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March 5, 2019 posted by engineering Category: Civil Engineering, Construction Engineering Streelgladde vel | SARIE
5 Julie 2009
Streelgladde vel	deur admin
Probeer Vichy Normaderm Active Anti-imperfection Concentrate. Hierdie gesigroom kalmeer dadelik rooiheid en laat dit stadigaan verdwyn. Verder beloof dié klein buisie om die grootte van ŉ merkie te laat krimp (binne 8 uur) – en binne 24 uur sal dit byna nie meer sigbaar wees nie.
Dit bevat salisielsuur en gebruik nuwe tegnologie wat olie op jou vel beheer. So, geniet vandag nog jou mooiste gelaat! Leon Lemmer: Regse Amerikaanse Suiderlinge as vreemdelinge in hulle eie land – praag.co.za
Leon Lemmer: Regse Amerikaanse Suiderlinge as vreemdelinge in hulle eie land
Regses in die suidelike state van Amerika voel soos vreemdelinge in hulle eie land. Dit is ‘n ervaring waarmee blankes in die nuwe Suid-Afrika kan assosieer. In Amerika was daar die Burgeroorlog (1861-1865) waarin die noordelike state die suidelike state onderwerp en weens assosiasie met veral slawerny grondig verneder het. Daarna was daar die gewelddadige burgerregtebeweging in die 1960’s wat aan swartes nie net gelyke regte nie maar buitensporige bevoordeling bo blankes en ander groepe besorg het. In Amerika is die swartes ‘n minderheidsgroep (demografies 13%) terwyl swartes in Suid-Afrika die oorweldigende meerderheidsgroep (demografies 80%+) is. Desnieteenstaande geniet Suid-Afrikaanse swartes bevoordeling soortgelyk aan of beter as dié van Amerikaanse swartes (regstellende aksie, swart ekonomiese bemagtiging, demografiese kwotas, ens).
‘n Sosioloog, Arlie Russell Hochschild (gebore in 1940), voorheen aan die University of California Berkeley* verbonde, het met Lake Charles as basis en tien besoeke oor vyf jaar ‘n gevallestudie van ‘n aantal regse blankes in die suidelike Amerikaanse staat Louisiana gedoen. Sy verwys veral na die “Cajun, Catholic, conservative” inwoners (bron hier onder, Kindle 161), dus afstammelinge van Franse setlaars. Die VSA het Louisiana in 1803 van Frankryk gekoop. Later karakteriseer sy die mense wat sy ondervra het as “white, middle to low income, older, married, Christian” (349). Die resultaat is ‘n boek, Strangers in their own land: Anger and mourning on the American right (New York; The New Press, 2016, 370p; Amazon Kindle $17,54). Arlie se man, Adam Hochschild (gebore in 1942), is die outeur van bv King Leopold’s ghost: A story of greed, terror, and heroism in colonial Africa (London: Pan Books, 2006, 376p) waarin die uiterstes van die Belgiese koloniale** bewind in die Kongo beskryf word. Die Hochschild-egpaar het in die 1960’s na die suidelike Amerikaanse state gegaan om solidariteit met die opstandige swartes te betoon en hulle te help om as kiesers te registreer (3495).
[* Berkeley en die nabygeleë Stanford (Praag 10.12.2016) ding mee om die linkste Amerikaanse universiteit te wees. Soos in Suid-Afrika neig Amerikaanse sosioloë om die linkste elemente op die kampus te wees. Arlie Hochschild skryf: “Given its liberal reputation, I worried about telling people I taught at UC Berkeley” (471). Scott Greer skryf: “Stanford University was in many ways the epicenter of the generation X PC [Politically Correct] war. In 1988, the prestigious private university scrapped Western culture courses because they upheld a ‘European-Western and male bias'” (No campus for white men: The transformation of higher education into hateful indoctrination, Washington: WND Books, 2017, 199p; Amazon Kindle $11,39, 478). Jonathan Jansen het in 1991 ‘n doktorsgraad aan Stanford voltooi en is tans weer daar as ‘n navorsingsgenoot.
** Die Kongo was toe in werklikheid nie ‘n Belgiese kolonie nie maar die persoonlike besitting van koning Leopold II (1835-1909, koning 1865-1909, Kongo-heerser 1885-1908). Insgelyks was die Kaap van 1652 tot 1795 nie ‘n Nederlandse kolonie nie maar die besitting van ‘n maatskappy, die VOC. Adam Hochschild skryf in sy genoemde boek: “It is wrong to blame the problems of today’s Africa entirely on colonialism” (p 318). “In health, life expectancy, schooling and income the Congolese people were far worse off at the end of Mobutu’s [Sese Seko, 1930-1997, president 1965-1997] reign than they had been at the end of eighty years of colonialism in 1960” (315). Adam Hochschild het ook The mirror at midnight: A South African journey (1990/2007), oor “the 150-year-old national myth of Afrikaners-as-victims,” geskryf na ‘n besoek aan Suid-Afrika in 1988. In sy jeug het hy ‘n kort tyd as joernalis in Suid-Afrika gewerk.]
Arlie Hochschild noem haarself ‘n “liberal analyst” (3765). Sy posisioneer haar op die kantlyn, bewaar dus ‘n afstand, en reik dan uit (117) na Amerikaanse regses om hulle glo beter te probeer verstaan. Sy ryg hulle derms uit sonder om direk veel oor haarself te verklap. Maar dit word vir die kritiese leser duidelik dat sy en haar man onredbaar links is. Hy sou graag nog meer destruktief met apartheid wou handel. Hulle kinders se name is David en Gabriel, wat ‘n Joodse klank het. Hulle Joodsheid is bevestig in ‘n soektog op die internet. Die hele opset van hierdie navorsingsprojek is opportunisties maar tydig-aktueel, want dit is afgesluit toe die voorverkiesingsveldtogte van die presidensiële kandidate aan die gang was en die boek is in September gepubliseer, enkele maande voor Donald Trump tot president verkies is. “Trump was the identity politics candidate for white men … it is the right wing that is on the move” (3794).
Die outeur onderskei twee groepe Amerikaners, die linkse liberaliste en die konserwatiewe regses. Hierdie onderskeid val in ‘n mate saam met ondersteuners van onderskeidelik die Demokratiese Party en die Republikeinse Party. “Not only have the country’s two main political parties split further apart on such issues, but political feeling also runs deeper than it did in the past” (190). Hiervoor kry regses die skuld: “This split has widened because the right has moved right, not because the left has moved left” (205). Dalk is dit vir liberaliste onmoontlik om verder links te beweeg: “Communists seem not much more than liberals with guts” (James Burnham, Suicide of the West: An essay on the meaning and destiny of liberalism, New York: Encouter Books, 2014, Kindle 3743 – kyk Praag 1.10.2016). “In the nation as a whole, whites have moved right” (292).
“I wanted to go to the geographic heart of the right – the South. Nearly all the recent growth of the right has occurred below the Mason-Dixon line”* (285). In die konteks van die Republikeinse Party laat Hochschild die klem val op lidmaatskap van die “market-loving, government-hating” (3211) Tea Party-beweging, wat in 2009 begin is as protes teen Barack Obama se belasting- en welsynplanne. Die beweging se naam is ontleen aan die Boston Tea Party (1773) toe Amerikaners in opstand teen Britse belasting gekom het. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot die Amerikaanse onafhanklikheidstryd (1775-1783). “The Tea Party was not so much an official political group as a culture, a way of seeing and feeling about a place and its people” (422). [* “Mason-Dixon Line … the boundary line between Maryland and Pennsylvania … It is popularly seen as dividing the North from the South” (Collins World Encyclopedia, 2003, p 586.]
In die Amazon-advertensie van Arlie Hochschild se boek word die indruk gewek dat die politieke oortuigings van regses ontleed word. In werklikheid val die klem op omgewingsbewaring, veral die besoedeling wat deur groot nywerhede, soos petro-chemiese bedrywe, veroorsaak word. Hier word daar onder meer verwys na Sasol* wat in Westlake, Louisiana, ‘n baie groot aanleg bou wat teen 2018 voltooi behoort te word. Wat die outeur doelbewus verswyg, is dat haar skoonpa, Harold Hochschild, ‘n nywerheidsmagnaat was wat berug was vir die omgewingsbesoedeling wat sy ondernemings aangerig het. Wat ook genoem moet word, is dat (oor)besorgdheid oor die omgewing een van die wesenskenmerke van linkse politiek is. “The environment? That was a liberal cause” (3337). Liberaliste is in hulle dikwels gerieflike, welvarende omstandighede begaan oor die armes en ellendiges en brei dan hierdie besorgdheid uit na diere en plante. Sogenaamde “groen” politieke partye is gewoonlik so links soos kan kom.
[* “Sasol, the mighty South African-based energy and chemical company, now building the first US gas-to-liquids facility expansion in the United States” (846). “On a 3 034-acre site, Sasol is investing $21 billion** in an energy complex that will be the single largest foreign direct-investment manufacturing project in US history” (1486). “It’s a two-mile-square town surrounded by land zoned ‘heavy industrial'” (1517). Met twee mede-uitvoerende hoofde (‘n witte en ‘n swarte) is die neo-Sasol polities korrek. “Sasol funds a project to record the history of Mossville, a black community its expansion displaced” (1404).
** Om ‘n idee van skaal te kry: Volgens Blade Nzimande, die minister van hoër onderwys, het studente in 2016 (ongestraf) skade van R1 miljard ($1 = R13,50) aan universiteitseiendom aangerig (Die Burger, 27 Januarie, p 1). Sodanig is die vrug van transformasie. Die enorme skade is die toonbeeld van Nico Koopman se regstellende geregtigheid.]
“I have lived most of my life in the progressive camp but in recent years I began to want to better understand those on the right” (96). As sosioloog beklemtoon die outeur nie soseer die denke van mense nie, maar veral hoe hulle oor dinge voel, dus die emosionele aspekte. “I had some understanding of the liberal left camp, I thought, but what was happening on the right? … I had a keen interest in how life feels to people on the right – that is, in the emotion that underlies politics. To understand their emotions, I had to imagine myself into their shoes. Trying this, I came upon their ‘deep story,’ a narrative as felt” (74). “What interests me about Southern history is the series of emotional grooves … carved into the minds and hearts of the people” (3408).”So, curious to find out, I began this journey into the heart of the right” (493).
Tydens haar ondersoek het Hochschild haarself soos volg voorgestel as sy ‘n regse Suiderling ondervra: “I’m from Berkeley, California, a sociologist, and I am trying to understand the deepening divide in our country. So I’m trying to get out of my political bubble and get to know people in yours” (175). Haar hipotese is: “People are segregating themselves into different emotionally toned enclaves … the more that people confine themselves to likeminded company, the more extreme their views become” (198). In Suid-Afrika moet ons ook dikwels aanhoor dat Afrikaners nie “laer” mag trek nie (dus nie mag saamstaan of hulleself mag verdedig nie), hulle nie in ‘n “enklave” mag terugtrek nie (dus nie op hulle eie of apart mag wees nie), maar hulle eerder ten volle en met oorgawe aan kultuurvernietigende afrikaniseringsprosesse moet blootstel.
In die Suide leef wittes en swartes “in close, unequal, harmony” (147); ‘n stelling wat kan impliseer dat dit, soos gebruiklik, van blankes verwag word om die ongelykhede uit die weg te ruim. “Reminders of the racial divide were everywhere” (436). “I saw an enormous ‘Where’s the Birth Certificate?’ sign on Interstate 49 between Lafayette and Opelousas, publicly questioning President Obama’s birthplace” (436). Obama beweer hy is in die Amerikaanse staat Hawaii gebore. Net gebore Amerikaners mag president word. ‘n Suiderling sê: “President Obama is not a real Christian and, neither through his upbringing nor in his loyalty, a true American” (2982). Dit hinder Hochschild dat daar standbeelde is vir mense wat die Suide in die Burgeroorlog verdedig het. “No parallel sites commemorated slave heroes or victims of lynching” (443).
Sy hou ook nie van die Konfederale vlae, uit die dae van die Burgeroorlog, wat in die openbaar wapper nie. My ou Suid-Afrikaanse vlag hang knus in my studeerkamer. Dit is ‘n doodsonde om hom in die openbaar te vertoon. Dit herinner nie-wittes glo aan al die seerkry wat apartheid veroorsaak het. Geen erkenning word gegee aan die feit dat hierdie vlag Afrikaners daaraan herinner dat Suid-Afrika eens (“the good old days” – 905) ‘n voortreflike, suksesvolle land met ‘n Europese ambience was nie.
Hochschild het dit ook teen Fox News, onder meer omdat feministe “femi-nazis” genoem word (478, 2001). “Fox News stands next to industry, state government, church, and the regular media as an extra pillar of political culture all its own … To some, Fox is family” (2162). Van Fox News sê liberaliste: “Its oratory is inflammatory” (2192). Een van die Fox-temas is die “cultural erosion of manhood … against that pollution, the Tea Party stood firm” (3381). “These days, American men are an endangered species” (1107). As jy wit is, “you get no extra points for your race. You look to gender, but if you’re a man, you get no extra points for that either. If you are straight you are proud to be a married, heterosexual male, but that pride is now seen as a potential sign of homophobia – a source of dishonor … People like you – white, Christian, working and middle class – suffer this sense of fading honor demographically too, as this very group has declined in numbers” (2437).
In Suid-Afrika is die demografiese verswelging van blankes baie erger as in Amerika. Selfs om getroud te wees, is nie noodwendig meer eerbaar nie. Daar is polities byderwetse, ontbybelde teoloë, soos André Bartlett en Chris Jones, asook die Afrikaanse taalkundige, Wannie Carstens, wat openlik ten gunste van die sodomisering van die huwelik is. Hochschild gebruik inderdaad die term “un-Bibled” (2654). Oor ‘n Suiderling is geskryf: “Instead of the country agreeing with her community on the natural rightness of heterosexual marriage as the center of family life, she was now obliged to defend herself against the idea that these views were sexist, homophobic, old-fashioned and backward” (2783).
Een van die eerste mense wat Hochschild ondervra het, het sy politieke standpunte soos volg opgesom: “I’m pro-life, pro-gun, pro-freedom to live our lives as we see fit so long as we don’t hurt others. And I’m anti-big government” (183). “Pro-life” beteken anti-aborsie; ‘n standpunt wat veral by Rooms-Katolieke te wagte is. “Pro-gun” het te make met die reg om vuurwapens te besit. Die konserwatiewes voel sterk daaroor dat hulle hulle teen misdadigers moet kan beskerm of verdedig, terwyl die liberaliste verkies dat minder vuurwapens in omloop moet wees. “Pro-freedom” slaan veral op die begeerte van individue en gemeenskappe om hulle eie heil uit te werk; om nie buitensporig begaan te wees oor die ellendes wat in ander gemeenskappe en lande aangetref word nie. Dit kom neer op die nie-altruïstiese Ayn Rand-benadering.
Ayn Rand (1905-1982) se boek, Atlas Shrugged (1957), word beskryf as “a Tea Party bible” (471). Daar is by Suiderlinge weersin in “welfare beneficiaries who ‘lazed around days and partied at night'” (687). Sedert die Amerikaanse Burgeroorlog is daar veral in die Suide ‘n sterk gevoel teen die sentrale regering in Washington DC. Suiderlinge verkies om deur hulle staat, bv Louisiana, regeer te word, wat in mindere mate “big government” is. Hulle is “averse to an overbearing federal government” (643). “Our government is way to big, too greedy, too incompetent, too bought, and it’s not ours anymore. We need to get back to our local communities” (183). Regse het wat politieke of owerheidsbeheer betref ‘n minimalistiese ingesteldheid (342, 1463).
Regse Suiderlinge ervaar stereotipering: “Crazy redneck. White trash. Ignorant Southern Bible-thumper” (2422). “Liberals think we’re racist, sexist, homophobic, and maybe fat” (485). Die r-woord is “redneck” (2184) met die volgende betekenis: “North American informal, derogatory: a working-class white person from the southern US, especially a politically reactionary one.” Suiderlinge sien hulleself anders: “We try to be right-living, clean-living people” (861). Hochschild erken: “Many of the Tea Party people I met seemed to me warm, intelligent, generous – not like people out of the frightening pages of Ayn Rand. They have community, and church, and goodwill toward those they know” (1026). ‘n Suiderlingstandpunt is: “We each have to find our own niche and learn to be happy where we are” (2700). Die bevoordeeldes (swartes, immigrante, vlugtelinge), dus “line cutters, irritate you. They are violating rules of fairness” (2339).
Louisiana is een van die armste state in Amerika, gevolglik ontvang hy baie finansiële hulp van die sentrale regering. Wat Hochschild onbegryplik vind, is dat regses desnieteenstaande niks van voorskrifte uit Washington DC hou nie, bv regulasies teen besoedeling, wat enorme afmetings in Louisiana aanneem. Sy noem dit “the Great Paradox” (449). “The keyhole issue in this book [is] environmental pollution” (285). In werklikheid is die regses se houding maklik verstaanbaar: Daar is waardes wat vir hulle belangriker as omgewingsbewaring is. Hulle verlang minder burokratisering en laer belasting (876). Hulle het dit bv teen belastingsgeld wat weggegee word aan “non-working, non-deserving people” (1100). “We pay them to do nothing” (2639; ook 2685). “I think if people refuse to work, we should let them starve. Let them be homeless” (2677). Dit is suiwere Ayn Rand-gesindheid. Hochschild voeg by: “You won’t find people personally as selfish as her [Rand’s] words would lead you to expect” (3859).
Hier volg enkele menings van regse Suiderlinge. “I don’t like the government paying unwed mothers to have a lot of kids, and I don’t go for affirmative action … No one should be getting a job to fill some mandated racial quota or getting state money not to work” (1615). “Limit the fertility of poor women” (2692). Polities korrek was daar in die nuwe Suid-Afrika nog nooit ‘n veldtog om geboortes te beperk nie. “He was not a racist, [he] told me, but he favored no special breaks for blacks or foreigners. In a racially separated world, it’s possible to have racial disadvantage without racial prejudice” (1630). “Governmentsponsored ‘redistribution’? No!” (1638; ook 2700). “Handouts should stop” (3633). Dit behoort om kulturele eerbaarheid (“cultural honor” – 2414) te gaan: “never ‘took a dime from the government'” (2632). Die oliemaatskappye is die grootste besoedelaars, maar hulle bied wat die Suiderlinge broodnodig het: werksgeleenthede (1295). “The new cotton is oil … ‘What oil and gas did is replace the agricultural with an oil plantation culture'” (3459). “A company has a job to do; it’s making things people want and need. Just like people have to go to the bathroom, [industrial] plants do too” (2797).
Anders as swartes hou blanke Suiderlinge nie daarvan as woorde soos “victim” en “suffer” op hulle toegepas word nie (3545). “Many spoke of sympathy fatigue,” bv: “Liberals want us to feel sympathy for blacks, women, the poor, and of course I do up to a point … I hear stories and they break my heart. But then sometimes, I don’t know if I’m being had. I get men applying for a job. I give them a job and they don’t show up. Is it just to put on their record that they applied and can continue on unemployment insurance?” (2460). Hierdie Suiderling wil mense in nood graag help maar “on the understanding his recipients were trying to better themselves” (2467). Onderliggend is daar by hom die geldige onderskeid tussen “makers” en “takers” (2524). Regse Suiderlinge heg groot waarde aan “the honor of work” (2625). “Hard work confers honor. It comes with clean living and being churched” (2647).
Hierdie Suiderlinge beskou hulleself as “a moral or biological tribe” (3720). Hulle “felt culturally marginalized: their views about abortion, gay mariage, gender roles, race, guns, and the Confederate flag all were held up to ridicule in the national media as backward. And they felt part of a demographic decline … a besieged minority” (3640). Wat godsdiens betref, hou hulle nie van sekularisering/verwêreldliking nie. Na verwagting sal nie-wittes teen 2050 die meerderheid in die Amerikaanse bevolking wees. Dit is iets wat die heil (bv selfbeskikking en veiligheid) van alle Amerikaanse blankes kan beïnvloed, maar hieroor is die liberaliste skynbaar nie bekommerd nie. Die verkiesing van Donald Trump as president het ongetwyfeld daartoe bygedra dat regse Suiderlinge tans ietwat minder soos vreemdelinge in hulle eie land voel. Veral in die suidweste van Amerika is onwettige inkommers egter ‘n groot probleem. Hopelik help die voorgestelde muur.
Afrikaners, daarenteen, voel toenemend onveilig en al hoe meer soos vreemdelinge in wat eens hulle vaderland was. Blankes word verplig om al hoe meer te gee sodat swartes selfs nog meer kan ontvang. Die melkkoeie is meesal wit. Blankes mag enigiets toegesnou word en feitlik enigiets aangedoen word. Andersom geld dit nie. Die heilige koeie is altyd swart.
Skrywer Leon LemmerGepubliseer op 4 Februarie 2017 4 Februarie 2017 Kategorieë Leon Lemmer, RubriekeSleutelwoord Adam Hochschild, Amerika, Arlie Russell Hochschild, James Burnham, Mason-Dixon, Suiderlinge
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