Annual Report
on Integration
2018
Summary

Explanation of symbols
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Nil

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0 (0,0)

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empty cell

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2017–2018

2017 to 2018 inclusive

2017/2018

Average for 2017 to 2018 inclusive

2017/’18

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and ending in 2018

2015/’16–2017/’18

Crop year, financial year, etc., 2015/’16 to 2017/’18 inclusive
Due to rounding, some totals may not correspond to the sum of
the separate figures.

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Summary
The Annual Report on Integration describes the extent of convergence between
people with a migration background and native Dutch people. It examines the
differences and similarities between these two groups and the extent to which these
groups have moved closer together in recent years.

Chapter 1: Population
On 1 January 2018, 23 percent of the Dutch population consisted of people with a
migration background, 1 percentage point more than three years previously. Over
the past three years, population growth in the Netherlands has mainly been due to
immigration: more than three-quarters is the result of international migration.
Immigrants are not only driven by labour market performance; other important
reasons for settling in the Netherlands are asylum and family migration.
Slightly less than half of the people with a migration background were born in the
Netherlands, which made them part of the second generation.
Of all children born in the Netherlands in 2017, approximately 14 percent are
children of second-generation persons with a migration background. The total group
of children of the second generation in the Netherlands is still quite small at
1.9 percent of the Dutch population under the age of 50. Furthermore, the group of
children in the non-western second generation is much younger compared to the
western second generation: almost 86 percent are minors and more than 70 percent
are younger than 12.
Immigrants show a diverse picture in terms of household composition. For example,
more than three-quarters of Eritreans live in single-person households. Romanians,
Poles and Bulgarians in particular also relatively often form single-person
households. If they do form couples, this is relatively often with a native Dutch
partner, which is most often the case among the Romanians.

Summary

3

Largest population groups by background

On 1 January 2018, there were over 17 million people in the Netherlands.
What is the background of the largest groups?

13,209,200

Dutch
Non-western
212,900

191,500

227,500

169,000

Turkish

176,400

175,300

84,500

72,600

Moroccan

Surinamese

Antillean

43,900

35,000

32,300

Refugee groups
81,800
9,000

Syrian

17,400

Iraqi

12,800

Afghan

10,100

Iranian

Western
260,700

248,800
105,400

100,900

Indonesian

German

135,000
38,100

Polish

45,500

73,200

Belgian

Legend
First generation

Second generation

In 2017, the majority of married people with a Turkish or Moroccan background had a
partner of the same origin. Second-generation Moroccans more often marry a
partner from another migration group or with a native Dutch background than
second-generation Turks. Second-generation Surinamese and especially Antilleans

4

Annual Report on Integration 2018 – Summary

are considerably more likely to marry a native Dutch partner. Couples (both married
and unmarried cohabitants) consisting of two Turkish or two Moroccan partners are
just as stable as couples with a native Dutch background. The least stable are mixed
couples consisting of a man with a Turkish or Moroccan background and a woman
with a native Dutch background.
On average, second-generation immigrant women have fewer children than firstgeneration. Those with a second-generation Moroccan background still have the
highest average number of children. The average number of children among Turkish,
Surinamese or Antillean women is hardly different from native Dutch women.
Immigrants live relatively often in large cities. In Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The
Hague, slightly over half of the local inhabitants have a migration background; in
Utrecht, this is one-third. In general, the second generation are less likely to be
residents of a large city than the first generation. Compared to the four largest nonwestern migrant groups, migrants with an Eastern European background from
countries which have more recently joined the European Union live more scattered
throughout the Netherlands. They relatively often live in predominantly agricultural
areas.

Chapter 2: Education
In Group 8 (the final year of primary school), native Dutch students are still more
likely to receive a recommendation to enrol in senior general secondary (HAVO) or
pre-university education (VWO) than those with a migration background.
The proportion of Turkish and Moroccan students with a HAVO/VWO recommendation
has grown over the past ten years. In Year 3 as well, an increasingly large share of
students with a Moroccan or Turkish background attend HAVO or VWO. In the
academic year 2005/’06, one in five Moroccan students were attending HAVO/VWO
Year 3; this had gone up to almost one in three in the year 2016/’17. Students with
an Iranian background are relatively most likely to attend HAVO/VWO level in Year 3,
even more so than native Dutch. Students with Afghan and Iraqi backgrounds are less
likely to attend HAVO/VWO than native Dutch, but more likely than students from the
largest non-western origin groups.
At prevocational education (VMBO) level, students with a non-western migration
background are more likely to be enrolled in the basic vocational programme than
native Dutch students. Compared to ten years ago, only small shifts can be observed.
The proportion of students enrolled in this programme has decreased slightly
whereas the proportion of students in the mixed and theoretical programmes and at
HAVO level is showing a slight increase.
In all types of secondary education, native Dutch students are more likely to pass
their final exam than students with a non-western background. There is little

Summary

5

difference in average final scores for the subjects of Dutch and English. In the latter
subject, Antillean and other non-western students achieve slightly higher scores than
Dutch students.
Students in secondary vocational education (MBO) are increasingly likely to attend
courses at the highest level. This applies to all origin groups, with the strongest
increase among students with a Turkish background. Early school leaving among
MBO students (without obtaining a basic qualification) has declined considerably
over the past ten years among all groups of origin, although it is still twice as
common among the non-western MBO students.
In higher education (HBO/WO level), graduates with a non-western background are
on average slightly older than native Dutch graduates. On the one hand, nonwestern students take a little longer to complete their higher education studies,
while on the other hand, they are on average slightly older at the start of the study
programme because they stack courses more often.
The educational level among 25 to 45-year-olds who are no longer in education is
highest among persons with a non-western background, higher than among their
native Dutch peers. This applies in particular to second-generation Iranian, Iraqi and
Afghan 25- to 35-year-olds. The large difference between men and women in this
respect is striking. Although men from these countries of origin are also higher
educated than native Dutch men, women with an Iranian, Iraqi or Afghan
background in particular are more highly educated on average than native Dutch
women (and men).

Chapter 3: Socio-economic position
For about three-quarters of people with a native Dutch or Polish background, work is
the primary source of income. The majority of Romanians and Bulgarians also draw
their main income from work, although a relatively large share have no (observed)
income. Dependency on social welfare is significantly higher among persons with a
non-western background. Most refugees who recently came to the Netherlands are
dependent on social benefits.
In terms of benefit dependency, significant improvements can be seen among the
children of immigrants, the so-called second generation, as compared with their
parents (first generation). However, among almost all migrant groups, the likelihood
of benefit dependency (income support) is still greater than among the native Dutch
population. This likelihood does become smaller if a person was born here, i.e.
among second-generation migrants.
People with a non-western background are relatively less often employed than
people with a native Dutch or new EU background. In recent years, the net
employment rate has risen slightly among persons with a Moroccan, Surinamese and

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Annual Report on Integration 2018 – Summary

Turkish backgrounds, although not equally in all groups. For persons with an
Antillean background, however, the employment rate showed a slight decrease
in 2017 compared to 2015.
In general, the employment rate is higher among highly educated than among lower
educated people. Among the highly educated, approximately four in five are in paid
employment, regardless of background. Among the lower educated, persons with an
Antillean background in particular are significantly less likely to be in employment
than native Dutch persons. Among persons with a non-western background, flexible
employment contracts are more common than among native Dutch employees. This
is particularly true for the second-generation employed. In this group, 45 percent
have a flexible employment contract, also due to the lower average age of the
second generation.
Unemployment has fallen across all origin groups since 2014. The relative decrease
in unemployment was largest among people with a Moroccan background, the
group which showed the highest increase in unemployment during the crisis.
Unemployment among all non-western population groups is still higher than among
the native Dutch population. In all origin groups, the low-skilled are more often
unemployed than those with secondary or higher level education. At each
educational level, however, people with a non-western background are more than
twice as likely to be unemployed as the native Dutch population. People with a nonwestern background are also more likely to form part of the unused labour potential
than those with a native Dutch background. In all groups of origin, the untapped
labour potential is highest among young people and the low-skilled.
Among people with Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese and Antillean backgrounds,
dependency on social security benefits decreased in 2016 and 2017. Overall, they are
still more likely to depend on social security benefits than native Dutch people.
The share of people with other non-western backgrounds who depend on social
security benefits as income has increased. This is due to the influx of refugees in 2015
and 2016, who are largely dependent on social welfare in the first few years. Even
after a longer period of time in the Netherlands, a significant share of refugees are
still receiving social welfare. After nine or more years of residence, they are more
likely to depend on social welfare than people from the four largest non-western
origin groups.
Dependency on unemployment benefits is at similar levels among all groups of
origin. Dependency on disability benefits is approximately the same up to the age
of 45, but higher among people over the age of 45 with a Turkish, Moroccan or
Surinamese background.
Among people with a native Dutch background, the more favourable position on the
labour market and lower benefit dependency result in higher incomes compared to
those with a non-western background. Although immigrants from the new EU often
have work as their main source of income, their income is also lower compared to

Summary

7

persons with a native Dutch background. Persons from refugee groups have the
lowest incomes.
Second-generation migrant groups increasingly resemble their native Dutch peers.
Among these groups, incomes rise with advancing age. Especially among the older
Antilleans and Surinamese of the second generation (50 to 64 years), the difference
with their native Dutch peers is small.

Chapter 4: Crime
The share of registered crime suspects in the population has approximately halved
over the past 13 years, both among the native Dutch population and among the four
largest non-western groups of origin. For persons from new EU countries, this share
has decreased by about one-quarter. Regardless of background, men are more likely
to be suspect of a crime than women. Native Dutch men are almost four times more
likely to be registered crime suspects than native Dutch women. Among those with
non-western backgrounds, this difference between the sexes is five times larger.
The difference is largest among persons with a Turkish background (7 times).
In almost all age groups, people with an Antillean background have the highest
crime suspect rate. Only in the young adult age group is the crime suspect rate higher
among people with a Moroccan background.
People with a native Dutch background are relatively more often crime suspects
when they live in a densely populated neighbourhood. This pattern is less apparent
among persons with a western or non-western migration background. Furthermore,
the first generation of young people of non-western origin are slightly more often
suspect of a crime than the second generation of young people, but these differences
are small.
For almost all groups of origin, the proportion of people found guilty by court fell in
the period 2005–2016. This share almost halved among people with a native Dutch
background and among the four largest non-western groups of origin. The number
of people declared guilty also decreased among groups of origin with a high
proportion of refugees and persons from the new EU, but the decrease was less
pronounced among the latter group.
Women with an Antillean, Moroccan, Surinamese or new EU background are more
often found guilty of crimes than women with a native Dutch background.
The differences between men and women are greatest for convicted with a Turkish
background (13 times). For women with an Antillean background, the differences
with respect to convictions were the smallest (5 times). Furthermore, in all five
examined immigrant groups, the percentage shares of first-generation young people
declared guilty were higher than those of the second generation. Among persons
with a migration background, the percentage share of those declared guilty of a

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Annual Report on Integration 2018 – Summary

crime is relatively high in both non-urbanised and highly urbanised neighbourhoods.
Among the native Dutch population (no migration background), the higher the
degree of urbanisation, the higher the crime conviction rate.
In the period 2012/2013 until 2016/2017, persons with a Dutch, western or nonwestern background were less likely to be a victim of common crime. Crime victim
rates were still higher in the four largest non-western groups of origin than among
the native Dutch population. Slightly more men than women with a native Dutch
background were victims of crime. Age played a more distinctive role in both western
and non-western groups. Furthermore, crime victim rates appeared to be higher
among persons with a second-generation non-western background than among the
first generation of persons of the same origin.
Differences in general unsafety perceptions between the different groups of origin
have decreased in recent years. In 2016-2017, 35 percent of people with a nonwestern background felt unsafe at times in a general sense. This share amounted to
34 percent among native Dutch people. Especially people with a Surinamese
background still feel unsafe more often than native Dutch people. Furthermore,
people of the second generation more often feel unsafe than people of the first
generation.
People with a non-western background are more likely to experience feelings of
unsafety in their own neighbourhood than native Dutch residents. However,
residents of Turkish or Moroccan origin have begun to feel safer in their
neighbourhood in recent years. Furthermore, relatively more women than men
indicate that they sometimes feel unsafe in their neighbourhood. Especially women
with a non-western background relatively often (26 percent) experience these
feelings of unsafety.
For people with a native Dutch or western background, the proportion of people
who sometimes feel unsafe in the neighbourhood decreases with age. Both older
and younger non-western residents, on the other hand, equally often feel unsafe in
their own neighbourhood. Among residents with a western background, the first
generation feel unsafe in their neighbourhood more often than the second
generation.

Chapter 5: Health
Relatively fewer people with a Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese or Antillean
background perceive their own health as ‘good’ or ‘very good’ in comparison with
native Dutch people. The first generation of these migrants has a less favourable
perception of their own health than the second generation. The largest gap among
the generations is seen in the Moroccan and Turkish migrant groups.

Summary

9

Between 2013–2017, smoking rates were lower among people with a Moroccan
background than among the native Dutch population. Smoking was relatively
common among Turks (35 percent). Smoking is more prevalent among firstgeneration Moroccans and Turks than among the second generation in these groups.
Among Surinamese and Antilleans, the two generations show little or no difference
in smoking rates. In addition, people with a Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese or
Antillean migration background are more often severely overweight than people
without a migration background. In these groups of origin, the first generation tend
to suffer from obesity more often than the second generation. Age plays an
important role in this context. The first generation is older on average, and older
people are generally more often severely overweight than young people.
Across all age groups, health care expenditure by both men and women of Turkish,
Moroccan, Surinamese or Antillean origin was higher in 2016 than by people with a
native Dutch, western or other non-western background. Public health care costs for
women up to the age of 65 were higher than for men in all migration groups. After
adjustment for age differences, public health care expenditure by people with a nonwestern background is 14 percent higher than by people with a native Dutch
background. Compared to people with a native Dutch background, health care
expenditure was approximately 24 percent higher for persons of Surinamese, Turkish
and Antillean origin; for people of Moroccan origin, it was higher by 15 percent.
Expenditure on mental health care and medications in particular is relatively high
among non-western men compared to men with a native Dutch background. Among
Antillean, Surinamese and Moroccan men, the average expenditure on mental health
care per person in 2016 was approximately twice the amount spent by native Dutch
men.

Chapter 6: Social and societal participation
People with a native Dutch background are more likely to have weekly contact with
relatives than people with a migration background. On the other hand, people with a
non-western background are more likely to have weekly contact with friends. When
differences in age structure are taken into account among the various groups, there
is no longer any difference in social contacts with friends and neighbours. The nonwestern background population is on average younger than the native Dutch
population, and young people are more likely to have contact with friends and less
with neighbours.
Among people with a native Dutch or western background, around one-third provide
informal help once every four weeks. This is slightly lower among non-western
migrants (27 percent). Persons with a Moroccan or Surinamese background more
often supply informal help than those with a Turkish, Antillean or other non-western

10

Annual Report on Integration 2018 – Summary

background. The second generation also provides informal help more often than
first-generation immigrants.
Almost half of the population engage in volunteering. People with a native Dutch
background do so more often than people with any other background. Among the
non-western groups, people with a Moroccan and Antillean background are most
active, while Surinamese are the least active as volunteers. With 47 percent
volunteering, the western second generation comes closest to the native Dutch
population.
Native Dutch people are most likely to participate in associations. This picture hardly
changes when differences in gender distribution, age structure and educational level
of the three groups of origin (Dutch, western and non-western) are taken into
account. The second generation of western migrants are most similar to native Dutch
people in terms of club membership.

Chapter 7: Changes in relationship and family formation
within the second generation
The chapter Changes in relationship and family formation within the second generation
shows the differences in patterns in the field of living together, marrying and having
children between second-generation migrants and persons with a native Dutch
background of the same age. This chapter also discusses the establishment of mixed
relationships between the different second-generation groups and the cohorts.
The age at which the second generation of persons with a Turkish, Moroccan,
Surinamese or Antillean background enter into a first relationship, marry and have
their first child has increased. For example, more than half of the Turkish second
generation born in 1980 were married at the age of 25; for the youngest birth cohort,
this is 32 percent. Furthermore, younger birth cohorts of Surinamese Dutch people
are less likely to cohabit at a young age than older cohorts. Both developments are in
line with earlier developments among the native Dutch population.
Almost all younger cohorts postpone having children. The second generation of
Antillean women are the only exception. The demographic transition that has
already occurred among women with a native Dutch background now also seems to
manifest itself among women with a migration background. The greatest differences
between birth cohorts can once again be observed within the Turkish second
generation.
The analyses also show that there are differences in the demographic behaviour of
young adults with two parents born abroad versus those with one parent born
abroad. The Turkish and Moroccan second generation with two foreign-born parents
are more different from native Dutch persons than when only one parent was born
abroad. The latter group get married at a later stage and less often under the age

Summary

11

of 21, 26 or 31 than the second generation with two parents born abroad. Parts of
the analyses show a different picture in terms of parenthood. Turkish and Moroccan
Dutch women with one foreign-born parent are more likely to have a child before
the age of 21 than women with two foreign-born parents. Women with a Dutch
background at that age, however, are least likely to already have a child.
The percentage of Surinamese and Antillean women of the second generation with
one foreign-born parent who have a child before the age of 21 is more similar to
native Dutch women than when both parents were born abroad.
The results show a difference between men and women as well as between the
different groups of origin studied. For example, among the Turkish and Moroccan
second generation and among the native Dutch population, women at almost any
age are more often married than men. However, the difference in marriage age
between men and women is much larger among Turkish and Moroccan Dutch than
among native Dutch persons.
Most Turkish and Moroccan Dutch people within the population studied are married
to a partner with the same migration background. The origin of the first marriage
partner depends on the age at which they first enter into marriage. The Turkish and
Moroccan second generation marrying after the age of 25 are more likely to marry
outside their own group of origin. The first cohabitant partner of the Surinamese and
Antillean second generation is more likely to have a native Dutch background than
the first marriage partner of the Turkish and Moroccan second generation. Younger
cohorts more often have a second-generation partner than older cohorts.
Turkish and Moroccan Dutch citizens born in the younger cohort more often choose a
second-generation or a native Dutch partner instead of a first-generation partner
compared to the older cohort. This applies if they are married before the age of 26,
but also if they marry between the ages of 26 and 30 years. Women are less likely
than men to have a second-generation spouse or spouse with a native Dutch
background. The likelihood of having a native Dutch partner rather than a first or
second-generation partner differs between the Turkish and Moroccan second
generations with one or two foreign-born parents.
Turkish and Moroccan Dutch citizens with a higher or secondary level of education
are generally more likely to have a partner of the second rather than first generation
compared to those with a low level of education. Highly educated Turkishbackground Dutch citizens are also more likely to have a marriage partner with a
native Dutch background than those with a low level of education. The difference
between the cohorts in terms of the partner’s origin is generally greater for men than
for women.

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Annual Report on Integration 2018 – Summary

Chapter 8: Second-generation early school leaving
Various studies have mapped the position of early school leavers on the labour
market as well as their position in terms of educational attainment, employment,
income, benefits and crime, six years after they leave school. These studies showed
that early school leaving has a negative effect on the outcomes in all these different
life domains. The chapter Early school leaving among second generation young people
shows the patterns in early school leaving among young people with a secondgeneration migration background compared to young people with a native Dutch
background. In addition to the young population with a Moroccan, Turkish,
Surinamese or Antillean migration background who have already been the subject of
numerous studies, these patterns were also mapped for young people with a
second-generation Chinese background. An early school leaver is here defined as: a
person who has dropped out of education at VMBO, HAVO, VWO (either secondary or
adult education) or MBO 1 or 2 level without obtaining a diploma. Such persons are
referred to as early school leavers even when they re-enter education and/or
obtained a basic qualification at a later stage.
The study shows that early school leaving is more common among men than among
women. The second generation with a migration background from one of the four
largest non-western groups is more likely to drop out than those without a migration
background. This applies to both men and women. Only the group with a Chinese
second-generation migration background is an exception to this pattern. Among this
group, early school leaving is less common than among other groups with a
migration background as well as with a native Dutch background.
Furthermore, the analysis shows that in most cases, early school leaving is a one-off
experience. For both men and women with different migration backgrounds,
approximately 80 percent of the cases drop out only once. Early school leaving in
secondary vocational education is most common, followed by secondary education.
Students with a Dutch and Chinese background are relatively less likely to drop out of
secondary education than students with a different background. Moreover, the
majority of school dropouts do not re-enter and/or have not obtained a basic
qualification. This shows that once they are out of the system, returning to education
is not easy.
The degree of urbanisation in the living environment is also an important factor in
the school drop-out rate. For all groups of origin, drop-out rates appear higher in the
more strongly urbanised areas than in less urban residential areas. For some groups,
the effect is stronger than for others. Among women in highly urbanised residential
areas, those with an Antillean background drop out most often of all backgrounds.
Women with a native Dutch background are also more likely to drop out in highly
urban residential environments. For women with a Turkish, Moroccan or Surinamese
background, the differences are small with respect to the degree of urbanisation.

Summary

13

Early school leaving among women with a Chinese migration background is low and
there is little difference between the various degrees of urbanisation. With the
exception of men with a Moroccan migration background, school dropout is more
common among men who live in more urban residential environments.
Furthermore, it appears that men with a Moroccan migration background are twice
as likely to drop out of secondary vocational education (MBO) as women with a
Moroccan migration background. Early school leaving in secondary vocational
education is more common in more urban residential environments, regardless of
the origin of the student. In addition, it appears that young people from older birth
cohorts (1990 through 1994) are more likely to drop out of school than younger birth
cohorts (1995 through 1998).

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Annual Report on Integration 2018 – Summary