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Free speech, responsible speech]]>
In hierdie artikel word betoog dat vryheid van spraak, soos vryheid van denke en menslike vryheid in die algemeen, onlosmaaklik met mekaar verband hou en nooit oor absolute geldigheid beskik nie. Alle vryheid bly beperkte vryheid en moet met verantwoordelikheid verbind word ten einde te verhinder dat die vryheid misbruik word en baie skade aan individue en samelewings aangerig word. In 'n kultuur van regte en eise mag die belangrikheid van verantwoordelikhede en pligte nooit uit die oog verloor word nie. Om egter die moontlikhede van vrye spraak te verstaan, asook die spanning daarvan met verantwoordelike spraak, moet verstaan word wie die mens is: toegerus met baie moontlikhede, maar met eweveel radikale gebreke. Hierdie moontlikhede en gebreke word oorgedra op alles waarmee mense te doen het - ook taal. Om vrye spraak nog beter te verstaan, moet dit ook vertolk word in die lig van die aard van taal. Taal kan skep, maar ook vernietig; taal kan as gereedskap gebruik word wat, ondanks suksesse, meesal groot beperkinge oplewer (die abstrakte dimensie van taal). Taal is egter veel meer as 'n blote gebruiksvoorwerp. Ons kan praat van die restant van taal waardeur die gebruiksmoontlikhede ver oorskry word. Taal word nie alleen deur mense gepraat nie; taal praat ook deur mense (die materiële aspek van taal). Vandaar die besondere skeppende vermoë daarvan. Vrye spraak word van verskillende kante bedreig en moet dus beskerm word, maar dit kan self ook 'n bedreiging wees. Daarom word verantwoordelikheid vereis om met wysheid te kan praat. Verskillende riglyne kan hiermee help: waarheidsoeke, menseverhoudinge, noölogiese gedrewenheid en inspirasies, gemeenskapsvestiging, sinsoeke. Hiermee kom etiek na vore en veral "die oneindig veeleisende etiek van toewyding". Hierdie etiek vra toewyding omdat mense altyd in hul spreke kan faal; dit is 'n veeleisende etiek omdat mense maklik sê wat hulle nie wil sê nie en ewe maklik nalaat om te sê wat hulle weet hulle moet sê en selfs graag wil sê.<hr/>Human beings want to be free and that freedom finds expression in freedom of thought, freedom of speech, and freedom of action. This is a unique and predominantly important feature of humans. Other unique features like creativity and inventiveness can only flourish at best in a milieu of freedom. Freedom in all respects should therefore be embraced, cultivated and promoted. This ideal of freedom can, however, never be without limits nor can it be absolutised. The reason for this is to be found in the nature of the human being. Humans are not flawless. On the contrary, they are fallible, mortal and finite. These disabilities are manifested in all their actions. All the freedoms they may take are hampered and affected by this fundamental flaw. For this reason freedom can easily be abused and it happens from day to day. Although the right to free speech should enthusiastically be protected and promoted, it should at the same time, with equal vigilance, be protected against itself, against its abuse in one way or another. Free speech is a linguistic activity and for this reason the nature of language requires attention as well for a proper appreciation of the value of free speech. Two dimensions of language, namely the abstract and material dimensions are discussed. The abstract dimension enables humans to communicate in a straightforward manner according to the rules of language, logic and clear argumentation. In this regard language can be used as a tool; it can form part of sets of skills; it can be spoken. The material dimension of language, on the contrary, is loaded with emotion, beyond human control, and cannot be used by humans. In this case humans are used by language; language speaks through us. Humans have to be sensitive and responsive to the speaking powers and forces of language. Freedom of speech and expression is hampered by the same problem. Since humans are fallible they also transfer this fallibility to their use and abuse of language. Although free speech can be creative and capable of building human relations and individuals it can also be destructive of relations and of individuals. For this reason emphasis is laid on the relationship between language and violence with specific reference to the mortal violence to which language can lead. Language can destroy; it can kill. For this reason no free speech can ever be absolute. And for the same reason the notion of responsible speech has to be introduced and kept alert and alive. Responsibility should enable us to utilise language and be utilised by language in a constructive way. This offers the only route towards the creative and inventive usages of this very special quality with which humans are equipped. Certain guidelines are suggested in terms of which free speech can be conducted responsibly: it must be guided by a search for truth, the promotion of sound human relations, noological inspirations must be attended to, the establishment of vital societal networks and links, the continuous search for and configuration of the optimal in meaning. Whenever these guidelines are ignored or contravened free speech will undoubtedly end up in disastrous anarchistic social and political protuberances. The difficulties human fallibility and linguistic competence pose for the free activity of speech that enables humans to engage themselves in what they do not want to say, or, to devote their attention to the neglect of precisely that which they know they should be saying, call forward the notion of "an infinitely demanding ethics of commitment". Human beings are confronted with the never-ending challenge and responsibility to build societies of freedom and peace for all. In the positive response to such a confrontation humans are faced with this immensely difficult ethical challenge. In a culture of rights and demands where people hardly ever contemplate duties and responsibilities as part of their vocabulary, the ethical call to thoughtfulness in free speech requires attention. Thoughtlessness in free speech - a much too sensible word for the stupidity and idiocy that we find demonstrated in "free speeches", as well as "free writing" for that matter, on a daily basis - make possible disturbing titles such as "the violence of words", "words that wound", and "only words". What is required against the empty abuse of dangerous words for ideological effect, as a demonstration of the shallow and thoughtless literacy of the idiot, is a thoughtful literacy that appreciates the wealth of language that should accompany our daily "usage of letters" in full responsibility with regard to every other human being in the rich interhuman dispositions of care and respect.
Freedom of speech in the just state - a philosophical perspective]]>
Kragtens die unieke menslike, normatief-gestempelde, (positiewe) keusevryheid en taalvermoë behoort dit tot die taak van die owerheid in 'n regstaat om die nodige regsbeskerming aan die sfeer van die publieke opinie te verskaf - sodanig dat die openbare meningsveld (waarby persvryheid ingesluit is) tot volle wasdom kan kom. Die veelkantigheid van die staat word mede-bepaal deur die openbare mening (publieke opinie), gedagtig aan die feit dat beide die moderne staat en die erkenning van die domein van die publieke opinie van 'n relatiewe resente herkoms is. Slegs wanneer die verskillende eiegeaarde regsfere binne 'n gedifferensieerde samelewing eerbiedig word, sal dit moontlik wees om die dinamiek van regstaat-wees mede te laat bepaal deur persoonlike en kollektiewe (party-politieke) spraakvryheid en meningsvryheid. Politieke partye funksioneer binne die openbare meningsveld met die oog daarop om mede-burgers van die staat te oortuig om 'n bepaalde program van beginsels te ondersteun, maar geen party beklee ooit self die opwerheidsamp nie. As 'n publieke regsverband wat onder leiding van 'n publieke verbandsgeregtigheidsidee geroepe is om ewewig en harmonie in die veelheid van regsbelange op sy staatsgebied te handhaaf, is die regstaat medeverantwoordelik om die sfeer van die publieke opinie juridies te beskerm. Daarsonder sal die voortbestaan van die regstaat self in die gedrang kom - soos onder meer blyk uit die probleemkante van die voorgestelde wet rakende die beskerming van inligting.<hr/>By virtue of the uniquely human freedom of choice that is characterized in a normative way and expressed in the human lingual abilities, it belongs to the task of the government of a just state to provide the necessary legal protection to the sphere of public opinion, in such a way that this sphere (which includes freedom of the press) can flourish. The many-sidedness of the state is co-determined by public opinion, keeping in mind that both public opinion and the modern state emerged recently. It is only when the diverse, uniquely natured legal spheres within a differentiated society are acknowledged and respected that it will be possible to allow for the dynamics of the just state to be co-determined by personal and collective (party political) freedom of speech and of opinion. Political parties operate within the domain of public opinion with the aim to convince fellow citizens to support a specific program of principles, although no political party as such ever occupies the office of government. As a public legal institution guided by an idea of public justice the state is called to balance and harmonize the multiplicity of legal interests on its territory, entailing its co-responsibility for the legal protection of the sphere of public opinion. If this does not happen the continued existence of the state will be threatened - as it inter alia appears from problematic elements contained in die proposed "Protection of Information Bill".
Freedom of speech and the "ethical activity of thinking"]]>
In hierdie artikel argumenteer die skrywer in navolging van Hannah Arendt dat denke sentraal moet wees in besinning oor vryheid van spraak. Denke is vir Arendt onlosmaaklik gekoppel aan 'n aktiewe politieke sfeer en demokratiese politiek. Die afwesigheid van denke daarteenoor staan sentraal tot totalitarisme. Die skrywer fokus op die beperktheid van liberale regsbenaderings om bevredigend vryheid van spraak te hanteer. Eerstens word die bemoeienis van die reg met billikheid, legitimiteit, funksionalisme en ekonomiese wins in plaas van met etiese denke en geregtigheid uitgewys. Daarna word Wesley Newcombe Hohfeld se argument oor die onbepaalbaarheid van regte soos uiteengesit deur Joseph Singer bespreek. Derdens word Jacques Derrida se dekonstruktiewe siening van geregtigheid as aporia voorgehou. Laastens pas die skrywer Derrida se siening van outo-immuniteit/selfvernietiging toe op die reg en spesifiek vryheid van spraak. Die skrywer voer aan dat denke - en nie resepmatige toepassing van geykte reels, dogma of jargon nie - bepalend moet wees in regulering van vryheid van spraak. Sy sluit af met verwysing na Jaco Barnard se toepassing van Arendt se aandrang op die verband tussen denke en demokratiese politiek op die aanvaarding van wetgewing oor eendersgeslagtelike huwelike in Suid-Afrika, wat oortuigend aantoon hoe gedagtelose optrede totalitêre politiek toelaat.<hr/>In this article, following the work of Hannah Arendt, the author argues that thought should be placed at the centre of the reflection on freedom of speech. For Arendt thinking is a necessary condition for the existence of an active political sphere and democratic politics. The absence of thought on the other hand is central to totalitarianism. Arendt, reflecting on the trial of Nazi bureaucrat Adolf Eichman, noted how the absence of any activity of thinking and the rigid following of rules and cliches resulted in evil - what she calls the banality of evil. The author focuses on the limits of liberal legal approaches to respond adequately to the issue of freedom of expression, mainly because of the absence of thought and the preference for predictable applications of rules and interpretations of rights in these approaches. Firstly, the author exposes the law's preoccupation with fairness, legitimacy, functionalism and economic benefit to the detriment of ethical thought and justice. Thereafter, the author recalls the argument by Wesley Newcombe Hohfeld related to the indeterminacy of rights, as discussed by Joseph Singer. Hohfeld made a radical intervention in traditional liberal legal assumptions by formulating the category of no-right, thereby exposing the situations in which an individual, although she suffered damage, will have no recourse in law. In the context of freedom of speech the category of no-right and the reality of damage without recourse in law can play out in many ways - someone could suffer damage because of speech without recourse to law or someone's right to speech could be infringed without recourse to law. Thirdly, Jacgues Derrida's deconstructive notion of justice as aporia is discussed to link up with the urgency of thought and judgement in the face of instrumental rule-following. Finally the author considers the application of Derrida's notion of auto-immunity/ self-destruction to the law and particularly to the right to freedom of expression. If the legal right to freedom of speech has the tendency to self destruct each attempt to protect one kind of speech would always already also have destructed and prevented that same speech. The author argues that thought should guide the allowance and limitation of freedom of speech and not a predictable application of rules, dogma and jargon. She concludes with reference to an application of Arendt's insistence on the link between the activity of thinking and democratic politics within the context of the politics that surrounded the proposed legislation on same sex marriages, citing in this regard Jaco Barnard's recent work, which persuasively shows how thoughtless behaviour allowed moments of a totalitarian politics.
Freedom of (media) speech and the protection of personality rights]]>
Die reg op vryheid van spraak of uitdrukking van die pers en ander media en die persoonlikheidsregte op die goeie naam, die eer, die privaatheid en die identiteit geniet sowel gemeenregtelike as grondwetlike erkenning en beskerming. Omdat eersgenoemde reg en die persoonlikheidsregte veelal in lynregte teenstelling met mekaar staan, word 'n noukeurige afweging van die botsende regte vereis. In hierdie verband het die gemenereg daarin geslaag om 'n werkbare balans te bewerkstellig tussen die handhawing van vryheid van spraak en die beskerming van die betrokke persoonlikheidsregte. Op die huidige gebied geld dit veral die reels wat ten aansien van regverdigingsgronde ontwikkel het ten einde aan die media die bevoegdheid te verleen om die beskerming van hierdie persoonlikheidsgoedere binne afgebakende, regtens aanvaarbare grense te beperk, asook die erkenning van die media se nalatigheidsaanspreeklikheid vir laster. Die ter sake regverdigingsgronde is bevoorregte verslaggewing, waarheid en openbare belang, billike kommentaar, mediaprivilegie, politieke privilegie en die openbare inligtingsbelang. Hierdie gronde vorm nie 'n geslote getal nie en kan dus op grond van regsbeleidsoorwegings ten gunste van 'n omvattender handhawing van vryheid van spraak uitgebrei word. Aan die ander kant behoort nalatigheidsaanspreeklikheid, as demper op vryheid van spraak, net soos by laster ook vir skending van die ander drie persoonlikheidsregte te geld. Alhoewel die gemeenregtelike reëls oënskynlik met die gees, strekking en oogmerke van die Handves van Regte versoenbaar is, moet die howe enige afwyking van die Handves in hierdie opsig sonder versuim regstel.<hr/>The right to freedom of speech or expression of the press and other media and the personality rights to a good name, dignity, privacy and identity - which are particularly prone to infringements by the mass media - are recognised and protected both at common law and constitutionally in the Bill of Rights. Because freedom of speech and the personality rights concerned are often diametrically opposed, a careful weighing up of the conflicting rights is required. In this regard the common law succeeded in achieving a workable balance between maintaining freedom of speech on the one hand, and the protection of the relevant rights of personality on the other. In the present field this applies particularly to the rules which have been developed with regard to the grounds of justification in order to provide the media with the right to limit the protection of the personality interests involved within delimited, legally acceptable boundaries, as well as to the acceptance of negligence liability of the mass media for defamation. The entrenchment of all these rights in the Bill of Rights nevertheless brought about a new dimension which must now thoroughly be taken into consideration in the weighing-up process. In fact, the courts have a duty to rectify the common law where it deviates from the spirit, purport and objects of the Bill of Rights. But this will not readily be done, since the common law was developed on the basis of contemporary (entrenched) rights that already existed in the pre-constitutional era, and the Bill of Rights therefore merely emphasises the principles already at play in the common law. In dealing with the protection of the four personality rights vis-á-vis the right to freedom of speech, first of all a description is provided of the requirements for an actionable infringement of each personality right by the mass media. Next, the wrongfulness of the violation of each right is examined, emphasising that a factual infringement of the personality interest involved (except in the case of the right to a good name) must simultaneously also be in conflict with the legal convictions of the community (boni mores), sometimes expressed as the opinion, notional understanding and reaction of a reasonable person with normal intelligence and sensibilities. Where this is the case, the infringement is prima facie (seemingly) wrongful but the media defendant may rebut such wrongfulness by proving the existence of a ground of justification for the publication complained of. The relevant grounds are the reporting of proceedings of courts, parliament and public bodies, publishing remarks that are true and in the public interest, fair comment on facts that are true and in the public interest, the reasonable publication of false allegations, the reasonable publication of (false) allegations in the political field, and the publication of personal information that is in the public interest. These grounds of justification do not constitute a closed number, and new grounds may therefore be recognised where legal policy considerations demand that the maintenance of freedom of speech be extended. On the other hand, negligence liability, as damper on freedom of speech, should, as with defamation and for the same considerations, also be applicable to the infringement by the mass media of the other three rights of personality.
A return to the repression of freedom of speech? Similarities between the apartheid government(s) and the ANC's actions against the media]]>
Die doel van die artikel is om resente ontwikkelinge in die verhouding tussen die African National Congress-regering en die Suid-Afrikaanse media te dokumenteer. In weerwil van die ANC se meer liberale opvatting oor die rol van die media in die samelewing en in 'n demokrasie, word die vrees uitgespreek dat daar 'n terugkeer mag wees na onderdrukkende mediaregulering soos wat dit onder apartheid bestaan het. Ná 'n kort inleiding oor die ANC se Mediahandves, wat gesien kan word as die basis vir die erkenning en waarborg van vryheid van spraak in die Grondwet, asook 'n kort beskrywing van belangrike progressiewe ontwikkelinge wat die media ondergaan het sedert die ANC aan bewind gekom het, word die vrees gesubstansieer met die dokumentasie van spesifieke voorbeelde van media-onderdrukking in die apartheidsera en van die ANC se huidige hantering van die media. Daar word in die besonder op die volgende gelet: dreigemente van verskerpte regulering, die aantasting van die onafhanklikheid van die openbare uitsaaier, die diskreditering van die media, dreigemente om eie media aan te skaf, vrae oor die professionalisme vanjoernaliste, en die aanhitsing van konflik tussenjoernaliste. Die artikel eindig met 'n waarskuwing dat die stryd vir die voortbestaan van vryheid van spraak voortgaan en dat hierdie reg ten alle koste verdedig moet word.<hr/>The purpose of the article is to document recent developments in the relationship between the African National Congress (ANC) government and the South African media. In the article the fear is expressed that there may be a return to the repressive techniques and strategies of the apartheid government(s), despite the fact that the ANC has a far more liberal approach to the role of the media in society. The article starts with a brief introduction to the ANC's Media Charter, which is seen to be the foundation of the Constitutional acceptance of freedom of expression. This is followed by an overview of some of the progressive transformations in the South African media since the ANC assumed political power. The above-mentioned fear is then substantiated with a systematic documentation, firstly, of how the apartheid government(s) has undermined and, secondly, of how the ANC is currently threatening the media with tighter regulation, more control, and with legal action, how it interferes with the independence of the public broadcaster, discredits the media, questions the professionalism of the media, and incites tension within the ranks of journalists. Specific laws under apartheid that are referred to are the dreaded Publication Act of 1974, the Law on Internal Security of 1976, and measures to control the media under the various states of emergencies. Under the ANC the Films and Publications Amendment Bill (2003) and the Bill on the Protection of Information (2008) are cited. As far as interference with the public broadcaster is concerned, references are made to the controversial Broadcasting Amendment Bill (2002) and recent efforts to interfere with the appointment of the SABC board. As far as blaming the media and attacks on the media are concerned, numerous examples from the apartheid government to the ANC are dealt with, ranging from blaming the English and foreign press for misinterpreting the policies of apartheid to the ANC's constant criticism that the media are still mainly white owned and for that reason anti-government. Under both regimes there were efforts to acquire their own media. In this regard reference is made to the Information Scandal under apartheid, as well as recent reports about the ANC trying to purchase Johnnic Communications (2007) and in 2008 the Sowetan. The apartheid government(s) were known for their commissions of enquiry into the press (media), often lasting for several years and resulting in the establishment of regulatory authorities (despite the presence of existing regulatory measures and/or organizations). The ANC now threatens with a Media Appeal Tribunal, despite the existence of the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (Icasa), the Press Ombudsman and the Press Council, and the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA). Finally, whereas government under apartheid intentionally or unintentionally created tension between Afrikaans and English speaking journalists, South Africa has recently experienced aflicker of tension between black and white journalists. The article warns that this may cause harm to the solidarity between journalists and that such solidarity is necessary for the well-being of freedom of expression. In conclusion, the article warns that the above-mentioned actions against the media may contribute to increased self-censorship within the media, obviously with devasting effects for the media's task to inform and enlighten the public. The message being that in spite of Constitutional protection, the struggle for freedom of expression is continuing.
"Shadow-play of the soothsayers": Political censorship in South Africa, c.1980-1989. An historical perspective]]>
Dit is nie vergesog om te argumenteer dat Suid-Afrika eerder 'n kultuur van sensuur as vryheid van spraak het nie. Té maklik was/is politici in die land deur die plesier van sensuur verlei. Té rustig het die publiek die nasionalisering van hierdie vryheid toegestaan. Namate apartheid, en die opposisie daarteen, gegroei het, het politieke sensuur toegeneem. Die vakuum gelaat deur die sensors is geesdriftig deur regeringspropaganda gevul. Teen die 1980's was sensuur 'n uitgebreide en gesofistikeerde aspek van die staatsmasjinerie. Vryheid van spraak is aan die verantwoordelike volksgenote toevertrou. Die Suid-Afrika van die 1980's versinnebeeld in vele opsigte 'n klimaks van teenstrydighede. Deur, binne konteks, epiese hervorming maak die regering van P.W. Botha die apartheid-staat "oper". Hierdie openlikheid syfer deur tot vryheid van spraak. Terselfdertyd het Pretoria 'n haas ondeurdringbare bolwerk van politieke sensuur gesweis. Inligting het nie noodwendig 'n ingeligte veronderstel nie. Waarheid het van regeringsamptenary se egtheidstempel afgehang. Werklikheid het relatief geword. Hierdie artikel ondersoek waarom die Botha-regering, as deel van sy multidimensionele Totale Strategie, sensuur nodig geag het. Verder word gekyk na hoe die evolusionêre vlegwerk van sensuur daarna uitgesien het en hoe dit toegepas is. Ná 1994 verklaar veral witmense dat hulle nie geweet het nie. Ten slotte word die effek van die bespreekte sensuur op die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing in oënskou geneem.<hr/>It is not farfetched to argue that South Africa has a culture of censorship rather than a culture of freedom of speech. Too easily politicians were/are seduced by the ease of censorship. Too easily the public has granted the nationalisation of this right. As apartheid, and the opposition against it grew, so too did political censorship. The evolution of censorship in South Africa was unabated. Apartheid was dependent on control. Furthermore, for apartheid to succeed it demanded not only a subordinate populace but a conformed society. Especially conformity-in-thought. It was essential that the different societies knew their place by not merely accepting it, but indeed also believing it. Free thinking could too easily lead to contagious rebelliousness. Censorship, in many ways, does not have a logical point of saturation. The more censorship, particularly of a political kind, flourishes, the more ground it needs to keep on covering. At least this was the case in South Africa. The vacuum left by the censors was eagerly filled by government propaganda. Eventually, having grown increasingly disillusioned with an antagonistic world and paranoid about its motivations, the apartheid state rethought its international position. Although apartheid, ever since its conception, solicited criticism and protest from a world which was developing in the exact opposite direction, during the late 1970s the South African minority leaders reconsidered the never-ending swell of pressures. For them the panoramic pressures and criticisms were no mere indication of a world which refused to accept the logical humanity of apartheid. It was the culmination of a multidimensional Communist conspiracy operating on a global level. It was the so-called Total Onslaught. In reaction, the minority government executed an all-encompassing counterstrategy of its own, the Total Strategy. At the heart of both the Total Onslaught and Total Strategy was a so-called struggle for the hearts and minds of the people. Information, naturally, formed a cardinal part of the crux. Freedom of speech, as such, was placed within the cadre of state security. Accordingly, information which was, or had the potential to be degrading or critical of the authorities or the political status quo was evaluated as possibly being part of the Total Onslaught's campaign of psychological warfare. Breaking down the people's trust in their leaders and their will to fight, according to the government, was a classic strategy of the enemy to ease their planned takeover. To protect South Africans by being duped by this phantasmagoric onslaught they had to surrender freedom of speech for their own benefit. By the 1980s censorship was an extensive and sophisticated aspect of the state machinery. Freedom of speech, as defined by the regime, was bestowed upon the responsible burgers. The South Africa of the 1980s exemplifies in many ways a climax of contradictions. Through, within context, epic reforms the government of P.W. Botha made the apartheid state more "open". This openness trickled through to freedom of speech. Simultaneously, Pretoria welded a nearly impenetrable bulwark of political censorship. Information did not necessarily imply an informed. Truth depended on government officials' stamps of authenticity. Reality became relative. This article examines the question why the Botha government, as part of its multidimensional Total Strategy, deemed censorship necessary. Furthermore, it looks at how the evolutionary system of interwoven censorship appeared and how it was applied. After 1994 a considerable number of South Africans, especially many whites, declared that they had not known. In conclusion the effect of it on the South African society will be examined.
Public broadcasting and political interventionism in a post liberation society: The SABC and contending meta-narratives (regime preferences)]]>
Die diskoers met betrekking tot die rol en funksie van die openbare uitsaaier word gereflekteer in diverse, kompeterende meta-narratiewe. Meta-narratiewe verwys na 'n normatiewe politieke voorkeur met betrekking tot die vestiging van instellings van beheer, die formulering van die reels van sosiale ordening, asook die sosiale waardes wat daardie reëls onderlê (regimes). Hierdie artikel ontleed die rol en funksie van die openbare uitsaaier in Suid-Afrika in die konteks van die nasionale politieke diskoers, asook die regverdiging vir die meta-narratief van voorkeur soos aangebied in die konteks van sosiaal-politieke geregtigheid. Die organisatoriese spanning tussen 'n intervensionistiese rol en funksie van die staat, en 'n regulatoriese voorkeur van liberaal-demokratiese regimes, het pertinente konsekwensies vir die operasionele definisie van die nasionale uitsaaiwese. Die wyse waarop die staat se rol en werking binne die samelewing gedefinieer word, is direk in verhouding met die wyse waarop die openbare uitsaaiwese geformuleer word. Die intervensionistiese verwysingsraamwerk het sy oorsprong in die bevrydingsnarratief en die regulatoriese verwysingsraamwerk het konseptuele en operasionele verbintenisse met die liberale (utilitaristiese) narratief. In die konteks van die spanning tussen kompeterende regimes word die openbare uitsaaiwese byna noodwendig 'n terrein vir politieke en sosiale mededinging. Die beginsel van institusionele outonomiteit is dus teoreties eerder as empiries.<hr/>The discourse pertaining to the role and function of the public broadcaster reflects diverse and competing meta-narratives. Meta-narratives refer to the normative political preferences pertaining to the consolidation of institutions of social order, and the formulation of the rules and social values underlying such rules. A number of meta-narratives are reflected in the discourse pertaining to the role and functioning of the public broadcaster in South Africa. This article reflects on the contending regime preferences of liberationism and libertarianism, prevalent within society, as well as the state, and the extent to which they (contending regimes) influence notions of control and authority in the SABC. The premis is that this contest between dominant regimes will determine how the SABC executes its mandate. A cardinal indicator of liberationism is the justification for state interventionism in the distribution of the greater good and the need to facilitate a nation-building program. To the contrary libertarianism advances the notion of institutional autonomy for the public broadcaster (from the state-building process), as a means of protecting the public broadcasting from state interference. The SABC operates in the context of a developing political economy and a relative weak institutionalised state. Under such conditions, the ruling party -with its history embedded in liberationist justifications for justice and social order - functions under continuous societal pressure to legitimise its policies and its implementation (or lack of implementation). The conclusion is that weak states and governments which experience strong (but fragmented) societies encroaching upon their autonomy, will experience the urge to occupy the public broadcaster with party-political functionaries, and then use the institution in the justification of a particular regime preference. The prospect of the public broadcaster becoming a state broadcaster is therefore pertinent under conditions typical to post-liberationist societies where the state is weak and democracy not consolidated. In this context, due to its opposition to interventionism, libertarianism is stigmatised as a regime preference, especially so those social values associated with market forces, and which are left to - largely unfettered - determine the extent and nature of social justice and representation. Liberationism and its institutional architecture emphasise the necessity of representation, whereas libertarianism defines the role of the state and government in terms of its accountability to the electorate or society. The management of the SABC, and the execution of the mandate of the public broadcaster, therefore, reflect the struggles within society and those conflicts permeating the relations between state and society, and/or between the ruling party and its contenders. Whether or not it is at all possible for the (colonial) tradition of public broadcasting to be established in a developing political economy, is a moot point. That, however, does not question the pedagogic role of the national broadcaster, it merely suggests that it may well not be feasible to conceptualise the role of the SABC in libertarian terms or to expect the state (or the ruling party) to maintain an operational distance between itself and the main source of national news in South Africa.
We're not all like that: Freedom of speech and the denial of racism]]>
Die Afrikaanse nuusmedia, wat tydens apartheid grootliks as ondersteunende instellings vir apartheid gedien het, moes met die wending ná demokrasie aansienlike herposisionering ondergaan om aan te pas by die veranderende demokratiese politieke en sosiale omgewing. Hierdie verskuiwing het gepaard gegaan met 'n liberale konsensus in die nuusmedia in die algemeen waarvolgens daar in etiese kodes en professionale raamwerke sterk klem gelê is op individuele regte, onafhanklikheid van die media en vryheid van spraak. Gepaard hiermee het gegaan 'n poging van die Afrikaanse media om die lojaliteit van hoofsaaklik wit Afrikaanse lesers te balanseer met erkenning van die nuwe politieke magstrukture in die land. Hierdie normatiewe raamwerk het 'n invloed uitgeoefen op die manier waarop kulturele identiteit gekonstrueer is in nuusdiskoerse, naamlik as gekoppel aan individuele regte, vryheid van uitdrukking en gesitueer in 'n vryemark-verbruikersamelewing eerder as binne groepsverband. 'n Onlangse voorbeeld van 'n nuusdiskoers waaruit die Afrikaanse media se hantering van hierdie beginsels na vore kom, is die dekking van die insident op die kampus van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat waar studente 'n video gemaak het van 'n rassistiese inlywingsritueel. Hierdie artikel poog om deur middel van 'n oorsigtelike ontginning van redaksionele kommentaar van geselekteerde Afrikaanse nuusmedia op die insident aan te dui hoe die gebeurtenis geïnterpreteer en aangebied is in terme van 'n raamwerk waarvolgens rassisme grootliks aangebied is as 'n individuele vergryp eerder as 'n sistemiese en histories-ingegewe probleem.<hr/>The Afrikaans news media, who during the apartheid years largely served as legitimising institutions for apartheid, had to undergo significant repositioning to adapt to the changing democratic political and social environment after apartheid. This repositioning coincided with a liberal consensus in the news media in general, according to which individual rights, independence of the media, and freedom of speech were emphasised. At the same time, the Afrikaans media attempted to retain the loyalty of primarily white Afrikaans readers while having to acknowledge the new majority government in the country and to orientate itself in relation to the new centres of political power. This normative framework influenced the way in which cultural identity was constructed in news discourses, namely linked to individual rights, freedom of expression, and situated in a freemarket society. A recent example of a news discourse that brings to light the Afrikaans media's understanding of these normative values, is the coverage that was given to an incident on the campus of the University of the Free State where students filmed a racist ritual to initiate cleaning staff at a university residence. This article seeks to explore editorial comment on the incident in selected Afrikaans media to indicate how the event was interpreted and presented as an individual transgression rather than a systemic and historically-determined problem.
Freedom of (Afrikaans) speech: Rich, richer, Rykie]]>
Die Afrikaanse joernalis Rykie van Reenen (1923-2003) het op verskeie terreine in die Afrikaanse joernalistiek 'n bydrae gemaak. 'n Mens kan byvoorbeeld konstateer dat sy die Afrikaanse taal "bevry" het van 'n nog gestrenge skryfwyse. Hierdie artikel is 'n eerste verkenning van hierdie "vrydenker" in die Afrikaanse joernalistiek se vrye omgang met dié jong taal. As deskriptiewe artikel word kortliks, as konteks, op die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse taal gefokus. Daarop volg 'n kort bespreking van die ontwikkeling van Van Reenen as jong joernalis. Die invloed wat die skrywer MER op haar vorming gehad het, word vervolgens gedokumenteer. 'n Waardering van Van Reenen se tydgenote volg, asook Van Reenen se invloed op 'n nuwe generasie Afrikaanse, veral vroulike, joernaliste. Die artikel sluit af met slegs 'n aantal voorbeelde uit die oeuvre van die "onvergelyklike stilis" wat tot die uitdrukking "ryk, ryker, Rykie" gelei het.<hr/>The Afrikaans journalist Rykie van Reenen (1923-2003) contributed in many respects to the development of Afrikaans journalism. It can, for instance, also be said that she "liberated" the Afrikaans language from a very formalised style. This article focuses on this aspect of Van Reenen's contribution to Afrikaans journalism and the Afrikaans language. As a first exploration of this "freethinker" in Afrikaans media the article attempts to describe her "free" interaction with this young language that was first recognised as official language in 1925, only two decades before Van Reenen was appointed as the second professional Afrikaans journalist on the Cape daily Die Burger in 1945. Her "infallible style", according to her female colleague and contemporary and later editor of Die Burger and chair of Naspers, Piet Cillié, can be regarded as a liberation of the Afrikaans language. Van Reenen has been described as "undoubtedly the most outstanding Afrikaans journalist of the [twentieth] century" by historian Hermann Giliomee in his seminal book The Afrikaners, although he qualified this in the later (translated and re-edited) Afrikaans edition with a more sober "probably". Van Reenen's characteristic style was possibly the sum-total of a unique linguistic talent coupled with the application and discipline of writing which was polished - burnished - on a daily basis. This descriptive article focuses briefly on the background to the development of the Afrikaans language from the diverse Afrikaans language communities that settled at the Cape during the seventeenth century, leading to a "formalised" language in the first decades of the twentieth century. What follows next is the development of Van Reenen as young journalist, and especially the influence that the Afrikaans author MER (Miem Rothmann) had on her. Van Reenen was one of MER's so-called "Cape children" ("Kaapse kinders"), and in many respects MER was her mentor. An appreciation by Van Reenen's contemporaries with regard to her unique style and contribution to the "liberation" of Afrikaans and the language's stylised and formal use during the middle of the previous century follows. Van Reenen's influence on a new generation of Afrikaans, especially female, journalists, is also briefly referred to. The article concludes with a few examples from the oeuvre of the "unparalleled stylist" that has led to the expression "ryk, ryker, Rykie" (as degree of comparison: rich, richer, Rykie) among her peers.
Increased lexicographic accessibility in the transition from a tourist dictionary to a tourist guide]]>
Die ontwikkeling van die leksikografieteorie is daarop gerig om die produksie van beter woordeboeke te verseker. As naslaanbronne het woordeboeke 'n bepaalde data-aanbod, vertoon hulle sekere leksikografiese strukture en moet hulle bepaalde leksikografiese funksies bevredig. Talle aspekte van die teoretiese leksikografie sou ook gebruik kon word in die beplanning en samestelling van ander naslaanbronne. In hierdie bydrae word gewys hoe bepaalde beginsels uit die teoretiese leksikografie vir die daarstelling van ander naslaanbronne benut kan word. 'n Verhoging in die toegang tot data en 'n doeltreffender onttrekking van inligting word in die vooruitsig gestel in die geval waar bestaande toeristewoordeboeke opgeneem word in omvattender toeristegidse wat volgens 'n geleksikografiseerde benadering saamgestel is. Die fokus is op die benutting van leksikografiese funksies en op 'n erkenning aan verskillende onderafdelings van die toegangsproses in naslaanbronne.<hr/>Research in theoretical lexicography has led to the formulation of various models for the planning and compilation of dictionaries. These dictionaries belong to different typological categories but they should all be regarded as reference sources with a specific data presentation, specific structures and well defined functions. Although directed at the compilation of dictionaries, many aspects of these theoretical models can also be applied to other sources of reference. In this paper it is proposed that the implementation of developments in theoretical lexicography should be extended so that certain types of reference sources other than dictionaries, also fall within the scope of their application. These suggestions may look like an attempted lexicographisation of other reference works. However, they should rather be seen as a proposed delexicographisation of a well developed theory, which is at present restricted in its application to the field of dictionaries. Following a brief discussion of some salient features in the development of theoretical lexicography, especially the lexicographic functions approach, the focus switches to the possibility of planning a more general reference source according to criteria laid down for dictionaries. Due to the lack of a proper theoretical basis, many tourist dictionaries fail to satisfy the needs of their intended target users. Accordingly, as opposed to merely proposing an improved tourist dictionary, this article employs tourist dictionaries as a case in point to argue in favour of a more comprehensive tourist guide that will include the tourist dictionary as one of the texts in its central component. Various aspects of the reference needs of tourists are discussed and an indication is given of ways in which dictionaries can provide in these needs. The transition from a tourist dictionary to a tourist guide is presented as the best solution to the problem of inadequate tourist dictionaries. Various aspects of the relevant adaptation and implementation of lexicographic criteria are discussed. Innovative suggestions regarding the structure of the more comprehensive reference source, e.g. the use of an amalgamated central component in which so-called drawer texts are presented as equal status integrated inner texts, are complemented by a focus on the way in which access to the data on offer in such a reference source could be enhanced. It is indicated that, contrary to the prevailing approach in tourist dictionaries, not only a communicative function but also a cognitive function should be satisfied by tourist reference guides. In order to achieve this, the access process needs to make provision for a poli-accessible reference source which allows different search routes with a variety of reference source external points of departure to guide the intended target user to a variety of destinations within the reference source, where the external access routes are linked to internal routes. The notion of intra access routes to link different texts within the amalgamated central component to ensure an optimal retrieval of information and to ascertain textual cohesion is introduced. In a reference source like a tourist guide, access should not be limited to the source internal data. Users often need to be guided to pragmatic and cognitive destinations outside the reference source. To assist users in this regard, suggestions are made for an exit process, giving access to the source external environment. This form of access activates the use of a further lexicographic function, i.e. the operative function. Information retrieved from the reference source should enable knowledgeable target users to employ it in the pragmatic source external environment in order to satisfy certain needs. The reference source, in this case the comprehensive tourist guide, is elevated to a communicative, cognitive as well as operative access route directed at the real tourist environment. Such an approach helps to fulfil the genuine purpose of the relevant reference source. By delexicographising certain aspects of lexicographic theory its more general application can enhance the quality, accessibility and usefulness of many other sources of reference.
The use of the subordinating conjunction "wanneer" (when) in hypotactic binding]]>
Die onderskikker wanneer kan in bysinsinlywing en in hipotaktiese verbinding gebruik word. In hierdie artikel word die gebruik van wanneer in hipotaktiese verbindings ondersoek aan die hand van 'n korpus dokumente wat van die Internet verkry is. Vanuit die oogpunt van Mental Spaces Theory kan wanneer as 'n ruimtebouer beskou word. Die bysin wat deur wanneer ingelei word, bou 'n temporele of situasionele ruimte waarbinne die hoofsin geld of verstaan moet word. Die gebruik van konstruksies met wanneer word op 'n waarskynlikheidskontinuum geplaas wat van feitelik tot teenfeitelik strek. Die gebruike word in breë groepe as verhalend, generies, voorspellend of hipoteties geklassifiseer. Geen duidelike grense bestaan tussen kategorieë en subkategorieë nie. Verwantskappe tussen gebruike word ook aangedui. As modifiseerders van wanneer kom verskeie bywoorde voor, wat in kategorieë van insluiting, uitsluiting, uitsondering en beklemtoning geplaas kan word. 'n Vergelyking tussen die gebruik van wanneer, indien en as word as 'n veld vir verdere navorsing voorgestel.<hr/>In Afrikaans the subordinating conjunction "wanneer" (when) can be used in hypotactic binding and subordinate clause embedding. This paper, a continuation of an earlier paper on subordinate clause incorporation, examines the use of "wanneer" in hypotactic binding. Following a cognitive framework, actual usage is examined. Using an assumption from Construction Grammar makes it possible not only to describe the meaning of "wanneer", but also to investigate hypotactic binding as a whole. The Mental Spaces Theory is used to describe the role of "wanneer" as a mental space builder. A large corpus incorporating many different authors and diverse genres is used. This has the advantage that not only common, but also rare usages of "wanneer" in hypotactic binding have come to light. The corpus, obtained from the Internet, is analysed by computer-assisted methods. The problem is contextualised by examining the nature of hypotactic binding, stressing the temporal nature of "wanneer" and conceptualising a temporal and probabilistic continuum where the actions of the main and subordinate clauses occur. "Wanneer" builds a mental space in the sense of the Mental Spaces Theory in which the two events of the main and subordinate clause take place. This mental space is usually temporal, but may also be situational and probabilistic. The usage of "wanneer" is categorised as narrative, generic, prognostic or hypothetic. Many examples are given of each and similarities are noted. The categories are not sharply defined and fuzzy continua exist. Some categories are subdivided further. In the generic category, general facts, definitions, scientific argumentation, advice and regulations, possibilities and permission are differentiated by examples. In the prognostic category, prophesies, prognostic regulations, promises, warnings and threats are found to exist. For most categories there are defining verb patterns. Several adverbs are found to be typical modifiers of "wanneer". These adverbs can be grouped according to meaning. One group of adverbs, "selfs" (even), "ook" (also) and "veral" (especially), express inclusion. Exclusion is expressed by "slegs" (only), "net" (barely), "alleen" (merely) and "eers" (just). "Behalwe" (except) is found to be on its own, expressing exceptions especially in regulations. "Telkens" (in each case) was found to be a special case in that it does not modify the meaning of "wanneer", but accentuates the iterative application. Sometimes, in contrast to English, the adverb "dan" (then) is used in the main clause. Especially in religious texts "dan" is used to accentuate the consequential nature of the subordinate clause. "Dan" is also used in lengthy sentences where a subordinate clause is inserted between the "wanneer '-clause and the main clause, to remind the reader of the previous statement. The findings of the analysis are summarised in a table. A comparison between the usage of "wanneer" (when), "indien" (if) and "as" (if, when) is proposed as an area for further research.