CSM

Sept. 16, 1972

# U.S.-Soviet bridge gets trade-and-security support

## Kissinger keeps 'lines open to St. Petersburg'

By Joseph C. Harsch

Henry Kissinger is just back from another trip, this time to Moscow, and those who would understand its deeper meaning should get out their history books and read up on the foreign policies of Dr. Kissinger's most admired predecessor in foreign policy, Prince Otto von Bismarck.

Bismarck, throughout his enormously successful career as the builder and manager of the German Empire, preached and practiced one cardinal rule. It was to "keep the lines open to St. Petersburg" — then the capital of the czars.

Bismarck never for an instant let himself get out of touch with the leadership of the Russian state. His ambitions were primarily in the West. Hence he could keep peace with Russia at no loss to his projects. But more than that, he knew that the new German Empire he was building could not afford to get caught in a two-front war. Therefore, he was careful to avoid the kind of friction between Germany and Russia that would alarm and arouse the Russians.

### The Kaiser forgot

Europe started down the slope into World War I when Kaiser Wilhelm dropped Bismarck as the pilot, took over the management of German foreign affairs, and forgot about the vital importance of keeping open those lines of communication to St. Petersburg.

<table><tr><td>Pattern of diplomacy</td></tr></table>

No one in Washington knows all the details of that phase of history any better than does Henry Kissinger. He is a student of deep admirer of Bismarck's diplomacy. To him, Bismarck's birthday is as important as is Beethoven's to Schroeder in the "Peanuts" comic strip. Dr. Kissinger observes Bismarck's birthday.

And that explains why Dr. Kissinger travels to a lot of places, but always back to Moscow.

He has unleashed China to put pressure on the Asian flank of Russia. And that long-overdue maneuver has already brought dividends in Europe and the Middle East. The change in Russia's attitude toward those two areas since announcement of the Nixon visit to China continues to be the hallmark of these times.

### SALT and trade

It is the most prominent feature of the new world that was opened up by the American opening to China. But Dr. Kissinger tries to make up to Russia in other ways for the restraint he put on Russia by his opening to China.

First came a softening of the American position on nuclear weapons. Dr. Kissinger's first important move was to open the way to the SALT talks by substituting "sufficiency" for "superiority" as the slogan dominating American weapons policies.

His second major move was to open up before the Russians the prospect of obtaining in the United States the credit, the trade, and the technical aid they must have if Russia is to be pulled up out of its economic and technological morass. Economically, Russia has come pretty close to a breakdown. A disastrous harvest this year is one manifestation. The United States could help.

The results are beginning to appear. The grain deal has been announced. The next step, apparently, will be to lift old trade embargoes and restrictions placed on Russia during the "cold war." Russia is to be admitted to "most-favored-nation" treatment. There is talk of allowing several American corporations to open offices in Moscow.

Bismarck would approve. This is keeping the lines open to the leaders of the Russian state. It is doing those things that in time can wash away the reasons the Russian leadership has for so long assumed that Washington was bent on the ultimate destruction of the Soviet regime.

Russian hostility toward the United States has been based on the Russian assumption of American hostility toward Russia. Suspicion has been fed by suspicion. Dr. Kissinger is trying to break that old vicious circle by helping Russia to get what Russia needs most—an economic revival. Bismarck encouraged German technicians to go to Russia. Dr. Kissinger, it seems, will soon be doing the same with American technicians.

### Counterpoise fine, if—

In Dr. Kissinger's new world it is right and proper to use China as a counterpoise to Russia, provided those lines to Russia are kept open and the Russians are given compensation for the use of China against them. They have reason to fear China if China is to forge ahead economically, as it seems to be doing, while Russia declines economically.

But Russia can keep up its end in competition with China if it does get an infusion of new Western technology and some modern skill in industrial and economic development.

The pattern is very Bismarckian.

RADIO-TV
DEFENSE DIALOG

PART I

SUMMARIES ARE
NOT TO BE QUOTED

MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 1972 (BROADCASTS OF SEP 16, 17)

<table><thead><tr><th>RADIO TV REPORTS, INC.</th><th>WASHINGTON, D. C.</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="2">SUMMARY OF NETWORK NEWS IN THIS ISSUE</td></tr><tr><td>ROGER MUDD, CBS: SVNese Marines raised their country's flag over the Citadel in Quang Tri City and then promptly had to duck for cover as the enemy opened up with mortar and sniper fire. President Thieu hailed the retaking of Quang Tri as a brilliant victory and that it was accomplished four days before a deadline he had set. However, the latest information from correspondent DON WEBSTER is that the fighting still is going on inside the Citadel.</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>GARRICK UTLEY, NBC: The SVNese Flag was raised over the battered walls of Quang Tri Citadel and that marked the end to one of the most important, longest and bloodiest battles of the VN War. NVNese troops have pulled out to the north and west of Quang Tri City. TOM STREITHORST, NBC: Quang Tri City has, to use an old GI expression, been wasted.</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>MUDD, CBS: US fighter bombers were ordered to avoid the immediate area of Hanoi while a group of Americans is in the NVNese capital for the release of three American POW's. PHIL JONES, CBS: ...Hanoi to United States airplane tickets which will be used by released American prisoners of war. The delegation of anti-war activists and relatives of two of the three POW's left Vientiane, Laos, on the final leg of their journey to NVN. And watching closely at the airport several government officials from the various US missions in Laos, officials who feel that there are better ways of releasing POW's than through private peace organizations. But the politics of it were of little concern to a young San Diego housewife about to see her husband after ten months, and for a Florida mother whose son was shot down more than four years ago. JOHN HART, CBS: Olga Charles and Minnie Lee Gartley sat together holding hands much of the time, rarely talking, sometimes weeping. They tell us there could have been three Congressmen on this flight, three doves, they say, each of whom was asked one by one to come, but who did not have the courage to join this flight because in this political year, they said, it was too risky.</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>UTLEY, NBC: American planes were bombing NVN again today but they stayed away from Hanoi, the reason is that an American anti-war delegation flew into Hanoi to bring back three American prisoners of war NVN says it will release. In Vientiane they talked about the prisoners' release and rumors that NVN might release more than the three prisoners of war it said it would.</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>ROBERT PIERPOINT, CBS: Kissinger had very little news for newsmen, good humordly declining to discuss his meeting yesterday in Paris with NVN's Le Duc Tho. The presidential advisor did answer a question about recent reports that the communists may launch another offensive before the November election.</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>HENRY KISSINGER: One would not be surprised if there were other high points and even some offensives. The major point, though, now about military action is that it is essential to understand that there is no purely military solution to this problem. NBC also reported Kissinger's remarks.</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>MUDD, CBS: The Soviet Union placed on the UN tentative agenda a proposal to ban permanently the use of nuclear weapons. A memorandum released by Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko also contained a general repudiation of force between nations.</td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

PUBLISHED BY THE AIR FORCE(SAF-AA)AS EXECUTIVE AGENT FOR THE DOD TO BRING TO THE ATTENTION OF KEY DEFENSE DEPARTMENT PERSONNEL MATTERS WITHIN THEIR OFFICIAL RESPONSIBILITIES. NO OTHER USE OF THIS PUBLICATION IS AUTHORIZED

FOR INFORMATION REGARDING THIS PUBLICATION CALL MR. HARRY ZUBKOFF, OX 52884

PART I

CBS EVENING NEWS CBS-TV 6:30 SEP 16

No Purely Military Solution To VN

ROBERT PIERPOINT: ****Kissinger had very little news for newsmen, however, good humordly declining to discuss his meeting yesterday in Paris with NVN's Le Duc Tho.

HENRY KISSINGER: One would not be surprised if there were other high points and even some offensives. We do not anticipate that they will reach the scale, intensity or the duration of the military activities earlier this year or that they will not be able to be essentially contained without precluding a setback here and there.

The major point, though, now about military action is that it is essential to understand that there is no purely military solution to this problem. We have recognized that there is no purely military solution to this problem, and we hope that NVN will also realize that there is no military solution to this problem. And when there is no military solution to this problem then the only alternative is to negotiate on the basis that is trust to both sides and that both sides will have an interest in maintaining.

PIERPOINT: All Kissinger's artful charm could not dispel the feeling among reporters today that the Nixon Administration while encouraging the impression that a negotiated peace is near, actually has made little if any progress in Paris.

Robert Pierpoint, CBS News, at the White House.

SVNese Raise Flag Over Citadel

And Duck For Cover

ROGER MUDD: SVNese Marines raised their country's flag over the Citadel In Quang Tri City today and then promptly had to duck for cover as the enemy opened up with mortar and sniper fire.

President Thieu hailed the re-
taking of Quang Tri as a brilliant
victory and noted it was accomplished

However, the latest information
from correspondent Don Webster is
that the fighting still is going
on inside the Citadel.

Fighter Bombers Told To Avoid Hanoi

MUDD: US fighter bombers today
were ordered to avoid the immediate
area of Hanoi while a group of Ameri-
cans is in the NVNese capital for
the release of three American POWs.

Phil Jones and John Hart report
on the arrival of the American group
in IC.

PHIL JONES: ...Hanoi to United
States airplane tickets which will
be used by released American pris-
oners of war. The delegation of
anti-war activists and relatives of
two of the three POW's left Vientiane
Laos on the final leg of their jour-
ney to NVN.

And watching closely at the air-
port several government officials
from the various US missions in Laos,
officials who feel that there are
better ways of releasing POW's than
through private peace organizations.

But the politics of it were of
little concern to a young San Diego
housewife about to see her husband
after ten months, and for a Florida
mother whose son was shot down more
than four years ago. This is the
first time relatives had been invited
into NVN, and it was the first time
NVN had allowed reporters in to
cover a POW release.

Two American journalists were
given NVN visas, including CBS News
correspondent John Hart, who reports
now the story from the departure at
Vientiane to the arrival in Hanoi.

JOHN HART: We were on an Ilyushun
16, very similar to the American
Electra.

Shortly after taking off from
Vientiane we were served plum juice,
a thick and sweet juice which did
nothing for your thirst.

Olga Charles and MinnieLee Gartley
sat together holding hands much of
the time, rarely talking, sometimes
weeping.

They tell us there could have
been three Congressmen on this flight
three doves, they say, each of whom
was asked one by one to come, but
who did not have the courage to join
this flight because in this political

2 Monday, September 18, 1972

PART I

DAVID DILLENGER: There are rumors of other men being released but there is a statement of promise in effect that if these men are not interfered with, not used to strain further attack in violation of the Geneva Conventions on prisoners as happened before, and if there is a halt to the bombing and an end to American attack, then all the prisoners will be released.

UTLEY: The group flew to Hanoi aboard a Russian airliner. It's thought they may fly out the same way with the released prisoners next Saturday.

## Nixon Meets With Kissinger

UTLEY: The President, meanwhile, was meeting today with Henry Kissinger. They were not talking about morality but about international politics.

Kissinger returned to Washington late last night after negotiations with Soviet Leaders in Moscow and another private meeting with NVNese peace negotiators in Paris.

RICHARD VALERIANI: Sitting on a patio outside the President's oval office, Kissinger gave Mr. Nixon a detailed account of his various negotiations.

Whatever he told the President, he did not have much to communicate to newsmen afterward.

He did say three Russian delegations were coming here next week to conclude a series of trade talks but he did not provide details on any subject, including his latest meeting with the NVNese in Paris.

HENRY KISSINGER: But again I don't want to conduct the negotiations that are going on now publicly and as I have said, our basic principle is that we will not, as a result of the negotiations, impose a particular forum of government that gives a guaranteed predominance to one side.

VALERIANI: Kissinger was reminded that he had said last July he thought Hanoi was ready to negotiate seriously.

KISSINGER: Isn't there a statute of limitations on my statements?

All I can say is that the fact that these talks are going on would indicate a certain seriousness.

VALERIANI: The impression left by Kissinger's remarks was that there has not been any significant progress made at the Paris Peace Talks, but both sides are expected to keep them going, Hanoi for propaganda purposes, the administration for domestic political reasons.

Richard Valeriani, NBC News, at the White House.

## FACE THE NATION CBS-TV 11:30 AM

SEP. 17

Guest: Representative John Schmitz, American Party candidate for president. (R. Cal.)

PANEL: George Herman; Sylvia Chase; Crosby Noyes, Washington Star Syndicate.

## MEET THE PRESS NBC-TV 12:30 PM

SEP. 17

Guests: Congressman Bob Wilson (R. Calif.), Chairman of the Congressional Campaign Committee; Senator Peter H. Dominick (R. Colo.), Chairman of the Senate Republican Campaign Committee.

## ISSUES AND ANSWERS ABC-TV 1:30 PM

SEP 17

Guests: Senators Henry M. Jackson, (D. Wash.); William Proxmire (D. Wis.).

Panel: Bob Clark; Roger Peterson.

The NBC Sunday Night News was pre-empted.

4 Monday, September 18, 1972

PART I

We can see the Red River out the
window. We can see some bomb holes.

It is a short trip from Vientiane
to Hanoi, less than an hour and a-
half.

None of us who arrived on this
airplane really know how long we
expect to stay. Most of the group
who arrived to bring back the pilots
expect to leave one week from today,
but hope they can stay longer.

This is John Hart, CBS News,
Hanoi.

USSR Proposes To Ban Permanently
Use Of Nuclear Weapons

MUDD: The Soviet Union today
placed on the UN tentative agenda
a proposal to ban permanently the
use of nuclear weapons.

A memorandum released by Soviet
Foreign Minister Gromyko also con-
tained a general repudiation of force
between nations.

The UN General Assembly opens
Tuesday in New York.

NBC SATURDAY NIGHT NEWS NBC-TV 6:30

SVNese Flag Raised Over Citadel

GARRICK UTLEY: The SVNese Flag
today was raised over the battered
walls of Quang Tri Citadel, and that
marked the end to one of the most
important, longest and bloodiest
battles of the VN War.

Quang Tri City was important to
both sides, not for any military
reason, but because it was the only
provincial capital to fall to the
NVNese.

It became a political prize the
Saigon Government was determined to
recapture.

By yesterday, SVNese Marines knew
that they had won.

TOM STREITHORST: Quang Tri City
has, to use an old GI expression,
been wasted. The devastation began
shortly before the NVNese seized the
city May 1st.

The SVNese counteroffensive, be-
ginning July 19th, continued the dis-
mantling of the provincial capital,
at a great loss of military hardware
and human life.

Casualties among the Marine Corps
which fought the final phase, num-
bered 1500, with ten times that
number of NVNese estimated killed
or wounded.

But by Friday the Marines on top
of the wall of the Citadel felt vic-
tory was in sight. Two battalions
of Marines were in occupation of
about half of the Citadel, 50 acres.
There were no big weapons inside
This was an infantry fight. Troops
fired rockets at bunkers occupied by
their enemy.

These bunkers had originally been
built by the SVNese Third Division,
whose rout precipitated the loss of
Quang Tri in the first place.

By now only around 100 NVNese
were left inside the Citadel, ac-
cording to intelligence estimates.
As these incoming rounds demonstrat-
ed, however, they were still support-
ed by artillery in the surrounding
areas.

This artillery will pose a serious
problem for the SVNese if they try
to maintain large numbers of troops
in the Quang Tri ruins.

In the event of any cease-fire
the recapture of Quang Tri will be
important. It's a provincial capital
and the SVNese consider that he who
controls the provincial capital
controls the province.

Nevertheless, one hears no talk
of any effort to go to Dong Ha or
back to the DMZ which used to be the
frontier between North and South VN.

Tom Streithorst, NBC News at the
Citadel wall in Quang Tri.

US Planes Stay Away From Hanoi

UTLEY: American planes were bomb-
ing NVN again today but they stayed
away from Hanoi. The reason is that
an American anti-war delegation flew
into Hanoi today to bring back three
American prisoners of war NVN says
it will release.

The wife of one of the prisoners
and the mother of another are with
the group which flew to Hanoi from
Vientiane, Laos.

The delegation is led by anti-war
activists Cora Weiss and David Dil-
lenger.

3 Monday, September 18, 1972

Confidential

FILE COPY

Foreign Report

Published by The Economist Newspaper Limited
25 St. James's Street, London SW1A 1HG

1263 20 September 1972

R

Contents

Bleak prospects for the October summit

Germany's plans to counter terrorism

Kissinger as Secretary of State?

No ping-pong diplomacy for Indonesia

Dr Banda's policy shift

ANDERSON

HOLDRIDGE

HORMATS

JORDEN

KENNEDY

LEHMAN

LEVINE

NEGROPONTE

ODEEN

RATLIF

ROSEME

SAUNDERS

SONNENFELDT

V. I. G.

WALSH

The general sense of relief that the west European summit conference is going to be held on 19-20 October as scheduled has already given way to a new anxiety: that when it is all over there will be little to show for it.

Topics originally on the agenda for the heads of government of the ten countries included: (a) the establishment of a common European monetary front in relation to the dollar; (b) the establishment of a European political secretariat; (c) the establishment of a European approach to the problems of the less prosperous areas of the enlarged European community; and (d) the preparations for the forthcoming European 'security conference' with the Soviet Union and its allies.

Items (a) and (b) were at the head of the list for France; item (c) particularly concerned Britain and Italy; and item (d) was of greatest interest to Herr Brandt and the west German Social Democrats. The prospects for real progress on any of them look dim.

True, finance ministers of the community and the applicant countries agreed in Rome last week to set up a European monetary fund. But its resources will be very restricted and its exact powers are going to be difficult to define. Although France's partners share to a greater or lesser extent the Pompidou government's anxiety about the effects of inflation 'exported' to western Europe via the American payments deficit, they are far from agreement about how to tackle the problem; they are also very suspicious of what they fear to be French plans for another monetary attack on the United States. The basic anti-American motivation of so many of France's actions is a source of increasing concern to diplomats of the other EEC countries.

1

More specifically, it seems possible that Mr Heath will not give the pledge the French are seeking to return to a fixed parity for the pound before Britain's entry on 1 January, 1973; and Italy has already been given an extension of the arrangement by which it is currently allowed to settle payments deficits in dollars. The Bank of England would like to see a return to a fixed parity for the pound as soon as possible; but the Treasury will continue to resist the fixing of a target date for this, even in private.

Similarly, while there is general agreement that inflation is a European disease requiring co-operative treatment, hesitation becomes pronounced as soon as specific remedies are proposed. German suggestions for the fixing of agreed limits on the growth of domestic money stocks and government spending are resisted by the French and the British; and Germany's pleas for lower tariff protection for European industry come up against the French, the Italians and the Brussels commission. All in all, it is difficult to see how the heads of government will be able to add much to the limited agreement of the finance ministers in Rome.

The plans for an institutionalised political secretariat have been pigeon-holed once more, and cannot be revived until either (a) the French drop their insistence that it should sit in Paris, or (b) the Dutch and Italians abandon their demand that it should be subordinate to the commission in Brussels. Neither of these things is going to happen by 20 October.

On the issue of regional policy, the British government has publicised its interests so transparently that both the Germans (who would have to foot the bills) and the French (who see aid for depressed areas as a diversion of resources from the community's farm budget) are well prepared. No doubt it will be possible to agree in Paris on a form of words to placate the British and Italian governments. But the creation of an agency with real resources and powers to control the actions of individual governments looks extremely unlikely.

Similarly, on strategic issues it is hard to see anything positive emerging. Enthusiasm for the European security conference has never been noticeable, unless perhaps in Bonn. The French will have no truck with plans for agreed force reductions which would be binding on them. Mr Heath is not particularly disposed to give any impetus to the Brandt government's Ostpolitik - for the simple reason that within a month of the summit Brandt may no longer be chancellor.

Another negative factor is the uncertainty prevailing in Norway and Denmark. In each country the referendum could go against entry to the EEC. A negative vote would not be binding on the Norwegians, but it would be on the Danes. The two neighbours are generally expected to stick together, however.

If, at this late stage, Norway and/or Denmark were to opt out, it would not cause many tears in Brussels, or in the capitals of the existing Six. The community's rules have had to be stretched to accommodate Norway's farmers and fishermen, and Denmark, as an efficient low-cost agricultural exporter, is regarded with no enthusiasm by the powerful farm lobbies of the existing community.

But Mr Heath would find the situation slightly embarrassing. Apart from reviving demands for a referendum in Britain - which the government would have no difficulty in resisting - it would deprive the enlarged community of two members who could generally be expected to vote the same way as Britain, on most issues. The question would also arise of working out special arrangements on trade in foodstuffs between Denmark and the community (without which the Danish economy could be crippled). This would add to the irritation of the Americans, and strengthen the arguments of

2

those in Britain who claim that the British government could, if it had been so minded, have obtained most of the benefits of membership without adherence to the Treaty of Rome.

Yet, given all these negative factors, the summit will no doubt be presented as a major step forward. Herr Brandt faces an election on 19 November, and **President Pompidou** will almost certainly face his electorate in the spring. Mr Heath badly needs a diversion from his domestic worries. These three statesmen therefore have excellent reasons for not allowing the summit to go sour.

This has strengthened speculation that a 'European policy' towards the Middle East might conceivably emerge. The British Foreign Office does not agree with what it regards, rightly or wrongly, as the excessive American political commitment to Israel. French determination to foster relations with the Arab world is long-standing, and the Italians have a domestic interest in resisting Israeli appeals for preferential trading treatment by the enlarged EEC (their citrus fruit industries are in competition).

But, out of all this, it is hard to envisage any definite initiative emerging – though there may be words which President Sadat could construe as encouraging. This, however, may only widen the differences between western Europe and the United States.

## Germany's plans to counter terrorism

Whether western Europe can work out concerted efforts to counter terrorism will become clearer by the end of this week. At the initiative of **Herr Scheel**, the west German foreign minister, ministers and officials of the Ten (the countries that will make up the enlarged EEC if Norway and Denmark do not vote against joining) are meeting at The Hague to discuss the problem.

West Germany's proposals – formulated in the aftermath of the Munich killings – aim basically at the creation of a new international police system which, to begin with, would embrace the ten countries. But the initial responses of the British and French governments have been cool; both have made it clear that they would prefer to see all action co-ordinated through the United Nations. This was indicated on Monday when **Sir Alec Douglas-Home** began his talks with Dr Mohammed Hassan al-Zayyat, the foreign minister of Egypt. But, in the eyes of the Israelis and the Americans, to propose a 'UN counter-terror drive' is to consign the whole project to diplomatic oblivion.

Scheel's plan envisages an anti-subversion and anti-terrorist role for the new police system just as Interpol has an anti-criminal role. (If the new organisation were simply to be linked with Interpol, all the pooled information fed into the system might be fed back to Arab governments.) Other points in the Scheel plan are:

1. The west Europeans should tighten up movement (or visa) controls on all travellers from Arab countries.

2. Alien registration in the ten countries should be compulsory – both with the police and at hotels.

3. Every visitor from an Arab country should be required to produce a document from his government, when applying for a visa, certifying that he is not a terrorist, or linked in any way with any terrorist group.

4. The west European governments should closely watch the activities of Arab and other terror groups in their territories and should not hesitate to

3

close down fund-raising, publicity and other offices, if there is the slightest sign that these offices are collaborating with terrorist organisations.

5. The ten nations should pool information and intensify co-operation at all levels of security and intelligence, particularly with regard to the activities of Arabs suspected of subversive or terrorist activities.

In private, British and French officials are sceptical about many of these west German ideas, on the ground that they would be difficult to execute and would present immense complexities in terms of international law. In particular, the British and the French argue that any plan for closer west European co-operation should be presented as a move against terrorism in general and not against Arab terrorism in particular. They have no wish to project an anti-Arab image at a time when there are hopes of a reconciliation with Egypt.

## Kissinger as Secretary of State?

The question which at the moment is intriguing political experts in America is not who will win the election, but what **Henry Kissinger** will do after Mr Nixon has won. According to sources close to Kissinger, he is interested in becoming Secretary of State in the second Nixon term.

The present Secretary of State, Mr Rogers, has told friends that he would like to quit shortly after the election. During the past four years all the important policy-making functions of the State Department – with one important exception, Middle East policy – have been taken over by the small White House staff of the National Security Council, headed by Kissinger.

The idea of Mr Kissinger going over to the State Department, leaving a lesser figure to run the NSC, would be consistent with both Mr Nixon's and Mr Kissinger's views on foreign policy. Both men see the first Nixon term as a period in which decisive presidential action was needed to change the direction of American foreign policy. Only the president, with formidable personal advice at his elbow, could have broken the logjam with China; the huge apparatus of the State Department would not, or could not, have taken such an initiative. So experts in the White House argue. Further, only a person in Kissinger's position could have acted as go-between with both China and Russia. And it was Kissinger who – contrary to State Department advice – argued that the mining of Haiphong and the renewed bombing of North Vietnam last April would not prejudice the President's visit to Moscow.

Kissinger's big remaining task is to negotiate an end of the Vietnam war. If that can be accomplished – and it is still a big if – the era of 'breakthrough' in American foreign policy will be over, and Kissinger might then be moved over to the State Department, where he could direct the machinery of American diplomacy.

But this scenario has one big snag. Mr Kissinger is a Jew, and for that reason has not personally handled the Middle East problem; that has been, and is, Mr Rogers's preserve. If Kissinger were to take over the State Department, almost the whole Arab world would be antagonised.

For this reason, Mr Nixon may yet press Mr Rogers, an old and trusted friend, to stay on at his post, and the present set-up might be maintained. But this would have a harmful effect on morale in the American foreign service. And Congressmen would

4

become increasingly irked by their lack of control over American policy, because Kissinger is not answerable to Congress.

Alternatively, the State Department post might be offered to **Mr Nelson Rockefeller**, Governor of New York. Mr Rockefeller would certainly give the department a new lease of life; and he has the added advantage of having employed Kissinger as an adviser long before Mr Nixon did. Kissinger and Rockefeller are confident that they could work together. Another possible candidate is **Mr Elliot Richardson**, the former number two at the State Department who is now Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare, and who has collaborated closely with Kissinger in the past. But the name which is arousing the greatest speculation is that of **Mr John Connally**, the former Secretary of the Treasury, who is now directing the 'Democrats for Nixon' campaign.

Mr Nixon believes that economic factors will play a much larger role in America's foreign policy than they did during his first term. If he appoints Connally to the State Department, however, Mr Kissinger would probably leave the White House. Informed observers somehow cannot see this happening.

Kissinger's popularity with America's European allies may be an important factor. In the argument at the end of last year over whether or not the time had come for the United States to end its confrontation with its allies over the value of the dollar, it was Mr Kissinger – whose interests normally lie elsewhere – and not Mr Connally who came out on top. There may be a precedent in this.

## No ping-pong diplomacy for Indonesia

One of the oddest events of the past month has been the 'Asian table-tennis Olympics', staged in Peking almost concurrently with the Olympic games in Munich. It would hardly merit serious mention were it not that the Chinese use their prowess in table-tennis as an instrument of diplomacy. The visit of a team of American ping-pong players paved the way last year for the subsequent visit to Peking of **President Nixon**.

The recent tournament was organised by a body set up earlier this year, at Peking's instigation – the 'Asian Table Tennis Union'. To some extent the purpose was to make up for China's exclusion from the Olympic games, for under the rules of the International Olympic Committee Taiwan has continued to represent China. (In fact, the Peking regime was privately relieved that its athletes were not participating in Munich, for in the main track and field events they would not have been in the same class as the Americans or the Russians.)

But the main purpose of the 'table-tennis Olympics' was to attract to Peking representatives of those Asian and Arab countries which China is particularly trying to influence. The ploy was singularly successful. Nearly all the countries invited accepted. There was one notable exception – Indonesia.

The net result of this serio-comic affair has been to underline further Indonesia's independent position in south-east Asia. The formula that is emerging in Jakarta is that Indonesia must be 'non-aligned from the non-aligned' – as well as independent of the main power blocks. The table-tennis affair has spotlighted this attitude.

Indonesia's rulers came close to articulating this policy openly after the episode at the non-aligned summit conference in Guyana last month when it was decided to admit the Vietcong's 'Provisional Revolutionary Government' as the representative of South Vietnam, and Sihanouk's government in exile as the government of Cambodia.

5

Indonesia – together with Malaysia and Laos – left the conference in protest; Singapore registered its objections but opted to stay on. The net result was that Indonesia and Malaysia were drawn even closer together.

But in executing their essentially independent policy, the Indonesians face several problems. Specifically:

(i) **Tactics towards China.** General Suharto and his advisers are too realistic to imagine that they can ignore the Peking regime, now that it is adopting a more outward-looking policy. What they want to maintain above all is the united front towards China by the five Asean countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines). There is some uneasiness in Jakarta that Singapore, under **Lee Kuan Yew**, might be tempted to establish diplomatic relations with Peking on its own. The Indonesians deny that they themselves have been putting out feelers to China; but there have been unofficial contacts between Indonesians and Chinese in Hongkong.

(ii) **Aftermath of the Vietnam war.** There is little disposition in south-east Asia to assume that the Vietnam war is going to end speedily – and many highly-placed Asian diplomats regard Henry Kissinger's travels as primarily an electoral manoeuvre. The war, as they see it, may fade away, rather than definitively end. But in either event the Indonesians are concerned that large quantities of arms might find their way into the islands of the Indonesian archipelago or into east Malaysia. The Indonesians are therefore all the more reluctant to permit a formal Peking presence in Jakarta. Meanwhile, the Soviet embassy has stepped up its propaganda activities, and works in close harmony with the North Vietnamese embassy still in Jakarta.

(iii) **Relations with Malaysia.** The unofficial alliance with Malaysia continues to be the keystone of Indonesian foreign policy, and for this reason both Russia and China are anxious to sow division between the two countries. So, too, are the Indians. The reception which **Tun Razak** the Prime Minister of Malaysia is given in Moscow when he arrives there at the end of this month will be closely watched in Jakarta; a Soviet-Malaysian trade agreement will emerge from his visit. All this is fairly routine practice, and the Indonesians profess not to be worried.

## Peking and Chin Peng

What is of greater concern, in terms of the region, is the recrudescence of the Malaysian communist party and the lack of effective co-operation between the Thais and the Malaysians in countering insurgency in the border region between their countries. In this context the new constitution of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) is significant. It was adopted by the central committee in the spring of this year, but has received little publicity in the west. It suggests that Peking's influence over **Chin Peng**, (the leader of the communist insurgency who is still hiding in the Thai border area) has increased. The main points are:—

(a) Confirmation that armed peasant warfare is still the principal tactic of the CPM. 'The CPM's experience... has proved that the path of encircling cities from the countryside and seizing political power by armed force is the only correct line.' This is a quotation from the 'general programme', the most important part of the new constitution.

(b) The rules governing recruitment are now more stringent than previously, and the period of probation for new members has been extended. Earlier, the probationary period for workers, employees and poor peasants was four months; now it is one year. Students and intellectuals were formerly on probation for six months; now the period

6

is 18 months. All this suggests a decline in the calibre of recruits; also, perhaps that the
CPM has been successfully penetrated by the security authorities.

(c) **United front tactics.** Previously united front organisations operated with little or no stiffening by party cells. The new constitution emphasises the importance of forming party cells, to ensure greater control by the CPM over its front organisations.

Bangkok intelligence reports have confirmed the links between Thai Moslem secessionists and Malaysian communists, especially in Thailand's southern Moslem provinces. A Moslem separatist organisation, the Pattani Liberation Movement (PLM), believed to have international Moslem support, is now collaborating closely with the communists. The 9th Regiment of the CPM's military wing, the Malayan People's Liberation Army (MPLA), is a predominantly Moslem unit - which is proof of successful marxist proselytising. The 9th Regiment is known to have given guerrilla training and indoctrination to Thailand's Moslem secessionists.

All this poses regional problems, which the ruling generals in Indonesia are acutely aware of. They fear that the progress they have made in dealing with their own security problems could be negated if the Thai and Malaysian governments do not sink their differences and embark on joint counter-insurgency operations.

## Dr Banda's policy shift

The recent summit meeting in Dar-es-Salaam of 15 east and central African states was blotted out by the outbreak of fighting in Uganda, but it had considerable political significance.

The conference, in its final communiqué, pledged increased material support for African guerrilla movements, and it called on other African states to back Zambia in its role as a base for the guerrillas. Any state subjected to attack or other forms of pressure by white minority regimes was promised military and economic assistance. Member-states agreed to allow the guerrilla movements unhindered transit of men and arms through their territories to 'war zones' - provided their own national security was not endangered. The communiqué stressed that face-to-face 'encounters' were the only means of eradicating colonialism and racial discrimination in southern Africa.

There was little new in all that. But the astonishing thing was that the Malawi delegation did not dissociate itself from these militant decisions. Malawi is the only black African country with diplomatic relations with South Africa, and in the view of most African leaders the warmth of President Banda's friendship with the white leadership in Mozambique and Pretoria exceeds the degree of co-operation which a poor and landlocked country may be compelled to extend to its powerful neighbours. Dr Banda has repeatedly scorned the suggestion that black Africans can gain anything through force; and Malawi was the only member of the Organisation of African Unity which was not represented at the OAU's summit conference in Rabat last June.

The appearance of a high-powered Malawian delegation at the Dar-es-Salaam meeting has therefore given rise to intense speculation. Banda merely referred to 'certain developments' which encouraged hopes of an improvement in Malawi-Tanzanian relations (President Nyerere had sent him a personal invitation, delivered by the Tanzanian high commissioner to Zambia).

The key question is how far there has been a shift in Banda's basic policy. Reports have persisted for some time that Malawi is sheltering Frelimo guerrillas and providing

7

them with safe bases for their operations in the Tete province of Mozambique, aimed at preventing the construction of the Cabora Bassa dam; these reports seem to be authentic. In June a Rhodesian newspaper carried a story that Frelimo had been allowed to maintain an office in Malawi ('Dr Banda appears either unwilling or unable to do much about it', the paper said.)

The newspaper was banned in Malawi and Dr Banda denied the report; but he stressed that the boundaries separating Malawi from Zambia or Mozambique had no meaning to people in these areas. And the authorities in Malawi have certainly constructed camps to house and feed refugees from Tete province who escape from the areas of conflict across the border.

Several reasons are being adduced for Malawi's apparent change of policy - not least the opposition within Malawi itself to Banda's policies. But the most likely explanation of Banda's alleged tolerance for the guerrillas is that Frelimo, in return for sanctuary, has undertaken to abstain from attacking Malawi's new rail link with Necala in Mozambique. The line is essential to the country's land-bound economy. Ironically, there are plans to link it, eventually, with Frelimo's main target - the Cabora Bassa dam.

The sanctuary which Malawi affords to the guerrillas makes it more difficult for the Portuguese forces to concentrate their attention on the two countries which provide Frelimo with its main bases - Tanzania and Zambia. This might be an important factor for Tanzania, for as long as the threat of war with Uganda persists; Tanzania had to put its forces on full alert in April after a series of attacks from Mozambique. If the Portuguese should decide to use the present emergency to launch a punitive attack, the relationship between Dr Banda and President Nyerere could influence events.

© WORLD COPYRIGHT RESERVED 1972 THE ECONOMIST NEWSPAPER LTD.
'FOREIGN REPORT' IS SUPPLIED ON THE CONDITION THAT IT IS REGARDED AS CONFIDENTIAL

IN NO CIRCUMSTANCES MAY THE CONTENTS BE REPRODUCED WHOLE OR IN PART.

PRINTED BY WATERLOW & SONS LTD. LONDON, FOR THE ECONOMIST NEWSPAPER LTD. LONDON SW1A 1HG

Wash. Star-News

Sept. 21, 1972

YOUR DATE WITH YMELDA

Yo-Yo for Henry

By YMELDA DIXON

Special to The Star-News

"Dear Henry" Kissinger was the hap-
py "Fall Guy" yesterday at the Circus,
Saints and Sinners annual luncheon at
the Statler-Hilton Hotel.

The Circus, Saints and Sinners have,
over the years, roasted and toasted ev-
eryone from Richard Nixon, when he was
a senator, to Martha Mitchell two years
ago.

The President's foreign affairs advis-
or was lampooned, given a silver yo-yo
("for the man who has everything"), a
painting of himself as a clown, and a
mountain of other gifts, and, when it was
all over, he turned to the club president,
Barnee Breeskin, and said, "I really en-
joyed this; it's better than the Gridiron."

MAC McGARRY of WRC in the day's
high humor presented the organization's
officers, ex-vice president General Don-
ald Dawson, a former Truman aide; vice

president Martin Levy and the chairman
of the Board of Directors, Phil Talbott.

The President wrote a "Dear Bar-
nee" letter in which he voiced the hope
that Breeskin and Kissinger would sur-
vive the luncheon and that Kissinger
would get the same degree of respect that
was shown "the rest of us."

Sen. Margaret Chase Smith of Maine, last year's Fall Gal, messaged that Kissinger's reward would be "you will bestow upon him the title of unofficial 'President of the United States.'"

The man who many consider to be
the second most important person in the
world gave as good as he got in his
remarks, saying he had never run for
public office because no position for
which he is qualified sounds quite ade-
quate.

KISSINGER went back to the White
House packing the script which he re-

Continued on Page D-4

THE PRESIDENCY

BY HUGH SIDEY

Life Magazine Sept. 22, 1972

# The world is the 'Woodcutter's' ball

The Greatest Show on Earth

There never has been anything quite like Henry Kissinger in mythology or in fact. He moves through the pages of this world, as he did last week, full of pride and grand plans for civilizations and a taste for the privileged life, trailing a faint aroma of yearning for castles and crown princes. His influence is so vast—though hard to calibrate since he has no base of power other than his intellect—that he can cause the stock market to dip with a sentence or send prime ministers into fits by remaining silent.

He might have vanished, like most tired bit players in the political drama, at any time in the past four years. But he endures. On a California hillside a couple of weeks ago he drew more side glances than any of the dozens of Hollywood stars who swarmed to San Clemente for Richard Nixon. "He's real," marveled one of the guests, looking through Jack Beny and John Wayne.

There is mystery about Kissinger. Overweight and over 40 he may be, but he carries with him a touch of the undercover world of power and intrigue. It is exactly this hint of James Bond in his life that already has driven the quiet but frenzied pricing for his memoirs up to $2 million. "Woodcutter. Woodcutter, can you hear me?" his Secret Service agents rasp into their pocket radios as they clear his way around this globe. "How far are you away, Woodcutter? Give us an ETA." Woodcutter is not, perhaps, as intriguing a code name as "007," but it has a certain American ring to it and it happens to be genuine Secret Service. But while Woodcutter's shadowy journeys are woven through clusters of beautiful

women, some good vintages and glittering salons, the final lurid scenes of fiction are never played out. Instead of sometimes ending up spent and bruised like 007, Woodcutter always ends up back at the White House desk with new reports to file, new plans to incubate. And that, of course, is the reason he lasts.

More important, Kissinger is the only man in the Western world who greets Chou En-lai and Brezhnev with jokes, and who has felt the tap of Marshal Grechko who whispered, as Soviet troopers thumped by, "Don't worry, I'm here to protect you." He is the only person who suddenly found himself listening to the soft voice of Marshal Yeh marveling that one of them had come from the caves of Yenan and the other from German terror and both were there, speaking for millions.

It was that way around the circuit last week. Kissinger was in Germany, brow furrowed, and then in Moscow joking with Ambassador Dobrynin as they strode toward another black limousine. In Kissinger's wake came again the hint that he might find a Vietnam peace. It is this very possibility that has cast him into the American political battle, has so angered and frustrated George McGovern. When Kissinger spins off on his journeys, criticism of the Vietnam war cannot conceptualize; it is suspended in that thin vapor of hope that always comes out of the unknown despite all the past failures. When Henry Kissinger is at work, reasonable men must pay attention.

That Nixon, battling for survival, would dispatch this singular emissary without the slightest hesitation at critical political junctures can

be assumed. But there are other dimensions to these trips that the jet-borne professor has pondered and articulated to relieve his conscience, certainly, and also, since he is a man of substance, because they may be true.

Kissinger pursues, he says, only genuine suggestions for peace, not mere fantasies. "When the record is known, everyone will see just how sincere these efforts were," he says in private moments. To Kissinger it is not Nixon as much as the American President who is dealing with the foreign powers. The country must be a "going concern" through generations, not just through terms of office. The confidence and continuity that must endure through political campaigns are terribly important to Kissinger. "There is nothing political in the Vietnam policy for us any longer," he has insisted to visitors, even more vehemently now that public opinion seems to be swinging behind Nixon on the war. "If politics had been the only consideration, we would have been out of there long ago.... It is ridiculous to believe that we are engaged in some master conspiracy in which the whole world is participating for the reelection of Richard Nixon."

Something else has happened too. The bureaucracy in every advanced nation have become cumbersome, leaky and downright stubborn. Modern statesmen, equipped with jets, find it easy to buzz off to each other's dachas and talk in plain language and with true security. And there is the opportunity to take personal measure of one another, so important in an age when a single man can order a nuclear strike.

The four-year presidential term also produces a natural governmental tide. It takes nine months to find the levers, Kissinger figures. Then, the midterm elections intrude. Back on the track, the presidential campaign rushes up. Suddenly, the man in the Oval Office faces the possibility of leaving business unfinished, and so he pushes all the buttons, hoping for spectacular progress. It is human. It is also political.

When Kissinger finally does get around to his high-priced memoirs, he will have a thought or two about this period in a President's life. Looking back not only over Nixon's tenure but through Kennedy's and Johnson's, he is inclined to believe that a President's first term ought to be longer than four years and that the second term be kept at four years. It is a novel idea, but only one of many by-products of this unusual man, coded as Woodcutter, who ponders human fate from 35,000 feet while still savoring the fragrance of a blond, or the meaning of Andrei Gromyko's jest about Ivan the Terrible's cameras in the Kremlin ceiling.

Monday, September 25, 1972

the HOLLYWOOD REPORTER

Page 3

CONCERT REVIEW

John Denver in
Excellent Form

Greek Theatre — Sept. 21-24

John Denver's opening night performance, in concert, at the Greek Theatre, easily guaranteed a return to that arena. It is likely that his return will claim a lengthier run of engagement than the four days allowed for this outing.

Denver is refreshing in his style and manner, lending shades of the past to the mood generated by his timely material. Many of the songs excel the bounds of poignancy and plaintiveness, and the message becomes disturbing.

As true-form folk songs of our time, many concern war, peace, love and brotherhood, and the concern for our environment. In turn, Denver is equally at ease with ballads as his "Leaving on a Jet Plane," and the up-tempo "Country Roads."

His genuine affability parallels his musical/performing talents, and the effect is much like seeing a good friend that you'll want to see again and again.

Denver's portion of the show is gradually and alternately augmented by the vocal and instrumental contributions of Megan McDonough and Fat City. Miss McDonough gave pleasant solo offerings, performing selections from her new Wooden Nickel album, and joined Denver for a novelty adaptation of "It's a Sin to Tell a Lie."

Fat City are a husband-and-wife duo responsible for the authorship of Denver's million-selling "Country Roads." They performed original compositions in spotlight capacity, joined by Denver on several selections. All of the featured performers are similar to Denver in vocal and performing style.

Dick Gregory opened the show, proving, again (despite his off-on-and-entertaining status), that he is one of the funniest men in the business. His act offered something for and something not for everybody.

The material is personal, ethical, political, irreverent, harsh, subtle and introspective. He probably combines everything that a Boy Scout should/should not be. Gregory should be performing all the time, and hopefully this is the start of a comeback or new trend.
—Jeff Thomas

Price Hike —

(Continued from Page 1)

work with other industry groups in fighting for retention of the prime time access ruling. Richard Block heads the committee on advertising, and Jim Terrell will chair the committee on prime time retention.

Exploration of mutually beneficial terms of co-existence with cable television will be the purpose of another committee named to work with the National Cable Television Association to find methods of working out parallel futures assertedly imposed by recent FCC regulations governing cable pickup of distant signals. Chuck Dwyer heads this liaison committee.

Extended news coverage was another concern tackled by the INTV board in an effort to widen sources of national and international coverage for local stations which have no network ties. The committee on developing a cost tolerable full news service will be headed by Crawford Rice, of Houston.

20TH'S MAKEUP HEAD
RESIGNS TO PRODUCE

By Will Tusher

In a personnel loss that well might make 20th-Fox go ape, the studio's head of makeup, Dan Striepeke, has quit the company and his profession to take up a new career at Universal as producer of the Zanuck/Brown Company's forthcoming terror film, "Ssssssss."

Striepeke's just formed Serena Prods. will do the film for the Zanuck/Brown unit at Universal.

His associate at 20th, John Chambers, won a special Academy Award for creative makeup design on the studio's successful, "Planet of the Apes" series inaugurated before the departure of Richard Zanuck as studio production boss. Chambers also has left 20th to work on the Striepeke film.

Zanuck hailed Striepeke's association with his company as a further consolidation of top level executives who worked with him at 20th. His partner, Dan Brown, was executive v-p in charge of creative operations during Zanuck's reign.

"Sssssss," first of four Zanuck/Brown projects to go before the cameras with a November start fixed, was created and developed by Striepeke. Hal Dresner's script is based on the makeup artist's original story. Zanuck and Brown expressed confidence that the reunion of talents will produce another big grosser in the same off-beat and innovative genre of the "Apes" films.

The partners cited the spread between the $600,000 budget on "Sssssss" and the contemplated $4 million price tag on "MacArthur" as exemplification of the wide range of cost and subject matter represented in the four projects activating their long

Columbia to Distrib
'Valachi Papers' in
U.S. and Canada

New York—Columbia Pictures has acquired the Dino De Laurentiis production, "The Valachi Papers," for distribution throughout the United States and Canada starting in November.

Terence Young directed from a screenplay by Stephen Geller based on Peter Maas book, "The Valachi Papers." The story details the structure of organized crime in America as revealed by Joseph Valachi before a U.S. Senate investigating committee. Valachi was a self-confessed member of the criminal syndicate.

Charles Bronson heads the cast. Supporting actors include Joseph Wise-man, Gerald O'Laughlin, Jill Ireland, Lino Ventura, Walter Chiari, Guido Leontini, Fausto Tozzi and Angelo Infante.

Truffaut Sets Cast
For Warner Bros.'
'Americaine' Film

François Truffaut has cast eight major stars, including himself in the role of a film director, in his forthcoming film for Warner Bros., "La Nuit Americaine."

Jacqueline Bisset, Valentina Cortese, Jean Pierre Aumont will be joined by Dani, the French chanteuse, Canadian actress Alexandra Stewart, Jean Pierre Leaud and David Markham in the cast of his film comedy, Truffaut announced at Studios La Victorine in Nice, France.

range production program at Universal. The Bugsy Siegel story and "Sting" are other properties thus far firmed.

They stressed a mix-bag concept of big, small and large-scale product, but insisted all, including "sssssss," would be class films.

First-Week Ratings
Of New TV Season
Show ABC on Top

ABC took a strong lead in the prime-time (8-11 p.m.) 70-Market Nielsen Ratings for the first week of the new television season. Including the top-rated ABC Sunday Movie ("Goldfinger"), the network had five shows in the top 10 and a total of 13 shows in the top 40. The network had a good edge leading into the new season with its Olympic coverage the last two weeks of the old season.

Overall averages for the week ending Sept. 17 were ABC, 21 rating, 33.3 share; CBS, 16.9 rating, 26.9 share; and NBC, 20.4 rating, 32.6 share.

On Saturday mornings, the important ABC children's programming block (8 a.m. to 1 p.m.) outpointed the competition for the second week in a row. Overall averages in this area were ABC, 7.7 rating, 36.1 share; CBS, 7.2 rating, 34.4 share; and NBC, 3.9 rating, 18.8 share.

The top 10 shows in the 70-Market Nielsen's for the week ending Sept. 17 were: ABC Sunday Movie ("Goldfinger") (34.0); "Marcus Welby" (32.1); "All in the Family" (31.4); "Bridget Loves Bernie" (27.9); ABC Wednesday Movie ("Daughters of Joshua Cabe") (26.0); Paul Lynde (25.1); NBC Saturday Movie ("In the Heat of the Night") (24.9); ABC Tuesday Movie ("The Longest Night") (23.6); NBC Monday Movie ("With Six You Get Eggroll") (23.6); "Bonanza" (23.6).

(Continued from Page 1)

Writers Guild —

Also greenlighted was an enabling amendment providing for a majority vote when provisions of the already approved screen and TV-radio branch amalgamation are submitted. Results of a ballot count on criteria for approving constitutional changes not related to amalgamation will be made known next week. The outcome will determine whether two-thirds or majority approval will be required.

—Will Tusher

MOVIE REVIEW

Peerce Directs
Par's 'Peace'

Larry Peerce's "A Separate Peace" is a lovingly photographed, slick attempt to recapture the innocence of a boy's school at the outset of the Second World War. If the film falls flat, as I think it does, it is because meaning has been sacrificed to nostalgia; in the world of deja vu, niceties tend to comingle with tragedies at the latter's expense.

A SEPARATE PEACE
Paramount

<table><tr><td>Producer</td><td>Robert A. Goldston</td></tr><tr><td>Director</td><td>Larry Peerce</td></tr><tr><td>Screenplay</td><td>Fred Segal</td></tr><tr><td>From the novel by John Knowles</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Photography</td><td>Frank Stanley</td></tr><tr><td>Editor</td><td>John C. Howard</td></tr><tr><td>Music</td><td>Charles Fox</td></tr></table>

Color

Cast: John Heyl, Parker Stevenson, Peter Brush, Victor Bevine, William Roerich.

Running time — 104 minutes

MPAA Rating — PG

It is the story of a friendship between two boys at the Devon (Exeter) School in 1942. Finny is an extrordinary athlete who commands a sense of awe from the clique that follows him. His roommate and closest friend is Gene, unathletic but a brilliant scholar. Finny, who can never get grades higher than C, tries to keep Gene from his studies by suggesting that rule-breaking is a virtue. Gene, on the other hand, is jealous and intimidated by Finny's egoistic self-confidence.

While competing in diving from a tree, Gene jostles the limb crippling Finny. Finny refuses to accept Gene's admission of guilt so the matter is dropped until the rest of their classmates hold a mock trial. Forced to accept the truth, Finny runs out of the room, stumbles down the stairs and is killed. Before dying, he forgives Gene who must now forgive himself.

Well, fine. That is a moving and plausible story but it is only half of the intention. While all this is happening, graduates are being induced into the war and a friend, Leper, is driven as crazy as Tiresias. Like Miss Jean Brodie and Demian of an earlier generation's literature, these youth lean toward the war as a hope for self-justification. And it is with the attempt at anology that the problems begin.

It is not a convincing parable to suggest that Gene's betrayal is the stuff of which wars are made. It is a sentimental and naive notion to suggest that the motivations of a 16 year old are the same thing as governmental avantage. It is equally unconvincing to suggest that the introverted Leper is capable of experiencing the monumental disillusion that inspires wisdom.

Furthermore, the social milieu is unrecognizable. John Heyl gives his Finny as much charm as arrogance but it is difficult to believe that a whole class of presumably intelligent students would pant after him because he can jump out of a tree, or, to allow

(Continued on Page 9)

Session Extended One Day

Kissinger, Hanoi Negotiators
Hold 18th Secret Discussion

NEWARK, N.J., Sept. 26 (AP).
—Private talks in Paris between
Henry A. Kissinger, President
Nixon's foreign policy adviser,
and North Vietnamese, represen-
tatives resumed today and have
been extended to include a ses-
sion tomorrow, the White House
announced today.

Press Secretary Ron Ziegler
told reporters aboard Air Force
1 that the talks were continuing
but declined to say whether the
one-day extension indicated pro-
gress.

"I can't have any comment at all regarding the talks," he said. But he noted that Mr. Kissinger told a Washington news conference earlier this month that the Paris sessions were serious.

Press Secretary Gerald L. Warren said that Mr. Nixon learned of the development while flying from Washington to New York's Kennedy Airport to launch a three-day New York-to-California campaign swing.

There was no explanation for
continuing the sessions an extra
day. It was the first time that
the White House had disclosed an
extension of the talks.

The session today opened the
18th secret round between Mr.
Kissinger with Hanoi special ad-
viser Le Duc Tho and Xuan
Thuy, leader of the North Viet-
namese delegation to the Paris
peace talks.

The White House had disclosed
just nine hours earlier that Mr.
Kissinger was in Paris to meet
with Mr. Tho and Mr. Thuy,
chief North Vietnamese negotia-
tor in Paris.

This was their fifth private
session since July 19. The meet-
ings have been held roughly
every two weeks, with the ex-
ception of a monthlong break
following the Aug. 14 meeting.
After that session Mr. Tho flew
back to Hanoi and Mr. Kissinger
took off for Saigon before re-
turning to Washington.

This series of secret talks be-
gan after the resumption in July
of the semipublic four-party
weekly sessions, which the United
States had suspended for 10
weeks.

Following the last secret ren-
dezvous Sept. 15, Mr. Thuy said
the U.S. and North Vietnamese
positions on political and military
problems were still "far apart."

No progress toward peace has
been made at the regular weekly
sessions of the Paris talks, which
will have their 161st session
Thursday.

Moscow-Hanoi Talks

MOSCOW, Sept. 26 (AP).—For
the second straight day, North
Vietnam's ambassador to Moscow
consulted today with top Soviet
officials.

For World Mo

(Continued from Page 1)

high, the nation would be expected to revalue its currency; if it resisted, it would be subject to certain sanctions, including an import surcharge put in effect by others.

There was almost universal approval of the U.S. move toward getting negotiations under way. "This is more concrete than I had expected," said a leading European monetary expert, "but it makes it easier for the Committee of Twenty to start substantive discussions."

The C-20 is a new high-level group charged with guiding the negotiations for a reformed system. It is having its first organizational meetings during the IMF conference here.

Mr. Shultz said that the Bretton Woods system is faulted by "a crucial gap"—the absence of clear rules that would force surplus countries to take corrective action. The U.S. position has been that the burden of adjustment has been on deficit countries.

To get "stability without rigidity," he organized his suggestions into these six headings:

* The Exchange Rate Regime—There should be a "central" or "par" value fixed for each country, with those values assured by convertibility into "other international assets." To dampen speculation, the allowable margin should be "sufficiently wide," with the dollar, like other currencies, floating within that range.

* The Reserve Mechanism—the SDRs (special drawing rights) would replace the dollar as the "numeraire" of the system—that

Communist take-over—the Philippines. But this is the era of the Nixon rather than the Dulles doctrine, and the reaction of the United States to Mr. Marcos's decision is still uncertain.

Washington is hoping that marital law will mean a more effective implementation of reforms in a nation where the per-capita annual income has stayed about $170 while the wealthiest have become some of the richest men in Asia, if not the world.

What happens in the Philippines is vitally important to the U.S. military posture in Asia. No bases are more useful than Clark Air Field and Subic Naval Station. There are fewer than 20,000 Americans at these bases, but without Clark and Subic the American military position in Asia collapses.

It is very hard for Washington to express displeasure with Mr. Marcos's politics without raising the issue of the bases. The United States pays no rent for either Subic or Clark, which together occupy more than 35,000 acres. But the last thing Mr. Marcos wants to do is force an American withdrawal, since he sees his ties with the United States as his strongest protection against Communist or any other revolutionary threat to his government. However, he and his aides have been increasingly vocal in their complaint that the United States is doing too little for the Philippines.

## Another Cuba?

> "... The United States, whether it likes it or not, will have to spend more money here. If they don't help now, it will be more expensive later," Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile said last

00 LPI

KISSINGER 9-26

NIGHT LD KISSINGER

PARIS (UPI)-- PRESIDENTIAL ADVISOR HENRY A. KISSINGER MET NORTH VIETNAMESE NEGOTIATORS TODAY FOR ADDITIONAL SECRET TALKS ON A VIETNAMESE PEACE SETTLEMENT.

THE MEETING WAS THE MOST SECRETIVE ON RECORD, WITH COMMUNIST VIETNAMESE OFFICIALS ONLY RELUCTANTLY ADMITTING THAT THE CONFERENCE HAS TAKEN PLACE. BOTH SIDES HAVE TIGHTENED FURTHER PRECAUTIONS AGAINST LEAKS ON THE PROGRESS OF THE NEW ROUND OF PRIVATE U. S.-HANOI CONTACTS.

THE WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCED THE MEETING TO NEWSMEN IN EARLY MORNING HOURS. THE U.S. NEGOTIATING MISSION IN THE MAXIMUM SECURITY AREA OF THE U. S. EMBASSY BUILDING ON AVENUE GABRIEL, OPPOSITE THE PLACE DE LA CONCORDE, CONFIRMED THE MEETING BUT REFUSED TO DISCUSS DETAILS SUCH AS WHEN KISSINGER WILL RETURN TO WASHINGTON.

THE NORTH VIETNAMESE SAID THEY HAD NO COMMENT ON THE MEETING. COMMIST DIPLOMATIC SOURCES SAID THE HANOI OFFICIALS HAD THEIR OWN REASON FOR KEEPING SILENT. THEY FEEL THAT MAJOR PUBLICITY AROUND THE MEETING MIGHT STIR REPORTS THAT AN AGREEMENT WAS IN THE MAKING, AND HELP PUSH PRESIDENT NIXON'S REELECTION PLANS, THE SOURCES SAID.

THE VIET CONG PEACE DELEGATION, NO PARTY TO ANY SECRET TALKS, RUSHED OUT A PRESS STATEMENT, HOWEVER. VIET CONG SPOKESMAN LY VAN SAU STOOD FIRM ON THE COMMUNIST PLAN FOR A THREE-SEGMENT COALITION CABINET IN SOUTH VIETNAM TO RECONCILE THE COUNTRY'S WARRING FACTION WHICH WOULD BE FORMED AFTER THE RESIGNATION OF PRESIDENT NGUYEN VAN THIEU.

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KISSINGER 9-26

1ST ADD NIGHT LD KISSINGER PARIS PLBS046 X X X THIEU.

"OUR PLAN IS AN EXCEPTIONALLY FAVORABLE OPPORTUNITY FOR PRESIDENT NIXON TO DISENGAGE HIMSELF FROM VIETNAM WITH HONOR," SAU SAID AT HIS DELEGATION'S HEADQUARTERS IN SUBURBAN VERRIERES-LE-BUISSON.

KISSINGER FLEW INTO PARIS WITHOUT ADVANCE NOTICE SIX WEEKS BEFORE THE NOV. 7 U. S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS. IT WAS THE 18TH SUCH MEETING HE HELD WITH HANOI'S DELEGATION CHIEF XUAN THUY AND THE LATTER'S SPECIAL ADVISOR, POLITBUREAU MEMBER LE DUC THO. KISSINGER LAST MET THE TWO SEPT. 15 UPON HIS FLIGHT HOME FROM WIDE-RANKING TALKS IN MOSCOW.

THE VIET CONG OFFICIAL'S STATEMENT INDICATED THAT THE COMMUNISTS STUCK TO THEIR PLAN FOR A THREE-SIDED CABINET SET UP AFTER THIEU'S OUSTER THOUGH THE SCHEME HAS BEEN CONDEMNED BY BOTH THIEU AND WASHINGTON AS UNACCEPTABLE.

SAU SAID "THE FORM OF MEETINGS--WHETHER THEY ARE PRIVATE OR PUBLIC, DOES NOT MATTER. THE IMPORTANT THIS IS FOR MR. NIXON TO ACCEPT LEGITIMATE DEMANDS OF THE VIETNAMESE PEOPLE EMBODIED IN THE SEPT. 11 DECLARATION." THAT STATEMENT URGED A COMPLETE U. S. MILITARY PULLOUT TO BE ACCOMPANIED BY THIEU'S RESIGNATION AND THE CREATION OF A CABINET FORMED IN EQUAL PART BY REMNANTS OF THE SAIGON ADMINISTRATION, THE VIET CONG AND NEUTRAL ELEMENTS.

U. S. PEACE ENVOY WILLIAM J. PORTER TOLD THE COMMUNISTS AT THE 160TH PEACE TALKS SESSION SEPT. 11 THE PLAN WOULD LEAD "NEITHER TO PEACE NOR SELF-DETERMINATION FOR THE SOUTH VIETNAMESE POPULATION." HE SAID "INSTEAD, PROLONGED WARFARE AND COMMUNIST DICTATORSHIP BY THE NORTH WOULD BE THE CLEARLY PREDICTABLE CONSEQUENCE."

PRESIDENT THIEU CONDEMNED THE COALITION CABINET PROPOSAL SEPT. 21 AS A "CRAFTY PLOT" AND WARNED ANY PEACE SOLUTION MUST START WITH THE WITHDRAWAL OF COMMUNIST TROOPS TO THE NORTH AND AN END TO THE "COMMUNIST ARMED AGGRESSION."

ZCZC LUA190 261935 DLA143

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KISSINGER 9-26

URGENT

WITH KISSINGER DLB046

NEW YORK (UPI)--PRESIDENTIAL ADVISER HENRY A. KISSINGER AND
TWO TOP NORTH VIETNAMESE DIPLOMATS, MEETING IN PRIVATE IN PARIS FORM

HE 18TH TIME IN SEARCH OF A NEGOTIATED PEACE, AGREED TUESDAY TO EXTEN

D

THEIR TALKS INTO A SECOND DAY, THE WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCED.

THE ANNOUNCEMENT WAS MADE FROM PRESIDENT NIXON'S HETLNER
THE SPIRIT OF "76, AS NIXON FLEW FROM WASHINGTON TO NEW YORK FOR
CAMPAIGN APPEARANCES. PRESS SECRETARY RONALD L. ZIEGLER, ASKED
IF THIS INDICATED PROGRESS IN THE TALKS, DECLINED COMMENT.

ZIEGLER DID SAY IN A FORMAL STATEMENT THAT KISSINGER
"IS STAYING IN CLOSE TOUCH WITH THE PRESIDENT CONCERNING THE
CURRENT TALKS."

HE SAID KISSINGER WOULD NOW RETURN TO WASHINGTON ON WEDNESDAY
INSTEAD OF TODAY.

BAM/2027 NNNN

££

V159L

V159

U

A.C.

URGENT

KISSINGER

NEWARK NEW JERSEY (AP)--PRIVATE TALKS IN PARIS BETWEEN
HENRY A. KISSINGER, PRESIDENT NIXON'S FOREIGN POLICY ADVISOR
AND NORTH VIETNAMESE REPRESENTATIVES HAVE BEEN EXTENDED FOR
A SECOND DAY, THE TRAVELING WHITE HOUSE

ANNOUNCED TUESDAY&

££

V150NL

V160

V162L"

V162

U

NEWARK --KISSINGER 2

PRESS SECRETARY RONALD L. ZIEGLER TOLD REPORTERS ABOARD
AIR FORCE I OF THE EXTENSION BUT DECLINED TO SAY WHETHER THE
ONE-DAY STAYOVER INDICATED PROGRESS.

"I CAN'T HAVE ANY COMMENT AT ALL.
REGARDING THE TALKS," HE SAID. BUT HE NOTED THAT KISSINGER
TOLD A WASHINGTON NEWS CONFERENCE EARLIER THIS MONTH THAT THE
PARIS SESSIONS WERE SERIOUS.

PRESS SECRETARY GERALD L. WARREN SAID NIXON LEARNED OF THE
DEVELOPMENT WHILE FLYING FROM WASHINGTON TO INTERNATIONAL
AIRPORT TO LAUNCH A THREE DAY NEW YORK-TO-CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN
SWING.

THERE WAS NO EXPLANATION FOR CONTINUING THE SESSIONS AN
EXTRA DAY. IT WAS THE FIRST TIME THE WHITE HOUSE HAD DISCLOSED
AN EXTENSION OF THE TALKS -- THE 18TH ROUND BETWEEN KISSINGER
AND HANOI SPECIAL ADVISOR LE DUC THO AND XUAN THUY OF THE
NORTH VIETNAMESE DELEGATION TO THE PARIS PEACE TALKS.

THE WHITE HOUSE HAD DISCLOSED JUST NINE HOURS EARLIER

THAT KISS

-INGER WAS IN PARIS TO MEET WITH LE DUC THO AND XUAN
THUY CHIEF NORTH VIETNAMESE NEGOTIATOR IN PARIS.

(END)

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Peace at Last?

Henry A. Kissinger's firm assurance that "peace is at hand" in Vietnam and his confirmation of the agreement announced by North Vietnam should go far to relieve doubts about the Administration's determination to end the long United States involvement in Indochina. Nevertheless, an apparent delay in the signing of the pact and Saigon's resistance to provisions that require South Vietnamese cooperation indicate that peace remains elusive.

The nine-point agreement hammered out in a hectic round of negotiations by Mr. Kissinger and North Vietnamese envoys represents a truly remarkable achievement for the tireless professor-turned-diplomat. He deserves the thanks of the nation and has certainly earned the respect of even the severest critics of the policies he has so doggedly pursued. Long-overdue concessions on both sides have produced a document that realistically recognizes a military stalemate and transfers the struggle for power in South Vietnam to the political arena where it has always belonged.

Despite the assurances voiced by some American officials, President Thieu is understandably apprehensive about this prospect. But Mr. Thieu has no grounds for complaint. The proposed agreement leaves his Government intact, free to work out its own arrangements with the other side under the only kind of Vietnamization that ever made sense—Vietnamization of the peace.

Meanwhile, the provisions that will be hailed with especial enthusiasm by all Americans are those which provide for an immediate cease-fire and the release of prisoners and withdrawal of all United States military personnel from Vietnam within sixty days. Saigon must not be permitted to stand in the way of the settlement that is now within reach, a fair settlement that would evoke universal relief and gratitude for the end of a bitter, searing war that serves neither American nor Vietnamese interests.