CHEVROLET
MAKES SENSE FOR AMERICA

IMPALA'S

RESALE VALUE:

A COMFORTING

THOUGHT FROM THE PAST.

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Chevrolet

EXAMPLE:

IMPALA'S COMFORT
MAKES A LOT
OF SENSE FOR A
LOT OF PEOPLE.

Big people. Tall people. Older people. Young people with little ones. People who travel far. People who travel together.

THINK SENSIBLY.

These are times requiring each of us to think hard about our car needs. To think out carefully just what car, in what size, is right for our individual requirements. For a lot of people, a small economy car such as Vega is the right answer. But everybody can't get by with a small car.

CAR POOLS, GROCERIES
AND THE TRAVELING
SALESMAN.

Because it's a bigger, roomier, more comfortable car, Impala makes a lot of sense for a lot of

driving requirements. Impala's leg room and six-inch-deep foam seats can make car-pooling a very comfortable proposition.

Its big, functional, usable trunk can be loaded with grocery bags without squashing the bread. And if you travel for a living, you can get where you're going comfortably surrounded by a lot of car. When you think about it, Impala's room and comfort make a lot of sense for a lot of people today.

IMPALA'S VALUE IS IN
TUNE WITH THE TIMES.

We offer Impala at a reasonable price. With an impressive list of standard equipment including power steering, power brakes and automatic transmission. Impala's special frame coating helps resist corrosion in salty winter road areas. Its disc brake wear sensors let you know when the linings need replacing to help save you money in the long run. Available GM specification radial tires offer less rolling resistance for improved fuel economy. Speed and cruise control you can order can help you maintain an efficient 55 mph. When you think about it, Impala's value makes a lot of sense for a lot of people today.

# Where Will You Go This Summer?

By ART BUCHWALD

WASHINGTON — What are well-known people in Washington going to do this summer? A recent check around town revealed the following:

Sen. George McGovern is going to Miami Beach in July for his vacation with either 1,478 or 1,509 of his dearest friends, depending on whom you talk to.

McGovern's staff said the senator plans to relax, watch television, read books on economics and take in some night life at the Miami Convention Center.

When asked why McGovern had chosen Miami Beach for his

Kissinger hasn't firmed up his plans for summer yet. So far, all he has on his schedule are trips to Belgrade, Bucharest, Budapest, Siberia, Ceylon, Mt. Everest, Beverly Hills, the Canary Islands, the North Pole, the Riviera, Stratford-on-Avon, Shanghai, Pisa, Bali, Stockholm, Australia, Addis Ababa, and Loch Ness.

"Except for these few trips," an aide said, "Mr. Kissinger hopes to keep his summer clear so he can go to the beach with a friend."

Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird is not going anywhere. "The Soviets are not taking a vacation," he told a congressional committee. "As a matter of fact, they are going ahead and building new missiles in July and August which will put this country at a 3-to-1 disadvantage. Unless Congress provides the funds to go ahead on the B-1 bomber and Trident submarine, I cannot in good conscience take a vacation this summer."

President Nixon has decided to spend his vacation in Washington, D.C., one of his favorite resort towns. A White House spokesman said, "Key Biscayne is too hot and San Clemente is too crowded, so the President has decided to take his family to Washington for the summer, and get away from it all. The Nixons have been coming here every summer for three years, and the President considers it the perfect place to rest up for the football season."

Vice President Spiro Agnew is still not sure what he's going to do this summer, and so far the President hasn't told him. Agnew's administrative assistant said, "The Vice President has his heart set on going to Miami in August, but every time he asks the Committee to ReElect the President about an airline reservation for him, they tell him he's on 'standby.' "

(c) Los Angeles Times Syndicate

## Columns

### &

### Comment

vacation, a spokesman said, "Peter, Paul and Mary are playing at the Fontainebleau."

A check with Sen. Hubert Humphrey's office revealed that the senator was going to pout.

"All summer?" I asked.

"Maybe right through until November," the voice on the other end of the phone said. "The senator has been very busy with the primaries, and he hasn't had much chance to pout in a long time. So he'll probably go back to Minnesota and just sit there in a rocking chair and look out at the sunset and pout."

"Will he pout about anything in particular?"

"In 1960, the senator pouted about West Virginia, but this time he has decided to pout mostly about California. I would say California and money are what Sen. Humphrey will be pouting about this summer."

Henry Kissinger's office said

STARS + STRIPES
JULY 4, 1972

daring twist to women's liberation by taking up the sport of riding, roping and barrel racing across the Southwest.

Hundreds of women have traded their desks and homes for horses and saddles — traveling between Texas, Oklahoma, New Mexico, Wyoming and up to Idaho and out to California.

WEARING blue jeans so tight they can't bend over to dust their boots, they rope and ride a horse like Dale Evans never dreamed of doing.

"The cowgirls are tough and yet they are quite feminine," said Sally Dishman, president of the Texas Barrel Racing Association and the organizer of the Burnet All-Girl Rodeo, the largest of its kind in Texas.

"Our youngest contestant is 8 and our oldest would admit to being 'over 60,'" said Mrs. Dishman, the pigtailed, petite wife of a central Texas rancher. She trains horses and joins the rodeo circuit on weekends.

"We rodeo pretty near year 'round," she said. "Some people really work at it — they can make two or three in one weekend if they haul."

Burnet (rhymes with durn-it) is a central Texas town with 3,000 population and no other claim to fame than an armadillo farm and "The World's Smallest City, Park." Yet 8,000 persons have turned up there the past five years to watch the "honky tonk angels" perform. This year it rained steadily throughout the second night's performance, but 600 fans sat two

Women from T.

The Ho

Cowgirls Nancy

BICENTENNIAL ESSAY

# America & the World: Principle & Pragmatism

by HENRY KISSINGER

*The following Bicentennial Essay is the ninth in a series that has been appearing periodically, surveying how the U.S. has changed in its 200 years.*

America has perennially engaged in a search of its conscience. How does our foreign policy serve moral ends? How can America serve as a humane example and champion of justice in a world in which power is still often the final arbiter? How do we reconcile ends and means, principle and survival? Today the challenge of American foreign policy is to avoid the illusion of false choices: we must live up to this nation's moral promise while fulfilling the practical needs of world order.

## OUR HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE

From its beginning, Americans have believed this country had a moral significance that transcended its military or economic power. Unique among the nations of the world, America was created as a conscious act by men dedicated to a set of political and ethical principles they believed to be of universal applicability. Small wonder, then, that Santayana concluded: "To be an American is of itself almost a moral condition."

But this idealism has also been in constant tension with another deep-seated strain in our historical experience. Since Tocqueville, it has been frequently observed that we are a pragmatic people—commonsensical, undogmatic and undoctrinaire, a nation of practical energy, ingenuity and spirit. We have made tolerance and compromise the basis of our domestic political life. We have defined our fundamental goals—justice, liberty, equality and progress—in open and libertarian terms, enlarging opportunity and freedom rather than coercing a uniform standard of conduct.

America has been most effective internationally when we have combined our idealistic and our pragmatic traditions. The founding fathers were idealists who launched a new experiment in human liberty. But they understood the global balance of power and manipulated it brilliantly to secure their independence. Franklin and Jefferson perceived that the European powers saw the conflict in North America as part of a global struggle. Their diplomacy led to the involvement of Britain's enemies—France, Spain and Russia—in ways that favored the rebellious colonies, and then cut loose from them in a separate treaty of peace by which John Jay won the British Crown's recognition and liquidated the residual problems of the Revolution.

Thus America's energies were released to populate and build a continental nation and to perfect domestic institutions. As we did so, both our pragmatic nature and our moral commitment took deeper root in the national character—but often as seemingly separate and even contrasting factors. When faced in 1802 with the attempt of France to control the mouth of the Mississippi, Thomas Jefferson was

above all concerned with the future prospects of French control over trade in and out of the American heartland.

But as our practical needs were served, so too was our idealistic strain. James Madison declared that "the free system of Government we have established is so congenial with reason, with common sense, and with a universal feeling, that it must produce approbation and a desire of imitation ... Our country, if it does justice to itself, will be the workshop of liberty to the civilized world, and do more than any other for the uncivilized." The implications of this outlook would lead both to the advocacy of interventionism, as in Edward Everett's 1823 case for supporting the Greek revolution, and isolation, as in William Seward's 1863 rebuttal of requests to oppose Russia's mistreatment of Poland.

Yet throughout the 19th century, our greatest achievements came through efforts marked by both moral vision and practical purpose. Theodore Roosevelt noted that long before Jefferson negotiated an end to the French claim to Louisiana, that and other foreign claims had been effectively undermined by the great western movement of Americans and the free communities they quickly founded. But the consolidation of their pioneering achievements was made possible by those negotiations and by subsequent diplomatic successes. The annexation of Florida, the Oregon boundary settlement with Great Britain, the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, the Gadsden Purchase, the purchase of Alaska from Russia—all were triumphs of diplomacy during decades when most citizens believed America did not have, or need, a foreign policy.

Indeed, our very achievements in dealing with the world brought most Americans under the sway of a shared mythology. As a society of men and women who had fled the persecutions and power politics of the Old World, Americans—whether Mayflower descendants or refugees from the failed revolutions of 1848—came to assume that we were beyond the reach of the imperatives of traditional foreign policy.

With our security assured, we became bemused by the popular belief that President Monroe's obligation to defend the Western Hemisphere, and indeed almost any obligation we might choose to assume, depended on unilateral American decisions

to be entered into or ended entirely at our discretion. Americans never paid attention to British Foreign Secretary George Canning's justification of the Monroe Doctrine: "We have called the New World into existence to redress the balance of the old." Shielded by two oceans and enriched by a bountiful nature, we proclaimed our special situation as universally valid, even for nations whose narrower margin of survival meant that their range of choices was far more limited than our own.

It was, as C. Vann Woodward has called it, "the age of free security." As usual, Abraham Lincoln depicted it most vividly. "Shall we expect some

JEFFERSON WRESTLE WITH FEDERALIST EAGLE IN 1800 CARTOON

TIME, DECEMBER 27, 1976

BICENTENNIAL ESSAY

transatlantic military giant to step the ocean and crush us at a
blow? Never! All the armies of Europe, Asia and Africa com-
bined, with all the treasure of the earth in their military chest,
with a Bonaparte for a commander, could not by force take a
drink from the Ohio or make a track on the Blue Ridge in a trial
of a thousand years."

We disparaged power even as we grew strong; we saw our suc-
cesses as the product not of fortunate circumstances and consid-
erable effort, but of virtue and purity of motive. The preoccupa-
tion of other nations with security only reinforced our sense of
uniqueness. Arms and alliances were seen as immoral and reac-
tionary. Our native inclination for straightforwardness brought
increasing impatience with diplomacy, which often calls for am-
biguity and compromise.

In this atmosphere even the purchase of Alaska—which ex-
cluded Russia from our continent—was regarded in its day as a
folly. Congress was prevailed upon only with the greatest difficul-
ty to provide the $7 million to complete the deal. The mythology
of American ineptitude in its diplomatic pursuits carried into the
20th century. Will Rogers always got a laugh when he cracked,
“America never lost a war and never won a conference.”

THE 20TH CENTURY

Forgetful of the wisdom and skilled statecraft by which the
founding fathers won our independence and secured our safe-
ty, and disdainful of the techniques by which all nations—even
the U.S.—must preserve their interests, we entered the 20th
century largely unprepared for the part we would be called
upon to play.

As our power grew, we became uncomfortable with its uses
and responsibilities, and impatient with the compromises of
day-to-day diplomacy. Our rise to great power status was
feared and resisted by many Americans who foresaw a process
of deepening involvement in a morally questionable world.
In the early decades of this century, we sought to reconcile
the tension between ideals and interests by confining our-
selves to humanitarian efforts and resorting to our belief
in the pre-eminence of law. We pioneered in relief pro-
grams; we championed free trade and the cause of foreign
investment. We attempted to legislate solutions to inter-
national conflicts.

These efforts to banish the reality of power were aborted by our involvement in two world wars. While we had a clear security interest in a Europe free from domination by any one power, Woodrow Wilson argued the case for intervention in wholly idealistic terms. He described it in 1917 as "the opportunity for which the American people have sought to prepare themselves ever since the days when they set up a new nation in the high and honorable hope that it might, in all that it was and did, show mankind the way to liberty." Thus we would do battle for universal moral objectives, not for a new equilibrium—a war to end all wars, not a peace in which victors and vanquished sought a balance of their interests.

Disillusionment set in as the outcome of the war
necessarily fell short of expectations, and indeed as the
one-sided nature of the peace required ever greater ef-
forts to maintain it against countries with no stake in
the settlement. A tide of isolationist sentiment rose, in
which moral proclamations were coupled with an un-
willingness to undertake concrete commitments. We
were loath to face a world of imperfect security, alliances of
convenience, recurrent crises and the need for a political
structure that would secure the peace.

In the decades after World War II, we undertook our
first sustained period of peacetime world leadership with a
supreme self-assurance fortunately matched by over-
whelming material superiority. And we faced an antagonist
whose political system and actions on the world scene ex-
plicitly threatened the very existence of our most
cherished principles.

In a period of seemingly clear-cut divisions, we
saw little need for an explicit definition of the nation-

al interest. We saw economic problems around the world of the
kind we had solved successfully in our own country, and sought to
overwhelm them with the weight of resources, assuming that eco-
nomic progress automatically led to political stability. In short,
without making a conscious design to do so, we were trying to
shape the world to our design.

Our postwar policy was marked by great achievements.
America found within itself extraordinary capacities of vision and
creativity. Leaders of both parties and many backgrounds—Tru-
man and Eisenhower, Vandenberg and Marshall, Acheson and
Dulles—built a national consensus for responsible American
world leadership based on both principle and pragmatism. The
recovery of Western Europe and Japan, the creation of peacetime
alliances, the shaping of the global trade and monetary system,
the economic advance of newer and poorer nations, the measures
to control the nuclear arms race—these constitute an enduring
record of American statesmanship.

OUR CONTEMPORARY CHALLENGE

We face an equally great challenge today. America is thrust
into the role of global leadership with a dual responsibility. We
must maintain our security and global peace by the traditional
methods of power and diplomacy. But we know that nuclear war
could destroy civilization, and therefore we must go beyond tra-
ditional foreign policy to shape a world reflecting the imperatives
of interdependence and justice.

We remain the strongest nation and the largest single influ-
ence in international affairs. For 30 years our leadership has
sustained world peace, progress and justice. Our leadership
is no less needed today, but it must be redefined to meet
changing conditions. Ours is no longer a world of American
nuclear monopoly, but one of substantial nuclear equiva-
lence. Ours is no longer a world of two solid blocs and clear-
cut dividing lines, but one of proliferating centers of power
and influence. Ours is no longer a world amenable to na-
tional solutions, but one of economic interdependence and
common global challenges. Ours is a world where moral
affirmation can be carried out only through stages, each
of which is by definition imperfect.

Thus for the first time in American experience, we
can neither escape from the world nor dominate it.
Rather we—like all other nations in history—must now
conduct diplomacy with subtlety, flexibility, persistence
and imagination. We must fuse our great national assets of
idealismand realism, our moral convictions and our prag-
matic bent. We can no longer impose our own solutions; yet
our action or inaction will influence events, often decisive-
ly. We cannot banish power from international affairs, but
we can use our vast power wisely and firmly to deter ag-
gression and encourage restraint and negotiation. We can
help construct a wider community of interest among all na-
tions. We must continue to stand for freedom in the world.

These are worthy goals. They can be achieved. But
they summon a different dimension of moral conviction
than that of a simpler past. They require the stamina to
persevere amid ambiguity, and the courage to hold fast
to what we believe in while recognizing that at any one
time our hopes are likely to be only gradually fulfilled. It
is the essence of moral purposes that they appear ab-
solute and universal. It is the essence of foreign policy to
take into account the views of others who may also see
their values in this manner.

Clearly, we must maintain our purposes and our principles. But we risk disaster unless we relate our moral convictions to concepts of the national interest and international order that are based not on impulse but on a sense of steady purpose that can be maintained by the American people for the long term.

AMERICA'S AGENDA

America—and the community of nations—today faces in-
escapable tasks:

► We must maintain a secure and just peace.

► We must create a cooperative and beneficial interna-
tional order.

42

LINCOLN IN 1864 CARICATURE

CULVER

TIME, DECEMBER 27, 1976

► We must defend the rights and the dignity of man.

Each of these challenges has both a moral and a practical dimension. Each involves important ends, but ends that are sometimes in conflict. When that is the case, we face the real moral dilemma of foreign policy: the need to choose between valid ends and to relate our ends to means.

Peace is a fundamental moral imperative. Without it, nothing else we do or seek can ultimately have meaning. Averting the danger of nuclear war and limiting and ultimately reducing destructive nuclear arsenals is a moral as well as a political act.

In the nuclear age, power politics, the struggle for marginal advantages, the drive for prestige and unilateral gains must yield to an unprecedented sense of responsibility. History teaches us that balances based on constant tests of strength have always erupted into war. Common sense tells us that in the nuclear age history must not be repeated. Every President, sooner or later, will conclude with President Eisenhower that "there is no alternative to peace." But peace cannot be our only goal. To seek it at any price would render us morally defenseless and place the world at the mercy of the most ruthless. Mankind must do more, as Tacitus said, than "make a desert [and] call it peace."

There will be no security in a world whose obsession with peace leads to appeasement. But neither will there be security in a world in which mock tough rhetoric and the accumulation of arms are the sole measure of competition. We can spare no effort to bequeath to future generations a peace more hopeful than an equilibrium of terror.

In the search for peace we are continually called upon to strike balances—between strength and conciliation; between the need to defend our values and interests and the need to consider the views of others; between partial and total settlements.

America's second moral imperative is the growing need for global cooperation. We live in a world of more than 150 countries, each asserting sovereignty and claiming the right to realize its national aspirations. Clearly, no nation can fulfill all its goals without infringing on the rights of others. Hence, compromise and common endeavors are inescapable. The growing interdependence of states in the face of the polarizing tendencies of nationalism and ideologies makes imperative the building of world community.

We live in an age of division—between East and West and between the advanced industrial nations and the developing nations. Clearly, a world in which a few nations constitute islands of wealth in a sea of despair is fundamentally insecure and morally intolerable. Those who consider themselves dispossessed will become the seedbed of upheaval. But the tactics of confrontation with which some of the developing nations have pursued their goals are as unacceptable as they are unproductive.

The objectives of the developing nations are clear: economic development, a role in international decisions that affect them, a fair share of global economic benefits. The goals of the industrial nations are equally clear: widening prosperity, an open world system of trade, investments and markets and reliable development of the resources of food, energy and raw materials.

The process of building a new era of international economic relationships will continue through the rest of this century. If those relationships are to be equitable and lasting, negotiation and mutual regard among diverse and contending interests will clearly be required. On the part of the industrial nations, there must be a moral commitment—now, while there is still time for conciliation—to make the sacrifices necessary to build a sense of community. On the part of the developing nations, there must be an end to blackmail and extortion—now, before the world is irrecoverably split into contending camps—and a commitment to seek progress through cooperation.

Our third moral imperative is the nurturing of human values. It is a tragedy that the very tools of technology that have made ours the most productive century in history have also served to subject millions to a new dimension of intimidation, suffering and fear. Individual freedom of conscience and expression is the proudest heritage of our civilization. All we do in the search for peace, for greater political cooperation and for a fair and flourishing international economy is rooted in our belief that only lib-

erty permits the fullest expression of mankind's creativity. Technological progress without justice mocks humanity; national unity without freedom is a hollow triumph. Nationalism without a consciousness of human community and human rights is likely to become an instrument of oppression and a force for evil. As the world's leading democracy, it is our obligation to dedicate ourselves to assuring freedom for the human spirit. But responsibility compels also a recognition of our limits. Our alliances, the political relationships built up with other nations, serve peace by strengthening regional and world security. If well conceived, they are not favors to others, but a recognition of common interests. They should be withdrawn when those interests change; they should not, as a general rule, be used as levers.

There is no simple answer to the dilemma a great democracy faces under such circumstances. We have a moral as well as a practical obligation to stand up for our values and to combat injustice. Those who speak out for freedom and expose the transgressions of repressive regimes do so in the best American tradition. But there are times when an effort to teach another country a moral lesson can undermine the very values we seek to promote. When sensitive issues are transformed into tests of strength between governments, the impulse of national prestige may defeat the most worthy goals. Thus we must take care not to elaborate a doctrine of universal intervention. We must remember that in our history such concepts have as often led to abdication as to overcommitment, both with disastrous results.

America's most profound contribution to world affairs has derived from our conviction that while history is often cruel, fate can be shaped by human faith and courage. Our optimism has enabled us to understand that the greatest achievements were a dream before they became a reality. We have learned through experience, as few people have, that all that is creative is ultimately a moral affirmation—the faith that dares in the absence of certainty, the courage to go forward in the face of adversity.

Americans must learn the inescapable need to relate our moral aims—which of necessity are stated in universal terms—to the imperative choices imposed upon us by competing goals and finite resources. Foreign policy is, like life, a constant effort to strike the right balance between the best we want and the best we can have —between the ends we seek and the means we adopt. We need moral strength to select among often agonizing choices, and a sense of ethical purpose to navigate between difficult decisions. But we need as well a mature sense of means, lest we substitute wishful thinking for the requirements of survival. The ultimate test of morality in foreign policy is not only the values we proclaim but what we are willing and able to carry out.

As the greatest democracy in the world, America is a reminder to all that there is an alternative to tyranny and oppression. The revolution begun two centuries ago goes on, for much of the world still seeks the freedom and the dignity of the individual, the sanctity of law that this country has never ceased to seek, enjoy and perfect. The surest path to our own greater success, and the brightest hope for others, is to remain true to the American tradition—a heritage where reality is a point of departure but never our final horizon, and where ideals ennoble reality and enable us to shape our future.

From a professorship in government at Harvard, Henry Kissinger went on to serve as National Security Adviser to the President from 1969 to 1975 and as Secretary of State since 1973. He is the author of Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy. and A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812-22.

WILSON (1912)

TIME, DECEMBER 27, 1976

43

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Logan Bentley; Singapore, Carl Mydans; Sydney,
Stephen Claypole; Tel Aviv, Miria Avrech

CONTRIBUTING PHOTOGRAPHERS Harry Benson,
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Henry Grossman, Jill Krementz, Michael Mauney, John
Olson, Co Rentmeester, Arthur Schatz, Stanley Tretick

EDITORIAL SERVICES Paul Welch (Director), Norman
Airey, George Karas, Benjamin Lightman, Doris O'Neill,
Carolyn R. Pappas

MAGAZINE DEVELOPMENT

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Cover photograph by Dick Swanson

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People
weekly
October 6, 1975 Vol. 4 No. 14

4 Mail

10 Up Front

Nancy Kissinger relaxes her globe-trotting husband with domestic diplomacy—Philadelphia Eagles inhabit a hairy eyrie—Capitol lawmakers hold their own Olympics—The mystery woman who unwittingly helped the FBI break the Patty Hearst case—four women in California who took trips into terror

27 Star Tracks

Prince Philip goes coaching—Sargent Shriver declares—Walt
Frazier—Yakov Malik—Mao and Heath—Richardsons'
underground journey

30 Couples

Chris and Geneviève Cerf—the playmates of the Western World

34 Sequel

Sinatra gets Broadway's bravos and Jackie's hand too

39 For a Song

Nat King Cole's daughter Natalie becomes a jukebox queen

42 Bio

Japan's Emperor Hirohito is a long-delayed visitor to the U.S.

49 Over the Tube

Lee Grant wasn't much for lost causes—until *Fay*

52 In Trouble

Philadelphians question the house Mayor Rizzo's jack built

54 On the Move

The high-balling Freedom Train is Ross Rowland's gift to the
Bicentennial

56 In His Own Words

John (Mr. Automation) Diebold says private enterprise may have
answers for the cities' woes

60 Medics

Dr. Sanford Marcus is organizing his colleagues in a labor union

63 Out of the Pages

Lothar-Günther Buchheim torpedoes some myths of U-boat
glory in *The Boat*

67 People Puzzle

69 Adventure

Miss England is no rhinestone cowgirl

70 Spirit

On-and off-screen, Dennis Weaver is Sunday's good guy

72 Chatter

3

MAIL

Maj. Gen. George Patton

Thank God and the Army for another
Patton (PEOPLE, Sept. 15, 1975). Just
the thought brings a sense of security.

Jack Howlett
Seattle

Major General Patton's mention of hav-
ing glimpses of his father gazing at him
sounds suspiciously like hallucinations.
I wonder if the general was one of the
Army's LSD guinea pigs and is expe-
riencing "flashbacks"?

Dick Shanor
Jackson, Wyo.

General Patton is just the man to place
a well-aimed kick at the "permissive"
military of today and restore it to the
way it can operate effectively—the
way it was in his father's day. As the wife
of a career military man, it is appalling
for me to observe that leaders of Gen-
eral Patton's fiber are all too rarely
allowed to exist in today's military.

Mrs. Anne Lettman
Indian Springs, Nev.

General Patton might have shrapnel in
his abdomen, but the Vietcong did not
put it there. He did. Patton was wounded
by shrapnel fired from his own M-79
grenade launcher while leading my pla-
toon in a bayonet charge on a North
Vietnamese army position during the
early morning hours of Oct. 19, 1968,
some 2,000 meters southwest of the vi-
lage of Op Dong Sac (code name
"Holiday Inn"). At the time, Colonel Pat-
ton was commander of the 11th
Armored Cavalry Regiment and I was
a platoon leader in Bravo Company,
2nd Battalion, 16th Infantry of the First
Infantry Division.

Joseph W. Chapman
Glen Rock, N.J.

Patton remembers he and his troops
were crossing a creek in a heavy-fire
fight. "I was wounded and evacuated. It
may have been from my weapon or
some other friendly weapon, or from
Charlie. Nobody could possibly know.
I do know I've still got something
in my gut."—ED.

Jacques Cousteau

I always feel a surge of optimism when
Cousteau's work receives some well-
deserved publicity. His gentle strength
and never-ending spirit just might
prevent the world from committing
mass suicide.

Karen Sumners
Alexandria, Va.

Finally someone who knows what he is
talking about has made a statement
about the stupidity of the movie
Jaws, which could have a disastrous ef-
fect on the exploration and aware-
ness of one of our last natural
resources.

Mike Mecord
Nashville

Instead of writing about misfits like
"Squeaky" Fromme who is trying to de-
roy us, why don't more publications
write about Captain Cousteau who is
trying to save us?

Pauline M. Simmons
Caspar, Wyo.

Where can I write for information on
the Cousteau Society and Jacques
Cousteau's work?

B. Beckstrand
Delano, Minn.

Write the society at 9 Bay Street, West-
port, Conn. 06880.—ED.

Taylor and Burton

That's Elizabeth Taylor, star? My God,
she looks like one of us!

Judy Motz
Pittsburgh

Oh please, not again! Haven't we heard
enough about Elizabeth Taylor and
Richard Burton? They're almost as
overpublicized as she is overweight.

Suzy Julig
Teaneck, N.J.

I was delighted to read that the Kiss-
singers took time out from their
busy schedule to entertain Richard
Burton and Elizabeth Taylor, who
has elected to give up her citizen-

ship. What a ripoff for us good U.S. tax-
payers.

Ken McGowan
Bellevue, Wash.

Ira Lipman

Mr. Lipman states that upon conviction
a kidnapper should be publicly execut-
ed. I would concur. As a private
detective charged with the protection
of some prominent individuals, I can
see the terror caused by ruthless rad-
icals such as the Manson "family."
Assassins and kidnappers should get
punishment befitting the crime. The
scales of justice have been tipped in
favor of the criminal.

Robert Peterson
Idaho Springs, Colo.

Guardsmark, Inc. really licks the hand
that feeds it. Mr. Lipman would not re-
veal his rock singer or movie star
clients for fear of giving kidnappers
good ideas, but he really sets up the
trust fund officers, branch managers.
and other bankers. It's great to know
banks will usually authorize ransoms
too.

Joan Knight
Brooksville, Fla.

Joshua Reynolds

Wow! Mood-matching rings. We'd love
to wrap one or two around our tem-
peramental fingers, but, alas (shades
of black), the colorful, little wonders ha-
ven't reached Des Moines yet. Could
you please feed us some information?
How do we set about capturing a Mood
Stone? Hurry, before we lose our vi-
olent-blue mood.

Lannis Marquart
Des Moines

How in the world can I find out where
to order a mood ring?

Mrs. Nancy Schnepp
Lafayette, Ind.

Fad or not, I want one.

Lynn Hillgren
Lincoln, Nebr.

First try major department stores. Then

CONTINUED ON PAGE 9

4

MAIL

CONTINUED

write to Q-Tran Ltd., 6 East 45th Street, New York, N.Y. 10017, for the names of stores with the rings.—ED.

### Valerie Harper

After watching the first episode of *Phyl-lis*, I'm sure Valerie Harper will be the only one working in about a year. *Phyl-lis* and Dick Shaal's acting cannot compare with the art of *Rhoda*.

Robert Brunner

Champaign, Ill.

Perhaps I am oversensitive, but couldn't you find a more flattering description for Suzanne Pleshette, a lady who has worked steadily in and is highly respected in "show business" from Broadway to Hollywood than "fading starlet"? It hardly does justice to a successful wife, actress and businesswoman of her caliber.

Eileen Card

Van Nuys, Calif.

### Lookout

I was disappointed that the story on Kristin Glenn's destruction of the best radio station in New York did not include an account of how she brought about its demise. The youth of Westchester and Long Island would like to use the same methods to return WQIV to the air. We have even planned the programming for the first half-hour —all six versions of "Roll over, Beethoven."

Michael Rothberg

New Rochelle, N.Y.

### Star Tracks

If Muhammad Ali is to fight George F razier (as you stated), does that mean at some later date he may fight someone named Joe Foreman?

John Flynn

Tempe, Ariz.

PEOPLE welcomes letters to the editors, but we regret that because of the volume of mail received, we cannot acknowledge them. Letters for publication should be addressed to PEOPLE, Time & Life Building, Rockefeller Center, New York, N.Y. 10020.

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9

FRONT

DAVID RUBINGER

DICK SWANSON

Waiting for Henry at his State Department office, Nancy couldn't resist ordering snacks. "I'm starved," she confessed.

It is early evening in Washington as Nancy Kissinger, tall and elegant in a wine-colored Bill Blass gown, slips into a seventh-floor office in the State Department. Henry Kissinger is at the White House with Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and President Ford, sparring over the Mideast, strategic arms and a wheat agreement. The desk phone rings. "Hi, sweetie," Nancy greets the Secretary of State. He is calling to tell her he will be late. Forty-five minutes later he walks in with a smile of undisguised fondness and nods approvingly at her gown. The Kissingers are heading out for another evening of the diplomatic socializing that is so important in Washington.

Since their marriage 18 months ago, Henry, 52, has grown to depend upon 41-year-old Nancy not only as wife and intellectual soul mate, but as a coolly adept ambassadress-at-large.

At first hesitant in her new role, she has adjusted so remarkably to the rigors of Washington that she is no longer troubled by the ulcer she acquired last year from fatigue. "All the surprises come in *getting* married," says Nancy. "When you are single as long as I was, that requires more of an adjustment than being the wife of the Secretary of State."

"Nancy stands aloof from day-to-day trivialities," explains her close friend Bette Lord, a writer and the wife of a

11

WILLIAM KAREL/GAMMA-LIAISON

Kissinger aide. "The constant taking of people's blood pressure that is so much a part of Washington is not a part of her life."

Though she is artfully controlled, Mrs. Kissinger exerts a relaxing influence on her sometimes brutally intense husband. During the latest round of Middle East negotiations, her humor and sense of priorities helped to keep frayed nerves to a minimum. On one hectic day of diplomatic shuttle flights between Alexandria and Tel Aviv, a harried Kissinger was rushing to schedule another airborne briefing when Nancy quietly broke in. No one had yet eaten dinner, she pointed out. Henry Kissinger ordered the meal served.

If, occasionally, Kissinger appears to be taking himself too seriously, Nancy

knows how to deflate him—graciously. "She obviously adores Henry," says a friend, "and if he gets a little pompous, she pops the balloon by laughing at him." (Kissinger, too, has been known to disarm his wife with humor. "When-ever you start getting sad or angry about something," she explains, "he knows he can have you in hysterics in two minutes and he always does. The problem is that some people don't know when he is kidding.")

In remarkable contrast to the hub-bub that accompanies Kissinger's travels is the relative tranquillity of his home life. Nancy's idea of a relaxing evening is dinner with her husband in their rented Georgetown three-story home anytime between 9 p.m. and midnight. "My schedule becomes

more involved when we have foreign visitors, but it's generally calm because Henry doesn't accept a lot of invitations," she says. The Kissingers rarely schedule dinners for more than eight people, "so everybody can take part in the conversation," explains Nancy. "There's no room in the house for large parties or servants. The Secret Service, close family guests, Tyler (the Kissingers' yellow Labrador retriever puppy, currently recuperating from hip surgery), and us—that's it."

A laundress and a cleaning lady come in twice a week, but Mrs. Kissinger prefers to do her own cooking, usually French or American dishes. "Even though they are Henry's favorite, I can't do German dishes," she admits. "He loves Wiener schnitt-

12

While Henry was braving the heat to negotiate a Mideast peace, Mrs. K. cooled off at Jerusalem's King David Hotel.

zel, but I've never attempted it."

The Kissingers see a great deal of Vice-President and Mrs. Nelson Rockefeller, says Nancy, but there is little entertaining within the Ford Administration. "There is a professional atmosphere," she explains. "Everyone is pretty busy and wants to go home at night and see their own families."

Other Kissinger intimates include columnist Tom Braden and his wife Joan, Joseph and Susan Mary Alsop (though divorced, they still dine together at the Kissingers), U.S. Ambassador to NATO David Bruce, and Washington Post publisher Kay Graham. In New York, actress Kitty Carlisle is a close

At an Israeli reception (above), an animated Nancy chats (clockwise) with Mrs. Malcolm Toon, wife of the U.S. ambassador, Mrs. Yigal Allon, wife of the foreign minister, and Mrs. Simcha Dinitz, wife of the Israeli ambassador to the U.S.

In Egypt (above), a shuttle-weary Nancy talks with Mrs. Anwar Sadat, wife of the Egyptian President, and their 14-year-old daughter Jihan.

friend, as is Harvard Professor Guido Goldman.

Instinctively a private person, Mrs. Kissinger grants few interviews, refuses to have her home photographed, and turns down hundreds of requests to lend her name to charities, committees and social events. The only major project she has agreed to sponsor this year is a Bicentennial exhibition dealing with the role of American women in the Revolutionary era. A foreign policy specialist by training (she is a director of Rockefeller's Commission on Critical Choices), Mrs. Kissinger takes a keen interest in her husband's public life, but deliberately remains unobtrusive. She often reads and criticizes the Secretary's speeches before he delivers them, but claims to

have no inside knowledge of State Department secrets, and does not read diplomatic cables. "I like to see what evolves in a negotiation," she says. "I'll ask somebody what's happening, and he'll say it's all going fine. Another person will say it's going terribly, and a third says the situation is not clear." Nancy listens and makes up her own mind.

Happily for domestic tranquillity, her own *realpolitik* approach to foreign policy meshes neatly with that of her husband. She supported his Vietnam policies, and did not oppose the bombing of Hanoi. "I just have the instinctive,

DAVID RUBINGER

SAFA MAERY/SIPA PRESS

13

Nancy welcomes the wife of Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko and Mrs. Anatoly Dobrynin, wife of the Soviet ambassador, to a reception in Blair House.

DICK SWANSON

gut reaction that if you get into a war, it is much less complicated if you win it than if you lose it," she says. "Vietnam was incredibly mismanaged. It was easier to get into than to get out of."

While Nancy keeps an eye on her husband's diplomatic maneuverings, Kissinger carefully scrutinizes her wardrobe. "He doesn't shop with me," she reports, "but he will say, 'I'm so sick of that evening dress—please go out and get another one.' He comments on absolutely everything I wear."

Kissinger is openly envious of Nancy's improbable diet. A chronic smoker, and junk food addict, she shamelessly indulges herself with potato chips, Clark Bars, white fudge and See's candy, a California sweet made without preservatives. Despite it all, she remains impeccably slender.

She is a less adaptable traveler than the secretary, who thrives on only four or five hours sleep a night, and can doze off at will on a plane. Nancy has found she needs a full eight hours, and while in flight wakes up with "every bump." She especially enjoys touring the U.S. with her husband. "Henry draws strength from the trips," she observes. "He worships the United States in a way none of us who was born here can." She is looking forward, though, to a time when he will no longer be the Secretary of State. "I wouldn't like Henry to have four more years," she says thoughtfully. "The exercise of power, which seems so full of fun and games on the outside, is full of planning, agonizing decisions and working all hours of the day and night. Eight years, I think, is enough for anyone. People can age 20 years in that time."

When Kissinger does leave government, Nancy does not expect him to return to the academic life. "For people as energetic as Henry, the more responsibility and the more work, the happier they are," she says. "They are workhorses by nature." Nor is she at all sure he will write that often talked about memoir. "When people leave pressurized jobs like Henry's they can't sit down and write a book," she says. "They are too restless. And it isn't Henry's nature. He thinks about things for a long time. He's never had a planned career. Everything has happened by chance." JERROLD SCHECTER

A pat on the head didn't faze a working secretary on a shuttle between Egypt and Israel. It did bring a smile from the National Security Council's Peter Rodman.

DAVID HUME KENNEDY/TIME WHITE HOUSE

14