Usage history The newly founded National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1910 called itself a "New Abolition Movement . "  Historian W.E.B. Du Bois often used the term, as did newspapers in writing about the organization.McPherson (1975), pp 5, 390 In 1952, Kenneth M. Stampp, discussing the new generation of revisionist historians of slavery (including himself), described them as "scholarly descendants of the northern abolitionists." Stampp, "The Historian and Southern Negro Slavery", American Historical Review, Vol. 57, No. 3. (April 1952), pp. 613-624 In 1964, historian George Tindall said that in the 1920s, writer H. L. Mencken was the "guiding genius" behind "the neoabolitionist myth of the Savage South." That is, Mencken was breaking with the "Lost Cause" heroic image of the South and sharply criticizing it.Tindall, "Mythology: A New Frontier in Southern History," in Frank E. Vandiver, ed., The Idea of the South: Pursuit of a Central Theme (1964), pp 5–6 In the early 1960s, says Peter Novick, many historians dedicated to racial equality "were called 'neo-abolitionists'--a not unfriendly characterization, and one which many so-designated embraced." Howard Zinn described SNCC activists in the Civil Rights Movement as the "new abolitionists" in the title of his 1964 book about the organization. Zinn did not use the term "neoabolitionist , "  nor did he apply the term to historians. In 1969, Don E. Fehrenbacher in the American Historical Review discussed "today's neoabolitionist historians, whose own social roles often intensify their sense of identity with the antislavery radicals."Review by Don E. Fehrenbacher, American Historical Review (Oct., 1969) 75#1 pp. 212-213 in JSTOR In 1974, C. Vann Woodward, a historian of the South, noted that, "by the 1950s a neoabolitionist mood prevailed among historians of slavery."review by C. Vann Woodward, American Historical Review, (April 1974), p. 471 In 1975, James McPherson's book, Abolitionist Legacy, used "neo-abolitionist" more than 50 times to characterize 20th-century activists and historians.See 57 citations In 1986, historian Jack Temple Kirby wrote, "Neo-abolitionist includes both popular and scholarly liberalism and black history in race relations imagery and scholarship, and a certain cynicism toward white southern elites."Jack Temple Kirby, Media-Made Dixie: The South in the American Imagination (1986), p. xix Noel Ignatiev and John Garvey use the term "new abolitionism" to refer to the "abolition of whiteness"; which is the cause the journal Race Traitor, which they coedit, is dedicated to. David W. Blight wrote in his book, Race and Reunion (2001): In the end this is a story of how the forces of reconciliation overwhelmed the emancipationist vision in the national culture, how the inexorable drive for reunion both used and trumped race. But the story does not merely dead-end in the bleakness of the age of segregation; so much of the emancipationist vision persisted in American culture during the early twentieth century, upheld by blacks and a fledgling neo-abolitionist tradition, that it never died a permanent death on the landscape of Civil War memory. That persistence made the revival of the emancipationist memory of the war and the transformation of American society possible in the last third of the twentieth century. In 2003, the conservative National Review commented in 2003 "[t]his general perspective on the sectional conflict is already well represented by the Neoabolitionist school of Early American historians, and informs important works by scholars such as Paul Finkelman, Leonard Richards, Donald Robinson, and William Wiecek." According to historian Harvard Sitkoff in his 2001 article on books about African-American education, the term neoabolition or neo-abolitionist is sometimes considered derisive. Michael Fellman in his 2006 book wrote:  Starting in the late 1950s and continuing through the next decade, in tandem with the rise of the civil rights movement, many progressive historians reevaluated the abolitionists, even referring to the contemporary movement for change in America's perception of race as the "new abolitionism." Fellman, Prophets of Protests (2006), pp ix-x Historian Christopher Metress in The American Historical Review in 2005 asserted, "the iconoclastic historian Stanley M. Elkins reinterpreted the rebellious slave as a neoabolitionist fantasy."Review by: Christopher Metress, American Historical Review, (February 2005) 110#1 p 155 in JSTOR Fredrickson in 2008 wrote that "the most thorough and influential of the neo-abolitionist works of the 1960s was James M. McPherson The Struggle for Equality: Abolitionist and the Negro in the Civil War and Reconstruction (1964)." He notes that much neo-abolitionist historiography "clearly sides with the radicals against Lincoln , "  and that in later works, McPherson was more sympathetic to Lincoln. Winthrop Jordan in his 2008 book on slavery and the South examines a contemporary group of "neo-abolitionist" historians who are "taking seriously again the critiques of black and white abolitionists." Zeus Leonardo wrote in 2009 the term had uses beyond historiography, saying, "Neo-abolitionist pedagogy suggests that teachers and students work together to name, reflect on, and dismantle discourses of whiteness. It means disrupting white discourses and unsettling their codes." Allen C. Guelzo (2009) notes that Lincoln's hesitation regarding emancipation, "has earned him the execration of every abolitionist and neo-abolitionist, from Garrison to (most recently) Ebony editor Lerone Bennett, whose book Forced into Glory: Abraham Lincoln's White Dream depicts Lincoln as a callous white racist, the kind of fence straddler 'we find in almost all situations of oppression or it.'" In his 2010 study of 20th-century American literature, David Seed classifies the novel, This Child's Gonna Live (1969), by Sarah E Wright, as a "neo-abolitionist" novel that "borrows from black nationalist discourse in its bold exploration of the loss of social ground gained in the Reconstruction South." Miller (2012) notes "the neo-abolitionist tone of nearly all the academic literature" on slavery. Abolitionism in the United States originally related to the abolition of slavery of African-descended peoples. In the 21st century, Lawrance and Roberts have applied the term "neoabolitionist" to opponents of contemporary sexual slavery, whose victims include people from every continent. In 2014, historian Yonatan Eyal argued that starting in the 1950s with Kenneth Stampp "the neo-abolitionist school diametrically flipped the views of the revisionists. It earned moral credibility in doing so, maturing as it did during the upheavals of the 1960s, yet at the same time lost the ability to explain the appeal of Union and compromise as formative influences on America's past." By 2008, Eyal continues: "More Americans identify with the Civil War as a struggle for a 'new birth of freedom,' rather than for the Union, and neo-abolitionist historiography has contributed to that sense over the past several decades."Yonatan Eyal, "Franklin Pierce, Democratic Partisan ," in Joel H. Silbey, ed. A Companion to the Antebellum Presidents 1837-1861 (2014) p 347
Usage history The newly founded National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1910 called itself a "New Abolition Movement " . Historian W.E.B. Du Bois often used the term, as did newspapers in writing about the organization.McPherson (1975), pp 5, 390 In 1952, Kenneth M. Stampp, discussing the new generation of revisionist historians of slavery (including himself), described them as "scholarly descendants of the northern abolitionists." Stampp, "The Historian and Southern Negro Slavery", American Historical Review, Vol. 57, No. 3. (April 1952), pp. 613-624 In 1964, historian George Tindall said that in the 1920s, writer H. L. Mencken was the "guiding genius" behind "the neoabolitionist myth of the Savage South." That is, Mencken was breaking with the "Lost Cause" heroic image of the South and sharply criticizing it.Tindall, "Mythology: A New Frontier in Southern History," in Frank E. Vandiver, ed., The Idea of the South: Pursuit of a Central Theme (1964), pp 5–6 In the early 1960s, says Peter Novick, many historians dedicated to racial equality "were called 'neo-abolitionists'--a not unfriendly characterization, and one which many so-designated embraced." Howard Zinn described SNCC activists in the Civil Rights Movement as the "new abolitionists" in the title of his 1964 book about the organization. Zinn did not use the term "neoabolitionist " , nor did he apply the term to historians. In 1969, Don E. Fehrenbacher in the American Historical Review discussed "today's neoabolitionist historians, whose own social roles often intensify their sense of identity with the antislavery radicals."Review by Don E. Fehrenbacher, American Historical Review (Oct., 1969) 75#1 pp. 212-213 in JSTOR In 1974, C. Vann Woodward, a historian of the South, noted that, "by the 1950s a neoabolitionist mood prevailed among historians of slavery."review by C. Vann Woodward, American Historical Review, (April 1974), p. 471 In 1975, James McPherson's book, Abolitionist Legacy, used "neo-abolitionist" more than 50 times to characterize 20th-century activists and historians.See 57 citations In 1986, historian Jack Temple Kirby wrote, "Neo-abolitionist includes both popular and scholarly liberalism and black history in race relations imagery and scholarship, and a certain cynicism toward white southern elites."Jack Temple Kirby, Media-Made Dixie: The South in the American Imagination (1986), p. xix Noel Ignatiev and John Garvey use the term "new abolitionism" to refer to the "abolition of whiteness"; which is the cause the journal Race Traitor, which they coedit, is dedicated to. David W. Blight wrote in his book, Race and Reunion (2001): In the end this is a story of how the forces of reconciliation overwhelmed the emancipationist vision in the national culture, how the inexorable drive for reunion both used and trumped race. But the story does not merely dead-end in the bleakness of the age of segregation; so much of the emancipationist vision persisted in American culture during the early twentieth century, upheld by blacks and a fledgling neo-abolitionist tradition, that it never died a permanent death on the landscape of Civil War memory. That persistence made the revival of the emancipationist memory of the war and the transformation of American society possible in the last third of the twentieth century. In 2003, the conservative National Review commented in 2003 "[t]his general perspective on the sectional conflict is already well represented by the Neoabolitionist school of Early American historians, and informs important works by scholars such as Paul Finkelman, Leonard Richards, Donald Robinson, and William Wiecek." According to historian Harvard Sitkoff in his 2001 article on books about African-American education, the term neoabolition or neo-abolitionist is sometimes considered derisive. Michael Fellman in his 2006 book wrote: Fellman, Prophets of Protests (2006), pp ix-x Starting in the late 1950s and continuing through the next decade, in tandem with the rise of the civil rights movement, many progressive historians reevaluated the abolitionists, even referring to the contemporary movement for change in America's perception of race as the "new abolitionism." Historian Christopher Metress in The American Historical Review in 2005 asserted, "the iconoclastic historian Stanley M. Elkins reinterpreted the rebellious slave as a neoabolitionist fantasy."Review by: Christopher Metress, American Historical Review, (February 2005) 110#1 p 155 in JSTOR Fredrickson in 2008 wrote that "the most thorough and influential of the neo-abolitionist works of the 1960s was James M. McPherson The Struggle for Equality: Abolitionist and the Negro in the Civil War and Reconstruction (1964)." He notes that much neo-abolitionist historiography "clearly sides with the radicals against Lincoln " , and that in later works, McPherson was more sympathetic to Lincoln. Winthrop Jordan in his 2008 book on slavery and the South examines a contemporary group of "neo-abolitionist" historians who are "taking seriously again the critiques of black and white abolitionists." Zeus Leonardo wrote in 2009 the term had uses beyond historiography, saying, "Neo-abolitionist pedagogy suggests that teachers and students work together to name, reflect on, and dismantle discourses of whiteness. It means disrupting white discourses and unsettling their codes." Allen C. Guelzo (2009) notes that Lincoln's hesitation regarding emancipation, "has earned him the execration of every abolitionist and neo-abolitionist, from Garrison to (most recently) Ebony editor Lerone Bennett, whose book Forced into Glory: Abraham Lincoln's White Dream depicts Lincoln as a callous white racist, the kind of fence straddler 'we find in almost all situations of oppression or it.'" In his 2010 study of 20th-century American literature, David Seed classifies the novel, This Child's Gonna Live (1969), by Sarah E Wright, as a "neo-abolitionist" novel that "borrows from black nationalist discourse in its bold exploration of the loss of social ground gained in the Reconstruction South." Miller (2012) notes "the neo-abolitionist tone of nearly all the academic literature" on slavery. Abolitionism in the United States originally related to the abolition of slavery of African-descended peoples. In the 21st century, Lawrance and Roberts have applied the term "neoabolitionist" to opponents of contemporary sexual slavery, whose victims include people from every continent. In 2014, historian Yonatan Eyal argued that starting in the 1950s with Kenneth Stampp "the neo-abolitionist school diametrically flipped the views of the revisionists. It earned moral credibility in doing so, maturing as it did during the upheavals of the 1960s, yet at the same time lost the ability to explain the appeal of Union and compromise as formative influences on America's past." By 2008, Eyal continues: "More Americans identify with the Civil War as a struggle for a 'new birth of freedom,' rather than for the Union, and neo-abolitionist historiography has contributed to that sense over the past several decades."Yonatan Eyal, "Franklin Pierce, Democratic Partisan ," in Joel H. Silbey, ed. A Companion to the Antebellum Presidents 1837-1861 (2014) p 347
D
.
A
.
D
,
A
,
A
Fellman, Prophets of Protests (2006), pp ix-x
D
Fellman, Prophets of Protests (2006), pp ix-x
D
,
A
,