Debate: Presentation of the programme of activities of the Swedish Presidency
Date: TUESDAY, 17 JANUARY 2023
Speaker: Ulf Kristersson
Language: EN

It is a privilege and a pleasure to be here today to present the priorities of Sweden’s third Presidency of the Council of the European Union. In short – our chief priorities aim to help make Europe greener, safer and freer. Greener, safer and freer. We have a lot to do together in the coming six months. Times are though difficult. War is raging in Europe, a war that has led to countless casualties – both soldiers and civilians – and to brutal atrocities. But also to an energy crisis and to an economic downturn. All this will make the coming months very challenging, most of all, of course, for all our Ukrainian friends. While we respond firmly to these emergencies, we must also move the EU’s political and law—making agenda forward. So far, the European response to Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine has been strong, united and decisive. In addition to nine sanction packages, we have recently increased our common support to Ukraine with a further EUR 18 billion in macro—financial assistance. Many individual countries provide Ukraine with important military equipment as well. And Ukraine and Moldova are now both candidate countries. Moreover, the Union is on the road to reducing our dependence on Russian fossil fuels. In the 1970s, getting rid of fossils was mainly an economic matter. In the 80s and the 90s, it increasingly became a matter of fighting climate change. And now it has finally also become, obviously, a matter of geopolitics and security. Over the last few years, we have shown that in times of crisis, the EU really can come together and exercise international influence without losing sight of our long—term agenda. Vladimir Putin’s regime underestimated not only Ukraine, but also the European Union. As the new Presidency of the Council, we aim to build on the excellent work of the French and the Czech Presidencies. We intend to continue in the same spirit when we try to seek solutions in the Council and, of course, with the Parliament and the Commission. Our obvious starting point – everybody’s first priority – is and has to be Ukraine. Nothing is as important. But this is not simply crisis management – this is about fighting for democracy and fighting for decency. Ukrainian victory is existential for Europe – and, honestly, existential for the whole world. Personally, I woke up in Helsinki on 24 February last year at 4am to the news that Ukraine had been invaded by Russia. That was only a few hours after a conversation with the Finnish President Sauli Niinistö. We both, during that conversation, saw the obvious risk of war, but we also saw the risk of divisions between friends – European friends and division transatlantically. However, when the war came, and it did, the Western democracies stayed united. Today the transatlantic unity on Ukraine is stronger than ever. It is a horrific war, which has displaced a third of Ukraine’s population and destroyed half of the country’s energy infrastructure. Many Ukrainians, both soldiers and civilians, have paid the ultimate price for this war. Bucha has become part of our collective European memory. But history was also made when President Zelenskyy refused to leave Kyiv and remained in Ukraine with his government. In doing so, he has embodied the country’s resistance. On the battlefield, but also in the battle for hearts and minds, Ukraine has offered hope for all of us who believe that the rule of people always trumps the rule of a strongman. While Ukraine’s resistance continues, we must now do what we can to make sure that Ukraine prevails and that its future lies here in the EU. Because if the hope for democracy’s future is in Ukraine, Ukraine’s hope lies with us. Our task is to continue supporting the Ukrainians who are not only fighting for their independence, but also for a European way of life where right is greater than might. Our role as President of the Council means we have to ensure the EU’s continued economic, political, humanitarian and military support to Ukraine. For example, we will have to monitor the progress of Ukraine’s reforms on its path towards EU membership. This also means that we have to start working on solutions for Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction, together with all our international partners. Reconstructing Ukraine after the war will remind us all of the Marshall Plan after World War 2. And in this effort, frozen Russian assets need not only to be part of the problem, but also become a part of the solution. I foresee a very thorough analysis on the extent to which the democratic world can unite in reusing that money to repair some of the destruction. So, our first priority as President of the Council will be to work – together with the European Parliament – to promote Europe’s security by supporting Ukraine and highlight the EU’s geopolitical significance in an increasingly uncertain world. And when we build security, we must also look at other aspects that are close to other citizens. Free movement in the EU should not mean free movement of criminal activities, obviously – there is much room for stepping up our cooperation against organised crime. We must also continue our work towards a common and coherent migration policy, while at the same time managing the current situation with all tools already available to us. In times like these, the EU’s role in providing security and stability across all these dimensions is crucial. Another area where the EU has a crucial role to play is in the green transition, a task that has only become more urgent in light of the war in Ukraine. The plan to reduce emissions by 55% by 2030 is vital to reach CO2 neutrality by 2050 and live up to the goals set out in the Paris Agreement. In Sweden, we are proud of our own contributions to Europe’s shift from fossil—dependent to fossil—free. On the recent trips to Sweden, we chose to show both the Conference of Presidents and the Commission how companies such as the battery maker Northvolt or the car manufacturer Volvo are creating new, innovative ways to reduce Europe’s dependence on fossil fuels. These businesses, they want to go to work. They want to benefit from the great opportunities of the green transition and they are asking us in politics – domestically and European – to provide frameworks for their work. And that is precisely what the EU has been doing – for example through the decision to prohibit the sale of new fossil—fuelled cars by 2035. Going forward, we must continue down this path. The Swedish Presidency intends to do its part to strengthen the EU as a frontrunner in the green transition. We will continue the important ongoing work of the institutions and make a conclusion of Fit for 55 our priority. We count on the European Parliament and we look forward to work together on this. We also look forward to beginning the work of reforming the European electricity market design, since energy from the right sources and the right price is the foundation of the green transition. Third, the green transition touches on our long—term competitiveness. If European companies are to produce the energy and make the batteries, the electric cars and the fossil—free steel of the future, they all need good conditions to compete internationally. From the very beginning, the integration of our economies lay at the heart of the European project. By removing tariffs, red tape and other barriers, we have replaced power politics with a rules—based market and turned war between our own nations into things of the past. For the past three decades, the single market has fostered healthy competition and built strong economies and industries across our continent. Removing barriers for goods, services, capital and people have made our companies better, our countries more prosperous, and provided consumers with higher quality and better-priced products. The size and the strength of our economies is also a significant reason why the EU is such a powerful actor nowadays on the world stage. Thanks to the single market and thanks to a successful trade policy based on openness, with agreements and partnerships around the world, the EU is an economic giant. Despite this, as a Union we are not living up to our full economic potential. Our productivity is lagging behind, and fewer and fewer of the biggest firms on the planet are EU—based. Today, we are spending significantly less on research and development than the US and China, and high energy prices may drive investments away from Europe. In other words, we are struggling with several challenges related to the crises that we are going through, while facing actions of partners and competitors around the globe such as the US Inflation Reduction Act. The EU’s response to these developments needs to be analysed and discussed as a matter of priority. But we must not forget that long—term competitiveness must be built on strong companies that are able to survive and thrive in competition on an open market. In the long term, factors like weak productivity, insufficient spending on R&D, and high electricity prices pose greater risks to European competitiveness than lack of subsidies to production in Europe. If we want to maintain our leading, knowledge—based economies with innovative industries, we need to step up our game. Therefore, we need a long—term new strategy on EU level to boost competitiveness and productivity. The single market’s 30th anniversary is a very useful starting point for that work. Last but not least, the fourth priority of the Swedish Presidency will be to uphold the Union’s common, fundamental values. I would like to pay tribute to the European Parliament for your steadfast support for the most important principle that binds us all together – respect for the rule of law. History teaches us that this is a precondition for our political, our legal and our economic cooperation. If we want citizens’ rights to be protected everywhere across the Union and the single market to function properly, the rule of law has to be upheld in every country. Liberal democracy – the combination of popular sovereignty and individual rights – is also what separates the EU from other international institutions and makes more people in more countries want to join. These values, not corruption and cronyism are what Ukraine, Moldova and other candidate countries are aspiring towards. In that sense, making sure that we preserve the rule of law in the EU is also a way of enhancing our global competitiveness and our attractiveness. There are certainly formats and forums to engage with authoritarian states, but the EU is not one of them. This is and must remain a club of democracies. In the last few years, we have made significant progress to safeguard the rule of law in the EU. The conditionality mechanism has been an important new instrument to ensure that EU funds are not misused. Article 7 proceedings have been initiated. And the rule of law dialogues have shown that all Member States, not just a few, have room for improvement as far as the rule of law is concerned. During the Swedish Presidency, this work will certainly continue. And in order to emphasise the importance of the rule of law, we will also organise a symposium on this specific issue in Stockholm in May. When my Czech colleague Petr Fiala spoke to this Parliament in July last year, he paraphrased Ronald Reagan in saying that democracy is never more than one generation away from its demise. And I agree. If the last few years have taught us anything, it should be that no political institution can settle with past achievements. Democracy has to be defended and reinvented in both word and deed. Dear Members of the European Parliament, six months is a very short time. Yet, there is so much to do, since these months coincide with a truly unique moment in Europe’s contemporary history. For obvious reasons, the only thing I can promise you all in this room, is that we will do our utmost – there is only so much that my government can control, and some things will no doubt catch us by surprise, they always tend to do. But I can assure you that Sweden will be a constructive and enthusiastic leader of the work in the Council and a cooperative partner that will search for compromises with all Member States – and all EU institutions – in mind. Together, we will seek solutions to meet the challenges that I have outlined here today – to security, to climate, to competitiveness, to the rule of law and more. And we will count on you, not just as a counterpart but also as an ally. Thank you all for your attention. I now look forward to the debate.