Mercury mined in Almadén, Spain and shipped to Mexico in leather bags and transported to mining sites by mule. Like silver, mercury was a crown monopoly, so that the crown expected to reap maximum wealth from this resource. Costs of mining, transatlantic transportation, and the overland transport added to the costs to mining entrepreneurs. High costs for mercury often resulted in the abandonment of mining sites, since it had an impact on profitability. In the eighteenth century, the Spanish crown calculated that lowering the cost of mercury to miners in Mexico would result in higher silver output. The respite of the environment of Northern Mexico from mercury poisoning ended and the eighteenth century saw a boom in silver production. In Peru, there was a local source of mercury, the Huancavelica mine, making production costs cheaper, but with a far higher cost to the human and natural environment in the region. The toxicity of mercury was known at the time, although the science of it was not.Robins, pp.7-8 When mercury was discovered in significant amounts at Huancavelica, Peru ’ s silver mining industry could regain its previous levels of output. Forced indigenous labor was directed toward mining mercury, which the indigenous rightly considered a death sentence. Spanish officials also knew the impact on human populations, but did not modify their forced labor policies, since they rightly identified mercury as the key to continued silver production and wealth of the Spanish Empire. Aqueducts Aqueduct of los Arcos, near Tepotzotlán, Mexico (18th c.) Aqueducts were constructed to supply urban centers with drinking water. Before the Spanish conquest in 1521, the Aztecs had constructed an aqueduct from a spring at Chapultepec (“hill of the grasshopper”) to Tenochitlan to provide freshwater to the urban population of nearly 100,000. It had dual pipes so that maintenance of the aqueduct would not cut off the Aztec capital ’ s water supply. The aqueduct was constructed using wood, carved stone, and compacted soil, with portions made of hollowed logs, allowing canoes to travel underneath. During the Spanish conquest of the Aztec empire, Hernán Cortés realized the importance of the Chapultepec aqueduct to the Aztecs and cut the water supply to Tenochtitlan. In the colonial period, the Chapultepec aqueduct continued to function, with 904 arches and an open air path for drinking water. In the late nineteenth century, there were major public hydraulic works undertaken to create a network of piped fresh water to Mexico City, since scientific ideas had identified water as a vector for disease. Shortly after the Spanish conquest, the aqueduct of Acámbaro was constructed in Guanajuato. The Zacatecas aqueduct was constructed to supply drinking water to the major mining center. A Roman-style aqueduct of Queretaro was completed in 1738 to provide drinking water to the provincial capital of Querétaro. It was privately funded by Don Juan Antonio de Urrutia y Arana, Marques de la Villa del Villar del Aguila. It functioned into the twentieth century to supply drinking water to the city and continues to supply water to the city ’ s water fountains. Other colonial-era aqueducts are the Morelia aqueduct; the Saucillo aqueduct in Huichapan, Hidalgo state; the Chihuahua aqueduct; the Guadalupe aqueduct in the Villa de Guadalupe, in northern Mexico City; another constructed near the capital was the Santa Fe aqueduct; and also the Tepozotlan aqueduct. Although many aqueducts were built in the colonial era, there have been no studies of their impact on their local watersheds. Agriculture and ranching Much of the environmental literature on the post-1492 expansion of agriculture and ranching of cattle and sheep falls into the category of environmental degradation or destruction, what environmental scholars call “declension.” An early study of the introduction of sheep into Mexico found that the environmental impact of sheep grazing in colonial Mexico is the subject of a study of the Mezquital Valley, which went from a thriving area of traditional peasant agriculture to one devoted sheep grazing. Sheep were one of the animals introduced to Spanish America with important consequences for the environment. Since sheep graze vegetation to the ground, plants often do not grow back. Wool was a major economic resource for the domestic cloth market in Mexico, so sheep ranching expanded during the colonial era, in many cases leaving ecological destruction.Melville, Elinor G.K. (1994) A Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico. Cambridge University Press. Antedating Melville ’ s study on a particular place in colonial Mexico is a study by the transfer of cattle and sheep to New Spain, as well as a subsequent study.Butzer, Karl W., “Cattle and Sheep from Old to New Spain: Historical Antecedents,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 78:1 (1988): 29–56; Butzer, Karl W. and Elisabeth Butzer, “Transfer of the Mediterranean Livestock Economy to New Spain: Adaptation and Ecological Consequences,” Global Land Use Change: A Perspective from the Columbian Encounter, B. L. Turner, ed. (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1995), 151–193. Research by Ligia Herrera in Panama indicates that tropical rainforest transformed into pastures from 1950 to 1990 exceeded the total amount lost from 1500-1950.Herrera, Ligia, ‘El impacto sobre el medio ambiente de las actividades ganaderas en Panamá’, in Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo en Panamá(Universidad de Panamá, Instituto de Estudios Nacionales, Cuadernos Nacionales, No. 4, 1990).Castro Herrera, Guillermo. "The Environmental Crisis and the Tasks of History in Latin America." Environment and History 3, no. 1 (February 1997): 2. In colonial Mexico, the crown set up an official body, the Council of Forests, to conserve them from destruction from unregulated cutting. The main fuel in the colonial era was wood, often transformed to charcoal. There was an increasing demand from mining regions as well as cities and towns, so that as trees were cut down entirely rather than cut allowing them to regrow, forest resources further from these sites were vulnerable to deforestation. The crown saw deforestation as a threat to silver mining, the motor of the empire ’ s economy, so that establishing regulations was a matter for the state.Woolley, Christopher. "The Forests Cannot be Commons": Spanish Law, Environmental Change, and New Spain ’ s Council on Forests. The Americas 77(1)January 2020, pp. 41-71. As Brazil lost market share of sugar production, it expanded into another agro-export product, coffee. Coffee grows best on uplands, so that that deforestation in Brazil proceeded there. There were multiple sites of coffee cultivation in Brazil, in the Paraiba River ValleyStein , Stanley J. Vassouras, a Brazilian Coffee County. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press 1956 ; São PauloDean, Warren. Rio Claro: A Brazilian Plantation System, 1820-1920. Stanford: Stanford University Press 1976.Holloway, Thomas. Immigrants on the Land: Coffee and Society in São Paulo, 1886-1934. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 1980. Colombia also became a major coffee producer.LeGrand, Catherine. Frontier Expansion and Peasant Protest in Colombia, 1850-1936. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1986. Coffee in Costa Rica could not easily reach European markets, since the country's main port was on the Pacific coast. The Costa Rican government contracted with Minor Cooper Keith to build a railway to the Gulf Coast port of Limón. Keith turned land he got in compensation for building the railway to banana cultivation, which became the country's major industry. The prerequisite for both industries was clearing of forests to make way for plantation agriculture. Latex being collected from a tapped. Trees (Hevea brasiliensis) producing natural latex grew wild in Amazonia, but rubber did not become a major export product until industrialization created a demand for rubber tires for vehicles. Starting around 1850, trees growing in the wild were tapped for their rubber in an highly exploitative form of labor. Trees were deliberately cut and the latex sap was collected in buckets tended regularly by poorly paid laborers. Although exploitative of labor, the industry was a form of resource extraction that did not result in deforestation or destruction of the trees, which could tolerate the latex tapping. The maintenance of the forest was required to keep the industry viable.Leal, Claudia. "From Threatening to Threatened Jungles" in A Living Past: Environmental Histories of Modern Latin America, p. 116. It did produce wealth in Brazil for those who controlled the industry, with territories with trees divided into private domains, (seringais). Exploitation of the jungle had previously stayed close to rivers, but the rubber trees inland gave owners incentives to penetrate further. A major industry developed that linked wild trees, to exploited labor, to owners of tracts of land, to local commercial agents, to Brazilian companies dealing in trade with foreign companies, to international shipping companies.Weinstein, Barbara. The Amazon Rubber Boom 1850–1920 Stanford University Press 1983.Dean, Warren, Brazil and the Struggle for Rubber. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1987.Pádua, José Augusto. "The Dilemma of the 'Splendid Cradle': Nature and Territory in the Construction of Brazil" in A Living Past: Environmental Histories of Modern Latin America, p. 102. Brazil was eventually displaced as the world's major source of rubber following the 1876 theft by a Briton, Henry Wickham, who smuggled 70,000 Amazonian rubber tree seeds from Brazil and delivered them to the royal botanical gardens at Kew, England. Some 2,500 germinated and were then sent to British colonies in India, British Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and British Malaya, among others, where extensive plantations were established. Malaya (now Peninsular Malaysia) was later to become the biggest producer of rubber.Jackson, Joe. The Thief at the End of the World. New York: Viking 2008. Brazil's rubber boom came to an end, but the conservation of the forests that kept the industry viable meant that Brazil's Amazonian rain forest kept its original density until deforestation was initiated in the 1970s.Pádua, "The Dilemma of the 'Splendid Cradle', p. 102. Bananas Banana plantation near Port Limón, Costa Rica Bananas are a tropical plant that has became a major export crop from tropical regions of Central and South America at the end of the nineteenth century. Bananas are relatively easy to grow in the tropics where there is sufficient water, but it could not become a major export crop until it could be brought to market quickly and sold cheaply to consumers. It first developed as an industry at the end of the nineteenth century in Costa Rica by American entrepreneur Minor Cooper Keith. Keith was contracted by the Costa Rican government to build a railway to the Gulf Coast port of Costa Rica so that the country ’ s main export crop at the time, coffee, could more quickly reach Europe, its main market. The east coast of Costa Rica was thickly forested, so that building a railway was not easy. Keith received land along the railway in partial compensation, which when cleared he turned into extensive banana cultivation of the Gros Michel (“Big Mike”) (Musa acuminate) variety in monoculture. The railway transported green bananas to the coast, which were loaded onto refrigerated ships he owned, and upon the bananas’ offloading in New Orleans, the railway network used refrigerated railway cars to distribute the bananas to local grocery stores. Disaster struck the industry with the outbreak of Panama disease, a fungus affecting banana plants that was resistant to fungicides. Banana plantations were abandoned in areas affected by the fungus, and new areas brought under cultivation once tropical jungles were destroyed.Soluri, John. Banana Cultures: Agriculture, Consumption, and Environmental Change in Honduras and the United States. University of Texas Press 2005.Striffler, Steve. In the Shadows of State and Capital: The United Fruit Company, Popular Struggle, and Agrarian Restructuring in Ecuador, 1900–1995. Durham: Duke University Press 2001Koeppel, Dan. Banana: The Fate of the Fruit That Changed the World. Plume 2008. Boyer, Christopher. (2015) Political Landscapes: Forests, Conservation, and Community in Mexico. Duke University Press. Bray, David B., et al. (2005) Community Forests of Mexico: Managing for Sustainable Landscapes. University of Texas Press. Cushman, Gregory Todd. (2005) "The Most Valuable Birds in the World: International Conservation Science and the Revival of Peru ’ s Guano Industry, 1909-1965." Environmental History 10:3 477–509. Evans, S. (1999) The Green Republic: A Conservation History of Costa Rica. University of Texas Press. Keck, Margaret. (1995) "Parks, People, and Power: The Shifting Terrain of Environmentalism." NACLA Report on the Americas 28:5 (March/April 1995), 36–41. Miller, Shawn William. 2000. Fruitless Trees: Portuguese Conservation and Brazil's Colonial Timber. Stanford University Press. Simonian, Lane. (1995) Defending the Land of the Jaguar: A History of Conservationism in Mexico. University of Texas Press. Steen, Harold K and Richard P. Tucker, eds. (1992) Changing Tropical Forests: Historical Perspectives on Today ’ s Challenges in Central and South America. Durham NC: Forest History Society. Wakild, Emily (2011) An Unexpected Environment: National Park Creation, Resource Custodianship, and the Mexican Revolution. University of Arizona Press. Bell, Stephen. Campanha gaúcha: A Brazilian Ranching System, 1850-1920. (Stanford University Press 1998). Cotter, Joseph. (2003) Troubled Harvest: Agronomy and Revolution in Mexico, 1880-2002. Westport CT: Praeger. Díaz-Briquets, Sergio and Jorge Pérez-López, Conquering Nature: The Environmental Legacy of Socialism in Cuba, (Pittsburgh University Press 2001). Dean, Warren. (1995) With Broadax and Firebrand: The Destruction of the Brazilian Atlantic Forest. Berkeley: University of California Press. Funes Monzote, Reinaldo. From Rainforest to Cane Field in Cuba, An Environmental History Since 1492. (University of North Carolina Press, 2008 Grandin, Greg. Fordlandia: The Rise and Fall of Henry Ford's Forgotten Jungle City. Picador Press 2010. Melville, Elinor G.K. (1994) A Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico. Cambridge University Press. Rosset, P. and S. Cunningham. (1994) The Greening of Cuba: Organic Farming Offers Hope in the Midst of Crisis. Institute for Food and Development Policy, Oakland CA. Scobie, James. (1964) Revolution on the Pampas: A Social History of Argentine Wheat, 1860-1910. University of Texas Press. Soluri, John (2005) Banana Cultures: Agriculture, Consumption, and Environmental Change in Honduras and the United States. University of Texas Press. Sonnenfeld, David A. (1992) "Mexico's 'Green Revolution.' 1940-1980: Towards an Environmental History. Environmental Review 16:4: 29–52. Super, John C. (1988) Food, Conquest, and Colonialization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America. University of New Mexico Press. Topik, Steve and Alan Wells. (1997) The Second Conquest of Latin America: Coffee, Henequen, and Oil during the Export Boom, 1850-1920. University of Texas Press. Wilcox, Robert W. "Zebu's Elbows: Cattle Breeding and the Environment in Central Brazil, 1890-1960" in Territories, commodities, and knowledges: Latin American Environmental History in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Ed. Christian Brannstrom. London: Institute for the Study of the Americas 2004, pp. 218-246. Woolley, Christopher. "The Forests Cannot be Commons": Spanish Law, Environmental Change, and New Spain ’ s Council on Forests. The Americas 77(1)January 2020, pp. 41-71.
Mercury mined in Almadén, Spain and shipped to Mexico in leather bags and transported to mining sites by mule. Like silver, mercury was a crown monopoly, so that the crown expected to reap maximum wealth from this resource. Costs of mining, transatlantic transportation, and the overland transport added to the costs to mining entrepreneurs. High costs for mercury often resulted in the abandonment of mining sites, since it had an impact on profitability. In the eighteenth century, the Spanish crown calculated that lowering the cost of mercury to miners in Mexico would result in higher silver output. The respite of the environment of Northern Mexico from mercury poisoning ended and the eighteenth century saw a boom in silver production. In Peru, there was a local source of mercury, the Huancavelica mine, making production costs cheaper, but with a far higher cost to the human and natural environment in the region. The toxicity of mercury was known at the time, although the science of it was not.Robins, pp.7-8 When mercury was discovered in significant amounts at Huancavelica, Peru ' s silver mining industry could regain its previous levels of output. Forced indigenous labor was directed toward mining mercury, which the indigenous rightly considered a death sentence. Spanish officials also knew the impact on human populations, but did not modify their forced labor policies, since they rightly identified mercury as the key to continued silver production and wealth of the Spanish Empire. Aqueducts Aqueduct of los Arcos, near Tepotzotlán, Mexico (18th c.) Aqueducts were constructed to supply urban centers with drinking water. Before the Spanish conquest in 1521, the Aztecs had constructed an aqueduct from a spring at Chapultepec (“hill of the grasshopper”) to Tenochitlan to provide freshwater to the urban population of nearly 100,000. It had dual pipes so that maintenance of the aqueduct would not cut off the Aztec capital ' s water supply. The aqueduct was constructed using wood, carved stone, and compacted soil, with portions made of hollowed logs, allowing canoes to travel underneath. During the Spanish conquest of the Aztec empire, Hernán Cortés realized the importance of the Chapultepec aqueduct to the Aztecs and cut the water supply to Tenochtitlan. In the colonial period, the Chapultepec aqueduct continued to function, with 904 arches and an open air path for drinking water. In the late nineteenth century, there were major public hydraulic works undertaken to create a network of piped fresh water to Mexico City, since scientific ideas had identified water as a vector for disease. Shortly after the Spanish conquest, the aqueduct of Acámbaro was constructed in Guanajuato. The Zacatecas aqueduct was constructed to supply drinking water to the major mining center. A Roman-style aqueduct of Queretaro was completed in 1738 to provide drinking water to the provincial capital of Querétaro. It was privately funded by Don Juan Antonio de Urrutia y Arana, Marques de la Villa del Villar del Aguila. It functioned into the twentieth century to supply drinking water to the city and continues to supply water to the city ' s water fountains. Other colonial-era aqueducts are the Morelia aqueduct; the Saucillo aqueduct in Huichapan, Hidalgo state; the Chihuahua aqueduct; the Guadalupe aqueduct in the Villa de Guadalupe, in northern Mexico City; another constructed near the capital was the Santa Fe aqueduct; and also the Tepozotlan aqueduct. Although many aqueducts were built in the colonial era, there have been no studies of their impact on their local watersheds. Agriculture and ranching Much of the environmental literature on the post-1492 expansion of agriculture and ranching of cattle and sheep falls into the category of environmental degradation or destruction, what environmental scholars call “declension.” An early study of the introduction of sheep into Mexico found that the environmental impact of sheep grazing in colonial Mexico is the subject of a study of the Mezquital Valley, which went from a thriving area of traditional peasant agriculture to one devoted sheep grazing. Sheep were one of the animals introduced to Spanish America with important consequences for the environment. Since sheep graze vegetation to the ground, plants often do not grow back. Wool was a major economic resource for the domestic cloth market in Mexico, so sheep ranching expanded during the colonial era, in many cases leaving ecological destruction.Melville, Elinor G.K. (1994) A Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico. Cambridge University Press. Antedating Melville ' s study on a particular place in colonial Mexico is a study by the transfer of cattle and sheep to New Spain, as well as a subsequent study.Butzer, Karl W., “Cattle and Sheep from Old to New Spain: Historical Antecedents,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 78:1 (1988): 29–56; Butzer, Karl W. and Elisabeth Butzer, “Transfer of the Mediterranean Livestock Economy to New Spain: Adaptation and Ecological Consequences,” Global Land Use Change: A Perspective from the Columbian Encounter, B. L. Turner, ed. (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1995), 151–193. Research by Ligia Herrera in Panama indicates that tropical rainforest transformed into pastures from 1950 to 1990 exceeded the total amount lost from 1500-1950.Herrera, Ligia, ‘El impacto sobre el medio ambiente de las actividades ganaderas en Panamá’, in Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo en Panamá(Universidad de Panamá, Instituto de Estudios Nacionales, Cuadernos Nacionales, No. 4, 1990).Castro Herrera, Guillermo. "The Environmental Crisis and the Tasks of History in Latin America." Environment and History 3, no. 1 (February 1997): 2. In colonial Mexico, the crown set up an official body, the Council of Forests, to conserve them from destruction from unregulated cutting. The main fuel in the colonial era was wood, often transformed to charcoal. There was an increasing demand from mining regions as well as cities and towns, so that as trees were cut down entirely rather than cut allowing them to regrow, forest resources further from these sites were vulnerable to deforestation. The crown saw deforestation as a threat to silver mining, the motor of the empire ' s economy, so that establishing regulations was a matter for the state.Woolley, Christopher. "The Forests Cannot be Commons": Spanish Law, Environmental Change, and New Spain ' s Council on Forests. The Americas 77(1)January 2020, pp. 41-71. As Brazil lost market share of sugar production, it expanded into another agro-export product, coffee. Coffee grows best on uplands, so that that deforestation in Brazil proceeded there. There were multiple sites of coffee cultivation in Brazil, in the Paraiba River Valley;Stein , Stanley J. Vassouras, a Brazilian Coffee County. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press 1956 São PauloDean, Warren. Rio Claro: A Brazilian Plantation System, 1820-1920. Stanford: Stanford University Press 1976.Holloway, Thomas. Immigrants on the Land: Coffee and Society in São Paulo, 1886-1934. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 1980. Colombia also became a major coffee producer.LeGrand, Catherine. Frontier Expansion and Peasant Protest in Colombia, 1850-1936. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1986. Coffee in Costa Rica could not easily reach European markets, since the country's main port was on the Pacific coast. The Costa Rican government contracted with Minor Cooper Keith to build a railway to the Gulf Coast port of Limón. Keith turned land he got in compensation for building the railway to banana cultivation, which became the country's major industry. The prerequisite for both industries was clearing of forests to make way for plantation agriculture. Latex being collected from a tapped. Trees (Hevea brasiliensis) producing natural latex grew wild in Amazonia, but rubber did not become a major export product until industrialization created a demand for rubber tires for vehicles. Starting around 1850, trees growing in the wild were tapped for their rubber in a highly exploitative form of labor. Trees were deliberately cut and the latex sap was collected in buckets tended regularly by poorly paid laborers. Although exploitative of labor, the industry was a form of resource extraction that did not result in deforestation or destruction of the trees, which could tolerate the latex tapping. The maintenance of the forest was required to keep the industry viable.Leal, Claudia. "From Threatening to Threatened Jungles" in A Living Past: Environmental Histories of Modern Latin America, p. 116. It did produce wealth in Brazil for those who controlled the industry, with territories with trees divided into private domains, (seringais). Exploitation of the jungle had previously stayed close to rivers, but the rubber trees inland gave owners incentives to penetrate further. A major industry developed that linked wild trees, to exploited labor, to owners of tracts of land, to local commercial agents, to Brazilian companies dealing in trade with foreign companies, to international shipping companies.Weinstein, Barbara. The Amazon Rubber Boom 1850–1920 Stanford University Press 1983.Dean, Warren, Brazil and the Struggle for Rubber. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1987.Pádua, José Augusto. "The Dilemma of the 'Splendid Cradle': Nature and Territory in the Construction of Brazil" in A Living Past: Environmental Histories of Modern Latin America, p. 102. Brazil was eventually displaced as the world's major source of rubber following the 1876 theft by a Briton, Henry Wickham, who smuggled 70,000 Amazonian rubber tree seeds from Brazil and delivered them to the royal botanical gardens at Kew, England. Some 2,500 germinated and were then sent to British colonies in India, British Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and British Malaya, among others, where extensive plantations were established. Malaya (now Peninsular Malaysia) was later to become the biggest producer of rubber.Jackson, Joe. The Thief at the End of the World. New York: Viking 2008. Brazil's rubber boom came to an end, but the conservation of the forests that kept the industry viable meant that Brazil's Amazonian rain forest kept its original density until deforestation was initiated in the 1970s.Pádua, "The Dilemma of the 'Splendid Cradle', p. 102. Bananas Banana plantation near Port Limón, Costa Rica Bananas are a tropical plant that has become a major export crop from tropical regions of Central and South America at the end of the nineteenth century. Bananas are relatively easy to grow in the tropics where there is sufficient water, but it could not become a major export crop until it could be brought to market quickly and sold cheaply to consumers. It first developed as an industry at the end of the nineteenth century in Costa Rica by American entrepreneur Minor Cooper Keith. Keith was contracted by the Costa Rican government to build a railway to the Gulf Coast port of Costa Rica so that the country ' s main export crop at the time, coffee, could more quickly reach Europe, its main market. The east coast of Costa Rica was thickly forested, so that building a railway was not easy. Keith received land along the railway in partial compensation, which when cleared he turned into extensive banana cultivation of the Gros Michel (“Big Mike”) (Musa acuminate) variety in monoculture. The railway transported green bananas to the coast, which were loaded onto refrigerated ships he owned, and upon the bananas’ offloading in New Orleans, the railway network used refrigerated railway cars to distribute the bananas to local grocery stores. Disaster struck the industry with the outbreak of Panama disease, a fungus affecting banana plants that was resistant to fungicides. Banana plantations were abandoned in areas affected by the fungus, and new areas brought under cultivation once tropical jungles were destroyed.Soluri, John. Banana Cultures: Agriculture, Consumption, and Environmental Change in Honduras and the United States. University of Texas Press 2005.Striffler, Steve. In the Shadows of State and Capital: The United Fruit Company, Popular Struggle, and Agrarian Restructuring in Ecuador, 1900–1995. Durham: Duke University Press 2001Koeppel, Dan. Banana: The Fate of the Fruit That Changed the World. Plume 2008. Boyer, Christopher. (2015) Political Landscapes: Forests, Conservation, and Community in Mexico. Duke University Press. Bray, David B., et al. (2005) Community Forests of Mexico: Managing for Sustainable Landscapes. University of Texas Press. Cushman, Gregory Todd. (2005) "The Most Valuable Birds in the World: International Conservation Science and the Revival of Peru ' s Guano Industry, 1909-1965." Environmental History 10:3 477–509. Evans, S. (1999) The Green Republic: A Conservation History of Costa Rica. University of Texas Press. Keck, Margaret. (1995) "Parks, People, and Power: The Shifting Terrain of Environmentalism." NACLA Report on the Americas 28:5 (March/April 1995), 36–41. Miller, Shawn William. 2000. Fruitless Trees: Portuguese Conservation and Brazil's Colonial Timber. Stanford University Press. Simonian, Lane. (1995) Defending the Land of the Jaguar: A History of Conservationism in Mexico. University of Texas Press. Steen, Harold K and Richard P. Tucker, eds. (1992) Changing Tropical Forests: Historical Perspectives on Today ' s Challenges in Central and South America. Durham NC: Forest History Society. Wakild, Emily (2011) An Unexpected Environment: National Park Creation, Resource Custodianship, and the Mexican Revolution. University of Arizona Press. Bell, Stephen. Campanha gaúcha: A Brazilian Ranching System, 1850-1920. (Stanford University Press 1998). Cotter, Joseph. (2003) Troubled Harvest: Agronomy and Revolution in Mexico, 1880-2002. Westport CT: Praeger. Díaz-Briquets, Sergio and Jorge Pérez-López, Conquering Nature: The Environmental Legacy of Socialism in Cuba, (Pittsburgh University Press 2001). Dean, Warren. (1995) With Broadax and Firebrand: The Destruction of the Brazilian Atlantic Forest. Berkeley: University of California Press. Funes Monzote, Reinaldo. From Rainforest to Cane Field in Cuba, An Environmental History Since 1492. (University of North Carolina Press, 2008 Grandin, Greg. Fordlandia: The Rise and Fall of Henry Ford's Forgotten Jungle City. Picador Press 2010. Melville, Elinor G.K. (1994) A Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico. Cambridge University Press. Rosset, P. and S. Cunningham. (1994) The Greening of Cuba: Organic Farming Offers Hope in the Midst of Crisis. Institute for Food and Development Policy, Oakland CA. Scobie, James. (1964) Revolution on the Pampas: A Social History of Argentine Wheat, 1860-1910. University of Texas Press. Soluri, John (2005) Banana Cultures: Agriculture, Consumption, and Environmental Change in Honduras and the United States. University of Texas Press. Sonnenfeld, David A. (1992) "Mexico's 'Green Revolution.' 1940-1980: Towards an Environmental History. Environmental Review 16:4: 29–52. Super, John C. (1988) Food, Conquest, and Colonialization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America. University of New Mexico Press. Topik, Steve and Alan Wells. (1997) The Second Conquest of Latin America: Coffee, Henequen, and Oil during the Export Boom, 1850-1920. University of Texas Press. Wilcox, Robert W. "Zebu's Elbows: Cattle Breeding and the Environment in Central Brazil, 1890-1960" in Territories, commodities, and knowledges: Latin American Environmental History in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Ed. Christian Brannstrom. London: Institute for the Study of the Americas 2004, pp. 218–246. Woolley, Christopher. "The Forests Cannot be Commons": Spanish Law, Environmental Change, and New Spain ' s Council on Forests. The Americas 77(1)January 2020, pp. 41–71.
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