Friday January 7, 2000 11:48am
chapter 27
Proud Internationalist

China, detente with the Soviet Union, balancing world population with food resources, the Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East, economic development in the Third World, the expansion of NATO -- these and many other issues have found their place on the Council's agenda through the years. But, the essential point is that the Council never takes a position -- official or unofficial -- on any foreign policy issue, even though Council members as individuals are free to take their own positions on issues. This fact alone distinguishes it from groups like the Chamber of Commerce, AFL-CIO or Christian Coalition.

What, then, gives the Council its strength and reputation?

I think there are several inter-related factors, beginning with the quality and diversity of its membership. New York City's businessmen, bankers and lawyers once dominated the proceedings, but during the past thirty years the membership has been broadened to include men and women from the communications industry, colleges and universities, and the not-for-profit world. In 1971, the Council had seventeen female members; there are now more than 700, and twenty per cent of the directors are women. Now more than 3600 strong, one third of Council members live outside New York and Washington. Increasing geographical, ethnic, professional and gender diversity has been accompanied by a considerable broadening of the political, economic and even cultural viewpoints represented within the Council's membership, ranging from William F. Buckley Jr., Jeanne Kirkpatrick and Newt

10

Gingrich to Mario Cuomo, Madeleine Albright and Bill Clinton.

The Council is housed in a converted mansion on the corner of Park Avenue and 68th Street in Midtown Manhattan, a location readily accessible to both American and foreign leaders. Les Gelb, formerly the editor of the New York *Times* op-ed page, oversees the work of a highly competent professional staff that organizes the study programs and arranges for speakers. In addition, James F. Hoge, Jr., the former editor of the New York *Daily News* and the latest in a distinguished line of editors of *Foreign Affairs*, ensures that the Council's influence extends far beyond its membership.

In short, the quality of its membership, its central location, the excellent staff and facilities and the tradition of rigorous debate and non-partisanship -- rather than having a secret pipeline into the White House and the State Department -- are the reasons why the Council on Foreign Relations continues to influence the formulation of American foreign policy.

*****

I was elected to the Council's board of directors in 1949. At 34, I was its youngest member, and retained that distinction for the next 15 years. In 1970, I succeeded Jack McCloy as chairman, and immediately became embroiled in a controversy that rocked the usually civil halls of the Council.

The Board had selected William P. Bundy to replace Hamilton Fish Armstrong, who was retiring after more than 40 years as

11

editor of *Foreign Affairs*. Bill was a man of quality and culture, the younger brother of McGeorge Bundy who served both Jack Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson as national security advisor during the tumultuous 1960s. Bill joined the CIA after graduating from Yale, and then, as a protege of Bob McNamara, became an assistant secretary of defense in the mid-1960s. As the Vietnam war escalated, Bill moved to State as assistant secretary for Far Eastern Affairs, where he had helped to design American Indo-China policy.

Bill Bundy's selection, which I strongly supported, angered many Council members, who believed American involvement in Vietnam to be not only a mistake, but an immoral act perpetrated by corrupt and power-hungry men. They considered Bill a war criminal, and went public in their efforts to deny him the position. I thought their charges were intemperate, but Vietnam had so poisoned the atmosphere that, quite frankly, it would have been impossible to choose anyone who had been involved in the conduct of American foreign policy during those years who would not have stirred passions. With time, Bill's ability as a writer and proficiency as an evenhanded editor, rather than his role in the Vietnam tragedy, came to be widely appreciated, even by his strongest critics. But, the affair clouded my early years as chairman.

******
The dissension over American policy in Vietnam was only one

Friday January 7, 2000 11:48am
capítulo 27
Proud Internationalist

problem facing the Council and my chairmanship in the early
1970s. If the Council wished to remain relevant, we needed to
make significant reforms -- in our administrative structure,
program and membership policies.

In terms of structure, we decided to recruit a full-time
chief executive officer, and selected Bayless Manning, the dean
of the Stanford University Law School, to fill the post of
president. Bayless and his successor, Winston Lord, who would
later serve as American ambassador to China, made my fifteen year
tenure as chairman a great deal easier and more productive.
Winston and I had an especially close relationship during the
last eight years of my chairmanship.

In terms of program, the Council faced much stiffer
competition than it ever had before; dozens of research
institutions now studied the world scene; university faculties
and "think tank" experts provided new opportunities for citizen
education and involvement; and, of course, television had
expanded the global awareness of most Americans, with the
powerful visual images of the carnage in Vietnam having had a
great impact on the country's willingness to support the war
effort.

If the Council was to survive, we had to be forward looking
and responsive. Soon after taking over, Manning launched the
"1980s Project," a comprehensive effort to identify the new
issues that would dominate international affairs in the future.

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Over the next decade, the Council expanded its publishing purview
beyond its traditional concerns with regional conflicts, arms
control and military balance, to include works on human rights,
environmental degradation and the knotty issues of development
economics and international trade.

In addition, as noted, we broadened the Council's geographic
scope and democratized its membership. In 1972, we opened a
Washington office and began to establish our presence in other
parts of the country. Even more importantly, we opened our
membership to groups that had previously been ignored -- women,
minorities and the young. Of all the initiatives that we pursued
during the period of my chairmanship, this move towards diversity
is the one of which I am most proud.

*****

When I retired as chairman in 1985, I had served as a
Council board member for 36 years. I was succeeded by my old
friend Peter G. Peterson, a former Secretary of Commerce and now
chairman of the Blackstone Group. Pete has introduced a number
of innovations which have strengthened the Council.

One of his initiatives, in which I regularly participate,
are periodic Council trips to strategic or little known areas of
the world. These visits are designed to probe beneath the smooth
surface of diplomacy by allowing us to assess personally the
situation in strategic regions of the world. Over the last
decade we have toured Eastern Europe, China and Viet Nam, South

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[L.C.]

Africa, the Persian Gulf and Russia and the new states of Central Asia. These visits have enabled us to meet leaders Boris Yeltsin, Lech Walesa, Zhu Rongji and others on their own turf and compare common wisdom with our own first hand observations.

A tour in the Fall of 1999 to Israel was a case in point. We drove from Jerusalem to the Gaza Strip for a luncheon meeting with Chairman Yasser Arafat of the Palestinian National Authority. Although the Israelis had given us permission to cross the border into Gaza, we were detained for more than an hour while heavily armed Israeli soldiers carefully scrutinized our papers. The schedule became a shambles, but Arafat -- a small, canny and charming man, obviously suffering from Parkinson's Disease -- met briefly with us anyway. He insisted that Israel must withdraw from the West Bank and allow its incorporation into a fully-sovereign Palestinian state.

Gaza itself was one of the most forlorn places I have ever visited. It is in effect a ghetto, physically isolated, crammed with substandard housing, teeming with people, most of whom have to travel long distances every day through heavily-guarded border checkpoints to their jobs in Israel.

After returning to Jerusalem, we met with Prime Minister Ehud Barak, a self-confident and assertive man, who explained why Israel would never agree to Arafat's demands to return to the 1967 borders. Thus, despite the apparent gains of the Oslo Agreement and the Wye Accords, I came away with the impression

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[LC]

## Bilderberg

If the Council on Foreign Relations raises the hackles of conspiracy aficionados, I am sure the Bilderberg Meetings must induce apocalyptic visions of omnipotent international bankers plotting with unscrupulous governmental officials to impose cunning schemes on an ignorant and unsuspecting world. At the risk of disappointing these conspiracy mongers, Bilderberg is nothing of the sort; rather it is an intensely interesting annual discussion group that debates issues of significance to both Europeans and North Americans -- without ever seeking to reach consensus.

*****

Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands convened the first conference in May of 1954 at the urging of Joseph Retinger, a Pole of aristocratic origins, who had served with British intelligence during World War II. Retinger, a dynamic and energetic man who spoke with a heavy accent and walked with a pronounced limp, was concerned about the terrible state of relations within the Atlantic Community, and had convinced the Prince to invite a group of prominent individuals to discuss what had gone wrong and how things could be put right. Just below the surface was the fear, shared by many Europeans, that the antics of Senator Joseph McCarthy threatened a new period of isolationism in the United States. Europeans of the center and

17

right were fearful that they would be left to face an obviously
aggressive and expansionist Soviet Union by themselves. Many of
us in the United States shared this concern.

I was one of eleven Americans invited, along with George
Ball, an international lawyer who had played a prominent role in
the Marshall Plan; Paul Nitze who had served at a high level in
the Defense Department under President Truman; and John Heinz,
Jr., the CEO of HJ Heinz and Company, who was also active in the
International Chamber of Commerce. We joined 50 delegates from
eleven Western European countries -- mainly British, German,
Dutch, and French, with a smattering of representatives from
other countries -- a lively mosaic of senior political leaders,
businessmen, journalists, and trade union officials.

I was surprised when Retinger invited me to prepare a
background paper on prospects for the world economy from the
American perspective. Retinger said that Hugh Gaitskill, a former
Chancellor of the Exchequer and one of the architects of the
British Welfare State, had agreed to address the topic from the
European point of view. As a young bank vice president, I was a
bit intimidated by the prospect of going up against such a
formidable opponent. Gaitskill's paper foresaw a dreary and
dismal future. By contrast, my paper, prepared with the
assistance of Chase Economist Bill Butler, predicted steady
economic growth in the US and a strong recovery in the volume of
world trade. Within the year my confident forecasts had been

[L]

[Lc]

borne out. The paper undoubtedly helped to establish my
credibility with a sophisticated group of senior politicians and
business leaders.

The conference had served a useful purpose, and the
consensus of the group was that we should meet again the
following year under the continuing chairmanship of Prince
Bernhard. We also decided to call the gathering "Bilderberg"
after the hotel in Oosterbeek where we had first assembled.

Bilderberg was the first international meeting I had
attended since the end of the war to which Germans had been
invited. I remember feeling uncomfortable; wartime animosities
are not easily forgotten or forgiven. I had spent three and a
half years in the army and lost many friends. Sitting around a
table with Germans took some psychological adjustment. Happily,
that feeling dissipated before long, as the German participants
demonstrated their strong commitment to cooperation within the
structure of Western values and institutions.

*****

Bilderberg meetings in those years were marked by the sharp
clash of opposing views; participants were articulate and
occasionally strident. Once Europe had recovered its economic
strength, many of the old national rivalries and suspicions began
to resurface, along with a strong distrust of American intentions
and even accusations of an American drive for hegemony in Europe.
These attitudes grew in strength during the 1960s and came to a

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head in the 1970s as a result of the economic disarray of those
years and the steady improvement in US-Soviet relations resulting
from Detente.

The meeting in Megeve, France in April of 1974, for
instance, was filled with an undercurrent of hostility and
uncertainty, as the excerpts from the Conference transcript show.

It had always been accepted that progress in European
integration would pose some problems for the US...These problems
were now being compounded, according to one participant, by the
excessively personal style of current American diplomacy...

To help mend relations, the speaker suggested that the US
move away from personalized to institutionalized diplomacy, and
show that it was not so preoccupied with China and Russia that it
would neglect the Atlantic Alliance. He hoped in turn that
Europe, including Britain, would take heart from what it had
already achieved in the way of integration, and would revive the
spirit of partnership with America.

Some participants still felt uneasy about the current style
of US diplomacy....They wondered whether the apparent US trend
toward bilateralism was really "faute de mieux," or whether it
was designed to divide Europe on certain issues. After years of
"benign neglect" by America, were the Europeans becoming the
object of "malign attention?"

Our discussion that year revealed the deep fissures that had
developed between the United States and our European allies,
which, if left unaddressed, would have had profound and possibly
disastrous consequences for the Atlantic Alliance. While it is
not Bilderberg's role to resolve disputes among sovereign states,
individual participants are, of course, free to report on what
they have heard and propose alternatives to those who do wield
official power in their countries. I am sure that is exactly
what happened after the contentious meetings in Megeve.

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*****

Two years later, in early 1976, Bilderberg faced a scandal that almost resulted in its dissolution. Early that year, in testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, it was alleged that Prince Bernhard had approached the Lockheed Corporation with an offer to use his official position as Queen Julianna's husband to influence Dutch defense procurement policies in return for a significant financial consideration. As the year wore on the evidence against Bernhard accumulated, including indications that he had met with intermediaries during Bilderberg events. We cancelled the 1976 conference, and it appeared for a time that Bilderberg was finished.

Although there were several indignant resignations and a few others who thought the meetings had outlived their usefulness, many of us on the Steering Committee believed we should try to find a way to keep them going. A committee headed by Thierry de Montbrial, Director of the French Institute of International Relations, and Andrew Knight, the youthful editor of *The Economist*, recommended that Bilderberg be continued, but that meetings be modified to include younger participants who would help to diversify the political viewpoints represented. In a sense, we were both reinvigorating and reinventing Bilderberg, and most of the "oldtimers," including me, agreed that the changes were needed.

Lord Home, the universally respected former British Prime

21

Minister, accepted the chairmanship and the 1977 meeting in
Torquay, England, was an outstanding success. Lord Home was the
first in a line of distinguished chairman -- Walter Scheel, the
former president of the Federal Republic of Germany, Lord Roll of
Ipsden, chairman of SBC Warburg, Lord Carrington, a former
British Foreign Secretary, and most recently, Etienne Davignon,
the chairman of the Societe Generale de Belgique. I am pleased
to report that as the new millennium begins, Bilderberg continues
to thrive.

## Consorting with Reactionaries

Bilderberg overlapped for a time with my membership in a
relatively obscure, but potentially even more controversial body,
known as the Pesenti Group. I had first learned about it in
October of 1967, when Carlo Pesenti, the owner of a number of
important Italian corporations, took me aside at a Chase
Investment Forum in Paris and invited me to join his group that
discussed "contemporary trends" in European and world politics.
It was a small, select group, he told me, mostly Europeans.
Since Pesenti was an important Chase customer, and he assured me
the other members were interesting and congenial, I accepted his
invitation.

I learned that several eminent European statesmen -- Jean
Monnet, Robert Schuman and Konrad Adenauer -- had been founding
members of the group, but by the time I joined, they had retired

[Lc]

to be replaced by an equally prominent roster that included
Antoine Pinay, a former French president; Giulio Andreotti,
several times prime minister of Italy; and Franz Josef Strauss,
the head of the Christian Socialist Union in Bavaria and a
perennial contender for the chancellorship of the Federal
Republic of Germany. I was the sole American participant,
although Henry Kissinger did meet with us a few times in
Washington when he was President Nixon's national security
advisor.

Members of the Pesenti Group were all committed to European
political and economic integration, but a few -- Archduke Otto of
Austria, the head of the House of Habsburg and claimant to all
the lands of the Austro-Hungarian Empire; Monsignor Alberto
Giovanetti of the Vatican and a prominent member of Opus Dei; and
Maitre Jean-Paul Leon Violet, a conservative French intellectual
-- were more preoccupied by the Soviet threat and the seemingly
inexorable rise to power of the Communist parties in Europe,
especially in France and Italy.

Pesenti set the agenda for our thrice yearly meetings, and
Maitre Violet, who had close connections with the Deuxieme Bureau
of the Service de Renseignement (the French CIA), provided
background briefings that lasted for as long as three hours.
Using an overhead projector, Violet displayed transparency after
transparency filled with data documenting Soviet infiltration of
governments around the world and supporting his belief that the

23

threat of global Communist victory was quite real. While all of
us knew the Soviets were behind the "wars of national liberation"
in Asia, Africa and Latin America, I was not personally convinced
that the "Red Menace" was quite as menacing as Maitre Violet
portrayed it to be, but my view was a minority one in that group.

Even though I found the discussions fascinating, the ultra-
conservative opinions of some participants were more than a bit
unnerving. My Chase associates, concerned that it could be
perceived that I was consorting with reactionaries, prevailed
upon me to withdraw.

## Furthering International Cooperation

My business and not-for-profit interests have involved me in
a many other international efforts, but I am particularly proud
of two -- the International Executive Service Corps (IESC),
created a unique partnership between the federal government and
American corporations that provided technical assistance to
businesses in the developing world; and the Emergency Committee
on American Trade (ECAT), sought to preserve and expand American
involvement in foreign trade, which I saw as an essential aspect
of American global leadership.

## Exporting Private Sector Knowledge

By the early 1960s, the problem of poverty in many
developing nations had become particularly acute as had the

24

[LC]

Communist challenge which almost always accompanied the process of European decolonization in Asia and Africa. Although the US government had responded forcefully to this challenge, I thought the resources and talents of the US private sector should also be brought to bear more directly on the solution of these problems. In particular, I felt that there was a need to help developing countries acquire modern management skills, which in many cases were even more urgently needed than capital.

With this idea in mind, I made a speech to the 13th International Management Congress in 1963 in which I called for the establishment of "Business Executive Peace Corps" that would be somewhat analogous to the Peace Corps, which President Kennedy had created a few years earlier. The audience responded positively, and I received several hundred letters about it afterwards. With the active involvement of Sol Linowitz, the CEO of Xerox, and others in government, we created the IESC to provide technical advice and managerial assistance in developing countries around the world. President Lyndon Johnson formally launched IESC at a ceremony in the White House Rose Garden in June of 1965.

Over the past 30 years, under the effective leadership of Frank Pace, a former secretary of the army, Tom Carroll, the CEO of Lever Brothers, and most recently, Hobe Gardner, executive vice president of Exxon, IESC has sent more than 50,000 retired executives abroad, who have completed almost 30,000 projects

25

[LC]

ranging from the reorganization of a chicken processing factory
in the Philippines to advising the governments of Poland, Hungary
and the Czech Republic on the transition to a free market
economy. Dubbed the "Paunch Corps," IESC is a true partnership
with much of the funding provided by the Agency for International
Development and the brains and muscle supplied by American
executives. In addition to aiding in the emergence of a more
modern private sector in countries throughout Asia, Africa, Latin
America and now Eastern Europe, IESC has also played a
significant role in stimulating demand overseas for US products.

## Fighting Protectionism

Just after the Kennedy Round of GATT negotiations had been
concluded in late 1967, W. Michael Blumenthal, a deputy Special
Representative for Trade Negotiations, spoke to the Chase IAC
meeting in New York. Mike warned us that the forces of
protectionism were once again stirring in the United States.
Twenty years of diminishing tariffs and a dramatic surge in low-
cost imports from abroad had placed American textile and steel
manufacturers under great competitive pressure, and they wanted
quota or tariff relief. According to Mike, Congress was poised
to accommodate them, an action which might unravel the
paintakingly negotiated schedules of the Kennedy Round. To make
matters worse, he said, the American corporate and banking
community had done nothing to counter the protectionist

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arguments. He urged us to take action quickly or the structure
of international trade -- the engine that had produced the
dramatic economic expansion of the post-World War II years --
might begin to crumble.

After the meeting, Gene Black, the former head of the World
Bank, Bill Hewitt, the CEO of Deere & Company, and I went to
Arthur K. Watson of IBM World Trade, and convinced him to take
the lead in forming ECAT, a group composed of CEOs from about
fifty major American corporations doing business overseas. We
hired Bob McNeil, who had been one of the Kennedy Round
negotiators, as executive director and we were able to fend off
the immediate threat.

When we formed ECAT, we thought it would be a temporary
organization that could be disbanded once protectionist pressures
had subsided. Unfortunately, protectionist forces have grown in
strength over the years making each step along the way towards a
more liberal and open trading system more difficult to achieve.
As a result ECAT has been in place ever since, and has become one
of the strongest voices for free trade in an increasingly
protectionist Washington.

## The Trilateral Commission

No organization I have been involved with has attracted as
much negative publicity as the Trilateral Commission. Pat
Robertson, not surprisingly, has insisted that Trilateral is

27

trying to create a world government and claims that it springs
"from the depth of something evil." Even my son Richard, a
student at Harvard during the 1970s, has told me that his friends
at the time assumed that his father and Trilateral were part of a
nefarious conspiracy.

On the lighter side, Gary Trudeau, author of the popular
"Doonesbury" comic strip, delights in lampooning Trilateral. In
one classic example, a slightly paunchy businessman announces to
a bartender that he is in a mood to celebrate because he has
"just been accepted for membership in the Trilateral Commission."
The bartender has never heard of the group, so the businessman
explains that it"...is a powerful coterie of statesmen and
international financiers which periodically meets in secret to
shape the destiny of the western world." His job, the
businessman relates, is to set "world zinc prices."

In any case, both political extremes, often joined by
members of the mainstream media, have had a field day with
Trilateral, and in many instances distorted a broadly-based
effort to bridge national differences as an attempt to implement
my personal vision of a "New World Order."

*****

My idea for a new organization that would bring together
representatives from North America, Europe and Japan -- the three
centers of democratic capitalism -- resulted from my realization
that power relationships in the world had fundamentally changed.

28

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The United States, although still dominant, had "declined" relatively in terms of its economic power as both Western Europe and Japan recovered from the devastation of World War II and entered a period of dramatic economic growth and expansion. As a consequence, the comity that had characterized relationships among these regions for more than two decades had deteriorated alarmingly, and I believed that the failure to "correct existing deficiencies" might have dire consequences.

I gave speeches on this topic in March of 1972 before Chase Investment Forums in Montreal, London, Brussels and Paris.

Specifically, I called for the formation of an International Commission for Peace and Prosperity composed of private citizens drawn from the NATO countries and, importantly, Japan to examine "such vital fields as international trade and investment; environmental problems; control of crime and drugs; population control; and assistance to developing nations."

It was essential to include the Japanese in this process. Over the preceding decade, Japan had leaped into the front rank of economic powers -- its real GNP had grown at an average rate of more than eleven per cent a year, its share of the world export market had risen steadily, and its high quality products, especially consumer durables such as automobiles and electronics, had made huge incursions into the American market. However, Japanese export success had produced a hostile reaction in both the United States and Europe along with a strong perception that

29

[LC]

Japan was a "free rider" on the international trading system, aggressively exploiting market opportunities abroad while only grudgingly making their own domestic market accessible. Their economic prowess combined with a curious reluctance on their part to seriously engage in international dialogue made it imperative to include them in the process that I had in mind.

Zbigniew Brzezinski, who was then teaching at Columbia University, was a guest at Bilderberg that year, and the two of us spoke about my idea on the flight to Belgium. I had been urging the Bilderberg Steering Committee to invite Japanese participants for several years, and at our session that April, I was politely, but firmly, told no. Bringing in the Japanese, they said, would present language and culture problems.

Zbig considered the Steering Committee's decision further proof that my idea was a good one and urged me to pursue it. I arranged a follow-up meeting that included Bob Bowie of the Center for International Studies at Harvard, Henry Owen of the Brookings Institution, MacGeorge Bundy of the Ford Foundation and Jim Perkins, the former president of Cornell University. All had been thinking along similar lines, and supported my proposal to form a new "trilateral" organization.

Encouraged by their backing, I convened a larger group, including a number of Europeans and two prominent Japanese politicians and technocrats -- Saburo Okita, who later became a minister of foreign affairs, and Kiichi Miyazawa, who would serve

30

as both minister of foreign affairs and prime minister -- for a
meeting at my country home. After a lengthy discussion, we
agreed that a new organization should be formed to deal with
these issues. Zbig agreed to serve as director, and Benjy
Franklin, my college roommate and colleague at the Council on
Foreign Relations, agreed to help with organizational matters.

Trilateral was established on a different basis -- every
three years we would review its activities and accomplishments
and decide whether it should be continued. Each region had its
own executive committee and secretariat. Gerard Smith, a
Washington lawyer who had formerly headed the US Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency, agreed to become North American Chairman.
Takeshi Watanabe, the first president of the Asian Development
Bank, chaired the Japanese board, and Max Kohnstam, a protégé of
Jean Monnet who had been active in the effort to create a
European political union, chaired the European group before he
became Vice-President of the EEC and Georges Berthoin took over.

At our first combined executive committee meeting in Tokyo
in October of 1973, we formed three task forces to examine what I
had originally proposed -- relations among the three regions in
terms of politics, monetary relationships and trade issues.
These task forces would report on their finding at the first
plenary session in Tokyo in 1975, and we would publish their
findings in an effort to influence the behavior of our respective
governments.

[lc]

In terms of membership, we cast our nets widely and included
as broad a sampling of American society as we could. As a result
we recruited labor union leaders I. W. Abel of the Steelworkers,
Leonard Woodcock of the UAW and Lane Kirkland of the AFL-CIO;
corporate CEOs such as Paul Austin of Coca-Cola and Pat Haggerty
of Texas Instruments; prominent Democrats, Congressman Wilbur
Mills and Senator Walter Mondale, and Republicans, Congressman
Barber Conable and Senator Robert Taft; as well as distinguished
academics, university presidents and the heads of not-for-profits
involved overseas, both men and women, such as Lucy Benson of the
League of Women Voters and Marina Whitman of the University of
Pittsburgh. We also included two governors, Republican Dan Evans
of Washington and the then relatively obscure, James Earl Carter
of Georgia. We had assembled what we believed to be the best
minds in America. The European and Japanese assembled
delegations of comparable distinction.

*****

The inclusion of Jimmy Carter among the original group of
Trilateral members had an unintended consequence. Only a week
after Trilateral's first executive committee meeting in
Washington, Governor Carter announced that he would seek the
Democratic nomination for President of the United States. I have
to confess that at the time I wondered whether he had any chance
of success. Much to my amazement he not only won the Democratic
nomination, but defeated Gerald Ford in the general election.

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Carter had run on a platform that was subtly anti-Washington and anti-establishment, pledging to bring both new faces and new ideas into government. There was a good deal of surprise then, when he chose 15 members of Trilateral, almost all of whom had served in previous administrations, for his team, including Vice President Walter Mondale, Secretary of State Cy Vance; Secretary of Defense Harold Brown; Secretary of the Treasury Mike Blumenthal; and Zbig Brzezinski as National Security Advisor. When asked about this, Carter claimed that everything he knew about foreign policy he had learned from the Trilateral Commission. His statement became a momentary *cause celebre*, and predictably I was accused by some of trying to take control of the Carter Administration's foreign policy.

*****

As economic conditions worsened in the late 1970s and the United States suffered a series of foreign policy reverses culminating in the Iranian Hostage Crisis and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Trilateral attracted a great deal of unfavorable attention. For instance, in the 1980 presidential primary campaign, one of Ronald Reagan's supporters ran an advertisement that stated, "The People who brought you Jimmy Carter, now want you to vote for George Bush," and highlighted the membership of both in Trilateral. I am not sure how many votes were changed by this ad, or even what it meant, but such is the nature of politics in a democratic society. I should note, however, that

33

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President Reagan ultimately came to understand Trilateral's value and invited the entire membership to a reception in the White House in April of 1984.

In December of 1999, on the trip back from the ceremonies marking the official return of the Panama Canal, President Carter and I, who were both members of the US delegation, spoke about Trilateral. He credited the Commission with broadening his understanding of international issues and their impact on the United States. And that, I would argue, is really the point. Trilateral has never been a sinister force, rather, it has provided an invaluable forum over three decades for dialogue among the leadership of three pivotal regions of the world.

"Constructive Engagement"

The many internationally-oriented organizations to which I have belonged and the innumerable contacts I have made through them are, in part, a product of my belief in the principle of "constructive engagement." From my days as an intelligence officer in North Africa and France during World War II, I learned that the key to gathering information was to develop a network of acquaintances who could help provide the information I needed. This, in turn, required knowing what one was after and sensing who would be the best source of information.

If one is accustomed to thinking along those lines, one's antennae are always alert and like becomes an unending chess game

[LC]

Conclusion -- Chapter 27

in which the people one meets become the major players. Some
might feel that this approach is cynical. I do not view it that
way. This approach allows one to meet people who can be useful
in achieving goals, but it also provides opportunities to form
varied and lasting friendships.

I have kept a record of most people I have met since the
1940s. Their names are stored in an electronically-operated
"Roladex" that currently contains upwards of 100,000 entries.
Each card records my first contact and all subsequent meetings.
Thus, I can quickly review the extent and nature of my past
associations before seeing someone again. In a surprising number
of countries, Mexico and Brazil, for instance, I have met every
head of state since World War II. The continuity of these
relationships has stood me in good stead on many occasions.

*****

In the twenty first century, the world has become too
inextricably intertwined politically, socially and economically
for the United States to "go it alone," as some prominent
politicians have urged that we should. This country is the
world's sole remaining superpower and its dominant nation
economically. One of our principal duties in that context is to
provide judicious and consistent leadership that is firmly
embedded in our national traditions, values and ideals, among
which I would include the notion that it is only through open
communication and commerce that we will be able to ensure that
all of the globe's inhabitants can live together peacefully and

35

[Lc]

Friday January 7, 2000 11:48am
Conclusion -- Chapter 27

prosperously. To do otherwise in this inter-connected and still
dangerous world is to guarantee a return to the conflict and
turmoil that characterized the blood-drenched twentieth century.
It is that fear and that hope that makes me a proud
internationalist.

36

AMERICA-CHINA SOCIETY

June 15, 2000

Mr. David Rockefeller
30 Rockefeller Plaza - Suite 5600
New York, NY 10112

Dear David:

I am pleased to advise America-China Fellows that we have been invited to Beijing to meet with Chinese leadership during the period December 14-17, 2000 for discussions of Sino-U.S. relations. Such a visit, to occur after the election and before the inauguration of the new U.S. President, was suggested in our America-China meeting in January, and has met with positive response by the Chinese.

I will lead our delegation and hope that your schedule will permit you to join us. Definitive plans for the visit, including accommodations and meeting times, will be announced as soon as possible.

It would be helpful to the planners to know whether you may be interested in participating in this meeting and wish to receive further details as they become available.

Please communicate your interest to Herb Hansell (202/879-3986) or John Holden (212/645-9677).

I look forward to being with you in Beijing.

THE NEW YORK TIMES

OBITUARY

# Rodman Rockefeller, 68, Dies; Active in Latin Trade Efforts

By ERIC PACE

Rodman C. Rockefeller, the eldest son of Nelson A. Rockefeller, who was active in efforts that led to the North American Free Trade Agreement and in forging closer ties between the United States and Latin America, died on Sunday night at his home on the East Side of Manhattan. He was 68 and also had a home in the Pocantico Hills section of Tarrytown, N.Y.

The cause was cancer, said Fraser P. Seitel, a spokesman for the Rockefeller family.

Mr. Rockefeller was the longtime chairman of Pocantico Associates, a private venture capital and real estate investment concern. He was also long active in Rockefeller family affairs.

Nelson Rockefeller was President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs during World War II, and Rodman's first journey to Mexico was as a teenager with his father in 1946, when President Miguel Alemán was inaugurated. Nelson Rockefeller went on to become governor of New York and vice president of the United States.

From the late 1960's into the 1990's, Rodman strove to spur trade with Mexico and other countries in Latin America and worked for the liberalization of foreign investment there.

During that period, he became a high executive of the International Basic Economy Corporation and co-chairman of the Mexico-United States Business Committee, an organization focusing on economic and political issues of interest to both nations' business communities. The passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement in the mid-1990's has been called the culmination of his and the committee's efforts.

Mr. Rockefeller was president from 1968 to 1972 and chief executive from 1972 to 1980 of International Basic Economy, a commercial genetics and agribusiness concern

based in New York. Its activities, all in Latin America, included developing corn production there and building thousands of low-cost homes in three places in Mexico.

He was also chairman of IBEC Inc. a successor concern, from 1980 to 1985, and of Arbor Acres Farm, based in Glastonbury, Conn., a seller of genetic material for poultry stock, for some years.

In a 1988 interview, he said, "Our chickens are the grandparents of the ones you eat."

He was on the board of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund for nine years. For many years, he was a trustee of Rockefeller Financial Services, which in effect manages the family's office, its investment company and its foundations.

He was the head of the finance committee of Rockefeller Financial Services for years and was a long-time trustee of Rockefeller Financial's holding company, Rockefeller & Company.

He was also a trustee of the Institute of International Education, a nonprofit organization that works for international student exchanges and manages many such programs.

He was recently active in the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation, of which he was a trustee. Its programs include the restoration of Jefferson's estate, Monticello, in which Mr. Rockefeller was particularly interested.

The honors he received included a high Mexican decoration, the Order of the Aztec Eagle.

He was also a trustee of the Museum of Modern Art, the Americas Society and the New York Blood Center.

A native New Yorker, Rodman Clark Rockefeller was the son of the former Mary Todhunter Clark. He recalled years later that he and his siblings "called my father Dad, and later on we called him Chief," adding that "he was very enthusiastic, outgoing, very much of a family leader."

Star Black

Rodman C. Rockefeller

Rodman graduated from Deerfield Academy in Deerfield, Mass., and received a bachelor's degree in international economics in 1954 from Dartmouth College, where he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. He received a master's degree in 1957 from Columbia's Graduate School of Business Administration. He was in the Army from 1954 to 1956.

As a young man, he recalled years later, it never occurred to him not to work despite the family's fortune. "It would have been boring just to go to the country club," he said.

He married Barbara Ann Olsen, a graduate of Wellesley College, in 1953. They were divorced in 1979.

He is survived by his wife, the former Alexandra von Metzler, known as Sascha, an interior designer and graduate of the Parsons School of Design, whom he married in 1980. He is also survived by four children from his first marriage: a daughter, Meile Louise Rockefeller of Manhattan; three sons, Peter, Stewart and Michael, all of Manhattan; and five grandchildren.

A private burial and a memorial service are to be held on June 1.

L

Drew watson illustrated the cover of Mr. Rockefeller's new book, "The American Laundromat: Kong, Kong There and ca. 1933 he moved to New York City."

He remained during the 1980s his father's factoring business, and in 1985 he left the company to start a new firm, "The Kingman Wideness."

In 1940 of Art Nouveau, New York City, and the Bauhaus, he was awarded the first Fellowship in Art at the New York School in 1946. In 1950 he moved to New York City, where he continued to teach.

In 1954 he was awarded the first of his four Guggenheim Museum awards, New York City, and in 1957 he was awarded the first of his four Whitney Biennial prizes.

In 1958 he was awarded the first of his four Guggenheim Museum awards, New York City, and in 1960 he was awarded the first of his four Whitney Biennial prizes.

In 1964 he was awarded the first of his four Guggenheim Museum awards, New York City, and in 1968 he was awarded the first of his four Whitney Biennial prizes.

# Verna Aardema, 88, Chronicler Of African Folklore for Children

By WOLFGANG SAXON

Verna Aardema Vugteveen, a late-blooming, prolific writer who regaled generations of American children with the folklore of faraway Africa, died on Thursday at a nursing home in Fort Myers, Fla. She was 38.

and "Bringing the Rain to Kapiti Plain" (1981), which James Earl Jones read to inaugurate the PBS weekly program "Reading Rainbow" in 1982. Another favorite, "Who's in Rabbit's House?" (1977), retold a Masai tale in which a marshmallow

## Deaths

Alvya, Rebecca Arkin, Herbert Banks, Paul Chanler, Randall Connolly, Margaret Davis, Glenn Duddale, John Feldman, Robert Goffman, Arnold Greenberg, Audrey Katz, Jack Kingman, Dong

Koenig, Murray Lewis, Theodore Metman, Morris Meyer, Katherine Narins, Mildred Persky, Herman Pi-Sunver, James Redmond, Thomas Reichel, Josephine Reinitz, Jerome Savet, Paul Sayres, Joan

Schluger, Joseph Schneider, Gertrude Schneider, Toby Sessier, Anita Seymour, Georgette Stern, Priscilla Stone, Theodore Tanner, Louise Tenenbaum, Herman Viccari, Peter Wallach, Lillian

KOENIG and A Judge, Court, Superior of Ruth and Zare and Mir Bleefield, Riverside Ave., Tucson, Arizona, on May 10, 1988.

THE NIXON CENTER

1615 L STREET, NW, SUITE 1250
WASHINGTON, DC 20036
(202) 887-5699 ❖ (202) 887-5222 FAX

FAX TRANSMISSION COVER SHEET

**Date:** June 14, 2000

**To:** The Hon. Henry Kissinger [ATTN: THERESA]

**Fax #:** 212/759-0042

**Re:** Letter to George Argyros

**Sender:** Peter W. Rodman

YOU SHOULD RECEIVE _4_ PAGES(S), INCLUDING THIS COVER SHEET. IF YOU DO NOT RECEIVE ALL THE PAGES, PLEASE CALL 202-887-1000.

Henry --

As you may have seen, the Nixon estate and the Justice Dept have settled the lawsuit over compensation for the confiscation of his papers. (N.Y. Times article attached) The Nixon Center hopes it will get a fair share of the proceeds. Would you be willing to send the attached note to George Argyros on the matter -- ideally before you leave for Europe?

continue a trend in which projections of
the nation's fiscal condition have
grown increasingly bright over the
last several years, giving both par-

Isolation, economic trouble, the
widespread famine, the North's
propaganda continued to scorn Mr.
Kim, and his so-called Sunshine Poli-
cy toward Pyongyang, treating him

Continued on Page A8

Government Is to Pay $18 Million
For Nixon Material It Confiscated

By CHRISTOPHER MARQUIS

WASHINGTON, June 12 — The Justice Department has agreed to pay $18 million to the estate of former President Richard M. Nixon in compensation for presidential papers, photographs and tape recordings that were seized after Mr. Nixon's resignation in 1974.

The settlement ends a 20-year legal battle that was begun by the disgraced former president to obtain payment for a collection of 44 million documents, 3,700 hours of secretly recorded tapes and thousands of photographs that are held in the National Archives.

Representatives of Mr. Nixon's estate voiced elation at the agreement. They estimated that the estate lawyers would receive the largest share of the amount, $7.4 million, while the Nixon Foundation, which finances a presidential library in Yorba Linda, Calif., and a research center in Washington would receive a total of about $6 million.

Subtracting about $3.75 million for taxes, the representatives said, Mr. Nixon's two daughters, Julie Nixon Eisenhower and Tricia Nixon Cox, would together receive less than one-half of 1 percent of the settlement amount, or less than $90,000.

"We are extremely satisfied that President Nixon's two-decades-old

resolution to make sure his privately
funded library would have the
wherewithal to do the kind of pur-
suits he wanted to do has been ful-
filled," said John H. Taylor, who is
the director of the Richard Nixon
Library and a co-executor of the
estate.

Critics voiced dismay at the deal,
which they said amounted to a fleec-
ing of American taxpayers over ma-
terial that incriminated Mr. Nixon in
obstruction of justice and a variety

Continued on Page A21

Classical Orchestras
Take to the Internet

An agreement between the musi-
cians union and 66 of the most presti-
gious American orchestras, includ-
ing the New York Philharmonic and
the Chicago Symphony, opens the
way for them to make their perform-
ances available on the Internet. The
performances would include record-
ings that could be downloaded and
live concerts.

Article, Page C1.

be senator?

NO ANSWER

g what he or

ING

ANSWER

3

The New York Times

J. Clinton and her road expression of Lazio — he is doing as well as Mr. Giuliani, he dropped out — ending the fact that of New Yorkers said how enough about him now about the Republican Senate. As such, it is evidence of the resiliency on the attitude in the

to vote for Lazio be-
Hillary," John Wer-
ren software engineer
declared in a follow-
then though he said he
enough information
to say whether he
going to vote for
as been a resident of

SHOP GIFTCERTIFICATES.COM FOR FATHER'S
Day gift certificates that make it easy to remind Dad
why you're his favorite. -ADVT.

THIS YEAR FORGET THE TIES. EMAIL FLOOZ.
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d on Page A28

The boy was ordered transferred from a juvenile detention center to an adult jail.

Changing with the wind has long been an art form on the banks of the Potomac, but Ken Hyde demonstrated the older and purer form of the maneuver yesterday as he sailed near Reagan National Airport.

# Government to Pay for Seized Nixon Material

*Continued From Page Al*

of other crimes.

"It is unfortunate that taxpayers have to pay for what is already rightfully theirs," said Peter Kornbluh, senior analyst at the National Security Archive, a nonprofit research organization that collects historical documents.

Unlike the taxpayer-maintained libraries of all other former presidents, who donated their presidential papers, Mr. Nixon's library, with an annual budget of $4.6 million, depends on private donations and its $13 million endowment.

Mr. Nixon's drive for compensation stemmed largely from his desire to keep the library and research center going in the belief that Americans would wait a long time before deciding to pay for them with tax dollars, said Mr. Taylor, the library director.

"I think he knew the passions of the Vietnam era would die hard," Mr. Taylor said. "History has proved him right in that regard."

The research center based in Washington, called the Nixon Center, is nonpartisan and focuses on foreign affairs, most notably American relations with Russia and China.

Shortly after Mr. Nixon resigned to avoid impeachment arising from the Watergate scandal, Congress passed a law confiscating the materials he had left behind. In 1978, lawmakers approved the Presidential Records Act, which ensured that the papers of all subsequent presidents would be the property of the American public.

"It's our belief that presidential papers belong to all the American people," said David W. Ogden, acting

assistant attorney general for the Justice Department's civil division. "This settlement brings to a close 20 years of litigation surrounding President Nixon's papers."

A federal court of appeals in 1992 ruled that the materials seized belonged to Mr. Nixon and that he was entitled to compensation.

"Given the court of appeals decision," Mr. Ogden said, "this is a fair resolution for the taxpayer."

The appeals court ruling opened the way for prolonged legal wranglings over the value of the presidential materials. Mr. Nixon's estate sought about $200 million for the various papers, tapes and photographs. An appraiser for the estate argued that several drafts edited by

hand of a 1972 Nixon speech and nouncing plans for increased bombing in the Vietnam War were together worth about $19,000.

Stephen E. Ambrose, the historian who wrote a multivolume Nixon biography, said the documents were incalculable value to researchers. Mr. Nixon's insistence that they were his personal property, Mr. Ambrose said, has a precedent reaching back to George Washington.

Still, Mr. Ambrose said the documents generated by a president should never have been considered private property.

"He was being paid by us, the taxpayers, to do his job," Mr. Ambrose said. "Those papers belong to us."

# Religious Schools Accused of Abuse

DALLAS, June 12 (AP) — More than three dozen former students of Hare Krishna boarding schools filed a lawsuit against leaders of the religious community today, citing years of sexual, physical and emotional torture.

The lawsuit, filed in Federal District Court in Dallas, named the International Society of Krishna Consciousness as a defendant with 17 members of the group's governing board and the estate of the movement's founder, A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada.

A lawyer for the 44 former students, Windle Turley, said the case involved "the most unthinkable abuse and maltreatment of

little children we have seen."

Mr. Turley said the abuse "includes rape, sexual abuse, physical torture and emotional terror of children as young as 3 years of age."

A Hare Krishna spokesman in Washington, Anuttama, said today that Krishna leaders had acknowledged abuse in the boarding schools and had worked to provide counseling and financial support to victims.

"It's disappointing that it had to go to a court situation," he said. "We will try to do anything we can to address their needs."

Mr. Anuttama said a committee formed in 1998 had investigated 50 accusations of abuse.

AMERICA-CHINA SOCIETY

June 15, 2000

The Honorable William P. Rogers
Rogers & Wells
200 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10166

Dear Bill:

Cordially,

Henry A. Kissinger

HENRY A. KISSINGER

August 30, 2000

Dear Mr. Rogers:

Many thanks for your recent letter inviting me to
become an honorary member of DACOR. I accept
with pleasure and look forward to keeping apprised of
your activities, as well as stopping by the DACOR
Bacon House at a mutually convenient time.

With all good wishes,

The Honorable
Kenneth N. Rogers
Diplomatic and Consular
Officers, Retired
DACOR Bacon House
1801 F Street, NW
Washington, DC 20006

SUITE 1021 • 1800 K STREET, N. W. • WASHINGTON, D. C. 20006 • (202) 872-0300
TELEFAX (212) 753-7248

DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR OFFICERS, RETIRED
INCORPORATED

DACOR BACON HOUSE

1801 F STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006

OFFICERS

KENNETH N. ROGERS, JR., PRESIDENT
CONSUL GENERAL, RET.

ALAN W. LUKENS, VICE PRESIDENT
AMBASSADOR, RET.

ROBERT L. FUNSETH, SECRETARY
FSO, RET.

GILBERT H. SHEINBAUM, TREASURER
FSO, RET.

JACK W. LYDMAN, ASSISTANT TREASURER
AMBASSADOR, RET.

SAMUEL B. THOMSEN, ASSISTANT SECRETARY
AMBASSADOR, RET.

ROBERT E. SERVICE, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
AMBASSADOR, RET.

BOARD OF GOVERNORS

HENRY BARDACH
FSO, RET.

THOMPSON R. BUCHANAN
CONSUL GENERAL, RET.

PATRICIA M. BYRNE
AMBASSADOR, RET.

KATHRYN CLARK-BOURNE
CONSUL GENERAL, RET.

WILLARD A. DE PREE
AMBASSADOR, RET.

RAYMOND C. EWING
AMBASSADOR, RET.

E. LEE FAIRLEY
FSO, RET.

ROBERT L. FUNSETH
FSO, RET.

SAMUEL R. GAMMON
AMBASSADOR, RET.

WILLIAM C. HAMILTON
MINISTER-COUNSELOR, RET.

ROBERT T. HENNEMEYER
AMBASSADOR, RET.

WILLIAM W. LEHFELDT
CONSUL GENERAL, RET.

STEPHEN LOW
AMBASSADOR, RET.

DAYTON S. MAK
FSO, RET.

GIFFORD D. MALONE
MINISTER-COUNSELOR, RET.

G. RICHARD MONSEN
MINISTER-COUNSELOR, RET.

HERWALD H. MORTON
CAREER MINISTER, RET.

DONALD R. NORLAND
AMBASSADOR, RET.

DANIEL A. O'DONOHUE
AMBASSADOR, RET.

JAMES D. ROSENTHAL
AMBASSADOR, RET.

MARY A. RYAN
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE

GILBERT H. SHEINBAUM
FSO, RET.

WILLIAM P. STEDMAN, JR.
AMBASSADOR, RET.

GALEN L. STONE
AMBASSADOR, RET.

ARTHUR T. TIENKEN
AMBASSADOR, RET.

HONORARY GOVERNORS

LUCIUS D. BATTLE
AMBASSADOR, RET.

MAURICE M. BERNBAUM
AMBASSADOR, RET.

WILLIAM D. CALDERHEAD
COUNSELOR, RET.

JOAN M. CLARK
AMBASSADOR, RET.

WILLIAM B. EDMONDSON
AMBASSADOR, RET.

ROBERT H. MILLER
AMBASSADOR, RET.

CLAUDE G. ROSS
AMBASSADOR, RET.

H. G. TORBERT
AMBASSADOR, RET.

TELEPHONE:
DACOR, INC.: (202) 682-0500
(800) 344-9127
FAX: (202) 842-3295
E-MAIL: dacor@ix.netcom.com

ROBERT E. SERVICE
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR

CAROLE A. THOMAS
EXECUTIVE ASSISTANT

YOLAND R. BLACKMAN
ACCOUNTANT

SUE FAIRCLOTH
PROGRAM COODINATOR

WILLIAM D. CALDERHEAD
CURATOR

August 22, 2000

AUG 2 3 2000

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Kissinger Associates
1800 K Street, N.W.
Washington, DC 20006

Dear Mr. Secretary:

On behalf of Diplomatic and Consular Officers, Retired (DACOR), I invite you to become an Honorary Member. Acceptance of this invitation carries no obligations, financial or otherwise, although we would of course be delighted to have you visit DACOR Bacon House should that ever prove convenient.

DACOR has about 2500 members, retired and active duty Foreign Service officers from various agencies. It was incorporated in the District of Columbia in 1952 as a not-for-profit organization. Its purposes include defense of the Constitution and the interests of the United States, the welfare and support of Foreign Service personnel, and promoting a better understanding of the foreign relations of the United States. In recent years DACOR has made sizeable annual contributions to the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training for its oral history project, and to the Senior Living Foundation of the American Foreign Service Protective Association. On the day that entering Foreign Service Officers receive their commissions, we invite them and their families to the House for a reception.

In 1985 DACOR purchased the house of Virginia Bacon at 1801 F Street, NW, and DACOR's Education and Welfare Fund became the Dacor Bacon House Foundation. One of the main activities of the Foundation is to award educational grants each year to students interested in careers related to foreign affairs.

"DACOR" IS A NON-PROFIT ASSOCIATION OF OFFICERS OF THE U.S. FOREIGN SERVICE

CERTIFICATE OF INCORPORATION

for

(D.A.C.O.R)

We, the undersigned, all citizens of the United States, and a majority of the District of Columbia, desiring to associate ourselves as a corporation pursuant to the provisions of Title 29 of Chapter 6 of the District of Columbia Code (1951), do hereby certify as follows:

FIRST: The name or title by which this corporation shall be known in law shall be Diplomatic and Consular Officers, Retired.

SECOND: The term for which it is organized shall be perpetual.

THIRD: The particular business and objects of said corporation shall be:

(a) To promote and defend the Constitution and interests of the United States of America.

(b) To promote the general welfare of persons who are serving or who formerly served the United State Government in the Diplomatic, Consular or Foreign Service (such persons to be hereinafter referred to as "eligibles").

(c) To assist eligibles in re-establishing themselves and their families as domestic residents of the United States of America.

(d) To aid eligibles in meeting the economic problems of their retirement either in finding re-employment or in obtaining financial help.

(e) To provide for the payment of life, sick, accident, or other benefits to eligibles, or their dependents, or their designated beneficiaries.

(f) To collect and disseminate to eligibles, information and advice concerning medical care, insurance and similar personal security problems.

(g) To foster legislation, rules and regulations beneficial to eligibles.

(h) To study legislation, rules and regulations pertaining to eligibles.

(i) To further harmonious relations and interchange of ideas between retired and active personnel of the Foreign Service as well as with retired personnel of other services of the United States Government.

(j) To promote fraternal relations, unity of interests and social activities among eligibles.

(k) To publish a periodical expressing and promoting the purposes of the organization.

(l) To promote a better understanding of the foreign relations of the United States.

FOURTH: The number of its directors for the first year of its existence shall be seven.

FIFTH: The corporation is not organized for profit and shall have no capital stock.

No part of any net earnings of the corporation shall ever inure to the benefit of any private individual (other than through the payment of life, sick, accident or other benefits to the members, or their dependents, or their designated beneficiaries). If at any time two-thirds or more of the directors of the corporation shall determine that it is no longer feasible to accomplish or carry on the specific purposes for which the corporation was organized, its affairs shall be wound up, its debts paid and its remaining assets assigned to a charitable or

non-profit organization or organizations selected by the directors of the corporation, or to the
Government of the United States of America, for unrestricted use and disposition.

SIXTH: The corporation shall be authorized to acquire, hold and improve such
property, real and personal, as its objectives and purposes may require, subject to limitations
prescribed by law.

SEVENTH: The conditions, method of admission to, qualifications and categories of
membership, the limitations, rights, powers, and duties of members, dues of members, method
of expulsion from and termination of membership, and all matters pertaining to the conduct,
management and control of the business, property and affairs of the corporation shall be
provided for from time to time in the By-Laws of the corporation.

EIGHTH: The corporation and its directors shall have all the authority and power,
including rights, privileges, activities and capacities, granted and conferred by the laws of the
District of Columbia upon such corporations, and shall not be limited by the enumeration of
such authority and power in this Certificate of Incorporation, so long as such authority and
power are exercised for the purpose of accomplishing the aforesaid objects of the corporation.
The corporation reserves the right to amend, modify, change or re peal any provision
contained in this Certificate of Incorporation in accordance with the procedure proscribed by
the laws of the District of Columbia.

IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF, we have this 26th day of November, 1952, hereunto set
our hands and seal.

Mrs. Wilbur J. Carr (SEAL)
(signed)

Robert Woods Bliss (SEAL)
(signed)

Carol H. Foster (SEAL)
(signed)

George Gregg Fuller (SEAL)
(signed)

Joseph C. Grew (SEAL)
(signed)

Arthur Bliss Lane (SEAL)
(signed)

Orme Wilson (SEAL)
(signed)

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, SS:

I, Margaret MacPherson, a Notary Public in and for the District of Columbia, do
hereby certify that Mrs. Wilbur J. Carr, Robert Woods Bliss, Carol H. Foster, George Gregg
Fuller, Joseph C. Grew, Arthur Bliss Lane and Orme Wilson, parties to a certain Certificate of
Incorporation bearing date on the 26th day of November, 1952, and hereto annexed,
personally appeared before me in said District, the said Mrs. Wilbur J. Carr, Robert Woods
Bliss, Carol H. Foster, George Gregg Fuller, Joseph C. Grew, Arthur Bliss Lane and Orme
Wilson being personally well-known to me as the persons who executed the said Certificate of
Incorporation, and severally acknowledged the same to be their act and deed.

[Lc]

When President Clinton appointed me to be his Ambassador to France in 1997, I confess I had mixed feelings. Diplomacy had not been one of my ambitions. I doubted that I had the capability to be an ambassador--and I knew very little about the kind of work I would be doing.

My professional experience consisted of over 40 years as an investment banker, nearly half of them dealing with the troubled finances and other problems of New York City and New York State. So I knew it would be a big leap from Wall Street, City Hall and New York labor unions to the Quai d'Orsay, Matignon, and the Elysée. And I knew that it was an equally big leap from being a private citizen to being a public person.

Whatever my misgivings, I recognized immediately that the President was offering me the honor of representing the United States of America

1

[Lc]

in France. I would assume a post held by Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson and John Adams in a country that was, and remains, my second home and one of my adopted country's most important allies.

Coming to Paris would give me the opportunity to close a journey that began sixty years ago when, as a Polish-Jewish refugee, I was able to escape the Dark Ages of Vichy, France, to return now to a France transformed in the 21st century. My wife, Elizabeth, was required to make a considerable personal sacrifice by giving up her position as the first woman chairman of the New York Public Library. But she strongly encouraged me to accept this nomination, which of course I did.

It is now more than three years since we arrived in Paris for this great assignment. In a few months after the Presidential election, we will be heading for home and another chapter in our

2

[lc]

life. But this chapter will have been an
unforgettable experience. Let me try to tell you
briefly how I saw France when I came, how I see her
today, how I have interpreted my role as Ambassador
and where I think I succeeded and where I failed.

In 1997, when we arrived, France had for
several years been in the throes of economic
stagnation, as had much of Europe. The fiscal
disciplines required by the launch of the Euro, the
psychological lift created by the single currency,
together with growth oriented policies put in place
by the French government, triggered a strong
economic upturn. Lower interest rates in Europe
and continued growth in America combined with these
policies to produce current growth of 3-3 1/2
percent in France, and reduce unemployment
significantly from 12.5 percent to 9.6 percent.

3

[L.C]

This performance was essentially driven by the
French private sector led by hundreds of well-
managed and highly competitive companies.

Industries previously reserved for government
ownership, such as defense, transport and
telecommunications, were successfully privatized
and EADS (including Airbus), Air France and France
Telecom are now thriving enterprises, adjusting to
the private sector culture of transparency and
responsibility to their shareholders.

During these three years, France has undergone
significant transformation as a result of her
successful adaptation to globalization and the
opening of her economy to private sector market
forces. France is actually one of the great
winners of globalization; however, globalization
has produced losers as well as winners in France,
as in the United States, and there are sharp
concerns and serious protests in both our

4

[Lc]

countries. However, globalization, with
appropriate safeguards, is the best answer to many
of the problems of the developing countries.

During the same period, the Atlantic Alliance
survived a crisis of its own with the successful
allied intervention in Kosovo in which France
played such an important role. Kosovo, however,
brought to light significant technical gaps between
the U.S. and our European Allies and triggered the
political will on the part of Europe for an
independent European defense force.

This initiative provoked an ambivalent reaction
in the U.S. While many American leaders, in the
Congress as well as in the Executive, have urged a
greater European defense effort, the concern that
an autonomous European defense might weaken NATO
was very real. Efforts on both sides of the
Atlantic to encourage European Defense without

5

[LC]

weakening NATO have so far been successful,
culminating with last year's Helsinki Declaration.

Since then, the merger of European defense
entities into EADS, the commitment to a European
airlift capacity with the Airbus A-400 and the
British commitment to the Meteor missile are all
extensions of the European Defense Initiative. It
is healthy for Europe to have a strong defense
industry as long as it is open to cooperation as
well as competition with U.S. defense companies.
In general, we have to recognize that these
principles require the markets to be two-way
streets.

Today, critical geopolitical questions are
being played out in many parts of the world: The
evolution of China and Russia; the tense
relationship between India and Pakistan; the
necessity for peace in the Middle East; the

6

[LC]

relationship of the West with Islam, among many
others. Fundamentally, however, all will be
conditioned by the future face of Europe.

Europe is our most important partner and
France's role in the construction of Europe is
critical. In 1836, just before his death,
Talleyrand wrote: "The true interests of France..
are not ever in opposition to the true interests of
Europe." I believe that this is still true today.

The main forces driving European integration
are the reality of the Euro and the single market,
the drive for a European defense and the commitment
to the enlargement of the EU; the forces slowing it
down are the significant political and cultural
differences facing such a project. The face of
Europe five or ten years from now will have an
important impact on the Atlantic Partnership and on
the world. France, in her present position as

7

[LC]

President of the EU, is playing a central role in
this endeavor, at a critical period of its
evolution.

The creation of the euro has created an
enormously successful and powerful instrument. It
has caused lower deficits, lower interest rates and
higher growth throughout Europe. It has enabled
huge new capital markets to be created in Europe,
resulting in an increase in European financings,
mergers and acquisitions on a scale never before
witnessed. It has also enabled a dramatic increase
in European, and more particularly, French
investment in the U.S.

This is a reflection of the great strength of
Europe's private sector and, in particular, of
France's big companies. This strength is reflected
in the high levels of the CAC 40 and in the series
of large acquisitions in America by Vivendi,

8

[L.C.]

Alcatel, Lyonnaise des Eaux, and many others. It is clear that the performance of the private sector, notably in France, has been the engine of economic growth and declining unemployment in Europe.

The euro's performance in the market, however, has caused dismay among European political leaders, bankers and analysts, and led to the recent intervention led by the ECB together with the U.S. Federal Reserve Bank, the Bank of England and the Bank of Japan in support of the euro.

When my friend Bob Rubin was Secretary of the Treasury, he always gave the same answer to questions about currency rates: Markets set exchange rates, he said, and they reflected "fundamentals."

9

[Lc]

The huge outflows of capital from Europe to the United States suggests that factors influencing the euro are not only the "fundamentals" of higher growth rates and rates of return in the United States, but also the need for reforms to stimulate investments and job creation as well as further progress on the political integration of Europe. The net outflow of over $200 billion from Europe since 1999 shows no signs of abating. Why are Europeans acquiring so many U.S. companies when the reverse is not happening? According to the Director of the IMF, Mr. Horst Kohler, further tangible progress on European integration and policy coordination is a necessity. The recent negative vote in Denmark means that even more pressure is on the intergovernmental conference in Nice to succeed.

Public concerns in various European countries include issues other than the euro if one listens

10

[Lc]

to the political debate. In France, the question
of national identity is extraordinarily acute. In
the view of most French people their identity must
be aggressively protected against the effects of
globalization and so-called American hegemony.
However, the reality of the euro, and the pressures
of the market place, are likely to require
significant reforms and further integration in
areas such as taxation, budgets, pensions, and many
others. The political debates in France over these
issues reflect a deep ambivalence over the
distribution of wealth, over the role of the state
and over the nature of global capitalism.

One has to wonder whether popular support for
the European project will be able to deal with
these issues on a timely basis, since the success
of the single currency makes it increasingly urgent
for Europe to advance. Three years ago, when I
arrived as Ambassador, the euro was just around the

11

[L.C.]

corner as a great, optimistic European project, and
I believed that European political integration
would inevitably follow rapidly. This may have
been an unrealistic assumption. The euro can cause
budgetary discipline; it cannot force political
integration.

However, over the last twenty years I have
witnessed the metamorphosis of France. From a
state-controlled economy, with wage, price and
capital controls, with most large financial and
industrial enterprises owned by the government,
France has become a thriving market economy. She
is amply endowed with the assets required of a
globalized advanced economy. She has an educated
population; her technology is spearheaded by
achievements such as Ariane rockets, TGV trains,
Airbus planes, the tunnel under the Channel and
many others. Her culture, her style, her way of
life are the envy of others. It is ironic that as

12

[L.C.]

the performance of France reaches new heights, her
confidence in her identity seems more fragile.

France has nothing to fear from any aspect of
global competition or so-called American hegemony.
She has shown that it is entirely within her
capabilities to meet the challenges of global
competition, both economic and cultural, if she
allows the culture of opportunity driving her
private sector to develop to its full potential, in
partnership with her tradition of extensive public
services. France, one of the world's oldest
democracies, has now taken her place with the most
modern of nations.

Today, Europe has many faces. It is Aznar's
Spain and Schroeder's Germany; it is Blair's United
Kingdom and Jospin's France, and Amato's Italy. It
is a Denmark that says "no" to the euro and further
integration. Is tomorrow's Europe Joshka Fischer's

13

[10]

federation or Jacques Chirac's and Lionel Jospin's
union of sovereign states, and what will be the
role of the United Kingdom? Is tomorrow's Europe a
Europe of "variable geometry," of "pioneer states"
or some variation of the Franco-German locomotive?
The answers will have to satisfy the test of the
single currency; the prosperity of the world in the
21st century will be affected by them.

How Europe organizes herself is obviously
entirely a European decision. It is worth
repeating over and over that a strong, integrated,
prosperous Europe, with a successful and stable
currency, is very much in America's interest. We
are more and more interrelated every year and what
is good for Europe is good for America and vice-
versa. Europe and America are also the pillars of
Democracy in the world today and a stronger Europe
strengthens the spread of democracy in the rest of
the world as a full partner of the United States.

14

[L.C.]

Far too many people do not participate in
today's prosperity. Mass global poverty acts as an
absolute limit on the growth of even the richest
nations. It is also, obviously, a source of
chronic political instability, reflected by the
increasing number of United Nations peacekeeping
operations.

The biggest challenge to both the U.S. and
Europe in this century will be to improve the
standard of living of the billions of people living
in poverty. A great deal of wealth is being
created in the world economy. The challenge is to
ensure a much greater global access to that wealth.
This is an enormous challenge, but to have any
chance of success, the Atlantic Partnership will
require a maximum of economic and political
cohesion and leadership and evolution in the roles
of the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO.

15

[Lc]

In these rapidly changing times, the Franco-American partnership, based on a platform of common values and common interests, cooperates on the major issues facing our countries. The election of Mr. Kustunica marks the culmination of our successful cooperation in Bosnia, in Kosovo and our support for the democratic forces in Serbia. We worked together within the G-7 in limiting the damages of the Asiatic, Russian and Latin America financial crises of 1998. We will be working together on implementation of the Stability Pact to help in the reconstruction of the Balkans and, within the NATO Alliance, to insure peace in the region. We are, all of us, working together to seek a restoration of peace in the Middle East before the current tragic events in that region get completely out of hand. The summit meeting taking place in Egypt right now may provide the last chance to save the peace process. Given the

16

[LC]

delicacy of the situation and of the timing of the summit, it seems inappropriate to try to say much on this subject.

As independent Allies, we nonetheless have differences which we recognize. While we have similar objectives in Iraq, we support different means to achieve those objectives, and we have different assessment of the threat posed by Saddam Hussein. We have different views on certain types of sanctions. We have different views on National Missile Defense. And we have nagging and continuing disputes on commercial issues such as agriculture and aerospace. These latter disputes, which never seem to go away, run the risk of dominating the debate and a way must be found to resolve them. We have managed our differences, however, in the manner of partners and allies and I believe that our overall relationship is strong, productive and stable.

17

[LC]

Just as there is a new Europe, there is, today, a New America. Politically, economically, culturally, America today is unrecognizable from 20 years ago. Both Democrats and Republicans recognize that America's international position is an inevitable part of our future. That was not always the case. The Internet, Cisco Systems, AOL and Amazon.com were unimagined 20 years ago. A Democratic Administration brought about the longest period of economic growth in American history, a huge budgetary surplus and created "popular capitalism" in the United States. This was also hard to imagine 20 years ago.

While our financial markets are attracting foreign capital in record amounts, our universities are attracting foreign students in record numbers. This is a powerful combination in the building of the New America. The New America is, above all, an

18

[uc]

open society. Democracy requires transparency, open laws, open government, and open markets. Globalization and the Internet are based on openness. That is the countervailing power against governmental or corporate domination of markets and societies. It is, also, an important attraction for young people.

There is, as well, in the New America a growing debate about guns, violence, the equity of the death penalty, the condition of our cities, the cost of health care and, not least, education. This, in many ways, reflects concerns expressed in the New Europe. The New America is not complacent. The ideas of the New Europe resonate in the New America.

Upon my arrival in France, I was faced with France's fears of "American hegemony"; as I leave, that fear is still very much present. I have tried

19

[Lc]

to make the point that America's position, as the
world's dominant power does not mean that America
is an imperial power.

We are, however, a continental-sized economy
with an extraordinarily competitive private sector.
Over the last few years we have been growing at
rates of 4-5% per annum which means that over the
last 3 years we have added close to $1 trillion to
our GDP. That represents about two-thirds of the
French economy. Europe needs American growth for
her own very favorable economic climate. However,
unless European growth accelerates further, the gap
between the U.S. and Europe will widen and the fear
of U.S. hegemony will continue. In a faster
growing Europe, there would be less talk of America
hegemony.

As Ambassador to France, I have tried to
explain a changing America to a changing France. I

20

[L]

have tried to create closer links between the
French and the American business leaderships
through the French-American Business Council.

I have strongly supported my wife in her
successful efforts, together with Françoise Cachin,
to create a major cultural initiative through the
creation of the French and American Regional Museum
Exchange program.

I have, together with Mayor Raymond Barre and
my colleague, the United States Ambassador to
Germany, arranged the first major conference of
French, German and American mayors.

And by opening a number of new small and
efficient American Presence Posts in major French
regional cities, I have tried to bring my Embassy
closer to the French people and closer to our
American enterprises in the regions. This is a

21

[L.C.]

formula that is catching on. Foreign Minister
Vedrine recently told his ambassadors "the time has
come to develop overseas posts that are simpler and
will allow us to do our work with fewer people."

I believe these to be important initiatives for
our presence here in the 21st century. Public
diplomacy and the competition of ideas; business
relationships and the expanding role of the private
sector; greater cultural exchanges as well as the
growing role of cities in the global economies: I
believe these are important assets that my
successor will be able to build upon.

On the other hand, a greater effort needs to be
made in building stronger exchanges among
parliamentarians of both our countries. Although I
have made efforts in that area, I am not happy with
the results and I hope my successor will do better.
I have, together with my colleague in Germany,

22

[cc]

tried to promote greater transatlantic cooperation
among defense industries; the result has been
disappointing, but we must persevere. There are
big stakes involved here, both economic and
political, which deserve greater efforts on both
sides.

In the meantime, the coming election in America
is an important one. There are significant policy
differences between both parties. But, whatever
the results, America will remain engaged
internationally and continue to fulfill her
responsibilities in a world that is not free of
danger. In doing so, we will, as always, work to
maintain our strong alliance with France.

I know that there are those who think that I
have been an unorthodox Ambassador instead of the
more classical type of diplomat. They are correct.
But I have simply tried to do the things that I

23

[L.C.]

know reasonably well, in order to put them to use
for the benefit of the Franco-American
relationship. I will continue to do so, to the
best of my ability, after my return to private
life.

In closing, I would like to thank IFRI, and my
friends, Thierry de Montbrial and Dominique Moisi,
for their friendship, support and counsel during
our stay here. They gave me this platform for my
first speech here in 1997 and it is fitting that I
begin my farewells in this hall. I will always be
grateful to them and to all of you.

24

HENRY A. KISSINGER

October 5, 2000

Dear Alan:

I am delighted to hear that the Foundation for the State Bar of California will be honoring you at a dinner later this month. It will be a well-deserved recognition of your outstanding contributions to the legal profession and to the inspiration you provide to law students and young attorneys through the highest standards of excellence and integrity you have consistently set.

It is in a different context from that of the law, however, that I have known and admired you: that of the grand sport of soccer. We were brought together by World Cup USA 1994, of which you were Chairman and I was pleased to serve as Honorary Chairman of the Organizing Committee. You accomplished what many thought would be impossible in a country where soccer has never had the following of the "big three": the most successful World Cup ever. Attendance records were exceeded, worldwide television viewership topped all projections and sufficient revenue was generated to cover not only the expenses of the Games, but to provide a significant amount to the US Soccer Federation to support programs furthering the sport in America. No one knows better than I how much the tremendous success of the 1994 World Cup was due to the years of dedicated work you gave to it, your vision and your extraordinary leadership.

Therefore, as one of your greatest fans, let me offer my congratulations and warmest good wishes as you receive this tribute from the California Bar.

Alan Rothenberg, Esq.
The Foundation of the State Bar of California
c/o Cerrell Associates, Inc.
320 N. Larchmont Boulevard, 2nd Floor
Los Angeles, CA 90004

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR • 350 PARK AVENUE • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 • (212) 759-7919

SEP 15 '00 14:26

PAGE.002

CERRELL
ASSOCIATES INC

SEP 18 2000

**TO:** DR. HENRY KISSINGER

**FROM:** THE FOUNDATION OF THE STATE BAR
EVENT COORDINATORS

**DATE:** SEPTEMBER 15, 2000

**RE:** ALAN ROTHENBERG, SR. PARTNER AT LATHAM & WATKINS

320 North Larchmont Boulevard

Los Angeles, California 90004

323-466-3445

FAX: 323-466 8653

E-mail: info@cerrell.com

Website: www.cerrell.com

a partner
in
The
WORLDCOM
corporation Inc.

On Thursday, October 19, 2000 the Foundation for the State Bar of California will host its first tribute dinner, an event honoring Alan Rothenberg, Senior Partner of Latham & Watkins along with a select group of individuals whose efforts have significantly contributed to the Foundation. Alan gave us your name in the hope that you would agree to be part of the tribute journal being produced by sending a congratulatory letter.

Since its inception more than six years ago, the Foundation has achieved an impressive list of accomplishments. As of 1996, it has awarded nearly one million in scholarships to law students as well as grants to commendable projects.

We realize that you are very busy, however, we hope that you will be able to participate in honoring Alan Rothenberg in this special way.

Letters of submission should be sent to:

The Foundation of the State Bar of California
c/o Cerrell Associates, Inc.
320 N. Larchmont Blvd., 2nd Floor
Los Angeles, CA 90004

Please contact Dora Gil or Mary Elizabeth Michaels at 323/466-3445 if you have any questions.

Your support is always appreciated.

** TOTAL PAGE. 002 **

HENRY A. KISSINGER

*By Facsimile*

January 18, 2000

Dear Mr. Kiriakoy:

Some weeks ago, Della Rounick mentioned that, given the considerable compatibility between my views and those of Greek opinion regarding Kosovo and Macedonia, it might be appropriate to put my approach to foreign policy before a Greek audience via a television interview. Of course Cyprus would have to be discussed as well. I agreed and proposed Monday, January 24.

Since then, Ms. Rounick has passed on to me the questions proposed by Mr. Papoutsanis for that occasion. These oblige me with some regret to cancel the interview.

I understand the passion Cyprus evokes among Greeks, and I was prepared to discuss conclusions and interpretations freely. But I will not submit to what amounts to an assault on my veracity.

In my recent book, *Years of Renewal*, I wrote a detailed and conciliatory analysis of how the Cyprus crisis appeared in Washington, what we knew and when we knew it, what we decided and why. It was based on documents and checked for accuracy by other participants in these events, including senior British officials.

Mr. Papoutsanis challenges every factual assertion. He misrepresents my views on Makarios. He doubts that I was surprised by the coup despite a meticulous documentation of the information available to me, which included reassuring statements to me by Makarios in May and a conversation with the Greek foreign minister two weeks before the coup, during which he never even mentioned Cyprus. Finally, Mr.

Papoutsanis implies that my motive in ending the Special
Task Force on Cyprus on July 31 was not, as I demonstrate,
a result of the conclusion of a formal ceasefire on July
30, but because of the second Turkish invasion which took
place nearly two weeks later. You will not be surprised
that I consider the insinuation that I colluded with
Turkish military operations scurrilous and insulting.

I agreed to the interview with the best intention to
contribute to better relations between Greece and the
United States. Perhaps circumstances will be more
propitious for an interview at a later date.

Mr. Minos Kiriakoy
Facsimile 011/30-1/688-6307

1/18/00 12:00pm

#2

DRAFT

Dear Mr. Kiriakoy:

before the coup, during which he never even mentioned
Cyprus. Finally, Mr. Papoutsanis implies that my motive in
ending the Special Task Force on Cyprus on July 31 was not,
as I demonstrate, a result of the conclusion of a formal
ceasefire on July 30, but [because of] the second Turkish
invasion which took place nearly two weeks later. You will
not be surprised that I consider this insinuation that I
colluded with Turkish military operations scurrilous and
insulting.

Sincerely yours,

Henry A. Kissinger

1/18/00 10:30am

#1

DRAFT

Dear Mr. Kiriakoy:

Some weeks ago Della Rounick mentioned that, given the
considerable compatibility between my views and those of
Greek opinion regarding Kosovo and Macedonia, it might be
appropriate to put my approach to foreign policy before a
Greek audience via a television interview. Of course
Cyprus would have to be discussed as well. I agreed and
proposed Monday, January 24.

Since then Della Rounick has passed on to me the
questions proposed by Mr. Papoutsanis for that occasion.
These oblige me with some regret to cancel the interview.

I understand the passion Cyprus evokes among Greeks, and I was prepared to discuss conclusions and interpretations with respect to it. But I will not submit to what amounts to an assault on my veracity.

before the coup, during which he never even mentioned
Cyprus. Finally, Mr. Papoutsanis implies that my motive in
ending the Special Task Force on Cyprus on July 31 was not
as I demonstrate a result of the inclusion of a formal

warfire on July 30, but the second Turkish invasion which

that I consider this insinuation scurilous and
insulting.

insulting.

You will understand why I cannot participate in such an interview. Perhaps circumstances will be more

propitious at a later date.

Sincerely yours,

Henry A. Kissinger

12-JAN-00 WED 18:43

ANT

FAX NO. 6834349

1. Dr Kissinger you have been one of the main actors during the period of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. Do you believe that this Turkish intervention could have been avoided and how?

2. In the concluding volume of your Memoirs you are saying that the Greeks wrongly think that both you and Richard Nixon "invented the crisis in Cyprus in order to promote the US's geopolitical interests" In your opinion why have the Greeks accused you as the responsible person for the division of Cyprus"

3. In your Memoirs you write that you had many objections on Makarios' policy and you also say that he had marginalised the Turkish community. Consequently do you believe that it was Makarios who should bear the responsibility for the developments in Cyprus? Don't you think that Turkey has negatively contributed to the preparation of the island's division?

4. You suggest that Nikos Sampson's coup d'état surprised you. But how can it be possible that the United States, who in essence had under their control the Greek military government, didn't know anything about the preparation of this coup d'état?

5. President Clinton, during his recent visit to Greece, in essence has asked for forgiveness for the role the USA have played in supporting the military junta. Do you think that this constitutes an indirect criticism of you and your policy?

6. You are also writing in your Memoirs that you didn't want to isolate the Greek junta since you considered Greece as an essential pillar of NATO's strategy. But is it possible for Democracy to be submitted (to be subject) to any interests?

7. Do you suggest that Washington at the time of the Cyprus' crisis lost control of the situation in the Mediterranean because the administration was busy with the Watergate scandal?

8. You write that on July 31, 1974 the Committee established in the State Department to follow the Cyprus crisis was dissolved because you had the illusion that the crisis was heading towards its de-escalation. Was it really an illusion or you were just waiting for the second phase of the Turkish invasion (Attica 2) to be completed?

9. You criticize Constantin Karamanlis that, after the fall of the junta, he became hostage of the Greek nationalists. How did you consider at the time (Karamanlis' role?

10. Among the nationalists you are referring to A. Papandreou was evidently included. Did you have any fears at the time that A. Papandreou would increase the anti-american sentiments in Greece? As you are saying in your book, was it the aim of Washington's strategy to prevent nationalists of the Right or the Left wing to succeed the military government?

11. You also suggest that President Ford who succeeded R. Nixon, even if he failed to restore a single state in Cyprus, he attained your aim to protect global peace and

ROYAL ACADEMY OF ARTS

7 December 1999

The Mayflower Dinner – 19 June 2000

I am so delighted to hear that you have accepted Peter Carrington's invitation to be a Patron of the Royal Academy's Mayflower Dinner next June. Your fellow Patrons are Margaret Thatcher, Nancy Reagan and Peter Carrington.

I am writing also in the hope that you might be prepared to be a speaker at the dinner, which will be a celebration of a century of Anglo-American achievement. We expect every former serving British Prime Minister to attend, and I hope you will agree to be the most senior representative of the United States at the dinner. Your presence would be a great honour.

As we are now making detailed plans, it would be kind if it were possible for you to let us know in the near future.

Sir Philip Dowson CBE
President

Dr Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates
26th Floor
350 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10022
U S A

Royal Academy of Arts, Burlington House, Piccadilly, London W1V 0PS. Telephone 0171-300 8000 Facsimile 0171-300 8001
Registered Charity No. 212798

RUBENSTEIN ASSOCIATES, INC.

Public Relations

May 16, 2000

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates, Inc.
350 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10022

1345 Avenue of the Americas
New York, New York 10105-0109
212-843-8080
Fax 212-843-9300

Howard J. Rubenstein
President

MAY 17, 2000

Dear Henry:

I'd like to invite you to submit a commentary to be used in a new exhibition at the Yeshiva University Museum. When the museum moves into its new location on June 25 at the Center for Jewish History, one of its new exhibitions will be called "Major Intersections." The main-floor gallery exhibit will feature treasures from the collections of each of the organizations housed at the Center for Jewish History.

Alongside the traditional explanations of each item, the Museum would like to include personal individual commentaries. The role of the commentators will be to give brief personal thoughts on the various artifacts on display. The commentaries may be personal perspectives on the particular item, reminiscences inspired by the item, or creative responses. They can be in a written, video or audio format.

The Museum would be honored if you would consider participating in this project. I have attached a list of exhibit items available for your commentary. Should you express an interest in a particular item, the Museum can provide a kit with a complete description, an image and suggestions for commentary.

Thank you for your consideration. I look forward to speaking to you soon.

Attachment

HENRY A. KISSINGER

February 7, 2000

Dear Bob:

I am delighted you will be joining the international forum
hosted by News Corporation on April 24th-25th. We are working on
the details and will be writing to you about them.

I look forward to seeing you.

Warm regards,

Henry A. Kissinger

The Honorable
Robert E. Rubin
Vice Chairman
Citigroup, Inc.
153 East 53rd Street, 4th Floor
New York, NY 10022

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR · 350 PARK AVENUE · NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 · (212) 759-7919

HENRY A. KISSINGER

April 3, 2000

Dear Mr. Ober:

I remember with much pleasure our meeting on the occasions of the dialogue organized by Jim Schlesinger at the Harvard Club in honor of the Class of '50. I was happy to contribute to the festivities, which properly celebrate an important period in our lives, when Harvard contributed so much to our education and personal growth.

It is therefore with much regret that I must turn down your repeated suggestions that I attend the formal celebrations at Harvard during commencement. Regrettably events, which it would not be useful to recount here, preclude my attendance. They also impel me to ask you not to use my name either in any roster of members of the class of '50 who have achieved some degree of recognition or for lists connected with any fundraising efforts. It is a pity that matters have reached this point. But I will think of all of you with high regard and some nostalgia.

Henry A. Kissinger

Mr. Nathaniel Ober
26 Lower River Road
New Ipswich, NH 03071

FAX

From: laurence rousselot

1 rue dauphine
75006 paris

phone: 33 - (0) 1 43 26 09 84

fax: 33 - (0)1 46 34 15 31

e-mail: lauredou@club-internet.fr

Please deliver at once to:

Number of pages: 1
(including this one)

Date: 21st March 2000

Dear Messrs Williams, it was away from
Message Paris for more than a week and found you
pass on my return.

My father has already bought tickers for the five of us
according to our intended dates of return which are not
all the same. He recalls that Dr Kissinger had said,
when he thought with Mrs Kissinger in gordes of
organising this dinner that his Puritians did include
aid passes for my sister and myself.

But he thinks that we are already overwhelmed by
the generosity of his kind invitation for all of us to
the dinner and is determined to take care of the
travel expenses and wishes the matter to be
considered as settled. Do please tell Dr and Mrs
Kissinger how my sister, myself and our husbands
are grateful to be invited to such a unique
reception which we are all so delighted to
accept wholeheartedly.

With thanks and sincerely yours
Lawrence Rousselot.

OFFICE OF
HENRY A. KISSINGER

September 7, 2000

Dear Mr. Rumsfeld:

I am pleased to enclose the "infamous" geisha photo
inscribed by Dr. Kissinger. Thank you for your patience.

With Dr. Kissinger's good wishes,

Mr. Donald Rumsfeld
Office of Donald Rumsfeld
400 North Michigan Avenue
Suite 405
Chicago, Illinois 60611

Mr H Kissinger
26th Floor, 305 Park Avenue
NEW YORK USA 10022

24 October 2000

Dear Mr. Kissinger,

Thank you for your letter of appreciation for the assistance provided you and
your wife by members of the NSW Police Service during your visit to Sydney
for the 2000 Olympic Games.

I will most certainly bring your kind remarks to the notice of the officers concerned.

It was, indeed, most thoughtful of you to have written and, again, I thank you
for the courtesy.