4-11-74
*NYTimes*

# Moscow: The Pursuit of Détente

By Spartak Beglov

MOSCOW — No politically active person can be indifferent, in a positive or negative sense to the joint determination, proclaimed by Moscow and Washington two years ago, to pursue a course of peaceful coexistence and expanding cooperation in solving urgent international problems. Taking into account the significance of this move for the destinies of millions of people, it is easy to understand why the rest of the world continually watches the pulse of Soviet-American relations.

Soviet foreign policy needed no "agonizing reappraisal" of its strategy and tactics to demonstrate its readiness to normalize relations with the United States. From the very outset, peaceful coexistence was one of the principles of the policy formulated by Lenin, the founder of the Soviet state. Much time had passed before the United States, faced by irrefutable realities, had to give up its illusionary policy of "rolling back socialism" and the cold war.

The two nations' profound mutual interest in normalizing relations and in working jointly for the benefit of peace is clearly and unequivocally expressed and is buttressed by their historical experience. No matter what striking fluctuations and differences in outlooks on domestic policy problems are shown by regular public-opinion polls in the United States, they regularly and invariably register support for the improvement of relations with the Soviet Union. The Soviet people enthusiastically welcomed the peace program adopted at the Twenty-fourth Congress of the Communist Party, now being implemented.

In the opinion of the Soviet people, these relations have been confidently developing as a result of the summit meetings of Leonid I. Brezhnev, the party leader, and President Nixon, and the agreements signed.

The latest statements by American leaders confirm their loyalty to the policy of improving relations with the Soviet Union and their readiness to work together for the benefit of peace.

Unfortunately, not all Americans are ready to listen to these sober statements. One can hardly be surprised at the Soviet public's sharp reaction to provocative acts in the United States against détente by the strange alliance of right-wing extremists, mouthpieces of the military-industrial complex, and activists of the Zionist lobby, possessed by hatred for socialism and a desire to renew the arms race. The aim of these circles is to torpedo the development of Soviet-American relations and thus harm the American people's interests.

Americans themselves should think of the damage anti-Sovietism may bring to their country. Suffice it to recall that in 1973 the volume of trade between the two countries was valued at $1.5 billion dollars — seven times the 1971 average.

For this reason, as The Washington Post put it, the Zionists' "stormy rejoicing" after Congress passed an amendment against the most-favored-nation treatment in trade with the U.S.S.R. looked like a mockery of common sense, to say the least.

It was admitted in a report prepared earlier in Congress that trade discrimination would not impair the Soviet economy, producers or consumers.

Most-favored-nation treatment is not such a big favor, the Soviet For-

eign Trade Minister, Nikolai Patolichev, justly noted in a recent interview with a Washington weekly. In fact, it means nothing but equal opportunity—that is, attitudes to trade partners should be the same toward all such partners.

The same responsible understanding of the principle of equality and of equal regard for the interests of the other side is also required in the approach to other problems, including those concerning security and disarmament.

It was not without reason that the Soviet public saw in some statements made by political henchmen of the military-industrial complex, like Senator Henry Jackson and the Pentagon bosses, adherence to the dogmas of "maintaining superiority" camouflaged by propagandist allegations of "Soviet strides in the arms race."

The Soviet Union, as its leaders have repeatedly declared, is sincerely interested in the successful completion of the new phase of bilateral talks on a further limitation and possible reduction of strategic armaments. This problem is not easy, of course. But its solution is not made any easier by the obstinacy of generals and the hawkish appeals of Senator Jackson, who seems to undermine the coordinated functional principle of equality and equal regard for the security of both sides.

Given the desire and a constructive approach, the Soviet-American negotiations in Geneva on the limitation of strategic armaments can certainly find formulas insuring the balanced security of both sides in keeping with the basic principles agreed on in Washington in June, 1973.

Spartak Beglov is a political writer of the press agency Novosti.

# Mideast Accord
Now Held Likely

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

JERUSALEM, May 10—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger returned here today with increased optimism that a Syrian-Israeli disengagement agreement can be reached during the next week.

A senior U.S. official, who until today had been saying the prospects of a settlement were less than 50 per cent, today put the odds at 52 to 48 in favor of success. The estimate came from a man who has consistently understated the chances of success in any negotiation.

[Later, wire services quoted Kissinger as saying, "There is progress. We are now going through a detailed examination of the elements of the disengagement agreement." It was the first time the secretary spoke for direct attribution about the talks.]

By Tuesday, following a trip to Damascus Sunday and another round-trip-Jerusalem-Damascus shuttle Monday and Tuesday, the official said it would become clear whether Kissinger would decide to go

home, registering partial progress, or stay through the week to work out the whole deal.

Following an hour and a half meeting with Israeli officials here late this afternoon, Information Minister Shimon Peres was optimistic and said: "If there is an agreement, it may be a quick one. By the end of the coming week, we may have the results of the secretary's very active itinerary."

Deputy Premier Yigal Allon, one of the Israeli officials involved in the negotiations, said before leaving on a trip to London that the chances for an agreement had "definitely improved" and that he would not be surprised if one were reached soon.

According to reports circulating here, President Nixon registered his eagerness for an agreement in one or more personal letters to Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, urging her to grasp the opportunity for a disengagement agreement now. In the deepening Watergate crisis, Mr. Nixon is

See KISSINGER, A6, Col. 1

Associated Press

Henry Kissinger and President Sadat talk in Cairo.

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REAL ESTATE

# The Foreign Ministers Return

By C. L. Sulzberger

PARIS—A political phenomenon marking the early nineteen-seventies was diminishment in the role of foreign ministers. Everywhere there seemed increased tendency by the executive to assume direct control of policy while leaning less upon the normal diplomatic apparatus.

No sharp dividing line underscores this shift. In the United States it started after John Foster Dulles resigned. It continued under President Kennedy and Johnson, who built up their White House apparatus at State Department expense. It flourished in President Nixon's first years when he virtually ignored Secretary Rogers and leaned on Henry Kissinger, his national security adviser.

Meanwhile, similar developments were occurring elsewhere. In France, de Gaulle, then Pompidou, regarded foreign policy as a "reserved domain" and used such Elysée Palace strongmen as Burin des Roziers and Michel Jobert to oversee application of their wishes. The renowned Quai d'Orsay didn't lose its luster but some of the glitter flaked off.

In London, Prime Minister Heath placed the highly reputed Sir Alec Douglas-Home in the Foreign Office but overshadowed him on major matters such as Common Market negotiations.

In Bonn, Chancellor Willy Brandt employed his own agent, Egon Bahr, to handle secret parleys with Communist states. Even Brezhnev, in Moscow, depended more on his personal

"Kissinger," Andrei Alexandrov, than on his foreign-minister to handle East-West dealings.

In conversations with such leaders as Nixon, Kissinger, de Gaulle, Pompidou, Jobert and Brandt, I discovered a general belief that this development was imposed by the nature of our epoch. De Gaulle considered it imperative that executive power should grow because the need for potentially cataclysmic decisions was greater than in any other recent era.

This, he felt, made it essential to recognize the need for a chief of state or government to act directly on major matters. Although they didn't always agree on everything, the other principal leaders accepted this view. The only capital of signal importance where there was no change either then or now was Peking. Chou En-lai continues to run everything—in the name of Chairman Mao.

Today, just as it was once possible to discern that the age of giants ended with de Gaulle's departure and was moving to a governance by men of man's dimension, it is equally possible to see a change in administrative methods arising from the break-up of the group that inherited leadership. With Heath's political ouster, Pompidou's death and Nixon's and Brandt's steadily weakening position, the foreign ministers who had been lurking in the shadows re-emerge.

In two, America and France, this was achieved by naming the Kissingers —Henry, in Washington and his Gallic image, Michel Jobert, in Paris—to the foreign ministries themselves. While

## FOREIGN AFFAIRS

they remained brilliantly able and loyal lieutenants, the weakening of Mr. Nixon's authority and Mr. Pompidou's physical decline steadily gave more power back to the traditional ministries Messrs. Kissinger and Jobert took over.

This process was mirrored elsewhere. Mr. Brandt came to rely less fully on Mr. Bahr, and Walter Scheel, his Foreign Minister, gained influence. Mr. Scheel will shortly move up to the federal presidency and Dietrich Genscher, present Interior Minister, will replace him. No one can yet forecast whether Bahr will stage a resurgence during Genscher's tuning-up period; but it isn't likely as Brandt's prestige and executive authority sag.

In England the new Harold Wilson Government has seemingly pushed its Foreign Secretary, James Callaghan, into the foreground. Perhaps Mr. Wilson, for reasons of internal politics, wishes the deputy leader of his Labor party to share the public responsibility for efforts to disengage from the Common Market. In any case, he has started off by speaking louder than any Secretary since George Brown—and with a clearer voice.

Even in Moscow there seems to be an effort to bolster the foreign minister's position by naming Andrei Gromyko to the Politburo. Without doubt the man whose relative influence suffers most thereby is Alexandrov.

The ministers, almost everywhere, are again moving frontstage. In Washington Mr. Kissinger was helped in this process by Mr. Nixon's steadily weaker personal position, which allowed the new Secretary a fuller role. Likewise, Mr. Jobert took over at the Quai as Pompidou became more ill and less active.

How will this international phase proceed as the old executive leadership slips gradually away? Today, the traditional apparatus has assumed greater diplomatic responsibility. We must see who next holds the executive reins—and whether they will seek to devise new policies or replace the ministers today charged with applying old ones.

properties,

and sold for $1.5 million would be $183,479 or an 18 per cent return on investment. With the application of the new tax profit is reduced to $91,739 or 9 per cent return on investment.

A non-resident of Canada would see his profit reduced to $54,180 or 5 per cent return on investment.

The provincial treasurer said the double blow against foreign speculators should drive them out of the Ontario market and ease the pressure on Ontario land prices.

THE NON-RESIDENT now must pay a 20 per cent land transfer tax while Canadian residents will continue paying the six-tenths of a per cent tax that until now has been levied on all land buyers.

The 20 per cent transfer tax will apply on cottage properties as well as industrial land, though the government plans to introduce measures which could rebate the tax on industrial properties.

The speculation tax generally will not be applied on a family's principal residence or cottage, or family farms or on land developed with housing.

The new budget doubled the tax on mines and timber companies, which are enjoying high profits from inflated prices.

The budget eliminated the 7 per cent sales tax on footwear costing $30 or less and on several household and toilet articles, at an annual saving to taxpayers of $43 million.

For the personal-income-taxpayer, the province's system of credits will be expanded to reduce payments by an annual total of $375 million, up $70 million from last year.

LANDED GENTRY — Marcia Williams, 42, Prime Minister Harold Wilson's political secretary, will soon be questioned by Scotland Yard about the land scandal that is embarrassing the new Labor government. Fellow Laborites have called for her dismissal. (AP)

# Scotland Yard to Ask Wilson About Forgery

Associated Press

LONDON, April 10 — Scotland Yard says there is a "strong possibility" it will soon question Prime Minister Harold Wilson about the forgery of his signature on a letter involved in the mushrooming real estate scandal that is embarrassing the new Labor government.

Bob Huntley, the detective in charge of the case, said he would first question Mr. Wilson's longtime secretary and confidante, Marcia Williams, and her brother Tony Fields, a former Wilson aide.

The two were the major

40 acres of farmland in a section of Wales intended for industrial development.

There has been no suggestion that the deals are illegal. Scotland Yard stepped in when some newspapers reported last week that the first sale was promoted by a letter on Mr. Wilson's House of Commons stationery to which his signature had been forged.

The real estate speculator who got the letter, Ronald Milhench, said Tuesday that he burned the letter several weeks ago because somebody phoned

ing oil ranging up to $1 a gallon (imperial) for 5 million gallons from Romania, and between 60 cents and 86.5 cents a gallon (imperial) for 21 million gallons from Shell oil refineries in the Caribbean.

The expensive heating oil has become a cause celebre in Ottawa this week, because the Conservative opposition claims that not only did the government get taken on price, but the oil purchased is so heavy with sulphur it is unusable.

The case arose in November, when the Canadian government, afraid that a world shortage would leave Eastern Canada shivering, decided to buy the oil. Representatives of Canadian Fuel Marketers Ltd., of Toronto, a wholly-owned Shell subsidiary, told the government the company had options to buy the heating oil, but it would not bring it to Canada because the price was so high it could not make a profit. The oil would be sold in the U. S., said the company.

The government said it would pay the high price, because Eastern Canada needed insurance. The oil began arriving in Canada during November. Total bill for the 26 million imperial gallons was $21 million. At today's prices it is worth $7.8 million.

Until this week the government had refused to reveal what it paid for the oil.

## Pleas for Peace
### Made by Pope at Vatican Audience

VATICAN CITY, April 10 (AP) — Pope Paul VI called for peace in the Middle East today and urged that the holy places of Jerusalem be placed under international jurisdiction. He also called for a just settlement of the refugee pr

EDNESDAY, APRIL 10, 1974

# Letters to the Editor

## Soviet Trade: Our 'Piqued' State Department

To the Editor:

The State Department is understandably disturbed at the Vanik-Mills trade bill. I say understandably because Congress thus frustrates the accumulated research and work of doubtless many worthy people in the department. Who knows, there may be a number of resignations "in disgust" should Congressional resistance prevail and the department's plans be consigned to limbo.

However, though empathetic, I am not sympathetic. First, because of the department's natural inclination toward corporate elitism and separation from the American electorate, it is constantly necessary to remind it that in our system, it is, or ought to be, the rule that the department's work is edited, perhaps bruising its authors' egos, by that imperfect voice of the people, Congress. Like the need of Europeans to "consult" with the department and the need of oil companies to demonstrate more public accountability, the department similarly must conciliate, not just indocrininate, the public.

Second, I deplore the combination of pique and exaggeration, albeit low key thus far, emanating from the department on the issue of Soviet Jews and dissenters. The pique is typified by Kissinger's recent statement that the issue "would have been essentially inconceivable five years ago, and it has added a new dimension to Soviet-American relations." True, but note his implications: 1. The degree of dissent in the U.S.S.R. was not foreseen by the department, nor is it approved of now. 2. If there were not dissent, Soviet-American relations would be good. 3. If the dissent would only go away, or if we only ignore it, or if we only ignore those who "blow it

up" to "artificial" proportions, things can still be fine.

And the exaggeration? This is manifested in Kissinger's Spenglerian innocations to the effect that unless the tampered trade bill is defeated we will return to cold then hot wars, and all of civilization will crumble in nuclear ashes. This catastrophic domino theory is less logic and more reductio ad absurdem. By analogy, the U.S.S.R. wants the dissolution of NATO and the ultimate eradication of capitalism. Of course not. Similarly, if the U.S. wants democratization in the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.S.R. resists, will that mean the beginning of the end in their mutual relations? Again, experience and the laws of probability say no.

PHILIP BARAM

Assoc. Prof. of History
Roxbury College

Roxbury, Mass., March 29, 1974

The New York Times

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 10, 1974

# nt Breed of Youth
a Mecca of Boston

By ROBERT REINHOLD

Special to The New York Times

BOSTON, April 9-To Mike Daly it's a good place to "crash on your fantasies." For Richard Brown and Margaret Gerteis it's a tolerant place where an unmarried interracial couple can find happiness. And to Robert Adkins, the Boston area is so attractive that he prefers to sacrifice some of his lawerly ambitions to stay here rather than plug into the New York "hype."

Whatever the reasons, thousands of young people like these are flocking to gray old Boston town these days. At times, it seems like the streets are vast rivers flowing with blue denim, hair and ski parkas-the uniform of an exuberant youthful army that is profoundly altering the social complexion of this once-staid old center of Brahmin propriety.

## Jobs Are Scarce

While the Boston area has long been a mecca for students, it has more recently begun to attract an older more worldly breed of youth. They are generally well-educated people, ranging in age from about 22 to 34, who find in Boston much of the cultural richness and political sophistication of New York but a lot less of the frenzied competition and urban decay that make life in New York such a "hustle."

Jobs are as scarce as the prices are high and the weather is miserable, but the siren call seems irresistible. They come to drink in the city's Victorian

people who newsstand.

Continued on Page 62, Column 5

Shopping for fro

A18

WEDNESDAY, A

APRIL 10, 1974
The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

Moscow Votes for Nixon

THE KREMLIN very much wants a summit with President Nixon. That much is clear from its decision to grant the President two conspicuous hours in the company of their own "president," Mr. Podgorny, while the two were in Paris for the funeral of Georges Pompidou. Take away the time for translation and pleasantries, and two hours is very little. The two men conducted only a "tour of the horizon," touching all bases briefly—a formula precluding any real negotiating even if Mr. Podgorny were a Kremlin negotiator, which he is not. The Secretary of State, moreover, wasn't there.

General Haig went even further. Alluding to American press reports about the supposedly disappointing results of Dr. Kissinger's last trip to Moscow, he said it was also clear from the Nixon-Podgorny meeting that "Soviet leaders were pleased with the progress of discussions" conducted by Dr. Kissinger. It had already been known from grumbling in the Soviet press that the Kremlin, as well as the White House, wished to chase the sour taste left by the Kissinger trip. It was an extra fillip for Mr. Podgorny and Mr. Nixon to serve the same purpose.

In Soviet-American annals, there have been few stranger spectacles than to see Mr. Nixon and his ostensible adversaries in the Kremlin joining hands in order to keep the June summit on track. But there it is. It is, in brief, a vivid demonstration of Soviet interest in dealing with Richard Nixon. The Russians cannot be oblivious to the domestic uses to which a beleaguered President can put such a demonstration. Indeed, this particular sort of exploitation is already under way. Speaking to reporters on the way home from Paris, General Haig and Ronald Ziegler played a veritable symphony on the theme that the Nixon-Brezhnev talk proved the continuing viability of the Nixon presidency.

This is, of course, not so. That the Russians are so avidly interested in dealing with Richard Nixon, however, sharpens the question of why. Is it because they consider him a soft touch? The possibility cannot be excluded. We assume Mr. Nixon would keep a sharp eye out for it. Most Americans, we believe, would sooner have Mr. Nixon make no further agreements with the Rus-

sians, than make a bad one. We would hope the Russians understand American politics sufficiently to know that any effort to exploit Mr. Nixon could badly backfire on them. One cannot be sure.

There is, though, another possibility and one which in our common anxiety and uncertainty, we should not exclude either. That is simply that the Russians, having made a basic policy decision to test detente with Mr. Nixon, wish to go on with it. They could have decided that Mr. Nixon would be more immune than a "liberal" to domestic political attack from the right, and that he is a stable and mature figure with whom they could work out a new post-cold war relationship serving their economic needs on the one hand and balancing off the pressure from China on the other. They—or the detente faction apparently led by Mr. Brezhnev—could have decided this was an opportune if not an essential moment to slow the arms race. We do not say these are the only things on the Kremlin's mind, but they could be there.

It is objectionable to watch Mr. Nixon struggling to save his presidency by converting his foreign policy so transparently into a domestic instrument. It has its own risks for him, and for the country. But we would not like his foreign policy—which is, after all, the nation's foreign policy—to have to fail if a moment for a better more stable relationship with the Russians is in fact at hand. That is why the complexities, including the possibly hopeful aspects, of the Russians' own outlook must be weighed.

As for the Russians, they have just taken out insurance of sorts on the vagaries of American politics. Having openly rebuffed Sen. Henry Jackson (D-Wash.), the Democratic presidential hopeful they would least like to see in the White House, they have just invited to Moscow Sen. Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.), another hopeful who represents for them a more palatable option. As in their approaches to Mr. Nixon, their invitation to Sen. Kennedy carries its own ambiguities. They can see, however, that Sen. Kennedy is plainly interested in equipping himself, by means of a Moscow visit, to become a substantial "liberal" critic of both Mr. Nixon and Mr. Jackson in foreign policy. Their invitation to the Senator suggests a long-term interest of their own.

Rowland Evans and Robert Novak

April 8, 1974

# Kissinger: Is He Getting All The Facts?

The dismissal of Seymour Weiss as head of the State Department's Political-Military Affairs Bureau has crystallized concern among strategic arms hard-liners that Secretary of State Henry Kissinger may not be getting all the facts about momentous negotiations with Moscow now in progress.

Weiss spoke up at length in a recent top-level meeting of U.S. officials dealing with East-West troop reductions in Central Europe, arguing that a relatively minor point in the negotiations had been misunderstood by the Secretary (who was chairman of that meeting).

The decision to shift Weiss out of the Political-Military Bureau is privately described by one high official as a result of Weiss's lack of "administrative ability." But Kissinger's critics, who include Democratic Sen. Henry M. Jackson and other hard-line strategic arms experts, say Weiss was relieved because he contradicted the Secretary and expounded on his own interpretation of the disputed point at that meeting.

Although that may well be unfair to Kissinger, some highly credible adeires of Kissinger as well as hard-line critics believe it to be the case. That tells much about the dangerous controversy building within the administration on negotiations with the Russians.

Weiss is believed to have fallen because of what he said about proposed mutual reduction of NATO and War-

> "Both hardliners and admirers feel Kissinger must expose himself to every side of the argument."

saw pact forces, but even more important negotiations are the parallel talks on Strategic Arms Limitation (SALT). It is here that hard-liners most fear Kissinger may be cut off from adversary opinions.

Thus, some critics are fearful Kissinger is under mounting pressure from Nixon to achieve a SALT II breakthrough to help in his fight against impeachment, likely to reach its climax after he returns from the June summit.

These critics claim that potential Soviet gains from the President's weakened political strength at home are fully percieved in the Kremlin and that Kremlin's game is obvious: use Mr. Nixon's vulnerability to extract concessions on SALT, troop reductions and everything else

The administration itself is jittery about this. In a recent press conference, Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger felt impelled to defend Mr. Nixon, proclaiming that "anybody

that knows President Nixon knows full well that he would do nothing that would compromise the national security."

Yet, what happened to Weiss deepens the concern of Nixon-Kissinger critics. Weiss personally leans toward a fairly hard line on both European troop reduction and SALT.

But he is regarded as an absolutely loyal team player and, say intimates, his frontal disagreement with Kissinger had only one purpose: to correct a misapprehension distorting Kissinger's view of one phase of the troop-reduction negotiations.

The broader question—and the heart of the controversy over SALT—is whether and how these negotiations can be used to limit Soviet development of MIRV—the process by which one intercontinental nuclear weapon can be armed with multiple warheads, each independently targeted.

When SALT I was signed two years ago, the U.S. had a virtual MIRV

monopoly. Since then, Soviet technology has caught up. What makes this so lethal is the fact that Soviet missiles are much larger than any the U.S. possesses, and hence each can carry more and larger MIRVs.

The Nixon-Kissinger critics are now saying that getting the Soviet Union to agree to limit the number of MIRVed missiles was never a realistic possibility. Of the four new monster missiles brought to Soviet production since the signing of SALT I, two are MIRV substitutes for single-warhead missiles limited by the SALT I agreement.

The Soviet refusal to accept Kissinger's "conceptual breakthrough" on limiting MIRVs, conveyed during his recent Moscow visit, seems to bear that out. Administration hard-liners have now strongly advised Kissinger to forget about SALT II at the June summit, on grounds that any quickie agreement would be worse than none.

But more than anything else, both hard-liners and admirers feel Kissinger must expose himself and his small group of intimate aides to every side of the argument, no matter how alien to President Nixon's need for a new SALT agreement. If not, they genuinely fear the monopoly of power and decision-making Mr. Nixon has vested in his phenomenally successful Secretary of State will carry dangerous overtones into the future.

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Washington Takes Bilateral Route

Wash Post
4-8-74

# U.S. Shifting Saudi Policy

By Jim Hoagland
Washington Post Foreign Service

BEIRUT, April 7—Despite American insistence on closer cooperation among oil-consuming nations, the United States is moving to solve many of the long-term problems created by the energy crisis bilaterally by strengthening its alliance with Saudi Arabia, the world's largest petroleum exporting country.

The cornerstone of this effort will be the agreement announced Friday to expand joint economic and technical cooperation and for the United States to step up arms deliveries to Saudi Arabia. King Faisal's government has made clear to the Nixon administration that it distrusts any major multilateral program by consuming nations.

If the accord progresses the way the Saudis appear to want it, it could sound the death knell for the consumers' cooperative effort

## News Analysis

launched at February's Washington energy conference by Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger. Top Saudi policymakers describe that conference as a complete failure.

The United States "was negotiating the crisis with the wrong people," Saudi Arabia's top economic planer, Hisham Nazir, said in Riyadh recently. "I don't think it produced anything except an air of confrontation, which was unhealthy."

Interviews on the future of the energy crisis with leading Saudi officials and with

American sources in Saudi Arabia over the past two weeks indicate that Washington and Riyadh feel the crisis has taken on new dimensions since October's production cutbacks and the sharp, sudden rise in the export price of crude oil.

Although much serious economic and political bargaining is yet to be conducted on the Saudi-American cooperation agreement, which was only outlined in the joint announcement, there is already an understanding on the problems that must be covered. The chief American goals appear to be:

* Providing political and financial incentives to the Saudis to expand their enormous petroleum production capacity and to assure American access to the vital

See ENERGY, A8, Col. 1

as risen only modestly. It
as gone up slower since
1962 than either population
the labor force. The num-
er of people working for
government agencies of all
units in this country—local,
state and federal—went up
from 9 million to 13.4 mil-
lion from 1962 to 1972, from
per cent to 16 per cent of
all workers, or almost one
worker out of every six. But
the growth came in the state
and local sectors, not the
federal.

The defenders of the sys-
tem, and some of its critics
well, will also tell you
that, however much the av-
erages have risen, federal
pay is still not wholly com-
petitive with that in the pri-
ate sector, or at least not at
the top.

This was one of the issues
our weeks ago when Con-
gress was debating giving it-
self a pay raise, a step it de-
ided not to take in an elec-
tion year. In denying itself,
Congress also froze the sala-
lies of most of the country's
senior civil servants—all the
Gs — 18's and 17's in the

The Civil Service Commis-
sion and the Bureau of La-
bor Statistics have identi-
fied a set of jobs in the pri-
vate sector deemed compa-
rable to federal jobs at each
of the first 15 GS levels.

The bureau each spring
surveys private-sector pay
for these jobs. Its findings
are sent to the director of
the Office and Management
and Budget and chairman of
the Civil Service Commis-
sion, who distill them, de-
cide how much federal pay
should go up generally to
stay comparable, and send
that percentage to the Presi-
dent. He then sends that
percentage on to congress.

That full percentage in-
crease automatically takes
effect Oct. 1 unless the Pres-
ident recommends reducing
or delaying it, and it takes
effect Oct. 1 anyway if ei-
ther house of Congress
votes to overturn the Presi-
dent's recommendation. If
neither house does vote it
down, his recommendation
prevails.

Critics complain that this
system serves almost to rat-

have gotten five more raises
— 6 per cent in December,
1969; the same a year later
in January, 1971; 5.5 per
cent in January, 1972; 5.1
per cent in January, 1973;
and that 4.8 per cent in Oc-
tober of last year.

That is five pay raises in
4½ years, worth 30.6 per
cent compounded. In that
same time-span, however,
the Labor Department's
hourly earnings index, its
truest indicator of wages
paid rank-and-file workers
in the private sector, also
went up more than 30 per
cent.

Critics point out, however,
that these general wage in-
creases year by year are not
the only ones federal em-
ployees get.

There are two other kinds.
One comes from longevity.
There are 10 steps within
each one of the first 15
grades or GS levels in the
civil service. The pay at the
second step in each grade is
3 per cent above the first,
and so on to the tenth step.

In theory, promotions
from step to step within a
grade are supposed to be
based on performance.

# The Power of Weakness

By William Safire

WASHINGTON—The President lay on a massage table, a doctor ministering to his aching back, when Henry Kissinger came in to give him the bad news during the Moscow summit conference of 1972.

Soviet negotiators would not budge on two areas in which a strategic arms limitation agreement would leave the United States at a disadvantage. President Nixon told his national security adviser to keep negotiating, but to let the other side know that the President was ready to return to the United States without a SALT treaty.

Dr. Kissinger did so; the Soviets caved, and the first SALT agreement was signed. All of us there marveled at the President's cold-blooded poker-playing.

Long afterward, I wondered: What "political risk" had Mr. Nixon taken? The first SALT agreement received polite applause from the left and center, some criticism from the right. But if the summit had ended with his refusal to sign a lopsided agreement, the political left at home could not have faulted him, and the hardline right would have hailed him as a hero.

In political terms, Mr. Nixon in Moscow was in a no-lose situation: Because the Soviets knew he was quite prepared to go back without an agreement, they proceeded to settle on fair terms.

This episode comes to mind as President Nixon prepares to visit Moscow again this summer. Many Americans are worried about a President afflicted with Watergate weakness dealing with the Russians: Won't he be inclined to make any deal he can get just to prop up his popularity?

The worry is dramatized by the imminence of impeachment, and deepened by indications of the failure of Secretary of State Kissinger's prelimin

## ESSAY

> "The President would have more to gain at home by not returning with a SALT agreement."

nary trip to Moscow. The Soviet press has been attacking the stories based on Kissinger background briefings as destructive of détente, making it appear that the SALT negotiations are falling apart.

To understand what is going on, let us think like superpower politicians.

First, the Soviets "give" only as much as they must, and as late as possible; that time has not yet come.

Second, battered American Presidents do not send high-flying Secretaries of State to Moscow to glory in "conceptual breakthroughs," which might make a crucial Presidential trip closing the deal seem to be an unnecessary clinking of champagne glasses. Mr. Nixon hoped Secretary Kissinger would have done better, but not much better; and both men know how to finesse an adversary's rigidity with unattributed predictions of disaster.

Third, the plain political fact is that the President would have more to gain at home by not returning with a SALT agreement than by coming back with one.

Try this airport speech for size: "My

fellow Americans, nobody has traveled farther for peace than I have. But this time, because some wallowers in Watergate put their vindictiveness ahead of the cause of peace, the Soviet leaders thought they could take advantage.

"I could have acceded to their demands and brought back a meaningless scrap of paper. But that would have led to weakness, war or surrender. And so I told Mr. Brezhnev that I would never sell out American security, not if it cost me my job..."

Hoot if you will, but such a speech would make a strong appeal to the people Mr. Nixon counts upon to "hang tough" against his ouster.

Richard Nixon began in the late forties by lambasting the Communists; I recall taking a picture of him in a Moscow kitchen in 1959 that we hailed as evidence of how he could "stand up to the Russians"; there would be some poetic justice if he survived as President by "standing up to the Russians" one more time.

The fourth fact of power politics: The Soviets know all about the President's present weakness, his need for hardliner support, and his old-time talents in cultivating that garden. Anatoly Dobrynin understands the pressures of American politics better than most American politicians.

Therefore, paradoxically, the political vulnerability of the President becomes a negotiating strength: If the Soviets want to make any kind of SALT deal, they will have to take into account the Nixon need to cater to his own right wing.

All of which is why Mr. Nixon will be going to Moscow this summer, come hell or high crimes. If he fails to reach an arms control agreement, he will survive as President with no loss to the nation of its strategic position; if he succeeds, he will be blessed by the grandchildren of his fiercest critics as the greatest peacemaker of his time.

["Brother of Mrs. Sadye Lynde Pearson, of Y.C. Services at Temple Emanuel, King- ton, N.Y.; on Tuesday, April 9 at 2 P. M. in Woodstock Memorial Society cemetery.", "ST.—A. Harold. Federation of Jewish end of Katherine Gould Foster, father of Henry P. Foster, Jr., Everett Gould Foster and Susan Foster Work, brother of Mrs. Harold Loizeaux, David Scott Foster and Mrs. Warner Brackett. Resident PheasantANE, Scotch Plains, N.J. Memorial services at the Crescent Home, Presbyterian church, Plainfield, N.J. on Tuesday, April at 3 P. M. if friends desire, memorial fits may be made to the Crescent Ave. Resurrection Church Endowment Fund. The family requests that no flowers be sent.", "ANKLIN—Sidney, beloved husband of the late Anna, dearest Daddy of Martha Koch, Philip and the late Ann Jensen, devoted grandfather of Douglas, David, Stanley, Sonia and Dina. Loving brother of Ethel Fain, Miriam Kutzko and Daniel. Services Tuesday 9:15 A.M. \"Forest Park Chapels\" Queens Blvd. at 76th Rd., Forest Hills, N.Y. REEDMAN—Peter. Beloved husband of Margaret, devoted father of Sue, loving brother of Mae Cleveland, Hannah Fried- man and Ruth Ewell. Services at \"Nassau North Chapel,\" 55 No. Station Plaza, Great Neck (opp. RR sta.), Monday April 8 at 12 noon.", "RIEDMAN—Anne M., devoted wife of Nathan, loving mother of Barbara and Edward Sutherland and Samuel and Maxine Friedman, devoted grandmother of Alison, dear sister of Faye Roselbliss, Lillian Kayman and Sam Sobel. Services Mon. and 1:45 PM \"The Riverside\" 76th St. and Amsterdam Ave. Please omit flowers.", "RIEDMAN—Harry, beloved husband of Sylvia, devoted father of Miriam Schwartz and Dr. David, adored grandfather of Peter, Paul, Jill, Joan and Felice and great-grand- father of Cathy and Michael. Services Monday, 130 P.M. \"The Riverside,\" Brooklyn, Ocean Pkwy. at Prospect Park.", "RIEDMAN—Minnie. Beloved wife of the late Michael. Devoted mother of Carolyn Jonas and Bert. Loving grandmother of Darrell and Steven Jonas and Kenneth and Marc Friedman. Dear sister of Sam Greenberg. Services at The Boulevard Chapels, 312 Queens Avenue, at Prospect Park, Coney Island Avenue, Brooklyn, today at 2:30 P.M.", "ROST—A. Harold, beloved husband of Sylvia, devoted father of Patricia Eisenberg, dear brother of Tillie Pashutsky and Gus- tave Frost. Loving grandfather of Dale tave Frost. All of us at the League such a time? What if we or any mortal say at Frost. What can we or any mortal say at such a time? All of us at the League mourn our great loss. To the members of his dear family, go his heartfelt condolences. May they find solace in his in- flections. May they find solace in his lifetime, fable good works, during his lifetime. Members are requested to attend funeral services at the \"Riverside,\" 76th Street services at the \"Riverside Avenue, Monday, April 8th, and Amsterdam Avenue, IRVING HELD, Pres. at 2:00 P.M. JOSEPH SHLECKE, Secretary.", "ROST—A. Harold. The Board of Directors and members of the Young Men's Philan- thropic League are deeply shocked and overcome with the announcement of the passing of our highly esteemed and respected Board and fellow-member of long standing. A. Harold Frost. What can we or any mortal say at such a time? All of us at the League mourn our great loss. To the members of his dear family, go his heartfelt condolences. May they find solace in his in- flections. May they find solace in his lifetime, fable good works, during his lifetime. Members are requested to attend funeral services at the \"Riverside,\" 76th Street services at the \"Riverside Avenue, Monday, April 8th, and Amsterdam Avenue, IRVING HELD, Pres. at 2:00 P.M. JOSEPH SHLECKE, Secretary.", "ROST— A. Harold. Federation of Jewish Philanthropies records with sadness the passing of a devoted and generous friend, who served with distinction as Chairman of our Trial Lawyers Division. We extend our deepest sympathies to his bereaved family.", "LAWRENCE B. BUTTENWIESER, Pres. MANUEL MAXWELL, Chairman, N.Y. Lawyers Division", "SANFORD LOENDER, Exec. Vice President", "Medical Center, 111 East 20th St., New York, N.Y., on Tuesday, April 9th, 3 P.M.", "HENCKEN—Frederick W., of 135 Saw Mill Rd., Kinnelon, N.J., on April 6, 1974. Husband of Ann (nee Blake) Hencken, brother of Mrs. Robert Craig Montgomery. Funeral service Tuesday, 1 PM, at The Morrison Funeral Home, 86 Bartholdl Ave., Butler, N.J. Interment private. Masonic service Monday evening at 8 P.M. in lieu of flowers, contributions to the Department of Radiology, St. Joseph's Hospital, Paterson, will be appreciated. Visiting hours Monday 7-9 P.M. at the funeral home.", "JOHNSTON—Herbert, at Hallandale, Fla., April 5, 1974, cherished husband of Helen, loving father of Rhona Guberman, Lynne Fain, Miriam Kutzko and Daniel. Services Tuesday 9:15 A.M. \"Forest Park Chapels\" Queens Blvd. at 76th Rd., Forest Hills, N.Y.", "KELLEHER—Timothy F. April 6, 1974. Beloved brother of Daniel, Mrs. James Fitzsimmons, Mrs. O. A. Brown, Mrs. Joseph Saran and the late Joseph, Jeremiah and William. Reposing at Walter B. Cooke Funeral Home, 1 West 19th B. Street. Mass of the Resurrection Street, Bronx. Mass of the Resurrection St. Nicholas of Tolentine Church, Wednesday 10 A.M. Interment Gate of Heaven Cemetery.", "KERSHNER—Harry. Beloved husband of Nadia. Devoted father of Larry. Adored grandfather, dear brother of Rose Maldoff, George, Morton and Simon. Services at The Boulevard Chapels 312 Coney Island Ave. at Prospect Park, Brooklyn Tuesday at 1:45 P.M.", "LANDAU—Joseph. Beloved husband of Sylvia (Weiner). Devoted father of Bernice Effner, Sheldon, and Jewel Bloom. Dear brother of W. Sydney. Loving grandfather. Services 11 A.M. Tuesday, April 9 at the Hebrew Institute of White Plains, 20 Greenridge Avenue, White Plains, N.Y.", "LASHINSKY—Rose. Loving mother of Ruth Rolstacher and Dr. Alvin Lashinsky. Beloved grandmother of Nancy, Kenneth, and Meryl. Services Tuesday, 12 noon at Schwartz Brothers, \"Forest Park Chapels,\" Queens Blvd. and 76th Rd., Forest Hills.", "LEIPZIG—Anna. Dearly beloved mother of Isidore, Moe, Gus Thorner and Robert. Loving grandmother, great-grandmother. Services Monday 12:45 P.M. at \"The Riverside,\" 76th Street and Amsterdam Avenue.", "LEIPZIG—Anna. Mother of Robert, Funeral Monday, April 8, 12:45 P.M., Riverside Chapel, 76th St. and Amsterdam Ave.", "LEIPZIG—Anna. Announcing with sorrow the passing of Anna Leipzig, beloved mother of her devoted friend and patron, Bob.", "YESHIVA SHALI ZADEK", "RABBI GALINSKY", "WILLIAM FELLER, President", "SAM FIELDS, Honorary President", "LEIPZIG—Anna. The Officers, Board of Trustees and members of the Retinitis Pigmentosa Foundation extend our deepest sympathy to Robert Leipzig and his family upon the passing of his beloved mother.", "LEIPZIG—Anna. The Officers and Members of the Garment Center Synagogue announce with profound sorrow the passing of the mother of Moe Leipzig, our member, on Sunday, April 11, 1974.", "RABBI ABRAHAM HARTSTEIN", "LEIPZIG—Anna. The Nawcas Guild expresses deep sympathy to our past President, Robert Leipzig, on the passing of his mother.", "MARSHALL J. MANTLER, Exec. Director.", "deLIMA—Edwin A. The East Scarsdale Association mourns the passing of our beloved and dedicated member who gave unselfishly of himself for the good of our community. To his family and loved ones, our deepest sympathy.", "DR. MARVIN G. ROBINSON, President", "LINDNER—Gerhard A., of Oak Ridge, N.J. Thursday, April 4, 1974, husband of Freda Breymayer, father of Gerhard E. Grand- father of Susan E., of Upper Montclair, N.J. Funeral services private, Saturday, April 6, 1974.", "Sister of Robert, 111 East 20th St., New York, N.Y., on Tuesday, April 9th, 3 P.M. Services 12:15 P.M. Tuesday, April 9th at 12 P.M. \"Garlick's\", 1091 Yonkers Avenue, Yonkers. Chapel hours Monday evening 7-9 P.M. Chapel hours Monday evening 7-9 P.M.", "PERLMAN—Dr. Max, April 6, 1974, beloved husband of the late Stella, devoted father of Beatrice Troupin, Dr. Bernard Perlman and Helen Shulman and loving grandfather and great-grandfather. Services 9:30 AM, Monday, April 8 at Riverside, 1 Ocean Parkway, Brooklyn. In lieu of flowers, contributions may be sent to Women's American ORT.", "PHILIPPSON—Ethel. Beloved wife of Hans, dear sister of Rena Feinberg, loving aunt. Services Tuesday, April 9, 1:30 p.m. \"The Riverside\", 76th St. & Amsterdam Ave.", "PINSLEY—Robert Mark. Beloved son of Gertrude Pinsley. Services Tuesday 12:15 P.M. \"The Riverside\", Brooklyn, Ocean Parkway and Prospect Park.", "POLTRONIERI—Hugo O., on April 5, 1974, beloved husband of Jean B. (nee Mannarino). Devoted father of Joan P. Bowden and George K. Loving grandfather of Christopher Poltronieri. Dear brother of Raymond and George. Reposing at the Leo F. Kearns Funeral Home, 61-40 Woodhaven Boulevard, Rego Park. Mass Tuesday, 9:30 A.M., at Resurrection Mass Church, Interment St. Johns Cemetery.", "PROPPER—Anita Axel. Beloved wife of Marvin. Reverted mother of Sarah-Mal. Levin and David. Dearest daughter of Mathies and Ette Axel and sister of Herrn. Services at \"Park West,\" 115 West 79 St., Monday, April 8 at 2 P.M.", "PROPPER—Anita. Central Group of Hadassah records with deep sorrow the passing of our Past President, Anita Propper, and be- loved daughter of Ette and Mathies Axel.", "PRUSS—Moe E. Devoted husband of Frances (nee Jacobson). Beloved father of Dorothy Eve Blass. Funeral services 1 P.M. today at Kirschenbaum Chapel, Coney Island Ave and Ave. H, Brooklyn.", "PRUSS—Moe, Sara & Harry Holland League records with sorrow the passing of the beloved husband of our long standing member, Frances. Our deepest sympathy to her and her daughter.", "MRS. AARON NEMETH, President.", "RAAB—Edith H., beloved wife of Edwin, dear sister of Horace, Donald and Herbert Hogle, cherished aunt. Reposing at Andrett Funeral Home, 353 2nd St. (at 20 Sf.) until Tuesday, 1 P.M. Interment Woodlawn Cemetery. Visiting hours 2 to 5 and 7 to 10.", "REGENSBURG—Sophy P. Widow of Melville E., devoted mother of Elizabeth R. Zimmerman, Charles P. and Mary R. Feist, beloved grandmother of Joan Z. Schwartz, Linda F. Wallace, Jill R. Bomser and Betsy Feist, cherished great-grandmother. Reposing at Universal Funeral Chapel, 52 St. and Lex Ave. Services Monday April 8 at Beth-El Chapel of Temple Emanu-El, 1:30 P.M. Interment private.", "REVON—Miriam M., beloved wife of the late Raphael F., sister of Lottie N. Taurauer. Services Tuesday, 11:45 A.M. at \"The Riverside,\" 76 St. and Amsterdam Ave.", "REX—John Jr., on April 7, 1974, at Mt. Kisco, N.Y., dear husband of Alberta, father of Clara Lawson, Margaret Charles, Stephen Hobby and John Rex, III. Reposing Oelker & Cox Funeral Home, Main St., Mt. Kisco, 2-4 and 7-9 P.M. Service at St. Mark's Church, Tuesday, 2 P.M. In lieu of flowers, gifts to St. Mark's Memorial Fund or the No. Westchester Hospital Building Fund will be appreciated.", "RHOADES—Theodora Pollok of N.Y.C., on Saturday, April 6, 1974. Wife of the late Nelson Rhoades. Service will be held at Arthur K. Brown, Inc. (Home for Services), 56 Park Street at Claremont Avenue, Montclair, N.J. Monday afternoon at 2 o'clock.", "Friends may call Monday evening, 7 to 9.", "WEICK—Edith. On April 5. Service at her residence, 3260 Henry Hudson Parkway, on Tuesday, 10 A.M.", "WEINBERG—Gilda. Beloved wife of Max, Devoted mother of Myron. Dear sister of Jennie Deutsch and Shirley Barth. Services Tuesday at 9 A.M. \"Westminster Chapels\", Coney Island Ave. at Ave. H, Brooklyn.", "WEINSTOCK—Sells. Beloved husband of the late Sadie. Devoted father of Ruth Garber, late Sadie. Minnie Friedland and Gertrude Golde, Helen Levy. Loving grandfather and great- Adelle Levy. Loving great-grandfather. Dear brother of Helen Siegel. Services Tuesday 1 P.M. at Schwartz Services. Tuesday 1 P.M. at 12:30 P.M. at \"The Riverside\", 76th St. and Amsterdam Ave.", "WEINTRAUB—Annette. Beloved wife of the late William, devoted friend of Tona and Aben Rudy. Graveside services Tuesday, 10:45 A.M.; Beth-El Cemetery, Paramus, N.J.", "WEBIN—Augusta R., most devoted wife of the late 1. Vernon, loving mother of Pege Laitman and Richard Werbin, adored grandmother of Sallie Katz, Marjorie Greenbaum, Bonnie Eletz, Larry and Cathy Laitman, Bonnie and great-grandmother of Kenneth, Robert and Michele. Services Tuesday 12:30 P.M. at \"The Riverside,\"

SUNDAY, APRIL 7, 1974

E

5

Kissinger: 'It Is Important That We Continue ...'

Once More,
Defining the
Commitment
To Indochina

By LESLIE H. GELB

WASHINGTON—The scene has a strong sense of déjà vu: two American leaders engaging on the subject of the American commitment to Indochina.

Senator Edward M. Kennedy, Democrat of Massachusetts, has received a letter from Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. It is a response, dated March 13, 1974, to Mr. Kennedy's queries about American obligations and other matters concerning Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. The Senator reads these words:

> "The U.S. has no bilateral written commitment to the Government of the Republic of Vietnam. However, as a signator of the Paris agreement . . . the United States committed itself to strengthening the conditions which made the cease-fire possible and to the goal of the South Vietnamese people's right to self-determination. . . . We also recognize that we have derived a certain obligation from our long and deep involvement. . . . We have thus committed ourselves very substantially, both politically and morally. . . ."

Senator Kennedy issues a press release welcoming the secretary's candor, but calling it a "disturbing clarification of our present policy in Indochina." He says "it shatters the hope that we could finally disengage from our direct and often manipulative involvement . . ."

Was Mr. Kissinger's letter an enlargement of his or the President's other recent statements on this subject? Should Senator Kennedy have been surprised at the "clarification"?

Before the signing of the Paris accords, Mr. Kissinger was asked at a press conference how the agreement affected the American commitment. He answered that Washington would continue to provide economic and military aid as permitted by the accords. He added that the "United States expects all countries to live up to the provisions of the agreement."

The Nixon Administration feels it is committed to resist the forcible overthrow of the Saigon regime. The President and Mr. Kissinger have said this repeatedly. This assuredly came as no surprise to Senator Kennedy.

What did seem surprising was that Mr. Kissinger directly linked the present American commitment to the Paris accords themselves. Is there a basis for this? Here, from their known positions, is a hypothetical discussion of the question.

Mr. Kissinger apparently would argue that the accords carry with them an obligation by the parties to assure implementation. But critics would say that the accords are like a contract. Each party has the right, but not necessarily the commitment, to insure compliance. They would add that even if the Nixon Administration feels itself bound, the United States is not. The accords were not sent to the Senate as a treaty for approval. The Administration would answer that actions taken by the executive are binding on the nation.

The critics would respond that there is nothing in the accords that binds the Nixon Administration to an open-ended commitment. The responsibility for control and supervision is supposed to rest with a four-power international commission which was to work with the great powers, convened in an international conference, to guarantee the accords.

The Nixon Administration would retort that the international conference did not assume responsibility for guaranteeing the agreement and that the international commission cannot do more than bear witness to violations. Then, guaranteeing the accords is an American responsibility.

But apart from the Paris accords, does the United States have some kind of secret arrangement with Saigon? Mr. Kissinger's letter said that Washington had "no bilateral written commitment." But this does not mean that Washington has not given Saigon secret assurances.

Administration Threats

But what more could the Administration have said to Saigon secretly than it has said or done publicly?

President Nixon publicly threatened reprisals should Hanoi launch a massive attack. American bombers are available in Thailand, Guam and on aircraft carriers. The law prohibits such action without Congressional assent, but Mr. Kissinger and Mr. Nixon have stated they might well seek such Congressional approval.

Aid has poured into Indochina. By Mr. Kissinger's figures, South Vietnam received about $3-billion in military aid during fiscal year 1973, over $1-billion in fiscal year 1974, and the request for the new year is for $1.45-billion. Economic aid is also substantial. Senator Kennedy claims the real figure is $3-billion for this year.

Washington still has 200 military and over 900 civilian personnel in South Vietnam, over 100 military in Cambodia, and 30 in Laos. Aid to Laos and Cambodia totals in the hundreds of millions.

Few legislators have called for a cessation of military aid to Saigon. Editorial writers and students seem to have lost interest in Indochina.

Former Secretary of Defense Clark M. Clifford is one of the few prominent exceptions. He continues to preach that the only way to end the on-going war is to dump President Nguyen Van Thieu, and that the way to do that is to stop supplying the military forces that sustain him. In this way, Mr. Clifford has said, a neutralist government would emerge in Saigon which would negotiate a settlement with the Vietcong.

The Administration says that stopping military aid would lead to a takeover in the south by the Vietcong and Hanoi, depriving the people of South Vietnam the free choice over which the war was fought in the first place.

THE NEW YORK TIMES

# The Region

## In Summary

### Southern Law On Redistricting Comes North

A Federal law designed primarily to eliminate political discrimination against Southern blacks is, for the first time, being applied in the North, to end inequities in New York City.

The Justice Department has said that district lines must be redrawn for one Congressional district, a State Senate district and four Assembly districts in Brooklyn, as well as a State Senate district and four Assembly districts in Manhattan. The lines as now drawn have been found to violate the voting Rights Act of 1970 because they effectively discriminate against minority groups.

In theory, the new lines could mean that some of the white representatives in these districts will lose their seats to blacks and Puerto Ricans. In Brooklyn, there are presently seven black officeholders in the Legislature and Congress; were the lines redrawn, there could be 10 black and two Puerto Rican officeholders.

But achieving fair representation may not be as simple as drawing lines, since minority representation often turns as much on voter participation as on district configurations—and whites generally register and vote in significantly greater percentages than blacks and Puerto Ricans.

Under the Justice Department directive, the more equitable districts must be drawn before an election can be held; presumably, this means they will have to be adopted, and approved by the department's Civil Rights Division, by June 17, when nominating petitions for the September primaries begin to circulate. The department's right to intervene in the two boroughs is already being challenged in court by the state.

sons unrelated by family or marriage from living together. The case arose when a group of students, who had rented a large house in Belle Terre, joined with their landlord in challenging the ordinance. They said it violated their right of privacy and freedom of association.

In its first zoning decision in nearly 50 years, the Court ruled 7 to 2 that a community could justifiably use its police powers to preserve the local environment. Implicit in the decision was the assumption that the zoning ordinance was not intended to dictate lifestyles, as the defense contended, but merely to regulate such things as noise, traffic and population density. In a dissenting opinion, Justice Thurgood Marshall agreed with the defense, saying the effect of the ordinance was "to fence out those individuals whose choice of lifestyles differ from that of its current residents."

How the decision will affect regional communities where group rentals are popular, such as beach and resort areas and communities with student populations, is not clear.

In Suffolk County, all 10 towns have zoning laws similar to Belle Terre's. Since the county's extensive resort industry includes many group rentals, it is improbable the decision will affect most summer "groupers."

However, local ordinances may be selectively enforced in towns objecting to year-round group households.

In Westchester, two cases similar to the Long Island one have been pending in anticipation of the Supreme Court decision.

### Integration Plan Is Postponed

An unusual court order to desegregate a school in Coney Island by altering population patterns in the surrounding neighborhood will take

A map of the
The district,

### A Grand Trick, the

By STEVEN R. WEISMAN

In the surgical syntax of one Watergate politicians tend to maximize their incum

They have all sorts of means at their course, but one of the most effective is to map the boundary lines of their own districts. To nobody's great surprise, from the lines drawn by the City Council's majority last year for council seats pro- to-1 ratio of Democrats to Republicans before, the Republican majority in Albany with the same voters in the same territory, State Senate district lines that permit cratic ratio of only 19-to-6.

American politicians have been doing something ever since Gov. Elbridge Gerry

AIR FORCE TIMES 10 APRIL 1974 (7)

Eaker's View: Security & Research

By Lt. Gen. IRA C. EAKER (USAF, Ret.)

TO THOSE WHO are concerned about the security of our country, Dr. Malcolm R. Currie's recent testimony before congressional committees is pertinent and vital.

Dr. Currie is Defense Department Director of Research and Engineering. His testimony followed that of Defense Secretary Schlesinger who counselled that the Free World security requires that the U.S. maintain "essential equivalence" in strategic strength with the USSR, and Adm. Thomas H. Moorer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, who testified that U.S. strength, once superior, is in grave danger of becoming dangerously inferior.

The research director gave some sobering facts on the close relation of research and engineering to U.S. strength, diplomatic, economic and military.

IN THE DIPLOMATIC area, he pointed out that the U.S. efforts to negotiate limitations of armaments in the second round of SALT "has shown little progress" and advised, "it is now necessary for the U.S. to take firmer steps to influence the movement of SALT." He said that the U.S. should now fund many developments and deployments, "in order to achieve those results."

Dr. Currie's testimony before the Armed Services Committee was in support of that portion of the '75 defense budget devoted to research, engineering and testing, a total of $9.3 billion. This figure represents only a four per-

cent increase over the '74 budget for this item, and it is also directly related to the "massive Soviet demonstration" of the ability "to upset the nuclear deterrence equilibrium" and also to the "disquieting implications of the Middle East War," he said.

Our RTD&E effort for the past several years has been static, scarcely keeping pace with inflation. Essential programs have been too long deferred.

The rate of growth of R&D, as a percentage of GNP, in a number of other countries, including the USSR, is two or three times that of the U.S. If continued, this will have a significant impact on our economy and ultimately our national security, Dr. Currie warned.

As was predictable, he says, some of these countries, including West Germany and Japan, have a spectacular rate of economic growth.

THE U.S. MUST now make a major effort to bolster many of its strategic offensive and defensive military experimental programs, including:

* Land mobile and air mobile ICBMs.

* Air-launched and submarine-launched cruise missiles.

* New tanker aircraft to increase the survivability of the bomber force and the effectiveness of military airlift.

* Substantial improvement of accuracy of its missile force.

* Increased hardening of ICBM sites to the maximum.

* Acceleration of MARV (maneuvering reentry vehicles) to overcome the

threat of late type Soviet SAM's.

* Improvement of navigation satellites which "could revolutionize world navigation and weapon delivery."

Dr. Currie pointed out that whereas DoD 20 years ago sponsored 75 percent of basic science and technology in this country, last year the figure had dropped to 11 percent.

HE ALSO WARNS, "we have learned that the nature of warfare can change overnight with technology... The Middle East conflict again demonstrated the decisive impact of changing technology on warfare."

He continued, "R&D provides the necessary underpinnings to a comfortable and stimulating way of life, to a prosperous personal, national and world economy, to successful deterrence and defense and even successful diplomacy. The American public must understand that it is applied technology which keeps them safe, feeds them, keeps them warm, dry and healthy and supplies the leisure time that offers a life of quality, not just survival."

The research chief concluded his testimony with the observation, "We can ask ourselves this question: Will future historians see us as a people who failed to act decisively and boldly at this juncture, or will they see us as a people who reacted with strength, with a sense of purpose, with understanding of the technological well-springs of our strength?"

(THE KISSINGER...........CONTINUED.)

for opportunities to differ with Kissinger. One official said Sisco used to insist on getting the agenda of every meeting in advance and having his staff brief him on each item so he could speak to it during the meeting.

McCloskey: He gave up his briefly held post as ambassador to Cyprus to return to the State Department with Kissinger. As ambassador-at-large, he is expected to handle the negotiations on American bases in Spain and possibly to succeed Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker at the Middle East talks when they resume in Geneva.

In addition to providing a sure sense of the public image being projected, McCloskey serves as an all-around adviser. "Kissinger respects McCloskey's judgment," said one official not normally given to compliments. "He perates with enormous common sense, experience, good instincts, decent human values."

That set of qualities served McCloskey well during his years as the State Department spokesman. He emerged from the Johnson administration and the early Nixon years with his credibility fully intact.

Rush: Standing above these men in the hierarchy of the State Department is Deputy Secretary Kenneth Rush, another holdover from the Rogers team. White-haired, courtly, a man with a soft Southern accent, he is a golfer among racy tennis players on the Kissinger team. He is not an insider and seems to fulfill his duties on the sidelines, meeting with foreign ambassadors, dealing with returning American envoys, attending interdepartmental meetings.

Rush claims to like his job and to act as Kissinger's alter ego, but there is little doubt among others on the seventh floor that Kissinger's refusal to delegate decision-making power leaves Rush in a difficult position.

Whenever Dean Rush and William P. Rogers left the country their deputies always took over at State as acting secretary. But Kissinger continues to "act," whether at home or abroad.

"He's a very decent guy," one insider said of Ruch. "I hope Kissinger will use him more." Said another when asked about the deputy's role: "He probably does more than I realize."

Kissinger thus starts his second half-year at the State

WASHINGTON STAR-NEWS 5 APRIL 1974(7)Pg.2

Tass Denies Copter
Was on Spy Mission

MOSCOW (UPI) — A Soviet helicopter which strayed into Chinese territory in bad weather while on a mercy mission carried no spy equipment and its radio conversations could be easily monitored, a Soviet air force officer says in an interview in Tass, the Soviet news agency.

Maj. Gen. Anatoly Volodin, attached to a frontier guard command center in the Altai region, denied in

an interview published yesterday that the helicopter and its three-man crew, were on a spying mission, as charged by China.

The Russians have repeatedly demanded the return of the helicopter and crew, held since March 14.

"There was no reconnaissance equipment aboard the helicopter," Volodin said. "All its radio conversations were uncoded text and could be overheard and recorded with equal ease from either side of the border."

He said only great skill prevented the helicopter from crashing in the mountains when it ran out of fuel. He said the last words from the pilot were: "Have landed... location unknown... neighbors are all around us."

Department still surrounded by a small coterie of officials, those with whom he is comfortable, those he can automatically count on.

The promise of major involvement by the Foreign mains largely unfilled. It may never be. Kissinger relies on himself and has difficulty in investing trust in more than a few people.

"He's not a man who'd make a very fine team

player on a football team," a staff member said. "He always wants to carry the ball."

6-F

# U.S. Will Supply Arms And Factories to Saudis

By DAVID BINDER

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, April 5 — The United States and Saudi Arabia announced today that they had agreed to expand economic cooperation and to negotiate an American supply of weapons for Saudi defense requirements.

The announcement, made simultaneously here and in Riyadh, the Saudi capital, followed discussions conducted over the last few months by political, economic and military officials in both capitals.

A high United States official said that King Faisal's brother, Prince Fahd Ibn Abdel Aziz was scheduled to meet President Nixon and Secretary of State Kissinger next week to codify the agreement, probably with the establishment of Saudi-American joint commissions in several fields.

Prince Fahd is a Deputy Premier who holds the portfolio

of Minister of Interior as well. He heads the Saudi Cabinet committee concerned with economic and investment policy, and in this capacity he participated in the talks with the United States.

The joint statement signaled the end of what a State Department spokesman described as "strain" in mutual relations caused by the five-month Arab oil embargo against the United States, in which Saudi Arabia participated.

The spokesman, John F. King, said:

> "Dispute the strain that arose during the oil embargo we remained in close touch with our Saudi friends."

In prepared remarks, Mr. King added that the United States' purpose was "to broaden and deepen the entire range of

Continued on Page 5, Column 1

Clayton Fritchey

WP 4/6/74

# Labor and Foreign Policy

When and if all other bonds fail, Britain and the United States will still have in common their labor movements. It is astonishing how the unions in both countries are so similar in their parochialism, their isolationism and often their shortsighted perception of their own interests.

There is nothing new about it, except at the moment the labor leadership in the United States as well as England is doing its utmost to resist the claims of the 20th century. British labor is doing all it can to fight off the economic advantages of the Common Market; American labor simultaneously is doing all it can to oppose detente with Russia and the expansion of international trade.

The best thing about the Industrial Revolution is that its high productivity has immeasurably improved the worker's standard of living. Yet the Anglo-American unions keep right on resisting new efforts to increase productivity. It is the same with foreign trade. Prosperity and high employment invariably are marked by flourishing free trade. Conversely, the depressions and recessions have usually coincided with inhibited trade and limited markets, distinguished by high tariffs, quotas and other restraints. But the unions never seem to learn.

It wouldn't be so bad if it affected only the unions, but in the United States and England the power of labor can and does influence the course of foreign policy. In Britain, for instance, the new Labor government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson is obliged to renegotiate England's place in the European Economic Community, which means further obstacles to European Economic Community, which means further obstacles to European unity and all it promises.

In the United States, the AFL-CIO opposition to a long-overdue new deal with Russia and the Third World could wreck the nation's hopes for an era of coexistence, disarmament and peace. It is one of the great ironies of our time that the most celebrated of all anti-Communists, Richard Nixon, should be accused of being soft on communism by the head of American labor, George Meany, president of the AFL-CIO.

As a result of Watergate, Mr. Nixon's public standing is so low these days that he is a vulnerable target for Mr. Meany's assaults on his foreign trade bill, regardless of the legislation's merits.

Among other things, the bill would permit the administration to restore normal trading relations with Russia and provide Moscow with the kind of credits that we give numerous other, but less important, nations.

Listening to Mr. Meany testify before the Senate Finance Committee, however, it might be thought Mr. Nixon and Dr. Kissinger were about to sell out to Moscow. Actually, their principal aim is to get a new trade bill that, irrespective of Russia, would give the President—any President—authority to negotiate internationally for

lower worldwide trade barriers and freer trade.

What they are opposing is an amendment, sponsored by Sen. Henry Jackson (D-Wash.) and backed by Mr. Meany, that would require the administration to continue discriminating against Russia, even though this could undermine an already fragile detente.

The AFL-CIO boss calls the detente "an absolute fraud." And he adds, "I don't know anything we need so bad we have to give them the Washington Monument." The senators, who enjoyed Mr. Meany's extravagant language, seemed to be persuading themselves that Russia has done nothing to carry out its part of the bargain.

There is little acknowledgement of Moscow swallowing the U.S. mining of Haiphong harbor, of pressuring Hanoi

George Meany

toward a cease-fire, of easing tensions over Berlin and West Germany, of going along with Dr. Kissinger's peace effort in the Middle East, which could easily derail, and of joining the United States in the first steps toward arms limitation.

It can be guessed that behind the scenes Moscow has done other things to further detente, which for diplomatic reasons it cannot afford to talk about publicly, and which, therefore, cannot be cited by Mr. Nixon in defending himself against charges that detente has been a one-way proposition.

Aside from detente, Mr. Meany is implacably opposed to the trade bill as a whole, for he believes freer trade will mean fewer jobs in the United States. Experience shows it is a short-sighted view. The greatest depression and the worst unemployment the United States has ever known occurred during the heyday of the Smoot-Hawley tariff wall enacted in 1930.

Mr. Meany, in any case, is a little tardy in accusing Mr. Nixon of being indifferent to unemployment and the worker's interest. After all, unemployment has characterized the Nixon administration from its start in 1969, but that didn't prevent Mr. Meany from helping to re-elect the President in 1972. Apparently, he can't forgive himself.

© 1974, Los Angeles Times

U.S., Saudis
Act to Develop
Multiple Ties

Economic Aid

By David B. Ottoway

Washington Post Staff Writer

In a major break-
through for American pol-
icy in the Arab World,
the United States and
Saudi Arabia yesterday
announced an agreement
to strengthen their coop-
eration in the economic,
industrial and military
fields.

In a statement issued both
here and in Riyadh, the Saudi
Arabian capital, the two gov-
ernments said they would
hold discussions to "expand
and give more concrete ex-
pression" to their relations,
which had been sorely
strained by the October Arab-
Israel war and the Saudi em-
bargo on oil to the United
States.

Prince Fahd Abdul Ariz,
brother to King Faisal,
minister of the interior and
head of the Saudi economic
and investment policy com-
mittee, will visit the United
States "in the near future" to
discuss American-Saudi co-
operation with President Nix-
on and Secretary of State
Henry A. Kissinger.

State Department spokes-
man John King said it was
"premature" to speculate on
what form U.S.-Saudi coopera-
tion might take. But he indi-
cated the two governments
were talking about the estab-
lishment of "some mechan-
isms," such as joint commis-
sions on economic and techno-
logical issues, "to broaden
and deepen the entire United
States-Saudian Arabian rela-
tionship."

It was understood the
talks will also include a dis-
cussion of possible Saudi

See TIES, A23, Col. 1