PARALLEL HISTORY BIBLE - Numbers 32:28
LXX- Greek Septuagint - Numbers 32:28
και 2532 συνεστησεν αυτοις 846 μωυσης 3475 ελεαζαρ 1648 τον 3588 ιερεα 2409 και 2532 ιησουν 2424 υιον 5207 ναυη και 2532 τους 3588 αρχοντας 758 πατριων των 3588 φυλων 5443 ισραηλ 2474
King James Bible - Numbers 32:28 Hande afgekap in Suid Afrika - Kyk hierna!!!! - Page 11 - Stormfront
03-06-2005, 02:12 AM #101
05/03/2005 18:59 - (SA)
'SA hét omstrede nuwe wapens nodig'
Die veelbesproke wapenaankope vir die weermag is weer knaend in die nuus, maar nie noodwendig om die regte redes nie. Suid-Afrikaners weet op hierdie oomblik vir seker meer van Schabir Shaik as van die inherente nut van die wapens van multimiljarde rande waarvoor hulle tans betaal.
Ongelukkig verswelg die politiekery, regsgedinge, beskuldigings en verdagmakery op die oomblik 'n soberder perspektief op hoekom die wapenaankope in die eerste plek nodig was.
Is dit 'n geval van misplaaste prestige, mooi speelgoed vir bedorwe soldate, of sekere belange wat gedien word?
Daaroor kan 'n mens debatteer, maar daar is sekere fundamentele argumente waarvan die burgerlike gemeenskap ook kennis moet dra en wat te midde van die politieke en regsgeskarrel verlore begin raak het.
In 1996 en weer in 1998 is op die hoogste vlak en met die goedkeuring van die parlement besluit die weermag moet goed toegerus word. Terselfdertyd is besluit die weermag sal verskeie rolle moet vervul.
Dit is dan ook presies hier waar 'n ongemaklike problematiek ontstaan het. Hoe word 'n hedendaagse weermag toegerus om verskeie wetlik bepaalde rolle te vervul midde van skaars finansiële en menslike hulpbronne te vervul?
Die moderne strategiese omgewing vereis dat weermagte vir sowel gevaarlike maar onwaarskynlike as minder gevaarlike maar hoogs waarskynlike missies toegerus word.
Dit geld Suid-Afrika, maar ook lande soos Brittanje, Frankryk, Duitsland, Swede en selfs Amerika, wat meer as 'n dekade gelede hul magte vir hierdie paradigmaskuif aangepas het.
Tans vereis konflikte soos in Irak, Darfoer, die Ivoorkus en die Groot Mere dat weermagte opgelei en toegerus word om gelyktydig met 'n spektrum van gewapende konflikte om te gaan.
Dit beteken ook dat hul toerusting en wapenstelsels in die uiteenlopende konflikte gebruik moet kan word en nie slegs vir 'n besondere soort oorlog geskik moet wees nie. Dit geld bepaald ook Suid-Afrika, wat verbind is tot die beëindiging van Afrika-konflikte.
Die regering moet sy soldate van minstens die geskikte wapenstelsels voorsien. Dit is egter moeilik, onbekostigbaar en 'n duplisering om magte afsonderlik vir tradisionele (harde) en nie-tradisionele (sagte) rolle voor te berei. Die aard van die Suid-Afrikaanse wapenpakkette, in die geheel beskou, kan in redelike mate sowel regeringsbeleid as die eise van die strategiese omgewing dien.
Tradisionele konflikte - die idee van gevegte ter see, luggevegte en veldslae - kom deesdae selde voor, maar bly 'n erkende hoërisiko-bedreiging waarvoor alle lande ter wêreld hulle steeds voorberei.
Hoe kan die nuwe, duur wapenstelsels met die verskuiwende aard van konflik versoen word?
Die nuwe vaartuie vir die vloot kan 'n spektrum van rolle vervul. Hulle kan in dieselfde ontplooiing tussen harde en sagte rolle migreer. Indien oordeelkundig aangewend, is die vloot 'n buigsame militêre beleidsinstrument van die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid om harde en sagte veiligheidskwessies te bë?nvloed.
Die aanskaffing van vliegtuie vir die lugmag is 'n belangrike afskrikmiddel vir aggressie, maar ook hier is 'n spektrum van rolle belangrik omdat 'n mengsel van veg-, lugvervoer- en helikoptervermoëns vereis word. Kritici van die lugkragpakkette moet verstaan dat dié omgewing deur gevorderde tegnologie, intensiewe opleiding en instandhouding gekenmerk word.
Die alternatief vir kitslugmagte (die vinnige aanskaffing van lugvermoëns wanneer die nood druk) soos sommige Afrika-lande doen, is geweldig duur en kortstondig van aard.
Daar is nie werklik 'n goedkoop kortpad vir die lugmag nie - tensy die samelewing bereid is om die verleentheid en risiko van 'n onveilige en onprofessionele maar steeds duur lugmag te verdra.
Lande se gewapende magte werk ook al hoe meer saam vanweë die verwikkeldheid en koste van bepaalde sendings. Die verwikkeldheid van hedendaagse konflikte maak dit amper onmoontlik vir een land om betrokke te raak en met 'n oplossing vorendag te kom.
Vandaar gesamentlike ontplooiings van die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW) in Afrika met ander lande onder die vaandel van die Afrika-unie en die idee van streekbystandsmagte.
Tans is dit veral grondmagte, maar binne die afsienbare toekoms kan 'n lug-en-see-dimensie bykom. Dan sal Suid-Afrika tog wil verseker dat hy die grondmagte wat met vredesoperasies besig is, kan help beskerm.
Die wapenpakkette is ook 'n versekeringspolis vir die landsbelang. Hoe nader bedreigings aan Suid-Afrika se grense kom hoe belangriker word die afskrikkingsrol en harde oorlogvermoëns van die wapenstelsels wat aangeskaf word. Die voorkomende en sagter sekondêre rolle begin dan vervaag omdat kritieke nasionale belange soos politieke soewereiniteit en gebiedsintegriteit bedreig kan word.
Dan is doelgeskikte oorlogsvaartuie ter see, supersoniese vegvliegtuie in die lug en 'n vermoë om magte vinnig na die slagveld en op die slagveld te vervoer en die vyand se verbindingslyne te ontwrig van kritieke belang.
Kan dit nie gedoen word nie, gaan diegene wat nou so krities is oor die wapenpakkette dalk net soveel te sê hê oor die afwesigheid van moderne krygstuig wat ook harde rolle kan vervul.
Die debat wat eintlik oor die strategiese wapenpakkette gevoer behoort te word, is in watter mate ons die kundigheid en buigsaamheid het om die volle harde en sagte potensiaal van die afgelewerde stelsels in die belang van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing te ontsluit.
Gegewe die absolute politieke beheer oor die weermag bly dit 'n politieke besluit wanneer die SANW toegelaat gaan word om die nuwe toerusting aan te wend.
Francois Vrey is 'n dosent in die fakulteit krygskunde aan die Universiteit van Stellenbosch. Die menings in die artikel is syne en nie dié van die universiteit nie.
03-06-2005, 12:18 PM #102
Don’t ask me, ask Zuma
Evasive Shaik points finger at deputy president during courtroom grilling
SCHABIR Shaik this week again turned up the heat on Deputy President Jacob Zuma, the man he describes in court as his “commander” and “chief”.
Faced with cross-examination by lead prosecutor Billy Downer, Shaik repeatedly refused to provide answers to questions about Zuma’s actions and thoughts. Rather than respond, the Nkobi Group boss told the Durban High Court that several questions put to him “should be put to Mr Zuma”.
Shaik was being questioned by Downer on his evidence-in-chief on the building of a R1.3-million complex at Nkandla in Zululand by Zuma.
Asked for details of the negotiations between Zuma and Eric Malengret, the builder responsible for the development, Shaik denied all knowledge of the project, apart from having been asked for financial advice and assistance by Zuma early on in the development.
Shaik said he had “washed my hands” of the project and “walked away” from any association with it after he told Zuma he was being overcharged by Malengret and stopped construction.
“When I received the bill... I then contacted Mr Zuma and informed him that he in fact was overcharged... and I sent a letter to Mr Malengret stopping that work. When Mr Zuma indicated... he will deal with Mr Malengret personally, there was no further need for me to participate,” said Shaik.
Shaik said that Zuma subsequently secured a bond via Durban businessman Vivian Reddy to finance the project.
Asked whether Zuma had intended using R900000 Shaik had taken out of Zuma’s account and used for Nkobi to fund the construction, Shaik again effectively kicked the question towards Zuma.
“I don’t think it’s befitting for me to respond on behalf of Mr Zuma,” Shaik said.
Asked, in his capacity as Zuma’s financial adviser, if Zuma was expecting other funds to pay for Nkandla, Shaik responded: “Perhaps that should be put to Mr Zuma’s lawyers.”
Shaik also said a letter from former Nkobi employee Celia Bester claiming Shaik and “certain ministers” were enriching themselves via Nkobi was “probably referring to a minister and that would be Mr Zuma.
“There was no secret in our company that our accountants were dealing with matters of payment for Zuma, as evidence was led here, on my instructions... that is no secret. In terms of ministers she is referring to and could only be referring to Mr Jacob Zuma.”
He said Bester’s comments were “wild allegations”.
On Thursday and Friday, Shaik told the court that Zuma’s attempts to convince Malaysian company Renong to cut Nkobi in on the Point Waterfront development between 1995 and 1997, after they had already rejected Nkobi, were Zuma’s own initiative and not his (Shaik’s).
Zuma, Shaik said, had wanted Nkobi included in the black economic empowerment 49% share of the deal because Zuma felt Nkobi would improve the BEE component of the project.
Shaik said Zuma held the view that IFP members and people from “other racial minorities” were qualified to benefit from BEE, while Renong felt empowerment was meant only for Africans.
Shaik also placed additional pressure on KwaZulu-Natal ANC treasurer and Finance MEC Dr Zweli Mkhize in evidence around how he was to repay the R900000 he had taken from Zuma’s account. Shaik said the money had been destined for Development Africa, an ANC front company of which Mkhize is the major trustee, for use by the ANC and the Zulu royal family.
After Zuma had told him to meet Mkhize to discuss repayments, Shaik had done so.
“These funds were provided to Dr Zweli Mkhize in the form of cheques. And I believe that Dr Zweli Mkhize is quite happy to testify to that effect,” Shaik said.
• Shaik’s lawyers and spokesmen for Zuma have repeatedly refused to say whether the defence has asked Zuma to take the witness stand.
03-07-2005, 03:04 PM #103
Zuma's popularity 'like tsunami wave'
Any effort to stop Jacob Zuma from becoming president would be like "trying to fight against the big wave of the tsunami", Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi said on Monday.
Speaking at a Congress of SA Trade Unions conference at Midrand, Vavi stressed this was his personal view.
Cosatu had not discussed the issue of President Thabo Mbeki's successor at its conference, but Zuma was clearly "an extremely popular" man, Vavi told Sapa.
The Cosatu congress is aimed at reviewing its contribution to South Africa's democracy, and kick-starting the federation's twentieth anniversary celebrations.
Zuma "the man for the job"
A number of Cosatu affiliate members approached at the event agreed with Vavi's stance on Zuma.
If South Africans looked at Zuma's political credentials they would see he was the man for the job, said a Communication Workers Union provincial secretary who wanted to remain anonymous.
"Irrespective of what the media is saying, I support him becoming the next president. Look, he has been doing the president's job while he (Mbeki) has been out of the country without any problems," he said.
"But we have to remember that he is a human being, and human beings make mistakes. His mistakes should not be politicised."
Reservations have been raised about Zuma becoming the next president due to his allegedly corrupt relationship with his financial adviser Schabir Shaik.
Shaik is expected to shed some light in the Durban High Court this week on an encrypted fax allegedly authorising a R1 million bribe for Zuma related to the country's arms deal.
Succession is ANC prerogative
An SA Municipal Workers Union international officer said the issue of succession was the prerogative of the African National Congress.
"Cosatu will support the majority view of the ANC. If the ANC wants JZ (Jacob Zuma) we will not oppose the popular view of the ANC," he said.
He said he believed Zuma had the "potential" to make the voices of the workers and the poor heard.
Vavi denies split rumours
Meanwhile Vavi denied reports that Cosatu has considered breaking away from the tripartite alliance, which also comprises the ANC and SA Communist Party.
He described news reports on the matter as sensationalism, saying he was misquoted.
"There was never a suggestion from any delegate (that Cosatu must split from the alliance). There was a lot of debate around the issue but it was agreed that we must build the alliance," he said.
03-07-2005, 03:22 PM #104
The dirty side of parliament...
01/03/2005 22:15 - (SA)
Cape Town - A serious breakdown in the management of parliament landed senior officials in hot water with the standing committee on public accounts on Tuesday.
Secretary of parliament Zingile Dingani and his team had to face the music after auditor-general Shauket Fakie complained in an audit report on management and financial measures regarding parliament.
The lack of control measures was one factor that led to the travel-voucher scam.
Parliament's management team was hauled over the coals about issues ranging from a high absenteeism rate among employees to a breakdown in asset management, an inefficient switchboard and slow internet connections.
François Beukman, NNP MP and chairperson of the standing committee, kicked off Tuesday's meeting by saying that parliament was supposed to be an "exemplary example" and it was worrying that so many problems had cropped up in the latest audit report.
Absenteeism is 'enormous'
Members of the standing committee then quizzed the parliament management team.
Beukman wanted to know from Dingani whether parliament had a system in place to determine "how many of its 800 or 900 employees were at work on any given day".
Dingani conceded that the absenteeism rate was "enormous", but steps were being taken to rectify this.
One of the reasons apparently is that "working conditions are poor and extremely dirty". Dingani feels this does not encourage people to come to work in the morning.
These issues, said Dingani, were receiving attention and steps were being taken to "treat personnel more humanely".
"Some employees said they were embarrassed to work in parliament, but this is now changing and pride is developing," said Dingani.
Louise Mabe, ANC MP, wanted to know from Dingani and his team how it had been possible that leave approved for 2003 and 2004 had not been entered into parliament's database.
Was it possible that some staff had taken more leave than was due to them?
Harry Charlton, chief financial officer for parliament, explained that the problem lay in the old leave system.
In one instance, leave forms that had not been processed for 20 months had been found in a drawer after a manager had left the service.
According to Charlton, steps were now being taken to control leave electronically.
irregular payments against medical aid claims;
irregular overtime payments;
a lack of qualifications and training among staff;
parliamentary assets, such as furniture and snooker tables, being disposed of without proper valuations being done; and
the implementation of a new software system, without the actual requirementsbeing taken into consideration.
In each of these instances, Dingani and his team said the problem had been resolved.
03-08-2005, 12:06 AM #105
Ek sal seker nie alles kan lees nie, maar die paar wat ek wel gelees het is baie interesant.
Ek het op 'n tyd skilderye verkoop, en by 'n sekere hoof van die "Department of Labour" in Johannesburg uitgekom om goeie, baie duur skilderye te verkoop. Die "hoof" bly in 'n flat in Sunnyside en wou skildery van R30 000 vir "oh, I thought you ment it is art of hundred of rands". Wat 'n hoof van Labour in Sunnyside flat soek weet ek nie so mooi nie.
03-09-2005, 04:45 PM #106
Wittes stilletjies van grond afgewerk
Die toestand in ons land is baie erger as wat dit lyk. Die afgelope maand was daar vyf aanvalle in ons omgewing. Die eienaar van 'n restaurant en sy vrou is op Sondag 9 Mei op 'n plaas buite Tzaneen aangeval en beroof.
'n Ander gesin wat 'n slaghuis bedryf, is op Tarentaalrand, buite Tzaneen, beroof. Nader aan Letsitele is 'n man in sy plaaswinkel geskiet.
By Trichardtsdal is 'n boer beroof wat vleis aan mense verkoop het. Die jongste aanval was dié op mnr. Van Reenen-Bergmann, wat 'n potspelklub op sy plaas bedryf (Beeld, 27 Mei)
Ons het onlangs ons onderneming verkoop wat ons op die plaas bedryf het om 'n rooftog te vermy. Hoe moet ons ons gesinne aan die lewe hou?
Ek glo pres. Thabo Mbeki as hy sê plase sal nie op dieselfde wyse as in Zimbabwe beset word nie. Hier word ook volgens 'n beleid van "stille diplomasie" gewerk. Teen die tyd dat die wêreld uitvind, is grondeienaars sonder lawaai onder die vaandel van gewone misdaad van die plase afgewerk.
Ek wil nogal met me. Helen Suzman saamstem dat die president teen wittes gekant is.
03-16-2005, 09:20 AM #107
03-18-2005, 02:56 AM #108
03-18-2005, 05:47 AM #109
Afrikaners need not apply - despite 61% job opening rate
The ANC's obsession with race-based employment and centralised state control are frustrating its own goals for economic development and service delivery.
This warning was issued by Democratic Alliance leader Tony Leon this week.
Sasol short 5,616 trained artisans:
"Sasol was an example of this ANC-obsession; the petro-chemical giant had recently revealed it was short of 5616 artisans and supervisors for one of its projects alone.
(They are only allowed to hire black workers and have barred Afrikaners from applying for these jobs due to ANC policies.)
"It (Sasol) will be able to train some of the workers it needs, but Sasol will still need to import 2200 skilled workers from the Philippines, Malaysia, India and Ireland - (while skilled Afrikaner artisans are going jobless inside South Africa).
"Clearly, the ANC government's obsession with race, and its negative skills development policies and SETAs are failing to provide South African workers with the skills they need in today's economy."
This sad story was repeated throughout the country.
61% vacancies for senior governernment management posts -
but Afrikaners need not apply:
"The Auditor-General revealed in his report on audit outcomes for 2003/4 that there is a vacancy rate of 61 percent for senior management posts in local government.
"That has led to a near-complete breakdown of delivery in many areas," Leon said.
03-21-2005, 07:57 AM #110
Mbeki kap Afrikaanse media oor rassekwessie
KAAPSTAD. - Pres. Thabo Mbeki het gister in sy weeklikse nuusbrief 'n dwarsklap na die Afrikaanse media gemik ná kritiek van Volksblad, Die Burger, Rapport en Beeld oor die regering se gebrek aan beraadslaging met minderheidsgroepe.
In 'n afsonderlike artikel in die internetpublikasie ANC Today word verwys na hoofartikels wat oudpres. F.W. de Klerk se kritiek teen die "regerende party se obsessie met ras" verwelkom het.
In sy weeklikse nuusbrief in die internetpublikasie ANC Today sê Mbeki prominente leiers soos mnr. Tim du Plessis, redakteur van die Sondagblad Rapport, dr. Leopold Scholtz, adjunkredakteur van Die Burger, en oudpres. F.W. de Klerk, "is blind vir die rede waarom gelyke bemagtiging vir alle Suid-Afrikaners aangepak moet word.
"Hulle wys nêrens dat hulle berou toon nie.
"Hulle blyk blind te wees vir die basiese vereiste dat om die regte en voorregte van die Afrikaners te beskerm, hulle voorstanders moet wees vir die regte van alle ander Suid-Afrikaanse ras-, lingüstiese, kulturele en geloofsgemeenskappe.
"Hulle verstaan nie die werklikheid dat die mees "onbemagtigdes in ons gemeenskap die miljoen is wat slagoffers van eeue van kolonialisme en apartheid was nie.
"Hulle blyk nie te verstaan nie dat diegene wat die ernstigste griewe sal hê oor enige tekortkominge ingevolge die nakoming van die Grondwet, die historiese agtergeblewe miljoene is, die grootste deel van ons bevolking wie se opheffing sentraal staan in ons program van maatskap like transformasie."
Mbeki sê die politieke en ideolo giese minderheid waaraan Du Plessis, Scholtz en De Klerk behoort, is nie in pas met die swart en wit meerderheid van Suid-Afrikaners nie.
"Die meerderheid sluit die sakegemeenskap in, wat verstaan dat dit in ons gemeenskaplike belang is om die nodige korrektiewe stappe te doen om die verdelings van die verlede uit te wis ."
Mbeki sê dit is nie nodig vir 'n byeenkoms van verteenwoordigers van verskillende rasse en etniese groepe nie.
"Ons het absoluut geen behoefte aan 'n byeenkoms van ras- en etniese verteenwoordigers nie. Dit is gegrond op die vals, agterlike en ras sistiese onderbou dat rasse- en etniese groepe dieselfde ras en etniese politieke ideale besit."
In 'n artikel getitel A victoria e certa (oorwinning is verseker) meen 'n anonieme skrywer die "regse vleuel" versprei leuens deur te sê die "grootste deel van apartheid se oorblyfsels is reeds uitgewis".
Die "regses" word deur die artikel gedefinieer as die DA, F.W. de Klerk, Helen Suzman, Hermann Giliomee, Max du Preez, Die Burger en Citizen en die Instituut vir Rasseverhoudinge.
"Hulle en baie ander tussenin, swart en wit, is vasbeslote om afbreek te doen aan die legitimiteit van die stryd om 'n nie-rassige Suid- Afrika te skep."
Luidens die artikel beskuldig regses die ANC daarvan dat die party die rassekaart speel, maar hul eintlike doel, om hul rykdom en lewenswyse te beskerm, word weggesteek.
"Hulle wil hê die regering en die party moet met wittes onderhandel om programme wat rasse-onderskeidings sal wegneem te verslap en dus soveel as moontlik wit voorregte te behou," lui die artikel.