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11 september 2015 - Posted by	annie van rees |
Onderwijs, Recensies	Nog geen reacties Ekonomiese kleinsake vernietiging – “Corona virus crisis” – ONAFHANKLIK
Posted on 27 Mei 2020 27 Mei 2020 by volksvryheid
Die land se hele ekonomie is lam gelê deur die afkondiging van “Nasionale rampstaat” en magte wat daarna misbruik is. Tog sing die “nuwe “Rampstaat bevelvoerder Zuma” in die jongste artikel, dit gaan eintlik oor swart bemagtiging, wat hierby ingesluit word. Dus het die spul nie net die parlement mislei nie, maar ook belieg asook elke besigheid in hierdie land sowel elke werker wat hul werk verloor het as gevolg van die sogenaamde “rampstaat”. Ons was reeds rommelstaat voor die virus uitgebreek het en asof dit nie genoeg was nie, het Ramaphosa, Zuma en die hele “rampbestuur” saamgespeel om kleinsake in die grond in te trap.
*Disaster Management Act: Declaration of a National State of Disaster: COVID-19 (coronavirus)
Wet op Rampbestuur: Verklaring van ‘n nasionale rampstaat: COVID-19 (coronavirus)
Suid-Afrika se besighede is soos ‘n siek hond wat bly skop is deur hierdie elites van mag en kontrole.
Gee dit enige minister en president, selfs al was daar ‘n uitbreek van ernstige siektes, daardie mag om daaroor te besluit?
Daar was donasies gemaak, maar die onderskeid was gemaak dit sal slegs aan swartes uitgedeel word. Aanvanklik was dit ook ontken deur die regering, maar later het hul webtuistes dit gewys en is daar verder gefokus dat dit slegs vir swartes is.
Wie moet verantwoordelikheid hiervoor neem – diegene wat dit veroorsaak het en hul magte misbruik het vir eie gewin.
Alle kleinsake besighede, groot besighede sowel werkers moet vergoed word vir hierdie twee maande en verliese en moet elkeen herstel word waar hulle was. Met ‘n rommelstatus regering, wat toe al gegeld het voor die virus, hoekom sou swart bemagtiging steeds aanhou bly werk het, behalwe vir die “elites”.
Indien swart bemagtiging nie vir die ANC in 26 jaar gewerk het nie, hoekom sou dit met die Rampbestuurder Zuma plan gewerk het.
Daar is iets soos menseregte skendings wat al 2 maande aan die gang is, terwyl hongersnood vir baie lê en wag omdat hul hul deure moes sluit en dis wat die spul se hele doelwit was. Dus wat skuil agter Rampbestuurder Zuma se plan? En hoekom het Ramaphosa saamgespeel toe die verbod op sigarette opgehef is en later weer teruggeplaas word? En indien daar na van die ander artikels gelees word, sal dit ook opgemerk word hoe wispelturig die hele storie was en steeds is.
Ons behoort onmiddellik oop te gaan op alle vlakke met vergoeding aan diegene wat verliese gely het.
Hier kom die aanvanklike redes vir die sogenaamde “corona krisis” – en die “sluit van die hele ekonomie”. Die “aanstelling” onder die sogenaamde WET van Rampbestuur, gaan glad nie oor die virus nie, maar oor verdere opdragte oor swart bemagtiging.
Dus oorskry hierdie vrou totaal en al haar magte, wat ook die ander kastige “vaandeldraers” van die virus, hierby insluit. Dus, op watter grond is dit wat hulle doen, wettig – alles blyk ongrondwetlik te wees?
Selfs die kastige “toesprakies van die “Ramaphosa president” wat opdragte eintlik neem van Rampbestuurder Zuma.
Aan die ander kant wonder mens of al die oorsese regerings dan saam die ANC hierin is, of dalk net die Chinese en Brics lande?
Hoekom het lande soos Amerika byvoorbeeld, dan geldelike hulp verleen aan die ANC en waarheen het dit regtig gegaan?
Was die kastige donasies van Oppenheimer en Rupert ook net ‘n vals vlag, wat ons al lankal vermoed, wat ook onder swart bemagtiging is. Waar het dit alles heengegaan?
Heel toevallig, is daar heelwat Afrika lande het “presies” gedoen wat Suid-Afrika gedoen het, wat weer op hul beurt Amerika gevolg het. Ook alles vir die skyn? Of is dit nou regtig “Events 201 op Google“?
Toe Amerika kerke oopgooi, toe doen Suid-Afrika dit ook. Daar was egter geen aanklokreëls in ander kontinente soos in Afrika te bespeur nie.
Nou weet ons kleinsake besighede hoekom mag hulle nie oop maak nie, want daar gaan nie geleentheid vir verdere kleinsake besighede hede wees om oop te maak as mens deur die lyne van die “Rampbestuurder”, wat Ramaphosa oorskadu se woorde lees.
Die virus is nie so erg as wat dit gemaak word nie, die hartaanvalle, kankers en alles word as “virus” aangeteken en nie as werklike oorsaak van dood nie. Hoekom oorsee – of volg die oorsese lande presies dieselfde om kleiner besighede tot niet te maak?
Ramaphosa is die stuurman van die kommissie wat oor swart bemagtiging besluite maak wat net in die parlement bekragtig word. Ewe inskiklik is al die politieke partye wat in die parlement is, wat gerieflik meedoen hiermee – en vir daardie rede kan mens sommige partye terugneem na Kodesa, die skryf van die grondwet wat die liberales en klassieke liberales saam die kommuniste geskryf het. Die hoofman daardie tyd, was niemand anders as FW de Klerk en Roelf Meyer nie saam met Ramaphosa.
Weer eens – vir 26 jaar is daar al swart bemagtiging, maar slegs die elites (wat ook blanke elites insluit), baat hierby. Hoeveel ongeregtighede is regtig aan die gang? Die ondersteuners van die ANC, EFF, DA, VF+ en ander moet maar hul partye afvra wat maak hulle al vir 26 jaar daarmee, want hulle “verteenwoordig jou” daar, niemand van die konserwatiewes het hulle gekies nie.
Dan is daar steeds al die grondgebiede, soos Trustgebiede, Grondeise, wat geregistreerde CPA’s het waarby 8840 plus tradisionele leiers betrokke is. Hierdie gebiede, saam die myne beloop etlike miljoene hektaar grond. En dan verkondig hul van podiums af hoe ons blankes hul grond gesteel het, terwyl hul Trustgebiede en CPA’s ryklik finansieel en andersinds ondersteun (Hansards).
Virusse wat die land binnegestorm en mense siek gemaak het is nie rassisties en diskriminerende virusse nie. Enige griep of verkoue, TB of ander oorsake van dood wat as “Corona virus” aangeteken word, is ook nie rassisties en diskriminerend nie.
Nou hoekom word daar teenoor blankes en hul besighede gediskrimineer?
“We won’t waste this crisis. We must look at our economy, the structure of the economy, the configuration of the economy, the distribution of the economy… the glaring needs that are exposed,” Dlamini-Zuma told a virtual session of the National Council of Provinces that saw heated questions about the government’s response to the global health crisis.
Dlamini-Zuma said it has exposed imbalances in the structure of the local economy and the government was adamant that these needed to be corrected, even as it focused its resources on combating the virus.
She said the aim of government’s interventions was to ensure that “every district has a vibrant economy”.
The minister was responding to questions from opposition members of Parliament (MPs) on what they criticised as a tendency to prioritise redistribution objectives while extending economic relief in the context of the health crisis.
Some flatly accused Dlamini-Zuma of using Covid-19 national disaster regulations to erode the relative privilege of the middle class and strengthen state-control of the economy, in an echo of similar criticism lobbed at Trade and Industry Minister Ebrahim Patel in recent weeks.
The government has come under fire from the opposition for its decision to restrict Covid-19 related economic relief for small businesses to those who satisfy broad-based black economic empowerment criteria, with the Democratic Alliance filing court papers to oppose it.
The move has also been criticised by Finance Minister Tito Mboweni who two weeks ago told MPs that race was a “vexed” matter and should not come into play in the current crisis.
Hard lockdown unsustainable
Health Minister Zweli Mkhize cited social distress, unemployment and recession for easing the Covid-19 lockdown to Level 3. And while Tuesday’s four-hour National Council of Provinces session had Health MECs talking of a post-Covid-19 legacy of improved public health, serious questions remain on how key governance decisions are made.
Health Minister Zweli Mkhize put his finger on an inherent contradiction in South Africa’s Covid-19 lockdown strategy – while the World Health Organisation criteria tie together any easing of lockdown with slowing infection rates, in South Africa, this comes just as numbers of Covid-19 cases are on the up. “We’ve actually had to move on and reopen [the economy]… The reason for it is because there’s a problem, a crisis of hunger, income, economic recession and social distress,” Mkhize told the National Council of Provinces (NCOP) on 26 May 2020.
It stated also that this securocratic command council emerges as a central decision-making structure despite not being established in law or regulation and not publicly accountable – unlike the constitutionally established Cabinet, both as individual ministers and as a collective headed by the president.
The NCCC is supported and informed by another unaccountable structure also not established in law or regulation, the NatJoints, the National Joint Operational and Intelligence Structure, that brings together police, military and spooks.
25 May 2020 Maverick reported on the matter….
The NCCC can’t take decisions for the government. It is not a constitutional, statutory or even regulatory entity. The Constitution in Chapter 5 puts executive authority in the president and Cabinet. Not a NCCC. …
Sharp and widespread criticism came from the public and industry. By then it was clear the illicit tobacco trade, alongside alcohol, was roaring – to the benefit of criminal networks, and a R1.7-billion loss over 29 days in April 2020 to state coffers.
The hard Covid-19 lockdown is being used to push agendas against the backdrop of the unconstitutional and unaccountable structures which now determine, in no small measure, how the country is run.
Central to the current setup is NatJoints, the National Joint Operational and Intelligence Structure, that brings together the SAPS, the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and State Security in a structure that does not publicly account – and is not established in law or regulation.
NatJoints is involved with monitoring the Covid-19 hard lockdown, implementing and even drafting at least a first take on regulations. That emerged in the first lockdown regulations that (briefly) included a wholesale indemnity of security services that’s not even possible in a State of Emergency. It’s on public record before lawmakers how NatJoints drafts plans for the National Coronavirus Command Council (NCCC) – and the SAPS “operationalises” NCCC decisions.
Similarly, the National Coronavirus Command Council. It emerged as a central decision-maker over the past two months even though it’s also not established in law or regulation – unlike the National Security Council, which President Cyril Ramaphosa gazetted on 27 February.
Yet, the NCCC grew legs, with provincial counterparts established in all but the DA-run Western Cape as part of a parallel governance system not outlined in the Constitution, like NatJoints that has provincial entities reporting to it.
That extraordinary measures to save lives are needed in the Covid-19 public health emergency brooks no argument, particularly in a country where years of HIV-Aids denialism, according to some estimates, cost over 300,000 South Africans their lives.
But in 2020 different dynamics prevail.
A factionalised governing ANC and a fractured national political landscape is underscored by unaccountable securocrat structures, NatJoints and the NCCC. A weak public administration is now focused on ministers’ directives that become edict sans Parliament and the usual legislation-making public consultation processes to give effect to agendas.
Health Minister Zweli Mkhize described as a “public attack on government” the “factually incorrect and unfounded statements” by the Medical Research Council (MRC) president, Professor Glenda Gray, who had described some lockdown regulations as “unscientific” and thumb-sucks.
She, like several other health scientists – and economists, analysts, and many others – has called for an end to the lockdown, although not the physical distancing and hygiene measures, as the lockdown itself had served its purpose.
Coincidentally, Mkhize is on public record as saying all that could be achieved to flatten the curve with the lockdown had been achieved.
But Acting Health Director-General Anban Pillay took up the cudgel and in a letter to the MRC board dated 22 May, published by GroundUp, called for an investigation into Gray’s conduct “given the harm it has caused to South Africa’s Covid response”.
That approach echoes Presidency Director-General Cassius Lubisi’s response to advocates Nazeer Cassim (SC) and Erin-Dianne Richards’ concerns over the constitutionality of the NCCC.
“Their insistence on putting in jeopardy all measures taken to save South African lives and ensure security of public health is not commensurate in our respectful view with their positions as officers of the court,” wrote Lubisi on 4 May.
The potentially chilling effect on the public discourse from such official responses comes alongside a slow, but steady, creep into civil and human rights.
A curfew in lockdown Level 4. A police permit required to move house or business, and to leave a domestic violence situation by 7 June. An exit permit or authorisation from Home Affairs required for “approved essential travel for South Africans, who want to return to countries where they are based”, and reasons including study and family reunions.
The temptation is to use the cover of Covid-19 to push other agendas, and power plays. And South Africa would not be unique.
As the government is moving to centralise food parcel distribution, the DA successfully took Social Development Minister Lindiwe Zulu to court, which, until the case is fully argued, has ordered an end to Social Development and police officials stopping NGO-run soup kitchens and imposing a load of bureaucratic requirements on private food initiatives as her draft directives outlined.
Ahead of the National Health Insurance (NHI), Mkhize is pushing for more resources for a public health system that is struggling, according to the government’s own assessment in the 2018 Draft National Quality Improvement Plan.
Trade and Industry Minister Ebrahim Patel has used his pen to produce directives on T-shirts to be sold only as undergarments and banning open-toed footwear. Such micromanagement has extended to decrees when companies may operate and at what capacity.
Until the State of National Disaster was declared on 15 March, a Covid-19 interministerial committee headed by Mkhize and the National Institute for Communicable Diseases had been on point. Then Ramaphosa announced:
“… [W]e have decided to establish a national command council chaired by the president. This command council will include, amongst others, members of the interministerial committee and will meet three times a week, to coordinate all aspects of our extraordinary emergency response. And on the Covid-19 pandemic, Cabinet merely seems to be “apprised” by the NCCC, for example, on progress and challenges experienced at Level 4 lockdown, as the official statement put it following the special two-day Cabinet meeting from 12 May.
What happens next in the Covid-19 public health emergency is important. It will test how far the turn to executive rule by ministerial decree and the parallel governance system of the securocrat NatJoints and NCCC will be allowed to undercut South Africa’ constitutional democracy.
But this is the conundrum: without a State of Disaster, or Emergency or other extraordinary dispensation, the Covid-19 lockdown regulations at all levels cannot be sustained.
The legally permitted maximum three-month State of Disaster ends on June 14.
The State of Disaster may be extended by a month – or up to a maximum of three one-month extensions. The Disaster Management Act is not quite clear, and open to interpretation. And there are court challenges.
Depending on how far the securocrats’ power push reaches, and also on prevailing agendas, the lure may well be there to extend month by month – till whenever.
Or to go back to point zero, and declare another State of Disaster, that for another maximum of three months would allow executive rule by ministerial decree.
Both scenarios would allow government to continue lockdown executive rule by decree and directive, rather than lawmaking through Parliament, the legislative sphere of state. The latter option is marginally less blunt, but is still a little like hitting the disaster replay button. Repeatedly.
The lawfulness and validity of the Disaster Management Act and the National Coronavirus Command Council are subject to court action.
Even in this Covid-19 pandemic, the Constitution is not just a nice to have.
Its Bill of Rights guarantees the human and civil rights and freedoms of the poorest and most marginalised.
Its founding values include human dignity and the achievement of equality. And democratic government to ensure accountability, responsiveness and openness
THIS IS NOT THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PROVINCES
Plenary National Council of Provinces 26 May 2020 Briefing by the Minister of Co-operative Governance, Dr Nkosazana Clarice Dlamini-Zuma and Minister of Health, Dr Zwelini Mkhize on Covid -19 to all members of the NCOP
Presentation – 26 May 2020
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3 gedagtes oor “Ekonomiese kleinsake vernietiging – “Corona virus crisis””
DA – John Steenhuisen – Corona lockdown regulations – ONAFHANKLIK	 30 Mei 202013:50
[…] The South African government will use the Covid-19 health crisis to correct the imbalances in the economy that the pandemic has highlighted, Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs Minister, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma said on Tuesday. Ekonomiese kleinsake vernietiging – “Corona virus crisis” […]
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