FRIDAY MORNING, 18 MAY 1973

029A

TALKS 5-18

DAY LD

BY THEODORE STANGER

PARIS (UPI) -- HENRY A. KISSINGER OPENED TALKS WITH NORTH VIETNAM ON WAYS OF MAKING THE VIETNAM PEACE WORK, CALLED HIS FIVE-HOUR MEETING "OKAY" AND AGREED TO HOLD MORE TALKS TODAY.

THE PRESIDENTIAL ADVISER PLANNED A FULL DAY OF HIGH-LEVEL TALKS, CONSULTING FIRST WITH PRESIDENT GEORGES POMPIDOU ON HIS SCHEDULED ICELAND CONFERENCE WITH PRESIDENT NIXON ON MAY 31 AND JUNE 1.

AFTER MEETING POMPIDOU, KISSINGER PLANNED TO TRAVEL TO A COMMUNIST-OWNED VILLA IN SUBURBAN GIF-SUR-YVETTE FOR A SECOND DAY OF TALKS WITH LE DUC THO, HIS HANOI COUNTERPART.

THE TALKS, HELD AT THE REQUEST OF THE UNITED STATES, ARE MEANT TO STRENGTHEN THE INDOCHINA PEACE AND ARE TAKING PLACE IN THE AFTERMATH OF REPEATED CHARGES BY BOTH SIDES THAT THE OTHER IS VIOLATING THE JAN. 28 CEASE-FIRE AGREEMENT.

THE TWO SIDES ARE REVIEWING THOSE ALLEGATIONS AND TRYING TO DEVICE WAYS OF STOPPING THEM FOR GOOD.

THE TWO NEGOTIATORS, WHO MET THURSDAY FOR THE FIRST TIME SINCE THE CEASE-FIRE WAS SIGNED, SMILED AND SHOOK HANDS BEFORE AND AFTER THEIR TALKS.

WHILE NEITHER SIDE HAD ANY STATEMENT FOR THE NEWSMEN CLUSTERED OUTSIDE THE MEETING SITE, KISSINGER SAID IN RESPONSE TO A QUESTION THAT THE TALKS HAD GONE "OKAY." THO MADE NO COMMENT.

THE NEGOTIATIONS TOOK PLACE AGAINST A BACKGROUND OF WARNINGS FROM THO THAT HE WOULD LEAVE THE TALKS IF THE UNITED STATES CONTINUED ALLEGED BOMBING RAIDS IN SOUTH VIETNAM. THE UNITED STATES HAS DENIED THE CHARGES.

IN RELATED NEGOTIATIONS THURSDAY, THE SAIGON GOVERNMENT AND THE VIET CONG MET IN ANOTHER PARIS SUBURB FOR THE 11TH TIME SINCE THE CEASE-FIRE IN AN ATTEMPT TO AGREE ON THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF SOUTH VIETNAM.

THE VIET CONG REPRESENTATIVE RAISED THE ISSUE OF AMERICAN BOMBING IN SOUTH VIETNAM, SAYING THAT "THROUGH THESE ATTACKS, THE UNITED STATES USED ITS OWN AIRCRAFT TO ATTACK A PLACE UNDER THE CONTROL OF THE PROVISIONAL REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT (VIET CONG.)"

SAIGON OFFERED A PLAN TO DISCUSS DIFFERENCES IN FOUR COMMITTEES, BUT THE VIET CONG REJECTED THE PROPOSAL.

UPI 05-18 04:01 AED

028A

CAMBODIA 5-18

DAY LD

BY BERT OKULEY

PHNOM PENH (UPI) -- COMMUNIST GUNNERS AMBUSHED A MEKONG RIVER CONVOY, CRUISING UNDER THE PROTECTION OF INTENSE U.S. AIRPOWER THURSDAY NIGHT, BUT SEVEN OF THE EIGHT SHIPS MADE IT TO PHNOM PENH WITH BADLY NEEDED FUEL AND AMMUNITION.

SWARMS OF U.S. PLANES, RANGING FROM SWING-WING F111 FIGHTER-BOMBERS TO CONVERTED TRANSPORT PLANES OUTFITTED WITH MACHINEGUNS, POUNDED COMMUNIST POSITIONS ALONG THE MEKONG THROUGHOUT THE AFTERNOON TRYING TO PROTECT THE CONVOY AS IT MOVED UPRIVER FROM SOUTH VIETNAM.

BUT THE COMMUNISTS SET THREE OF THE SHIPS AFIRE, FORCING ONE AGROUND 14 MILES SOUTHEAST OF PHNOM PENH AT TUK KHLEANG.

EFFORTS WERE UNDER WAY TODAY TO TOW THE VESSEL, THE PANAMANIAN-REGISTERED "EVER SUCCESS," INTO PORT AT THE CAPITAL.

SHIPPING SOURCES SAID NO CREWMEN ABOARD ANY OF THE SHIPS WERE INJURED IN THE COMMUNIST ATTACKS.

SIX FUEL TANKERS AND AN AMMUNITION BARGE MANAGED TO REACH PHNOM PENH. ONE WAS SET ABLAZE BY A ROCKET GRENADE BUT CREWMEN EXTINGUISHED THE FIRE AND THE VESSEL CONTINUED INTO PORT.

ANOTHER TANKER WAS SLIGHTLY DAMAGED WHEN IT WAS HIT BY A COMMUNIST SHELL NEAR THE TINY MEKONG ISLAND OF KO REAS BUT IT, TOO, STEAMED INTO THE CAPITAL PORT.

THROUGHOUT THE JOURNEY, FOUR U.S. ARMED RECONNAISSANCE PLANES--TWO AT EACH END OF THE CONVOY--CALLED IN BOMBING AND STRAFING RUNS BY THE F111S, F4 PHANTOMS AND A7 CORSAIR JETS AGAINST COMMUNIST POSITIONS ALONG THE RIVERBANK; TWO "SPECTRES," THE CONVERTED TRANSPORT PLANES, ALSO STRAFED COMMUNIST POSITIONS.

THE LAST MEKONG RIVER CONVOY TO REACH PHNOM PENH ARRIVED AROUND MIDNIGHT MAY 6. SEVERAL SHIPS WERE BADLY DAMAGED IN THAT CONVOY AND ONE TANKER STEAMED INTO PORT THE FOLLOWING DAY.

UPI 05-18 03:53 AED

NEW YORK TIMES 18 MAY 1973

# Kissinger And Helms

By James Reston

WASHINGTON, May 17—The more you analyze the testimony in the Watergate scandals, the more you have to wonder about the closed atmosphere or “don’t call me” system around the White House in which all these extraordinary events occurred.

Messrs. Haldeman and Ehrlichman were victims of it, both of them described by the President as exemplary public servants, which in his mind they undoubtedly were. But now even Henry Kissinger is charged with dubious conduct, because he too is apparently involved in cooperating too much with the White House closed-circuit system.

How could Mr. Kissinger agree to bug ging his own friends and colleagues on the National Security Council staff in the White House, it is asked. And how could Richard Helms, former head of the C.I.A., allow the agency to be used in a domestic conspiracy, without challenging the White House staff and expressing his doubts and objections directly to the President?

Probably the simplest part of the

answer is that the best of men love power and position, and do things or fail to do things that keep them in power even when they have their own moral doubts. The men around President Johnson in the White House had a phrase for it: At the end of tiresome arguments about whether Johnson's policies in Vietnam were right or wrong, they would argue that “we have only one client—the President of the United States.”

This, of course, was precisely the fatal assumption of men like Haldeman and Ehrlichman, only they didn't put it into such a tidy and vulnerable phrase. But Kissinger and Helms were never in such close personal relationships with Mr. Nixon. They never had such ties of loyalty over so many years, and yet somehow they went along with ambiguous and dubious things that troubled them morally, and they now find themselves in a very awkward position.

One has to be very careful with this discussion of power, ambition, loyalty and morality. It involves delicate motives and private philosophies and calculations no outsider can possibly know. For example, before he left Washington for Paris to try to save the Vietnam peace agreement. Mr. Kissinger made clear to General Haig and others in the White House—one source says also to the President personally—that if his moral authority was in question as a result of his part in the

telephone bugs of his own staff, then he would resign at once.

It is hard to see how this would improve any part of this dismal business. Things are bad enough as they are with the critical Brezhnev meeting, the arms control and SALT talks, and the European conference coming up. The atmosphere of the Nixon system is really at the bottom of this whole thing, and it has to be understood.

According to F.B.I. sources, the White House, worried about leaks of security information in the newspapers, and even suspicious about Kissinger, who was known to have friends in the press, authorized the taps on the reporters and on Kissinger's staff and then asked him to cooperate in the operation, and talked to the late J. Edgar Hoover about the importance of making the Government's communications secure.

Mr. Kissinger went along with this. Some reports say he took the lead in it; but either way, in the atmosphere of doubt, suspicion and even hostility on the Haldeman-Ehrlichman side of the White House, he either had to oppose the bugging, in which case he would have been suspected of trying to cover up his own people, or he had to go along with it, or oppose it on moral grounds and get out.

CONTINUED NEXT PAGE

11-F

the highly-sophisticated pre-
dictive estimation of hostile
threats to the United States and
its forces — is one apple of
discord. Another is the huge and
cumbrous Defense Intelligence
Agency (DIA) and the quality of
its people and its performance.

Controversy and dissatisfaction over all the foregoing is by no means new, either within the intelligence community or among its various important customers including the White House, the armed forces and the State Department, to name three.

and misgiving that focus on
military intelligence and on the
DIA revolve around the follow-
ing questions.

* As long, unhappily, as military intelligence remains something of a dead-end street off the highroad to promotion and pay, how can top-quality work be produced by intelligence specialists who are second-raters? Under these conditions, how many good officers want to become intelligence careerists?

The answer here tends to
come in lip-service or cosmetic
attempts to upgrade the intelli-

much humiliation to military
intelligence as it was to the
Navy.

If these are tough questions
and tough times, insist some of
the military intelligence profes-
sionals who love the work for its
own sake and not its doubtful
rewards, they nevertheless also
present challenges and opportu-
nities, enhanced now by Schle-
singer's seeming willingness to
let military intelligence and its
people start out, as far as he is
concerned, with a clean slate
and a fair deal.

KISSINGER.......CONT'D

Maybe he should have got out, at
least after he had negotiated the cease-
fire in Paris, and maybe Dick Helms
should have gone to the President
when the President's men were getting
the C.I.A. involved in improper and
even illegal activities; but the point is
that the Nixon personality and the
Nixon staff system don't encourage
candor. They require loyalty and obedi-
ence, not doubts, questions or criti-
cisms. The Nixon system is to work
through the staff. The staff is suspi-
cious of anybody who questions what
the President is doing. There are no
rules that say Kissinger and Helms
cannot defy the system and insist on
confronting the President, but it is
hard to remember a man around Wash-
ington in the last generation who
walked into the Oval Room of the
White House and challenged the Presi-

dent, his policies and his staff.

Staff officers, no matter who they
are, don't put their careers on the line.
Cabinet members from John Gardner
under Johnson to George Romney
under Nixon, tend to swallow their
differences with Presidents and go

away in silence.

It takes a bold man to tell the Presi-
dent and his staff the truth, no matter
how much it hurts. And this Mr. Nixon
has discouraged from the time he
walked into the White House.

WASHINGTON POST-5/18/73

Brandt Picks Editor

As Envoy to E. Berlin

Washington Post Foreign Service

BONN, May 17—Chancellor Willy Brandt said that he will name Guenter Gaus, until recently editor of the news magazine Der Spiegel, as West German's first permanent representative to East Germany.

NEW YORK NEWS-5/18/73

Thai Terrorists Tamed

Bangkok, Thailand, May 17 (AP)—The situation in Southern Thailand has improved greatly because of defections by terrorists, the military commander of the region reported today. Maj. Gen. Sant Chitpatima said about 2,000 terrorists have surrendered since 1972, and nearly all of them have been rehabilitated and released.

12-F

THE WASHINGTON POST

Friday, May 18, 1973

A 11

# Senate Bill Would Cost Automakers

By William Chapman

Washington Post Staff Writer

The Senate yesterday passed a bill requiring auto manufacturers to assure payment of the cost of repairs of safety-related defects on their recalled cars.

The bill, passed by voice vote, also is designed to require quick repairs, eliminating delays which in the past have discouraged some owners from taking in their cars.

Under the 1966 auto safety

THE WASHINGTON POST

Friday, May 18, 1973

A11

so big we're holding it in the delivery area
of our New York ave. warehouse... get
there early... limited
quantities!

no phone, mail or e.o.d., nominal charge for delivery

BY CAR: Take Route 50 west (from Maryland) or take Route 50 east (from Virginia) to New York Ave., N.E. near the District Line. By BUS: Take by City bus/D2 or D4 from downtown, to or from Bethesda to New York Ave. N.E. near the District Line.

By William Chapman

Washington Post Staff Writer

Under the 1966 auto act,

# Kissinger, Tho Talk Again;
Several More Meetings Seen

THE WASHINGTON POST
Saturday, May 19, 1973 A 13

By Jonathan C. Randal

PARIS, May 18—Presidential adviser Henry A. Kissinger and Hanoi's Le Duc Tho today held their second closed-door meeting designed to shore up the shaky Vietnam cease-fire agreements and agreed to meet again Saturday afternoon.

But after nine hours of consultations, Hanoi Deputy Foreign Minister Nguyen Co Thach told newsmen it was still "too early to say whether there is any progress."

Kissinger, who yesterday limited his public comments to a laconic "O.K." when asked how the first meeting had gone, today declined to answer any questions.

Many questions from newsmen concerned his reported role in ordering his aides' telephones tapped as was revealed in the American press this week.

Speaking to newsmen at the suburban home of the late French painter Fernand Leger, which is now French Communist Party property, Thach said at the end of the three hour, 45-minute session that a least "four or five more" meetings would be needed.

He said the discussions concerned "all the clauses" of the Jan. 27 cease-fire agreement which Kissinger and Tho negotiated at the Communist villa at Gif-sur-Yvette and the American villa at St. Nom la Breteche. The talks will take place there Saturday in keeping with the established rotation protocol.

## Relaxed Cordiality

As was true yesterday—and indeed had been the case even at the most critical moments of last winter's negotiations—both delegations indulged in elaborate smiles, handshakes and other niceties designed to convey an impression of relaxed cordiality.

In apparent deference to American sensibilities, someone had taken down a commemorative plaque at the Leger villa which noted the signature of the January cease-fire and the "victory of the Vietnamese people over imperialism."

Earlier in the day, Kissinger conferred with President Georges Pompidou for 90 minutes in a meeting at the Elysee Palace which French sources said was devoted entirely to preparations for the French leader's meeting with President Nixon in Reykjavik, Iceland on May 31 and June 1. Accompanying Kissinger to

the Elysee was Helmut Sonnenfeldt, the just named under-secretary of the Treasury for international affairs and previously one of the Kissinger aides whose telephone allegedly was ordered tapped.

## Help in Cambodia

Amid airing of the charges and countercharges of serious cease-fire violations, the discussions were also believed centered on American hopes for enlisting Hanoi's help for achieving a Cambodian cease-fire and North Vietnamese demands that the United States

resume interrupted postwar aid talks and demining of its harbors. The fallout from the Watergate scandal—especially congressional opposition to funding continued bombing in aid of Cambodian President Lon Nol's beleaguered government—has weakened Kissinger's hand.

Despite the standard news blackout, informed sources continued to suggest that Kissinger may fly back to Washington for consultations within the next few days and then return for further talks with Tho.

4 Part I—Sat., May 19, 1973

Los Angeles Times

# Kissinger and Tho Hold
Second Round of Talks

PARIS (AP)—Henry A. Kissinger conferred for almost four hours Friday with Hanoi's Le Duc Tho on the second day of their talks on how to stop violations of the Vietnam cease-fire agreement.

At the end of their meeting, in a villa owned by the French Communist Party in suburban Gif-sur-Yvette, President Nixon's national security adviser and the North Vietnamese Politburo member agreed to continue the talks today.

North Vietnam's deputy foreign minister, Nguyen Co Thach, second-ranking member of Tho's delegation, told newsmen, "It is too early to say whether there is any progress."

Thach said the two delegations were reviewing all the problems arising from non observance of the agreement, which Kissinger and Tho drafted and initialed last winter. At least three or four more meetings will be required to complete the process, Thach added.

Kissinger and Tho declined to talk to newsmen, but they displayed the

same smiles, vigorous handshakes and apparent cordiality that marked initialed last winter. At Thursday in an American-owned villa in St. Nom-là-Bretche.

In accordance with the regular rotation, today's meeting will again be in St. Nom, with Kissinger acting as host.

Before driving to Gif-sur-Yvette, 20 miles southwest of Paris, Kissinger conferred for 90 minutes in the Elysee Palace with President Georges Pompidou.

French sources said the meeting was concerned mainly with preparations for the scheduled summit meeting of Mr. Nixon and Pompidou in the Icelandic capital, Reykjavik, on May 31 and June 1.

The sources said Pompidou and Kissinger also discussed the proposal for a new Atlantic Charter, grouping the United States, Western Europe and Japan, first put forward by Kissinger in a speech to the Associated Press annual meeting on April 23. France has been lukewarm toward the proposal.

Los Angeles Times

Sat., May 19, 1973—Part I

3

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The Nixon Watch

Living With Henry

Henry Kissinger's return from his latest journey to Moscow was awaited by his staff with an interest that had nothing to do with the delay in arranging a firm date for Leonid Brezhnev's promised visit to Washington. The 132 people who comprise Kissinger's National Security Council establishment assumed that he would soon get around to telling them what some changes in the NSC staff structure that were announced last April 6 and decided upon well before then are going to mean to them and to their relationship with him and the President.

The patient acceptance of Kissinger's failure to tell even the senior members of his staff, including those who are directly affected, what he had in mind with the changes before or when they were announced, is a good indicator of how it is to work and live with Henry in the fifth year of that extraordinary experience. Sadly for reporters and commentators who in the past have made much of the horrors of working for Henry Kissinger, the horror stories are no longer told with horror. His secretive ways, his relentless demands for unattainable perfection, his occasional flashes of cutting anger have come to be taken for granted and dismissed with rather humorous pleas for understanding that it's Henry being Henry and doesn't really matter. Most of his 50 professional assistants are trained specialists with trained minds—career diplomats, economists, systems analysts, political scientists, a few lawyers and generalists. The plain fact, corny when baldly stated but nonetheless a fact, is that they perceive in Kissinger the possessor of a superlative mind who stretches their minds and capabilities to the utmost and, along with the pains and passing resentments, gives them a profound sense of satisfaction and reward when he does it.

The changes in staff structure reflect Kissinger's

16

THE NEW REPUBLIC

evolution in the job since he became Mr. Nixon's assistant for national security affairs in 1969. It took him 18 months to come around to acceptance of one subordinate with the title and status of deputy assistant to the President. Now he is to have four subordinates with that title and a fifth with the status but not the title. Kissinger's mix of reasons for such a generous expansion of a rank that confers upon the holders, in theory though not necessarily in fact, the prestige of responsibility to the President rather than to him provides an interesting insight into his evolving view of his job and of the NSC function.

The reason of greatest general interest, though not the most immediate and important reason to be stated in forthcoming explanations to the staff, is that Kissinger is preparing the NSC structure for his departure. He is aware that his associates are basing their own plans on the assumption that he will be around for two years and probably no more than two years of the second Nixon term. He neither questions nor discourages the assumption. But his present intention could change for one or more of several reasons. The President could lose confidence in him; he could lose confidence in the President; or an impossible situation for him could be created by the replacement of the docile and cooperative William P. Rogers with a secretary of State, John Connally for instance, who would not tolerate Kissinger's ascendancy in the formulation and execution of foreign policy. One thing that certainly will not happen, I am assured and believe, is Kissinger's departure because of the Watergate scandal and the imputations of involvement that now crowd upon the President. The consensus around Kissinger is that, all other considerations apart, he will not desert the President at a time when his departure would be interpreted as a show of distrust. If it ever comes to a matter of non-confidence on either man's part, it will be over issues of policy principle and that is extremely improbable. Eventual departure is a factor in the structural changes only in the sense that Kissinger wants to leave behind him, when and if he goes, an NSC system and NSC procedures that are not as dependent upon him as they have been and that a successor can operate with until he rearranges the setup to suit himself.

Kissinger's principal purpose, as it will be explained to the staff, is to make it easier to work with him and for him to work with his assistants. As I get the story, he realized many months ago that he had become a bottleneck in the system and that the single deputy assistant, originally General Alexander M. Haig, Jr. and now Brigadier General Brent Scowcroft, had become another bottleneck. In the intensely personalized procedure that Kissinger started with in 1969 and has dominated since then, policy business that he didn't have the time to handle was supposed to be handled by the deputy and neither of them had enough time

to do it. This became acutely obvious at the height of the negotiations for an Indochina and Vietnam settlement last year, when both Kissinger and General Haig were frequently abroad, and Kissinger finally brought himself to do something about it with the designation of a "deputy for operations." His choice for the job is Lawrence S. Eagleburger, aged 43, a career foreign service officer who worked himself into physical breakdown as a personal assistant to Kissinger in 1969 and lately has been acting assistant secretary of Defense for international security affairs. Kissinger's theory is that a few hours a week with Eagleburger, imparting to him Kissinger's and the President's views and wishes, will qualify the new deputy to act for Kissinger on marginal matters and serve as a buffer between him and senior members of the staff. The hope is that this will allow Kissinger ample time, more time than he has had in the past, for personal discussion with his senior associates and their juniors on critical matters. Such is the theory. One of Kissinger's oldest and most loyal associates advised me to assume that the theory won't work out. Henry's insistence upon personal and minute supervision of everything that concerns him and the President will never change, this fellow said, adding that the demands of the staff for personal contact with Henry will never change, either.

The two other new deputies (for "planning" and for international economic affairs) are to be Colonel Richard T. Kennedy, a retired army officer who since 1969 has been the staff planning director, and Charles A. Cooper, a former Rand Corporation economist who since 1970 has been the chief economics officer at the US Embassy in Saigon. The "planning" in Colonel Kennedy's old and new titles is something of a euphemism. A quiet man with a passion for orderly labor, he keeps the otherwise frantic NSC pace and procedure in a condition bearably short of chaos and, in simple justice, had to be accorded the higher title and status if anybody was. Charles Cooper, an eminent economist in his own right, gets the rank because he probably couldn't have been recruited without it. His advent signals Kissinger's determination to have the NSC staff play a larger and more effective role in international economic policy than it previously has. Philip Odeen, the NSC staff's chief systems analyst, gets the status without the title for one of those curious reasons that often operate in officialdom. His opposite number at the Department of Defense was recently downgraded, and Kissinger figured that he couldn't formally upgrade Odeen without offending the powers at DOD.

A victim and beneficiary of the same sort of official quirkery is Helmut Sonnenfeldt, who since 1969 has been Kissinger's senior specialist on Soviet and East European affairs. Sonnenfeldt, a foreign service officer, is credited with immense contributions to the President's Moscow summit, strategic arms negotiations, the whole range of widening accommodation with the Soviet Union. By acknowledged right, he should have

MAY 19, 1973

been designated Kissinger's senior deputy. But—and
here I repeat what I'm told—many of Hal Sonnenfeldt's
associates find him impossibly difficult to work for.
Kissinger concluded that he would have a staff revolt
and unmanageable chaos on his hands if he gave
Sonnenfeldt the promotion he had earned. The depart-
ment of State didn't want him back. Elliot Richardson,
who thought he was staying at the Defense Depart-
ment and instead has been named attorney general in
the forlorn hope that he can clear up and sanitize the
Watergate scandal, rejected Kissinger's urgent recom-
mendation that Sonnenfeldt be appointed assistant
secretary for international security affairs. Ostensibly
Richardson refused on the mentioned personality
grounds. Actually, as Richardson saw it, the issue was
whether the White House should or shouldn't dictate
DOD appointments. So Kissinger worked the prob-

lem out with Treasury Secretary George Shultz and Hal
Sonnenfeldt is to be an under secretary of the Treasury,
specializing in international economic affairs. He's
happy and Kissinger is happy.

This is one of the few occasions for happiness at the
beleaguered White House. Another one, in NSC quar-
ters, is the fact that General Haig has temporarily
replaced H. R. Haldeman as Mr. Nixon's chief of staff.
Haldeman detested Kissinger and Kissinger detested
Haldeman. Grave and growing concern that Water-
gate is eroding the President's authority abroad as
well as at home outweighs all other considerations in
Henry Kissinger's vicinity. But one hears it said in
that vicinity, though not by Kissinger, that if any
good could come of Watergate it was the removal of
Bob Haldeman and his California crowd from power
at the White House.

John Osborne

17

UPI 05-19 03:43 PED

SCOWCROFT
(L.L.)
(VIET TALKS)

PARIS (UPI) -- VIETNAM NEGOTIATORS HENRY A. KISSINGER AND LE DUC THO MET FOR FOUR HOURS AND 20 MINUTES SATURDAY IN THEIR THIRD CONSECUTIVE DAY OF TALKS AIMED AT REPAIRING THE MUCH-VIOLATED CEASE-FIRE AGREEMENT. THEY ANNOUNCED A LOWER-LEVEL MEETING OF EXPERTS WOULD TAKE PLACE SUNDAY.

ASKED IF HE WOULD COMMENT ABOUT PROGRESS, KISSINGER SAID, "WE WILL WAIT UNTIL WE ARE FINISHED."

HE SAID WILLIAM H. SULLIVAN, AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE TO THE PHILIPPINES WHO HAS BEEN CLOSELY CONNECTED WITH THE VIETNAM NEGOTIATIONS, WILL MEET HANOI'S DEPUTY FOREIGN MINISTER, NGUYEN CO THACH, AT 10.30 A.M. SUNDAY AT THE COMMUNIST MEETING GROUND IN SUBURBAN GIF-SUR-YVETTE.

ASKED IF HE WOULD STILL BE IN PARIS, KISSINGER TOLD NEWSMEN: "YES I PLAN TO BE HERE."

SATURDAY'S MEETING BETWEEN THE U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ADVISER AND NORTH VIETNAM'S CHHIEF NEGOTIATOR TOOK PLACE AT AN AMERICAN-OWNED VILLA IN SUBURBAN SAINT-NOM-LA-PRETECHE. IT WAS THE THIRD IN THREE DAYS AND BROUGHT THE TOTAL NEGOTIATING TIME TO DATE TO MORE THAN 13 HOURS.

AGAIN THE ATMOSPHERE WAS FRIENDLY. THO MADE A POINT AFTER THE MEETING OF APPROACHING ALL NINE MEMBERS OF THE AMERICAN SIDE AND SHAKING HANDS WITH EACH OF THEM.

MIDWAY THROUGH THE TALKS, KISSINGER, SULLIVAN AND THACH STROLLED THROUGH THE GARDEN, TALKING AND GESTURING ANIMATEDLY.

THE DELEGATIONS DID NOT SAY WHEN THE NEXT TOP-LEVEL MEETING WOULD TAKE PLACE.

SATURDAY'S MEETING GOT UNDERWAY AT 3 P.M. IN UNSEASONABLY COLD AND BLUSTERY WEATHER AT THE VILLA OWNED BY AN AMERICAN BUSINESSMAN.

THE TWO DELEGATIONS EXCHANGED SMILES AND HANDSHAKES OUTSIDE THE VILLA, BUT NEITHER SIDE HAD ANY COMMENT FOR NEWSMEN WATCHING THE DELEGATES ARRIVE.

THE NINE-MAN AMERICAN TEAM ARRIVED FIRST IN BLACK U.S. EMBASSY LIMOUSINES. INCLUDED IN THE DELEGATION WAS PRESIDENT NIXON'S NOMINEE FOR AMBASSADOR TO SOUTH VIETNAM GRAHAM MARTIN.

WHEN THO AND HIS AIDES DROVE UP, KISSINGER, MARTIN AND SULLIVAN CAME OUT OF THE RED-ROOFED VILLA AND GREETED THEM.

THERE HAD BEEN NO COMMENT FROM EITHER SIDE ON THE EXACT SUBSTANCE OF THE TALKS--THE FIRST BILATERAL PEACE TALKS BETWEEN THE TWO COUNTRIES SINCE THE SIGNING OF THE PARIS PEACE ACCORD JAN. 27.

BUT NGUYEN CO THACH, THO'S LIEUTENANT, TOLD NEWSMEN AFTER FRIDAY'S SECOND SESSION, "I CANNOT SAY IF ANY PROGRESS HAS BEEN ACHIEVED. IT IS TOO EARLY TO SAY SO.

"WE WILL NEED AT LEAST THREE OR FOUR MORE SESSIONS BEFORE WE COMPLETE OUR TASK. WE ARE REVIEWING ALL THE PROVISIONS OF THE PARIS AGREEMENT."

Kissinger, Tho Confer Again;
Fail to Set New Meeting Date

WP

5/20/73

PARIS, May 19 (UPI)— White House national security adviser Henry A. Kissinger and Hanoi negotiator Le Duc Tho met for four hours and 20 minutes today in the third consecutive day of talks aimed at repairing the much-violated cease-fire agreement.

Asked if he would comment about progress, Kissinger said: "We will wait until we are finished." He said a lower-level meeting of experts would be held Sunday, but no date was set for the next top-level meeting.

Kissinger said William H. Sullivan, ambassador-designate to the Philippines who has been closely connected with the Vietnam negotiations,

will meet Hanoi's deputy foreign minister, Nguyen Co Thach, at 10:30 a.m. Sunday at the Communist meeting ground in suburban Gif-sur-Yvette.

Kissinger told newsmen he expects to be still in Paris on Sunday.

Today's meeting between Kissinger and Tho took place at an American-owned villa in suburban Saint-Nom-la-Breteche. It was the third meeting in three days and brought the total negotiating time to date to more than 13 hours.

The atmosphere was friendly. Tho made a point after the meeting of approaching all nine members of the

American side and shaking hands with each one.

Midway through the talks, Kissinger, Sullivan and Thach strolled through the garden, talking and gesturing animat-edly.

Today's meeting got underway at 3 p.m. in unseasonably cold and blustery weather. The two delegations exchanged smiles and hand-shakes outside the villa, but neither side had any comment for newsmen watching the delegates arrive.

There had been no comment from either side on the exact substance of the talks—the first bilateral peace talks between the two countries since the signing of the Paris peace accord Jan. 27.

Associated Press
addresses crowd in Norfolk.

funds are being sought as damages in several lawsuits in which the committee has been named a defendant.

Bush spoke at the conclusion of a two-day meeting of Republican state chairmen.

The national committee apparently also wants a larger role in party election affairs. Friday night, Bush publicly said his goal as chairman will be "to make our party so strong no presidential candidate will ever again think of using any thing—or committee—to run his campaign."

Today Bush privately told the state chairmen "new policies and a new image for our party must be adopted in dealing with the White House."

"When Downtown (meaning the White House) calls and tells us to jump, we no longer plan to ask 'How high?'" he said at a closed-door breakfast.

Bush later confirmed making the statement, jocularly accusing reporters of "bugging" the breakfast. But he

election committee's assets of the theory that "in past elections the national committee has always picked up the debts of the presidential candidate. Why shouldn't the candidate's assets now reveal back to us?"

Bush shared top billing at the breakfast with Anne Arndt, a strong, a counselor to the President. She warned the state chairmen that future campaigns will be marked with numerous questions about Watergate.

"To deflect them," source attending the meeting quoted her as saying, "just say 'Watergate is terrible. It was wrong. We abhor it. But President Nixon is the same man of accomplishment he was before it happened.'"

The 28 state chairmen (primarily from the East and Middle West) attending the meeting unanimously adopted a resolution backing the President on the Watergate affair in exonerating the Republican Party per se from all guilt.

21 May 1973 P6

Uses U.S. of
Spy Flights

PARIS TALKS...Cont

quences arising from its
violations," the North Vi-
etnamese Foreign Minis-
try said.

The U.S. government
had no comment on the
broadcast, although offi-
cials in the past have ad-
mitted that unmanned
reconnaissance planes have
been sent over North Viet-
nam.

The Hanoi statement
charged that two U.S.
planes flew over the area
of Hon Me island, in Thanh
Hoa province, Friday, and
that later in the day two
planes swept over coastal
areas in Nghe An and
Thanh Ha provinces. Hon
Me Island is 115 miles
south of Hanoi.

Kissinger Notes 'Progress'
In Fourth Talk With Tho

By Jonathan C. Randal
Washington Post Foreign Service

PARIS, May 21—Henry A. Kissinger said today that “some progress” had been made at his fourth closed-door session with Hanoi’s Le Duc Tho designed to shore up the shaky Vietnam cease-fire.

The presidential adviser's laconic comment constituted the first time he had said more than “O.K.” in characterizing the nearly 18 hours of discussions he has held with Tho since the negotiations resumed last Thursday.

[At the White House in Washington, deputy press secretary Gerald L. Warren said, in response to questions, that Kissinger has not offered his resignation to the President in the wake of criticism over White house wiretapping of members of his staff, Associate Press reported. Warren said that "Dr. Kissinger has not offered his resignation to

the President or through someone to the President as far as we know” and he added Kissinger has no intention of resignation.]

Other indications the talks were going well included the decision of the technical experts to work late tonight and the scheduling of a fifth Kissinger-Tho meeting for Tuesday at 10:30 a.m.

Despite an official news blackout on the talks held today at the American-owned villa in suburban St. Nom La Breteche, informed sources have reported that the mood inside the meetings matched the show of relaxed cordiality both delegations have put on for the press waiting outside.

Adding to the impression of a desire to find a compromise settlement was the lack of publicity the North Vietnamese delegation has given to claims made in Hanoi of renewed U.S. bombing of South

Vietnam and reconnaissance overflights of the north.

In an airport statement on his arrival from Hanoi a week ago, Tho had warned that he would refuse to resume the closed-door talks or would break them off, in the case of any further American bombing of South Vietnam which was forbidden by the cease-fire accords. The United States denied those charges and similar ones made by Hanoi Sunday.

[North Vietnam charged Monday for the second time in two days that U.S. aircraft had flown reconnaissance flights over its territory, Reuter said. A Hanoi foreign ministry spokesman, quoted by the North Vietnam news agency, alleged that U.S. spy aircraft flew over Haihau district of Namha Province and Tienhai district of Thaibinh Province Sunday.]

OPEN DAILY 8 A.M. TO 9 P.M.

ING, 21 MAY 1973

BALTIMORE SUN 21 MAY 1973 P-8

# Kissinger said to bid to quit

Washington (Reuter)—Henry Kissinger has offered to resign if President Nixon thinks his national-security adviser's moral authority was impaired by telephone taps on members of his White House staff, informed sources said yesterday.

Dr. Kissinger acknowledged last week that he saw reports of tapped telephone conversations by members of his National Security Council team after it was disclosed that President Nixon authorized wiretaps on 17 persons, including 14 reporters.

The bugging occurred between 1969 and 1971, when the administration was anxious to

stop leaks of classified information. Some reports said Dr. Kissinger agreed to the taps and even provided the names of people who should be bugged.

Sources said that before leaving for Paris Thursday for talks with North Vietnam's Le Duc Tho on the Vietnam cease-fire. Dr. Kissinger offered to resign if the President believed his moral authority had been impaired by the disclosures.

They said he was reassured that Mr. Nixon wanted him to stay on at the White House.

iver and the
Communist
r, and West

German Chancellor Willy Brandt, right, discuss
future relations of their two countries. Talks are at
Petersberg Hotel and man in center is interpreter.

(P) Wirephoto

The Show Wins
TV Comedy

One for Star Herself;
On the Family Also Honored

an Emmy for writing in a come-
variety or music special program
their work on "Acts of Love—
Other Comedies," on ABC.

Jack Benny and Mary Tyler Moore
sented the supporting actor and
ess Emmys.

he first, for best actor in a sup-
ting role, went to Scott Jacoby
"That Certain Summer;" the sec-
for best actress in a supporting
, was awarded to Ellen Corby for
cale in an installment of The

17 War Protesters
Found Innocent in
Camden Draft Raid

CAMDEN, N.J. (P)—Seventeen war protesters, including four Roman Catholic priests, were found innocent Sunday of charges stemming from a 1971 raid on the draft board here.

The jury of five women and seven men deliberated over a four-day period before handing up its verdict in what was known as the "Camden 28" trial.

Ten of the original 28 persons ar-
rested in connection with the Aug
21, 1971, raid.

Kissinger Reports Some Gains
In Paris Negotiations on Truce

PARIS, May 21 (AP)—American and North Vietnamese negotiators have made “some progress” in their talks on ways to enforce the shaky Vietnam peace agreement, Henry A. Kissinger said today.

President Nixon's adviser on national security made the brief comment to newsmen after meeting for five hours with Le Duc Tho, Hanoi's top Vietnam negotiator. It was the fourth session in the series of meetings that began Thursday.

Mr. Kissinger spoke after bidding Mr. Tho a cordial good-by at his car outside the American-owned villa in suburban St.-Nomla-Bretêche where they conferred. He declined to elaborate on the talks, but the two delegations said Mr. Kissinger again tomorrow.

The second-ranking delegates, William H. Sullivan, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and Pacific Affairs, and Nguyen Co Thach, the North Vietnamese Deputy Foreign Minister, were to meet tonight to discuss technical details, a spokesman said. They met for 12 hours yesterday on details of the earlier discussions.

Apart from Mr. Kissinger's brief remark, both sides maintained their news blackout. There was no indication whether Mr. Kissinger and Mr. Tho were preparing an interpretive annex to the Jan. 27 cease-fire agreement in an effort to stop the violations each side has charged to the other.

Mr. Kissinger and Mr. Tho conferred for a total of nearly 13 hours on the first three days of the talks. Mr. Kissinger, who will celebrate his 50th

birthday Sunday, was expected to return to Washington before the end of the week to report to President Nixon.

The current series of meetings has been marked by displays of cordiality between the two delegations, contrasting with the tension and paralysis in the peace-keeping machinery in South Vietnam, and with the continued accusations of cease-fire violations.

Mr. Kissinger and Mr. Tho as well as their aides, have gone out of their way to shake hands and smile whenever they meet in sight of newsmen and photographers.

Diplomatic informants said they were encouraged because Mr. Tho has made no public issue of renewed Communist allegations that American plane bombed vietcong-controlled areas in South Vietnam and have resumed reconnaissance flights over North Vietnam. Both are banned by the peace agreement.

Mr. Tho threatened a week ago to walk out of the talks in the event of any American bombing of the Vietcong.

A further indication of Mr. Tho's conciliatory attitude was the disappearance of a plaque that the French Communist party fixed to its villa in Gif-Sur-Yvette in February. The villa serves as an alternate meeting site.

The plaque, commemorating completion of the agreement text in the building on Jan. 13, described the agreement as a "victory of the Vietnamese people over Imperialism." When the talks reopened, the plaque had been removed.

The agreements with the United States companies are important politically because they come at a time when Arab newspapers and some leading figures are urging Arab governments to use oil as a weapon to try to force the United States to change its pro-Israel policy.

Egypt apparently does not envision using this weapon in the near future, Western diplomats concluded here today.

Mr. Hilal also announced that agreements had been signed with Transworld, a small independent American oil concern, and with Petrobras, a Brazilian company. Both contracts are for offshore drilling, Transworld's in the Mediterranean north of the Nile Delta, and Petrobras's in the Gulf of

One Seaman Killed
And 2 Are Stricken
By Drink on Tanker

ALBANY, May 21 (AP)—One Norwegian seaman died yesterday after he drank what is believed to be diluted alcohol or synthetic ethyl alcohol aboard a Norwegian molasses tanker in the Port of Albany. Two others were in fair condition today.

Rolf Lundgren, 35 years old, of Bergen, Norway, was dead on arrival at Albany Medical Center Hospital. Ketel Femland, 18, and Arvid Vidalo, 25, also from Bergen, were undergoing treatment with an artificial kidney machine to remove the toxic substance from their blood, a hospital spokesman said.

Coroner Robert Scully of Albany County said that Mr. Lundgren had been found unconscious in his room on the ship, the Stolt Sveve, and two others had been discovered in an adjacent room. All three had drunk from a half

of the water.

The Australian Attorney General, Lionel Murphy, asked an interim injunction pending a final judgment when the Court opened oral hearings on separate cases filed by the Australian and New Zealand Governments.

The two countries argue that continuation of French nuclear tests—at Muroroa Atoll, about 750 miles southeast of Tahiti—violates international law and the United Nations Charter. France, which has said that the court has no jurisdiction in a matter involving French defense, boycotted the session.

Kissinger Notes Progress

In Fourth Talk With Tho

NP 5/22/78

By Jonathan C. Randal

[At the White House in Washington, deputy press secretary Gerald L. Warren said, in response to questions, that Kissinger has not offered his resignation to the President in the wake of criticism over White house wiretapping of members of his staff, Associate Press reported. Warren said that “Dr. Kissinger has not offered his resignation to

the President or through someone to the President as far as we know” and he added Kissinger has no intention of resignation.].

Adding to the impression of a desire to find a compromise settlement was the lack of publicity the North Vietnam-seme delegation has given to claims made in Hanoi of renewed U.S. bombing of South

[North Vietnam charged Monday for the second time in two days that U.S. aircraft had flown reconnaissance flights over its territory. Reuter said. A Hanoi foreign ministry spokesman, quoted by the North Vietnam news agency, alleged that U.S. spy aircraft flew over Haihau district of Namha Province and Tienhai district of Thaibinh Province Sunday.]

NEWSWEEK

28 MAY 1973 (23)

WHERE THE
SCANDAL
PINCHES

The accent was on the positive. Emerging from a villa in the Paris suburb of Saint-Nom-La-Bretèche, a beaming Henry Kissinger greeted North Vietnam's Le Duc Tho warmly and then, after a quick

NEWSWEEK - 28 MAY 1973 (23)

HEATH: NO KNIGHTS, NO ROGUES

In an exclusive interview with NewsWEEK's Peter Webb, British Prime Minister Edward Heath recently expressed his views on a wide range of topics from U.S.-European relations to the Ulster problem and West European defense. Highlights of Heath's remarks:

ON A NEW ATLANTIC CHARTER

There is already a very close relationship between Europe and the United States. I don't know if either wants a "new" relationship. I think Dr. Kissinger's speech [on Europe] was both interesting and important because what it proposes is that we should look jointly at ship in its different partnership how we different aspects of it specific obstacles ... to ten years ago I causes of friction at are today.

EUPEAN DEFENSE

is in NATO in its defense of the United before right that it should part-and-a major use, and at the same defense because, if neutral, then America posed ... I do not people know the defense provided by NATO.

GOTIATIONS

are unless both sides clearly on the table and stop trying to get the ones who are major and that it's the rogue ... The one than the European

Community across the board. That is the first thing. Secondly, it has high protectionism for its agriculture. So if it wants to discuss [Europe's] Common Agricultural Policy, then it has also to discuss the high protectionism for American agriculture ... Let's have all the facts. Let's review them coolly and rationally and then see how we can remove the obstacles on each side of the Atlantic to an expansion of trade.

ON ULSTER

The proposals we have put through give an opportunity for the [warring Catholic and Protestant] communities in Northern Ireland to work together, and to do so within a framework of their own organization of a political assembly ... It may well be that extremists on either side will try to prevent this...[but] the people in Northern Ireland have shown quite clearly by the recent plebiscite that they want to stay as part of the United Kingdom ... When the time comes, if they want voluntarily to have a united Ireland, no government in Westminster will ever stand in the way.

ON BRITAIN'S FUTURE

I don't accept [the] myth [of an "English malaise"). At the moment we have an economy which is expanding again at the rate of 5 per cent; unemployment is falling; our reserves are very high; we have a floating pound which protects the reserves ... We have reformed the whole of [our] industrial-relations legislation ... and we now have an anti-inflationary policy which is giving us stability ... These are all considerable achievements-and we have negotiated Britain into the European Economic Community. These aren't the proceeds of a nation in decline. These are the results of a new dynamism here in Britain.

and during his visit to month. Many diplo- Brezhnev's own a poor economic and an increasing technology-Water- more bargaining

remain convinced that nothing-perhaps not even the impeachment of Richard Nixon-can shake Washington's pro-Israeli stance. As for the Israelis, things have been going so well with Washington that they almost seem embarrassed for Mr. Nixon. "We certainly wouldn't want hay while Watergate burns," Israeli. "On the contrary, we be this thing will be cleared up the most elegant manner possible." In the U.S. State Department, policymakers would predict an escalation. They are convinced progress will now play a much and in foreign policy-and not Cambodia. Protectionists on are likely to push harder than maintain high tariff walls, and farmers seem sure to renew for massive troop cutbacks in there was also the danger that White House totally preoccu- pying a staying afloat, U.S. foreign might lose momentum. Or anyone of importance in Eu- sia gets the idea that we really a paper tiger, it could mean disaster for us and the world," one high official. "At the minimum gains of the last four years begin to erode. The direct evi- dent anyone is underestimating us so far. But if the domestic continues, we'll see it soon."

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR - 23 MAY 1973

# Nixon hopes Viet talks aid image

By Courtney R. Sheldon
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Washington

White House officials count on progress in the Vietnam talks to restore, at least somewhat, the leadership images of both President Nixon and Henry A. Kissinger.

Privately they admit that if any new agreement with the North Vietnamese is not generally impressive, both men could toboggan downhill.

The largest question of all is whether any revision of the January accord or restatement of its terms will permit Mr. Nixon to halt the extensive bombing of Cambodia. It is this for which Congress waits impatiently.

Pentagon officials confirm that the Cambodia bombings since the South Vietnamese cease-fire in January have resulted in one American killed and two missing in action. Another eight men have been lost in Laos.

## New POW buildup?

Hostile action brought down a U.S. observation plane in Cambodia and the pilot was killed. An F-4 failed to rendezvous with a tanker and two men are missing in action.

Whether these two are the start of a new accumulation of prisoners of war in Indo-China is not known at this point.

Any accommodation reached between Dr. Kissinger and North Vietnamese negotiator Le Duc Tho which does not reverse the bombing escalation seems certain to spell trouble for both President Nixon and Dr. Kissinger.

President Nixon spotlighted in a recent Norfolk, Va., speech the argument with Hanoi over an accounting of the missing in action.

He did so in apparent anticipation that the original Paris agreement in January on the MIAs would at least be reaffirmed.

It was also an attempt to justify to the American public the continuation of the war in Indo-China. And American newspapers are currently carrying huge ads sponsored by those concerned about the MIAs and trying to put the MIA issue on the same plane the emotional POW issue once was on.

Dr. Kissinger will return to a changed Washington — deeper than ever in exposures of corruption in the Nixon administration.

One segment of the Washington community now sees Dr. Kissinger as tainted by involvement in the wiretapping of his own aides and newsmen.

Were Dr. Kissinger's usefulness to President Nixon to be seriously impaired, one of the reasons some critics of President Nixon do not push for his resignation or impeachment would be erased.

## Stout defense heard

At this point, it does not appear that Dr. Kissinger's reputation has been

damaged that much.

Some of those close to his work defend him unstintingly, saying that when the full story of security leaks in 1969 and 1970 are known, he will be vindicated.

There is no confirmation that Dr. Kissinger offered Mr. Nixon his resignation, as reported. White House spokesmen say no such thing happened, judging from all the information given them.

The story of some officials is that the wiretapping of 17 persons — 13 in the government and four newsmen — was done by the FBI after leaks of news that the U.S. was bombing North Vietnamese concentrations in Cambodia in 1969.

At the time, the White House wished to keep it secret because it felt it had an agreement with Prince Norodom Sihanouk not to complain as long as only North Vietnamese were hit.

## Prince had to complain

Once the story was flushed into the open, the Prince, who has since been ousted as head of government, had to complain about the U.S. violation of his territorial integrity.

There were also other news stories, from secretive sources, which told what the U.S. would ask of the Soviet

Union at the strategic-arms-limitation talks and what the U.S. fallback position was.

It is argued in some quarters that the Soviet negotiators took advantage of this, much to the consternation of the U.S. team.

Whether the security considerations were as large and as significant as White House sources now picture them is regarded by some observers as debatable.

Whether it was necessary to wiretap phones of Dr. Kissinger's associates and newsmen is another matter difficult to decide now unless there is a full airing of all the investigative means open to the FBI.

## Expedient overruled

What is established is that there was great fear within the White House and that Dr. Kissinger acquiesced in the wiretapping and was given transcripts of the taps.

In the subjective atmosphere of Washington it is asked whether other men in other administrations would have risked wiretapping, an expedient often called "dirty business" and overruled subsequently in 1972 by the Supreme Court unless a court order is obtained in advance.

CHICAGO TRIBUNE - 23 MAY 1973

# Continent beginning to doubt U.S. hopes for united Europe

By Saul Friedman

Knight Newspapers

PARIS—For the first time since American troops came ashore on D-Day, 1944, many European have begun to doubt that the United States really wants a strong, united, and independent Europe But the commission added that “never before has the U. S. administration scrutinized and evaluated so systematically down to the last detail the scope and possible effects of European policies.”

THE COMMISSION feels that while the U. S. still wants a politically unified Europe, that will take a back seat when American economic interests are threatened.

And the threats are coming more and more often.

A ranking commission

wishes to one of fear and suspicion.”

Why the change?

“ON THE surface, the U. S. is worried because for the first time in 100 years it is importing from Europe as well as Japan and Canada more than it is exporting, and more money is going out than coming in.

So the U. S. is demanding that Europe:

* Give American manufactured products a fairer shake in trade by abolishing tariff barriers and internal regulations, called “nontariff barriers,” which discriminates against other products.

* Change the European Common Agricultural Policy, which bars many American farm products from Europe.

* End special trading agreements with African, Mediterranean, and Caribbean countries, including former

Common Market to include England, which has been a big American customer, Ireland, and Denmark [along with the original six—Belgium, Luxembourg, Holland, France, Italy, and West Germany].

Bear a greater share of the expense for 310,000 American troops stationed in Europe as part of its North Atlantic Treaty Organization defenses.

EUROPEANS declare themselves willing to negotiate. But even if they yielded on every American demand—which is unlikely—the surprising thing is that it won't help the U. S. problem with its trade and payments deficits very much. For Europe accounted for very little of the deficits.

Of the $9.2 billion payments deficit [the amount of money going out for military and foreign aid, as well as for tourism and imports] Europe accounted for $1.1 billion, while Japan got $4.5 billion and Can-

than 10 per cent. The larger problems were Japan, which took us for $4.1 billion, and Canada, which got $1.8 billion.

OTHER AMERICAN complaints about Europe are also viewed, by Europeans, as being of the molehill variety.

The most important area of American concern is the European Common Agricultural Policy. It imposes a special tax on imported farm goods which compete with European farm products. In addition, European farmers are guaranteed rather high prices for what they produce,

EUROPEANS insist they cannot radically change the C. A. P. because it is as much a social as an economic program to help poor farmers catch up to the worker's standard of living and modernize agriculture.

Sir Cristopher Soames, the pro-American British representative to the European Community Commission, suggested the U. S. may not be prepared for a truly unified Europe, which could become the economic equal—and rival of the US.

## dup

Mr. Hebert, told a House defense appropriate priority on the Rockwell Inter strategic bomber it would confer superiority fighter and the Boeing 747 to keep the B-1 program going. If Congress denies the Air Force control of the B-1. It could then ACSC to the bomber project. Air Force the subcommittee, however,

the staff for research and developed to defer B-1 funding in Fiscal 2023. The resumed at a later date, the Air Force.

The Air Force is running far behind schedule on the priority because of changes at the subcommittee now is at the point it usually not expect to complete hearings

plan for Grumman F-14s with F-14 Rep. F. Edward Hebert (D.-La.), told the Navy in a May 9 executive until the proper figures have been submitted to the committee will have the full June 15. “A couple of admirals they moved fast, F-14s might not said.

TIME - 28 MAY 1973 (23)

INDOCHINA

No Carrot, No Stick

SMILING broadly as he deplaned at Paris' Orly Airport, Presidential Adviser Henry Kissinger effusively praised North Vietnamese Politburo Member Le Duc Tho as "my old friend in the search for peace." Later, when the two met at the U.S.-owned villa outside Paris, there were more smiles and handshakes. With this ceremonial display of affection, the talks on the future of Viet Nam were reconvened last week. At stake, once again, was peace in Indonesia; Kissinger and Tho, it was hoped, would figure out ways to stop the continued fighting that threatens to undo the cease-fire agreement they negotiated last winter. But when Kissinger emerged from the first of several expected meetings with Tho, his only comment on the progress of the talks was a noncommittal "okay." Everything, clearly, was not okay.

In the five-hour closed session, both sides repeated old and familiar arguments: the U.S. insisted that the North Vietnamese were violating the peace accord by infiltration into the South; North Viet Nam pointed out that U.S. planes were continuing to bomb in Cambodia and claimed that bombing was taking place in South Viet Nam as well. Bombs were indeed falling in Cambodia, particularly around the Mekong River, which is a vital lifeline to Phnom-Penh. The Viet Cong, meanwhile, charged that some of their positions in South Viet Nam had been bombed by U.S. aircraft and demanded that the International Commission of Control and Supervision investigate.

American charges that the Communists are violating the peace accord are based on increasing evidence of massive infiltration of men and supplies into

South Viet Nam. Some U.S. intelligence experts believe that the North Vietnamese are trying to annex northern provinces in South Viet Nam where Communist troops were allowed to remain "in place" as part of the cease-fire agreement. According to some reports, about 6,000 civilian administrators have been moved down from the North to set up a government in the region.

**Firm Order.** Even before the start of his talks with Le Duc Tho, Kissinger's bargaining position had been threatened by a strong show of congressional opposition to any further bombing of Laos and Cambodia. First the House of Representatives, which had never before approved a measure aimed at ending or reducing U.S. involvement in Southeast Asia, voted 219-188 to block a requested transfer in the Supplementary Appropriations Bill of already allotted funds from other Defense Department programs to pay for the bombing. Last week the normally conservative and hawkish Senate Appropriations Committee unanimously approved an amendment to the same bill that goes even further by prohibiting the use of any appropriations whatsoever for the bombing.

It seems certain that the committee amendment will eventually be passed by the entire Senate. Almost as surely, both houses will eventually agree on a compromise version that will present President Nixon with a firm order from Congress to stop the fighting once and for all. Significantly, even hitherto loyal supporters of the President's war policy joined in the Senate committee vote. Rumbled New Hampshire Republican Norris Cotton: "As far as I am concerned, I want to get the hell out of it."

Despite the wishes of Congress, the Administration has said that it has no intention of stopping the barrage of bombs. This view seems shaky, since it has been argued in Congress, and elsewhere, that there is no legal justification for the continued bombing in Cambodia in the first place. The Administration initially insisted that even if Congress refused to vote more funds for bombing, the Government would get money from past appropriated funds. But under mounting congressional pressure, Defense Secretary Elliot Richardson, who is also Acting Attorney General, conceded that if both houses voted to withhold funds, then the Administration would respect the curb.

Thanks largely to some skillful parliamentary maneuvering by Republican Senators, any vote by the Senate on an anti-bombing measure has been postponed until after Memorial Day. Thus Kissinger was spared the embarrassment of trying to talk tough from a substantially weakened position. His options in pressuring Tho to adhere to the peace accords, however, could soon be severely limited. As a diplomat in Paris observed last week, "Kissinger could use the carrot-and-stick technique—alternating the threat of more bombing with the prospect of American economic aid for the reconstruction of North Viet Nam. But now it looks as though Congress may withhold the carrot and take away the stick."

If it does, Kissinger's task will be more difficult than ever. Hanoi is certainly aware of his predicament. As a result, it might be tempted to increase military pressure in Indochina. Whether the Soviet Union and China would try to restrain Hanoi depends on how Moscow and Peking assess Nixon's strength and authority in light of Watergate, and the President's ability to deliver the trade and technical benefits they would like, along with the political balance both sides desire.

CHICAGO DAILY NEWS - 16 MAY 1973 (23)

# Reds building 'third Vietnam'

By Larry Green

Daily News Foreign Service

DA NANG, South Vietnam — A third Vietnam, a shadow of the other two, has begun to take shape in a Communist dominated 200-mile-long chain of hills and mountains rising from the coastal lowlands of South Vietnam's five northern provinces.

Without fear of U.S. bombing raids for the first time in years, the Vietnamese Communists have begun methodically to mold the rugged region to their ideology, developing it politically, economically and militarily.

Their efforts, unprecedented in scope in the long Vietnam conflict, have all the earmarks of nation building and pose a new threat to the Saigon government and the prospects of future stability in Indochina.

ALARMED AMERICAN AND South Vietnamese officials believe the Viet Cong's Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG) is establishing a permanence in the region, something that isn't provided for in the Paris cease-fire agreement.

What is emerging is a further partitioned Vietnam, not a country divided into North and South as Vietnam was after the 1954 Geneva agreement, but a country divided between one northern and two southern entities.

Work is going on under the red and blue banner of the PRG throughout mountainous terrain characterized by jungenled hills, rock studded peaks and fertile, but long-fallow, valleys.

North Vietnam is supplying jeeps and bulldozers, technicians and engineers, local government administrators and settlers.

Hamlets are rising overnight, their grass huts pre-fabricated. Fields are being irrigated and cultivated to produce rice and vegetables. Schools and clinics are being established. Airfields are being rebuilt and repaired. A major network of roads is under construction. Local PRG governments are being created.

Activity in the Communist-controlled Annam Cordillera

zone during last year's offensive; sent at least several thousand North Vietnamese civilians into the region as home-steaders; moved thousands of wandering Montagnard tribesmen into hamlets.

THERE ARE REPORTED COMMUNIST plans to build international guest houses, suggesting that in the future they expect the region will be a revolutionary showcase in South Vietnam.

Expansion and improvement of a former U.S. Marine air strip at Khe Sanh, in northwestern Quang Tri Province — at first thought to be designed to support a military offensive — may in fact be the beginnings of an international airfield for use by visitors to PRG country.

A 6,000-foot runway has been added to the 4,000-foot runway left behind by the Americans and the area has been ringed with a variety of air defenses, including antiaircraft artillery and sophisticated surface-to-air missiles.

Parallel with the establishment of a civilian presence in the area, Communist military capabilities are being strengthened and expanded.

Scores of new artillery and antiaircraft guns have been deployed throughout the five provinces as well as several hundred tanks and armored personnel carriers, American and South Vietnamese sources report.

THE ROAD NETWORK IS DESIGNED primarily for the movement of truck convoys and tanks southward from the demilitarized zone into central South Vietnam, these ranking sources said.

New feeder roads, running toward Hue and Da Nang — the country's two most important cities outside of Saigon — appear to be intended to support major attacks on both, and are already being used to move heavy guns to within range of both major cities.

Another feeder road is being constructed west of Sa Huynh, a small fishing village in Quang Ngai Province with a deep water port. The Communists attempted to take the village after the start of the cease-fire, apparently to use it as a seaport for bringing in ship loads of supplies.

Continued work on the road suggests to local military authorities that at some future time the Communists will make another attack on the battered village.

Reports from three of the five provinces indicate they have met with limited success although the status of their

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

23 MAY 1973

Saigon's terms
complicating
Paris talks

By Takashi Oka

Paris

How is South Vietnam to obtain a
more stable peace?

How is the peasant crouching in his
palm-leaf hut to gain a margin of
freedom from the constant fear of
sudden calamity?

The hopes of the world rest on the
intense, secrecy-shrouded conversa-
tions going on for nearly a week
between the top envoys of Washington
and Hanoi — Henry A. Kissinger and
Le Duc Tho.

American goals, in this latest round
of talks, are believed to be fairly
modest.

If only the two sides in South
Vietnam — Saigon and the National
Liberation Front — could get used to
the idea of peace, of live and let live,
then the healing of war's wounds
could begin.

Such, at least, seems to be Dr.
Kissinger's hope. It may be that in
trying to work out the practical
details he has been given some en-
couragement by his Hanoi counter-
part, Mr. Tho. He has, at any rate,

permitted himself to use the word
"progress" in describing the talks so
far.

(Messrs. Kissinger and Tho met for
their fifth day of talks at a Communist
villa in Gif-sur-Yvette Tuesday. On
Wednesday they will meet at an
American villa in St-Nom la Bre-
teche.)

The long hours the two negotiators
have spent together, and the even
longer hours passed by their feputies,
Assistant Secretary of State William
Sullivan and Foreign Vice-Minister
Nguyen Co Thach, have led to specu-
lation that the two sides are preparing
a document setting out each side's
understanding of the peace agree-
ment they signed in January and the
points each side considers must be
fulfilled in order to make that peace
stable.

The easiest point to resolve will be
the strictly bilateral ones. Hanoi
complains that the United States has
stopped demining its harbors and
stopped negotiations on economic aid.
The United States replies that North
Vietnamese troops are still coming
into South Vietnam and that Hanoi
and NFL troops are violating the
cease-fire.

Relations complicated

In point of fact, both the demining
and the economic talks could be
resumed tomorrow . . . so long as
other conditions are fulfilled.

It is these "other conditions" that
complicate Hanoi's relations with

(CONTINUED NEXT PAGE)

8-F

spokesman in Brussels told Knight newspapers:

"There has been a change of atmosphere. Almost every week we receive American protests on proposals pending before the commission. The time has come to test the American commitment to European unification.

"THERE IS A difference between the rhetorical declarations in favor of an independent Europe, and the real American attitudes. I fear the U. S. sees the European Community as a threat."

Late last year, J. Robert Schaetzel, for six years in the 60s the U. S. ambassador to the Common Market, wrote: "We have drifted far from the harmony with Europe that President Eisenhower visualized in 1952 and that President Kennedy elaborated on a decade later when he called for an Atlantic partnership."

"TO BE SURE, the press releases ground out by the White House and the executive departments still contain the same ritual observations of American support for the Community and the unification of Europe."

"But the credibility of the message is sharply diminished by the harsh criticisms of Europe. . . . The dominant American mood has changed from one of hope and good

European colonies, which causes them to discriminate against American goods.

* Compensate the U. S. for trade it expects to lose as a result of the expansion of the

Japan, Germany, and other countries got $1.5 billion.

Of the $6.8 billion trade that we have with Japan, Germany, and other countries, 90% is trade in products against what we import from exports. Europe is counted for $600 million.

AVIATION WEEK - 25 MAY 1973 (23)

Washington Roundtable

Retiring Air Force Secretary Robert C. Seamans, Jr., priations subcommittee that USAF places such high national North American Aerospace B-1 advanced consider cancelling the McDonnell Douglas F-15 air-superior E-3A airborne warning and control system (AWACS).

Seamans said such a drastic step might be taken. Fiscal 1974 budget request for continued development, transfer funding scheduled for the F-15 and AWACS, Force Comptroller Lt. Gen. D. L. Crow quickly assigned that the F-15 was in "no jeopardy."

Lt. Gen. Otto J. Glasser, USAF deputy chief of staff, told the subcommittee that, if Congress decided in 1974 on grounds the development program could be Force would have no option but to cancel the program.

House Appropriations defense subcommittee is running Defense Dept. Fiscal 1974 budget requests, primary retary level—both Defense and service. The subcommittee reaches in early February each year and does not enact an authorization bill before October.

Navy must provide Congress with its procurement Fiscal 1974 budget funding almost immediately. chairman of the House Armed Services committee. The subcommittee will hold its first active session that he expects to hold up budget approval been submitted. Navy was cautioned that Heber membership vote on the service's authorization of the program were sent home with the understanding that unless he be bought in Fiscal 1974," one House staff member said.

7-F

A 22

Wednesday, May 23, 1973

THE WASHINGTON POST

# Talks Said To Require Concessions By Thieu

PARIS, May 22—Henry A. Kissinger's top aide flew to Saigon tonight amid indications that problems requiring concessions from South Vietnamese President Nguyen Van Thieu have arisen in the private talks here on strengthening the Vietnam cease-fire.

William Sullivan, deputy assistant secretary of state, flew to Saigon aboard a U.S. air force jet which had arrived earlier at Orly airport from West Germany.

White House adviser Kissinger and North Vietnamese negotiator Le Due Tho met for six hours and 15 minutes, their longest session since negotiations resumed Thursday. Afterwards a Hanoi official appeared to cast doubt on Kissinger's optimistic statement yesterday that "some progress" had been made.

The North Vietnamese official, Deputy Foreign Minister Nguyen Co Thach, said, "That may be his impression. As far

as we're concerned, we cannot say that yet."

Although Kissinger and Tho have met for a total of 24 hours, another meeting was scheduled for Wednesday morning.

Despite Thach's remark—and the fact that the talks were taking longer than the three or four days originally suggested by the United States—newsmen speculated that some progress must have been made if only because typewriters were moved into the Communist-owned villa at Gif-sur-Yvette for the day's meeting.

Moreover, recurring rumors suggested that the two sides may have agreed to apply the Jan. 27 cease-fire "correctly," a word which was said to imply not only an end to military violations, but a beginning of concessions by Saigon.

Sullivan's trip was interpreted in this light to mean that the United States wanted Thieu to implement the Janu-

ary agreements while avoiding any significant weakening of his hold in the country.

Concessions in both the military and political fields by Saigon, moreover, could persuade North Vietnam to bring pressure to bear in Cambodia for a settlement between Marshall Lon Nol's beleagured government and the insurgents.

On this score it was noted that Sonn Sann, a Paris-based former Cambodian bank governor with good connections with both the Phnom Penh government and Prince Sihanouk, recently returned to the Cambodian capital on a "special mission."

He was expected back in Europe by mid-June, and local observers of Indochina developments did not rule out a trip to Peking where Sihanouk has been in exile since his ouster in March, 1970. Sihanouk is currently on a series of visits to East European and African capitals.

United Press International

Smiles mark the resumption of Vietnam negotiations at a villa in Paris suburbs yesterday. Exchanging greetings are, from left: Hanoi negotiator Le Due Tho; Nguyen Co

Thach, North Vietnam's deputy foreign minister; Henry Kissinger, U.S. presidential advisor, and William Sullivan, assistant secretary of state.

Marquis Childs

5/23/73

# A Warm Diplomatic Climate In China

Associated Press

Dr. Kissinger with Chou En-lai (center) and Mao Tse-tung.

PEKING—On Chinese television and in movie theaters throughout the country is a documentary film entitled "Chairman Mao and Dr. Kissinger." With Chinese subtitles for Kissinger's English it shows the revered leader with President Nixon's adviser for national security in a discussion of the two nations and their growing friendship.

This is a striking illustration of the commitment the leaders of the People's Republic have made to the American involvement. It is, in effect, a blessing before the hundreds of millions by the man who has something like the status of a god in the eyes of those same millions. It says something, too, about the importance of Kissinger's role in the drama of America and the new China.

In the handsome China Pictorial two pages with color photos are given to "Dr. Kissinger Visits China." Kissinger and his aide, Winston Lord, are pictured in earnest conversation with Mao and Premier Chou En-lai. This English-language publication is widely distributed.

The leaders of the People's Republic look to continuity and stability far into the future. A blessing by Mao will carry into the years ahead and be a plus during the transitional period when the old leaders will have passed from the scene. Mao is 79, Chou is 75. To outsiders, at any rate, their successors are not visible.

What China hopes for from the United States is twofold. First is the very fact of friendship. The American presence in Peking, the rapidly growing exchanges—these are a counter to the fear that is basic not only to Chinese policy but to the fundamental conviction of the people subject to a continuous infusion of propaganda. That is the fear of an attack by the Soviet Union—either preemptive strike against China's nuclear development or a mass attack by the million or more Russians on the northern border.

Friendship with Washington, one of the two superpowers, is an offset to the frigid propriety of relations with Moscow. This in no way suggests dependence, for self-reliance is the constantly repeated resolve of Chinese

policy. Yet, if President Nixon had not dared so much in his mission to Beijing, the diplomatic climate would have been less assured than it is today.

The second hope is for greatly expanded trade. The 10 Boeing 707s that will be delivered next year are a beginning of the kind of benefits to accrue from America's advanced technology.

Pay-as-you-go on the international market is a policy long adhered to by the Chinese. There are signs, however, that a shift is in the making. Several times to this reporter officials have spoken of the possibility of "deferred payments." They may well be interested in credits from the Export-Import Bank that could open the way for the construction of petro-chemical and fertilizer plants.

While trade with the United States could become important, the great stress is on a variety of trading partners. The principal trading partner today and very likely for the foreseeable future is Japan. Trade each way between the two Asia nations is close to $1 billion annually. That exchange has deep roots in the past.

But the past does not govern what is occurring today. The isolation of the Middle Kingdom of another day and the embattled fastness of the Communist retreat in Yenan after the long march and the civil war that followed have been completely shattered.

Scarcely a day goes by that a foreign minister or a minister of trade from Europe, Africa or Asia does not arrive here. The handsome tree-lined route to the Peking airport sees a procession of welcoming committees. And those who come are only a fraction of those who seek the coveted visa for China, whether in search of trade or merely to have a look at the rebirth of a nation — the most remarkable phenomenon of the modern age.

If China's leaders are overly concerned about the disarray in Washington reported in every short-wave broadcast, they have not shown this concern to the Americans who established the liaison mission here. They clearly want to believe in the continuity and stability of the superpower with whom they have formed a friendship.

© 1973. United Feature Syndicate

NYT

5/23/73

43 M

# Shadow and Substance

By C. L. Sulzberger

PARIS — Henry Kissinger's latest Paris visit for the old familiar reason of still more Vietnam talks had an interesting by-product. He discovered that although Europeans were far less alarmist than the vast majority of Americans about the international implications of Watergate, Europe nevertheless really didn't think too much of his Easter Monday speech urging a "new Atlantic charter."

Since Mr. Kissinger has been geographically limited to France on this journey, naturally these impressions were conveyed to him in French political accents. But French diplomacy, it may be assumed, has been actively sounding out the views of its Common Market partners on these subjects.

Although in terms of current events Watergate, of course, is the obsessive interest of the United States nowadays, in terms of history, developing Western relationships may transcend it in importance. Certainly, with the exception of so-called Paris intelluclestuals and a limited segment of the media, the flaming American political scandal has stirred relatively restrained interest here and no alarm.

The Government view in this capital is that Watergate hasn't had the slightest effect on U.S.-French relationships. Preparations continue calmly for the Nixon-Pompidou meeting in Iceland next week. France feels that the American Government is continuing to function as usual and to deal with enormous questions.

For France, this alone is what counts. Moreover, although it plays no part in the assessment, there is a certain sympathy for President Nixon in ruling circles. He has always been regarded as pro-French and pro-Gaullist with excellent personal ties to President Pompidou.

This being said, it is evident that France—and here it feels that similar views are shared elsewhere in Western Europe—was unhappy with both the method and the message of the Kissinger speech last month. This attitude has in no sense been kept from Mr. Kissinger himself.

There is no conjecturing here (as in some American quarters) that the speech was linked to Watergate as an attempt to divert public attention from that growing scandal. But there is a feeling that it was produced in a surprisingly maladroit way.

There had been no advance consultation between Washington and its allies, nor even the faintest advance intima-

## FOREIGN AFFAIRS

tion that an important message of particular concern to Europe was forthcoming. Consequently, this inspired a suspicion that the ideas outlined by Mr. Kissinger had been prepared, put on paper, and carried about for weeks before being suddenly sprung upon the world. This was and is resented, much as Mr. Kissinger is admired on this side of the ocean.

Many Europeans were thus startled by the abruptness, if not brutality, of approach. And, beyond this, there is a widespread sentiment that the timing of the actual message was as awkward as the means of conveying it. West Europe feels there is no point in now starting a grand new negotiation which must ultimately affect the political shape of things to come and which involves questions of defense, trade and monetary policy.

From the European viewpoint, as it has apparently been explained to Mr. Kissinger in courteous but direct terms, it is useless to embark on any of these subjects until a settlement—or at least a temporary solution—is first agreed upon for the continuing monetary crisis. After all, it is argued, until everyone knows what respective currencies are really worth, it is impossible even to calculate costs for military arrangements or commercial exchanges.

There isn't the slightest doubt that this will be stressed by Mr. Pompidou at Reykjavik. From a European standpoint, it is the primordial point facing all countries with free currencies. It is therefore the cardinal topic of every contemporary summit except those involving Mr. Brezhnev, whose ruble is seen as subject only to arbitrary and artificial controls.

Willy Brandt discussed the matter at length with Mr. Nixon. Prime Minister Heath has just been discussing it at length with President Pompidou. And the latter has every intention of again discussing it at length with his American peer.

To sum up, the curious aspect of the wholly unexpected scandal which is steadily undermining Mr. Nixon's position in the United States is that it has had no serious repercussion on relations between the U.S. and European governments, nor on current events that were supposed to inaugurate Mr. Nixon's "European year." What has had a far more serious effect, to date, is the steady decline in the American economic and monetary position to which this region is willynilly tied.

INTERNATIONALE

VIETNAM

“ NOUS PROGRESSONS ”

affirme Kissinger avant son 5e et peut-être dernier entretien avec Le Duc Tho

“(Nous progressons », a affirmé Henry Kissinger a l'issue de son quatrième entretien avec son homologue nord-vietnamien Le Duc Tho, qui n'a pas duré moins de cinq heures, jeudi à Saint-Nom-la-Bretèche.

Le conseiller spécial du président Nixon n'a pas voulu donner d'autres indications sur ces conversations dont on sait seulement qu'elles portent sur l'ensemble des clauses des accords de paix sur le Vietnam signés le 27 janvier à Paris, et que les deux parties s'accusent réciproquement de violer.

Les deux négociateurs se sont retrouvés mardi matin à Gif-sur-Yvette pour un cinquième entretien qui, selon certaines rumeurs, pourrait être le dernier — ces rumeurs s'alimentent parfois d'infimes détails. Ainsi, l'arrivée mardi matin devant la villa de Gif d'une camionnette appartenant à la délégation nord-vietnamienne d'où ont été débarqués deux cartons de documents et une machine à écrire, a suffi pour que se répande l'idée que l'issue des entretiens était proche...

Lundi soir, c'est le fait que les experts des deux camps aient prolongé fort avant dans la nuit leurs travaux après le départ de MM. Kissinger et Le Duc Tho qui avait été remarqué, comme l'avait été le dîner pris en commun par les deux délégations au grand complet.

C'est à peine si l'on prête désormais attention aux démonstrations de cordialité des deux parties qui rivalisent dans la dimension et la durée des sourettes et la chaleur des poignées de main. A cet égard, on peut se demander comment seront appréciées à Saigon celles qu'échange avec les « communistes nord-vietnamiens » l'un des membres de la délégation U.S., M. Graham Martin, ambassadeur désigné des Etats-Unis auprès du président Thieu

Cette photo ne sera sans doute pas du goût du président sud-vietnamien Thieu. On y voit, à la gauche de M. Henry Kissinger, le futur ambassadeur des Etats-Unis à Saigon, M. Graham Martin échanger une cordiale poignée de main avec le Nord-Vietnamien Le Duc Tho (de dos), à Saint-Nom-la-Bretèche.

(notre photo) où il remplacera M. Ellsworth Bunker.

Autre question : de quelle nature peuvent être les « progrès » révélés par M. Kissinger, alors qu'entre les frères ennemis sud-vietnamiens le dialogue reste au point mort ? Une nouvelle séance, la douzième, de la conférence consultative de La Celle-Saint-Cloud a réuni hier les représentants de Saigon et du G.R.P.

Ce dernier, M. Nguyen Van Hieu a condamné à son arrivée l'attitude du président Thieu qui, a-t-il dit, « devient de plus en plus agressif ». Il a rappelé que le président sud-vietnamien avait provoqué la dissolution de

plus de vingt partis et « qu'il sabotait ainsi l'accord de Paris ». Il a exigé, en conclusion, une réponse pour l'offre du G.R.P. « d'un cessez-le-feu effectif ».

Pendant ce temps, à Saigon, un porte-parole militaire révélait que le gouvernement de Saigon avait proposé mardi que les quatre signataires de l'accord de Paris (Washington, Hanoï, Saigon et G.R.P.) lancent un appel conjoint — signé par des représentants d'un rang élevé — aux forces en présence au Sud-Vietnam pour qu'elles appliquent effectivement le cessez-le-feu. Cette proposition n'a cependant pas reçu l'assentiment du G.R.P., a-t-il précisé.

## LE CONSEILLER SPÉCIAL DE NIXON
### CHEZ M. JOBERT

Deuxième rencontre hier, à 18 heures, entre le conseiller spécial du président Nixon pour les questions de sécurité nationale, M. Kissinger, et M. Michel Jobert, le ministre français des Affaires étrangères. Un premier entretien avait eu lieu jeudi dernier au lendemain de l'arivée à Paris de M. Kissinger. Celui-ci avait été reçu vendredi à l'Elysée par le président Pompidou.

IN DE BORDEAUX: Les intrigues du

LE FIGARO

« Sans la liberté de blâmer, il n'est pas d'éloge flatteur. » BEAUMARCHAIS

Ch.-Elysées, 75380 Paris Cedex 08
Tél. : 256-80-00

CREDI 23 MAI 1973

<table><tr><td>PARIS PREMIÈRE</td></tr></table>

Directeur Pierre BRISSON ()
147° ANNÉE — N° 8.922 depuis

Maroc, 0,75 dh.; Tunisie, 75 mil.; Espagne, 12 p.; Italie, 150 lires; Autriche, 6 sch.; Belgique, 127; Luxembourg, 115; Suisse, 0,60 Fr. s.; Allemagne, 120.

PIDOU
SATIONS
MALES
ENDUES

S fin avec l'examen
s atlantiques
nes bilatéraux
informations.

A l'Assemblée nationale

DROIT DE LICENCIEMENT:
La réforme n'a pas
convaincu l'opposition

• Au Sénat, M. Stirn réaffirme :

« Premier ministre et gouvernement
procèdent du président de la République »

PAGES 6 et 7 ; nos informations.

• TÉL.
A partir

N
NE
e

des

les ar-
e

: l'art danois contemporain

ÉVOLUTION ET S

Il est bon que le premier
grand débat social de la
nouvelle législature ait porté
sur un projet de loi aussi
concret que celui concernant le
Co-débat

son interprétation jurispruden-
tielle par la Cour de cassation,
n'avait pratiquement pas bougé
depuis 1872. L'article 23 parla
toujours de « louage de ser-
vices » et donnait aux deux par-

KISSINGER AND THO
END TALKS IN PARIS

NYT

5/27/73

U.S. Aide Cites 'Significant
Progress'—2 Men Agree to
Meet Again Next Month

By FLORA LEWIS
Special to The New York Times

PARIS, May 23—The United States and North Vietnam today ended an intensive week of talks on how to end violations of the Vietnam cease-fire, and Henry A. Kissinger said “significant progress” had been made.

Mr. Kissinger, President Nixon's adviser on national security, said at the airport before leaving for Washington that another series of talks would start in Paris on June 6 to achieve agreement. He declined comment on what he meant by “significant progress.”

The North Vietnamese endorsed his airport statement but also declined to elaborate on the “significant progress.”

Mr. Kissinger said that his meetings with Le Duc Tho, a member of Hanoi's Politburo, lasting some 30 hours; were aimed at bringing “about a strict implementation of the Paris

Continued on Page 7, Column 1

U.S., Hanoi Say Talks Make Progress

PARIS, May 23—Henry A. Kissinger flew back to Washington today after announcing “significant progress” was made in week-long talks with North Vietnam's Le Duc Tho and that negotiations would resume here June 6 to assure compliance with the Vietnam cease-fire agreements.

In a departure from his usual almost off-hand airport remarks of the past, White House adviser Kissinger read his departure statement which he indicated had been cleared with Tho “to make sure that I keep to what we have agreed.”

Kissinger stressed the final sentence of the statement which read: “We have every intention of concluding our discussions during the next series of meetings.”

In the light of the presence in Saigon of William H. Sullivan, Kissinger's top aide in the talks and deputy assistant secretary of state, that phrase seemed an ominous warning that neither Washington nor Hanoi would tolerate major footdragging by President Nguyen Van Thieu. Objections from Thieu delayed the completion of the original cease-

fire agreement for several months.

Despite the official news blackout on the week-long negotiations, informed sources said that Kissinger and Tho had hammered out at least the rough outlines of major concessions that Saigon must make in strictly applying the Jan. 27 cease-fire.

Kissinger's statement said:

“The purpose of the meetings was to bring about a strict implementation of the Paris agreement. The meetings were conducted in a constructive and positive manner. Significant progress was made.

“Ambassador Sullivan is now in Saigon to discuss the results with the government of South Vietnam. I am returning to Washington to report to the President.”

North Vietnamese sources tonight confirmed Kissinger's assertion of “significant progress.” But they seemed somewhat embarrassed about what was an overnight change of heart about their public view of the state of the talks.

See TALKS, A29, Col. 8

United Press International

Le Duc Tho and Henry Kissinger exchange greetings before final meeting of this round of Paris negotiations.

U.S., Hanoi
Agree on
'Progress'

TALKS, From A1

After yesterday's meeting—
and just before Sullivan flew
to Saigon to see Thieu—North
Vietnam's Deputy Foreign
Minister Nguyen Co Thach
went out of his way to take is-
sue with Kissinger's assertion
Monday that "some progress"
had been made. Thach
snapped: "That may be his im-
pression," but "as far as we're
concerned we cannot say that
yet."

It seemed doubtful that to-
day's almost seven-hour meet-
ing—the longest of the week—
had accounted for the sudden
North Vietnamese optimism,
especially in view of Sullivan's
departure last night.

Observers assumed that Kis-
singer and Tho spent the day
discussing matters having
nothing to do directly with
South Vietnam.

Possible agenda items were
the Cambodian situation and
resumption of the bilateral
postwar aid talks here and of
the demining of North Viet-
namese harbors. Both the lat-
ter were broken off last
month as a signal of American
displeasure with what Wash-
ington charged was North Viet-
nam's massive infiltration of

THE WASHINGTON POST

Thursday, May 24, 1973

A 29

men and material into South
Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia.

However, observers have
tended to assume that a less
obstructionist interpretation
of the January accords by Sai-
gon might open the way for
compromise on other issues,
especially the Cambodian cri-
sis.

A 30

The Washington
AN INDEPENDENT

Prerogative: Mr. Nixon

suddenly issued (via Mr. Nixon) a thousand words seeking prerogative crime and cover-up that have come to public attention. It is also heartbreaking. Revelations have been that Mr. Nixon has provided so damnation's presidency as does Mr. Nixon. The President's lengthy press, the courts and the one who has provided so damnation's presidency as does Mr. Nixon. It is too clear. If you take Mr. Nixon's value, there emerges the chance bordering on the criminality and responsibility and plain sense that all but defies belief.

Three years ago, Mr. Nixon tells us, in the face of what he regarded as grave security threats, he set up an interagency committee to work out — among other things—some “options for expanded intelligence operations.” One “option” which was approved was described by the President as follows:

> "authorization for surreptitious entry—breaking and entering, in effect—on specified categories of targets in specified situations related to national

NATIONALE

LE FIGARO — JEUDI 24 MAI 1973

ALORS QUE SES ENTRETIENS AVEC LE DUC THO SEMBLENT SUR LE POINT DE S'ACHEVER
# Kissinger envoie son adjoint Sullivan en mission à Saigon

L'Ecole n° 2 de la délégation américaine aux conversations Kissinger-Le Duc Tho n'assistait pas hier à Saint-Nom-la-Bretèche à la 6e rencontre entre les deux principaux artisans des accords de paix au Vietnam, William Sullivan volait vers Saigon, envoyé en mission spéciale après du président Thieu.

Ce départ avait été révélé mardi soir par le n° 2 de la délégation nord-vietnamienne,

## NOUVELLE DÉVALUATION DE LA PIASTRE SUD-VIETNAMIENNE

Saigon, 23 mai (Reuter). — L'agence de presse du Sud-Vietnam a annoncé mardi soir que la parité officielle de la monnaie nationale était désormais de 500 piastres pour un dollar, contre 485 auparavant, Bien que la mesure ait pris effet à compter du 19 mai, elle n'a été connue qu'hier. Il s'agit de la quatrième dévaluation de la monnaie sud-vietnamienne depuis le début de l'année.

Nguyen Co Tach. Devant la surprise des journalistes qu'il supposait sans doute déjà informés de la nouvelle par les services américains, M. Tach se rétractait. Son porte-parole expliquait : « C'est un lapsus, M. Tach s'est trompé. » En fait l'information était exacte mais, pour des raisons inexpliquées, la délégation américaine n'avait pas jugé bon de la communiquer à la presse et il fallait attendre plus de deux heures avant qu'elle s'y décide.

De quelle nature est la mission de M. Sullivan ? Aucune indication n'a été fournie de source officielle et on ignore toujours où en sont, sur le fond, les conversations entre MM. Kissinger et Le Duc Tho.

Les vétérans des négociations de Paris croient reconnaître toutefois le scénario déjà utilisé en

octobre et en janvier derniers lorsque les pourparlers secrets paraissaient sur le point d'aboutir à un accord et qu'il n'y manquait plus que l'approbation du président sud-vietnamien Thieu. M. Kissinger a lui-même conservé un souvenir cuisant où il avait tenté de « vendre » à Thieu son accord avec le Duc Tho, sans succès. En janvier, le général Haïg, chargé de la même mission avait été plus heureux. S'agit-il pour M. Sullivan d'obtenir un nouveau « feu vert » de Saigon sur des clauses additionnelles aux accords qui permettraient l'application effective des textes et avant tout du cessez-le-feu ? Pour risquer un pronostic sur ses chances de succès il faudrait savoir ce que contiennent ces clauses et quelles concessions elles réclament de Saigon. Ce n'est pas le cas.

## La dernière séance ?

Les Américains s'efforcent de donner l'impression que les conversations sont en bonne voie. Hier matin, M. Kissinger laissait entendre qu'elles pourraient aboutir dans la journée. Comme on lui demandait si cette sixième rencontre serait la dernière il a répondu : « probablement ». Regagnerait-il Washington dès mercredi soir ? « Je ne sais pas encore, peut-être. »

Du côté nord-vietnamien on se montre beaucoup plus réservé. M. Nguyen Co Tach à qui l'on demandait mardi soir s'il était d'accord avec M. Kissinger pour dire que les conversations « faisaient des progrès », a déclaré pour toute réponse : « C'est son impression. Nous ne pouvons pas encore dire cela. »

En attendant, la meilleure nouvelle du jour est venue de Saigon : le nombre des violations du cessez-le-feu dont le commandement militaire sud-vietnamien accuse quotidiennement le F.N.L. est tombé à son niveau le plus bas depuis le 28 janvier avec « cinquante-huit attaques, harclements et attentats ».

Les portes vitrées de la villa de Gif-sur-Yvette s'entrouvrent : MM. Le Duc Tho et Kissinger apparaissent, souriants. Sont-ils parvenus à un nouvel accord sur l'application de la paix ? Le président Thieu l'acceptera-t-il ? Questions encore sans réponse.

ENQUÊTE
(PAGES 29 et 30)

VIN DE BORDEAUX : Les Chartrons

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JEUDI 24 MAI 1973

PARIS PREMIÈRE

14

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AFFAIRE WATERGATE

La riposte
de Nixon

M. LEONID BREJNEV doit se rendre en visite officielle aux Etats-Unis du 18 au 26 juin. Auparavant, le 31 mai et le 1er juin, le président Nixon doit rencontrer M. Georges Pompidou en Islande.

Ces rendez-vous pourront-
ils être maintenus ? La ques-
tion ainsi posée est motivée
évidemment par les développ-
ements de l'affaire du Wa-
tergate, et la réponse dépend
de la tournure que prendra
l'enquête publique menée
par la commission sénato-
riale.

Cette enquête réserve cha-
que jour de mauvaises sur-
prises au président, au point
que ce dernier, décidant de
sortir du silence qu'il avait
observé pendant trois semai-
nes, a estimé devoir inter-
venir. A-t-il agi de sa pro-
pre initiative ? A-t-il cédé à
la pression de ses partisans
les plus convaincus ? Il im-
porte peu. Le fait est que le
président, sentant que l'en-
quête resserre lentement
mais sûrement l'état des res-
ponsabilités autour de la
Maison-Blanche, a versé au
dossier une protestation

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Rowland Evans and Robert Novak

...the Innocence of Dr. Kissinger

When the FBI last week revealed the existence of 17 or more telephone taps to uncover national security leaks, Dr. Henry Kissinger's aides suspected one of those taps was on Kissinger's own phone—reflecting the morbid suspicions between Kissinger's National Security Council (NSC) staff and the Haldeman-Ehrlichman palace guard.

In fact, Kissinger's White House telephone was spared an FBI tap, at least in that particular phase of the running investigations by the FBI and other federal investigators of the NSC staff, ordered by the suspicious Ehrlichman-Haldeman "Berlin Wall."

Whether Kissinger's telephone was spared in all other probes of the NSC is still not absolutely certain. In mid-1971 domestic policy chief John Ehrlichman was ordered by President Nixon to take control from the FBI of a complete new probe of leaked military and foreign policy secrets regarded by both Mr. Nixon and Kissinger as dangerous to national secu-

rity. At that point, Ehrlichman launched a second secret investigation of Kissinger's NSC—without asking Kissinger's approval.

Ehrlichman's second probe, moreover, was completed and filed without Kissinger being informed what, if anything, turned up.

In addition, there are unproved indications that members of Kissinger's staff were under occasional secret surveillance from noncitizens in the Pentagon's security apparatus.

In the public mind, these security probes of Kissinger's staff—and perhaps Kissinger himself—have falsely linked Kissinger to the Watergate scandal. In his latest statement issued Tuesday night, President Nixon sought to break this linkage.

On clear reason for this presidential statement: growing speculation that Kissinger, Mr. Nixon's prize exhibit throughout his White House tenure, might simply resign as public opinion

unfairly dragged him ever closer to the Watergate disgrace.

The relationship between the Kissinger operation, on the one hand, and the Berlin Wall of Ehrlichman and chief of staff H. R. (Bob) Haldeman on the other was always strained, distant and suspicious. As we have reported, Haldeman denied Kissinger aides normal White House perquisites, such as access to the White House mess and transportation.

Beyond that, Kissinger and his staff were regarded as virtual enemies by the crewcut bully boys manning the Haldeman-Ehrlichman offices.

The reasons are obvious. Kissinger was the only top White House aide with powerful ties outside the White House, both to Gov. Nelson Rockefeller of New York and to Eastern establishment intellectuals. The direct reason for the repeated security probes was Kissinger's deliberate selection of some Kennedy-Johnson holdovers for the NSC staff, including liberal intellectuals who had difficulty getting maximum security clearances long before Mr. Nixon became president.

Added to this was Kissinger's love of the spotlight—and the spotlight's love of him—and the fact that he, not Haldeman or Ehrlichman shared Time's 1972 Man of the Year award with Mr. Nixon.

Thus, besides a genuine desire to cork security leaks, Kissinger acquiesced in wiretaps on his own staff because he felt highly vulnerable to repeated Ehrlichman-Haldeman slurs that his staff was responsible for the leaks. Nevertheless, these security probes grew so onerous in 1971 that intimates say he considered quitting.

His dilemma now is far greater. Having lost the support of the liberal intellectuals who attack him today with invidcent relish, he has no intention trying to exonerate himself by a public proclamation of innocence. That, say Kissinger intimates, would indicate a sense of guilt he does not feel.

Kissinger could and did defend his suspect liberal aides, particularly Morton Halperin, whose 9-month stint as a top Kissinger aide ended in September 1969. But he may have too much pride to publicly defend himself.

The irony is painful. Kissinger, collaborator with the President in most of what is fruitful and valuable in the Nixon administration, is being smeared with the muck of Watergate, an affair with which he had no connection. If he should now reach the point where he loses his effectiveness, or decides to quit, Watergate will have devoured its first innocent victim.

Indochina

A Silence
At the
Paris Talks

PARIS—Four months after the tri-
umphant completion of a Vietnam
cease-fire accord, Presidential adviser
Henry Kissinger and Hanoi's Le Duc
Tho were back in Paris holding inten-
sive negotiations on how to make it
work. They met for 30 hours over
seven days, said they achieved “sig-
nificant progress” and arranged for an-
other series of Paris talks to begin on
June 6.

Ambassador William Sullivan, Mr.
Kissinger's deputy at the talks, went
to Saigon to get President Nguyen Van
Thieu's endorsement of whatever there

Ginfray/Syoma

Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho:
Deliberate ambiguity.

was to endorse. Mr. Kissinger flew
back to Washington. All the parties
involved kept a tight silence on just
what steps to assure "strict imple-
mentation" of the Paris texts were be-
ing discussed.

From all the indications here, there
has been no real movement toward
narrowing the fundamental conflict
between Communists and anti-Com-
munists for control of South Vietnam.
Each side has been putting all the
blame on the other for the failure of
the cease-fire to do more than remove
American G.I.'s and prisoners of war
from Vietnam. Each side has pointed
to massive violations by the other and
argued that the war would end if the
other side would abide by the agree-
ments it signed.

Actually it is futile to compare what

the Communists, Saigon and the United
States have done since the cease-fire
last Jan. 27 with what the words said
they were going to do. The words
were chosen to permit differing inter-
pretations, because those were the only
words that all would endorse. The
cease-fire texts were formulas to mask
enduring disagreements.

Nonetheless, the parties involved are
all concerned with world opinion; none
wishes to be regarded as the wrecker
of the cease-fire. Therefore, Mr. Kis-
singer's confidence that a new agree-
ment will be concluded is almost cer-
tainly well based. The question is
whether the new agreement will in-
volve policy changes to make the am-
biguous words clear.

The only portent last week was the
report of returning travelers from
Hanoi that the city's elaborate sys-
tem of air-raid shelters was being dis-
mantled. In the light of other known
facts, this could mean that the United
States had given a firm promise not to
renew bombing of North Vietnam in
return for a Soviet promise to with-
hold the kind of weapons that would
make major new Communist offen-
sives in the South possible.

Hanoi, it was reasoned, would not
take an American pledge to stop bomb-
ing seriously enough to abandon vital
air defenses without knowing that a
hard deal had been 'made affecting its
own capacity to act. The timing sug-
gested that the deal, if there was such
a deal, was made during Mr. Kissin-
ger's Moscow talks May 6-10.

Neither Saigon nor the Communist
side has abandoned hopes of ultimate,
unchallenged control of South Viet-
nam. But since the cease-fire both
sides have changed their estimates of
how time works for them. There is
substantial evidence that the Commu-
nists now feel it will take longer than
they thought to be in a position to
win a political struggle. And President
Thieu feels stronger than he ex-
pected to be.

Neither Saigon nor the Vietcong has
shown itself very pleased with the
outcome of the new round of Kis-
singer-Le Duc Tho talks, but so far
neither one has cried distress. Both
seem to expect a new agreement that
will at least appear to provide new
assurances of an uneasy coexistence
in South Vietnam without substan-
tially undermining the position of
either side. Whether the agreement
will end the war and lead to the polit-
ical settlement envisaged in the cease-
fire is another question.

—FLORA LEWIS

THE WASHINGTON POST, SUNDAY, MAY 27, 1973

C

Joseph Kraft

Henry Kissinger, the Virtuoso, at 50

Large, impersonal forces determined long ago that Henry Kissinger could not repeat the virtuoso performance he has put in on the world's stage during the past four years. So the bugging of his staff merely provides an ugly coda to an act that was playing out anyway.

But he has done some service to the state. As he marks his 50th birthday today, it is worth taking the measure of his achievement.

The achievement lies in the normalization of relations between this country on the one hand and China and Russia on the other. The immediate pay-off is American exit from the war in Southeast Asia. The larger consequences are a transformation in the structure of world power as yet incalculable. It is a diplomatic accomplishment comparable in magnitude to the feats of Castlereagh and Bismarck.

It does not disparage that achievement to point out that it rested on three special conditions. For one thing, there was the position of President Nixon. As early as 1967, Mr. Nixon had clearly sensed the wisdom of trying to play off China against Russia. Whatever differences may have separated the President from his chief foreign policy adviser, Dr. Kissinger had total support for the central objective of a new approach to Peking and Moscow.

A second condition is that Dr. Kissinger was dealing with Communist regimes run from the top down. As the President's agent, it was possible to tie up secret agreements of a binding nature with a single foreign leader.

A third condition is that the web of ties between this country and the two Communist giants was thin to nonexist-

tent. Against that background, the making of a very few agreements took on historic proportions. An exchange of diplomatic missions with Peking, a lid on strategic weapons—these were first steps in a journey marked by des-tiny.

New agreements with Russia and China will surely be made—perhaps in the very near future. But they will not be as dramatic. They will be building on a foundation already laid.

Moreover, now that communications with the Communist leaders have been opened, the center of diplomatic interest shifts elsewhere. Western Europe and Japan now exert the foremost claim to American attention.

But secret diplomacy at the summit cannot deliver those countries. For better or worse they are democracies, and foreign policy decisions have to be cleared with a broad reach of officials

and interest groups. Economic issues of a messy technical nature are involved. It is a case of needlepoint, not architecture.

Abundant signs already reflect the inevitable waning of the Kissinger influence in these circumstances. The Europeans and Japanese have been cool, to put it mildly, to Dr. Kissinger's plea that they subordinate immediate economic interests to a new Atlantic Charter. In this country he has been increasingly obliged to share foreign policy primacy with the economists of the Treasury, and the professionals at the State Department.

None of this is lost on Dr. Kissinger. He has long been talking of institutionalizing the extraordinary powers concentrated in his person. It would have made sense for him, provided he could not become Secretary of State, to bow out after about a year's favorable serv-

ice. He would have left, covered with honors, and in a position to serve other Presidents.

So this 50th birthday should have been a happy occasion. It is not, and the reason lies in Dr. Kissinger's part in the bugging of his subordinates on the National Security staff. Maybe just maybe, there was a case for the bugging. But not on the plane argued by Dr. Kissinger. When confronted with questions about what he did, he did not reply in a straight-forward way. He offered evasions and then out right lies.

So the achievement has been dimmed. The occasion is sad, even tragic. For Dr. Kissinger has not been betrayed by enemies; still less, as he now seems pleased to believe, by friends. He has been betrayed by what is false within.

Publishers-Hall Syndicate

A26

MONDAY, MAY 28, 1973

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

The War Goes On

Henry Kissinger, having conferred with Hanoi's Le Due Tho for a week, reports "significant progress" toward the goal of "strict implementation of the Paris agreement." The details or, if you will, the facts remain undisclosed. In their absence, the most intriguing sign is that the State Department's William Sullivan has been dispatched to Saigon. This suggests yet another effort to bring along a reluctant President Nguyen Van Thieu. It suggests, too, that contrary to the administration's public posture, it is not Hanoi's but Saigon's violations of the cease-fire accord that constitute the highest obstacle to fulfilling its terms. The Kissinger-Tho talks are to resume on June 6.

President Nixon is operating within narrow, and narrowing, limits. The Congress is in revolt against his bombing policy as never before, and it can only be a matter of weeks before funds for bombing are cut off. Leonid Brezhnev is due in Washington next month; surely Mr. Nixon would not like to be again in the position of having to "buy" further Soviet pressure on Hanoi. Just what effect it would have anyway on the principal trouble area, Cambodia, is unclear. The United States has muscled Lon Nol out and a fellow named In Tam has been muscled in as the effective ruler in Phnom Penh. This gentleman, however, takes the view that he

won't open negotiations with the Cambodian insurgents until their Vietnamese supporters quit the country. It is problematical how long either the rains or his own resources will allow him to hold that view. Meanwhile, the United States continues to do its part to destroy popular support for the Phnom Penh leadership of its own choice by devastating the countryside in the name of making Hanoi's men go home.

Perhaps a Cambodian negotiation will get under way, providing Mr. Nixon with the pretext he evidently still demands to stop the bombing. If not, one can begin to see the outlines of another potential fallback position that he may be preparing. Rather than concede that his own policy in Cambodia might just conceivably be flawed, he may be tempted to contend—as he indicated in his speech to the returned POWs Thursday—that the real villains are those who leak and report the government's secrets. "Had we not had . . . secrecy," he said to the former POWs, "you men would still be in Hanoi." Whether the President really believes this piece of cruel and irrelevant nonsense is perhaps not so important as whether he acts on it. We can scarcely imagine a better way for him to usher in that "nightmare of recrimination" he has so often said it was his purpose to avoid.

053A

KISSINGER 5-23

NEW YORK (UPI) -- PRESIDENTIAL ADVISER HENRY A. KISSINGER SPENT A
COMPARATIVELY QUIET 50TH BIRTHDAY SUNDAY.

KISSINGER LIVED IT UP A LITTLE MORE ON SATURDAY NIGHT AT A PARTY
ARRANGED MAINLY BY NANCY MAGINNES, A SOCIALITE AND FREQUENT
COMPANION, AT THE EXCLUSIVE COLONY CLUB.

IN RECENT YEARS, KISSINGER CELEBRATED HIS BIRTHDAYS AT THE WHITE
HOUSE, USUALLY WITH OTHER STAFFERS SHARING A BIRTHDAY CAKE. BUT THE
MOOD AT THE WHITE HOUSE SINCE THE WATERGATE SHAKEUP IS NOT CONDUCIVE
TO PARTYING.

KISSINGER SPENT A SUBDUED SUNDAY VISITING HIS PARENTS HERE.

ON WEDNESDAY, KISSINGER AND PRESIDENT NIXON LEAVE FOR ICELAND FOR
TALKS WITH FRENCH PRESIDENT GEORGES POMPIDOU. THE TRIP WAS ANNOUNCED
AT KEY BISCAYNE, FLA., WHERE THE PRESIDENT AND HIS FAMILY ARE
SPENDING THE HOLIDAY WEEKEND.

KISSINGER IS KNOWN TO BE UPSET SINCE HIS NAME WAS LINKED WITH AN
EFFORT TO BUG MEMBERS OF HIS NATIONAL SECURITY STAFF TO FIND THE
SOURCE OF NEWS LEAKS OF ADMINISTRATION SECRETS.

HE HAS BEEN PARTICULARLY UPSET ABOUT REPORTS HE STORED COPIES OF
SOME CLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS IN NEW YORK, POSSIBLY TO BE USED IN MEMOIRS
HE MIGHT WRITE.

UPI 05-23 04:49 AED

THE WASHINGTON POST

A22

Tuesday, May 29, 1973

Honors Set
For 2 D.C.
Policemen

By Alfred E. Lewis

Washington Post Staff Writer

Two men with more than 30 years on the metropolitan police department have retired and will be honored at a luncheon on Wednesday.

About 500 persons are expected to gather at the Sherton Park to honor Charles L. Wright and Boyd T. Willard, both of whom joined the department in 1940 and retired on May 1.

During their 33-year careers on the force, it grew from 1,800 to 4,950 persons and in that time the careers of both men frequently intertwined. In 1948, they both served as instructors in the department's training division. On Aug. 1, 1961, Willard was promoted to captain, filling a vacancy created that same day with the appointment of Wright to inspector.

Wright, 58, retired as an assistant chief in charge of the department's technical services unit. In that post, he oversaw the installation of the department's $1 million communications center, a system that has been a model for police departments around the world.

To handle the stream of visitors who come to see it, five-minute recrodings have been installed in Spanish, Italian, German, French, Japanese and English to explain its operation.

In 1966, while in the department's traffic unit, Wright inaugurated the department's pedestrian traffic school.

Willard, 60, retired as a deputy chief. His last assignment was with the department's youth division.

In the late 1960s, Willard, as the department's personnel head, supervised the recruitment that followed the decision to expand the force from 3,200 to 5,200 persons. He also established the department's cadet program, now the principal source of department recruiting.

The departure of Wright and Willard leave only 15 men in the department with 30 years or more of service.

The changes in that time are reflected in the growth of Wright's salary. He originally was hired at $1,900 a year. He will retire at $2,000 a month.

Four Charged
In Attempt
To Rob Man

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