Nazino tragedy
The Nazino tragedy () was the mass deportation of about 6,700 prisoners to Nazino Island in the Soviet Union in May 1933. The deportees were forcibly sent to the small, isolated island in Western Siberia, located northwest of Tomsk, Russian SFSR, to construct a "special settlement" and to cultivate the island. They were abandoned with having only flour as food, most of which was used during the journey, little to no tools, and virtually without any clothing, or shelter necessary for the harsh Siberian climate. Those who attempted to leave were killed by armed guards. The conditions of the  island deteriorated quickly and resulted in widespread disease, abuse of power, violence, and cannibalism. Within thirteen weeks, over 4,000 of the deportees sent to Nazino Island had died or disappeared, and the majority of the survivors were in ill health. The Nazino tragedy was virtually unknown until 1988 (more than five decades after the incidents), when an investigation by Memorial began during the "glasnost" reforms in the Soviet Union. The events were popularized in 2002 when reports of a September 1933 special commission by the Communist Party of Western Siberia were published by Memorial. The original report on the incident  was made by Vasily A. Velichko, a Soviet propaganda worker, and remained classified up until 1988. The report was originally passed to Joseph Stalin and to other members of the Politburo, which caused them to be noticeably disturbed. The tragedy had a notable impact and was subject to investigation by a number of commissions in the Soviet Union. Background. In February 1933, Genrikh Yagoda, head of the OGPU secret police, and Matvei Berman, head of the GULAG labor camp system, proposed a self-described "grandiose plan" to Joseph Stalin, the General Secretary of the Soviet Union, to resettle up to  two million people to Siberia and Kazakhstan in "special settlements", The deportees, or "settlers", were to bring over a million hectares () of virgin land in the sparsely populated regions into production and become self-sufficient within two years. Yagoda and Berman's plan was based on the experience of deporting two million kulaks and other agricultural workers to the same areas that had occurred in the previous three years as part of the dekulakization policy. However, unlike the previous plan, resources available to support the new plan were severely limited by the ongoing famine in the Soviet Union. Despite this , the new plan was approved by the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR on 11 March 1933. Shortly after the plan's approval, the number of prospective deportees was reduced to one million deportees. Deportees. The original plan targeted several types of kulaks, peasants, "urban elements", people living in the agricultural areas of Soviet Union's western territories such as the Ukrainian SSR, and the Lower Volga, North Caucasus and Black Earth Region in the Russian SFSR. Instead, many of the deportees were people from Moscow, Leningrad, and other cities who had been unable to obtain an internal  passport. The passportization campaign in the Soviet Union began with a decision by the Soviet Politburo on 27 December 1932 to issue internal passports to all residents of major cities, and one of their objectives was to "cleanse Moscow, Leningrad and the other great urban centers of the USSR of superfluous elements not connected with production or administrative work, as well as kulaks, criminals, and other antisocial and socially dangerous elements." Deportees were primarily "déclassé and socially harmful elements", meaning former merchants and traders, peasants who had fled the ongoing famine in the countryside, petty criminals, or anybody who did  not fit into the idealized worker class structure. Their backgrounds meant they were not issued passports, and they could be arrested and deported from the cities after a summary administrative procedure. Most of the arrestees were deported within two days. Between March and July 1933, 85,937 people living in Moscow were arrested and deported because they lacked passports, while 4,776 people living in Leningrad were also deported. Those arrested in connection with the cleansing of Moscow prior to 1 May 1933 (the International Workers' Day holiday) were assigned to a transit camp in the city of Tomsk. Transportation. According to  the plan of Yagoda and Berman, the deportees would pass through transit camps at Tomsk, Omsk, and Achinsk. The largest camp was at Tomsk, which had to be rebuilt from scratch, starting in April to hold 15,000 deportees. 25,000 deportees arrived in April even though the camp was not scheduled to be completed until 1 May. River transport to the final labor camps was closed until the start of May until ice on the Ob and Tom Rivers cleared. Most of the first arrivals were kulaks, other agricultural workers, and people from southern Russian cities. The arrival of so many  deportees panicked Tomsk authorities, who viewed them as "starving and contagious". A report by Vassily Arsenievich Velichko, the local Communist Party head in Narymsky District of the West Siberian Krai, gave twenty-two examples of people who had been deported: A rail convoy holding déclassé deportees left Moscow on 30 April, and a similar convoy left Leningrad on 29 April, with both arriving on 10 May. The daily food ration during the trip was of bread per person. Criminal groups among the deportees beat the other deportees and stole their food and clothing. The authorities in Tomsk were unfamiliar with  urban deportees and expected trouble from them, so decided to send them to the most isolated work sites. Two nights after their arrival in Tomsk, a disturbance broke out as they demanded drinking water, but the riot was put down by mounted troops. Many of the urban deportees were later sent to Nazino Island (), a river island on the Ob River located north of Tomsk, in a particularly empty part of Western Siberia inhabited by only a small number of indigenous Ostyak people. Four river barges, which were designed to haul timber, were filled with about 5,000 deportees on 14  May 1933. About a third of the deportees were criminals who were sent in order to "decongest the prisons". About half were déclassé people from Moscow and Leningrad. The authorities who were to be in charge of the labor camps were first informed that they would be sent on 5 May. These authorities had never worked with urban deportees and had no resources or supplies to support them. The deportees were kept below decks on the barges and apparently fed a daily ration of of bread per person. Twenty tons of flour – about per person – were also transported, but the  barges contained no other food, cooking utensils, or tools. All supervisory personnel, two commanders, and fifty guards were newly recruited and had no shoes or uniforms. Nazino Island. The barges unloaded their passengers during the afternoon of 18 May, on Nazino Island, a swampy island about long and wide. There was no roster of the disembarking deportees, but on arrival 322 women and 4,556 men were counted, plus 27 bodies of those who died during the trip from Tomsk. Over a third of the deportees were too weak to stand on arrival. About 1,200 additional deportees arrived on 27 May . A fight broke out and guards fired on the deportees as the twenty tons of flour were deposited on the island and distribution began. The flour was moved to the shore opposite the island and distribution was tried again the next morning, with another fight and more firing resulting. Afterward, all flour was distributed via "brigadiers" who collected flour for their brigade of about 150 people. The brigadiers were often criminals who abused their privileges and ate everything themselves. Initially there were no ovens to bake bread on, so the deportees ate the flour mixed with river water, which led  to dysentery. Some deportees made primitive rafts to try to escape, but most of the rafts collapsed and hundreds of corpses washed up on the shore below the island. Guards hunted and killed other escapees as if they were hunting animals for sport. Because of the lack of any transportation to the rest of the country except upstream to Tomsk, and the harshness of life in the taiga, any other escapees who made it across the river and evaded the guards were ultimately presumed dead. Shortly after the deportees had already arrived on Nazino Island, the Yagoda and Berman plan  was rejected by Stalin. Order on the island quickly broke down and devolved into chaos: the majority of the population were city dwellers, most of whom knew nothing about basic agricultural practices such as clearing and cultivation that would make the island properly habitable. The sparsity of resources led to gangs forming, who began to terrorize and dominate weaker settlers. People were frequently murdered in fights over food, money, and the bodies of those in possession of anything of value such as gold tooth fillings and crowns were often looted. The latter were used for exchange for food and cigarettes  by gang members. In the meantime the guards established their own reign of terror, extorting settlers and executing people for minor offences despite being apathetic towards the gangs. The guards were also assigned to keep the settlers in and killed people who attempted to escape. Even the doctors sent to monitor the island's population, who were supposed to have protection, began to fear for their lives. The lack of proper food and the frequency of death by late May led to cannibalism becoming widespread, to the point that settlers eventually began murdering individuals for the sole purpose of consuming  them. On 21 May, the three health officers counted seventy new deaths, with signs of cannibalism observed in five cases. Over the next month, guards arrested about fifty people for cannibalism. Aftermath. It is evident that it was homicidal intention that caused the tragedy. Additionally, it was "a significant example of how things could go badly due to lack of planning". The dire situation on Nazino Island was finally ended by Soviet authorities in early June, when the settlement was dissolved and the surviving 2,856 deportees were transferred to smaller settlements upstream on the Nazina River, leaving 157 deportees who  could not be moved from the island for health reasons. Despite the settlement being dissolved, several hundred more of the deportees died during the transfer. People who survived the transfer found themselves with few tools, little food, and facing an outbreak of typhus. Most deportees refused to work in the new settlements due to their previous treatment. In a period of thirteen weeks, of the roughly 6,000 deportee settlers intended for Nazino Island, between 1,500 to 2,000 had died due to starvation, exposure, disease, murder, or accidental death. Another 2,000 settlers had disappeared and their whereabouts were untraceable, so they  were presumed dead. The death tolls include people who either died or disappeared during their transportation to or from the island. In early July, new settlements were constructed by the authorities using non-deportee labor, but only 250 Nazino Island settlers were transferred to these. Instead 4,200 new deportees who arrived from Tomsk were housed in these settlements. The report on the events which was sent to Stalin by Velichko was distributed by Lazar Kaganovich to members of the Politburo, and was preserved in an archive in Novosibirsk. It stated that 6,114 "outdated elements" arrived on the island in May  1933, and at least 27 people died during the river transport. There was no shelter on the island; it snowed the first night, and no food was distributed for four days. On the first day 295 people were buried. Velichko’s report claimed only 2,200 people survived out of about 6,700 (6100 and additional 500–600 people) deportees that he calculated had arrived from Tomsk. The report resulted in a commission by the Communist Party to study the affair. In October, the commission estimated that of the roughly 2,000 survivors from Nazino Island, half were ill and bedridden and that only  about 200 to 300 were physically capable of working. There were attempts by local officials and guards at the island to dispute Velichko's report but were instead reprimanded, receiving prison sentences ranging between twelve months to three years. The events that occurred at Nazino Island highlighted issues with Soviet colonization projects, and the Soviet leadership began to doubt their quality and efficiency. In 1933 alone, there were 367,457 known untraceable "special resettlers", of which 151,601 were dismissed and 215,856 simply disappeared from their settlements. Nazino Island directly led to the end of large scale settlement plans in the Soviet  Union, and to the end of using deportees from "urban déclassé elements" and criminal backgrounds for future settlement plans. Rediscovery. After the initial investigations in late 1933, the events at Nazino Island were largely forgotten as they were not made public, and only a small number of survivors, government officials, and eyewitnesses knew of their occurrence. In 1988, at the time of the "glasnost" policy in the Soviet Union, details of the Nazino affair first became available to the general public through the efforts of the human rights group Memorial. In 1989, an eyewitness reported to Memorial: The French historian  Nicolas Werth, who earlier co-authored "The Black Book of Communism", published the book "Cannibal Island" about the affair in 2006. It was translated into English in 2007. In 2009 a documentary ("Cannibal Island") was made, based on the book. Nazino Island, now located in Alexandrovsky District of Tomsk Oblast, Russia, is also called "Death Island" (, ) or "Cannibal Island" due to the events there.