by William Schaafele, a veteran career officer with years of
experience in Africa, a man with a sharp mind and quick laugh,
who smoked a lot and always looked harried and slightly unkempt,
despite his Yale degree.

The Angola story broke in the summer of 1975.

Kissinger's policy of clandestine help for the pro-Western
factions fighting there got caught up and overturned in the
backwash of the collapse of South Vietnam. Congress made him
and
cease and desist, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of
Angola, backed by the Russians and thousands of Cuban soldiers,
took control (and Kissinger's lamentation that one result would
be an ever-expanding Cuban role in Africa came to pass).

Angola was a serious embarrassment for Kissinger. There
was no way to explain it away in terms of détente with the Russians.
Kissinger's view was that the Russians originally got involved
to counter the Chinese presence there, and like XHXXKXEXXX


BDFZZD XEQUXXIXNXOEX

grew. However, a onetime Soviet official was now living in the

United States, Boris Hobbot, later claimed the Russian involvement in Angola was a deliberate response to the Congressional XEXXEXXEX response to the Congressional rejection of a trade bill providing favorable treatment for the Soviet Union.

In any event, Kissinger found there was not enough X domestic support for opposing Soviet intervention in Angola--and maybe elsewhere in Africa--with American money.

And since Kissinger tended to see the world through the prism of American-Soviet relations, Africa got a new priority in the Kissinger Xx State Department.

Congress had taken away his sword, so Kissinger turned to ploughshares, sort of.

The way to counter the Russians in Africa would have to be the way of diplomacy. And the best way to get at Africa was to get at South the issues of Southern Southern Africa, which dominated the thinking on the continent.

In short, Kissinger concluded that America's moral and strategic concerns now converged in Africa, and a new--and more moral--policy was needed.

Angola was not the only reason for a new look at Africa.

Africa has more countries than any other continent, and most of them are poor. Some are dreadfully poor. Africa had a lot of unhappy voices in the world council's affecting international economics. The oil embargo had taught the United States humility in international economic affairs, and Kissinger had moved from the politics of confrontation to the politics of cooperation. Interdependence became a new international cliche. But a change in American policy in Africa might help improve the atmosphere in those world councils.

Kissinger had to put a freeze on the Beyond that, 1976 was an election year. Big ticket items, such as SALT, the Middle East, China and the Panama Canal negotiations, because of election year politics, and so he turned to the bargain basement goods. Kissinger,

the activist, looking for places to be active in the election year, found Africa and Latin America and the North-South dialogue.

In addition to those reasons, there may have been a personal factor as well. For all his diplomatic wizardry, Kissinger had not made a record in Africa. With his running out of time was obviously running out. Kissinger did not want to leave office having left Africa untouched.

It wasn't that difficult. Kissinger, the geopolitical politician, the historian, the historian, and Kissinger, the pragmatist, could now see clearly that American America's strategic concerns now converged with America's moral concerns in Africa.

NSSM 39 was deep-sixed, and a new policy was devised to change America's image on the Dark Continent.

Rhodesia was out. Zimbabwe, the Africans' name for Rhodesia, was in, and Kissinger began referring publicly to Zimbabwe.

The number one issue in black Africa was the battle for
black majority rule in Rhodesia and the struggle against
apartheid in South Africa.

Kissinger took them one at a time. The only way to get
at Rhodesia was through South Africa, which held Rna Ian
Smith's economic lifeline. Kissinger did not want to "tip that
boat until Rhodesia is done." Or, as the British U.N. Ambassador,
Sir Ivor Richard, put it more bluntly: "You don't kick a
guy in the crotch when you're asking for his cooperation."

In the spring of 1976, Kissinger put together his
first official tour of Africa. He timed it to the meeting of
the United Nations Commission on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
in Nairobi, in early May.

The schedule was typical Kissingerian madness: London,
Ghana,
an RAF base, Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, Zaire, Liberia, Senegal,
and then all the way back across the continent to Kenya for
UNCTAD. And then Paris and home. A matter of over 26,000 miles

in 15 days. So what was new?

Kissinger's African adventure got under way on April 23, 1976, by way of London. He wanted to touch base with the Brits, and the base turned out to be Waddington Air Force Base in Lincolnshire, where the Foreign Secretary, Anthony Crosland, was campaigning.

Kissinger entered Africa comparing this journey to his first trip to the Middle East. Once again, he was engaging in personal diplomacy in a problem area with no clear concept of how to restore American influence there.

He had no experience in the AFR region, and he didn't know quite what to expect.

The traveling party included no black officials. One of Kissinger's aides had told me before we left that since there were no blacks assigned to the Secretary's staff, Kissinger felt it would look phony to take along a black official just for the sake of showing him off to the Africans.

However, for the first time on a Kissinger trip, blacks appeared in the traveling press corps--Ethel Payne of The Chicago Defender and Charles Sanders of Ebony.

In addition to her newspaper work, Ethel Payne was also a three-weekly commentator on CBS Radio. For the African trips, she had worked out an arrangement with the Black Radio Network to send back daily reports. But a CBS vice president balked at that, saying it would violate her contract even though her reportin would hardly be in direct competition with CBS. The hassle was finally resolved by allowing her to file three times a week from Africa for the black radio network.

Sanders, as a magazine guy, would turn out to be a prime candidate for the Handelman Award. But the liberal white power structure in the traveling press corps wondered if it would look bad to nominate him. It was not an easy decision, but we decided it would be racist not to. But I don't remember that we ever told him.

The traveling press corps also included a television pool crew. The pool was run up of NBC and ABC, owned to a pathological objection to pool arrangements of any kind on the part of a prominent CBS official executive. In a triumph of doctrine over intelligence, the CBS film crews were forced to fly all over Africa, fighting customs officials and unaccommodating flight schedules, for two weeks, trying to keep up or catch up with Henry Kissinger. CBS corespondent Bernie

Kissinger

Khalb did a lot of radio.

Kissinger's diplomatic mission began in Kenya.

He had been there once before, 15 years prior to this visit, but personal reminiscing had little to do with making Nairobi the first stop.

First of all, Kenya was a good friend of the United States, and Kissinger knew he'd be well received there. In addition, President Jomo Kenyatta, the MKN onetime leader of the Mau Maus, was the Elder Statesman of African Nationalism,

which Kissinger had come to endorse, and Kenyatta's blessing for
his mission WOKRXXEXERXEXIMXXEILXX at the outset might serve
him well as he ventured into more hostile XXRIROK territory
later on.

Kissinger never looked too comfortable in Kenya.
In the first place, he had to fly in a small plane to get
to the State House at Nakuru, where he met with Kenyatta
in the President's pink stucco villa. Small planes piloted by
Africans were not Kissinger's favorite WOKKIXEXIMXXE conveyances.

The President had a pretty good spread at Nakuru, about
a half an hour outside of Nairobi, as well as a lot of valuable
land in the rest of the country. But nobody's supposed to
point that out, especially in print, and Western reporters can
get thrown out of the country for writing about the wealth of
of the First Kenyan Family. It's even more thanusual for a local
reporter to write about it.

The Kenyatta XPEXX spread includes a large pavilion with

bleachers and an enclosed dais with red velvet chairs for the President and his honored guests. The pavilion in which Kenyatta introduced Kissinger to tribal showmanship, and the diplomatic showman from America didn't look too comfortable there, either.

big-chested in a double-breasted suit,

Kenyatta himself was an imposing figure, with his almost carved ebony face and curly gray hair and beard. He always carried a fly flicker made of the hair of a giraffe's tail, He would snap it whenever carried it like a swagger stick, and he made it look as if he shouted "harambee," which was often. If "harambee" is the national slogan of Kenya--it means, ru-gx roughly, Let's all work together--and when it's made shouted right, it comes out "haraaaaaaaaaaaaaam-364" which a short, quick, LOUD "be" at the end. To shout it right, you have to jab your arm and the forefinger of your hand into the air at the same time, like XXXX a football player proclaiming to a television camera that his team is number one.

20

Kissinger was a little slow in getting into the finger-jabbing stage, but he later wondered if it wouldn't be a good way to start staff meetings. He would flick his giraffe-tail fly flicker and everybody would thrust his forefinger upward and shout, "Hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh-RY." XXXXX In that case, however, there was some discussion among the press and the members of his staff as to which finger would be thrust into the air.

Unfortunately, the flight out of Kenya en route to Tanzania reverberated with shouts of "harambee" ad nauseum. Fortunately, the attraction of that exercise wore off rather quickly once we left its native habitat, although it was revived briefly on the long, last leg of the trip--after cocktails and wine--just before landing in Washington.

["After the talks, Kenyatta summoned the Presidential dancers, and following the \"harambee\" ritual, the tom-toms began pounding", "chanting out a rhythmic beat and out came shuffling likuyu women with shaved heads and wearing huge strands of beaded jewelry through", "ganing holes in their ear lobes, *xxixx kasaaxp plus Masai*", "almost all of them wearing ankle bangles that warriors, *puxxxgsgsgxgsgxgsggsgsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggsggs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limits of his 80-90 years (nobody knows for sure), waving his
giraffe-hair fly whisk and smiling a kixxysmile. Big Daddy smile.

Kissinger was also smiling--sort of, bravely, it seemed--
and if looked tentative doing the Harambee number, he looked
positively uncomfortable in the midst of the dancers, with
Kenyatta urging him on.

And when the Masai warriors went into their act, jumping
half their height into the air, straight up, as though they
were on pogo sticks, with their spears at their side, jumping
all around Kissinger and Kenyatta until the two kids virtually
disappeared, why the American Secret Service agents didn't look
too comfortable, either.

irreverent newsman
"Somebody asked Kissinger why he wasn't dancing." "That's
not my specialty," he replied.

One of his specialties was to be displayed later, at the airport, at a (good-bye) news conference. "It is of course somewhat unsettling for me," he said, "to deal with a President who speaks English with less of an accent than I do."xxx It was an old gar, but new for Africa, and the Kenyans laughed.

A local newsman asked if he was aware that Uganda Radio was criticizing him for his visit to Kenya. "Well," said Kissinger, "it's of course extremely difficult for me to imagine that any country would criticize me."

He also denied again that the United States would consider supplying military equipment to the blackist liberation movements.

During the flight into Kenya, the Swiss-American Kissinger had misunderstood something Kissinger said, and had written that "the senior official aboard the Secretary's plane" had not ruled out direct military aid to the nationalist guerrillas.

The White House screamed in anguish, and Kissinger talked at least twice by telephone with MSCx XR his MSC successor, Gen. Brent Scowcroft, in an effort to convince the President that he had XXXXXXXXXXXX not left open the possibility of arms for the liberation groups. Under heavy pressure from Kissinger and spokesman Funseth, the AP retracted the story, and the XXXXXXXXXXXX flap ended.

Kissinger left Kenya having received what he wanted by starting out there--a cordial welcome to Africa from the Grand Old Man of African Independence.

The next stop gave us all XXXXXXXXXXX an exotic dateline-- Dar Es Salaam. Doris Salaam, XIXXX Pearl of the East Coast, Jewel of Black Africa. Hardly.

It had been raining, and the mud--and the underdevelopment of Tanzania's brand of African socialism--slowed everywhere.

Kissinger got a low-key welcome at the airport--standard treatment for most visiting dignitaries from the West--a reflection, perhaps, of the influence of China here. Or maybe reflection of the fact that Tanzania's security forces were trained by the Fast Germans, who are not known for their congenial attitude toward Americans.

For Kissinger, this was a crucial stop. President Julius Nyerere, one of Africa's most prestigious figures, belonged to the current crop of African revolutionaries, and he was the leader of a militant Socialist member of the African Third World EAC bloc which usually voted against the United States at the United Nations and other world councils. Nyerere and his colleagues were also highly skeptical about America's stated opposition to the white minority governments nearby.

Nyerere, like Kissinger, is a former teacher. He is, in fact, referred to as mwalima, which means teacher in Swahili.

Kissinger took note of that in his airport arrival statement, lay no the groundwork for his talks by saying: "As a teacher myself, I know that a good teacher must also be a student. I welcome this opportunity to listen to the views of your teacher, for his influence is known far beyond the borders of your country."

KX The X Secretary had acknowledged to aids beforehand that he wondered what Nyerere's reactions would be. But from all accounts, they hit it off well. Kissinger respected Nyerere's mind, although he didn't think much of his politics. And he would come to suspect his constancy. KMXXIXXWXXWXX Or, as one top aide put it, Henry "was not at all confident about Nyerere's ability to stay with the truth." Intellectually, they were able to agree, *pactres*, a good match--two tough-minded, smart, witty, former teachers, discussing really tough problems in a realistic, unsentimental way.

For their first meeting, Kissinger was taken to Nyerere's modest home just outside of the capital on a hot and muggy night. Perhaps as an acknowledgement of Kissinger's celebrity status, the Tanzanian President brought out his aging mother to be introduced to the American Secretary of State.

(Somebody cracked later he didn't know Nyerere had a mother-- a line that was also used on occasion for Kissinger.)

Later that night, at a dinner in his honor, Kissinger expressed thanks for the "revolutionary confidentiality" he had found in Tanzania, and he deftly reminded his hosts that he, as well as they, were had good relations with the Chinese. "In China," he said, "once I learned (sic) a Chinese proverb which no Chinese present understood--they thought I was talking German.."

All this was by way of saying something in Swahili: asante sana (thank you very much). He handled it better than he had handled the Chinese,

28

["Kissinger also x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x

The parade itself failed to impress.

There was something comic, even pathetic, yet ominous, in
the goose-stepping young men who pranced by the reviewing stand
in a varied assortment of uniforms and footwear.

The young man thrust his foot forward--and kicked his sneaker high into the air.

XORXIXKYEFDRUYX

WEXXLEYEDXLAR'S SNOOKER IN THE XWALTERING STANDSX

This image came back to me XHKK XAXXX during a news conference WXX Nyerere gave later in the day. He had changed into duck trousers and a white KIX shirt, and how X handled the press with a great deal of XAXXEXXXXHXX ease. He smelt a lot.

"War in Rhodesia has already begun," he said. "It cannot be avoided. At best it can be stopped before it grows more intense." He also called on the United States to stop buying Rhodesian chrome.

One aspect of Nyerere's thinking especially made an
especially striking impression on his iner. It was the
respect that even a militant like NyXxXXxXX the Tanzanian

30

["President had for the Queen of England and for the Queen's\nConstitution. As a prominent British official recalled,\nKissinger said to Nyerere about Rhodesia, If constitutional\nrule is what you want, constitutional rule is what you shall have.", "The next stop might have been Mozambique, the one of the\nnewest of the former Portuguese colonies to become a revolutionary\nindependent country. (Quick: What's the capital of Mozambique?)*", "Kissinger's meeting with the Mozambiquen Foreign Minister\nat the United Nations had led to a formal U.S. recognition of\nthe new government. But his aides talked him out of it, saying\nWashington's\nDXR relations with Maputo were not all that warm good, that\nWXX American officials just didn't have enough feel for the\nrole Mozambique was playing in all this, and besides, Congress\nwas already raising hell about the $12.5 million dollars he in\naid\nXXIX the United States had promised to provide for 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as a recompense for the Mozambiquens closing their border with Rhodesia in accordance with a U.N. vote. An Kissinger's aides told him he would only stir up more trouble back home than it was worth out here in the field by going to Maputo, so we missed another exotic dateline.

So it was on to Lusaka--the Big Story stop of the trip.

It began with a Big Flap over a little Story. On the day we arrived, the White House announced the resignation of the American Ambassador in Zambia, Jan Wilkowski.

It was true that Wilkowski was not one of Kissinger's favorites. But this was simply a XANXEXXAX bureaucratic snafu, and an ironic one at that, since the President and Kissinger had asked Wilkowski to stay on beyond her normal XANX rotation time in order to be there for the Secretary's visit.

What happened was this: Ambassadors customarily submit to the President, XANX their resignations, as a matter of formality, whenever they're notified through administrative channels that they're

going to be re-assigned. In Wilkowski's case, the White House released her resignation by mistake while releasing other appointments.

The incident was not only embarrassing, it also turned out to be time-consuming. At his first meeting with the Zambians, Kissinger felt compelled to mention it, and on the Zambian side felt compelled to say something in return. All of them. or the Zambian side of the table felt compelled to say something in return.

The Secretary assured the Zambians there were no plans to end immediate plans for transferring Wildowski, so the end up staying an extra two months for the sake of appearances.

At first, Kissinger saw the announcement as more than a simple foul-up. His conspiratorial view of history co jured up another effort by somebody at the White House to embarrass him, and he burned up the telephone lines between Lusaka and the White House.

He later came to learn about it, telling Larry Eagleburger

(who was, in effect, the Department's personnel director): "I want you to know that if the time ever comes to get rid of me, you'll at least leave the airplane so that I'll have a way to get back."

The flap over the resignation story was quickly overwhelmed by Kissinger's major policy speech.

As he himself pointed out, it was no accident that he chose Zambia as the site for making it. His speech really represented a long-delayed reply to Kaunda's White House toast just over one year before.

Besides, Kaunda's revolutionary credentials had been somewhat tarnished by his support of the losing side in Angola (like the U.S., he had backed the pro-Western factions against the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, which drew its support from the Russians and the Cubans).

The selection of Lusaka for the U.S. policy pronouncement was designed in part to help Kaunda's image as well.

Kissinger was never entirely comfortable with Kaunda's emotionalism and sentimentality, but he recognized him as an intelligent, effective leader who was more sympathetic to American aims than his Tanzanian neighbor.

Kaunda, who was in his early 50's, had already turned gray, and his personality sketches about him often included an exchange he had with a constitutional conference in London with Sir Roy Welensky, then Prime Minister of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (which became Zambia).

"You're always turning gray at an early age." Kaunda replied: "You should consider yourself fortunate, Sir Roy, that I'm not turning Red."

Kaunda never smoked nor drank and never smoked. Neither his eyes nor his eyes' tears were affected by the drop of an emotion.

He also charmed visitors by serving coffee personally to all.

There had been a visitation delegation. Follow a state lunch or dinner, the President and Vice President would be present.

One lump or two? to all members of a visiting delegation.

The setting for the Kissinger speech seemed rather curious--
curious in the sense that it was not surrounded by the usual
trappings for a major policy pronouncement.

It followed a luncheon in the light, airy dining room of the
unostentatious

State House; with peacocks roaming the grounds.
There was no platform, no decorations, no big crowds--
only the American delegation and Zambian officials, plus the
American traveling press and a handful of local reporters.

The television cameras were simply set up between the tables
in the room. Luckily, the peacocks roaming the grounds outside
were not in heat or whatever else it was that made them squawk,
so they did not interfere with the sound recording ofxxx Kissinger's
monotone.

In his address, Kissinger promised the "unrelenting opposition" of the United States to the white minority government of Rhodesia until black majority rule was established there.

He urged the Smith regime to resume negotiations leading to majority rule within two years.

He acknowledged the ZANU-PFK kissed the Zimdorok Amendment bybye-bye, and he advised South Africa to heed the warning signals of growing racial trouble in the bottom tip of the continent. He called for a timetable for the independence of Namibia (South West Africa, which South Africa ruled under a mandate from the U.N.).

Kissinger included only a mild warning to the Russians not to fish in Africa's troubled revolutionary waters, since he was trying to convince Africans he was motivated by positive impulses of racial justice and not merely the negative reactions of anti-communism.

Kaunda and the other Zambians present followed the text of the speech, word-by-word.

By the time Kissinger finished, Kaunda was misty-eyed and clearly
moved. Breaking withusto, he stood up to rely to Kissinger,
even though he had also spoken XIXXdXXy before the Secretary did.

"Some of us were emotionally charged when you were speaking,"
Kaunda said. "We couldn't believe this was a Secretary of State
from Washington, D.C." Kaunda then embraced the Secretary of State
from Washington, D.C. XXXXX

It was Kissinger's turned to be moved.

None of this appeared anytime soon on American television,
however.

NBC and ABC had chartered a Lear jet to fly the film of the
more than
speech plus the correspondents' reports ΧΝΧΑΝΣΗΑΥ-ΧΝΧΑΝΣΗΑΥ 1000
miles away. It had special clearance to land in Osaka.

Miles to Kinshasa, Zaire, one of the few potential satellite reports xx
points in Black Africa. Χηχηχη Technically speaking, we knew i the
satellite worked because the Muhammad Ali-Χηχη George Foreman fight
had been transmitted from there.

Producers and film editors had flown in from London to
**XXANXXANBLA**XTHE** but such together theنجak story, which they
**did, and to supervise the transmission to New York via London, which**

38

they tried to do but did not succeed because, technically speaking, the people at Zaire Television never were able to act the picture and the sound to the right place at the same time.

For those of us back in Lusaka, who rushed to make sure we got the story filmed and recorded ~~so the jet could~~ get to Kinshasha in time ~~so the jet could~~ to meet the deadline for edited and transmitted news for the next evening news in the United States, it was like tossing a bottle into the ocean.

Things did not go all that well for Kissinger, either, following his speech at Lusaka pronunciamento.

Ambassador Wilkowski had been invited to make a little speech at the Embassy, and he did. He stood before a couple hundred Americans and told them how much well they had served their country and how much he and the others in Washington appreciated their efforts and their good reporting from this part of the world.

afterwards

It was only after that Kissinger found out that most of the people there were not Ambas sary employees at all. Most of them were private American citizens -- a lot of them are missionaries in from the bush. At first, he was embarrassed, but later he was pleased.

Kissinger was pleased to be laughed at.

It was used to wonder laughingly about if the Ambians ever heard or saw a transcript of his remarks and figured all those people were really working for the CIA under the cover of missionaries for businessmen.

The incident did not help Ambassador Wilkowski's standing with her boss.

Nor did the incident which followed the next day.

The whole party flew to Livingston to see the splendor of
Victoria Falls, the world's highest waterfall.

Kissinger and the traveling party and Zambian officials alked
out on the bridge over the Zambezi River, which is the boundary
between Rhodesia and Zambia. The bridge had been closed by the
Zambians to shut off rail traffic to Rhodesia.

The armed Rhodesian guards at the other end of the bridge had
discreetly withdrawn from sight.

A misty spray formed a rainbow just to the side of the bridge
as the Americans in the group deliberately walked past a signpost
marking the border so as to be able to say later that they had
been inside Rhodesia.

Kissinger himself also crossed the boundary line. A reporter
asked, "How does it feel to be in Rhodesia?"

"Now I have seen the shape of the problem," he replied with
a smile.

He didn't miss the chance for a more serious quote lower on:

"I hope that the day will soon come that the political conditions are
such that the bridge can be reopened."

We played Icarus's poker in Rhodesia.

Next up was a boat ride on the Zambezi River. Kissinger was not
crazy about boat rides in the first place, but he had been told
that Bill Cranton (former U.N. Ambassador) had seen about 19
hippopotamuses (hippopotami?) the week before, and so out they
went.

But there were complications. First off, the regular boat
used for the VIP excursions on the Zambezi was in dry dock, so
a substitute boat was used. It had room for about 1/2 a monde,

40

but E2 got on, including the Ambassador's niece, who XXX was visiting from the States. The niece just crowded her way on board, much to the embarrassment of the Ambassador (not even a member of Wilkowski's staff was also on board), but before the niece could be shoo-ed off, the boat shoved off.

Kissinger's XX Secret Service agents and Zambian security people got into smaller patrol boats and escorted the little excursion boat.

As they buzzed around it, they made waves, which came right over the front of the overloaded VIP vessel. Kissinger's doctor and one of his staffers were completely drenched. Kissinger himself was mostly unharmed and not enjoying himself at all--X despite the spectacular scenery.

On top of everything else, all the commotion scared off the hippos, so Kissinger saw 19X less than Scranton had.

He later joked (I think it was a joke) that the Foreign Service had been responsible for overloading the boat, hoping it would sink.

He also blamed the Ambassador for the whole episode, and he later delighted in recounting the experience all over Africa, embellishing

it, and using it as an example of what he had to put up with
from his Ambassadorial Corpsy (which he generally thought of as
the Ambassadorial Corpse).

As related by someone who Kk haxxx heard the subsequent hi-winger
version, it went something like this: "You can't imagine, Mr.
President, what incompetent Ambassadors we have around the world...
It just makes my life impossible...Take our Ambassador in Iusaka....
She organized this trip..What am I doing out on the Goddamned
Zambezi River full of crocodiles anyway?...Not only that, but the
big boat broke down, but she says, Let's go ahead in the little
boat...Water is coming in over the bow, we get out in the middle
of the river, the engine stons, the waves are coming in, we're
near the Falls....What a bunch of incompetent Ambassadors we have."

Xhaxx Following the boat ride, what kissing r saw next was not
the sort of thing to restore one's equanimity.

Exaxx Some tribal dancing had been laid on at a restaurant-club
near the Falls.

The principal dancer wore a wild chicken costume--he looked
like a gyrating Big Bird on some African Sesame Street--and one of
the features of his act was to take a handful of sand and pour it
into his open eye.

It didn't help lunch.

Kissinger watched stoically.

received

Before leaving, Kissinger showed two wood carvings of
impalas and a tribal drum, saying to the complete bafflement of
his hosts that he would accept them to theility condition that
they weren't worth more than $49.95 (U.S. Government
policy forbids officials from retaining any gifts worth more than
$50).

we then flew from Livingstone to Kinshasa, Zaire, for a kissinger
visit that turned out to be unique.

En route to Zaire, Kissinger was notified that Ghana had abruptly canceled his scheduled visit to Accra.

The official government explanation said that Ghana's Chief of State, Gen. Ignatius Kutu Acheampong, was in poor health.

But we were told on the plane that Kissinger thought the cancellation had been engineered by the Russians and the Nigerians, who themselves had earlier told Kissinger not to bother calling by Lagos.

His analysis was they were trying to embarrass him and make it appear his trip was a failure.

Behind Kissinger's explanation was a concern that Ghana's action might have been interpreted in the United States as a deliberate rejection of the effort by the Ford Administration to share a new African policy, and thereby undercut public support for that policy back home.

The real reason for the cancellation turned out to be much less intriguing--or more intriguing, depending on your point of view.

It appears that Acheampong's ju-ju, or witch doctor, had found boils on his butt and had advised him they represented unpropitious

signs for a visit by the American Secretary of State.

The State Department complained to Ghana and the Soviet Union
about the cancellation anyway.

The incident was immortalized in pun by CBS correspondent
Bernie Kalb, who broadcast in his overnight report:
"Zaire today, no Ghana tomorrow."

The reception at Kinshasa Airport was extraordinary.

Dozens of dancers undulated on the tarmac, shaking the most
interesting parts of their bodies in time to the frenetic beat, beat,
beat of giant tom-to-s. They swayed and chanted and chanted and swayed,
with the sound of their voices and the beat of the drums electro-ically
amplified so that it must have been heard in downtown Kinshasa.

The songs mostly sang the praises of President Mobutu, who was always referred to in public as President Mobutu Sese Seko, the founder of Our God for the People Resultt, so they had a whole lot of verses and went on for a very long time. Kissinger remarked to a reporter: "Wait til you see the next State dance in Washington."

The greeting by Citizen Nguza Karl-i-Bond, Commissioner of State for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Republic of Zaire (try to get that into a 30-second radio spot) was also extravagant:

"It is therefore with great joy, pleasure and gratification that we welcome Secretary of State Kissinger, one of the most influential men in the world today, and the right arm of the President of the United States."

For Kissinger, as for many other foreign dignitaries, the visit to Kinshasa meant another boat ride.

President Mobutu likes to take distinguished guests on a cruise up the Zaire River (the Congo River in the Congo River Valley) in his triple-decker houseboat.

The boat comes equipped with an helicopter landing pad, but Kissinger politely declined Mobutu's offer to fly from the Presidential Guest Quarters to the landing pad in a chopper. Nothing personal. As I well-known by now, Henry didn't like choppers. And he especially didn't like choppers that had to land on a boat, even if the boat

didn't happen to be moving at the time.

Instead, he drove to the dock and boarded by foot, along with
the rest of us.

It was just before lunchtime, and we set out on a stream through
the polluted, lily-pad-clogged river in bright sunshine, looking over
the sides in the hope of catching a glimpse of some exotic animal.

Had it been a Sunday afternoon, we could have sung about it.

Mobutu laid on a heavy bullet of "authentic" Zaireois cuisine.
This EXX conformed to his campaign to restore "authenticity" to the
former Belgian colony. That's why he himself was no longer Joseph
Mobutu, but Mobutu Sese Seko. That's why the country was no longer
The Congo, but Zaire. And the river was the Zaire River, although it
was still called the Congo River across the river in Congo-Brazzaville.

When not present, Kissinger referred to it as the Congo River,
he was tartly reminded by Nguza that it was the "Zaire" River).

The authentic cuisine included wild boar, manioc leaves, baked
bananas, local fish cooked in plant leaves, rhinoceros stew and
cassava leaves.

["The food was washed down with some orientationally un-authentic beverages--vintage Chateau Lafite-Rothschild, one of France's premier wines. (The boat also had a premier crew.)", "The Lafite-Rothschild was reserved for the head table, but the guests received vintage treatment as well.", "Newsweek correspondent Scott Sullivan, who had recently completed a six-year tour in Paris, and who fancied himself as a wine x.x.x fancier par excellence, found the wines excellent indeed. He said the St. Emilion he drank--and drank and drank--was the finest he had ever tasted. Sullivan and three or four others sat around sipping their Bordeaux even as the rest of the other guests had left. It was a x.x.x.x.x.x.x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x

XX One major discordant note marred the lunchtime festivities.

For some reason, the Foreign Ministry's protocol people invited all but two of the traveling press to the lunch. Among those forced to eschew the mandatory leaves was one of the two black reporters, Ethel Payne (the other was Bernie Kalb). Her exclusion literally brought tears to her eyes. It was not so much the lack of missing the lunch-- her stomach wasn't in such great shape after anyway after the first few days in Africa--but she felt she had been deliberately left out in an example of reverse discrimination.

Several other newsmen offered to give up their place at the table for her, and so did Spokesman Bob Funseth. A lot of the newsmen felt that Funseth had been derelict in the first place for not paying more attention to the press arrangements.

After some haggling, Ethel Payne and Bernie Kalb were invited in after all. Another triumph for the First Amendment. Sort of.

We later found out that some of the people at the lunch had come from South Africa.

We played liar's poker on the boat.

Mobutu and Kissinger sat at the head table, facing the rest of us. An interpreter interpreted, since Kissinger didn't trust his French enough to carry on a lengthy conversation. He needn't have worried. The two men hardly talked.

Mobutu was not known as a great thinker. But he was a great survivor. And he knew hot to get and hold power. He looked the part--tall, slow-moving, with a Leonard skin hat and shades and a swagger a stick and neatly dressed, tailored slacks suit. He looked real cool.

The Zaireois we talked to--and some of the American diplomats-- rationalized his total power and opulent life style by explaining that in the African context, a leader who was trying to hold together such a large country of such varied tribes and disparate regions had to act like a Big Chief, all-powerful, to ensure the respect of the people.

The President of Zaire was not a major factor in southern African issues--some of the fresh fruit at the luncheon had even been imported from South Africa, we learned later. He had his own internal problems and a new, Marxist state of Angola on his border. But for Kissinger, Mobutu was a balancing factor, another of the moderates who was close to the United States and who was helpful to us in Third World Forums. And Kissinger felt that Zaire's long-standing friendship with XX the United States could be rewarded.

After the boat ride, Kissinger and Nguza held a memorable news conference. Actually, it was not all that joint, since nobody asked Nguza any questions, even though the two men were sitting side by side.

XXXdixxanXXX

KISSINGER XAXXXXXXXXXXBYIVEHIMAXXIE OF THE ACTION, GROU

He did manage to get a small piece of the action, though, because Kissinger asked him a question.

Just before the news conference began--much later than scheduled-- Kissinger and Nguza were seated at the table, talking. Barry Schweid called out, "Mr. Secretary."

51

Kissinger snapped, 'Just a minute.'

"Oh, that's all right," said Schweid. "I just wanted to say howdy." It was like a scene out of "Welcome Back, Hotter."

a
Mike Kaufman, XXX resident African correspondent for the New York Times, later wrote 'KHXIXKH ISXNEWSLYHAXEXBEEXXEK) ASXRUDHNESSXDNX seen this as rudeness on the part of theXX American journalistic species.'

He also pointed out that whereas the Zairian reporters stood politely to asked their written-out questions, the American reporters slouched. But fatigue and the heat probable had more to do with the reporters' posture than their attitude.

Kaufman himself was a colorful addition to the entourage. He was a better source of background information at most stops than the American diplomats. And he was pure Bronx, transplanted to Africa.

For the exclusive benefit of the Secretary of State, he occasionally wore a tie. It was a plain green tie with "Staten Island" written on it.

He claimed it had been given to him by a Commissioner of that New York City Borough when Kaufman was working on the metropolitan desk, and he boasted it was the only tie he owned.

Back to the news conference, It was a reasonably routine
affair--except for the heat--until the Dark Continent suddenly went
really dark. The lights went out.

Power failures were not uncommon in Zaire, but this was the first
time the lights had dared to go out on Henry Kissinger in mid-sentence.

Candles were lit, but they didn't help the television cameras
much. And the official transcript shows no record of the hilarious,
albeit obviously perishable comments that were then and made by KIXXEXX
candlelight.

When everybody was satisfied that the lights would not go on
again anytime soon, the news conference ended.

No bulletin material came out of the news conference, but KIXXEXX
Kissinger did follow-up his Lusaka speech by offering the good offices
of the United States in possible negotiations to bring about
black majority rule in Rhodesia, and the wire service guys rushed off
to file.

Jim Anderson of UPI headed for another section of the city
where the lights were still on and where his local strinner had told
him there was a functioning telex machine. But just as they reached

it, the lights went out there as well.

Then they headed downtown to the Post Office, where there were telex and telegraph machines. As they pulled into the parking lot, the lights flickered off. They tried a downtown hotel which had telex machines. It, however, was dark. So they just sat and waited.

Two hours later, the power came back, the telex machines chattered to life, and one of the first messages spilled out was addressed to UPI in Kinshasa. "How pls Kissinger news conference which been over for two hours? We still haven't heard from Anderson."

Anderson, hot, tired, sweaty and frustrated, jumped at the keyboard and fired off a blistering reply that said, in essence, "I don't need you guys sitting up there in Brussels to tell me when the Kissinger news conference is over, and explain the power failure in generally snotty language."

Kissinger was thereafter, as he said, a major U.S. foreign policy advisor. When the Kissinger news conference is over, and explained, the power failure in generally snotty language. The message achieved the status of a minor classic, at least for a while. It was tacked up on the bulletin board in UBI's European offices.

Lars-brik Nelson of Reuters also went in search of a telex machine. He asked the man from AZAP, the airian News Agency, if he was going back to his office, and piled into a Volkswagen with five Zairians and drove for such a long time that he was getting nervous.

The lights were out at AZAP as well, so Nelson wrote his story in the parking lot, sitting on the front bumper of a truck, his typewriter on his knees, with a headlight shining over his shoulder.

When the power was restored, he went into AZAP, but found only a woman with a telex machine who didn't know from a telex, so he sat down and launched the story himself, struggling with a French keyboard with several letters transposed. He sent it to Reuters via Switze land and was not sure whether anyone would ever see it again.

But two days later, it was with great satisfaction that he saw his story in the New York Times.

Something worked right.

There was no such triumph for television, however.

The TV correspondents experienced in person what they had experienced at long-range from Kinshasa--satellite frustration, an affliction whose symptoms include bilious stomach, irresistible urges to shout obcenities and controllable desires to smash inanimate objects.

They set for hours in the stifling heat of the studies of TV Zaire, waiting for the technicians to set our pictures and our voices to London. They did not.

We learned how the Ali-Foran man people and done it, though.

Forty Belgian technicians were imported for the fight, and one of them sat throughout the entire transmission, holding two wires together with his two hands, forming an electronic link that if broken, would have blanked screens all over the world.

We ended up 39 Belgians short.

Anderson had another telexperience the following day. Since the telex at our hotel was always jammed, he hired a taxi and headed downtown to send his story.

But when he found the telexes there occupied as well, so he (It was a Temba, from Belgium, and it was good beer) he ordered a beer and innocently suggested to his driver that he have a beer, too.

A machine eventually cleared and Anderson filed his story.

When he finished, he asked for his bill so he could leave. He was presented with a tab for $26.00. We had paid $3 each for a beer in Lusaka, but this was ridiculous.

Anderson was told

that the driver had not simply ordered a beer, but had come to the bar and ordered a double scotch for himself and a few friends, besides. At least, that's what the hotel claimed.

Anderson felt he had been set up. "I'll pay for one beer and that's it!" he shouted. The hotel people brought out the driver and said they were calling the police and the driver would go to jail, but Anderson refused to pay, the driver started crying and pleading, "Don't let them send me to jail," the hotel people were insisting that Anderson pay up and everybody was shouting.

Anderson was adamant. He paid for one beer, walked out and back took another cab to the hotel.

The driver, he learned, did not go to jail. He also learned to be very careful thereafter about offering cab drivers a beer.

Anderson had good reason to be suspicious. Corruption in Zaire has also become rather authentic.

For example, if you placed an international telephone call from the room of your hotel, it could take hours to get through.

But if you told the operator you wanted to place the call "sous le system" (under the system), you got through right away.

And the system? Shortly after you had completed your call, somebody showed up at your door with a receipt. You paid him the

Before we left Kinshasa, Mobutu held a news conference for the traveling press. His message was simple: Zaire had done its duty in opposing a Communist takeover in Angola, but the United States had failed to do its duty, because of Congress.

The next stop, Liberia, was not--and is not--very important in the scheme of things, African or otherwise.

### Kissinger's next stop was--

Speaking of duty, that's what Kissinger's next stop was--a duty stop.

Liberia was not--and is not--very important in the scheme of things, African or otherwise.

Liberia was not one, is not very important in the first scheme of things—African or otherwise.

For years, it was almost a plantation of the Firestone Rubber Co.

When I was there with Secretary of State De Siro in 1971, one of the members of the traveling party called it "one, big Amos 'n Andy Show."

But it is the one country in Africa most closely associated with the United States. It has a longer history of diplomatic relations with the United States than any other African country.

The American blacks returned to Africa by the thousands in the 1950s and 1960s.

The American blacks had settled in Liberia in a back-to-Africa moment during the last century, and had taken over the country's and practiced their own form of discrimination. power structure. It wasn't until 1952 that an indigenous Liberian was named to the cabinet.

The settler families still run the country.

One little known fact about Liberia is that the United States did not formally recognize it as an independent nation until some 15 years after the fact, because of apprehension about having black representatives from the pre-Civil or Washington, D.C.

Until the first decade in this century, the Liberians relied on the Germans to staff their overseas posts.

During the historical time with the United States virtually dictated that a trin of an American country of state to Africa include a state of non-royalty.

The Liberians still complain that independence came too early, that they lost out on the benefits of colonization by the British and French--such as the building of a national infrastructure--that other African nations enjoyed.

The long association with Firestone and with the United States had benefited the settler class greatly, but hadn't done much for the country, as a whole.

But the historical ties with the United States virtually dictated that a trip by an American secretary of state to Africa include a stopover in Nonrovia.

Kissinger was interested in Nonrovia.

It was an unavoidable visit, and it began with an unavoidable 40-mile drive from Roberts Field into Nonrovia. The airport was built during World War Two and was located so far from the city for strategic reasons.

Kissinger at least had his limousine. The '14' traveled in steamy sundecked heat in a school bus that also appeared to be of World War Two vintage.

Kissinger was appalled by what he found in Liberia--he thought downtown Nonrovia looked like a frontier town of the Old West--and he was determined to try to get more aid for Nonrovia (he eventually did).

Hissinger's stonewall in Monrovia also directed his attention

on to another pertinent fact. American investment in Liberia pre-

represents about one fifth of American investment in all of Africa.

He could also have learned a new handshake. The Liberians

have a ritualistic "handshake," whereby xhoy sáá xxxxxxxx/sáá xxxxxxxx/

another person's extended hand, then xhoy xxxxxxxx/sáá xxxxxxxx/

sáá xxxxxxxx/sáá xxxxxxxx/sáá xxxxxxxx/

two people slap hands, then slide them slowly off one another and

snap the middle finger on the other person's middle finger. Got it?

anyway, it starts with a slap. During the receiving line, one

tribal

of the cabinet ministers, dressed in white robes, sawk Ambassador

Beverly Carter and came over to give him an enthusiastic hand-slap.

Problem was, Carter had a cigar in his hand. The slap sent the cigar

flying in a shower of sparks, and a half dozen of us scrambled to

look for the lit cigar among the upholstery while others tombed

out the sparks.

(the Ambassador in Accra)

Since we hadn't gone to Ghana, Shirley Temple Black had come to us, and she was also attended the reception, wearing a colorful African dress and headwrap. (She had previously maintained that style of dress in Washington when she became Chief of Protocol, so when we went back to Africa in the fall, we used to describe her dressed that way as wearing "Shirley Temple" costumes. We mentioned "Shirley Temple" costumes to Kissinger once, and it was one of the few times he didn't understand what we were talking about).

Another reporter and I made a point of talking to Ambassador Black, hoping to find out what she was doing more about the cancellation of the Secretary's visit to Accra.

She was discreet, which means she didn't tell us anything. But she was especially nice to me, telling me what a fan she was and how she used to see me on the news all the time when she was in Los Angeles.

I later found out she was a news buff, and someone told me that

in the days when she had been a big star, she was once interviewed for a grade school news spanner by another child at her age. And she told the interviewer that he had a much better job than she did.

During the dinner that followed, Kissinger provided some news by offering an olive branch to Angola--if the 15,000 Cuban troops there would leave. The Cuban troops did not leave, and the non-relationship remained intact.

The setting for Kissinger's speech (another long "toast") was splendid. It was the extravagantly huge dining room in a Presidential Palace whose exterior looked like the Century Plaza Hotel in Los Angeles. The walls were mirrors. The chandeliers were elegantly multi-tiered. The toasts were drunk with Dom Perignon champagne.

It almost seemed obscene compared to the cesspool downtown.

But then, perhaps that's what Liberals think when they see the

urban ghettoes here in the midst of affluence.

Rev Carter, The American Ambassador in Kenya, had been there for only about a week. You could hardly miss him. He was 6 feet 6 inches tall.

(His career under Kissinger had been interesting, to say the least.)

was then the approved as
When Kissinger proposed Carte, then the
in Tanzania, he was attending a U.N. meeting in Geneva. He
mysterious
received a cable urgently calling him to Washington.

When he arrived, he
it was told he had an appointment to see the Secretary
of State-designate at 10 o'clock on Saturday morning. But the
White House pre-empted that time for the swearing-in ceremony, so
the appointment was postponed.

BAXLERXZAWXHAGIKRBURGERXIX

In the meantime, Carter saw Eagleburger, who was handling personnel matters for the Secretary. Eagleburger mentioned Carter was being considered as an Assistant Secretary of African Affairs, or perhaps a press spokesman. (Kissinger later told a member of the Congressional Black Caucus: "We, a Jew, with a Black press spokesman? That's just too cute. So I decided against it").

cooling his heels.

After Carter had been in Washington for 10 days, he went back to Eagleburger and said he was leaving the next day to get back to his embassy in Dar es Salaam unless he had heard differently. He didn't and he went, "Why?" He never did get to see Kissinger.

Later, when the Congressional Black Caucus was giving Kissinger hell about not having enough Blacks in prominent positions, the Secretary said he had considered Ev Carter as the press spokesman at the outset, but had decided against it, because, according to one of the Caucus members, "We, a Jew, with a Black press spokesman would have been just too cute."

When Carter's time in Tanzania was up, he was appointed Ambassador to Denmark. But he never made it to Copenhagen.

Rebels fighting against the Mobutu Regime inaire captured
some young Americans and held them for ransom. Carter got caught
in the crossfire between a state department policy
prohibiting negotiations
not negotiating with terrorists and anxious parents who eventually
paid the ransom.

Mobutu complained bitterly about the U. . . mberry's involvement
in the case (Carter had been authorized by the department to try to
find out how the Americans were), and later eventually determined
that Carter had compromised the no-negotiations policy and had his
to appointment canceled, with no other assignment
in sight.

Carter sent Kissing r a long cable explaining precisely what
had happened. In the meantime, the parents of the Americans, who
were released unharmed, the Black Caucus and a number of newspapers
rallied to Carter's defense. Even Henry Ford II got into the act,
since one of the hostages was the daughter of a Ford Co. Vice President.

Kissing never mentioned the matter again. But at the
swearing-in of another assistant secretary on Christmas Eve, 1975,
he saw Carter and said he understood from Angleburger that Carter
would be willing to go to Liberia.

Granted, Monrovia is not Copenhagen, but Liberia is a Class 2
post--and the biggest mission in Africa--whereas Denmark is only
a Class 4.

As I said, Monrovia is not Copenhagen.

To make sure that bygone years could be seen as bygone, by god, Kissinger insisted on personally swearing in the new Carter. (That may not have been the only reason. Kissinger was leaving for Africa at the end of that week, and he used the swearing-in ceremony to send a message ahead of him).

The swearing-in ceremony turned out to be rather good theater, Kissinger, short and fat, having to look almost a foot above him to see Carter, tall and lean.

Kissinger explained that Carter as no determined to get out of town that he's going straight from here to the airport. He was told that if this assignment, he might be out on my staff."

And speaking of his upcoming trip, Kissinger noted: Carter's first task will be to prepare for my visit to Liberia.

After that, everything else will be easy."

Carter stood tall. "I could start," he said, "but saying it's nice to be in from out of the cold. But I won't."

He emphasized that this was a "happy day, a day of rejoicing, a day of reconciliation, a day of love and peace," and he thanked Kissinger for coming to his swearing-in. "As you know," Carter said, "the Secretary does not always have the time to swear in embassadors. He sometimes swears them out, but not in."

After Kissinger had left office, he and Carter met again at
a sex swearing-in ceremony at the State Department.

"What are you doing now?" Kissinger asked.

"I'm still in Monrovia," Carter answered. "What are you doing
now?" Kissinger chuckled.

Carter noted later, "He sure as hell knew I wasn't in Copenhagen."

Kissinger always told him "Carter" or "X," "I'm your
king, and you're my king." Carter, who had been in the Air
ugar in college, was a little confused, but he didn't
believe it. "I was not
given a great deal of respect for the title."

Before leaving Koolyxx Monrovia, the Liberians planned to
"robe" Kissinger--to make him a Paramount Chief of a Liberian
tribe from Nimba County by dropping him in the robe of that tribe.

There was some question whether it would be done at
the Guest House or at the airport, but since the airport was so far
away, the newsmen were taken out there even earlier than usual,
so Kissinger decided to have it done at the airport when the newsmen
were. (We would have bitched if he hadn't).

In a lounge of the airport, Kissinger
put on a white, pink embroidered robe with matching hat and
became an honorary Paramount Chief of the Vai tribe.

Following the investiture, the Vai chief told him,
"You're now entitled to 100 wives." "What," said Kissinger, "is the
first thing I looked into."

Bernie said told him he looked like a yarmulke.

On the way to the plane, Kissinger turned to the Ambassador
and said: "Now Carter, you can't get robes like this. As long
as you're here, I'm going to be the only chiefain in the
Department."

Carter once pointed out to Kissinger or onlyways said to him
by his lecturer or by R. Ambrose that someone in the department
x Kissinger was not given a great deal of respect or
that title.

70

~~Carter~~ Any

~~Carter~~ almost
the ambassador told me that he always addressed
~~his~~ their last names. When he did say, "Mr.
ambassadors by just their last names. When he did say, "Mr.

Ambassador," his tone was usually tinged with sarcasm, since
"XXX" in "he wasn't given to a great deal of respect for that
title."

enclosed was the last note of the missing A tour—no more
in her, one of the most memorable.

He met President Theodore Senghor and visited the island of Iorée.

At a more trivial level, General also
produces the most spectacularly spectacular hotel of
all the Kissinger travels, as well as the most aggressive bunch
of marketplace merchants anywhere.

The hotel was located about 18 miles outside of Baker,
near the Point of Almedies, and it is named, appropriately
enough, Hotel des Almedies. It is as contemporary as today and
as modern as tomorrow, built all of burnished brick, with rooms
instead of elevators and sweeping interiors and a marvelous sense
of space.

It's since been taken over by the Club Mediterranean
Mediterranean. ItxXXXa (it also had a very marvelous pool
that could have used some modernization).

The only thing missing was a monogram in the modular
pool, but that deficiency may now be remedied, since the hotel
has been taken over by the Club Mediterranean.

The merchants did business in a native market between
the Point and Baker. They literally grabbed us by the arm and
pulled us to their stands where they made their pitch. The merchandise
was generally in lack in quality, they are up for in enthusiasm.
or good.

72

a volume of his poetry and

Senghor gave the Secretary a seminar on Africa, explaining to him the concept of "negritude"--blackness. And he advised Kissinger to be sure to talk to President Houphouët-Boigny of the Ivory Coast for an even more African perspective on the world than he, Senghor, could give.

Senghor spoke in French, which Kissinger understood but did not speak well enough to converse at Senghor's intellectual level. But Senghor understands English, even though he doesn't speak it well, so they had no real need for interpreters.

There were no rough edges at all in their conversation, which matched two high-powered intellects with an encyclopedic grasp of civilization and history.

Senghor's own background was more varied than Kissinger's--neither had survived a German prison camp, had been a French Cabinet Minister and had taught in a French university.

73

As one American official commented later, they could talk about
anything in the world--and they did.

In one of the less philosophical moments, Senhor explained
that a major Senegalese crops--peanuts--was suffering from some
rare agricultural affliction. Kissinger One of Kissinger's top aides
suggested that if Senhor wanted some help for his country's peanut
crop, he would be well advised to support President Ford against
Jimmy Carter.

Kissinger (I don't know if the aide was a Democrat or a Republican,
but he did not take peanuts all that seriously, and he was
really just jesting, adjusting to the gist of the conversation, that
is, making a small joke).

It was May Day when we arrived in Dakar, and the Foreign Minister
politely drove out to Almadine to see Kissinger rather than have him
fight the parade downtown.

Kissinger During a formal luncheon, Kissinger
proposed a massive international development program for Senegal and

Murrey Marder's story from Africa, the Washington Post has shirt-tailed with a quote from a Republican official in Texas, who asked if asked following the Texas primary: "Why, after waiting 15 years to recognize the Rhodesian black majority, couldn't the Administration wait another three days?"—until after the ballot boxes closed in Texas.

On Goree, Kissinger took a guided tour of the slavery museum and the KILLER so-called House of Slaves, where black men and women had been crammed in chains in small, airless cubicles before being loaded aboard rafts and carried out to the fleet sailing ships that were used by the KILLER to evade the British anti-slaving patrols.

Kissinger, who had read "Roots" before coming to Africa, was deeply moved. At one point, he noted: "Man is an unamuable species."

As he left, he said "It makes me ashamed to be a human being."

His guide explained the men sometimes sold for 11.5 gallons of rum, the women for 95. "We know they paid the best," the guide said, "because when we look at our American brothers, they are the best athletes in the world, including Muhammad Ali."

Kissinger, who had read "Roots" before coming to Africa, was deeply moved by his hour-long tour. At one point, he noted: "Man is an unamiable species."

As he left, he said: "It makes you ashamed to be a human being."

The experience infused his departure statement with eloquence:

"This morning we had the opportunity to visit Gorge Island, which is a symbol of the inhumanity that ran through historically inflicted upon each other, and which should call all of us to our duty to build on this continent a period in which all human beings--black as well as white--can work together, in which all Africans can achieve dignity and human progress, and in which the foreign intervention that has been the tragedy of Africa for centuries will at last be banished forever from this continent."

From Max Dakar, we then flew clear across the continent for
the windup of Kissinger's first African journey--the UNCTAD Conference
in Nairobi.

XIXXFOREVERLY XE Sen. Jacob Javits of New York, a member of the U.S. delegation to UNCTAD, had flown in to Senegal to join the Kissinger party, and during the long flight to Nairobi, the Air Force steward lowered a bunk for Javits to get some sleep. It was an African like opening Fibber McGee's closet: Out came a tumble of tom-toms, dolls, spears, carvings and hats. Belonging to the Kenya team!

KISSINGXXX In Kenya, Kissinger took some time out from the jungle
h fly for a visit
of UNCTAD to go to meeting in the Masai Mara Game Park, even though it
meant another week of those abominable--for him--small plane rides to
get to the Keekorok Lodge in Southwest part of the country.

The press planes arrived first, and we were waiting when he
got there, microphones and pencils at the ready for some quote to
go with the animals.

77

["There were security vehicles, jeeps full of cameramen and photographers, plus Land Rovers filled with reporters and the rest of the official party.", "The animals had the good sense to avoid us.", "Kissinger rode standing up in a Land Rover with Senators Javits and Abraham Ribicof of Connecticut, another UNCAD delegate. Javits wore a floppy sun hat that was even more typical than Kissinger's borrowed Belgian white hunter chapeau.", "In all, Kissinger went out three times. XIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIX

This was not the first time I had been in verre.

When I was a white house correspondent and went to Ilo, way Island for the meeting between President Richard Nixon and President Nuyen Van Thieu of South Vietnam (remember them), I was taken by the air to the airport to the extraordinary contradictoriness of his performance of what's known out there as the goony bird.

In flight, it soars gracefully and almost majestically through the air. But on take-off, it looks like a flying saucer, but hallucinating turkey racing for its life on a then driving five, and it needs a long stretch of ground to let air-borne.

And despite its grace of flights, it looks like a scorpion falling out of a tree, often flung into the air over here.

So I narrated a limberick fixx to the film of a goony bird taking, off, flying, and landing:

There's no loonier bird than the goony bird.

When it takes off, it looks like a thundering herd.

Though it seems out of place,

It can fly with such grace.

Yet its landings are mostly absurd.

That's one never made the air either, but it's comforting to know that some of my predecessors were celebrated forosthumously.

79

During the night, Ambassador Anthony Marshall found a deadly snake in his bathroom. He had it removed.

An aide said Kissinger would have shouted at it in German, and it would have raced off to write a memo.

There was a rumor that a lion devoured a zebra just outside the Kissinger quarters, making the Secret Service nervous, but the rumor was never confirmed.

Naturally, we played liar's roker in the Game Park. But the game coming in was almost memorable. The flight was so bumpy that it terrified nervous fliers like Schweid. His pacifier was liar's poker played at a frenetic pace. He bid wantonly and lost willingly--anything to take his mind off the planeride. Too bad the xli landings didn't take longer.

By now, almost everybody in the party had loaded up on bush jackets and a variety of eastern African artifacts that keepx kenya in foreign exchange.

80

The hotels in Nairobi were all jammed because of the UNGC'D meeting, so all the press people were doubled up in the Intercontinental. Lars-Erik Nelson of Reuters was rooming with Wallach. The night before leaving, he went back to his room to pack and got his suitcase out of the closet. It seemed awfully heavy. It was full of antiques. It artifacts Wallach had collected all over Africa, including, as Nelson remembers, "Something in polyethylene with white fringes and two clay blocks that were supposed to be heads." In Liberia, Wallach had gone home with a vendor who pulled these objects d'art out from under his bed and explained they were pre-Colombian, Riiight.

Wallach added them to his collection, and they were now in Nelson's bag suitcase.

Oh yeah, Wallach told Nelson, I thought you wouldn't mind helping me take some of my things back. Nelson pointed out that if he hadn't been carrying any clothes for the two weeks in Africa, he would have had plenty of empty space in his suitcase. But seeing as how he needed someplace for his shirts and socks and suits, John would have to make do on his own. His seat on the plane looked like one of the merchant's stands in Dakar.

All the buying led to an erroneous story that was filed by the AP and the New York Times that Kissinger's plane was so overloaded with trinkets and souvenirs purchased by the traveling party that it would have to stop in Cete on the way to Paris to refuel. Actually, it had to stop somewhere to refuel because the thin air of Nairobi does not permit a plane to take off with a full load of fuel.

The Secretary sent his spokesman back to complain about the story, but it had by then become a part of the Kissinger folklore.

Back in Nairobi, Kissinger was not the only world figure on the scene. President Marcos of the Philippines showed up and declared himself the spokesman for the poor nations of the world on this planet,

In Kenya his arrival was easterly, but a fash-which is most of them.

His regal arrival contrasted rather starkly with his represented cause. And his Presidential manners slipped. He neglected to pay a courtesy call on Kenyan President Jomo Kenyatta, as[SIXTEEN]
a protocol would have it, so Kenyatta did not show up & in person to deliver the keynote address to the Conference.

Mrs. Marcos was with him, and she did her bit for the poor nations of the world by ordering the carpets changed in her hotel room because she couldn't stand the color brown.

Back there on the East Coast, Hotel and I had pressed Kissinger to do an in-flight interview with our pool crew to respond to Ronald Reagan's charges that his mission to Africa might lead to a "massacre" in southern Africa. He figured it would give

us a competitive edge over CBS--and it did. Kissinger denounced
Deagan's charges as "totally irresponsible."

In Nairobi, where CBS had a crew of its own, Bernie Kalb asked
for a compensating interview. But Koppel and I argued that if
Kissinger did something for television on the road, he should do it
for all three networks--just as he had on the plane. It wasn't our
fault if CBS didn't happened not to be there.

Logic carried the day. Kissinger sat down with the three of
us. But an interview with Henry Kissinger about the intricacies of
international economics is hardly the stuff of great television--and
this certainly wasn't.

Kissinger-Thorn

## From Nairobi to Kissinger

Nairobi was Kissinger's final stop in Africa, but he wanted to go home by way of Paris so he could seek President Nouchouet-Boismy, who was undergoing medical treatment in France.

The thin air of Nairobi (altitude: 5,900 feet above sea level) does not permit a plane to take off with a full load of fuel, so the Number 86970 would have to stop somewhere on the way for refueling.

In typical fashion, Kissinger looked around for someplace where he could set up his business done while the plane was on the round. He thought about landing in Tel-Aviv, but that was not politically practical, since he wasn't going to an Arab country. He protracted until the last ten minute, when an aide finally just marched into his suite in Nairobi and said, pick a refueling stop. It came up on Cete, everywhere though which Greece and Turkey were able to include Greece on our list of countries visited--even though a Kissinger visit to mainland Greece would have produced rioting in the streets.

The delay in announcing a refueling stop led to an erroneous story filed by the AP and the New York Times that Kissinger's plane was so overloaded with trinkets purchased by the traveling party that it would have to stop in Crete on the way to Paris to refuel.

The Secretary sent his spokesman back to complain about the story in-flight, but it had by then become a part of the Kissinger folklore.

The delay in announcing another diversion

That's not all, as that went wrong with the refueling stop.

When he landed at Public Bay in Crete, administrative officer Jim Moran wearily descended the steps and greeted Hawk Mills, the number two man from the Embassy in Athens. Mills and the Ambassador had flown down from the mainland to be on hand for Kissinger's stopover.

"What happened?" asked Mills.

"Why?" said Moran.

"You're an hour late."

Moran looked like he had just been told they landed in Turkey.

["Pik Pik Botha", "The South African Ambassador in Washington, was about to be seen at the State Department as a polecat at a party, but suddenly, he began appearing almost regularly.", "Kissingr kept his Secretariat swamped in African cable traffic, and a meeting with So th African Prime M inister John Vorster was laid on for June in West Germany. The Americans had suggested Switzerland, but Vorster insisted on Germany-- apparently because Namibia had once been a German colony--and the Bonn Government began planning for a meeting in Hamburg.", "AB DUKK AFTER RINKING XIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIX

It had been a virtual campaign trip--a diplomatic campaign trip to restore American political influence in Africa.

And in case you're wondering about all that film we shipped to Kenya which never got on the air, it did not go to waste. It was sent to New York, Washington, and New York News asked me to do a long recapitulation of Kissinger's mission to Africa (minus the game park) right after we got back.

Everywhere Kissinger had gone in black Africa, he heard that South Africa held the key to the solution of the racial turmoil at the southern end of the continent, so even before he came back, he was speculating with us on the plane about the possibility of recting personally with the South Africans.

That's what The Next Phase of his African diplomacy pointed to Pretoria.

their

For security reasons, they shifted the site to their Bavarian vacationland. But the announcement of the shift made no mention of security concerns. Instead, it said the talks were "vital" and required a "secluded place."

The wording blew Kissinger's stack. The first high-level meeting between U.S. and So th African officials was a highly sensitive issue, and the American side had gone out of its way to emphasize the "exploratory" nature of the talks. Kissinger felt Bonn's announcement had "intruded" into the substance of the meeting.

The flap was momentary, and in late June, Kissinger and Vorster shuttled back and forth in helicopters across the picture postcard landscape of Bavaria, focusing worldwide attention on the obscure villages of Bodenmais (BONENMAIS) and Grafenau, about 80 miles east of Munich near the Czech border.

If Tom Stoppard had been covering the story, he might have written that Grafenau and Bodenmais are not dead.

["For one thing, they were crawling with security people.\n\nThe Kissinger team party took over the Steinberg Hotel in Grafenau, and the South Africans moved into the Podenmais Hotel, about 28 miles away. Both were surrounded by scores of German police in green uniforms, held at bay by the protesters.\n\nanti-Vorster\n\nprotesting\n\nin black-face (they were X'XXIX'KX'IX' against the fact that white people were talking about the problems of black people with no black people present), who kept the various protesters just beyond shouting distance. There were X'XXIX' anti-Vorster types in black face to protest against the fact that white people were talking about their problems of black people with no black people present, and there were neo-Nazis who were accusing Kissinger of selling out the Free World.", "as he passed through\nKissinger was applauded by a double column of vacationers", "X'XXIX'X' X'XXIX'X'X'X'X'X'X'X'X'X'X'X'X'X'X

The tone of the session was described as "very businesslike."

The businesslikeness was reflected during the usual picture-taking sessions; the two men made polite small talk, but the usual Kissinger banter in X was absent. Kissinger kept his customary bantering in check.

After the meeting, the two delegations had lunch, which featured, as one of four wines, a Metternich champagne--chosen by the hoteliers in Henry's honor.

in a kind of home-and-home series, The next day, the burly, jovly South African leader,

fedora fedora village.
KISSINGER KISSINGER KISSINGER KISSINGER KISSINGER KISSINGER KISSINGER KISSINGER KISSINGER KISSINGER
choppered to Kissinger's hotel. Carrying is grey
fedora in his hand, Vorster entered the hotel to be greeted by
look-alike
the Secretary of State and his son, David.

What we saw was what we got. Both sides kept the
information about the substance of their meetings to themselves,
although Kissinger did emphasize afterwards that his meetings
with Vorster did not constitute an American endorsement of Kissinger
South Africa's racial policies.

Rhodesia was clearly the focus.

KISSING KISSING
One cynical observer reconstructed the p opening KAMBITX
KKIX WAYXX conversation on this way:

Kissinger: OK NOW. Now, Mr. Prime Minister, perhaps we should
speak about apartheid.

Vorster: I beg your pardon, Mr. Secretary?

Kissinger: Now, perhaps we should pass on to Rhodesia.

Despite all the cable traffic that had preceded the meetings,
precise
SCHEDULES had not been worked out in advance.

The day the South Africans arrived, the American advance
team gave Ambassador Botha a paper and said, here's the schedule
of meetings. OK OK OK OK OK OK The South Africans KISSING KISSING bought it
with no problem.

The question of security came up. The South Africans said
Vorster would have eight or nine security men with him. Now
are they identified? the Americans asked. The South Africans
had no special system. The Americans pointed out Kissinger's

security force used label buttons for identification. The South Africans ended up wearing red, white and blue lapel quick buttons for identification.

The explorations convinced his leader a real negotiations was plausible, and after a lot more diplomatic groundwork, another meeting with Vorster was arranged for Zurich over Labor Day weekend on short notice.

I remember very clearly that it was Labor Day weekend, because I was trying to get three weeks of vacation at the beach between known Kissinger trips, but I didn't make it.

Kissinger I remember it was short notice because I had to pack up and fly back to Washington on short order to take my accustomed seat in the back of the plane when Kissinger took off for Zurich, wrecking still another holiday.

The American party set up shop in the supremely elegant Dolder Grand Hotel, with Vorster von der Leyden in the front yard.

The Swiss, who specialize in international politics, down the hill.

The Dolder was conceived and executed in the Grand Style of Old Europe. It was a lavish and palatial, with a take-rustic style of wood and plaster balconies overlooking an impressive combination of lake-and-mountainous scenery. Woddering dowagers consumed tea and pastries at all hours of the day in the red plush anduxx lobby.

The Swiss, who specialize in their hosting international

conferences, go about arranging security provisions for them
with the same precision with which they make watches.

threw
Xhuxxx They xxx up roadblocks, Xaidxuxxx sent a guard
dogs, xu and even Xk puxximx brought in a special trailer
fuxxxofxex with electronic screening devices, which they
stationed in the parking lot. Anybody who entered the hotels
had to pass through the checkpoints and have their bags searched
and their bodies frished with electronic detectors that whirled
when they picked up metal.

The new usual demonstrators were kept so far away they might
as well have been done their protesting in another country.

All of this security posed a problem for the regular
guests at the Dolder Grand. They were paying over $100 a day
and did not take kindly to the inconvenience. Finally,
the security people xxxxxxxx agreed to give the little old
ladies identifying ribbons that enabled them to pass the checkpoints
with less hassle.

The monumental security did not deter one imaginative member of
the traveling press from finding a way to spend the lonely nights
in Zurich with female companionship.

He went to the local U.S. Embassy people and told them his
local photographer, a nice girl from Zurich, didn't have credentials.
The U.S. Embassy quickly rectified this unfortunate oversight and
issued credentials to his "photographer"--a woman "friend of long
standing." The reporter's intimate friend thereafter had no
trouble in getting into the hotel.

He even took her to dinner in the grand dining room at
per person minus wine
$17 a dinner, prix fixe (NBC magnanimously allows its employees
the privilege of a munificent sum of $20 a day for all meals) the same
same night. Kissinger ate there with his parents, who had come to
be visiting in Europe. She was impressed.

By the time of the Zurich meeting, X Vorster and his people
had warmed up a little to the Americans. Their standard practice
was to open the discussion by relating the history of South Africa

["way of life as\nfrom the Year One, rationalizing their x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x

The Saturday meeting lasted through a dinner of hearts of artichoke, baron of beef and baked Alaska, breaking up around midnight.

Since the meetings were held on a weekend, the SDM fundamentalist South Africans had a problem. They didn't want the folks back home to thick they were working on the Christian Sabbath. So the Sunday sessions were with Kissinger were described as "informal meetings," which gave rise to speculation that the South Africans had become upset by criticism of their internal policies by the Americans and had downgraded the meetings. Sperrix. The speculation was uninformed.

By the end of the meetings, Vorster apparently came to accept Kissinger's basic argument--that he would have time to solve his own deteriorating racial situation if there were a peaceful solution in neighboring Rhodesia.

He even submitted to a news conference before flying back to Pretoria. It took more than half an hour to screen the reporters who crowded into small lozenge where he held forth.

Vorster was now playing on the world stage and clearly enjoying the spotlight, if not the rotogeneity.

Kissinger had originally planned to fly directly back to Africa from Zurich, but Nyerere had called a meeting of the Front Line Presidents in Dar es Salaam, so he decided to return to Washington instead to await the results of that meeting.

At that point, it appeared Kissinger was using the same diplomatic tactics in Africa that had worked in the Middle East. For Namibia's independence, a Geneva Conference. For Rhodesia, a kind of African shuttle, with the Secretary flying back and forth between the African Front Line Presidents and the South Africans, trying to work out a formula for convincing the white minority regime in Rhodesia to transfer power to the black majority within two years.

By now, it was clear to Kissinger that Vorster and his colleagues had made a strategic decision not to bleed to death for the Rhodesians.

On the way back to Washington, Kissinger stopped off in Germany to talk to the best Germans about contributing to the development fund for Zimbabwe--if that ever came about--and once again, the Germans devised a novel meeting place. This time it was Hamburg, the Venice of Germany, and he flew by helicopter across a panorama of waterways and yachts and lakefront elegant waterfront estates to one of the yacht clubs of the world where Kissinger explained to the Germans what was going on in Africa.

By the time he arrived about 2:30, 600 German-speaking residents in Washington, D.C., had little trouble in making political moves out of the 25,000 German-speaking residents of Namibia.

In less than a week, we were bound once again for Black Africa, with Pretoria still in the foreground.

The like thexxviii like the xxviii days of 1974

Memories of the Good Old Days of 1974 came flooding back.

As the sum of the Ford Administrator sank slowly into the West, the Lone Ranger of American Diplomacy once more mounted

100

his trusty steed, Shuttle, and rode off, alone, across the trying
to head off racial war at the Rhodesian Pass. his mission was
to save the besieged settlers, pacify the benighted savages, and
to avoid the horrors of race war. The Good Ol' Boys back at
they Senate reckoned it was jest about the craziest mission he
the Lone Henry had ever set for himself.

He himself admitted the odds against success were longer than
a silver bullet. But, he said, "No one will ever be able to say
we didn't try."

Back there in Hamburg, one of Kissinger's aides was analyzing
Kissinger's success as a mediator, comparing Africa to the
Middle East. His analysis: "In part, Kissinger succeeds
because "he does it alone. He makes his moves, keeps them secret
and springs a completed package when everything has been assembled."

If that sounded like the Lone Ranger style that Jimmy Carter
was excoriating, so be it. As the aide explained, "I think
there is something good to be said for the lone Lone Ranger."

Right, Tonto?

As Kissinger flew Africaward, the big question was, would he come face-to-face with Ian Smith?

Vorster had insisted that Kissinger was obliged to talk to Smith so the Rhodesian leader was able to make his case personally on the record.

But the Secretary kept insisting to us he would not meet with Smith to negotiate. He would meet with Smith, he said, only to complete the remaining one per cent of a deal that was 99% set beforehand.

Kissinger was very well aware of Smith's reputation, and he was very much concerned that Smith might use a meeting with the American Secretary of State to give the stamp of authenticity to his regime, which was considered as an international outlaw.

Kissinger had asked assurance from Vorster that Smith would not "take him to the Xcleaners," that 's, not go back to Salisbury claiming that a negotiated settlement was hopeless because

the blacks were unreasonable and the Western World was selling out Rhodesia to God-less Communism.

We all wondered if Kissinger were playing some kind of game with us over a Smith meeting, since he never did explain XXXXXXXXXXXX hisyintimakg XXXXXXXX fully the rationale for his reluctance to meet with the Rhodesian leader personally.

Kexixx Hisxu reticence may have been explained in part by the rough handling he got at the Republican Convention, which had really shaken him, XXXXkatz his seryxxx The election spectre shadowed him XX throughout his second African journey.

His
The unpredictable nature of XX's second African escape was dramatized by behind the scenes by the logistical uncertainty: Members of the Secretariat kept three X different schedules in the air throughout the trip, and the plane's navigator was asked to file at least 30 different flight plans during the ten-day trip.

103

It began inauspicously.

About 200 student demonstrators greeted Kissinger at the airport in Tanzania.

They were kept far enough way so as not to be a nuisance, but the ywere allowed to appear close enough so there was no way for him--or the cameras--to miss them.

Now demonstrators do not just demonstrate in country like Tanzania, they are carefully controlled country like Tanzania.

If they were there, it was because the Government had permitted them to be there.

Kissinger paid little attention to them, and he later got a call from Ayerere himself, virtually apologizing for the demonstrations in a way that amounted to an apology. (Six months later, the French Foreign Minister, Louis de Guiringaud, also ran into demonstrations when he arrived at the airport in Dar es Salaam. But when he did not get a formal apology from the government, as he demanded, he left in a Gallic huff the next morning).

During his meeting with Nyerere, Kissinger "walked a concept" by the Tanzanian leader, as one of the Secretary's aides put it, *insde* a detailed roadmap XXX Nyerere apparently had in mind, for a MAJOR MEXICAN EXTERIOR OF the route to black majority rule in Rhodesia.

To back up the official skepticism represented by the airport demonstrators, Nyerere held another news conference with the traveling press. He said he was even less hopeful now than before about the prospects for a peaceful settlement in Zambia and Rhodesia.

And when newsmen badgered him about the Cuban troops in Angola, he squealed in his high-pitched voice: "Cuba, Cuba, Cuba...W that's all you ask about. Why are so worried about a little country like Cuba."

Nyemanetse was on camera. But beyond the camera range, the peacocks were watching who was in charge.

The squealing was not confined to Nyerere, although his squeals were captured on film. Beyond the camera range, the peacocks

105

on the State House KAXNYWKX a lawn were also 'n fine form,
screeching or crowing or doing whatever it is that peacocks do.
And they hadn't even been told about the Kissinger plan.

There was no way to filter the sound of screeching peacocks
out of the film, so that all the television stories that XXXX
FEMENX eventually show up in KXM New York KXXXAXXOZKONX had
to refer to the strange noise of peacocks in the background.

This time around, we had given up in advance on satellites
from Jinshasa, and had arranged a complicated procedure, with
chartered planes, to fly our film into the land of the Devil
Himself, South Africa, since the Kissinger party itself was KXEXE
headed for Pretoria. It worked.

The Nyerere statements appeared to be pitched to the
galleries, since American officials insisted he was not painting
such a dark picture in private.

So Kissinger was somewhat annoyed when he opened a press
conference at the Hotel Kilimanjaro KXEXXXXXX t is way: "I

understand this is a day of press conference. We will go right to questions."

When asked about Nyerere's statements, he said pointedly that nothing had changed from what was known a week ago and "therefore I cannot make judgments based on fluctuating moods."

Elsewhere, Kissinger had pointed out that Nyerere was certainly not "another Sadat." That is, unlike the Egyptian President, who took a stand when he had to in negotiating with the Israelis, Nyerere was not willing to run the risk of appearing to be moderate on the question of liberation. (Nyerere, meanwhile, was suggesting the Americans were namby-pamby on Namibia).

Despite his annoyance, Kissinger had not lost his sense of humor. When a local reporter asked: "Certain circles have said that the sudden interest the United States has shown in the southern Africa problem is because of the fear of Communism. Would you subscribe to that?" Kissinger replied: "Well, I don't know who these circles are. On my previous visit, all of the leaders I met were very critical of the United States for not

showing sufficient interest in Africa and urged us to show interest in Africa. Now we are showing interest in Africa. Why can you not ascribe it to the persuasiveness of your leaders?"

found
Kissinger also touched base in Zambia, where he the XXXIXth
a more encouraging attitude for his mission.

By now, we all knew that Smith would be in South Africa when Kissinger was there--ostensibly to attend a rugby match. American officials kept insisting that no meeting with Smith had been arranged, but it seemed hard to imagine that Henry

sa e
Kissinger and Ian Smith would x spend the night in Pretoria
without seeing each other.

The Lusaka stop lifted Kissinger's spirits, and we knew then
headed for South Africa with this burning question: about Kissinger's
plan to fly to Pretoria in support of our negotiating plan in our minds: Would it
play in Pretoria?

The flight into Johannesburg was bumpy and Kissinger took longer than expected because of a navigational error. Kissinger complained privately to the administrative officer, but we nevertheless sensed his annoyance on a later leg of the trip when the plane hit some turbulence during an in-flight briefing and he remarked schematically: "The no pilot must have seen a cloud and headed into it."

Kissinger's plane landed at a South African military base, and even though he is the highest-rank no American official ever to visit the country, there was no arrival ceremony.

visits

Unlike most of his XIXIXIX abroad, this one had little to do with improving America's relations with the country he was visiting.

As we drove out of the airport, in it did not seem to be entirely accidental that the honor guard lining the road was made up of blacks.

The contrast between South Africa and Black Africa was unavoidable. Everything worked better in South Africa. The trains ran on time, but the cost in human terms was enormous.

We were lodged in the Burgerspark Hotel,XXXXX in service
first-class, very inexpensive lodgings, where the staff was
black. I had to wonder if they didn't get their revenge in subtle
ways.

The first night, I left my shoes outside my room XXXXX
XXXXXX in the Continental manner to be polished. At 5
o'clock (when I had been asleep for about 2 hours), I heard
a knock at my door. I opened it to find a XXX floor man XXXXXX
who handed me my un-shined shoes and told me it appeared I had
left my shoes outside the door. I felt compelled to be amused.

The first story we confronted in Pretoria was a XXX rumor
floating around on Wall Street that Kissinger had been assassinated.

We were able to verify first-hand that it was not true.

110

One of the critical meetings Kissinger had with Vorster took
at dinner
place in the Prime Minister's official residence on a bluff over looking the city. We played a lot of liar's poker on that
bluff, waiting for the mile delegations to come out and
throw us some scraps of information.

The two delegations had dinner there

The main course at the dinner was some kind of game shot
by the P.M. himself--one of Kissinger's aides thought it was
antelope. And he also recalled the wines were good, especially

African wines were very
which was not surprising in South Africa. (I know that)
to buy a case and bring
mysteriously
it back on the plane, but it disappeared on the tarmac

at Andrews Air Force Base while I was doing a TV piece
on Kissinger's return).

mood
Vorster, who had whose performance in Zurich was considerably
more relaxed than it had been in Germany, relaxed even further
in the XEX familiar surroundings of Pretoria.

111