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PAGE 6

# Dream that became history

By TONY ROGERS
Daily News Staff Writer

WHEN SHE GOT HER first glimpse of the tiny Cape Cod house, Helen Schnide could hardly have known that she was part of a new era — one signaling the birth of the American suburb, the baby boom and the explosion of the middle class.

To her it was simply home.

"It was a small, dark empty cottage set in a sea of frozen mud," Schnide recalled, "but it was also a doll house complete with a real fridge and washing machine. Our first home."

It was January 1948. Thousands of soldiers just home from World War II were starting families and needed affordable housing. Builder William J. Levitt provided just that with the construction of thousands of identical crackerbox houses that together became a place that bore his name: Levittown.

In a new documentary, Hofstra University Prof. Stewart Bird has traced the history of Levittown and the other Levitt developments, and examined their legacy.

"Building the American Dream: Levittown, N.Y.," is an hour-long pas- tiche of old photographs, newsreel footage and interviews with everyone from Schnide and other Levittown settlers to singer Billy Joel, who grew up in a Levitt house in Hicksville.

The film has aired on Long Island Cablevision. Clips from it were to be featured in a "Nightline" segment Friday night on ABC.

Bird, a professor of communication arts, decided to produce the Levittown documentary when he moved back to Long Island in 1990 after working for many years in New York City.

"I grew up out on Long Island, but hadn't been back for years," he said. "I wanted to do something on suburbia; there weren't many stories about it."

"I knew a little bit about Levittown, but didn't really know how important it was, and how unique the community was," he added. "As I began to research it, it seemed a unique and important story to tell."

As the film tells it, banks, builders and the federal government worked together around the country to finance and build affordable homes for returning vets.

But no one did it on a grander scale than Levitt, who in 1947 began offering Levittown homes at a price of $6,990, with a monthly mortgage payment of $58. Levitt eventually built 17,447 homes in Levittown.

Those early years were a heady time, said Schnide, 72, who with her husband paid $10,000 for their house on Morning Glory Road. (They paid extra for some finished rooms and an extension.)

RICK DEMBOW

MORE THAN 40 YEARS after she moved in, Helen Schnide says she'll never move from her Levittown "cottage."

"We were thrilled," she said. "My husband had just gotten out of the Army and we were delighted to have a home. It was darling."

There was a gritty pioneering feel to the early Levittown. There were no phones or stores, the streets and yards were muddy, "and the oil burner would ignite every 10 minutes with a deafening explosion," said Schnide.

"But by the end of the first year, our cottage was furnished, the phones were installed and our neighbors had all become dear friends," she added.

But Levittown wasn't for everyone. Only whites were allowed, as Eugene Burnett discovered when he traveled from Harlem, where he lived with his wife and child, to Levittown to ask a salesman for an application.

"He looked at me and said, 'It's not me. He [Levitt] has not as yet decided to sell these houses to Negroes,'" Burnett recalled. "It was a terrible feeling."

Levitt, who was interviewed for the film at North Shore University Hospital just weeks before he died last January, said: "It was an old story. If we sold to blacks, whites wouldn't buy."

And just as the community was white and the houses mostly identical, there was a certain sameness to the weeks, months and years spent in the Levitt developments.

Joel, recalling his childhood in Hicksville, told Bird how he once tried to write a song about Levittown.

"It started out as, 'Well we're living here in Levittown, and we're living here in Levittown,'" said Joel. "It didn't have a lot to really talk about."

The song became the one now known as "Allentown," about the cri-

DAN FARRELL DAILY NEWS

OPENING OF DOCUMENTARY is seen on screen as Hofstra University Prof. Stewart Bird stands by.

sis of Pennsylvania's steel mills. Joel said he may still try to write a song about Levittown.

To Schnide, her unassuming house on Morning Glory Road has been the place where her life has unfolded for 47 years.

Here, she watched her three sons grow up, and her husband grow sick and die. And though her world has changed much in the intervening decades, the home remains much the

same.

"It's yellow and tan now; it was green when we bought it," she said. "Otherwise we didn't do much to it. The furniture improved a little. But we always had just one bathroom; that was a big mistake."

Schnide said when her husband died in 1990, "the first thing people said was, 'Are you going to sell the house and move to Florida?' I said never. They'll have to carry me out."

DAILY NEWS • Sunday, January 8, 1995

EXHIBIT GOES TO BAT FOR BATS / SEE PAGES 14 & 15

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in "The Santa Clause," but don't let them anywhere near the new issue of Esquire.

The cover shows the "Home Improvement" star grabbing his crotch. Inside, he chats with writer Camille Paglia. Much of what he says can't be quoted in a family newspaper. But among other things, he talks about his fascination with menstruation, how his father introduced him to urinals and how "I am able to, without guilt, objectify women" — 'particularly Sharon Stone and her bleep.

Incidentally...

Keep an eye on Sen. Alfonse D'Amato and Claudia Cohen, the ex-wife of Revlon billionaire Ronald Perelman? The pair joined friends for drinks in Palm Beach recently and word is the two really hit it off.... May they end up as besotted as Lt. Gov. Betsy McCaughey and her fiancé, investment banker Wilbur Ross. The couple was seen nuzzling the other night at Island over a thick

James Dean, is suing Dean biographer Paul Alexander for speculating that Dean and Bast were once lovers. Bast's libel action claims that Alexander has now exposed him to "danger from the lunatic fringe of James Dean fans." Alexander's lawyers argued last week in a Los Angeles court that saying someone is gay should not be "put in the same libelous per se category as allegations of criminal behavior, leprosy and professional incompetence." They also noted that Bast doesn't object to being called "openly gay." Bast's lawyer could not be reached for comment. Says Alexander: "If I were a second-rate television writer and somebody accused me of sleeping with James Dean, I would think that would boost my career." The organizers of tonight's FAITH Winter Ball at Tavern on the Green are working overtime to come up with ways to make Manhattan Borough President Ruth Messinger (who declined to give her measurements) look like a sexy size 8.

NEW YORK

BY PAT O'HAIRE
& PHIL ROURA

Henry Kissinger has fallen in love again, our spies tell us. Object of his affection this time is Bailey, a tiny Sheltie who showed up at Kissinger's office last week just in time for lunch. Many hugs and a few wet sloppy kisses were exchanged, but no food — for Bailey, anyhow. He was brought to meet the ex-Sec-

retary of State by members of Long Island's North Shore Animal League, who took him in a few weeks back after his owner died and it began to look as if he'd end up in the pound. He's bright, so they trained him to be a pet for someone's wheelchair-bound, or disabled. He'll be able to make his owner aware of ringing doorbells, phones, smoke alarms and tea kettles. We're not physically handicapped, but he sounds like someone we could use. Now, if only he could be taught to take phone messages...

2 OUTTA 3 AIN'T BAD

Paul Newman's latest film, "Nobody,

JAN-17-1995 13:00

516 883 3964

P. 02

[LC]

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24

LUCIUS

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## MAJOR BARBRA

### Simmons on Streisand

I just got finished embracing every word in your article about Ms. Barbra Streisand ["A Star Is Reborn," by Michael Shnayerson, November]. What can I say? It was like buddah! I loved the cover so much that I commissioned the renowned artist Lisa Lichtenfels to create a one-of-a-kind doll inspired by the lovely photos taken by Annie Leibovitz. Thank you for such an honest, beautiful, and accurate profile of such an incredible woman.

RICHARD SIMMONS

Beverly Hills, California

### Regarding Henry

The article "The New Establishment: The Decline and Fall of the Eastern Empire," by David Halberstam [October], is filled with misrepresentations. For example:

- I have never been on Henry Kravis's airplane for any trip, much less "command-

deered" it for a trip to Japan. Therefore, Kravis could not possibly have said what was attributed to him by Halberstam.

- Neither Paul Volcker nor I remember the conversation with which Halberstam concludes his article.

- Despite our friendship I have never traveled, nor planned to travel, to China—or anywhere else—with Bill Blass.

- The quote regarding my alleged arrogance, ascribed to Bill Elliott at his retirement party, is so bizarrely inconsistent with my recollection of the event and of the relationship with my Harvard mentor that I checked it with Sam Huntington, a senior professor of the Government faculty. He had not attended the dinner but had never heard of the incident, which would be unlikely if it had really happened. On his own, he consulted two senior professors who had been present at the dinner and with neither of whom have I had any contact for two decades. According to them, nothing like that transpired, nor had they ever heard Elliott say anything in-

VANITY FAIR/JANUARY 1995

vidious about me on any other occasion.
I surely recall only kindness from him.

—The concept of “shit files” was unknown in the Rockefeller campaign. Neither I nor anyone I knew in the Rockefeller group ever heard that phrase. I am aware of no files in the Rockefeller organization for which such a description—or any variation of it—would be appropriate. The research material I was familiar with consisted of newsclips and articles to support Nelson Rockefeller’s statements on foreign policy. Rockefeller had the quaint notion that a nomination had to be earned by substantive pronouncements, not negative advertisements, and campaigned in 1968 by advertisements laying out his program, which are available from the public record.

—The charge that I tried to ingratiate myself with Hubert Humphrey by offering nonexistent “shit files” for his 1968 campaign reflects the same recklessness. The only smidgen of fact it represents is that in July 1968, after Rockefeller had been defeated for the nomination, Zbigiew Brzezinski seems to have interpreted a conversation in which I expressed my disappointment as an invitation to use the Rockefeller foreign-policy research material. Recollections about the

conversation differ, though not about my subsequent actions. For according to Brzezinski's account, I refused to discuss his perception of the conversation when he tried to follow up a few weeks later. I had no further contact with him during the campaign and by his own admission no files of any character passed between us.

—Halberstam alleges that “unbeknownst” to Rockefeller I had established relations with Nixon and had been a semi-covert Humphrey man to boot. Halberstam achieves this insinuation of duplicity by presenting consecutive events as having been contemporaneous. I was first and last a Rockefeller supporter and, more important, a close friend. In his memoirs *RN* (page 323), Nixon writes that, after Nixon’s nomination, Rockefeller urged Nixon to establish contact with me. It was the Nixon camp which took the initiative in contacting me through Bill Buckley. Rockefeller was fully informed of my every meeting with the Nixon entourage. As for Humphrey, I had met him several times in Rockefeller’s company prior to 1968. Despite his personal regard for Humphrey, Rockefeller became convinced that a Nixon victory was in the national interest. For

that reason, both he and I supported Nixon without qualification.

—Halberstam alleges that I fed “vital,” “privileged” information on the Paris peace talks to the Nixon camp, which relayed it back to Saigon and thereby sabotaged the Vietnam negotiations.

Amid all this portentous innuendo, Halberstam never explains what the alleged sabotage consisted of. A chronology of events makes clear that Halberstam's determination to smear blinds his judgment. During the summer of 1968, negotiations were suspended. They were resumed at the end of September; a breakthrough occurred around October 15; an agreement was reached around October 30. Saigon had no role in any of this until the middle of October. After October 30 Nguyen Van Thieu dragged his feet on the procedural issue of how the guerrillas could participate in the negotiations—an issue which has always proved difficult to solve, as shown in the Israel-P.L.O. contacts over the years and the British attitude toward the I.R.A. The Johnson administration was quite unrealistic in believing that this could be settled in a week between the agreement and the election—which is what the charge of sabotage amounts to. Thieu reacted to the published agreement, not to information received from Nixon, of whose contacts with Saigon I was, in any event, unaware. Far from sabotaging the agreement, Nixon endorsed it after the election and helped break the procedural deadlock even before his inauguration. So what exactly is Halberstam charging? During the period of the alleged sabotage, a substantive agreement was reached in the record time of 30 days and the procedural issues were settled with Nixon's help before the inauguration.

As for my role in all this, I had two meetings with John Mitchell, on September 12 and October 23, both at Mitchell's initiative via Buckley. At the time of the first session, there could have been no inside information to pass on, even if I had had any, because the negotiations were in recess and were not to resume for two weeks. At the second, on October 23, Nixon needed no outsider's information because he had been briefed in detail by President Johnson on October 16 regarding the breakthrough and on October 30 regarding the Communist agreement.

My advice to the Nixon camp depended in any event on analysis, not inside knowledge. I was at the time not in the government and had no access to regular cable traffic, much less to the sensitive

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negotiating record, which was limited to five or six people. For two months in the fall of 1967 I had acted as emissary to the North Vietnamese without having a formal government position. I had gained a general knowledge of attitudes but knew next to nothing of day-to-day events in 1968. As Nixon describes in his memoirs, I urged Mitchell to avoid statements critical of the negotiations and indicated that I thought the negotiations would succeed. This conclusion was not based on inside information, which at that point would have indicated a stalemate. Rather, it reflected a judgment that Hanoi would try to commit both candidates to a bombing halt before the election and that Johnson wanted to leave office with some progress on Vietnam. Not surprisingly, my advice was consistent with my public position in support of negotiations for two years and with a major article for *Foreign Affairs* being printed at that very moment and which appeared a few weeks later.

There are many more misrepresentations in the article. John Ehrlichman's alleged recollection of my view regarding the duration of the Vietnam peace agreement is demonstrably false; many memorandums exist in which my actual views are spelled out in detail. The account of my childhood is as preposterous as it is unsupported. But to deal with these and other falsifications in detail would oblige me to write a piece as long as Halberstam's.

HENRY A. KISSINGER

New York, New York

**DAVID HALBERSTAM REPLIES:** As far as I can tell, the single most important factual disagreement that Henry Kissinger has with me is whether or not he once pressured Henry Kravis for the use of his jet plane. Mr. Kravis recounted this story to my source with great amusement—and seemed almost charmed by the imperial quality of Kissinger's request: Kravis told my friend that he did indeed intend to fly to China himself. "If I can have the use of Henry Kissinger's plane," Mr. Kissinger now denies ever being on the Kravis plane (although his enthusiasm for corporate jets and corporate helicopters is widely known and is considered by his wealthier friends to be almost childlike).

I do not want to do him an injustice on this point. It is quite possible that I am in error here

and that someone who is extremely careless with the truth about the secret bombing of a small country is, in fact, scrupulously honest about the use of corporate airplanes; if so, I apologize to Mr. Kissinger for placing him on the wrong corporate jet, and I also hope that Mr. Kravis will soon reverse what surely must be a company policy and let Kissinger on his plane in the near future.

The rest of his letter is filled with halfhearted denials of my article. Let me say simply that I think Henry Kissinger is a brilliant man, and on occasion this country has been the genuine beneficiary of his extraordinary abilities. But it is his personal behavior which remains so troubling. His relentless manipulations and deceits, some petty, some not so petty, inflicted not so much on sworn adversaries as on friends, colleagues, and would-be allies alike, are

at the crux of my article. As his colleague Helmut Sonnenfeldt once said of him, Henry lies not because it is in his interest but rather because it is in his character. The unattractive, lesser side of that character, despite his relentless denials, is now well documented, most particularly his devious behavior during the 1968 campaign, when he used his access to the Democrats to serve the Nixon campaign, and, even more important, his fierce hawkishness on Vietnam (and Cambodia) while at the same

time he professed his dovishness in the more liberal environs of Georgetown, where he deftly signaled his alleged differences with the policies of the man he served, Richard Nixon.

If he is angry at my rather mild portrait of him, and if he is so obsessed with attaining an accurate portrait of events, I suggest that he do what he says he has yet to do and read The Haldeman Diaries and study Haldeman's portrait of him in those years, a depiction far more devastating than anything I could ever have imagined, let alone written.

**CORRECTION:** In David Halberstam's essay, a comment was wrongly attributed to historian John Lewis Gaddis. We quoted Professor Gaddis as saying that Henry Kissinger came across in television appearances as a "grumpy talking head... My sense is that he is unconsciously ill at ease with so public and democratic an instrument." Gaddis did describe Kissinger as "a grumbling television talking head." The rest of the comment is Halberstam's.

Letters to the editor should be sent with the writer's name, address, and daytime phone number to: The Editor, *Vanity Fair*, 350 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10017. Address electronic mail to vfmail@vf.com. The letters chosen for publication may be edited for length and clarity.

Henry Kissinger

28

VANITY FAIR/JANUARY 1995

Boards

Kissinger Inc.

FORMER Secretary of State Henry Kissinger is one of the country's most sought-after corporate advisers. His various directorships include American Express, Freeport-McMoRan, CBS, Revlon, Continental Grain and Trust Co. of the West.

Kissinger also holds seats on the international advisory boards of Chase Manhattan Bank, American International Group, Fiat, Robert Bosch, and Hollinger—Conrad Black's Canadian holding company.

These directorships earn him lunch money—a couple hundred thousand—but, more important, they help keep Kissinger visible to the corporate world, where he earns his real money from consulting work.

Kissinger Associates, which has over a dozen clients, typically charges them a retainer of $200,000 a year plus $100,000 per month each for special research projects. Plus expenses, of course.

In the early 1990s the chiefs of the giants like General Motors, IBM, American Express, Westinghouse and Kodak were made to walk the plan when their companies and stock underperformed.

Why shouldn't directors, too, have their reward tied to the performance of the company's stock? Because closed doors, many companies—including Bell Atlantic, Brunswick and B.F. Goodrich—are now giving consideration to paying their board more heavily, or entirely, in stock.

The Investors' Rights Association of America is filing 120 shareholder resolutions for the coming proxy

Genera Sotomayor-Duarte

Mr. Director, Henry Kissinger
Advice—for a hefty fee.

What sorts of services does he provide for all that money he makes?

Clients get the right to drop his name, phone him occasionally for words of wisdom on world affairs and get a formal full briefing on world events two or three times a year.

All oral. Very little in writing. Kissinger has no desire to see his aperçuς cheapened

by easy repetition.

The bills can mount up. Last year Freeport-McMoRan, one of the world's largest mining and oil and gas exploration companies, paid Kissinger Associates $600,000, plus $25,000 in director's fees. This doesn't count free, fairly frequent, use of the corporate jet and "reasonable expenses" that are rumored to total $500,000.

By sitting on the American Express board, Kissin-

ger earns a mere $64,000, but there's another $350,000 in consulting fees—plus more "reasonable expenses." In spring of this year American Express announced that it would no longer pay fees to board consultants. Well, hardly any. Henry Kissinger was excepted from the ban.

FORBES estimates that, in all, Kissinger and his firm will generate at least $10 million this year.

—KATE BOHNER LEWIS

ful. At Archer Daniels, for in-10 of the 17 directors owned than 1 million shares each. Most ship-pocket directors of Morri-udsen who allowed Bill Agee took the company held stock. If a executive packs his board with s, it won't much matter wheth-ays them in stock, food stamps ele's checks.

certainly the symbolism is important. Paying directors in stock and ing their perks reinforces the notion that managers should like owners, not like caretakers, at their boards should think ay, too.

60

Forbes ■ December 4, 1995

Boards

Kissinger Inc.

Geoffrey Sonnabend

All oral. Very little in writing. Kissinger has no desire to see his aperçus cheapened

by easy repetition.

By sitting on the American Express board, Kissinger

—KATE BOHNER LEWIS

In the early 1990s the chiefs of giants like General Motors, IBM, American Express, Westinghouse and Kodak were made to walk the plan when their companies and stock underperformed.

Why shouldn't directors, too, have their reward tied to the performance of the company's stock? Behind closed doors, many companies—including Bell Atlantic, Brunswick and B.F. Goodrich—are now giving consideration to paying their boards more heavily, or entirely, in stock.

The Investors' Rights Association of America is filing 120 shareholder resolutions for the coming proxy se-

tation. At Archer Daniels, for in-10 of the 17 directors owned a 1 million shares each. Most chip-pocket directors of Morri-udsen who allowed Bill Agee took the company held stock. If a executive packs his board with it, it won't much matter whether them in stock, food stamps or her checks.

certainly the symbolism is important. Paying directors in stock and their perks reinforces the notion that managers should make owners, not like caretakers, at their boards should think of it, too.

60

Forbes ■ December 4, 1995

Boards

## Kissinger Inc.

In the early 1990s the chiefs of giants like General Motors, IBM, American Express, Westinghouse and Kodak were made to walk the plank when their companies and stocks underperformed.

The Investors' Rights Association of America is filing 120 shareholder resolutions for the coming proxy sea-

son—double last year's number. Besides hitting the pension issue again, it will ask shareholders at 30 companies—including Westinghouse, RJR Nabisco and American Brands—to demand that at least half of outside directors' pay is in common stock in lieu of other perks and cash.

Shareholder activists now have a new demand: ending those hefty consulting fees enjoyed by some outside directors (see box above).

To be sure, no matter how good the ideas, they're not going to work in all circumstances. Will owning a few shares of stock really make all wimpy directors more zealous in their duties?

Doubtful. At Archer Daniels, for instance, 10 of the 17 directors owned more than 1 million shares each. Most of the hip-pocket directors of Morrison Knudsen who allowed Bill Agee to wreck the company held stock. If a chief executive packs his board with lapdogs, it won't much matter whether he pays them in stock, food stamps or traveler's checks.

But certainly the symbolism is important. Paying directors in stock and cutting their perks reinforces the whole notion that managers should think like owners, not like caretakers, and that their boards should think that way, too.

Gerardo Sotomayor/Unsplash

by easy repetition.

—KATE BOHNER LEWIS

60

Forbes ■ December 4, 1995

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Mail to: 1 Lands' End Lane, Dodgeville, WI 53595

E-Mail: catalogs-tj@landsend.com