Debate: EU-Russia relations, European security and Russia’s military threat against Ukraine
Date: WEDNESDAY, 16 FEBRUARY 2022
Speaker: Ursula von der Leyen
Language: EN

The people of Ukraine are bravely trying to get on with their lives, but many of them keep emergency bags by their front doors, with basic clothes and important documents, in case they have to rush away from home. Others have stockpiled food cans to prepare for the worst. Some have even set up shelters in their basements. These are not stories from the 1940s. This is Europe in 2022. And this is happening because of the deliberate policy of the Russian leadership. Ukraine is a sovereign country. It is making its own choices about its own future. But the Kremlin doesn’t like this, and so it threatens war. And this is the essence of the current escalation. This is something we simply cannot accept. I think diplomacy has not yet spoken its last word, and we saw signs of hope yesterday. But now deeds have to follow those words. In the last seven years, Ukraine has suffered from the Kremlin’s constant aggression. But despite that heavy burden they have, Ukraine has come such a long way. It has taken important steps to fight corruption, it has rebuilt its infrastructure, it has created new jobs for its talented youth. And our Union has accompanied them, putting together the largest support package in our history. Of course, the people of Ukraine know that their democracy still has some flaws and issues to deal with, but Ukraine today is a sovereign, more free, more strong country than in 2014, and this is precisely why the Kremlin is threatening it again. We stand firm with Ukraine. The idea that the Kremlin should decide what Ukrainians can or cannot desire we simply cannot accept. The idea of spheres of influence are ghosts of the last century. This crisis is about Ukraine, yes, but it is also about much, much more. It is also about what it means to be a sovereign, independent and free country in the 21st century. It is about everyone’s right to live free from fear, and it’s about every country’s right to determine its own future. This is the message that our Union has to send to the Kremlin. Like everyone in this room, I truly hope that the Kremlin will decide not to unleash further violence in Europe. Yesterday, Russia was certainly sending conflicting signals. On the one hand, the authorities announce Russian troop pullbacks. On the other hand, the Duma votes for the formal recognition of Donetsk and Luhansk as independent republics. But I still strongly believe in diplomacy. It is good to hear yesterday’s commitment to the Minsk Agreement. President Macron and Chancellor Scholz have travelled to Kyiv and Moscow. Several others are also speaking to both sides. I am constantly exchanging with all of them, as well as with President Biden, Prime Minister Trudeau and Prime Minister Johnson. I must really say the transatlantic community has not been so united for a long time. Let me just mention one recent episode. Earlier this month, Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov wrote 36 letters to each and every Member State of the European Union and NATO ally with a series of demands. He received two letters in response: one from Josep Borrell, on behalf of the European Union, and one from Jens Stoltenberg, on behalf of NATO. The European Union and its transatlantic partners are united in this crisis, and our call to Russia is crystal clear: do not choose war. A path of cooperation between Russia and us is still possible. But let’s stay vigilant. Despite yesterday’s news, NATO has not yet seen signs of any Russian troop reduction and, should the Kremlin choose violence against Ukraine, our response will be strong and united. The European Commission and the EEAS have been working closely with all Member States to prepare a robust and comprehensive package of potential sanctions, and we have worked in very close coordination with our friends from the United Kingdom, the United States and Canada. Let me say that in these weeks we have built a unity of purpose that is truly remarkable, both within the European Union and with our partners. In case of Russian aggression, Europe’s reaction will be swift and robust. We are not just talking about freezing assets and banning travel for Russian individuals. Russia’s strategic interest is to diversify its one-sided economy and to close its current gaps. But for this, they need technologies in which we have a global leadership: high-tech components for which Russia is almost entirely dependent on us. So our sanctions can bite very hard, and the Kremlin knows this as well. On another topic, we are also ready in case the Russian leadership decides to weaponise the energy issue. We see that, at a time of high demand, Gazprom is restricting its gas supplies to Europe. We see a ten-year low in storage by Gazprom. We see no sales on the spot market. This is strange behaviour for a company: that, in times of skyrocketing demand and prices, they are not trying to maximise their profits. This behaviour has already damaged Russia’s credibility as a reliable energy supplier. For weeks we have been in talks with a number of countries that are ready to step up their exports of liquefied natural gas to the European Union. In January, this resulted in record deliveries of LNG gas – more than 120 vessels, that is the equivalent of ten billion cubic metres of LNG – and, on top, we’ve done our homework. Since the annexation of Crimea, we have increased the number of LNG terminals in the European Union. We have reinforced our pan-European pipeline and electricity interconnector network, and the good part in this story is that these investments in infrastructure we have made will in future be the backbone for the possibility to supply with green hydrogen. So they are future proof. During the last weeks, we have looked into all possible disruption scenarios in case Russia decides to partially or completely disrupt gas supplies to the European Union, and I can say today that our models show that, with all the measures we have taken, we are now on the safe side for this winter. On top of this, we have also developed, with a number of Member States, a new set of emergency measures which we could trigger in case of complete disruptions. But one of the main lessons we have already learned from this crisis is that we must diversify our energy sources and we must get rid of the dependency on Russian gas. We must heavily invest in renewables. Our alternatives are renewables because, though renewables are clean and good for the climate, they are also home grown and good for our independence. That’s where our future lies. Honourable Members, this is a crisis that has been created by Moscow. We have not chosen confrontation. We are hoping for the best, but we are prepared for the worst. We now have two distinct futures ahead of us. In one, the Kremlin decides to wage war against Ukraine, with massive human costs – something we thought we had left behind after the tragedies of the twentieth century. Moscow’s relations with us would be severely damaged. Tough sanctions would kick in, with dire consequences on the Russian economy and its prospects of modernisation. But another future is possible: a future in which Russia and Europe cooperate on their shared interests. A future where free countries work together in peace. A future of prosperity, built on the respect for the fundamental principles that have been enshrined in the UN Charter and in the European security architecture since the Helsinki Final Act. This is my aspiration, and I am sure the Russian people share this aspiration too. It is now up to the Kremlin to decide. But whatever path they decide to take, we will stand our ground. Europe will be united on the side of Ukraine, on the side of peace, and on the side of Europe’s people. Long live Europe!