-5-

affirmation of equality and black dignity in America has coincided

with the assertion of black nationhood in Africa. Both represent

a great human struggle that America's principles impel us to

embrace and support. All Americans share the values of

freedom and human well-being, and therefore share Africa's

highest hopes. Helping Africa achieve its highest aspirations

of peace, progress, and justice is necessary for the peace of

the world and hence our peace; it also speaks for what is best

in us.

It is no accident that the United States is the only country

trusted by all sides in southern Africa's current conflicts.

We are the only country with access to all sides, and with

an influence that can perhaps be decisive for a peaceful solution.

We are proud to be in that position; but with that position comes

the need for decisive action.

-6-

America's role in Africa -- our ability to act effectively --

does not depend on goodwill and good intentions alone. Nor can our
policy be confined to Africa unless in a large measure to
our ability to act effectively in
the
Can we act meaningfully in only one continent. Our standing in the
world depends in large measure on our strength, and on our
reputation for reliability and steadfastness.

It is therefore with great satisfaction that I can tell you that
proceeding and dynamic,

America's foreign relations are in good repair; that the American
people are clearly prepared to do their part in helping shape a
better and freer world, for all mankind.

-- We have put a tragic and divisive war behind us.

Today we are at peace for the first time in over
a decade. Today no American is in combat any-
where in the world.

-- We have come through an unprecedented political
crisis at home with our democratic institutions

-8-

hope that we may soon, for the first time in history,
set a firm ceiling on the total number of strategic
nuclear weapons held by the Soviet Union and
ourselves.

-- And we have begun a detailed and promising
dialogue with the nations of the Third World in
Latin America, Asia, and Africa on the fundamental
questions of equity and progress, in our
economic relationship.

In short, America has come through a decade and more
of travail with unmatched strength and resiliency and with a
reinforced dedication to the cause of freedom. America with
its vast strength remains the hope of the world; America with
its optimism and energy remains the tide of the future. Without
our vigilance there can be no global peace; without our support

-9-

for friends, there can be no regional security; without our
skills and dedication, there can be no international cooperation
for human advancement. Without our championing of freedom,
justice, and human dignity, their cause will falter.

And we ourselves have much at stake. Never before has
the well-being of Americans been so affected by events abroad.

The 1973 Middle East war and oil embargo cost Americans half
a million jobs, and contributed crucially to the worst recession
and worst inflation we have suffered in a generation. Reckless
international interventionism by aggressive countries -- such as
in Angola -- or the menace of terrorism undermines global
tranquility.

Our prosperity at home depends on a flourishing
global economy; our own peace and safety depend on the security,
of friends and allies against foreign threat or domination.

Nowhere is today's challenge more pressing, than in Africa.

-11-

Africa for fulfilling their aspirations in peace. A complex
process of negotiation is underway on the urgent issues of
Southern Africa -- especially Rhodesia and Namibia. In April
I visited Africa to meet with black African leaders; senior
American diplomats have visited black Africa on two crucial
fact-finding missions, and are returning today from a third such
trip. I have had talks with the South African Prime Minister and
I am about to do so again. Other negotiations will follow.

With pativity
If the leaders and nations of Africa continue to show
the parties + with the support of the American people
understanding and responsibility, and if the people of the
we have a chance to contribute to a turning point in
United States put their firm support behind our effort, we have
the history of Africa;
a chance at long last to see the fulfillment of the struggle.

we can
against colonialism; to participate in a new birth of independence
we can
and racial peace; to help shape a new international dedication

-12-

to Africa's economic development; and to witness an Africa
strong and united and free of the threat of outside oppression and
intervention.

There is no guarantee that the *immediate* diplomatic effort
*immediate* will succeed. But whatever the immediate outcome, it will *never*
*said* be possible to say that the United States did not exert itself with
energy and determination to the cause of peace and freedom + human dignity
+ And whatever the results of immediate negotiations, we will not
flag in our effort to help Africa achieve its dreams of peace,
well-being and human dignity.

## Africa's Challenges

Africa is struggling today for three goals; self-determination
and racial justice in southern Africa; economic development and
progress for *its people*; and the preservation of its unity and
integrity against outside interference and great-power rivalry.

-13-

Change has come to Africa with astounding swiftness. Just
thirty years ago, almost all of Africa was the dominion of European
powers, who determined its political and economic destiny. Today
we see a continent of nearly 50 independent new nations struggling
against time, against the elements, and against the forces of
instability, to consolidate their nationhood.

The pace of change has accelerated in the last two years in every dimension.

-- The sudden collapse of the Portuguese colonial empire
wrought fundamental changes in southern Africa.

Major new efforts were made to negotiate the racial
conflict in Rhodesia and Namibia but failed. The
forces for moderation in black Africa risked being
influenced by discredited

-14-

-- Worldwide recession and the sharp rise in oil prices had a drastic impact on the poorest nations of the globe, many of them African. Development plans were crippled by the fall of export earnings and by the surge of prices for fuel, fertilizer, and other key imports. New cycles of drought and famine halted economic progress and intensified the suffering of hundreds of thousands of people.

-- Civil war within the liberation movement in Angola (N.D.) offered limited prospects for neo-colonialist intervention, drew outside powers into involvement, threatening Africa's peace, unity and independence. Soviet-Cuban massive military presence intervention and the continued Cuban occupation of the Congo, in Angola raised the grim prospect that other southern states, acting for this own ends, would impose solutions on the problems of southern Africa. By foreign powers.

-15-

Most compellingly, the peoples of southern Africa
increasingly were afflicted by anguishing cycles of
action and reprisal. A spiralling, increasingly
uncontrollable process of suffering, killing, and
widening misery had been set in motion with no
hope of an end in sight.

In the face of these dangers, it was time to present a concrete
and responsible alternative to the grim prospects of violence.

There was still time for negotiated settlements in southern Africa.

New forms and efforts of international collaboration were needed
to sustain and promote economic advance. The United States
recognized that if the root conflicts inviting foreign intervention
were overcome, we could buttress the principle that African
problems should find African solutions and avoid the danger that

-16-

Africa, whose peoples have already suffered so much, would become
the arena where superpower conflicts would be carried out.

In short, it was time to define a positive American role in
Africa with which our many friends there could identify and
cooperate.

Therefore, last April, President Ford decided on a new
American initiative to support the peace, justice, prosperity
and independence of Africa. Our decision to offer our support
and constructive influence was welcomed and strongly encouraged
by black African leaders.

In a few short months, substantial progress has been achieved.
Let me discuss with you what has been done, and what remains
to be done.

## Southern Africa

Most urgent has been the mounting racial conflict of

-17-

southern Africa -- Rhodesia, in Namibia, and in the Republic of South Africa itself. In Rhodesia and Namibia the cycle of violence and counterviolence had already begun. Widespread death and destruction, economic chaos and long-term instability loomed as real possibilities for both territories and surrounding areas.

The white minority regime in Rhodesia, representing only some four percent of the population, is not recognized by a single government in the world -- not even neighboring South Africa. Its unilateral declaration of independence from Britain in November 1965 is regarded as illegal by every single member of the world community; Britain was -- and remains -- committed to grant independence only under conditions of majority rule. Three United States Administrations have supported Britain throughout its long effort to restore its constitutional authority.

-19-

and independence.

Namibia, like Rhodesia, contains the seeds of greater
conflict. With thousands of foreign troops north of the Namibian
border and with intensifying warfare in Rhodesia, a volatile
situation is emerging.
climate of violence is coming into being. Time is running out
on this issue as well.

And in South Africa, recent outbreaks of violence have
revealed the tragic flaws of a social system that has sought to
institutionalize and legalize human inequality.

Therefore, when I visited Africa in April, I put forward
in Lusaka, Zambia, on behalf of President Ford an American
initiative for all southern Africa:

-- for Rhodesia, we gave strong support to British Prime

Minister Callaghan's proposal for majority rule in two
years or less. We encouraged the African parties

-20-

involved to pursue a negotiated settlement in which
black and white would coexist and cooperate, for Africa's
future. We stated our readiness to assist a new
Rhodesia -- Zimbabwe -- to overcome the economic
dislocations which will inevitably accompany the process
so that it could make early of change, and to take its place in the community
of nations.

-- For Namibia, we urged that South Africa set a specific
date for independence, and broaden the political process
that will determine Namibia's independent future. The
United States has long urged South Africa to permit the
political process. It is our view that all people and all the political groups of Namibia to express
themselves freely, under U.N. supervision, and to
participate in determining the future of their country.

-21-

(N)

-- And I restated on African soil our abhorrence of the

practice of apartheid. I urged South Africa to demonstrate
its commitment to the future of the continent by
facilitating solutions to the problems of Rhodesia and
Namibia.

The progress that has been made since this American initiative
is unmistakable. The most important is the change in our relationship
with black Africa. Our initiative has been widely welcomed. Our
dialogue with the nations of black Africa has deepened and developed
more and more confidence.

As for South Africa, since my talks with Prime Minister
Vorster, it has stated publicly on August 13 its support for our
program for majority rule in Rhodesia -- an extraordinary and
crucial breakthrough. In Namibia, the Constitutional Conference

And I restated, on African soil, our abhorrence of the practice of apartheid, and urged South Africa to demonstrate its commitment to the future of the continent by facilitating solutions to the problems of Rhodesia and Namibia.

The progress that has been made since this American initiative, *Hue war to me*: P--Recharacterize? is unmistakable. The most important is the change in our relationship has changed meaningfully. with black Africa. Our initiative has been widely welcomed. Our dialogue with the nations of black Africa has deepened and developed more and more confidence, and respect between America and black Africa has grown markedly.

As for South Africa, since my talks with Prime Minister Vorster, it has stated publicly on August 19 that its support for our *injime* program for majority rule in Rhodesia -- an extraordinary and crucial breakthrough. In Namibia, the Constitutional Conference

-22

organized by South Africa set, two weeks ago, a firm date of

December 31, 1978 for Namibia's independence, conceding the

vital principle of independence and majority rule. These

dramatic developments show that progress is possible. But

they are not enough.

from L to R

page

I leave for further talks this week to bring the weight of
the United States to bear on achieving negotiated solutions and to

In three days,

(in majorities)

accelerate the momentum thus far achieved.

Majority

We must not underestimate the difficulties ahead of us.

The obstacles to a negotiated settlement in Rhodesia and to a
peaceful transition to Namibian independence remain formidable.

The situation in South Africa continues to be highly volatile, it poses a threat not only of intensified suffering within that country but also to South Africa's ability to assist constructively in solutions

-23-

for Rhodesia and Namibia.

Reconciling the different objectives is a major diplomatic

task. All parties must strive to overcome the legacy of generations

and keep in mind that an attempt to achieve everything may frustrate

the great steps forward which now seem possible.

We shall be carrying this message to all the African parties.

-- The white populations of Rhodesia and Namibia must recognize that majority rule is inevitable. The only issue is what form it will take and how it will come about, whether through protracted and bloody conflict that will leave a heritage of bitterness and destruction or rapidly through the peaceful means which offer hope for a just and cooperative future in southern Africa.

-24-

(Y)

-- South Africa still has a crucial opportunity to show its
make a
good will and constructive contribution to Africa by
Towards independence
committing itself to rapid progress in Rhodesia and
Namibia.

-- Black African leaders in the states neighboring Rhodesia and Namibia have perhaps the most difficult challenge. They feel in their hearts the suffering of their brothers; they have themselves experienced the dehumanization of colonial rule. All their instincts are for rapid solutions without the tedious give-and-take of (violence which only escalates conflicts without negotiations. And yet there is wisdom and moderating influence is essential if rapid progress is to be achieved. They must know from their own experience—must have target, does not mean old that injustice cannot be righted by new injustice, now, etc.) They have an opportunity to put an end to centuries of

-26-

structure that offers both races, white and black, a secure future
and chance to contribute to a new majority ruled Zimbabwe
and Namibia.

In Namibia, the South African announcement of a date for
independence is a positive step. But there is more to be done
nOP
Before Namibia is removed from the world's agenda of crises,
The many groups seeking a role in Namibia -- black and white --
must find a means and a forum for working out Namibia's political
future on a basis of participation by all groups.

And to the American people we will carry this message:

If a settlement is reached over either Rhodesia or Namibia or both,
the negotiations will be fruitless, and eventually, we will need
America's support for it will be a major factor in its durability.

It cannot be the effort of one branch or one group, or one race; it
will need non-partisan support across the widest spectrum.

President and Congress, Republicans and Democrats, black and

- 28 -

The racial problem of South Africa itself is more complex. In Lusaka in April I pointed out that South African assistance in bringing about rapid negotiated solutions in Rhodesia and Namibia would be viewed positively by the community of nations as well as by the rest of Africa. And I must express here that with respect to these two problems South Africa's role has been constructive.

As for conditions within South Africa, the world, and most black African leaders, recognize South Africa as an African country. Its white settlers have lived on African soil for centuries. No one, including the responsible leaders of black Africa, challenges their right to remain there or live in their country. Unlike the minority regimes in Rhodesia and Namibia, they are not regarded as an outside colonial power.

- 29 -

But the United States must be true to its own beliefs.

~~Best~~ South Africa's internal structure is incompatible with any concept of human dignity. The recent and continuing clashes in black urban townships and universities and schools throughout South Africa are dramatic evidence of the frustration of black South Africans toward a system which denies them status, equality, and political rights. No system can last that ~~requires~~ leads to can possibly be called just or acceptable. the periodic killing of innocents. We urge South Africa to take account of the conscience of humanity. We urge all South Africa ~~to~~ work energetically for a peaceful end to apartheid -- a goal which is in the interest of all South Africans, ~~and~~ of all of Africa, ~~and indeed of all the world~~, living about We will continue to use all our influence to urge peaceful change, equality of opportunity, and basic human rights in South Africa. Our policy toward South Africa is based upon the

- 31 -

Economic Progress

It is the economic progress of Africa which ultimately will
~~determine whether the peoples of the continent will be able to~~
~~its people~~
consolidate and extend the stable and progressive societies they
so long have sought to achieve.

You here at this convention know that the economic dimension
is fundamental. You know full well, as a black Mississippi
politician said recently, that "it's no good being able to join the
country club if you haven't got the money to buy a drink."

And you are taking action.

Africa's development needs are massive and your Opportunities
~~Industrialization Center Program~~
them: the crucial need for vocational training to teach the skills

- 33 -

Africa is blessed with immense natural wealth. The ratio of population to resources is as favorable as that of any region of the developing world. And there is great margin for improving agricultural productivity.

But no continent suffers so cruelly when crops fail for lack of rain. No continent's natural economic regions are so fragmented by borders drawn up -- often arbitrarily -- in the colonial era. And no continent bears such a crushing burden of poverty and illiteracy.

Africa is thus doubly challenged -- by recurrent economic catastrophes, and by the need for steady and long-term growth.

The policy of the United States is **addressing both**:

* dimension of the task ;

- 37 -

But the disasters which afflict the Sahel come in recurrent cycles. They are altering the ecology across central and western Africa; the desert is encroaching upon once-fertile lands.

Thus we believe that the time has come to strike at the heart of the problem, to go beyond periodic measures of relief to take the comprehensive steps needed so that heard won progress in economic development will not continue to be vulnerable to natural catastrophe.

To this end the United States, together with an international group of donor countries are combining efforts aimed at reversing the economic and ecological decline of the Sahel and lay the foundations for future growth, developing major river basins

- 38 -

to improve water supply; increasing crop acreage by modern agri-
cultural methods; improving food storage facilities; improving the
use of dry land areas for crop and livestock and by reforestation;
and enhancing the transportation network of the area.

The effort in the Sahel, and others of equal scope which are
needed elsewhere in Africa, will require us to utilize all the
mechanisms at our disposal: bilateral, regional, and international.
Most important, they will require cooperation among the industrial
democracies of North America, Europe, and Japan. No other
group of countries -- certainly not the Socialist countries -- is
able to provide the technology, the managerial expertise, or the
resources. The industrial democracies must coordinate their
programs if we are not to dissipate resources and see our efforts

- 39 -

**overlap or conflict.** This is why the United States has endorsed the imaginative proposal of President Giscard of France for a fund to organize and coordinate Western assistance efforts for Africa. And we are seeking within the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development a more general coordination of development efforts among the industrial democracies.

**Beyond these aid efforts,** Africa is heavily dependent upon the world economy. No African nation can plan its future effectively or mobilize its efforts if its income is buffeted **continually** by external economic forces over which it has little or no influence. The export earnings of many African economies **rest** upon global market conditions for a single commodity.

And higher energy prices or inflation abroad can raise

- 40 -

prohibitive levels the price of imports that Africa desperately needs. For these reasons we support that Africa must have a role in international economic institutions and in the negotiations and decisions that shape the world economy.

One year ago, at the Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on economic development, the United States presented a comprehensive series of proposals for the world community to respond cooperatively to the needs of the developing countries. We have followed up these initiatives with major efforts at the Paris Conference on International Economic Cooperation, at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in Nairobi, and at numerous other international forums. Many of our proposals have been implemented and have a direct

- 41 -

impact on Africa. Specifically:

-- Africa can look forward to more stable export earnings as a result of our proposal to enlarge the compensatory finance facility of the International Monetary Fund.

-- To stabilize market conditions for key raw materials, the United States has signed and submitted for Congressional approval international commodity agreements on tin and coffee. We stand ready to discuss others.

-- We have joined with producers and consumers of key commodities to explore measures to

- 42 -

(N)

improve and stabilize markets. We urge that are ready to
participation in producer-consumer forums deal with individual
 commodities in ways of particular benefit to
Africa.

to

P49

-- To enhance Africa's participation in the global
economic system, we have reduced the barriers to
African exports into the United States market by
instituting a Generalized System of Tariff
Preferences for developing countries. We have
proposed in multilateral negotiations to reduce
tariffs for tropical products which are of special
interest to Africa; and to foster industrialization,
we are seeking authorization from Congress to
make an initial contribution of $15 million to
the African Development Bank's Development

Economic

System

SAI

SAD

P--

Economic

L

P 45

- 46 -

cannot be imposed or extorted. An atmosphere of rancor, extortion, or unworkable resolutions only undermines public support in the industrial nations whose effective contribution is crucial to development. Confrontation leads to retrogression for both the industrial and the developing world. Progress will be sustained only if it benefits both sides.

The United States is committed to work with the nations of Africa to help them achieve economic advance for their peoples, and to become strong participants in the global economic order, ~~economic partners with a fair and growing stake in the international system.~~ But we must be frank to say that rhetorical assaults and one-sided declarations undermine the conditions for such cooperation. Many of the recent resolutions of the non-aligned

- 47 -

conference in Colombo can hardly be called non-aligned in
 phraseology. These can only weaken our hopes for cooperative
 progress. Non-alignment must be true to its name. It cannot be
taken seriously if it becomes nothing more than a rigid alignment
aimed at
for the purpose of producing automatic majorities and rhetorical
denunciations against the industrial democracies.

The choice that all nations face is between cooperation
and chaos. America has made its decision. We invite others
to join us in the same spirit.

## African Independence: Precondition for Progress

Africa's hopes for economic progress will be thwarted
if the energies of its peoples are drained in protracted military
and racial struggles. And Africa's hopes for development will

- 48 -

the impossible

dashed if the independence and integrity of the continent are not
maintained. Africa has only recently broken the shackles of
colonialism. It must not once again become an arena in which
outside powers contest for spheres of influence.

This is why the United States accepts and supports the
non-alignment of groups and nations in Africa. This is why
we agreed with the Presidents of Zambia, Mozambique, Tanzania,
and Botswana that no non-African nation should deal directly
with the liberation movements of southern Africa and thereby
avoid the tragedies of the Angolan civil war. We strongly

oppose those who would subject the African people to forms of
Western colonialism in Africa is clear
external domination, which history has demonstrated may take

- 49 -

solid if may take away decades, if not generations, to overcome.

If it is right of its own, it will oppose all close

The United States seeks no African bloc to follow our lead, no paramount influence in Africa. We believe that no other

country should do so. Those who would fragment the continent

For this would

between nations or factions would only turn its energies

African

away from economic progress, dissipate its independence in
strife, foreclose African hopes for stability and replace one

with another

form of injustice by others. The United States calls on all nations

to affirm the principle of African unity. The United States will

not import great-power conflict to Africa. But we will oppose

united

those who invite the hegemonic aspirations of others.

NoP Africa's destiny is for Africa to determine its own destiny. There is no

better guarantee against foreign intervention than the determination

- 50 -

of African nations to defend their own independence and unity.

Let us, therefore, not minimize the importance of the
security problems that some African nations face, in the name of
abstract slogans about the importance of economic development.

Economic development is crucial; but by itself it cannot prevent
outside pressure. We cannot accept the proposition that black

African nations do not have the same right as other nations to
defend themselves against recognized dangers -- especially
when they perceive real and serious threats from nearby nations
which have been heavily armed by the Soviet Union. We are
determined to avoid unnecessary arms races. But when friendly nations
like Kenya and Zaire make modest and responsible requests
for assistance to protect themselves against belligerent neighbors

- 51 -

possessing substantial quantities of modern Soviet weapons, we
owe them our serious consideration. ~~And those who oppose~~
this may undermine the independence and security of Africa.

The ultimate solution is for Africa to strengthen the
institutions of its unity and thereby insulate African problems
from outside involvement. ~~We welcome the efforts of those~~
black African leaders who have specifically ~~warned against~~
great-power involvement in the problems of southern Africa,
and who have asked the great powers to refrain from supplying
individual factions. The United States supports this principle
~~The United States will not impair its good offices~~
~~and will abide by it. We will expect others to do the same.~~
~~African Issues

Africa and the World

What Africa needs now from the world community is
not a return to the exploitive or interventionist practices of

- 52 -

decades past. Nor does it need exuberant promises of vapid
expressions of goodwill. It needs concrete commitments to
progress -- political and economic. It needs our readiness to
cooperate as sovereign equals on the basis of mutual responsibility
and mutual benefit.

With this spirit, and with a determination to persevere in
a common effort to address the great challenges of our time,
the United States can do much to promote the great drama that
inevitably will be played out on the African continent. Let us there

be no mistake: the new Africa will take its destiny firmly into
its own hands and it will make its contribution to the world
community in its own way. But success will come more swiftly,
whether we cooperate or not.

8/26/76

PHILADELPHIA

OIC

August 31, 1976

Reverend Sullivan, friends:

I welcome this opportunity to come before you to talk about Africa -- one of the world's most compelling issues, and one of special concern to all Americans.

I am proud to do so because this is an assembly of men and women who have organized themselves to work in the grand American tradition -- a tradition which places concrete, pragmatic action at the service of humanity's highest ideals.

And I cannot let this occasion go by without adding my feelings to the tribute you will be paying tonight to two great Americans when you present the A. Philip Randolph award to Roy Wilkins. No two citizens of this country have demonstrated more vividly -- with their courage, their

-1-

commitment and their vision -- that there is no force greater
on earth than people working together with pride and purpose
to accomplish great goals.

I am here to talk with you about Africa,

and the high place that continent occupies in the
foreign policy of the United States. But America's
relationships with the nations of Africa, and our
hopes for a continent of free nations and free
peoples, depend in large measure on our standing
in the world and the success of our foreign policy
in its broadest context. The problems of Africa
cannot be resolved in a vacuum; America's ability to
act in the cause of freedom in Africa is, and will be,
determined in large measure by her ability to act in
the cause of freedom everywhere.

It is, therefore, with great satisfaction that I
can tell you that America is strong; that America's
foreign policy is in good repair; that the American

- 2 -

people are clearly prepared to do their part in
making a better and a freer world for all mankind.

We have come a long way in the past few years:

-- We have put a tragic and divisive war
behind us. Today we are at peace for
the first time in over a decade. Today
no American is in combat anywhere in the
world.

-- We have come through a terrible domestic
crisis with our democratic institutions
intact and our confidence in ourselves
restored.

-- We have built the strongest military
establishment in the world.

-- Our relations with the free nations of
Europe and Japan have never been better.

- 3 -

-- We have established a new relationship
with the world's most populous nation.

-- We are on the road to bringing peace to
the Middle East.

-- We have reduced the level of tension and
acrimony with the Soviet Union. We have
slowed the strategic arms race, and there
is hope that we may someday soon, for the
first time in history, be able to set an
upper limit on the total number of strategic
weapons held by the Soviet Union and ourselves.

-- And we have begun the process of creating a
new relationship with the nations of the
Third World in Latin America, Asia, and
Africa.

In short, America has come through a decade and more
of travail with ~~strength and resiliency unmatched~~

- 4 -

anywhere in the world, and with its dedication
~~unimpaired~~
to the cause of freedom as strong as ever. We
remain the hope of the world; we remain the tide
of the future if we but have the wisdom and the
will to grasp the opportunity and the challenge.
history has given us.

No where are the opportunities greater, or the
challenges more pressing, than in Africa today. As
we meet here a process of change is already underway
in that so little understood continent. Only a few
short months ago Africa faced what seemed an imminent
and inescapable prospect of widening violence,
economic disarray and decline, and a new and virulent
form of colonialism. Time was fast running out for
negotiated solutions to the racial and political

- 5 -

conflicts that seemed about to tear the continent
apart. Bloodshed, civil war, and perhaps super
power confrontation seemed almost inevitable.

Today, thanks to initiatives taken by the
United States over the course of the last several
months, there is new hope that Africans will be
able to settle their own problems free of outside
interference and without resort to violence and
revolution. A complex process of negotiation is
underway on the urgent issues of Southern Africa --
especially Rhodesia and Namibia. I have made one visit to
talk with African leaders, and will soon leave on
another; senior American diplomats have visited Africa
on two crucial fact-finding missions, and are now
travelling through the continent again. I have had

- 6 -

two days of talks with the Prime Minister of
South Africa, and am about to do so again.

Whether this diplomatic effort will succeed
remains uncertain. But the opportunity for
peaceful solutions, if not seized, will slip
away forever. Whatever the outcome, this is a
turning point in Africa's history. Whatever the
outcome, it will be said that the United States
exerted itself with energy, determination, and
dedication to the cause of peace and freedom.
And
whatever happens, we will not flag
in any effort to save us from an Africa
of peace, progress + justice.

- 7 -

We are embarked on a process of great complexity and considerable difficulty. If the leaders and nations of Africa continue to show flexibility and responsibility, and if the people of the United States -- especially you of the Opportunities Industrialization Centers and other like-minded organizations -- put your firm support behind our effort, we have a chance of success. Indeed, we have a chance to help bring about in our time the dawning of another new day in Africa. We have a chance at long last to see the fulfillment of the struggle against colonialism; to see a new birth of independence with majority rule and minority rights, to see a new international dedication to Africa's economic development, and to see an Africa strong and

- 8 -

The role of the United States is crucial.

It is our country's policy that provides the
framework and the impetus for the diplomatic
process now under way. This is so because our
strength imposes upon us a special responsibility;
because our self-interest requires us to engage the
world constructively, and because America would not
be true to itself unless it sought to carry forward
the ideals which have always led this nation to
strive, however imperfectly, to help build a better
human community.

A turbulent world still looks to us -- indeed
looks to us more than ever for leadership. Without
our vigilance there can be no global peace; without
our support for friends, there can be no regional

security; without our organizational ability and dedication, there can be no international cooperation for human advancement. Without our championing of freedom, justice, and human dignity, their cause will falter. When this great country fails -- for whatever reason -- to use its strength for the cause of freedom, there is no other to take our place -- no other that shares our ideals.

And the reverse is true. Never before has our well-being been so affected by events abroad. The 1973 Middle East war and oil embargo cost Americans half a million jobs, and contributed crucially to the worst recession and worst inflation we have suffered in a generation. Outside interventions in the domestic affairs of nations raise threats to

- 10 -

global stability. Our prosperity at home depends
on a flourishing global economy; our peace and
safety depend on a global equilibrium that preserves
us and our friends and allies against foreign threat
or domination.

All the dimensions of our foreign policy are
reflected in our policy toward Africa. The spread
of national independence in Africa has done much to
transform the numerical and the political character
of world institutions. The interdependence of Africa
and the nations of the industrial world is
irreversible, and increasing. And more urgently,
in recent weeks and months our headlines have been
filled with events in Africa -- events whose
political, economic, and security implications
range far beyond that continent alone.

- 11 -

But our concern for Africa derives not merely from these concerns with our national interest; it rests, as well, upon a profound and fundamental human tie. History has linked America and Africa in a unique bond. It is a bond born in tragedy but strengthened in an awareness of brotherhood and shared aspirations for freedom, justice, and dignity.

In this generation the assertion of black nationhood in Africa has coincided with the new affirmation of equality and black dignity in America. The heritage and struggle of 23 million black Americans has inspired throughout this country a special sympathy for the drive of the African peoples for freedom and justice. The issues being tested in Africa today are the concern not just of black Americans, but of all Americans.

-12-

## Africa's Challenges

Africa is struggling today for three goals; self-determination and racial justice in southern Africa; economic development and progress for its people; and the preservation of its unity and integrity against outside interference and great-power rivalry.

Change has come to Africa with astounding swiftness. Just thirty years ago, almost all of Africa was the dominion of European powers who determined its political and economic destiny. Today we see a continent of nearly 50独立and independent new nations struggling against time, against the elements, and against the forces of instability, to consolidate their nationhood. We see them launched on the path of economic development; we see them playing a major role in world affairs.

And the pace of change has accelerated in the last two years in every dimension:

-13-

-- The sudden collapse of the Portuguese colonial empire wrought fundamental changes in southern Africa. Major new efforts were made to negotiate the racial conflict in Rhodesia and Namibia -- but failed. The forces for moderation in black Africa risked being discredited.

-- Civil war within the liberation movement in Angola drew outside powers into involvement, threatening Africa's peace, unity and independence. Soviet-Cuban

-14-

intervention and the continued Cuban occupation of Angola
raised the grim prospect that other southern African
problems would have solutions imposed on them by foreign
powers.

In the face of these dangers, it was time to present
a concrete and responsible alternative to the grim prospects
of violence; there was still time for negotiated settlements
in southern Africa, if the opportunity was seized. New forms
and efforts of international collaboration were needed to
sustain and promote economic advance. The United States
recognized that if the root conflicts inviting foreign
intervention were addressed, we could buttress the principle
of African solutions to African problems. Our decision to
offer our support and constructive influence was welcomed
and strongly encouraged by black African leaders.

-15-

Therefore, last April, President Ford decided on a new American initiative to support the peace, justice, prosperity and independence of Africa. In a few short months, substantial progress has occurred. Let me discuss with you what has been done, and what remains to be done.

## Southern Africa

Most urgent has been the mounting racial conflict of southern Africa -- Rhodesia, in Namibia, and in the Republic of South Africa itself.

With the passing of Portuguese rule in Angola, serious divisions within the former liberation movement led to a civil war and blatant foreign interventions by the Soviet Union and Cuban troops. Fears were raised in Africa that the precedent of outside intervention would spread elsewhere in Africa, in particular to the conflicts in Rhodesia.

and Namibia, where the process of violent change had
already begun.

The United States is not interested in choosing various liberation groups, providing for independence among liberation groups. We could have worked with any Angolan nationalist group or coalition, as the new government of Angola. In Mozambique, also newly independent, we had no difficulty establishing immediate diplomatic relations with the new government. We bear no enmity toward any African faction or government; its ideology or social system is not of paramount concern to us, but is for each country to choose for itself. The tragedy of Angola was not the ideology of the dominant faction, which was Angola's own affair, but the fact that foreign intervention rather than African self-determination decided the outcome, raising the danger of a new intervention.

The situations in Rhodesia and Namibia also posed a
growing danger of foreign intervention. Moreover, wide-

-17-

spread death and destruction, economic chaos and long-term instability loomed as real possibilities for both territories and surrounding areas. We determined to try to help avert a tragedy of this order.

The white minority regime in Rhodesia, representing only some four percent of the population, is not recognized by a single government in the world. Its unilateral declaration of independence from Britain in November 1965 is universally regarded as illegal; Britain was -- and remains -- committed to grant independence only under conditions of majority rule. The United States has supported Britain throughout its long effort to restore its constitutional authority.

Early this year, negotiations between the illegal white minority regime and moderate black Rhodesian nationalist leaders broke down.

-18-

Guerrilla actions intensified. The prospects for a peaceful negotiated settlement began to fade.

Therefore, when I visited Africa in April, I put forward in Lusaka, Zambia, on behalf of President Ford an American initiative on Rhodesia, stressing a rapid peaceful transition to majority rule. We gave strong support to British Prime Minister Callaghan's proposal for majority rule in two years or less. We strongly encouraged the African parties involved to pursue a negotiated settlement in which black and white can coexist and cooperate for Africa's future. We stated our readiness to assist a new Rhodesia -- Zimbabwe -- to overcome the economic

dislocations which will inevitably accompany the process of change, and to take its rightful place in the community of nations. For Namibia, we insisted that South Africa set a specific date for independence and

-19-

The progress that has been made since this American initiative is unmistakable. South Africa has stated publicly its support for our program for majority rule in Rhodesia -- an extraordinary and crucial breakthrough. A specific date has now been set for Namibian independence after ten years of South Africa's ignoring the United Nations' termination of its Mandate. The pace of change within South Africa -- the visible challenge to the repugnant system of apartheid -- has accelerated. These are dramatic developments.

Nevertheless, we must not underestimate the difficulties we face. The obstacles to a negotiated settlement in Rhodesia and to a peaceful transition to Namibian independence remain formidable. The situation in southern Africa continues to be highly volatile and to pose a threat of intensified and more widespread violence.

We are devoting our full effort to carry forward a program for peace and justice -- to accelerate the momentum thus far achieved. What we seek is the only

-20-

alternative to intensified bloodshed: negotiated settlements that assure the rights and interests of all, preserve the economic future of the region, and block the opportunity for foreign intervention. Majority rule in Rhodesia and Namibia is inevitable. The only issue is what form it will take and how it will come about -- whether through protracted and bloody conflict that will leave a heritage of bitterness and destruction for generations, or rapidly through the peaceful means which offer hope for a just and cooperative future in southern Africa.

All the parties concerned have difficult choices yet to make -- and they must make them urgently. The white population of Rhodesia must recognize the inevitable, and negotiate for a solution which respects their basic interests while there is yet time. South Africa must demonstrate its commitment to the peace of the continent by facilitating a rapid negotiated settlement. Black African leaders must

-21-

choose between a rapid peaceful settlement or a protracted war with all its dangers for Africa; they must encourage unity among the blacks

nations and black groups concerned with Rhodesia. The transition to Old injustices cannot be removed by accumulating new ones. At some point, the cycle of violence must be broken and the suffering ended.

And our effort depends crucially on the understanding and support of the American people. If a settlement is reached, America's support for it will be a major factor in its durability. President and Congress, Republicans and Democrats, we must be united behind the goal we all share of a peaceful and just settlement which respects the rights of the black majority and the white minority working together in a new Rhodesia. The informed and active support of everyone in this room will be of vital importance.

-22-

Time is running out. We must not let this opportunity slip away. We will persevere. We will not cease this effort -- because it is right and because it is important to the cause of peace and justice in Africa and in the world.

-23-

While Rhodesia is the most immediately
dangerous problem of southern Africa, Namibia is also
of urgent concern.

The former German colony of South-West Africa
was a mandated territory of South Africa from 1920 until
the United Nations terminated the mandate in 1966. Five
years ago the International Court of Justice held that South
Africa's continued occupation of Namibia was illegal. The
United States supported both of those decisions, and/voted for
a U.N. resolution calling for South Africa to take specific
steps toward Namibia's self-determination and independence by
August 1976. That deadline is now upon us.

-24-

The Constitutional Conference, organized by South Africa announced two weeks ago a firm date -- December 31, 1978 -- for the independence of Namibia. This is a positive step. But there is still more to be done before Namibia is removed from the world's agenda of crises. There remains the issue of the sharing of political power among the many groups in contention in Namibia. The United States has long urged South Africa to permit the people and all the political groups of Namibia to express themselves freely, under U.N. supervision, and to participate in determining the future of their country. We urge all the groups concerned -- black and white -- to approach negotiations in a spirit of conciliation. We will use our good offices for this goal, and to see a rapid and fair resolution. This is vital if

-25-

the momentum of progress in southern Africa is to be main-
tained.

This will be a major subject of my conversation
with Prime Minister Vorster.

The racial problem of South Africa itself is more
complex. In Lusaka in April I pointed out that South African
assistance in bringing about rapid negotiated solutions in
Rhodesia and Namibia would be viewed positively by the
community of nations as well as by the rest of Africa. I know
for a fact that this is so. The world, and most black African
leaders, recognize South Africa as an African country. Its
white settlers have lived on African soil for 300 years. No one,
including the responsible leaders of black Africa, challenges
their right to live in their country. Unlike the minority regimes
in Rhodesia and Namibia, they are not regarded as an outside
colonial power.

But South Africa's internal structure is incompatible

-26-

with any concept of human dignity, and it is clearly explosive.

The recent and continuing clashes in black urban townships and universities and schools throughout South Africa are dramatic evidence of the frustration of black South Africans toward a system which denies them status, equality, and political rights. [The killing of innocents cannot be condoned. We urge South Africa to take account of the conscience of humanity. We urge all South Africans to work energetically for a peaceful end to apartheid -- a goal which is in the interest of all South Africans, and of all of Africa.]

The United States must be true to its own beliefs.

We will continue to use our influence to press for peaceful change, equality of opportunity, and basic human rights in South Africa. Since 1963 this country has maintained a total embargo on sales of all lethal military equipment to South Africa.

-27-

We do not encourage investment in South Africa

nor do we facilitate trade in the same manner we do in other
countries. We encourage those American firms that do

business in South Africa to set an example of enlightened
employment practices, for we believe that such a process of
educational advancement and social change will have an inevitable
impact on South Africa's future. We have in the past urged and
will continue to urge American firms to do more.

Our policy toward South Africa is based upon the
premise that within a reasonable period of time we will see a
~~just~~ internal adjustments
~~clear evolution toward equal rights. We urge the South African~~
~~Government to make that premise a reality.~~ In the immediate future,
~~make~~
~~and~~
the Republic of South Africa can show its potential contribution to
Africa by using its influence to promote constructive and rapid
solutions in Rhodesia and Namibia, and then helping to foster

-28-

economic development and cooperation in the entire region.

## American initiatives

/have been welcomed by African leaders of all political persuasions. We have entered into a relationship of close and continuing consultation with black African leaders. Indeed, these consultations themselves represent a dramatic new step forward in the progress of US-African relations. They give hope for the future. They will be indispensable in achieving our common purpose of guiding events toward our goals.

America's proposals have found widespread support around the world. They have given heart to moderate leaders and friends of America everywhere. They offer the best chance for peaceful solutions and for a secure and just future for Africa. And we will continue.

-29-

Economic Progress
---

The crises of southern Africa require urgent action not—

only on their merits but so that the energies of the African

people may turn to an even more challenging test—

long-term economic development.

It is the economic progress of Africa which ultimately
will determine whether the peoples of the continent will be
able to consolidate and extend the stable and progressive
societies they so long have sought to achieve.

-30-

Africa's development needs are massive and your Opportunities Industrialization Center Program is striking at the heart of them: the crucial need for vocational training to teach the skills that Africa needs to realize its potential. OIC International is helping to give Africans the skills that can sustain an individual's livelihood and sense of worth even through the most turbulent times; a mechanic's skill cannot be taken away by a coup d'état; a carpenter's trade can be practiced regardless of political change; and ideological shifts cannot diminish the sense of worth which your training instills. We are strongly supporting your program through the U. S. Agency for International Development. It is an effort in the great American tradition of direct practical action.

-31-

Beyond its need for skilled manpower, Africa's economic
aspirations confront a wide range of other special circumstances:

But no continent suffers so cruelly when crops fail for lack
of rain. No continent's natural economic regions are so
fragmented by borders drawn up -- often arbitrarily -- in the
colonial era. And no continent bears such a crushing burden of
poverty and illiteracy. Eighteen of the world's poorest
countries are in Africa; only 17 percent of the African people
are literate.

-32-

The policy of the United States is designed to address both:

- To provide relief from natural disasters, we have, in the past five years, more than quadrupled emergency aid to African nations, particularly in food assistance, which has done so much to save the lives of the African people.

- To help strengthen economic efforts on a regional basis, we are directing much of our effort to fields where Africa's needs transcend the limits of national boundaries — to support regional cooperation in transportation, agricultural development, health programs, and in collecting information by satellite on crops, weather, water resources, land use, and mineral extraction.

-33-

-- To help Africa surmount its pervasive poverty,

American trade and investment are crucial and they

are rapidly expanding. But they are not enough,

especially for the poorest countries. Our bilateral

assistance programs are increasingly concentrated

on the least-developed countries and on such sectors

as food, education, and population where the needs

of the poor are greatest. Our requests to the

Congress for development assistance for Africa are

planned to grow substantially over the coming years.

-34-

-- And to help develop the human resources which a
developing Africa so desperately requires, we have
requested additional funds from Congress to train
administrators and technicians -- especially for
Namibia and Zimbabwe where such manpower will be
sorely needed when majority rule is attained.

The United States cannot accomplish these tasks alone.

What Africa requires now are efforts of broadly-based inter-
national cooperation. I outlined a proposal last May in Senegal,
for example, for international and regional collaboration to hell
the nations of the Sahel -- the chronically drought-ridden
region on the southern edge of the Sahara Desert.

-35-

The Sahel has been a major recipient of international relief
assistance. The monumental suffering in that area a few years
ago touched the hearts and prompted the generous contributions
of many Americans, and a large-scale government relief effort.

Thus the time has now come to strike at the heart of the
problem. The time has come to take comprehensive measures
so that hard won progress in economic development will not
continue to be vulnerable to natural catastrophe.

-36-

In Dakar, Senegal we proposed a new basic strategy -- an
international group of donor countries whose combined efforts
can reverse the economic and ecological decline of the Sahel
and lay the foundations for future growth. We have proposed an
international development investment program:

-- to develop major river basins to improve water supply;

-- to increase crop acreage by modern agricultural methods;

-- to improve food storage facilities;

-- to improve the use of dry land areas for crop and
livestock, and by reforestation; and

-- to enhance the transportation network of the area and the
training of needed manpower so that improvements as
they come can be brought to peoples in every part of
the region.

-37-

The effort in the Sahel, and others of equal scope which
are needed elsewhere in Africa, will
require us to utilize all the mechanisms at our disposal: bilateral,
regional, and international. Most important, they will require
of North America, Europe, and Japan.
cooperation among the industrial democracies/ No other group
of countries--certainly not the Socialist countries--is able to
provide the technology, the managerial expertise, or the
resources. But the industrial democracies must coordinate
their programs if we are not to dissipate resources and see
our efforts overlap or conflict. This is why the United States
has endorsed the imaginative proposal of President Giscard of
France for a fund to organize and coordinate Western assistance
efforts for Africa. And we are seeking within the Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development a more general
coordination of development efforts among the industrial
democracies.

-38-

Beyond these aid efforts,
/Africa is heavily dependent upon the world economy. No African
nation can plan its future effectively or mobilize its efforts if
its income is buffeted continually by external economic forces
over which it has little or no influence. The export earnings of
many African economies depend upon global market conditions
for a single commodity. And higher energy prices or inflation
abroad can raise to prohibitive levels the price of imports that Africa

-39-

desperately needs. The nations of Africa have every right to
a voice in a global system that can affect them so deeply.

Africa must have a role in international economic institutions
and in the negotiations and decisions that shape the world
economy. Indeed, all nations must have a stake in the global
economic system if it is to be fair, orderly, and mutually
beneficial.

And America has chosen the course of cooperation. One
year ago, at the Special Session of the United Nations General
Assembly on economic development, the United States presented
a comprehensive series of proposals for the world community to
respond cooperatively to the needs of the developing countries.

-40-

at numerous other international forums. We have sought to shape

a consensus on practical steps on all the major issues of development:

agricultural production,

/the price and supply of commodities, trade and investment, technology

transfer, and the needs of the poorest nations. Many of our

already

proposals have been implemented, and others are moving ahead.

They are measures which have a direct impact on Africa.

Specifically:

- Africa can look forward to more stable export earnings as
  a result of our proposal to enlarge the compensatory
  finance facility of the International Monetary Fund. African
  countries whose export receipts fall, jeopardizing their
  development plans, now have virtually automatic access to
  the IMF for money to make up their losses.

-41-

--To stabilize market conditions for key raw materials, the United States has signed and submitted for Congressional approval international commodity agreements on tin and coffee. We stand ready to discuss others. And we have proposed producer-consumer forums to discuss measures trade in to improve conditions for/all key commodities.

--To enhance Africa's participation in the global economic system, we have reduced the barriers to African exports into the United States market by instituting a Generalized System of Tariff Preferences for developing countries. We have proposed in multilateral negotiations to reduce tariffs for tropical products which are / of special interest to Africa; and we are prepared to pay particular attention to the interests of developing countries

-42-

in the Multilateral Trade Negotiations now underway

in Geneva. To foster industrialization, we are seeking

Bank's Development Fund. And in the face of rising

energy costs, we will be working with others to

set up an International Energy Institute to help

developing nations devise effective energy

programs of their own.

Remarkable progress has been made in the past year in
shaping the long-term economic relationship between the nations
of the northern and southern hemispheres. The initiatives
which now make up the agenda for discussion are, by and large,
proposals made by the United States. Now we must move
beyond proposals to make further progress. Much work
remains to be done in many areas, all of them of great
importance to the nations of Africa:

-43-

-- We must address the crushing debt burden which many poor African nations suffer as a result of high oil prices and global inflation;

-- We need satisfactory international arrangements to foster the investment necessary for Africa's growth, and which both respect national sovereignty and assure predictability and fair treatment for foreign investors;

-- And we must stimulate the flow of modern technology to Africa, to promote growth and diversify economies now excessively dependent on the global market for a single commodity.

Economic development is a long-term process. There are no shortcuts. Manifestos, rhetorical assaults, or wholesale programs to redistribute wealth are not the answer. Development depends above all on the sustained and substantial effort of the developing countries

-44-

themselves. And it requires cooperation between the industrial
and developing nations. Neither can impose solutions on the
other. An atmosphere of rancor, extortion, or unworkable resolutions only
undermines public support in the industrial nations whose effective
contribution is crucial to development. Confrontation leads to
retrogression for both the industrial and the developing world.
Progress will be sustained only if it benefits both sides.

The United States is committed to work with the nations of
Africa to help them achieve economic advance for their peoples,
and to become strong participants in the global economic order
-- economic partners with a fair and growing stake in the
international system.

-45-

The choice that all nations face is between cooperation and chaos. America has made its decision. We will work with all nations in a constructive spirit. If we succeed, we can make this era a period of unparalleled progress for all of mankind.

### African Independence: Precondition for Progress

Africa's hopes for economic progress will be thwarted if the energies of its peoples are drained in protracted military and racial struggles. That is why the United States has placed itself squarely behind African efforts to bring about a responsible and rapid solution to the burning issues of southern Africa.

-46-

And Africa's hopes for development will also be dashed if the independence and integrity of the continent are not maintained. Africa has only recently broken the shackles of colonialism. It must not once again become an arena in which outside powers contest for spheres of influence.

This is why the United States accepts and supports the non-alignment of groups and nations in Africa. And it is why we strongly oppose those who would subject the African people to forms of external domination which history has demonstrated may take decades if not generations to overcome.

The United States seeks no bloc to follow our lead, no paramount influence in Africa. We believe that no other country should do so. Africans must determine their own destiny. For this, African unity is essential. Those who would fragment the continent between nations or factions would only

-47-

turn its energies away from economic progress, dissipate
its independence in strife, foreclose African hopes for
stability and replace one form of injustice by others.

The United States calls on all nations to affirm the
principle of African unity. It will not import
great-power conflict to Africa. It will oppose those who do.

There is no better guarantee against foreign intervention
than the determination of African nations to defend their own
independence and unity. Let us, therefore, not minimize the
importance of the security problems that some African nations face.

We cannot accept the proposition that black African nations
do not have the same right as other nations to defend themselves
against recognized dangers--especially when their neighbors
have been heavily armed by the Soviet Union.

-48-

The ultimate solution is for Africa to strengthen the institu-
tions of its unity and thereby
insulate African problems
from outside involvement. We welcome the efforts of those black
African leaders who have specifically warned against great-power
involvement in the problems of southern Africa and who have
asked the great powers to refrain from supplying individual
factions. The United States supports this principle and will
abide by it. We will expect others to do the same.

## Africa and the World

What Africa needs now from the world community is not a
return to the exploitive or interventionist practices of decades past.
Nor does it need exuberant promises or vapid expressions of
goodwill. It needs concrete commitments to progress -- political
and economic. It needs our readiness to cooperate as sovereign
equals on the basis of mutual responsibility and
mutual benefit.

-49-

With this spirit, and with a determination to persevere in a common effort to address the great challenges of our time, the nations of the world can do much to promote in a positive fashion the great drama that inevitably will be played out on the African continent. Let no one be mistaken: the new Africa will take its destiny firmly into its own hands and it will make its contribution to the world community in its own way. But success will come more swiftly, more peacefully, and more durably if Africa and her friends work together in the service of a better tomorrow for humanity.

This is the spirit which America offers Africa. And this is why strengthening the relationship between the United States and Africa is a major objective of our policy. We have many ties to Africa and a deep commitment to its future.

-50-

We share ideals that bind all the races of mankind --
decency, progress, and peace.

We share the awareness that these dreams can be
determined by human choice -- that the time has come to
go forward in a common search for solutions.

Africa in this decade is a testing ground of the conscience
and vision of mankind. America will strive to meet that
test. And America, Africa, and the community of nations will
succeed.