Roscoe Conkling
Roscoe Conkling (October 30, 1829April 18, 1888) was an American lawyer and Republican politician who represented New York in the United States House of Representatives and the United States Senate. He is remembered today as the leader of the Republican Stalwart faction and a dominant figure in the Senate during the 1870s. Conkling, who was temperate and detested tobacco, was known for his physical condition, maintained through regular exercise and boxing, an unusual devotion for his time. While in the U.S. House, Conkling served as bodyguard for abolitionist Representative Thaddeus Stevens and fully supported the Union during the  American Civil War. Conkling was elevated to the Senate in 1867 as a leading Radical Republican supporter of equal rights for freed Black Americans. As Senator, his control of patronage at the New York Customs House, one of the busiest commercial ports in the world, made him incredibly powerful. His comity with President Ulysses S. Grant and conflict with Presidents Rutherford B. Hayes and James A. Garfield were defining features of American politics of the 1870s and 1880s. Conkling publicly led opposition to civil service reform, which he deemed "snivel service reform," and defended the prerogatives of Senators in doling  out appointed posts, a lucrative and often corrupt practice. His conflict with President Garfield over appointments eventually led to Conkling's resignation in 1881. He ran for re-election to his seat in an attempt to display his support from the New York political machine and his power, but lost the special election, likely due at least in part to Garfield's assassination. Though Conkling never returned to elected office, the assassination elevated Chester A. Arthur, a former New York Collector and Conkling ally, to the presidency. Their relationship was destroyed when Arthur pursued civil service reform, out of his  sense of duty to the late President Garfield. Conkling remained active in politics and practiced law in New York City until his death in 1888. Conkling turned down two presidential appointments to the United States Supreme Court: first to the position of Chief Justice in 1873 and then as an associate justice in 1882. In 1882, Conkling at first accepted the offer and was confirmed by the Senate, but changed his mind and refused to serve, the last person (as of 2022) to have done so. Early life. Family. Roscoe Conkling was born on October 30, 1829 in Albany, New  York to Alfred Conkling, a U.S. Representative and federal judge, and his wife Eliza Cockburn, cousin of the late Lord Chief-Justice Sir Alexander Cockburn of England. His father’s ancestors emigrated to the North America around 1635 and settled in Salem, Massachusetts before moving to Suffolk County, New York. His maternal grandfather James Cockburn was Scottish by birth, but emigrated to the Bahamas and later to the Mohawk Valley, where he married Margaret Frey, the daughter of a feudal lord. Roscoe had two older brothers, Frederick and Aurelian, and three sisters. A third brother also named Roscoe died before  this article’s subject was born. Both Roscoes were named for the British author William Roscoe. Conkling’s mother was said to have a “talent for repartee and brilliant talk” which her son inherited. Childhood. In 1839, the Conkling family moved to Auburn, New York via the Erie Canal, at the suggestion of William H. Seward. At his new home, Roscoe enjoyed horseback riding, which became a lifelong pursuit. He did not take to academic study, but had a retentive memory and was acquainted with some of the most prominent citizens of the time through his father, including Presidents Martin  Van Buren and John Quincy Adams, Governor Enos Throop, Supreme Court Justice Smith Thompson, and Thurlow Weed. At age thirteen, Roscoe was enrolled in the care of Professor George W. Clarke at the Mount Washington Collegiate Institute in New York City to "be trained to studious habits.” While in New York, Roscoe also studied oratory with his elder brother Frederick, who was thirty years old and becoming something of a campaign speaker himself. They often practiced their speaking together. In 1843, Roscoe entered the Auburn Academy and remained there for three years. Even as a schoolboy, Roscoe's intimidating appearance  and intellect demanded attention. A childhood friend said young Roscoe "was as large and massive in his mind as he was in his frame, and accomplished in his studies precisely what he did in his social life — a mastery and command which his companions yielded to him as due.” Law. In 1846, at age seventeen, Roscoe moved to Utica to study law in the offices of Joshua A. Spencer and Francis Kernan. He quickly integrated himself into Utica society and spoke publicly on a variety of issues, especially in support of human rights and the Whig Party. At only eighteen , he spoke at various venues in Central New York in sympathy for the sufferers of the Great Famine in Ireland. Fellow Utican Theodore M. Pomeroy later recalled that even fifteen years before the Civil War, Roscoe displayed a deep abhorrence for slavery, which he described as "man's inhumanity to man." On one occasion, he is said to have transcribed a Henry Clay speech from memory with such accuracy that Clay himself remarked on its quality. He also practiced his oratory by reciting passages from the Bible, Shakespeare, and the writings of British Whig politicians including Thomas Babington Macaulay, Edmund  Burke, and Charles James Fox. In another popular retelling of a Conkling speech in Utica, a man in the crowd shouted, “Do you want me to marry a black wench?” Conkling silenced the crowd and had the man repeat his question, to which Conkling responded, “No, I can’t say that I do—I have too much compassion for the black woman.” Local politics. He was admitted to the bar in 1850. The same year, Governor Hamilton Fish appointed Conkling to serve as interim District Attorney of Oneida County. He was still only twenty-one, and set about prosecuting cases  without the aid of more senior co-counsel. He was nominated for re-election that fall but was defeated, along with the rest of the Whig ticket. In 1852, Conkling established a law office in Utica, with former Mayor of Utica Thomas R. Walker as his partner; the partnership continued until 1855. Conkling quickly established a reputation as a lawyer of ability, known for his self-confidence, thorough preparation, and quick retorts. He remained a member of the Whig Party through the 1852 election, when he stumped New York state for General Winfield Scott and against Democrat Franklin Pierce, whom  he denounced as a tool of British capital, committed to upholding slavery and free trade to fuel the cotton mills of England. In 1853, his name was suggested for Attorney General of New York, but he was not nominated. He spent the next few years focused on his legal practice. In 1855, he partnered with his former classmate Montgomery Throop; their partnership continued until 1862. He became one of the highest-paid attorneys in the region, often charging over $100 per trial. As the Whig Party disintegrated, Conkling took an active part in the movement that resulted in the  organization of the Republican Party. He returned to politics in 1856, speaking throughout Oneida and Herkimer counties for the Republican ticket of John C. Frémont and William L. Dayton. Mayor of Utica. In 1858, Republicans sought a candidate for Mayor of Utica, considered a slightly Democratic city. Conkling’s reputation as an attorney and political activist made him a suitable choice. Though he emphatically refused to be nominated, the party convention nominated him on the first ballot. He again tried to decline, but was urged to reconsider. He accepted despite serious financial cost and defeated Democrat Charles S. Wilson, taking  office on March 8. Although he did not run for re-election, Conkling remained mayor until his resignation on November 18, because the election to choose his successor resulted in a tie. U.S. House of Representatives. Almost immediately after his nomination for mayor, Conkling became his party’s leading candidate for Congress. After he consented to be nominated, Conkling said he hoped to be elected “because some men object to my nomination. So long as one man in the city opposes, I shall run on the Republican ticket.” Conkling campaigned as a personal ally of Senator William H. Seward, described  himself as a former “Seward Whig,” and Seward delivered a speech on Conkling’s behalf. He easily defeated his opponent for the nomination, Charles H. Doolittle. Conkling now represented a similar district to the one his father represented decades earlier. He was still only twenty-nine. First term. Conkling’s first term as Representative was uneventful. He privately focused on his opposition to slavery and made the acquaintance of several veteran members of the House, including Thomas Corwin, Henry Winter Davis, Charles Francis Adams Sr., and Thaddeus Stevens. He sought out his father’s advice on legislative issues. On one  occasion, he stood bodyguard as Stevens delivered an anti-slavery speech, amid fears that fellow Representatives or members of the gallery would assault Stevens. In the second session of the 36th Congress, Conkling voted in favor of a committee to address the growing secession crisis and gave a speech denouncing secession and slavery. He voted in favor of the Morrill Tariff and against the proposed Corwin Amendment, which would have shielded slavery from federal interference as a step toward reconciliation. Given his first opportunity to advise the President on appointments within his district, he rejected a list provided by district  Republicans, replying, “Gentlemen, when I need your assistance in making the appointments in our district, I shall let you know.” Second term and Civil War. In the summer of 1860, Conkling campaigned on behalf of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin in New York. He was unanimously re-nominated as the Republican candidate for Congress and was re-elected by an increased majority. The 37th Congress met amidst the American Civil War, which began in April 1861. President Lincoln called Congress into a special session on Independence Day in order to equip an army. Conkling was joined in the House by  his elder brother Frederick Augustus Conkling, who had been elected from Manhattan. Roscoe was promoted to Chairman of the Committee on the District of Columbia. He introduced a bill to “establish an auxiliary watch for the protection of public and private property in the city of Washington” and another instituting a committee to report on the subject of a general bankruptcy law. He voted in favor of the expulsion of John Bullock Clark for taking arms against the Union. He gained national attention for a speech on the humiliating defeat at the Battle of Ball’s Bluff and called for  a Congressional inquiry into the failures of the Union command at the battle. In 1861, Conkling teamed up with Chester A. Arthur and another man, George W. Chadwick, to make a profit on wartime cotton. The business worked well and was expunged from public record. Conkling later secured Arthur’s appointment as a tax commissioner and was later appointed Collector of the Port of New York in 1871. Out of office. In 1862, Conkling did not publicly seek re-nomination but was drafted and renominated by party faithful at Rome on September 26. However, dissident Republicans within the party campaigned  against Conkling. In particular, the Welsh population of the county failed to turn out. He may also have suffered from the disproportionate enlistment of Republican voters in the Union Army and a growing sentiment opposed to the war in general. He was very narrowly defeated for re-election by his former teacher in law, Democrat Francis Kernan. His brother-in-law, Horatio Seymour, was once again elected Governor. After leaving office in March 1863, Conkling returned to Utica and resumed his law practice as a solo partner. He continued to give public speeches on occasion. From 1863 to 1865, he  acted informally as a judge advocate of the War Department, investigating alleged frauds in the recruiting service in western New York. In the summer of 1863, he and Kernan were opponents once more in a case regarding an Army deserter. In 1864, Conkling remained an active supporter of President Lincoln and endorsed his re-nomination and re-election. Conkling was re-nominated for Congress on September 22. He attempted to decline, but the convention affirmed his nomination over his objection. In the fall election, he defeated Kernan to reclaim his seat. One local politician claimed that Conkling received one-third  of the Democratic vote in Oneida County. Third term. Entering Congress in December 1865, he was appointed to the powerful Committee on Ways and Means, serving alongside future Presidents Rutherford B. Hayes and James A. Garfield. He also served on the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, which drafted the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. He was among the committee’s most active supporters of enfranchising freed slaves. Conkling’s long rivalry with James G. Blaine had its roots in his final term as Representative. In April 1866, a bill to reorganize the army was introduced on the floor of  the House. The bill would have made the position of Provost-Marshal General permanent. Conkling objected to the bill on the grounds that it “create[d] an unnecessary office for an undeserving public servant. It fastens, as an incubus upon the country, a hateful instrument of war, which deserves no place in a free government in a time of peace.” The current Provost-Marshal General, James B. Fry, submitted a letter to the House via his friend, Representative James G. Blaine of Maine, taking issue with the statement and making specific charges of wrongdoing and graft against Conkling in connection with  his war-time service as an attorney. The charges were investigated and unanimously dismissed by an investigatory committee as having “no foundation in truth,” but Conkling never forgave Blaine, and their personal animosities shaped Republican presidential politics for the next two decades. Conkling was re-elected over Palmer V. Kellogg in November 1866. U.S. Senator. 1867 election. By December 1866, New York press were proposing Conkling as the successor to Senator Ira Harris, whose term expired in the coming March. Conkling was presented as a young, progressive alternative to the incumbent Harris. He actively, privately sought the seat, studying the  political situation in every county in New York and securing the allegiances of local party leaders. The political organization he formed in his canvas for Senate later formed the basis for the Stalwart faction of the Republican Party. In the Republican nominating caucus, Conkling received the nomation over Davis and Judge Noah Davis on the fifth ballot. With very few Democratic legislators in Albany, his election was a foregone conclusion. Conkling joined the Senate as a member of the Committees on Appropriations, the Judiciary, and Mines and Mining. He became a popular subject of press attention and was even mentioned  as a potential candidate for President in 1868. Impeachment of Andrew Johnson. Conkling was a frequent critic of President Andrew Johnson and supporter of aggressive Reconstruction policies. In Johnson's impeachment trial for the removal of Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, Conkling did not serve as a manager or make any public speech but was active in the prosecution of the case. He voted guilty on several articles before the Senate adjourned. Conkling fell ill while the Senate remained in recess, but declared that if he were unable to walk or speak, he would still be carried to the chamber  with the word “Guilty” pinned to his coat. The Senate fell one vote short of convicting Johnson and removing him from office. Conkling remained Johnson’s antagonist for the remainder of the latter’s term. Grant administration. Conkling actively supported the Ulysses S. Grant administration and its policy in Santo Domingo, including the Treaty of Santo Domingo. He became known as the “Warwick of the [Grant] Administration.” During the Franco-Prussian War, Conkling expressed his sympathies with the German side, arguing that Napoleon III’s support of the Confederates in the Civil War had made him the enemy of the  United States. Nevertheless, Conkling defended the administration from Charles Sumner’s charges of violating neutrality by selling arms to France. In 1870, New York elected its first Democratic legislature since the War. When the new legislature repealed and rescinded its prior resolution ratifying the Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, Conkling spoke out against it. He actively worked for the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1875, opposing attempts by Senator Allen Thurman to water down its provisions. In the 43rd United States Congress, Conkling opposed federal relief for the Boston Fire of 1872, efforts to establish a  uniform national system of bankruptcy law, and an increase in congressional salaries. He spoke against seating Republican Senator Alexander Caldwell of Kansas, who stood accused of bribery and ultimately resigned. He served on the committees on Foreign Relations, Commerce, and the Judiciary, and chaired the committee on the Revision of Laws. In 1873, after the death of Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, President Grant urged him to accept an appointment to the seat, but Conkling declined. He stated, "I could not take the place, for I would be forever gnawing my chains." Instead, Grant nominated George Henry Williams, who was  rejected by the Senate. Conkling declined once more, and Grant appointed Morrison Waite, who was confirmed. 1873 election. After the Democratic victories in the 1870 state elections, Conkling’s political future was uncertain. Conkling privately told friends he did not expect re-election. He was offered a $50,000 yearly salary as a law partner in New York City but turned it down. However, after victories in 1871 and 1872, Conkling was re-elected without much competition or fanfare. Power struggle with Reuben Fenton. In 1869, upon the retirement of William H. Seward as Secretary of State and the defeat  of senior Senator Edwin D. Morgan, Senator Conkling suddenly became the most senior figure in the New York Republican Party. His new junior colleague, former Governor Reuben Fenton, quickly gained President Grant's ear and claimed to have control over presidential appointments in New York. Conkling and Fenton also disagreed over proposed amendments to the Tenure of Office Act of 1867, which had given rise to the controversy over Johnson’s removal of Secretary Stanton. Fenton supported repeal of the bill entirely, in line with the position of the New York Legislature. Fenton's influence with Grant evidently came to  an end in 1870, when Grant appointed Conkling’s choice for Collector of the Port of New York, Thomas Murphy. Only Fenton, Charles Sumner, and Joseph S. Fowler voted against the appointment as Republicans. After this, Conkling was more influential with the Grant administration than any Senator except Oliver Morton. At the 1870 state convention, Conkling and his allies accused Fenton of a corrupt bargain with Boss Tweed of Tammany Hall for control of the New York City party organization; many of Fenton’s supporters held sinecures in city government. The Republicans lost the 1870 election by a wide margin ; Conkling blamed the loss on betrayal by the Fenton faction. In 1871, Conkling gained Grant's support to reform the New York City organization. State chairman Alonzo Cornell removed the “Tammany Republicans” over Fenton’s objection and founded a successor organization led by Horace Greeley and Jackson S. Schultz; Greeley declined and joined Fenton’s organization instead, precipitating a struggle for power within the city party. The struggle was ended at the 1871 state convention in Syracuse. Hamilton Ward Sr. suggested that each organization be given half the vote of New York County, but Conkling successfully prevented this move, delivering  an extemporaneous speech: A horde of ballot-box pirates and robbers have clutched by the throat the greatest city of the Western world. A horde of pirates, whose firm-name is Tammany Hall… is presenting in its own organization the most hideous spectacle in modern history, has disbanded, tampered with, and to a large part controlled that glorious organization which is the brightest in the annals of political parties… The delegates voted to seat the Conkling delegation, and the party platform included an endorsement of President Grant and condemnation of “astounding revelations of fraud and corruption in the city of  New York.” For the next decade, Conkling was the undisputed leader of the New York Republican Party. Fenton eventually left the party entirely in 1872, supporting the new Liberal Republican Party, which nominated Greeley for President in opposition to Grant. Hayes administration. Conkling and President Rutherford B. Hayes got off to a rocky start after Hayes named William M. Evarts, a New York opponent of Conkling’s machine, as Secretary of State. In addition to elevating a Conkling critic, the appointment precluded Conkling’s ally Thomas C. Platt from joining the cabinet as Postmaster General on grounds of regional diversity ; traditionally, only one cabinet member could come from a state. In April 1877, Secretary of the Treasury John Sherman appointed a commission to investigate the New York Custom House. The investigation brought to light extensive irregularities in the service, showing that the federal office holders in New York were rather a large army of political workers and that their positions were secured by and dependent upon their faithful service on behalf of New York City politicians. After Conkling returned from a European vacation, he took an active part in the 1877 New York state campaign. He and Platt were openly  critical of the Hayes administration at the state convention, passing a number of resolutions endorsing Grant over the objection of reformer George William Curtis. Conkling gave a lengthy speech denouncing Curtis, Hayes, and reformers and praising Grant. The Conkling-Hayes conflict peaked in December 1877, when Hayes nominated Theodore Roosevelt Sr. and L. Bradford Prince to replace Chester Arthur and Alonzo Cornell as the Collector and Naval Officer, respectively, of the Port. The appointments were made on the basis of findings of corruption at the Port of New York by a commission of independent, anti-Conkling Republicans. The nominations were  rejected by a vote of 25 to 32, with six Republicans voting for and two Democrats voting against. After the vote, a disagreement between Conkling and Senator John Brown Gordon of Georgia nearly resulted in a duel between the two men, but their friends defrayed the situation. Nevertheless, Hayes suspended Arthur and Cornell’s service on July 11, 1878 and appointed Edwin Atkins Merritt and Silas W. Burt during the congressional recess. Both were confirmed when Congress reconvened in February. 1879 election. In January 1879, Conkling was re-nominated by acclamation and re-elected to a third term easily. Garfield  administration and resignation. Shortly after James Garfield's victory in the 1880 election, Conkling consulted with friends on his future. Though he sought to resign over his differences with Garfield, they urged him to remain in office. Garfield solicited his advice on “several subjects relating to the next administration—and especially in reference to New York interests” and invited Conkling to visit him in Mentor, Ohio. Their conversation there, in private with no witnesses, remained the subject of debate long after both men’s deaths. Garfield assembled a cabinet including James Blaine as Secretary of State and Thomas Lemuel James , a New York enemy of Conkling's, as Postmaster General. He refused to appoint Conkling's proposed candidate, Levi P. Morton, for Secretary of the Treasury. Garfield further angered Conkling when he removed Edwin Atkins Merritt as Collector of the Port of New York during his term and appointed Judge William H. Robertson at Blaine's insistence. Merritt's removal halfway through his term and Robertson's appointment pressed Conkling to action. He resigned from the Senate, seeking vindication of his own political strength and of the principle of senatorial courtesy by winning the special election to his seat. Thomas  C. Platt resigned alongside him. Though Conkling personally attended the legislature's sessions in Albany, Elbridge Lapham was chosen as his successor. Any chance of Conkling's re-election was likely ended, and his political career with it, when President Garfield was shot on July 2 by Charles Guiteau, a fellow Stalwart who had cited the Blaine appointment in threats to the President. Though he was still alive when the election finally concluded on July 22, he died on September 19. Conkling's long-time protégé, Chester Arthur, succeeded to the preidency. Presidential politics. As a Senator and the boss  of the New York Republicans, Conkling was a kingmaker at multiple Republican Conventions. After supporting President Ulysses S. Grant in 1868 and 1872, Conkling ran an unsuccessful campaign of his own in 1876. In 1880, he supported the nomination of Grant for a third term. Though his preferred candidate was not nominated for President in either case, he was successful in preventing the nomination of an outright reformer and was the driving force behind Chester A. Arthur's nomination as Vice President in 1880, which led to Arthur's succession as President after the assassination of James Garfield. 1868 and  1872. Conkling was an active supporter of Ulysses S. Grant's three presidential campaigns. In 1868, he actively campaigned for Grant against his own brother-in-law, Horatio Seymour. As the 1872 campaign shaped up, Conkling established himself as one of the foremost defenders of the Grant administration. When Charles Sumner introduced a constitutional amendment to limit the presidency to one term in 1871, Conkling spoke against its passage. Conkling led a barnstorming tour across New York state, beginning in Manhattan on July 23. His speech there was issued, in abridged form, by the state party as a central piece  of the Republican campaign in the state. Conkling spoke against Horace Greeley in personal terms, drawing criticism from the Democratic and Liberal Republican press. His next speech was on August 8, after which he hosted a meet-and-greet with President Grant at his mansion in Utica. Grant won the election over Greeley easily, and the Republican ticket swept New York. 1876 campaign. Soon after his re-election to the Senate, Conkling became a leading choice to succeed President Grant. He had the support of Grant and the unanimous backing of the New York Republicans. A public meeting was held  in Utica on March 2 to endorse his candidacy, and the Republican state convention on March 22 endorsed Conkling for president. Conkling named as his own second choice Governor Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio, likely to block his rival James G. Blaine from winning the nomination. At the Republican Convention in Cincinnati on June 14, the New York delegation actively worked to secure Conkling’s nomination, and his name was placed forward by Stewart L. Woodford. The other candidates named were Marshall Jewell, Oliver P. Morton, Benjamin Bristow, John Hartranft, Hayes, and Conkling’s personal rival James G. Blaine. After  Conkling's vote slipped lower on the first five ballots, a member of the Indiana delegation began a stampede to Hayes, who was nominated. New Yorker William A. Wheeler was nominated for Vice President. Conkling pledged to make four speeches on behalf of Hayes, but made only one, claiming ill health. Conkling played an active part in resolving the disputed election. Acting on the advice of President Grant, he helped write and pass the bill establishing the Electoral Commission of 1877, tasked with resolving the dispute between Hayes and Samuel Tilden. He gave a powerful speech urging its constitutionality, passage  as a means of avoiding violence, but declined to serve on the Committee himself. Conkling’s own position on the controversy was that neither Tilden nor Hayes should be inaugurated, frequently reported as an implicit endorsement of Tilden. 1880 convention. As the 1880 election approached, a growing movement favored the nomination of President Grant for a third term. Conkling, along with Senators J. Donald Cameron of Pennsylvania and John A. Logan of Illinois, were at its head. At the 1880 state convention, Conkling secured a binding resolution pledging New York’s delegates to Grant. At the national convention, Conkling moved  to have all delegates pledge their support to the eventual nominee. After James A. Garfield delivered a speech against his resolution, Conkling wrote him a note: "I congratulate you as being the 'dark horse.'" Conkling then withdrew his resolution. On the fourth day, Conkling placed Grant’s name in nomination, and the nomination was seconded by William O'Connell Bradley. Grant’s strongest opponents were Conkling’s rivals James G. Blaine and John Sherman, who was nominated by James A. Garfield. Conkling marshaled the Grant delegates through dozens of successive ballots, never wavering in his conviction that Grant should receive a  third term. On the fifth night of the convention, some delegates suggested that Conkling himself could be nominated if he would withdraw Grant’s name; he declined. The non-Grant delegates struggled to find an alternate candidate, but it soon became clear that the convention was divided between the pro-Grant and anti-Grant factions. On the sixth day, James Garfield emerged as the consensus anti-Grant choice. He received the necessary majority on the thirty-sixth ballot of the convention, and Conkling moved to make his nomination unanimous. The Garfield campaign, seeking a Stalwart, first approached Levi P. Morton , who Conkling advised to decline, which he did. William Dennison Jr. of Ohio solicited Conkling’s choice for vice president on behalf of the Garfield campaign, and Conkling turned this choice over to the New York delegation, which selected Chester Arthur over Stewart Woodford. The convention nominated Arthur on the first ballot. Conkling advised Arthur to decline, but he did not. 1880 campaign. During the general election campaign, Conkling conspicuously avoided Garfield, declining the nominee’s invitations to meet. When a conference of Republican leaders convened at the Fifth Avenue Hotel to meet with Garfield, Conkling left his seat conspicuously  vacant. In response to entreaties from friends, he simply replied, “There are some matters which must be attended to before I can enter the canvass.” This remark was widely reprinted in press throughout the North as evidence of Garfield’s weak position. Conkling only began to campaign actively after Grant and Arthur personally prevailed upon him to do so. Conkling gave a well-received speech at New York’s Academy of Music, then travelled west to deliver a series of speeches in Ohio alongside President Grant. At the insistence of Grant and Senator Cameron, they stopped at Garfield’s home  in Mentor. During his entire visit, Conkling refused to be left alone with Garfield. He made four more speeches in Indiana, then returned to New York for the remainder of the campaign. Positions and views. Conkling was a Radical Republican, favoring equal rights for ex-slaves and reduced rights for ex-Confederates. He was active in framing and pushing the legislation framing Reconstruction, including the Civil Rights Act of 1875. Conkling defended a proposal ordering the construction of a transcontinental telegraph to the Pacific Ocean. He also championed the broad interpretation of the ex post facto clause in the Constitution . (See "Stogner v. California") Temperance. Conkling was a moderate on the issue of alcohol. In 1873, Conkling submitted a resolution on behalf of the temperance movement within his district and spoke in support of the movement’s aims at the 1873 state convention, but denounced any “irrational effort” to ban alcohol as indefensible. Monetary policy. While in the House, Conkling notably broke with the Republican Party over the passage of the Legal Tender Act, which established Treasury notes as legal currency in order to better fund the war effort. In this opposition he was joined by his brother, Frederick Augustus  Conkling. Both were “hard money” men, arguing that the only legal tender could be precious metals (gold and silver) and that the war could be won without extending the Union’s line of credit. Instead, he argued for reducing the costs of government by cutting salaries and limiting congressional travel expenses. Conkling also vigorously opposed the so-called “inflation bill”, which would have authorized an additional $46 million in bank notes. The bill passed, but President Grant vetoed it and a compromise was reached. He was an active opponent of the Bland-Allison Act and any legislation attempting to  increase the supply of silver. Civil rights and Reconstruction. Conkling was a lifelong advocate for civil rights for freed black Americans. He remained an advocate for Southern Reconstruction long past its political popularity in the North and even beyond President Hayes’s decision to withdraw federal troops from Southern states. Women's rights. In 1877, Conkling presented a petition on behalf of citizens of New York, mostly women, calling for an amendment granting all women the right to vote. Retirement. After resigning from the Senate in 1881, Conkling returned to the practice of law. As one of the original drafters  of the Fourteenth Amendment, he claimed in a case which reached the Supreme Court, "Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad", 118 U.S. 394 (1886), that the phrase "nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws" meant the drafters wanted corporations to be included, because they used the word "person" and cited his personal diary from the period. Howard Jay Graham, a Stanford University historian considered the pre-eminent scholar on the Fourteenth Amendment, named this case the "conspiracy theory" and concluded that Conkling probably perjured himself for the benefit of his railroad friends . Relationship with President Arthur. Conkling and Arthur were so intimately associated that it was feared, after President Garfield was assassinated, that the killing had been done at Conkling's behest in order to install Arthur as president and bring about restoration of the patronage system of political appointments. After Arthur assumed the presidency upon Garfield's death in September 1881, Conkling attempted to sway his protégé into reversing the earlier appointment by Garfield of William H. Robertson as Collector of the Port of New York. Arthur, who would become an avid champion of civil service reform, refused. On February 24 , 1882, Arthur nominated Conkling as an associate justice of the Supreme Court, following the retirement of Ward Hunt. Arthur submitted the nomination to the Senate not knowing whether Conkling would accept it or not. He was confirmed by the Senate on March 2, 1882 by a 39-12 vote, but declined to serve in a letter to Arthur citing "reasons you would not fail to appreciate." The breach between Arthur and Conkling was never repaired. Without Conkling's leadership, his Stalwart faction dissolved. However, upon Arthur's death in 1886, he attended the funeral and showed deep sorrow according to  on lookers. Personal life. During his first term as Senator, Conkling purchased a mansion in Utica that remained his primary residence until his death. He adorned his walls with photos of Lord Byron, Daniel Webster, William W. Eaton, and Antonio López de Santa Anna (presented to Conkling’s father during his time as Minister to Mexico). Conkling was an avid reader of poetry, particularly the works of Lord Byron. He sometimes quoted or recited poetry in his speeches. He made careful study of British oratory throughout his life, and was a particular admirer of Thomas Babington Macaulay. Conkling was a  personal friend and political ally of Senator Blanche Bruce, whom he defended against both racist and reformist critics, and who named his son Roscoe Conkling Bruce in honor of their friendship. Marriage and romantic affairs. Conkling married Julia Catherine Seymour, sister of the then-Governor of New York Horatio Seymour, on June 25, 1855. Conkling had a reputation as a womanizer and philanderer, and was accused of having an affair with the married Kate Chase Sprague, daughter of Salmon P. Chase and wife of William Sprague IV. According to a well-known story, buttressed by contemporaneous press reports, Mr. Sprague  confronted the philandering couple at the Spragues' Rhode Island summer home and pursued Conkling with a shotgun. One posthumous account from "The New York Times" (October 12, 1909) stated: The late Senator Roscoe Conkling was a frequent visitor at Canonchet [Sprague's estate], and was unpleasantly conspicuous in the proceedings which ended in the divorce of the Spragues. Mr. Conkling was once forbidden by Mr. Sprague to come to Canonchet. Despite this, however, the Executive [Sprague] later met the Senator [Conkling] on the estate coming from the rear of the house—some reports had it that the Senator jumped from  a window—and after him came the Governor with his old civil war musket in his hands. Physical fitness. Throughout his life, Conkling was noted for his advocacy of physical culture, a somewhat unorthodox pastime for a man of his era and social status. Conkling maintained his physique through horseback riding and boxing. He took daily walking trips throughout his life. Stories of his boxing exploits frequently appeared in the press, though their accuracy is questioned. Perhaps due to his massive frame (6’3”) and dominant physical presence, Conkling drew frequent press attention. Despite his pride in his physique, Conkling was  known to have a peculiar aversion to “having his person touched.” In the summer of 1868, Conkling, Louis Agassiz, Samuel Hooper, and others traveled to the Rocky Mountains, including a visit to Pike’s Peak. In his retirement, he became a governing member of the New York Athletic Club. Death and legacy. On March 12, 1888, Conkling attempted to walk home three miles from his law office on Wall Street through the Great Blizzard of 1888. Conkling made it as far as Union Square before collapsing. He contracted pneumonia and developed mastoiditis several weeks later which, following a surgical procedure  to drain the infection, progressed to meningitis. Conkling died in the early morning hours of April 18, 1888. After leaving the Senate, Conkling had reconciled with Mrs. Conkling, and both his wife and daughter were with him when he died. Conkling is buried at Forest Hill Cemetery in Utica. Legacy. Roscoe Conkling's enduring legacy is scant. Though he was a consequential, colorful and powerful political figure in his day, few lasting social or legislative achievements are attributed to him. Chauncey Depew, the noted railroad executive, political observer and himself a member of the United States Senate from New York  from 1899 to 1911, commented thus more than 30 years after Conkling's death: "[Roscoe Conkling] was created by nature for a great career ... he was the handsomest man of his time ... his mental equipment nearly approached genius ... [but] with all his oratorical power and his talent in debate, he made little impression on the country and none upon posterity ... The reason for this was that his wonderful gifts were wholly devoted to partisan discussions and local issues." A statue of him stands in Madison Square Park in New York City. Conkling is the namesake to the hamlets Roscoe, New  York, Roscoe, South Dakota, and Roscoe, Georgia. Conkling's stature as a powerful politician—and the interests of others in currying favor with him—led to many babies being named for him. These include Roscoe C. Patterson, Roscoe Conkling Oyer, Roscoe Conkling Bruce, and Roscoe C. McCulloch. Roscoe Conkling ("Fatty") Arbuckle's father, however, despised Conkling; he named the boy because he suspected the boy was not his and because of Conkling's known philandering. . Includes "Guide to Research Collections" where his papers are located.