A far right or extreme right party, the National Front had both commonalities and differences with older far-right groups. Political scientists and historians characterise it as fascist, or neo-fascist. The political psychologist Michael Billig noted that the NF displayed many of fascism's recurring traits: an emphasis on nationalism and racism, an anti-Marxist stance, statism and a support for the retention of capitalism, and a threatening stance towards democracy and personal freedom. The NF rejected the term "fascist" to describe itself. As well as denying its leaders' previous fascist activities, it claimed that it could not be fascist because it took part in elections. The political scientist Stan Taylor argued that this claim was obsolete, for many previous fascist parties—including the British Union of Fascists, the German Nazi Party, and the Italian National Fascist Party—also stood in elections. In avoiding the "fascist" label, the NF was typical of fascist groups operating after the Second World War; these post-war fascists had to contend with the legacy of the war and the Holocaust, and thus tried to hide their intellectual pedigrees from voters. The NF's founders tried to present it as a nationalist party unconnected to historical fascism, recognising that this would be vital if it were to succeed as an electoral force. To do so it adopted "new labels, styles and tactics" to present itself as a "respectable political party". In the late 1970s, the "Populist" faction grew and challenged the ex-GBM faction's dominance; according to Thurlow, its members were "pseudo-Conservative racial populists", representing the party's "non-fascist and ostensibly more democratic element". After Tyndall and Webster were ousted and replaced by Brons and Anderson, a new faction took control of the party whose members regarded themselves as Strasserite, drawing inspiration from German Nazi Party members Otto Strasser and Gregor Strasser. This faction embraced the Third Position ideology and drew inspiration from Gaddafi's Third International Theory; their views have also been characterised as National Bolshevist. In a range of publications, but particularly in John Tyndall’s Spearhead, the ideology of a British racial nationalism was developed. Tyndall argues that main motivating force behind the National Front is the ideal of "Anglo-Saxondom", which British nationalism is simpler concept of. He defines Anglo-Saxondom as an "ethnic and cultural community, with an identity that is distinguishable at a glance by reference to language, music, literatue , art, customs and institutions and - not least - physical type". He dismisses the Commonwealth as "the dying bleatings of a British ruling class who proved unfit to maintain an Empire but whose little world of make-believe requires them to invent a special kind of doggerel whereby they may delude themselves that something still remains in the place where their Empire expired", and argues for "an association based on essentially ethnic foundations" with "overseas kin". This association will represent Anglo-Saxon or Anglo-Celtic or British race throughout the world, which he called "one of the two truly great and leading races of the world" along with Germans. While antrophologically both represent two branches of the same larger race, they were divided through many centuries and evolved different cultures, traditions, institutions, identities, loyalilites and attachments. They should co-exist on terms of friendship but should not merge. Tyndall writes that "the constructive and creative works of these two peoples far surpass any other". Developing his own version of Anglo-Saxonism, he argues that without the Anglo-Saxons, we should all still be living in mud huts, art would consist of primitive scrawlings and literature would speak to us ‘in grunts’.‘Tyndall speaks, on Anglo-Saxon heritage’ (tape NNF, 1981) According to Tyndall, the power of Anglo-Saxons as race has receded in relation to other races because they are less "racially assertive" and less unified. He recalls Jews as "the strongest example by far of ethnocentrism and ethnic unity". If Anglo-Saxons around the world are to unite as the Jews, they will be "indisputably the strongest power on earth", while playing decisive role in shaping world for next centuries, obtaining vital economic resources in super-abundance and through this and technology building highest standart of living ever known, and exercising a military weight to protect any important interest belonging to them. Fielding believed that the "dialectic of insiders and outsiders" was the "linchpin of its ideology", and noted that the NF's "rigid boundaries between in-group and out-group" was typical of the far-right. In its 1974 electoral manifesto, the NF called for a "vigorous birth-rate" among the white British, claiming that any ensuing overpopulation of the UK could be resolved by emigration to the British Commonwealth. Tyndall defended Nazi Germany's lebensraum policy, and under his leadership the NF promoted imperialist views about expanding British territory to serve as "living space" for the country's growing population. As of 1979, the party was combining this policy with eugenicist ideas, calling for the improvement of the quality as well as the quantity of the white British racial group. By 2011, the party's website was utilising the Fourteen Words slogan: "We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children."
A far right or extreme right party, the National Front had both commonalities and differences with older far-right groups. Political scientists and historians characterize it as fascist, or neo-fascist. The political psychologist Michael Billig noted that the NF displayed many of fascism's recurring traits: an emphasis on nationalism and racism, an anti-Marxist stance, statism and a support for the retention of capitalism, and a threatening stance towards democracy and personal freedom. The NF rejected the term "fascist" to describe itself. As well as denying its leaders' previous fascist activities, it claimed that it could not be fascist because it took part in elections. The political scientist Stan Taylor argued that this claim was obsolete, for many previous fascist parties—including the British Union of Fascists, the German Nazi Party, and the Italian National Fascist Party—also stood in elections. In avoiding the "fascist" label, the NF was typical of fascist groups operating after the Second World War; these post-war fascists had to contend with the legacy of the war and the Holocaust, and thus tried to hide their intellectual pedigrees from voters. The NF's founders tried to present it as a nationalist party unconnected to historical fascism, recognizing that this would be vital if it were to succeed as an electoral force. To do so it adopted "new labels, styles and tactics" to present itself as a "respectable political party". In the late 1970s, the "Populist" faction grew and challenged the ex-GBM faction's dominance; according to Thurlow, its members were "pseudo-Conservative racial populists", representing the party's "non-fascist and ostensibly more democratic element". After Tyndall and Webster were ousted and replaced by Brons and Anderson, a new faction took control of the party whose members regarded themselves as Strasserite, drawing inspiration from German Nazi Party members Otto Strasser and Gregor Strasser. This faction embraced the Third Position ideology and drew inspiration from Gaddafi's Third International Theory; their views have also been characterized as National Bolshevist. In a range of publications, but particularly in John Tyndall’s Spearhead, the ideology of a British racial nationalism was developed. Tyndall argues that main motivating force behind the National Front is the ideal of "Anglo-Saxondom", which British nationalism is simpler concept of. He defines Anglo-Saxondom as an "ethnic and cultural community, with an identity that is distinguishable at a glance by reference to language, music, literature , art, customs and institutions and - not least - physical type". He dismisses the Commonwealth as "the dying bleatings of a British ruling class who proved unfit to maintain an Empire but whose little world of make-believe requires them to invent a special kind of doggerel whereby they may delude themselves that something still remains in the place where their Empire expired", and argues for "an association based on essentially ethnic foundations" with "overseas kin". This association will represent Anglo-Saxon or Anglo-Celtic or British race throughout the world, which he called "one of the two truly great and leading races of the world" along with Germans. While antropologically both represent two branches of the same larger race, they were divided through many centuries and evolved different cultures, traditions, institutions, identities, loyalties and attachments. They should co-exist on terms of friendship but should not merge. Tyndall writes that "the constructive and creative works of these two peoples far surpass any other". Developing his own version of Anglo-Saxonism, he argues that without the Anglo-Saxons, we should all still be living in mud huts, art would consist of primitive scrawlings and literature would speak to us ‘in grunts’.‘Tyndall speaks, on Anglo-Saxon heritage’ (tape NNF, 1981) According to Tyndall, the power of Anglo-Saxons as race has receded in relation to other races because they are less "racially assertive" and less unified. He recalls Jews as "the strongest example by far of ethnocentrism and ethnic unity". If Anglo-Saxons around the world are to unite as the Jews, they will be "indisputably the strongest power on earth", while playing decisive role in shaping world for next centuries, obtaining vital economic resources in super-abundance and through this and technology building highest standard of living ever known, and exercising a military weight to protect any important interest belonging to them. Fielding believed that the "dialectic of insiders and outsiders" was the "linchpin of its ideology", and noted that the NF's "rigid boundaries between in-group and out-group" was typical of the far-right. In its 1974 electoral manifesto, the NF called for a "vigorous birth-rate" among the white British, claiming that any ensuing overpopulation of the UK could be resolved by emigration to the British Commonwealth. Tyndall defended Nazi Germany's lebensraum policy, and under his leadership the NF promoted imperialist views about expanding British territory to serve as "living space" for the country's growing population. As of 1979, the party was combining this policy with eugenicist ideas, calling for the improvement of the quality as well as the quantity of the white British racial group. By 2011, the party's website was utilizing the Fourteen Words slogan: "We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children."
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