The following is a selection of quotations by Dr. Henry A. Kissinger on world affairs and security, taken from his books, articles, papers and speeches:

## Review of Security Policy

Whatever the course—a continuation of the arms race or arms control—a new look at American national security policy is essential. Over 10 years have passed since the last comprehensive, bipartisan, high-level re-evaluation of all aspects of national security: the Gaither Committee. A new Administration should move quickly to bring about such a review. It should deal with some of the following problems:

* A definition of the national interest and national security over the next decade.

* The nature of military power in that period.

* The relationship of military power to political influence.

* Implications and feasibility (both military and political) of various postures—superiority, parity, and so on.

* The implications (both political and military) of new developments such as MIRV (Multiple Individually Targeted Re-entry Vehicles) and ballistic missile defenses.

* The prospects for arms control, including specific measures to moderate the arms race—From an essay, "Central Issues of American Foreign Policy," published by the Brookings Institution. 1968.

## Unrest Among Youth

We have a tendency to offer our altruism as a guarantee of our reliability: "We have no quarrel with the Communists," Secretary of State Rusk said on one occasion. "All of our quarrels are on behalf of other people."

Such an attitude makes it difficult to develop a conception of our role in the world.

We require a new burst of creativity, not so much for the sake of other countries

as for our own people, especially the youth. The contemporary unrest is no doubt exploited by some whose purposes are all too clear. But that it is there to exploit is proof of a profound dissatisfaction with the merely managerial and consumer-oriented qualities of the modern state and with a world which seems to generate crises by inertia.

The modern bureaucratic state, for all its panoply of strength, often finds itself shaken to its foundations by seemingly trivial causes. Its brittleness and the worldwide revolution of youth—especially in advanced countries and among the relatively affluent — suggest a spiritual void, an almost metaphysical boredom with a political environment that increasingly emphasizes bureaucratic challenges and is dedicated to no deeper purpose than material comfort. —From the same essay. 1968.

## Unity of Policy and Strategy

The traditional mode of military analysis, which saw in a war a continuation of politics but with its own appropriate means, is no longer applicable. Policy and strategy merge at every point. No statesman can overlook the cataclysmic alternatives before him. No problem can be left solely to the arbitrament of arms. Communication in the nuclear age is particularly important among adversaries. Arms control requires the same sense of urgency as does the study of strategy and of diplomacy.

National security policy is not primarily a technical problem, but a challenge to political understanding and, ultimately, to philosophical insight.—From the "Editor's Conclusion" in "Problems of National Strategy," a collection of papers edited by Dr. Kissinger.

## The Uses of Power

Modern weapons are enormously destructive; they are always in a high state of

readiness. ... This situation reflects the basic paradox of contemporary technology. Power has never been greater; it has also never been less useful. In the past, the major problem of strategists was to assemble superior strength; in the contemporary period, the problem more frequently is how to discipline the available power into some relationship to the objectives likely to be in dispute.

Though states have an unprecedented possibility to devastate their opponent, their threats to use this capability have only a limited credibility. This is because the ability to destroy is not related to the ability to disarm—so that using one's nuclear arsenal indiscriminately against a major opponent only guarantees self-destruction.

This problem is made more acute because the primary purpose of modern weapons is deterrence. But deterrence is as much a psychological as a military problem. It depends on the aggressor's assessment of risks, not the defender's.

A threat meant as a bluff, but taken seriously is more useful for purposes of deterrence than a "genuine" threat interpreted as a bluff.—From the introduction to "Problems of National Strategy." 1965.

## Effective Deterrence

Deterrence, to be effective, has four requirements:

1. The implementation of the deterrent threat must be sufficiently credible to preclude its being taken as a bluff.

2. The potential aggressor must understand the decision to resist attack or pressure.

3. The opponent must be rational, i.e., he must respond to his self-interest in a manner which is predictable.

4. In weighing his self-interest, the potential aggressor must reach the conclusions the "deterrent" is seeking to induce. In other words, the penalties of aggression must outweigh its benefits.

Under conditions of mutual invulnerability, these

conditions will become increasingly difficult to fulfill by the threat of all-out war.

When the theory of deterrence was first developed, it was assumed that an aggressor had basically two options: to attack or to fail to do so. ... However, it has become apparent that the aggressor has other choices. ... He can attack on a scale which makes the threatened retaliation appear to involve disproportionate risks. More importantly, he has the opportunity to engage in blackmail.

Consider a "rational" United States reaction to a blow against our retaliatory force. Suppose that such an attack reduced our retaliatory force by 50 per cent but held civilian casualties to a minimum. Assume also that coincident with the attack: the Soviet Ambassador presented an ultimatum to the President somewhat to this effect: "We have just destroyed 'x' per cent of your retaliatory force while sparing your cities. If you retaliate against our civilian population, we will respond in kind and our ability to inflict damage is superior to yours at least by the factor of destruction inflicted on your retaliatory force. We offer peace negotiations on certain specified conditions."

Considered purely rationally, there would be little sense in American retaliation. ... A blow against Soviet cities would devastate the Communist homeland.

At the same time we guarantee even more apalling destruction in the United States, because our population is more consent-trained. ... In these circumstances, the harrowing possibility exists that the Communist leaders might come to believe that if they could induce any delay in our response they might escape unscratched from even a nuclear attack." —From "The Necessity for Choice: Prospects of American Foreign Policy." 1961.

## Adjustment to Facts

The notion that wisdom consists of adjustment to facts is, of course, hardly heroic one. Pressed to its extreme, it implies a policy without goal and measure without conception. It places the direction of events in the hands of those strong enough to bring about a "fact." Nothing in the world would ever have been changed were adjustment the sole rule of conduct. It is an odd doctrine for the United States, which originated during a revolt

tion and which now seeks to deal with a world in which the hegemony of the United States is the idea paragon of novel. Stalin regularly offered the West a division of the world into spheres of influence, and he failed largely because the West was not yet prepared to adjust to a reality which involved surrendering other people's rights. —From the same book 1961.

KISSINGER NAMED
A KEY NIXON AIDE
IN DEFENSE POLICY

Job of Overhauling Work of
National Security Council
Given Harvard Expert

NEW EMPHASIS SOUGHT

President-Elect Says Top
Adviser Will Specialize in
Long-Term Planning

By R. W. APPLE Jr.

President-elect Richard M.
Nixon yesterday chose Henry
A. Kissinger, a 45-year-old spe-
cialist in defense policy and
European affairs, as his assist-
ant for national security af-
fairs, with orders to try to
do away with crisis diplomacy.

Dr. Kissinger, a German-
born scholar who heads Har-
vard University's International
Seminar as well as its Defense
Studies Program, will succeed
Walt W. Rostow in one of
the most influential policy posts
in Washington. Under President
Kennedy, the position was held
by McGeorge Bundy.

In announcing Dr. Kissinger's appointment at a news conference in the Pierre Hotel, Mr. Nixon emphasized that the professor's job would be to overhaul the operations of the National Security Council and to spend much of his time on long-range thinking and planning.

Emergency Plans Sought

The President-elect said it
was essential to have contin-
gency plans in all areas "so
that we may not just react to
events when they occur."

Although he made no specific
criticism of the Johnson Ad-
ministration's procedures, Mr.
Nixon suggested that he
thought Mr. Rostow had de-
voted too much time to day-
to-day matters and had inter-
fered with the operations of the
State Department.

"Dr. Kissinger," the President-elect declared, "is keenly aware of the necessity not to set himself up as a wall between the President and the Secretary of State or the Secretary of Defense. I intend to have a very strong Secretary of State."

Policy Views Withheld

Neither Mr. Nixon nor Dr.
Kissinger was willing to state
any views on major foreign
policy questions — Mr. Nixon
because he does not wish to
do so before his inauguration
and Dr. Kissinger because he
believes that his new job "is
inconsistent with making pub-
lic statements on substantive
issues."

The Harvard scholar, who
has a reputation for toughness
in East-West relations, said he
had tried for 15 years "to avoid
labels like 'hard' and 'soft.'"

Mr. Nixon then broke into
the discussion to stress that
Dr. Kissinger would present a
spectrum of attitudes toward
foreign policy.

"I am one who likes to get
a broad range of viewpoints
expressed," the President-elect
remarked, "and Dr. Kissinger

has set up what I believe—or
is setting up at the present
time a very exciting new pro-
cedure for seeing to it that
the President of the United
States does not just hear what
he wants to hear, which is al-
ways a temptation for White
House staffers."

Dr. Kissinger has undertaken
several projects for Governor
Rockefeller and was the Gov-
ernor's foreign policy adviser
during his unsuccessful cam-
paign for the Republican Presi-
dential nomination this year.
During the campaign, he pri-
vately disparaged Mr. Nixon's
competence in foreign affairs.

Asked whether the appoint-
ment meant that he was em-
bracing some ideas Mr. Rock-
feller has expressed, the Presi-
dent-elect responded:

"As we approach these prob-
lems, we are going to approach
them without any inhibitions
with regard to statements that
have been made in the past by
those in the planning func-
tions."

Dr. Kissinger said he planned
to bring foreign nongover-
mental experts, such as Alistair
Buchan of the London Institute
of Strategic Studies, into the
White House for consultation.
He remarked that he had "a
very wide acquaintance all over
the world among intellectuals
of all points of view."

Mr. Nixon described this
process as "trying to pick the
brains of the best people in
the world."

Mr. Nixon said that he
hoped to revitalize the National
Security Council, which has not
been used extensively under
President Kennedy and John-
son, and to meet with it often.
Dr. Kissinger said he hoped to
divert some of the council's
energies from short-range to
middle-and long-range planning.

Those 'Interminable Wires'

"Men in positions of re-
sponsibility and men who really
have the ability to do creative
thinking too often get bogged
down in reading the intermin-
able telegrams, most of which
are not really relevant to the
problems they are concerned
with," the President-elect said.

Speaking of Dr. Kissinger,
Mr. Nixon went on:

"I don't want him to get
down to the situation room in
the White House and spend
too much time there going
through cables."

Both Mr. Bundy and Mr.
Rostow did just that, involving
themselves deeply with the
minutiae of defense policy.
Both put before the Presidents
they served several alternative
views on key questions, al-
though their offices in the
White House and their role as
"traffic cops" in the flow of
information gave them consid-
erable influence.

Mr. Bundy is believed to
have been more assertive about
his own ideas, while Mr. Ros-
tow's greatest virtue was as
summarizer and synthesizer at
the end of policy debates.

The importance of the job
lies in the fact that the man
who holds it often has the first
word or the last word in major
debates and often is at the

President's side as he makes
decisions.

And as Mr. Nixon said yes-
terday, he wanted someone
who had not spent a great deal
of time working in Washington
some one with a "fresh ap-
proach."

To work with Dr. Kissinger
as a key aide on a 20-man staff,
Mr. Nixon named Dr. Richard
V. Allen, 32, senior staff mem-
ber of the Hoover Institution
on War, Revolution and Peace
at Stanford University. He
served as director of foreign
policy research during Mr.
Nixon's Presidential campaign
this year.

The President-elect also met
yesterday with a group of all-
star football players, who gave
him an autographed football,
and with Senator John Sherman
Cooper, a Kentucky Republican,
and former Gov. William W.
Scranton of Pennsylvania, also
a Republican.

Mr. Scranton, who left last
night on a 10-day tour of the
Middle East on Mr. Nixon's be-
half, said that he had been
cramming for his trip, reading
seven books in four days. He
pointed out that he had no in-
tention of "making or pro-
pounding policy" but planned
only to seek out the views of
national leaders in the area.

He called the Middle East
"the most volcanic area of the
world"—one where war might
break out "at any minute."

NYT
12/3

THE ECONOMIST DECEMBER 7, 1968

41

THE WORLD

American Survey

Season for blueprints

Washington, DC

A new Administration in Washington comes in fairly soon after the winter solstice, usually with the hope that it may share the accompanying change of mood. Among the outgoing people a forgotten spirit of bipartisanship stirs, intellectual inventories are drawn up, helpful tips passed on about how to make bureaucracy work. A broad stream of advice pours in upon the new men. "A renewal of governmental energies and a resurgence of hope" mark the new Administration's early days, as a former officer of Presidents Kennedy and Johnson, Mr Kermit Gordon, observes.

As head of the Brookings Institution Mr Gordon is in a position to turn on a torrent of advice himself. The institution did it for President Kennedy eight years ago in a series of memoranda about the mechanics of the transfer of power. This time it presents 18 studies of policy questions in one weighty volume ("Agenda for the Nation," December 6th, $6.95). Most of the authors combine experience of government with positions in academic life. Mr Gordon sums up in crisp, uninhibited terms, beginning with the statement that the first and paramount task of the new President must be to

stop the fighting in Vietnam. Next, he says, the new Administration has to think its way through the present paradox of America, the fact that poverty, riots, race, slums, unemployment and crime divide and rack a society that enjoys rapid economic growth and "a steady diffusion of affluence at a rate unimaginable a decade ago."

Only then can the new Administration formulate domestic programmes, says Mr Gordon. It has to manage the march of prosperity with one hand and attack the bitter social problems on the other. It can do neither properly without relating domestic and foreign policy to each other, as is evident from Mr Charles Schultze's essay on the Budget and Professor Carl Kaysen's on military strategy, armed forces and arms control, to name two examples.

An extra, if factitious, interest has been given to the Brookings volume by the circumstance that, just at the moment of its publication, the author of the concluding essay on foreign policy has been selected by Mr Richard Nixon as his Special Assistant for National Security Affairs. A German-born Republican from Harvard University, Mr Henry Kissinger was active in the earlier stages of the

presidential campaign as a partisan of Governor Nelson Rockefeller, not of Mr Nixon: he had a hand in the more important of Mr Rockefeller's pronouncements on defence and foreign policy and was influential in inducing him to come out in July with a plan for ending the Vietnam war in four stages. Although he has endlessly been a consultant to departments in Washington Mr Kissinger has not worked in government before but has been a teacher, thinker and writer on strategic and diplomatic matters. Mr Kissinger as teacher is always stimulating. As writer he shows an excellent resistance to the accepted clichés of the day and, on occasion, a proper and likeable capacity to admit that he might have been wrong, as has anyone who has been a strategic theorist through the last 20 years. Yet he does bring to the new Administration a touch of the intellectual arrogance which it might otherwise be sadly short of.

It would be unfruitful to look at the accumulated body of his written work as a sort of rule book for the foreign policy of the next Administration. In any case Mr Nixon, though for once he came downstairs to present Mr Kissinger to the press, left plenty of uncertainty about what Mr Kissinger would be doing in the White House. Under the last two Presidents the National Security Council as a formal body became somewhat atrophied, but its staff in the White House flourished. There have been suggestions from Mr Nixon that he may be preparing to put this process into reverse. Mr Kissinger, he said on Monday, would be in charge of "a complete reorganisation and restructuring of the entire White House security planning machinery." But he indicated that what he wanted from Mr Kissinger was long range thinking and "creative planning" designed to anticipate crises and avert them rather than that Mr Kissinger should cope with them when they happened; the new Special Assistant was not to spend his time down in the situation room reading cables.

Typically, in years past, the life of the President's Special Assistants for National Security Affairs has been spent in dealing with immediate business. Creative thinking they have left until their retirement from the President's service and long-range planning to bodies created for the purpose (like the Policy Planning Staff in the State Department) to the extent that it has been done at all. Presumably the national security staff in the White House, a score or so of officers, will not divert their energies to creative thought but will go on struggling with the immediate

President-elect and creative planner

# New Administration's Gets Off to Restrained Start

FROM PAGE ONE

treaty which is aimed at halting the
spread of nuclear weapons. Over the pro-
tests of the Johnson Administration, the
Senate held up action on the treaty be-
cause of the Russian invasion of Czecho-
slovakia last August.

Sources close to the Senate Foreign Re-
lations Committee have said the Presi-
dent's decision would determine whether
there is action on the treaty this year. "If
he says go, we will go, and if not, we
won't," a committee source said.

As far as can be determined, there has
been no public or private signal from Mr.
Nixon on whether he wants the treaty ra-
tified in this session of Congress. It is al-
most certain to be one of the questions
asked at his first press conference. The
general expectation is that he will tell the
Senate, in the reasonably near future,
that he believes the U.S. should ratify.

ON THE DAY of his inauguration, an-
other major foreign policy issue confront-
ed the new Chief Executive. The Soviet
foreign office, in a statement, restated the
Russian willingness to negotiate with the
U.S. on limiting and possibly reducing
offensive and defensive nuclear missile
systems.

Soviet Premier Alexei N. Kosygin told
former Secretary of Defense Robert S.
McNamara recently that the U.S.S.R. was
ready to begin the missile talks immedi-
ately and warned that the consequences
of delay could be serious. Visitors to the
Russian embassy in Washington reported
that Soviet attaches virtually pleaded with
them to use their influence to persuade
Mr. Nixon to agree to the talks.

Although it did not mention the missile
talks specifically, the inaugural speech
contained a general statement that "after
a period of confrontation, we are entering
an era of negotiation," and an assurance
to "all nations" that "during this adminis-
tration our lines of communication will
be open."

It is the timing of the missile negotia-
tions that seems to be the real decision
facing Mr. Nixon. His advisers appear to
be in agreement that they should be held
but divided on when. For different rea-
sons, Secretary of Defense Melvin R.
Laird and national security aid Kissinger
appear to favor a delay, while Secretary
of State William P. Rogers is reported to
be leaning toward an early start.

Laird reportedly wants some time, at

least until May, to review comparative
U.S. and Soviet military strength, Kissin-
ger, in a recent article, emphasized the
need for consultation with America's Eu-
ropean allies before entering into bilateral
negotiations with Russia.

THE NIXON SPEECH last Monday was
a little more explicit on domestic prob-
lems than foreign policy, but it left a lot
of questions in this field, too. At one
point, Mr. Nixon seemed to pledge contin-
ued federal emphasis on social welfare
programs; at another point he seemed to
draw back.

"We will press urgently forward" to-
ward "our goals of full employment, bet-
ter housing, excellence in education, in
rebuilding our cities and improving our
rural areas, in protecting our environ-
ment and enhancing the quality of life,"
the new President said.

But he added that "we are approaching
the limits of what government alone can
do," and he said that "in this past third
of a century, government has passed
more laws, spent more money, initiated
more programs, than in all our previous
history."

Mr. Nixon sought to reconcile these
statements by saying that much of the
further domestic progress must come

from the efforts of individual citizens at
the local level. He said he wanted to read
about "those small, splendid efforts that
make headlines in the neighborhood news-
papers."

The Democrats of the old administra-
tion shook their heads at this, recalling
their efforts to get suburbanites interested
in central city problems, and the reliance
of local and state governments on money
from Washington.

THE NUTS-AND-BOLTS DETAILS of
Mr. Nixon's domestic programs were not
to be found in the inaugural speech. His
Cabinet secretaries have spoken only in
generalities about what they were going
to do about crime in the streets, urban
decay, federal aid to education, enforce-
ment of school integration and open hous-
ing, and the antipoverty program.

But what they have said, together with
Mr. Nixon's campaign statements, ap-
pears to add up to this tentative picture:

The new administration will seek to
hold federal funding for the Model Cities
program, the war on poverty and other
social programs at essentially the present
levels, or slightly less, rather than asking
for bigger appropriations.

Instead, Mr. Nixon will emphasize re-
forms in the existing programs, to make

them more efficient, eliminate waste,
tighten them up generally. A possible ex-
ception may be federal aid to education;
he may request some spending increases
in this one area.

He is likely to propose that the Office of
Economic Opportunity be abolished or
sharply cut back, and that the antipoverty
programs it operates be transferred to
the older bureaucracies of the Labor and
Health, Education and Welfare Depart-
ments. The Job Corps, target of charges
of mismanagement and waste, may be
abolished altogether.

ENFORCEMENT of school desegrega-
tion guidelines and the new open occupan-
cy law are likely to proceed at a some-
what slower rate than in the Johnson Ad-
ministration, with emphasis probably on
an effort to secure voluntary compliance
rather than invoking federal penalties.

Economist Arthur F. Burns, who was
appointed this week as presidential coun-
cilor on domestic programs, a new post
with Cabinet status, said Mr. Nixon would
submit "a significant legislative pro-
gram" to Congress in about a month.

But the areas he mentioned, including
federal spending, debt management, gov-
ernment organization and electoral re-
form as well as education, health, welfare
programs and civil rights, reinforced the
impression that the over-all emphasis
would be on reform, not innovation.

The general view seemed to be that Mr.
Nixon had gauged the prevailing temper
of the American people as being receptive
to a period of consolidating and digesting
the social gains already made rather than
pushing ahead with more groundbreaking.

The cynics are recalling Warren Hard-
ing's judgment that a war-weary people
wanted "not nostrums but normalcy, not
experiment but equipoise."

But Mr. Nixon knows there are vast dif-
ferences between the United States of the
1920s and the 1960s. How he will handle
the differences, not the similarities, is
the big question.

iliar. That is when Wettermark is summoned
cific in New Orleans to which he has gone for
ancer. He is firmly and coldly designated as a
9 account which he cannot recall. One has the
d bleed to death unheeded unless he could
nt in advance. Many people must often think
se as they fill out numerous forms testifying
vency in medical centers. But of course the
must protect itself.

be put off by my emphasis on the depressing
let me say that the frustrations are an inte-
part of the setting, readily accepted as the
what is finally a gripping novel of suspense

Fine Stories

literature would be meaningless without
a writer's strong-willed use of them,
and it is here that Miss Potter shines.
For example, in the title story, "We Have
Seen the Best of Our Times," just be-
fore Dillworth and Nettie are caught up
in the never-to-be-forgotten hurricane of
1938, Nettie is reading on the front porch
of their rented seashore cottage. She is
reading Anne Morrow Lindbergh's "North
to the Orient," thinking how "beautifully
sad" it is, unaware of what is to come
her way before the day is over, unaware
even though "the waves broke hugely
on the beach and then scuttled back as
if they were going to be beaten for dar-
ing so much."

Nettie is drowned and Dillworth is
saved to go home to the Midwest and die
on familiar ground in the expected way.
All the contradictions and inconsistencies
of their lives and their marriage are as
"beautifully sad" as anything Nettie could
have wished to read. More importantly,
the story, bringing together the plains and
the sea, a lifetime of dull devotion to
music and food and each other, never
ridicules Dillworth and Nettie, never turns
them into caricatures for the reader to
feel superior to. Rather, Miss Potter
seems to have caught their essential
qualities—so vividly, so truly—that every-
thing about them is more real than real-
ity, and their intertwined lives and back-

Seekers & Sufferers

A STRONGER CLIMATE, by R. Prazer Jhabvala (Norton, 214 pgs., $4.95)

Reviewed by RUTH PHILPOTT COLLINS

MRS. JHABVALA is recognized as one of India's outstanding
writers of today. Many of the stories in this collection have
appeared in The New Yorker or London's Cornhill Magazine.
They give a penetrating and caustic picture—not of Gandhi's
depressed class, nor yet Kipling's romantics—but of India's
young moderns who live in the drab city apartments, sari-
clad typists, English radio girls, artists, weary young Hindus
lately returned with social status of B.A. from Western uni-
versity, flaunting their new freedom from racial or moral laws.

The stories deal with two sections of the group, the seekers and the sufferers. Only a few short years ago India was still being invaded by vast armies of Europeans, zealous, confident young missionaries, soldiers, statemen, intent on forcing their culture and their God on the Hindu.

The climate proved to be too strong. Today the land swarms
with aimless, eccentric young Westerners, seeking "not to con-
quer but to be conquered."

The nine characters presented by the author are all unattrac-
tive, ridiculous and pathetic. Richard, the effete young English-
man who has come for enlightenment and hopes to find it in
ancient Hindu art, ends by following a bit of fluff in tinselled
sari. Cathy, the pretty blond young English bride of a Hindu
B.A., won during his lonely days in London, preens herself
when she finds his blueblooded family are (against all dire
forecasts), agreeable to the young couple living in modern
style in the city apartment.

Slowly she becomes aware of the forces against her. The
soft-spoken young B.A. with no intention of using his B.A.
knowledge to earn a living, his growing resentment at the very
things which had drawn them together in London, the holding of

moody, restless, irritable in Catholic academies away from
his parents; secretly, even then, he wanted to be a poet. As
he grew up, his older brother, Jamie, led him into a series
of wild flings. He began drinking when he was 15, after
learning his mother's true condition.

O'Neill always said that he first took stock of himself in a
tuberculosis sanitarium, that it was then he decided to be a
writer. Sheaffer has discovered that a lot of what O'Neill
said of himself is not true, that he laid traps for his biog-
raphers all along the way. But Sheaffer has found out much
more than has been known of O'Neill's time at Princeton, his
work in the Harvard 47 Workshop course, his trip to Honduras
prospecting for gold, and his voyage to Buenos Aires plus his
carousing on the beach front there.

O'Neill's suicide attempt in a New York saloon and his
eventual truly creative work at Provincetown bring him to
his first success. All this is dovetailed with the stories of
his affairs and his first two marriages. It makes a story
as strange and haunting as O'Neill's plays.

Probably the finest single aspect of Sheaffer's writing is
his fierce determination to get at the truth, and the justness
of his judgments. He has no theory to prove; he only wants
to show the man as he was. And he writes beautifully. It
is worth mentioning that the excellent photographs are tipped
in unobtrusively just where they ought to be. It is all first rate.

National Best Sellers

(Numbers indicate weeks on list)

FICTION

The Salzburg Connection,
MacInnes

A Small Town in Germany,
Le Carre

Airport, Hailey
Preserve and Protect,

Drury
Force is Foul
Marone,

ers,

O'Hara
Men,

NON-FICTION

The Money Game,
"Adam Smith"*

Instant Replay, Kramer
The Arms of Krupp,

Manchester
Memoirs: Sixty Years on
the Firing Line, Krock

The Day Kennedy Was
Shot, Bishop
On Reflection,
Hayes & Dody

The Rich and the
Super-Rich, Lundberg

The Rich and the
Super-Rich, Lundberg
Between Parent and Child,

Ginott
Between Parent and Child,
Ginott

37 Lonesome Cities, McKuen
The Joys of Yiddish,

3 Rosten
Lonesome Cities, McKuen

Service. An analysis based on reports from more
25 bookstores in 64 U.S. communities.

Day's Contributors

as director of the Missouri Historical Society

as is a St. Louis writer who has lived in India

living in Colorado, was arts critic on the
Star-Times

ference librarian of the Post-Dispatch

St. Louis is an occasional reviewer

a member of the English department at