Foreign relations of Senegal
President Léopold Senghor advocated close relations with France and negotiation and compromise as the best means of resolving international differences. To a large extent, the two succeeding presidents have carried on Senghor's policies and philosophies. Senegal has long supported functional integration among French-speaking West African states through the West African Economic and Monetary Union. Senegal has a high profile in many international organizations and was a member of the UN Security Council in 1988–89. It was elected to the UN Commission on Human Rights in 1997. Friendly to the West, especially to France and  to the United States, Senegal also is a vigorous proponent of more assistance from developed countries to the Third World. Senegal enjoys mostly cordial relations with its neighbors. In spite of clear progress on other fronts with Mauritania (border security, resource management, economic integration, etc.), there remains the problem of an estimated 30,000 Afro-Mauritanian refugees living in Senegal. Senegal is also a member of the International Criminal Court with a Bilateral Immunity Agreement of protection for the US-military (as covered under Article 98). Pre-colonial foreign policy. Senegal was regarded as Senegambia before the arrival of Europeans (Jaiteh ), where a number of independent kingdoms settled. By the 15th century, when the first Europeans arrived, Senegambia was linked to intra and inter-regional (Decourse, 8) trade networks that extended throughout the coast. During the 17th and 18th centuries, the African slave trade took advantage of autonomous kingdoms such as, the Wolof and Jolof kingdoms (Tang, 3). The establishment of French colonies coupled with the competing hegemonic power between local ethnic groups within the Wolof kingdom led to a power void after traditional rulers could not prevent the French from impeding the establishments already in place by politicians and elites  (Venema, 4) . The change from slave trade to the trade of cash crops set the precedent for the collapse of states within both empires (Gray, 3). The French used Senegal's advantageous geographic location, on the coast of the Atlantic Ocean, to safeguard their interest in the trade of groundnuts (Schraeder and Gaye, 488). The foreign policy of Senegal is also characterized by the religious values and beliefs of Islam. The spiritual traditions and foundations of Senegal represent another facet of foreign policy in and outside of the region. Political and diplomatic actors are ultimately determined by marabouts that intercede  on behalf of the people to Allah (Schraeder and Gaye, 489). Some marabouts establish loyalist relationships of patron with political leaders. Marabouts do not make policy, but their support is essential to the stability of government (Behrman Creevey, 262). Independence. Senegalese independence began in 1960 with Léopold Sedar Sénghor as the first president and was succeeded by Abdou Diouf in 1980. There are four sets of principles key to conceptualizing foreign policy in Senegal. The first is a French term, reminiscent of colonial roots, called la francophonie (Schraeder and Gaye, 495) that is a part of a larger foreign policy  initiative to self-affirm the values and cultures of African people while rejecting French colonialism and orientalist attitudes through the concept of Négritude (Diagne) and Pan-Africanism (Diagne). The promotion of this concept played a key role in the formation of worldwide summits, such as the Franco-African Summit, that allowed Senegal to emerge as a leader within the francophone movement in Africa, African consolidation, unification and cooperation are at the center of Senegalese foreign policy (Schraeder and Gaye, 495). Senegelese diplomats in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs believe that West Africa must unite in order to not only remain  competitive in an international economy dominated by superpowers like China and the United States, but also promote and consolidate economic development within West Africa (Schraeder and Gaye, 495). Senegalese policy officials prioritize and use the individual strengths of surrounding African countries in order to strengthen regional economies and weaken regional dependency on foreign actors. This combative approach for western influence is underscored in the Senegalese constitution in clause four of the preamble: “must spare no effort in the fulfillment of African Unity” (Schraeder and Gaye, 493). These efforts have been actively pursued through formal diplomatic agreements with neighboring countries, such  as the Mali Foundation in 1960, the Federation with Gambia from 1982 to 1989, as well as informal forms of cooperation such as the Inter-State Authority in the Fight Against Drought in the Sahel (CILSS), The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), The Joint African and Malagasy Organization (OCAM), the Organization for the Development of the Gambia River Valley (OMVG), and the Organization for the Development of the Senegal River Valley (OMVS) (Schraeder and Gaye, 493). Intergovernmental Organizations. ECOWAS. Senegal is a Zone A member of ECOWAS since its formation in 1975 with the signing of the Treaty  of Lagos and the largest contributor of troops in the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). According to the ECOWAS official website, Senegal’s affairs in ECOWAS are currently overseen by Madame Aissata Tall Sall, Senegal’s Foreign Minister. Senegal holds 6 seats in ECOWAS’s Community Parliament, which assigns seats based on member states’ populations. The Trans-West African Coastal Highway was an ECOWAS project which made significant infrastructure developments that connected Senegals’ Capital, Dakar, to other major cities in the surrounding region, such as Lagos in Nigeria and Nouakchott in Mauritania. Additionally, ECOWAS oversaw the  construction of a 1.9km bridge connecting Senegal to its interior neighbor, the Gambia, and has begun plans to construct a bridge connecting Mauritania and Senegal. Not only did these projects expand Senegal’s physical infrastructure and access to its neighbors, but they are projected by officials to be prosperous for economic development through trade expansion. On July 10, 2014, ECOWAS member states agreed to begin an economic partnership agreement (EPA) with the EU. The implementation of the EPA, along with the adoption of a common external tarriff (CET) for ECOWAS members, impacted the Senegalese economy’s ability to levy  custom tariffs on EU imports, thus reducing revenue collected by the Senegalese government, but increasing remuneration in the formal Senegalese labor market. Guinea-Bissau Civil War (1998). Senegal contributed about 2,000 troops upon the request of President Joao Bernardo Vieira of Guinea-Bissau for support during the Guinea-Bissau Civil War. The contribution of Senegalese troops to the Civil War also served to benefit Senegalese national interests because Vieira’s government was at risk of being replaced in a coup attempt by Ansumane Mane. Mane was believed to be sending weapons  to Casamance separatists, who are a secessionist group in  the southwestern region of Senegal. In November of 1998, Senegal abided by the conclusion of the ECOWAS authority to withdraw Senegalese and Guinean troops from the intervention and instead allow the other ECOWAS nations to contribute armed forces in Guinea-Bissau. The Gambia (2017). ECOWAS militarily intervened in The Gambia in 2017 when Former Gambian President Yahya Jammeh refused to concede after losing the election that year, abbreviated as ECOMIG and code-named “Operation Restore Democracy”. The Senegalese Foreign Minister first brought this concern to the U.N. Security Council in an emergency meeting (UNSC Resolution 2337). The resolution called for  a peaceful resolution to the Gambian presidential crisis and passed unanimously; ECOWAS military forces, led by a Senegalese commander, entered the Gambia following the resolution’s passage. Senegal’s armed forces played an active role in this military intervention and had a vested political interest in Jammeh stepping down; Adama Barrow, the current Gambian president, was sworn into his presidential office in the Gambian embassy in Dakar, Senegal for fear of his safety. Additionally, Jammeh was a cause of concern because his alleged aid to Casamance separatists in Senegal. Conflicts between pro-Jammeh forces and the Senegalese armed forces produced  refugee flows into Senegal and Guinea-Bissau. Mali Federation (1959–60). Senegal was an active member of the Mali Federation during its existence from 1959–60. Along with French Sudan, Senegal advocated for the union of French-speaking West African nations, including the proposal of the union’s name, and was a key contributor in its creation. The formation of the Federation reflected a desire to prevent AOF (Afrique Occidentale Française, or French West Africa) from fragmenting — the constitution writing process was led by Leopold Senghor and Modibo Keita, the first presidents of Senegal and Mali, respectively. In 1960, Senegalese and Malian  interests conflicted when Senghor became a candidate for the presidency of the Federation and Keita responded by declaring a state of emergency. On August 20, Senegal left the Mali Federation. The Federation subsequently dissolved. Future developments in foreign policy. Senegal is regarded on the international stage as one of the most stable democracies in Africa (Konte) as a result of three peaceful power-transitions since 1960 (WorldBank). Senegalese policy making is primarily based on immediate neighbors, the remainder of Africa, the Arab world and other Muslim states, and western democracies (Schraeder and Gaye, 501) and revolves around Mauritania, Mali, Guinea , Guinea-Bissau, and Gambia (Schraeder and Gaye, 502). A source of conflict between Senegal and surrounding nations has been the management and development of shared border resources (Schraeder and Gaye, 503). Senegalese foreign policy also revolves around Senegal's involvement in the internal affairs of other African nations and the desire to take and establish a lead role in a myriad of organizations committed to promoting regional integration and African unity (Schraeder and Gaye, 504). International commitments are a distinctive aspect of Senegalese foreign policy and includes arrangements with international organizations that operate in Senegal and members of state organizations  that Senegal belongs to (Sall, 9). An obligatory resolution mandated by the United Nations or a decree by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) may constitute an international commitment by Senegal. Senegalese foreign policy is now characterized by a nationalism that is fueled by the place Senegal once had within the French colony and a traditional culture. Thus, constituting a sense of regional superiority in regards to the domain of regional integration. The thirty-five years of uninterrupted democratic rule in Senegal has also been a key factor in Senegalese foreign policy. Over seventy percent of people are  dependent on agriculture to provide economic stability and most of Senegal's economic earnings stem from the exportation of groundnuts (Gray, 1). Thus, Senegal is currently working towards a structural transformation of their economy by implementing a form of economic diplomacy to strengthen regional stability and seize foreign markets (Zacchia et al., 2). Senegal plays an active role within international organizations such as the United Nations Security Council, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Nepad, and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation or the International Organisation of La Francophonie (WorldBank). Disputes – international. A short section of the boundary with the  Gambia is undefined. Illicit drugs. Transshipment point for Southwest and Southeast Asian heroin moving to Europe and North America; illicit cultivator of cannabis