Leon Lemmer: Inkommers uit die Derde Wêreld in Finland – praag.co.za
Koloniale moondhede het reeds lank gelede ‘n besef ontwikkel van die kulturele gaping wat daar tussen (blanke) Westerlinge en mense uit die Derde Wêreld bestaan. Sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het talle eens gekoloniseerdes hulle as immigrante in bv Brittanje en Frankryk gevestig. Kulturele verskille is aanvanklik sover moontlik misgekyk en oorgesien. Assimilasie en integrasie was toe die wagwoorde. Mettertyd het die probleme wat hierdie weerslag van kolonialisme veroorsaak het, egter al hoe groter geword. Daar is onder meer tot die besef gekom dat assimilasie en integrasie in sekere gevalle, veral by Moslems, onmoontlik blyk te wees.
Amptelik is alles moontlik gedoen om die destruktiewe gevolge van Derde Wêreldse inkommers te kamoefleer. Die polisiediens en hoofstroom-inligtingsmedia het aktief hieraan meegehelp. Soos in die nuwe Suid-Afrika word Westerse blankes wat hulle teen Derde Wêreldse immigrante en “vlugtelinge” uitspreek sonder meer van vreemdelingehaat/xenofobie, rassisme en selfs naziisme beskuldig. Enoch Powell (1912-1998) staan in Brittanje bekend as een van die eerste patriotte wat hom teen hierdie Britse skynheiligheid uitgespreek het (Praag 30.04.2016). ‘n Halfeeu later is sy positiewe bydrae in ‘n boek gehuldig: Raheem Kassam se Enoch was right: ‘Rivers of Blood’ 50 years on (2018, 252p; Amazon Kindle $5,74).
Die Skandinawiese lande was in baie beperkter mate as bv Brittanje by kolonialisme betrokke of glad nie. Weens ‘n gebrek aan eerstehandse ondervinding was Skandinawiërs dus grootliks onbewus van hoe radikaal hulle kultuur van dié van die Derde Wêreld verskil. Daar is gedink: Ons almal is mos maar net mense. Die begrip “Skandinawië” kan soos volg beskryf word: “Peninsula in northwestern Europe, comprising Norway and Sweden; politically and culturally it also includes Denmark, Iceland, the Faroe Islands, and Finland” (Collins World Encyclopedia, 2003, p 817). In hierdie rubriek gaan dit by uitstek om kultuur, oftewel leefwyse, dus hoe en wat mense dink en doen.
Swede, as die polities verligste Skandinawiese land, het in die vroeë jare sewentig op ‘n naïewe manier begin om Derde Wêreldse immigrante nie net toe te laat nie, maar sodanige immigrasie selfs aktief aan te moedig. Denemarke en Noorweë het spoedig die Sweedse voorbeeld nagevolg omdat veronderstel is dat Skandinawië die gewete en morele kompas van die wêreld is. Die resultaat was dat hierdie drie lande binne enkele dekades ‘n maatskaplike revolusie ondergaan het: van kulturele homogeniteit tot multikulturaliteit. Vir hierdie dwaasheid word nou daagliks ‘n groot prys betaal; nie net finansieel nie, maar ook/veral kultureel. Die daaglikse leefwyse in hierdie drie lande het radikaal verander en moontlik onherstelbare skade gely.
Oor hedendaagse immigrasie in Europa het ek reeds dikwels geskryf. Wat Europa oor die algemeen betref is daar bv Arthur Kemp se boek (Praag 4.04.2015), Douglas Murray se boek (Praag 3.02.2018) en dié van Ricardo Duchesne (Praag 24.02.2018). Oor Brittanje, spesifiek Engeland, het ek naas besinning oor Enoch Powell twee boeke van Melanie Phillips bespreek (Praag 15.05.2016 en 18.08.2018). Maar in hierdie rubriek gaan dit om Skandinawië.
Daniel Friberg het oor immigrasie in Swede geskryf (Praag 10.04.2016) en Bruce Bawer en Julian Langness oor Noorweë (Praag 17.04.2016 en 25.09.2018). In hierdie konteks is daar ook die omvattende werk van Michael Booth oor die Skandinawiese lande, The almost nearly perfect people: Behind the myth of the Scandinavian utopia (London: Jonathan Cape, 2014, 418p; Amazon Kindle $16,20 – Praag 25.04.2015). Hy toon aan dat Swede nie net die grootste en welvarendste Skandinawiese land is nie, maar ook die een met die meeste immigrante; sowat ‘n derde van die bevolking. In Denemarke is daar die tweede meeste immigrante.
By die Swede was daar ná die Tweede Wêreldoorlog ‘n gebrek aan volksgevoel asook belemmerde selfrespek omdat die land in die oorlog amptelik neutraal was maar in die praktyk hartlik met die Nazi-bewind saamgewerk het. Om hierdie rede word die Swede erg deur die ander Skandinawiese lande verkwalik. Die skuldgevoelens hieroor kon aanleiding tot die oorkompensasie met immigrante en vlugtelinge gegee het: “The Swedes’ ostentatious political correctness, in particular with regard to their openness to immigration and multiculturalism, was a manifestation of this repressed guilt” (Booth, Kindle 5226). Die aanwesigheid van ‘n oormaat vreemdelinge is egter besig om by die Swede ‘n heropwekking van hulle tradisionele volksgevoel en selfrespek te bewerkstellig. Die tragedie is dat die Skandinawiese lande die sterkste voorstanders van die ANC se terrorisme was omdat hulle geen eerstehandse ervaring van groot kultuurverskille gehad het nie. Hulle politieke inkeer, wat deesdae al hoe duideliker word, het te laat gekom om die plaaslike blanke bewind teen ondergang te help vrywaar.
Booth beskou Swede, Noorweë en Denemarke as die eintlike Skandinawiese lande. Wanneer Finland, Ysland en die Faroër-eilande ingesluit word, behoort daar eerder van Nordiese lande gepraat te word. Booth roem op sy politieke byderwetsheid, maar hy erken: “Immigrants are more than four times as likely as Swedes to commit a murder, and more than five times as likely to commit a rape” (4865). “In recent years Sweden has seen the highest number of reported rapes per capita in Europe” (5655).
Finland is die eintlike onderwerp van hierdie rubriek, maar ek het tot dusver min inligting oor hierdie land verstrek. Swede het tot 1809 oor Finland geheers en daarna Rusland tot 1917. Let op hoe ordentlik Sweedse Finne in Finland in vergelyking met Afrikaners in die nuwe Suid-Afrika behandel word: “Swedish Finns have their own national assembly, the Folketinget; their own political party, the Swedish People’s Party, which usually has a minister in the government … they even have their own flag, a yellow cross on a red background. Swedish remains an official language in Finland and is compulsory in schools. If a region has more than 8 per cent Swedish speakers, it must operate on a bilingual basis. Though only 6 per cent of Finland’s population are Swedish Finns, there are still some places on the coast in southern and western Finland where they make up the majority, notably the self-governing, Swedish-speaking – but technically Finnish – Aland Islands … By law, in these Swedish-speaking parts of the country even the street signs have to be in Swedish first and Finnish second” (3832). En dan is daar steeds mense wat ontken dat FW de Klerk en sy groepie meelopers die blankes, spesifiek die Afrikaners, uitverkoop het. In Suid-Afrika is daar geen minderheidsregte nie, behalwe vir homoseksuele. Punt. Die punt is: FW de Klerk behoort na ‘n plek heelwat verder as Robbeneiland verban te word.
Daar word dikwels genoem dat Finland die beste onderwysstelsel en die hoogste geletterdheidskoers het. Een van die redes hiervoor is die “comparative lack of immigration” (4067). In Booth se 2014-boek word die getal immigrante op 2.5 persent van die bevolking gestel, maar die situasie het sedertdien versleg. Daar is deesdae die vinnig groeiende Egte Finse Party (“True Finn Party” – deesdae The Finn Party) wat sterk anti-kommunisties en teen Derde Wêreldse inkommers gekant is, die groot Russiese en Sweedse invloed in Finland teenstaan en die land van die Europese Unie wil losmaak.
The silent rape epidemic
Met die voorafgaande as agtergrond kan ek nou oorgaan tot die bespreking van Edward Dutton (gebore in 1980) se boek, The silent rape epidemic: How the Finns were groomed to love their abusers (Thomas Edward Press, 2019, 144p; Amazon Kindle $9,08). Reeds uit die boektitel blyk Dutton se verontwaardiging oor enersyds die gedrag van veral Moslem immigrante en andersyds die amptelike, apatiese Finse houding. Anders as by Michael Booth is daar by Dutton geen sprake van politieke byderwetsheid nie. Hy noem homself “a race realist” (Kindle 1311).
In April het Dutton ook ‘n boek by Arktos gepubliseer, Race differences in ethnocentrism (2019, 276p; Amazon Kindle $12,64) en verlede jaar ‘n boek met die titel, How to judge people by what they look like (2018, 87p; Amazon Kindle $7,23) – ‘n (feitlik) verbode onderwerp in die nuwe Suid-Afrika. Ek bepaal my aandag by The silent rape epidemic. Dutton “aims not to shy away from contentious scientific areas” (121). In Finland is Dutton as “a researcher of controversial issues” bekend (1354). Hy verwys na “American geneticist James Watson (b 1928), and American physicist William Shockley (1910-1989) … infamous for raising issues similar to the ones raised in this book” (1465).
Dutton huiwer nie om bv verskille in intellektuele vermoë by groepe uit te wys nie; iets waarvoor verskoning aan bv die Universiteit Kaapstad en Stellenbosch gevra sal moet word. “The 15-point difference between white and black IQ [intelligence quotient] scores in the USA is evident by the age of three. The earlier a difference becomes evident … the more likely it is to be genetic” (615). Sodanige wetenskaplike bevindings word as bv gevaarlik of aanstootlik in sommige kringe beskou. “That it may be dangerous or offensive is irrelevant to whether or not it is true” (629). Byvoorbeeld, Dutton beskou die volgende standpunt as die waarheid: “IQ is the strongest predictor of wealth … wealth is not arbitrarily distributed” (877). Hier dink hy aan lande en individue wat rykdom eerlik bekom het; dus nie aan misdadige individue wat weens bv korrupsie welvarend geword het nie. “Criminality is a function of low IQ … criminals will tend to underestimate the chances of getting caught, often because their low IQ makes them impulsive and also because low IQ predicts high self-esteem. Accordingly, they will be over-confident in their ability to get away with stealing … they will fail to compute all of the possible means through which they might get caught” (963).
Booth is ‘n Brit wat met ‘n Deen getrou het en in Denemarke woon. Dutton is ook Brits maar hy is met ‘n Fin getroud en woon in Finland saam met hulle twee kinders, ‘n dogter en ‘n seun. Hy slaag daarin om die Finne op ‘n afstand waar te neem en terseldertyd op eerstehandse kennis staat te maak. Dutton is sedert 2003 ‘n navorser aan die Universiteit Oulu aan die Golf van Bothnië in die noordweste van Finland. “A ‘Docent’ is a bit like a ‘Reader’ in the UK … It makes you a ‘Senior Researcher'” (1311). Dutton kombineer religie, kulturele antropologie en evolusionêre sielkunde in sy belangstellings en navorsing (121). Deeltyds doen hy ook joernalistieke werk vir die plaaslike Engelse koerant (1970).
Oulu is ‘n belangrike hawe en nywerheidstad, waar bv Nokia se produksiefasiliteite deels gesetel is (254). Dit kan koud word daar, bv “It was -36ºC and, with the wind, it must have felt a lot colder” (816). Blootstelling aan die koue kan dodelik wees. Ten einde die koue buite te hou, is die vensters van woonplekke “not double but triple-glazed” (824).
In 2003 was die stad Oulu “calm, quiet and very ‘Finnish'” (5). Toe is hierdie drogredenasie verkondig: “Oulu should ‘internationalise’ and become more ‘multicultural’. This was regarded as good for the economy, a good in itself, and also as a way of turning Finland into a proper, ‘modern’ Western European country, just like the multicultural ‘big boys’, such as Sweden and the UK” (1891). Twee jaar later, in 2005, het Dutton getrou en hom in Oulu gevestig. Teen daardie tyd “Muslims had come … and unthinkable things had happened. This was, in fact, the first time that gangs of foreign marauders had come to Oulu and interfered with its young girls” (223); “the systematic grooming and rape of Oulu underage girls by the Muslim men who had come among them as refugees. And the authorities were ensuring that nobody knew anything about it” (245).
“In 2006, a number of girls were gang-raped by Muslims in parks in the centre of the city. More girls were gang-raped by bringers of diversity in Oulu parks in 2007” (261). Dit is duidelik dat Dutton hierdie vlaag verkragtings uiters weersinwekkend vind. Hy noem die verkragters hoogs sinies nie net “bringers of diversity” nie, maar ook “enrichers” (304, 361) en die verskynsel “Oulu’s multicultural enrichment” (304; ook 470, 1156, 1860). “For many Finns, by 2015, the initial buzz of being enriched had died off and the reality had hit. Both the Centre Party and, of course, True Finns stood on a promise to reduce immigration” (1956).
Daar is tot die volgende voor die hand liggende gevolgtrekking gekom: “The more ethnically diverse a society is, the higher is the degree of ethnic conflict” (2142). “As the population of Finland becomes more ethnically diverse, many Finns will probably develop their sense of Finnishness and become more nationalistic, while the foreigners will be decreasingly likely to integrate and will feel decreasingly Finnish. This is a recipe for a spiral into increasingly intense ethnic conflict; into low-level civil war” (2142). Deesdae is die situasie: “It is extremely stressful to live in a conflict-ridden, highly unequal society in which there are very low levels of trust” (2191).
Dutton is bekend daarmee dat soortgelyke gebeure deesdae in Engeland plaasvind. Byvoorbeeld, “in Rotherham, a post-industrial town in northern England, Muslim grooming gangs had come to light in 2011, after a decade of their activities being ignored by politically correct police, civil servants, and social workers. A group of men, all of them Pakistani Muslims, had been grooming and sexually exploiting white working class girls, aged between 11 and 16, for years, passing them around like sexualised sweeties, taking full advantage of their impoverished and chaotic backgrounds. Britain’s ‘far right’ had been warning about them for a very long time, but had been dismissed as paranoid ‘racists’ – that silencing, indefinite, manipulative term, akin to ‘witch’ – and even prosecuted, unsuccessfully due to England’s jury system” (304).
Sarah Wilson toon in haar boek, Violated: A shocking and harrowing survival story from the notorious Rotherham abuse scandal (Harper, 2015, 370p; Amazon Kindle $6,89) die omvang aan wat hierdie misdade in Rotherham aangeneem het: binne ‘n dekade minstens 1 400 (blanke) slagoffers van hoofsaaklik Pakistani Moslems. Met Rotherdam as uitgangspunt, maar ook in wyer verband, is daar Peter McLoughlin se gesaghebbende boek, Easy meat: Inside Britain’s grooming gang scandal (New English Review Press, 2016, 328p; Amazon Kindle $11,49).
“When [a] national tabloid … ran an article on Oulu rapes in 2008, it conveniently omitted the fact that all of these sexual assaults had been carried out by Middle Eastern men … In general, Finland’s mainstream media would report that these horrific crimes were conducted … by men of ‘foreign background’, as if Oulu girls had to be worried about being sexually assaulted by Canadian computer programmers or Japanese research scientists at the city’s university. Long before December 2018, however, everyone in Finland generally inferred that ‘foreign background’ meant ‘Muslim’, especially if the crime in question was rape. And they were right to do so, as data from 2016 found that 93% of all rapes in Finland committed by refugees were committed by those from Islamic countries” (Dutton 269).
“For over a decade, [the local] newspaper – in tacit collusion with the police and the political class – had been suppressing what was happening” (254). “On 13th January , the British media personality Katie Hopkins (Praag 25.05.2019) came to Oulu to look into what was going on. The police and the mayor refused to talk to her and [they] … got themselves kicked out of the city’s refugee reception centre” (425). In Maart 2019 was Tommy Robinson, “the British political activist, founder of a street activism group called the English Defence League,” om dieselfde rede in Finland. “He was fascinated by the way in which ‘citizen journalism’ had uncovered Islamic grooming in Finland just as his citizen journalism had in the UK” (443). Robinson is veral bekend as die outeur van die boek, Enemy of the state (Press News, 2015, 326p; Amazon Kindle $11,49).
Die kern van Dutton se boek kan soos volg opgesom word: “By December 2018, the whole country was convulsed by Oulu’s Muslim Child Grooming Scandal. A gang of Arab ‘refugees’ were up in court for the sexual assault and rape of under age Oulu girls and it transpired that Finland’s politicians and mainstream media had done everything possible – guided by the divine light of multiculturalism – to cover it up. How could a country like Finland – stereotyped as nationalistic and culturally conservative – have embraced the multicultural suicide cult so rapidly? In The silent rape epidemic, Dutton argues that the explanation lies in Finns’ evolutionary past. Adapted to extreme cold and predictability, they are fiercely intelligent, extraordinary cooperative, highly rule following, silent, and socially anxious. This makes them naively trusting, conformist and prone to imitating others. Perfectly adapted to their environment, these traits are combined with a miniscule gene pool, meaning very few intelligence or personality outliers who might dare to challenge the Spirit of the Age. The intense selection to which they’ve been subjected, and their late industrialization, has delayed the rise of nihilism, which arises when nations industrialize and selection pressures are weakened. But the nature of Finnishness means that multiculturalism has now overwhelmed Finland with astonishing speed” (5).
Dus, “just 15 years after my first trip to the city, Oulu was little different from any other industrial town in Western Europe in terms of its problem with gangs of Muslim men and their horrifying activities … How could Oulu have changed from ‘Finland’ to Oulu-stan?” (231). Soos ons ook in die geval van die nuwe Suid-Afrika gesien het, kan verandering/transformasie verbasend vinnig in ‘n samelewing plaasvind en ‘n land (heeltemal) opdonder. Uit die samevatting in die vorige paragraaf blyk ook dat die boek eintlik oor iets anders handel as wat die titel te kenne gee. Daar word betreklik min perspektief op die Moslems gegee. Dutton se eintlike onderwerp is die Finne, wat hy poog om sielkundig te ontleed.
Soos dikwels gebeur, het ek ‘n probleem met sielkundige ontledings. Enersyds word vanselfsprekendhede uitgewys. Andersyds word gerasionaliseer op ‘n manier wat nie altyd oortuigend is nie. Die eindresultaat is ‘n boek wat saai en herhalend aandoen maar verdienstelik in die konteks van die outeur se uitgangspunt is. Hy probeer immers om hierdie belangrike vraag te beantwoord: Hoe kan ‘n nasionalistiese, konserwatiewe, monokulturele land soos Finland grootliks vrywillig toelaat dat hy tot in sy diepste wese deur elemente van buite, dus vreemdelinge, kultureel en andersins opgedonder word? Die Finne het immers geweet in hulle buurland Swede het immigrasie uit die Derde Wêreld tot “crime, conflict, lack of trust” (196), insluitende berugte reeksverkragtings, gelei.
Om onder meer ander redes kan ‘n mens hartwringend vra: Waarom is toegelaat dat Suid-Afrika radikaal (en onherroeplik) verander pleks van verbeter? In sowel Finland (en die ander Skandinawiese lande) as Suid-Afrika het onkunde en onnoselheid myns insiens ‘n groot rol gespeel. Soos Dutton dit stel, die Finne “have allowed [multiculturalism] to be done to themselves” (484). Soos die Finse politici was die Suid-Afrikaanse grondwetlike “onderhandelaars” veronderstel om te weet wat in hulle buurlande gebeur, naamlik onderskeidelik die skade wat Moslem immigrante en ‘n swart politieke bestel aanrig.
Oor die omkering van die opset in Suid-Afrika is ek uiters pessimisties, maar Dutton is hoopvol dat Finland reggeruk kan word; seker omdat Finne steeds die oorgrote meerderheid van die bevolking is. “I will argue their evolved predisposition towards ethnocentrism combined with their strong conformism means as multiculturalism leads to societal collapse, Finns are likely to return to nationalism and begin the process of reviving themselves, more quickly than other Western European nations” (477). “They are, ironically, uniquely well-adapted to reverse their country’s destruction” (18). Wat die verkragting van nie-Moslems betref, is daar egter ‘n groot probleem wat oorkom moet word: “Islamic scriptures can be interpreted to justify it” (2123). “In other words, you can do what you like with female infidels, with the womenfolk in the country which you have invaded” (2100).
Ons word deesdae gewaarsku om geen groep te stereotipeer nie. Dit lyk asof net die blankes, veral die Afrikaners, negatief gestereotipeer mag word. Wat bowenal deur die kulturele marxiste verlang word, is dat die nieblankes deurgaans positief uitgebeeld moet word. Sodanige positiewe stereotipering is dus heeltemal toelaatbaar. Wat in hierdie konteks van belang is, is dat stereotipering op grond van redes geskied. Byvoorbeeld, as ‘n groep tot prestasie, bv vindingrykheid, geneig is, sal die lede mettertyd daarmee geassosieer en as sodanig gestereotipeer word. Insgelyks, as ‘n groep tot bv misdaad geneig is, sal die lede mettertyd daarmee geassosieer en as sodanig gestereotipeer word. In iedere gestereotipeerde groep sal daar in meerdere of mindere mate uitsonderings aangetref word. Oor stereotiperingsnavorsing skryf Dutton: “75% of racial stereotypes have been found to be at least partly accurate and 50% completely accurate … stereotypes develop because they are broadly true” (587).
Skrywer Leon LemmerGepubliseer op 17 Junie 2019 Kategorieë Leon Lemmer, RubriekeSleutelwoord Edward Dutton, Finland, inkommers, Nokia, Oulu
Vorige Vorige artikel: Motors: Nissan Micra is ‘n geheel nuwe motor
Volgende Volgende artikel: Sanger Steve Hofmeyr aangekla van ‘haatspraak’ ná twiet oor Zindzi Mandela