,
respected, and given reality in the affairs of nations.
The earliest UN declarations, and the recent Helsinki
Conference, leave no doubt that these are matters of

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-51-

international concern. The United States will support
these principles. Throughout the world, in all continents,
violations of human rights must be opposed whether they
are inflicted by one race upon another -- or upon members
of the same race. Human rights must be cherished
regardless of race, sex or religion. There can be no
double standard.

The UN Human Rights Commission has taken its first
steps against gross violations of human rights where
serious and reliable allegations are submitted by individuals.
We support these steps. The organized concern of the
world community can be a potent weapon in the war
against degradation of human values.

One of the most persistent and serious problems is

-52-

torture, a practice which all nations abhor. It is an
absolute debasement of the function of government
when its overwhelming power is used, not for people's
welfare but as an instrument of their suffering.

The United States urges this Assembly to adopt
the declaration of the recent world congress on this
issue in Geneva. In addition, we propose that this
General Assembly establish a group of experts, to
be appointed by the Secretary General, to study the
nature and extent of torture in the world today and to
report back to the next Assembly.

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-53-

Mr. President,

This Organization was created in the belief that the universality of the human race can be reflected in the conduct of international affairs. This Chamber symbolizes the hope that mankind places in the force of nations working together in the common interest, with reason, responsibility and mutual respect.

The problems we face are complex and perilous. The sterile slogans of yesterday, the solutions of the past, the dwelling upon old resentments can only widen the gaps between us and allow the dangers to peace and the wellbeing of our peoples to fester and grow.

We have it in our power to prove to future genera-

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-54-

tions that the last quarter of the Twentieth Century
was not an era of violence, change and strife, but
one of the creative epochs of world history.

My country's history, Mr. President, tell us
that it is possible to fashion unity while cherishing
diversity; that common action is possible despite
the variety of races, interests and beliefs we see here
in this Chamber. Progress and peace and justice are
attainable.

So we say to all peoples and governments: let us
fashion together a new world order. Let its arrange-
ments be just. Let the new nations help shape it and
feel it is theirs. Let the old nations use their strengths

BUILDING INTERNATIONAL ORDER

30th Session
United Nations General Assembly
September 22, 1975

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, distinguished
delegates, ladies and gentlemen:

At the outset, let me say how pleased we are that our
deliberations this year take place under the Presidency of
the distinguished Prime Minister of Luxembourg. His con-
tribution to *closer* European cooperation, his diplomatic skills,
his dedication to democracy give us confidence that this 30th
session will be marked by a constructive spirit. And I want
also to pay tribute to *our* distinguished Secretary General whose
fairness, leadership, and tireless effort are dedicated to carrying
this Organization forward into a new era of *important* con-
tributions to world peace.

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-2-

As the family of nations enters the final quarter of the Twentieth Century, we can choose to step forward into a new era of cooperation; or we can return to the contentious strife of the past.

As we deliberate the future, an event of potentially vast implication has just been achieved in this Organization: In speak of course of the unanimous agreement produced by the Seventh Special Session of the General Assembly on measures to improve the economic condition of mankind.

Despite differences of ideology and economic development, when the nations assembled here understand that our interdependence spells either common progress or common disaster. They agreed to transcend stereotypes in the search for joint programs.

In our age no nation or group of nations can achieve its aims if they take a high step.

by pressure or confrontation and the attempt to do so will
damage every one. The Special Session forged a sense of
common purpose based on the equality and cooperation of
states. Now we must dedicate ourselves to implement these
consensus general principles.

Let us now carry forward the spirit of conciliation into the
deliberations of this Regular Session. Let us address the
issues of world peace -- the foundation of all else we do on
this planet -- with this same consciousness of our common
destiny.

This century has seen war and cataclysm on an unpre-
cedented scale. It has witnessed the breakdown of established
patterns of order and practices of international conduct. It
has suffered global economic depression and cycles of famine. It

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[M]

has experienced the birth of thermonuclear weapons, and
the proliferation of armaments around the planet. Ours is
a world of continuing political turmoil and ideological division.

But also in this century the principle of self-determination
and national independence have prevailed. A truly global
community has begun to evolve, reflected in a multitude of
institutions of international cooperation. New methods of
peaceful settlement, arms limitation, and new institutions to
promote economic development and to combat hunger and
disease worldwide have emerged.

In the years since this organization was born our illusions
were shaped

From p. 2-3 of easy consensus have been dispelled. Yet our very presence

here at the opening of this Session signifies the hope of all

nations that disputes and conflicts can be resolved by

cooperative means. It is not unrealistic for us now to attempt

one common duty

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-6-

There is a realistic prospect of global peace for this
era. Indeed we have no alternative. It cannot be built by one

group Responsibility
nation or any bloc or alliance of nations. It will require
in dealing
vision, creativity and good will to deal with the international

agenda: peace, security, economic well being and justice.

Today I will set forth the views of the United States on the
work we face in each of these areas.

BUILDING FOR PEACE

Our first and fourth uncear is for peace in the world.
Peace is never automatic, but it is more than the absence of war.
A nation's survival is its first and ultimate responsibility,
And if it is inseparable from security, it cannot be compromised or put to risk. There can be no
security without equilibrium and no safety without restraint.

A world in which the survival of nations is at the mercy
of a few would spell insecurity and oppression for most peoples.

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in a crucial and hopeful process to arrest the nuclear arms race which I will discuss in more detail later in this address.

We have found solutions to problems, notably Berlin. Reciprocal meetings at the highest level, which a few years ago would have been considered unthinkable are now an accepted fact of international life. We have reached a number of agreements for economic, cultural and technical cooperation to forge new links between societies which rest on fundamentally different systems of government. All these agreements are now in process of implementation. As they are scrupulously and reciprocally observed and implemented, the foundations of a peaceful relationship will become progressively more solid.

[4]

-15-

The United States has many traditional bonds of friendship with the proud peoples of that region, and we see ample scope for many practical forms of cooperation as the earlier rigid dividing line between East and West in Europe increasingly gives way to the restoration of old and the building of new ties.

There is no relationship to which the United States gives greater importance than (a) revived attention to its new ties with the People's Republic of China. The hostility of decades has given way to the traditional American interest in the peoples of China, their well-being, and independent (b) progress. A relationship of mutual respect is now a durable feature of the world scene. It serves not only the interest of the

-16-

countries but also the broader interests of peace and stability in Asia. International order over the long term requires a rational and friendly relationship between our two countries. President Ford plans to visit the People's Republic of China later this year to confirm the vitality of our relationship and to advance the ties between us on the basis of the Shanghai Communique. We take seriously the process of normalizing our relationship. We are dedicated to pursuing it.

The nuclear age must find a way to halt regional conflicts before they risk global confrontation, and conflagration. Nowhere has the risk been greater than in the Middle East. Nowhere has the need for painstaking

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-18-

leading to a final peace on all fronts. The agreement is not
directed against any nation. The alternative was a continuing stalemate
which would have benefitted no one and which would have led over
time to another war creating a serious threat to world peace
and the prospect of broad global economic dislocation.

This is the agreement that deserves the support of all the
countries assembled here. ~~Everybody~~ here has an interest in
~~ progress towards peace in the Middle East. ~~World security and
in the process launched by Security Council
~~global prosperity demand it; the interests of the people in the area~~
*Resolution 338.*
make it essential. Neither fear of the future nor *hurt* pride should
obscure the fact that an unusual opportunity for further progress on all
issues now exists.

But opportunities must be seized or they will disappear. We—

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-20-

There are positive reasons for hope.

First and foremost, it is essential that the agreement

be carried out impeccably, within the terms and within

that are stipulated,
the time frame set down by the agreement. We are encouraged

by the farsighted attitudes displayed by both sides in the

Working Group discussions that have been held within the
framework of the Geneva Conference.

Secondly, in carrying out the agreement the parties will
have the ready help of the UN. The United Nations has been
more directly involved -- more successfully involved -- in the

Middle East than any other area of the world. If this organization
had no other accomplishment than its effective peacekeeping role in this
troubled area, it would have well justified itself. These soldiers

p.24

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-21-

of peace, wearing the blue beret of the United Nations, as
members of UNTSO, UNEF, UNDOF have become indispensable to
both the achievement and the maintenance of the two 1974
disengagement agreements and the second agreement between
Egypt and Israel.

These are forces without an enemy, wanted by both sides,
that have become the irreplaceable impartial keepers of the
peace. I salute Secretary General Waldheim and his staff,
and General Siilasvuo, the Chief Coordinator of the UN Peacekeeping
Missions in the Middle East and all the men and women from many
countries who have served. The UN has a vital interest in the
durability of these agreements and in their success.

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-22-

Thirdly, because the agreement is balanced, because the parties share the view that it must not become an end in itself, because the UN is on the ground helping to maintain its efficacy, because we all agree that standing pat is an unacceptable alternative -- for all these reasons we believe that the objective conditions of peace in the Middle East have been greatly enhanced in recent months.

Many forums are available. Negotiations between Syria and Israel could make a major contribution to peace in the Middle East. The Geneva Conference should be reassembled at an appropriate time when all parties agree. Other less formal multilateral meetings could be arranged.

The United States stands ready to participate in any promising effort towards peace at the request of the parties concerned.

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-25-

Its procedural decisions can be based on the recognition that

dialoque requires universality of membership, on a futile,
self-defeating effort to discriminate -- against the provisions
of the Charter -- against one of the memberstates whose
participation moreover is vital if there is to be progress
towards peace.

The Middle East will continue to be an area of pain,
anguish, turmoil, risk and danger until a just and durable

peace is achieved, but *must* a peace which meets the principal

concerns and interests of the states in the area and of all of
among these are territorial integrity; the right to live in
peace + security and the peoples, including the legitimate interests of the Palestinians.

But we also believe that in the Middle East there is a
to-day

[x]

-26-

yearning for peace surpassing any known for a generation.

Let us not doom the region to another generation of
futile struggle. Let the world community, instead, seize this
historic opportunity. The suffering and bravery of all the
peoples of the Middle East cry out for it; the hopes and
interests of all the world's peoples demand it. Where to
much depends on the restrain and moderation of the parties
the United States cannot promise success, it does promise its
full dedication to further progress towards peace.

[y]

-27-

The essential contribution of the UN to the process of essential peace is apparent in Cyprus as well. In addition to organizing the peacekeeping forces essential for maintaining calm on the island, the Secretary-General has the added responsibility of facilitating the talks between the leaders of the two communities.

We know that the Secretary-General and the world community share our sense of urgency that the negotiating process be resumed and that the parties demonstrate good will and statesmanship. The status quo on the island must not become permanent; a rapid equitable solution is essential, for all peoples and countries concerned, +imaginatively+ the Secretary-General has worked tirelessly under the most difficult circumstances to narrow the differences on the Cyprus question.

-30-

[Y]

In Korea, this means, above all, maintenance of the
Armistice, pending agreement by all the parties most directly
concerned to replace it with a new arrangement. The existing
legal instrument
Armistice is the only agreement in force committing the parties
to maintain the peace. It is a carefully designed structure for
monitoring and policing the military demarcation line. The U.N.
Commander-in-Chief is a signatory to that agreement. The
Armistice machinery functions daily, and none of the signatories
has repudiated it.

Nor could they, without serious risks to the peace of the
world.

-32-

[Y]

Looking forward to the time when a lasting solution of the
Korean problem can be achieved, it can be announced today that the
United States and the Republic of Korea are proposing to the
parties of the Armistice the convening of a conference to discuss
measures to preserve the Armistice Agreement.

If we can secure a meeting, we will explore other measures to reduce tension on the Korean peninsula, and to consider the question of whether a larger conference would be timely to negotiate a more fundamental arrangement.

It would be in keeping with this spirit of dialogue, which we have advocated for ourselves and for others in dealing with potential adversaries, for this body to open its doors to full membership for the two Korean Governments. It would be an important step toward universality of membership in the United Nations.

My government has already indicated its willingness to accept the dual entry of both South and North Korea into the United Nations without prejudice to their mutual efforts at eventual reunification.

Beyond that, both the Republic of Korea and the United States believe that now is the time for reciprocal gestures by both South and North and their supporters in allowing Korea to play its proper role in the international community. For our part, if North Korea and its major allies would move to improve their relations with the Republic of Korea, we would be prepared to take similar reciprocal actions.

It goes without saying that no proposal relating to security arrangements on the Korean peninsula which attempts to exclude the Republic of Korea from the discussions or negotiations can be taken.

-34-

by the United States,
seriously. We will not accept any such proposals.

Southern Africa

Over the past year the United States has followed carefully
~~greatly~~
and with much interest the efforts to reach peaceful settlements
in Southern Africa. We applaud the statesmanlike efforts of
~~welcome~~
both black and white African leaders who are seeking to prevent
violence and bloodshed and to promote a negotiated settlement in
Rhodesia.

The differences between both black and white Africans in

-36-

Building for Security

Arms Control

Peace in the world will be fragile and tenuous unless it
~~withholds~~ leads to a curb and eventually an end of the arms race. This
is why the United States has embarked, ~~together~~ with the Soviet
Union, upon one of the most difficult and complex negotiations
~~to limit~~ ever attempted, the strategic arms, limitation talks. Our objectives
~~are to enhance international stability by preventing~~ unspecified
~~competition~~ in strategic armaments, and achieving
~~a reduction of their arms;~~ to reduce further the likelihood of hasty decisions
~~in time of crisis; and to ease the economic burden of the nuclear

[M]

-37-

The Vladivostok accord marked a major step toward achieving these goals. When the agreement in principle is translated into a treaty, agreed ceilings will be placed on strategic force levels for a ten-year period. This unprecedented step will reduce the incentives for new arms programs driven by fear of major deployments by the other side. It will confirm the principle of equivalence in the US-Soviet strategic relationship. And it will enhance prospects for international stability and for political accommodation in other areas.

[Y]

-38-

progress toward establishing a regime for peaceful nuclear
explosions. And we have agreed to set a threshold on the underground
testing of nuclear weapons, ~~These are~~ all significant steps toward a verifiable
comprehensive test ban.

In addition, the United States and the USSR have presented
to the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament texts of
a Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of
Environmental Modification Techniques. ~~These are~~ While such techniques
are still at a primitive stage of development, ~man's knowledge of
environmental forces continues to advance. Misuse of this
knowledge might open new avenues of military competition and ~wreak~
~undertaken~~ irreversible harm to all humanity. We urge the Conference to
~~not too~~ upon

[Y]

-39-

It is time to reduce substantially the high levels of military forces An outline mission task is now confronting each other in various parts of the world. The United

States believes that the time has come to give new impetus to

the negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions in Central Europe. The promise of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe significantly depends for its fulfillment on

Nuclear Energy and Non-Proliferation

With respect to the proliferation of nuclear energy, the world faces a paradox. Men have fashioned from the atom weapons which can in minutes end the civilization of centuries.

[Y]

-40-

Simultaneously, the atom is fast becoming a major source of power for mankind's well-being. As we look to the end of this century, it is clear that the cost and eventual scarcity of oil and other fossil fuel will spread nuclear power around the world in the decades ahead. But the widening use of nuclear power poses starkly the danger of proliferating independent nuclear weapons capabilities -- and related risks of the theft of nuclear materials, blackmail by terrorists, accidents or the injection of the nuclear threat into regional政治 conflicts. If we fail in this effort, future generations will live on a planet constrained by live not understand why we bequeathed them a world of unrestrained nuclear peril.

Over the past year, the United States has urged new

-41-

effort to strengthen and standardize safeguards and

these measures to be eroded. Commercial competition, We must

must not be permitted in lowering safeguards.

(Within the International Atomic Energy Agency, the
United States has intensified our efforts to broaden and

strengthen international standards and safeguards and embarked on

a systematic effort to upgrade nuclear physical security measures.

We urge the widest possible adherence to the Non-Proliferation
The United States shall continue its

The greatest danger of unrestrained nuclear spread is the

possession of national reprocessing facilities for the atomic materials

in nuclear power plants. The United States therefore proposes,

-45-

Building for Justice

Beyond peace and security, beyond prosperity, lies a deeper
universal aspiration for dignity and equal opportunity. Mankind
will never be spared all the tragedies inherent in the cycle of life and
death. But we do have it in our power to eliminate the
burden of social tragedy and of organized injustice.

The United States has therefore traditionally been an
advocate of extending the reach of international law in international
affairs, we have been a firm friend of those stricken by disease and
natural
disaster, and those shackled by injustice. We have consistently
supported placing international rights on the agenda of international
diplomacy.

[Y]

-47-

must seek to prohibit the excesses of modern-day war and,
international
most urgently, terrorism. The United States in 1972

proposed to the UN a new international Convention for the

Prevention of Punishment of Certain Acts of International
Terrorism, covering kidnapping, murder, and other brutal
acts. Innumerable innocent lives have been lost as a

consequence of the lack of internationally accepted standards specifically
designed to avert unlawful and dangerous interference with

civil aviation. We urge the United Nations to adopt effective
measures to deter terrorism in international travel.

The age-old scourges of mankind -- disease, famine,
and national disaster -- must be eliminated through our common

[M]

-47->

most urgently, terrorism.

The hijacking of

aircraft, the kidnapping and

proposed to the UN a new international Convention for the
murder of innocent civilian

This is still one of the underdeveloped

the life merits the much more

urgent attention to this organization

Compassion for our fellow men requires that we mobilize our entire resources and commit all our efforts to this end.

and national disaster, -- must be eliminated through our common

* (Mr. Secretary -- this proposal never got off the ground and there is no significant support for it.)

[Y]

-48-

and cooperative effort. We are pleased that a concerted effort has been undertaken by the World Health Organization and interested governments, in response to our initiative at the last General Assembly, to control the disease which afflicts and debilitates over 200 million people in 70 countries, and inflicts a great human + economic cost.

The great human rights must be recognized, respected, and given reality in the affairs of nations. The earliest UN declarations, and brought to bear to protect the daily lives of the world's people. The recent Helsinki Conference, leave no doubt that these are matters of international concern. The US will support these principles. Throughout the world, in all continents, violations of human rights must be opposed whether they are inflicted by members of one race upon members of another or upon members of the same race.

There can be no double standard. Human rights must be cherished equally for all individual human beings -- double standards are anathema to justice or to the moral sense.

-49-

The Charter proclaims noble goals in the field of human rights, but we also know that in a world of some hundred and fifty countries, with varying social systems, the variety of practices and principles makes consensus difficult.

The fact remains that people everywhere share basic common perceptions of what constitutes justice, but the aspiration to freedom will never be stilled.

The UN Human Rights Commission has begun its first steps toward dealing with gross violations of human rights in individual countries where serious and reliable allegations are submitted by individuals. We support these steps.

The organized concern of the world community can be a potent weapon in the war against degradation of human values, and one which this institution, above all, is in a good position to employ.

["-50-", "One of the most persistent and serious problems is torture, a practice which all nations abhor. In absolute debasement of the function of government takes place when its overwhelming power is used, not to enhance the welfare of an instrument of this suffering, but to coerce them into submission.", "At the recent world congress on this issue in Geneva, a declaration was formulated to protect people against torture.", "The United States urges this Assembly to adopt that declaration.", "In addition, we propose that this General Assembly establish a group of experts, to be appointed by the Secretary General, to study the nature and extent of the problem of torture as it exists in the world today and to report back to the next Assembly.", "Mr. President,", "This Organization was created in the belief that the universal belief that the human race can be reflected in the conduct of the

-51-

This chamber stands as a symbol of the hope that
mankind places in the power of nations working together in
the common interest, with reason, responsibility and goodwill.

moral respect

The problems we face are complex and perilous. The
sterile slogans of yesterday, the solutions of the past, the
dwelling upon old resentments can only widen the gaps between
us and increase the dangers to peace and progress of our people.

fester + grow

We have it in our power to prove to future generations
that the last quarter of the 20th century was not an era of
violence, change and strife, but one of the creative epochs
of world history.

We live in a world marked by simultaneous consolidation
and fragmentation of cultures, communities and political
entities.

-52-

My country's past tells us that it is possible to fashion
unity while cherishing diversity; that despite the variety of
races, interests & beliefs
history, interest and values we see here in this chamber,
conensus is possible. Progress is within reach. And peace
and justice are attainable.

So we say to all peoples and governments: let us fashion
together a new world order. Let the new nations help overcome
their memories and turn to the future. Let the old nations
adjust to realities and use their genius for the benefit of all
mankind. Let its arrangements be just. Let us work so that
it enriches the spirit and ennoble mankind.