Debate: Russia, the case of Alexei Navalny, military build-up on Ukraine's border and Russian attack in the Czech Republic
Date: WEDNESDAY, 28 APRIL 2021
Speaker: Josep Borrell Fontelles
Language: EN

These three particular issues that you want us to address today are clear examples of that. First, Russia’s destabilisation policy against Ukraine, despite the ongoing withdrawal of its military from the Ukrainian borders, which is good news, but they were there for a long time with a lot of resources. Second, there are worrying internal developments, particularly in the case of Mr Navalny. Yes, he has stopped his hunger strike, but what has happened has happened. Third, the recent diplomatic crisis after the finding of criminal acts in the Czech Republic carried out by Russian intelligence services, as the Czech Republic’s authorities claim.  So our relations with Russia are once again at a low point. Unfortunately, we cannot rule out that this negative trend will continue and that we will reach even more dangerous levels of deterioration. Without wanting to feed further a dynamic of escalation – nothing is further from my intention, let that by clear – we are nevertheless showing that we will not accept intimidation tactics and that we have to respond to them if they happen. Let’s go first to the Russian military aggression against Ukraine. The recent military build—up in the proximity of the Ukrainian borders – more than 100 000 soldiers – and the illegal annexation of Crimea has severely affected and aggravated the security situation in the region. Last week, we had an in—depth exchange with the European Union Foreign Ministers and the Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kuleba, and our message was clear: the Russian actions are completely unacceptable and we firmly support the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognised borders.  Russia must cease its provocation and cooperate in a de—escalation of the tensions instead of portraying itself as a neutral mediator. That’s what Russia is doing now – they don’t have anything to do with the conflict in Ukraine; they are just there to try to mediate in an external problem in which they don’t intervene directly. This pretence must be debunked because, up to now, Russia has shown no willingness to end the conflict on terms that would safeguard Ukrainian sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence. For Russia, the full implementation of the Minsk Agreements is not a key condition. For us, it is. It’s a key condition for a substantial improvement in our relations. For the European Union, an independent and prosperous Ukraine is an indispensable element of European stability and security, and that’s why we want Ukraine to continue the pace of reform, because there is no better way to face Russia than to be a country with a fully democratic system, free of corruption and using our resources, that we are very ready to provide, in order to improve the quality of the governance of the country. Looking ahead, we need to continue to pass coordinated messages of steadfast support for Ukraine. If we participate in the Crimean Platform Summit this August, we should also stand ready to look into options for additional responses should Russia re—escalate or cross a red line.  Second, on the health situation of the Russia opposition politician, Alexei Navalny, there our voice has been very strong and united. We have made an EU statement, on behalf of the 27, calling on the Russian authorities to grant Mr Navalny immediate access to the doctors that he trusts. The Russian authorities are responsible for his safety and health and will be accountable for it. Finally, last week, Mr Navalny was finally taken to a civilian hospital and examined by independent doctors, as we were requiring. Soon afterwards, he called off his hunger strike. We will maintain our strong calls – the same message that I went to Moscow to tell the Russian Minister, eye to eye and face to face – for ensuring the right conditions for Mr Navalny’s speedy recovery, on top of international efforts. As you know, last Wednesday thousands of courageous people took to the streets across Russia to further demand freedom and justice. Instead, in response, the prosecutor’s office asked that Mr Navalny’s anti-corruption network be qualified as an extremist organisation. I certainly expressed our grave concern about this yesterday. I am quite pessimistic. Unfortunately, we cannot expect that things will improve during the next electoral process in Russia in the September Duma elections, which will bring more limitations to fundamental freedoms in the run-up to these elections.  Third, on the involvement of the Russian military intelligence in the explosion at an ammunition depot in the Czech Republic in 2014. It’s true that it’s seven years ago, but even so it happened. The conclusion by the Czech authorities that officers of the Russian military intelligence, the GRU, perpetrated this attack, causing the deaths of two Czech citizens, are extremely serious. The fact that it happened seven years ago doesn’t decrease the gravity of these facts. This is not about military intelligence. This is about a grave criminal offence that runs counter to Russia’s international obligations and such behaviour cannot be accepted. That’s why I have to insist once again on the idea that we have to use the three verbs that I have used: to contain, to engage and to push back. I will go back to this idea after listening to all of you. Let me clearly state our full support and solidarity with the Czech Republic. The asymmetric response by Russia – expelling diplomats and now threatening a limitation in the number of local staff – is being met by a determined response from the European Union and its Member States.  To finish, let me remind you that our policy framework towards Russia, based on the five principles, continues. We will work on internal resilience, fighting against hybrid and cyber threats, strengthening our engagement with our eastern neighbours, including the Russian people, stepping up support to Russian civil society and human rights defenders, and by enhancing people—to—people contact. We will continue to signal to Russia that we are ready to engage in areas of clear interest. This is also true. We have to engage. I said contain, push back and engage, because we need to engage with Russia in areas which are clearly of shared interest. I mentioned the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and I can add climate change. We need to maintain channels of communication with Moscow. I am ready to do so, and we also stand ready to improve relations, if needed and if possible, with the Russian Government if they show a genuine willingness to do so, and certainly with full respect for our values, principles, and interest. To finish, I have to say that, unhappily, I see a worrying trend from the Russian authorities that seems to be choosing deliberately to deepen the confrontation with the West – with us – including through continued attacks of disinformation and other negative activities. We must therefore define a  I am looking forward to listening to you and to knowing your positions, that I know will be many and varied, and to taking some stock of them in my concluding remarks, because I think that we have to be prepared for a long and hard period in our relations with Russia.  I thank you, Madam President and Members of the European Parliament, for giving me this opportunity. Let’s make good use of it.