Caste system in Nepal
The Nepalese caste system was the traditional system of social stratification of Nepal. The Nepalese caste system broadly borrows the classical Hindu "Chaturvarnashram" model, consisting of four broad social classes or varna: Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Sudra. The caste system defines social classes by a number of hierarchical endogamous groups often termed "jaat". This custom was traditionally only prevalent in the three Indo Aryan societies of the Khas, Madhesi, and Newars. However, since the unification of Nepal in the 18th century, Nepal's various non-Hindu ethnic nationalities and tribes, previously called "Matwalis" (alcohol-drinkers) and now  termed as "Adivasi/Janajati" (indigenous/nationalities), have been incorporated within the caste hierarchy to varying degrees of success. Despite the forceful integration by the state into the pan-Hindu social structure, the traditionally non-Hindu groups and tribes do not necessarily adhere to the customs and practices of the caste system. The Government of Nepal legally abolished the caste-system and criminalized any caste-based discrimination, including "untouchability" (the ostracism of a specific caste) - in 1963. With Nepal's step towards freedom and equality, Nepal, previously ruled by a Hindu monarchy, was a Hindu nation which has now become a  secular state. On 28 May 2008, it was declared a republic, ending the period of the Hindu Kingdom. History. The ancient tribes living around the northern territory of modern Nepal seem to have been less influenced by the fourfold Varna system of Hinduism. Instead, nature worship, shamanism and ancestor worship was more common in sync with Tibetan spirituality among the Sino-Tibetan groups. Even Khas/Parbatiyas who are today overwhelmingly consolidated into the four Varna structure, have been following Masto tradition since ancient times whereby Masta tutelary deities known as "bange-masta, bahiramasta, thado-masta, bahra-masta, athahra-masta" are  invoked and worshipped. This form of Masto worship among the Khasas is apparently not related to any Vedic scriptures and tradition of the Gangetic plains of India, and seems more closer to pre-Buddhist Shamanistic Bon practice of Tibet. The earliest detailed record of the caste system in Nepal has been found in Kathmandu Valley from the 5th century CE during the Licchavi period (400-750 CE) with mentions of the presence of Brahmans (Vedic priests) and Chandala (untouchables). The existing caste structure as introduced by the Lichhavis was later fundamentally restructured during the reign of King Jayasthiti Malla (1380 -1394). This restructuring was a result of over a millennia of newer Aryan immigrants from the plains since the time of the Lichchavis. Series of Aryan migration to Kathmandu led to increased population and formation of a complex urban and caste-based society. Among them, most notable migration was the advent of later Malla and Chathariya/Kshatriya and their Maithil Brahmins and others like the Khadgis (butchers), Dobhi, among others, with conquest of Karnat kingdom in 1324 CE by Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq, the founder of the Tughlaq dynasty and Sultan of Delhi. Jayasthiti Malla's restructuring also converted celibate  Buddhist monks to householder status and inside the hierarchic fold for the first time to form the caste of Vajracharya and Shakya. It also solidified the supremacy of Kanyakubja Brahmin descendants like the Rajopadhyaya Brahmins over other priests like Maithil Brahmins. Karmacharyas and Joshis were all-together stripped off their Brahmin status by these new and arguably more well-read Brahmins, and assimilated them in the Kshatriya/Chathariya. The restructuring also yielded power to newly formed Malla aristocracy of the Chathariya Shrestha who formed the new powerful aristocratic caste of the Malla kingdom. Hence, the present Newar society's foundation  firmly stands on this restructuring by Malla as Newar society continues to comprise the 4 varna and 64 different caste groups which were hierarchically allotted in Jayasthiti Malla's time according to the classical and religious Hindu scriptures like the Manusmriti. Gorkha king of the Chaubisi principality, Ram Shah (1609-1636) is noted to have introduced some rules and regulations about relations between different groups of people in the Gorkha kingdom too. As the Shah rulers conquered more territories and people, the concept of caste hierarchy more firmly applied as an organizing principle to consolidate diverse people under their authority . In 1854, early in the period of Rana rule, a National Legal Code (Muluki Ain) was proclaimed that laid out detailed codes for inter-caste behavior and specified punishments for their infringement. Traditional caste system. Although caste or tribe based hierarchy has been a hallmark for all ethnicities of Nepal, only three societies traditionally were part of the four Varna concept of social division and hierarchy. These societies/ethnicities were: Khas/Parbatiya and Newars in the hills and Madhesis in the plains. Caste-origin Hill Hindu groups/Khas. The social structure of caste-origin Hill Hindu or Khas groups is  simple compared to the other two societies, reflecting only three groups in hierarchy, with the distinct absence of the Vaishya and Shudra varnas. Much of the previously animist/tribal Khas population of the western Nepal region acquired the 'Chhetri' status in the 1850s with the proclamation by the Rana Prime Minister Jung Bahadur Rana, making Chhetris the most populous caste/tribe of Nepal. The mother tongue of these groups is Nepali and its dialects like Baitadeli and Doteli. In 2001 the CBS recorded only nine groups in the caste-origin Hill Hindu groups. Caste-origin Nepal Mandala groups/Newārs. The  case of Newār is exceptional. This group presents a complicated social structure that not only reflects the model of four Hindu varna categories and the unclean castes outside of it, but it is also clearly divided among the upper and lower Buddhist castes. Currently, Newars are divided into groups of over 25 occupational caste categories who share a common language (mother-tongue) Nepal Bhasa or speak Nepali. Caste-origin Madhesh Hindu groups. The social structure of the caste-origin Madhesi Hindu groups is complex, reflecting four varna groups with distinct hierarchical structure within them. These various cultural groups belong to  four distinct language groups: Maithili, Bajika, Bhojpuri, and Awadhi. In 2001 the CBS recorded 43 caste-origin Hindu groups in the Madhesh. Today, caste discrimination is considerably diluted in the urban areas, but very little has changed in the rural areas. As a result of occupational changes, increased education, their own efforts to emulate the upper castes and a mustering of political influence, urban Dalits in the Terai have moved up in status. The National Report says, "Over the last 15-20 years, three groups, namely Sudi, Kalwar and Teli have socially upgraded their status from the water unacceptable to  the water acceptable community within the Tarai origin Hindu caste groups." Muluki Ain (1854). The Nepali civil code Muluki Ain was commissioned by Jung Bahadur Rana after his European tour and enacted in 1854. It was rooted in traditional Hindu Law and codified social practices for several centuries in Nepal. The law also comprised "Prāyaścitta" (avoidance and removal of sin) and "Ācāra" (the customary law of different castes and communities). It was an attempt to include the entire Hindu as well as non-Hindu population of Nepal of that time into a single hierarchic civic code from the perspective of  the Khas rulers. Terai and Newar Brahmins and Kshatriyas were officially placed below their Khas equivalents. Similarly, serious limitations and oversights of this code include the complete exclusion of the large middle-ranking Terai groups. Most notable contradiction is the inclusion of previously non-Hindu tribes "Adivasi Janajati" groups, as well as non-Nepalis including Muslims and Europeans into the hierarchical fold. Hierarchies of Major Caste/Ethnic Groups in Nepal according to Muluki Ain: The social values preached by the Muluki Ain, however, were providing restrictive, anachronic and out of step with the spirit of times. These values were seen  as a potent instrument of Rana political repression. After the Rana regime, caste rules relating to food, drink and intercaste marriage were openly louted but the Muluki Ain had not been abrogated. In 1963, Legal Code was replaced by New 1964 Legal Code. The legal recognition to caste and all the discriminatory laws made on the grounds of caste were ceased. The caste system today. The caste system is still intact today but the rules are not as rigid as they were in the past. In 1962, a law was passed making it illegal to discriminate against other castes led  all castes to be equally treated by the law. Education is free and open to all castes. The caste system conjoints a structural class divide which persists, in which lower castes/ethnicities are generally socio-economically are not equal like those of higher castes/ethnicities. Recent research has also shown that when it comes to Nepali people's impressions of social change, "Poverty, Human Resources and Region" explain more of the variation than "Ethnicity, Caste or Religious belonging" – i.e. people's perception of their own social situation has more to do with geography and objective social class, than with their  association with the groups that the state has based its internal social policy on. Participation of Khas-Brahmins in the civil service is 41.3% in spite of its population size of 12.2%. The population of Newars (all castes) is around 5%, but its occupancy in the civil service is more than one-third (33.2%), although vast majority of this share comes from the minority upper-caste segments of the Chathariya and Panchthariya Shrestha Newars. Upper-caste Newars remain the most over-represented community in terms of socio-political access. The population of Khas-Chhetris constitutes 17.6% but its participation is  mere 14.7%. If these major three communities (upper-caste Khas (Bahun & Chhetri) and upper-caste Newars (Shresthas) or the 'BCN' combine their shares in the Government of Nepal, civil service employment is 89.2% in 1991. Their dominance is reflected in education, administration and economical activities of the nation. Among those 73.8% in higher education belong to the BCN, 22.0% Janajatis and 2.9% Dalit. They have become major decision makers in the bureaucracy of Nepal has become crystal clear. In terms of earning/income generation, Newars have the highest per capita income of Rs. 38,193. Khas Brahmins come next with an  average income of Rs. 24,399, Adivasi Janajatis ranks third with an average income of Rs. 15,630, Dalit Rs. 12,114 and Muslim ranks the lowest, Rs.11,014' The democratic transitions also failed to be inclusive management and functioning governance mainly because government was unable to understand and articulate the spirit of all Nepalese people irrespective of their caste, gender, ethnicity, and religion. In this process the left outs were oppressed class (Dalits), women, the poorest of the poor, powerless and the second class citizen and indigenous nationalities (Adivasi Janajatis). In Nepal, high castes dominate 91.2% among the prominent position in politics and  bureaucracy. The Dalits who constitute 12.8 percent of the total population of the country have no representation in the higher echelons of power' (Gurung, H. 2006). Similarly, the Janajati has 32.0% (excluding Newars) of the total population of the country, has representation of 7.1%. In terms of education, 88.0% of Khas Brahmins & Chhetris, and Newars have access to school, 12.0% have never been to school. More than fifty (52.0%) of Hill Dalits, 47.0% of the Tarai Dalits, 48.0% of the Muslims and 30 percent of the Hill Adivasi Janajatis have never been to school.(Census, 2001) In recent times, following the  overthrow of the Nepali monarchy and move towards a federal republic, ethnicity and caste have taken center stage – the indigenous peoples ("Adivasi Janajati") who make up a third of the country having been guaranteed rights that have not yet been fulfilled. There is an observable reaction to this among certain Khas Brahmin and Chhetri groups, seeking to prevent group-based rights from becoming an important factor in the country that earlier had a political system associated with group-based discrimination. Certain outside analysts have suggested that "seeking a balance in approach requires addressing both specific indigenous historical injustices while creating  a common citizenship for all marginalised citizens regardless of identity, which remains a particularly challenging issue for Nepal". Professor Madhusudan Subedi mentions that economic and political developments have pressed the caste system to break its stagnancy and status quo. New divisions and differentiations have been giving rise to new antagonism and social norms. In the urban setting, working-class people who have to live by selling by their labour power. Such social mobility has broken traditional caste barriers. In the rural setting, the traditional subsistence agriculture system and age-old caste structure have substantially changed, and the relationship is being  established based on wage labour on land.