upstage/dp-bench huggingface dataset:
content: text: Thailand, Philippines and Indonesia in
particular, identifying known experts at
the national, subnational and community
level. The survey and interviews with
key informants asked key questions to
regional experts on violent extremism to
ascertain if hostile sentiments espoused
are exacerbating insecurities for women.

content: text: The survey was made available in
English, Bahasa, Thai and Tagalog. We
used the Qualtrics platform to facilitate
the ease of dissemination and response
from home computers, iPads or mobile
phone survey options. Qualtrics, one of
the most widely used research platforms,
supports the implementation of both
large-scale survey and experimental
study designs. It is administered online
with responses gathered into a central
and privacy protected database that only
the approved researchers have access to.

content: text: The platform allows for the easy
migration of data into various statistical
packages, including STATA, the main
statistical analysis package that we will
use to analyse the data. A limitation
of this study is that we were unable
to translate the survey in all ASEAN
languages, and there is a selection bias in
that we are focussing the survey in areas

content: text: of the region that most experience violent
extremism and terrorism. However,
through our networks, where possible,
we disseminated the survey throughout
all ASEAN countries.

content: text: It is important to note the limitations
of this six-month study. Although the
survey was disseminated among all
member states, the majority of expert
respondents came from Indonesia, the
Philippines and Thailand. While this can
be regarded as highly selective rather
than representative, it is important to
note that Indonesia, the Philippines and
Thailand are the countries that continue
to face the most pressing threat of
ongoing violent extremism and conflict.

content: text: This is with the exception of Myanmar.
Given the current political circumstances
and challenges posed by COVID-19, on
top of the short project time span, it was
unfeasible to include Myanmar within the
scope of this study. It is also important
to note that the data derived from the
surveys and interviews were based on the
perceptions of experts and key informants,
who are involved in peacebuilding, and
on P/CVE strategies throughout the
region. As a result, it is important to note
the subjectivity of responses.

content: text: Figure 1: Age by gender of respondents

content: text: ■ Male
OVER 50
■ Female
41-50
31-40
25-30
0 5 10 15 20

content: text: Gender Analysis of Violent Extremism and the Impact of COVID-19 on Peace and Security in ASEAN
content: text: tweets, videos) inciting violence towards
religious minorities, ethnic minorities, the
LGBTI community, and women and girls.
Forty-four per cent of respondents had
"sometimes" seen extremist social media
content inciting violence towards religious
minorities, with 31% seeing this content
"very often".

content: text: Both men and women acknowledged that
they had "sometimes" seen this content on
social media (62% and 41%, respectively).
Indonesia was the country from which most
respondents had viewed this content "very
often" (50%). When collapsing the "always"
and "very often" categories, 41% of Instagram
users had often seen intolerant content,
followed by 36% of WhatsApp users and
34% of Facebook users. Among the Twitter
users in the sample, 48% had seen intolerant
content towards religious minorities.

content: text: When asked about how often social media
content was inciting violence towards
ethnic minorities, 46% of respondents had
"sometimes" seen this type of extremist
social media content inciting violence
towards ethnic minorities whereas only
27% have seen this content rarely or
never. Women have seen such content
more frequently than men (90%), and
Indonesia was the country from which most

content: text: respondents had seen this content "very
often" (58%). Users of Facebook, WhatsApp
and Instagram acknowledged that they had
seen this content "very often" (26%, 31% and
35% respectively).

content: text: Thirty-nine per cent of respondents
acknowledged that they had "sometimes"
seen social media content inciting violence
towards the LGBTI community. Women saw
this type of content more frequently than
men (84%), and Indonesia was the country
from which more respondents saw this
content with a higher frequency (53% saw
such content "always" and "very often").
Participantsin thesurvey observed intolerant
content directed towards the LGBTI
community. For example, one participant
from the Philippines observed that,

content: text: "
There were instances when women
were humiliated in public and on
social media after they were labelled
as part of the LGBTQ+ community. The
comments on posts regarding them
were mostly commending their public
humiliation (cutting their hair) instead
of condemning the act".
"

content: text: Figure 3: Frequency of viewing extremist social media inciting violence toward women and girls

content: text: 53,9%
■ Male
■ Female
35,7%
30,4% 30,8%
28,6%
7,7% 7,7%
5,4%
· · · · · OFTEN · · · · · · · · · · · · SOMETIMES · · · · · · . · · · · · RARELY · · · · · · · · · · · · · · NEVER · · · · ·

content: text: Gender Analysis of Violent Extremism and the Impact of COVID-19 on Peace and Security in ASEAN
content: text: this content "very often", 71% were from
Indonesia and 28.6% were from Thailand.
When asked about how often participants
had heard of groups expressing the
importance of men accompanying women
when travelling to conflict zones, more
respondents had heard this message
with a higher frequency ("always" or "very
often", 37.1%) than those who had rarely or
never heard it (34%). Forty-six per cent of
respondents from Indonesia heard this
message with a higher frequency, followed
by the Philippines (38%) and Thailand
(15%). When grouping the answer options
of "always", "very often" and "sometimes",
66% of respondents said they had heard
groups stress the importance of women
being accompanied by men when
travelling to conflict areas.

content: text: Figure 5: Importance of a male
guardian accompanying women when
travelling to conflict zones

content: text: 34.3%
65,7%
■ Yes
■ No

content: text: In the second part of the survey, using
a five-point Likert scale from "strong-
ly agree" to "strongly disagree", partic-
ipants were presented with a series of
statements regarding how worried they
were about intolerant content being es-
poused in the offline space by violent ex-

content: text: tremist groups. Most respondents (77%)
agreed (combining both "strongly agree"
and "agree") that they were worried about
intolerance in their communities, partic-
ularly respondents from Indonesia and
the Philippines. Almost all respondents in
the sample (93%) agreed that they were
worried about violent extremism in their
countries. This appeared to be a general
concern among both men and women
as 85% of men and 95% of women agreed
that they were concerned.

content: text: Significantly, 89% of respondents agreed
that religious extremism would impede
women's rights. Half of the participants
in Indonesia agreed they were concerned
that religious extremism would hamper
women's rights, 27% in Philippines and 16%
in Thailand. Both men (84.6%) and women
(89.2%) expressed their concerns on this
issue. Furthermore, 91% of respondents
agreed that religious extremism prioritizes
men's rights over women's rights - 93.1%
of women strongly agreed with the
statement compared to 6.90% of men.

content: text: For example, one interviewee from
Indonesia observed that the teachings
of extremism have entered schools, such
as high schools, and have also begun to
penetrate student organizations. She
observed that the teachings "spread from
the Middle East, bringing misogynistic
teachings towards women as part of their
subjugation strategy". She acknowledged
that it was part of the organizational
strategy where women appeared to look
empowered:

content: text: "

content: text: "However, this is just
manipulation; behind it is the
practice of misogyny, women's
consciousness, their bodies and
minds are controlled, even though

content: text: Gender Analysis of Violent Extremism and the Impact of COVID-19 on Peace and Security in ASEAN
content: text: Figure 7: Respondents' reaction to
the statement "I am worried that
misogynistic and hostile beliefs
espoused by extremist groups result in
violence towards women."

content: text: 36%
56%
STRONGLY
AGREE
AGREE
3%
4%
UNDECIDED
DISAGREE
1%
STRONGLY
DISAGREE

content: text: During the COVID-19 pandemic, 70%
of respondents agreed that online
radicalization and the proliferation of
extremist propaganda had increased.
Altogether, 76.9% and 92.9% of women
agreed with the statement.

content: text: One interviewee from Indonesia
noted that:

content: text: "COVID has managed to restrict
direct meetings to disseminate
propaganda, misinformation
and disinformation through
most government's large-scale
restrictions to prevent the virus'
spread. However, the tendency to
utilize online spaces to disseminate
these has increased since the use
ofonline activities is mandatory in
various sectors, such as working
and education. Most people
certainly use online platforms to
disseminate false information

content: text: regarding the outbreak, as well as
radical ideas targeted at people,
including recruiting them as a
part of groups."

content: text: "

content: text: Figure 8: Respondents' view to the
statement, "Online radicalization
and the proliferation of extremist
propaganda has increased
during COVID-1".

content: text: 23%
47%
STRONGLY
AGREE
AGREE
6%
21%
DISAGREE
UNDECIDED
3%
STRONGLY
DISAGREE

content: text: Another interviewee from Indonesia
observed that:

content: text: "

content: text: "(Based on my experience),
during 2020-2021 one of the
interesting things has been
the impact of misinformation
and disinformation related to
COVID, affecting people's views
and attitudes in responding to,
preventing and handling of (the
virus). At the beginning of the
Indonesian government's policy
on limiting religious activities
in places of worship, this issue
caused a strong, adverse reaction
among extremist groups, giving
rise to a narrative that the

content: text: Gender Analysis of Violent Extremism and the Impact of COVID-19 on Peace and Security in ASEAN
content: text: Table of Contents

content: text: Executive Summary 4
Legal Framework 6
Election Administration 11
Civil Society Engagement 15
Political Parties, Candidates Registration and Election 18
Campaign
Media Freedom and Access to Information 25
Voter Education and Awareness 29
Participation of Marginalized Sectors 31
Recommendations 39
content: text: Civil Society Engagement

content: text: election integrity. The registration of local election observers runs until
25 May, and the NEC is still reviewing the application of nearly 5,000
observers.

content: text: Table: The number of accredited observers as of 28 April
202215

content: html: <tr><td>No.</td><td>Name of organization</td><td>Number of accredited observers</td></tr><tr><td>1</td><td>Union of Youth Federations of Cambodia (UYFC)</td><td>17,266</td></tr><tr><td>2</td><td>Cambodian Women for Peace and Development</td><td>9,835</td></tr><tr><td>3</td><td>Association of Democratic Students of Cambodia</td><td>711</td></tr><tr><td>4</td><td>Association of Intellectual and Youth Volunteer</td><td>46</td></tr><tr><td>5</td><td>Our Friends Association</td><td>27</td></tr><tr><td>6</td><td>COMFREL</td><td>26</td></tr><tr><td>7</td><td>Traditional and Modern Mental Health Organization</td><td>15</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Total</td><td>27,926</td></tr>

content: text: 15 https://www.nec.gov.kh/khmer/content/5524
content: text: Political Parties, Candidates Registration and Election Campaign

content: text: Table: Provisional Results of Registration of Candidates on 8 March 202221 and Official Results
of Registration of Candidates on 29 April 202222

content: html: <tr><td rowspan="2">No.</td><td rowspan="2">Political party</td><td colspan="2">Provisional registration result on 7 March</td><td colspan="2">Official registration result on 29 April</td><td rowspan="2">Difference in the number of candidates</td></tr><tr><td>Number of commune/ sangkat</td><td>Number of candidates</td><td>Number of commune/ sangkat</td><td>Number of candidates</td></tr><tr><td>1</td><td>Cambodian People's Party</td><td>1,652</td><td>28,008</td><td>1,652</td><td>28,008</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td>2</td><td>Candlelight Party</td><td>1,649</td><td>23,679</td><td>1,623</td><td>23,939</td><td>+260</td></tr><tr><td>3</td><td>Funcinpec Party</td><td>715</td><td>9,407</td><td>680</td><td>9,952</td><td>+545</td></tr><tr><td>4</td><td>Khmer National United Party</td><td>650</td><td>8,340</td><td>596</td><td>8,815</td><td>+475</td></tr><tr><td>5</td><td>Cambodian National Love Party</td><td>388</td><td>4,634</td><td>315</td><td>5,050</td><td>+416</td></tr><tr><td>6</td><td>Cambodian National's Party</td><td>310</td><td>3,980</td><td>245</td><td>3,956</td><td>-24</td></tr><tr><td>7</td><td>Cambodian Youth Party</td><td>116</td><td>1,824</td><td>114</td><td>1,824</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td>8</td><td>Khmer Will Party</td><td>67</td><td>1,000</td><td>58</td><td>1,050</td><td>+50</td></tr><tr><td>9</td><td>Cambodian Reform Party</td><td>58</td><td>823</td><td>59</td><td>978</td><td>+155</td></tr><tr><td>10</td><td>Kampucheaniyum Party</td><td>39</td><td>642</td><td>38</td><td>658</td><td>+16</td></tr>

content: text: 21 https://www.nec.gov.kh/khmer/content/5393
22 https://www.nec.gov.kh/khmer/content/5525
content: text: ANFREL Pre-Election Assessment Mission Report

content: html: <tr><td rowspan="2">No.</td><td rowspan="2">Political party</td><td colspan="2">Provisional registration result on 7 March</td><td colspan="2">Official registration result on 29 April</td><td rowspan="2">Difference in the number of candidates</td></tr><tr><td>Number of commune/ sangkat</td><td>Number of candidates</td><td>Number of commune/ sangkat</td><td>Number of candidates</td></tr><tr><td>11</td><td>Khmer United Party</td><td>35</td><td>498</td><td>30</td><td>457</td><td>-41</td></tr><tr><td>12</td><td>Grassroots Democracy Party</td><td>32</td><td>435</td><td>32</td><td>481</td><td>+46</td></tr><tr><td>13</td><td>Beehive Social Democratic Party</td><td>25</td><td>425</td><td>23</td><td>392</td><td>-33</td></tr><tr><td>14</td><td>Cambodian Indigeneous Peoples Democracy Party</td><td>19</td><td>194</td><td>19</td><td>202</td><td>+8</td></tr><tr><td>15</td><td>Ekpheap Cheat Khmer Party</td><td>15</td><td>175</td><td>14</td><td>178</td><td>+3</td></tr><tr><td>16</td><td>Reaksmey Khemara Party</td><td>7</td><td>79</td><td>6</td><td>88</td><td>+9</td></tr><tr><td>17</td><td>Khmer Economic Development Party</td><td>4</td><td>65</td><td>4</td><td>64</td><td>-1</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Total</td><td></td><td>84,208</td><td></td><td>86,092</td><td>+1,884</td></tr>
content: text: 8 Encinas Franco and Laguna

content: text: Filipino Women in Electoral Politics

content: text: The nature and extent of Filipino women's political participation
is a product of the country's colonial history, martial law, and
democratization post-1986. Historians argue that Spain's strong
Catholic traditions ushered in patriarchal norms and practices that were
not present in the pre-Hispanic period. National hero, Jose Rizal, has
documented this in his "Letter to the Women of Malolos," praising the
women for advocating their right to education. Historians also found
proof of women's contribution to the Philippine revolution (Camagay
1998). Decades later, the suffragist movement ushered in one of the first
national issues to have brought Filipino women together. It was a hard-
fought battle; the movement had to contend with staunch opposition
from antisuffragists in the Constitutional Convention that drafted the
1935 Constitution. The reluctance was expected because only 21-year-
old Filipino men had been allowed to vote during the time. They framed
their opposition based on traditional notions of womanhood and their
role in the private sphere, foremost of which is motherhood. Another
key argument against female suffrage was the idea that politics is
supposed to be "dirty" and that this would taint families if women took
part in politics. The assumptions catered to the age-old public-private
divide, strongly suggesting that only men are qualified to occupy the
former.

content: text: Eventually, the 1935 Constitution granted women suffrage on the
condition that more than 300,000 women would vote affirmatively in a
plebiscite. When signing the law paving the way for the said plebiscite,
President Manuel Quezon had this to say to Filipino men: "Are you
going to deprive our women of the opportunity to say how their lives
are going to be regulated and is it fair for us to presume that men can
always speak in this country for women?" (Official Gazette 1936). In
April 1937, more than 400,000 women voted in favor of their right to
vote and participate in political life. In 1946 and 1947, Filipinos elected
the first woman member of the House of Representatives, and senator,
respectively. Nonetheless, data from 1946 to 1992 indicate an uphill
climb. For instance, in the 1949 and 1953 elections for the House of
Representatives, only one woman was elected out of the 100 positions.
content: text: Overcoming Barriers to Filipino Women's Political Representation 9

content: text: The post-World War II period saw women participating in formal
politics and even attempting to form a political party and an alliance
supporting President Ramon Magsaysay's candidacy for the presidency
(He served as president from 1953 to 1957), while the advent of the
martial law period in 1972 witnessed feminist movements. Roces (2012,
6) attributes this to the burgeoning student movement and activism, so
much so that by the time Marcos declared martial law, women were
prepared to take on the resistance. Though inspired by North America's
second-wave feminists, Filipino women were also drawn to the era's
discourses and contexts, such as the Vietnam War and the civil rights
movement.

content: text: The women's movement continued to flourish in the Cory Aquino
regime (1986-1992). The democratic transition provided political
opportunity structures and venues ensuring women's access to the
state and nonstate spheres. The drafting of the 1987 Constitution
was one such opportunity. The movement managed to advocate for
important provisions paving the way for women's rights legislation
from the 1980s to the present. The provision in the 1987 Constitution
mandates the state to recognize "the role of women in nation building
and shall ensure the fundamental equality before the law of men and
women" (Article 2, Section 14). This provision is said to be unique and
is not even found in other countries' charters (Masilungan n.d.).

content: text: The post-Marcos period advanced the participation of women
not only in civil society and nongovernment organizations but also in
formal politics and bureaucracy. Several women from the movement
joined formal politics, while others were invited by the Aquino and
Ramos governments (1992-1998) to executive posts. The entry of
women activists, NGO leaders, and those from the academe ensured that
the new democracy would significantly help push measures promoting
women's rights and gender equality. The House of Representative
(HOR) and Philippine Commission on Women (PCW)'s "How to Be
a Gender-Responsive Legislator" (2021, 52) listed several recent laws
responding to women's empowerment and gender equality.

content: text: · Republic Act No. 11313: Safe Spaces Act (April 17, 2019)

content: text: · Republic Act No. 11210: 105-Day Expanded Maternity Leave
Law (March 11, 2019)
content: text: Overcoming Barriers to Filipino Women's Political Representation 11

content: text: · Republic Act No. 9501: Magna Carta for Micro, Small, and
Medium Enterprises (May 23, 2008)

content: text: · Republic Act No. 9262: Anti-Violence Against Women and
their Children Act of 2004 (March 8, 2004)

content: text: · Republic Act No. 9208 (May 26, 2003), as amended by
Republic Act No. 10364 (February 6, 2013): Anti-Trafficking in
Persons Act of 2003

content: text: · Republic Act No. 9178: Barangay Micro Business Enterprises
Act of 2002 (November 13, 2002)

content: text: · Republic Act No. 8972: Solo Parent's Welfare Act (November
7, 2000)

content: text: · Republic Act No. 8505: Rape Victim Assistance and Protection
Act (February 13, 1998)

content: text: · Republic Act No. 8504: Philippine AIDS Prevention and
Control Act of 1998 (February 13, 1998)

content: text: · Republic Act No. 8353: Anti-Rape Law of 1997 (September 30,
1997)

content: text: · Republic Act No. 7877: Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995
(February 14, 1995)

content: text: During the first Aquino administration (1986-1992), three women
sectoral representatives were appointed in Congress. Yet feminist
activists such as Teresita Quintos-Deles and Jurgette Honculada's
appointments were blocked by the House Committee on Appointments
(Abao and Yang 2001, 19).

content: text: While reliable electoral data during the Marcos regime is
unavailable, it is safe to argue that the repressive regime hampered
the participation of women in formal politics given the widespread
militarization and electoral fraud characterizing the dictatorship. And
even with the legal framework guaranteed by the transition, women
found it difficult to enter formal politics, despite women's consistently
high voter turnout during elections (Table 1).
content: text: 12 Encinas Franco and Laguna

content: text: Table 1: Percentage of Government Positions Held by Women During the
Presidencies of Corazon Aquino and Fidel Ramos

content: html: <tr><td>Government Position</td><td>No. of Seats</td><td>Aquino Administration (1986-1992)</td><td>Ramos Administration (1992-1998)</td></tr><tr><td>Senate</td><td>24</td><td>8.3</td><td>16.7</td></tr><tr><td>House of Representatives</td><td>202</td><td>9.4</td><td>10.4</td></tr><tr><td>Cabinet</td><td>20</td><td>15.0</td><td>5.0</td></tr><tr><td>Governor</td><td>73</td><td>5.4</td><td>5.4</td></tr><tr><td>Provincial Board Member</td><td>626</td><td>9.9</td><td>10.9</td></tr><tr><td>City/Municipal Mayor</td><td>1,578</td><td>7.4</td><td>11.2</td></tr><tr><td>City/Municipal Vice Mayor</td><td>1,578</td><td>6.5</td><td>14.9</td></tr><tr><td>City Municipal Councilor</td><td>12,406</td><td>10.5</td><td>N/A</td></tr>

content: text: Source: Tancangco 1991 as cited in Valte (1992).

content: text: Current Situation: 2001-2019

content: text: Filipino women are still very much a minority in the formal
political sphere. It can also be observed that in executive positions such
as the cabinet, few women are appointed, especially during President
Fidel Ramos's time, compared to Cory Aquino's administration
(Table 1). As mentioned above, the Philippines has made significant
strides in legislating for women's rights. However, 35 years after re-
democratization and 84 years after the grant of suffrage, participation
of women in politics is still a work in progress, as in most countries.

content: text: In 2019, the overall percentage of women in all elective posts in
the country was only about 20 percent (PCW 2021), barely reaching
the 30 percent international requirement for women's political