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Amateurclips van -chupachups- Verraad van die En Gee kerk - Die 1990 Rustenburg-deklarasie - Stormfront
02-06-2005, 10:39 AM #1
Jammer vir hierdie lywige inset, maar dit is gebiedend noodsaaklik dat die verraad van veral die En Gee kerk vir eens en altyd ontbloot word.
Spesiaal opgedra aan al die Bybelgooiers, wie hulself as ons opposisie openbaar het, as gevolg van hulle En Gee kerk versoenings doktrines...
Rustenburgdeklarasie.doc (80.0 KB, 21 views)
02-06-2005, 11:19 AM #2
Let wel dis jou "werksweergawe" - waar is die oorspronklike (bron). Miskien ook ePos van die "En Gee"(dit vir wie?) Kerk se webwerf.
02-06-2005, 11:35 AM #4
Soek na Apartheid, dis in der daad 'n tema vir die "En Gee"'s
Ek kon die dokument self nie op die web kry nie.
Last edited by Hektor; 02-06-2005 at 11:47 AM. Reason: spelling
02-06-2005, 11:40 AM #5
En Gee ons land weg
02-06-2005, 11:45 AM #6
Soek na Aparetheid, dis in der daad 'n tema vir die "En Gee"'s
Ek ook nie, maar het hierdie daar gekry.
Willie Jonker: skaamteloos Christen In die tweede onderhoud in Die Kerkbode se eksklusiewe reeks met staats- en kerklui "Stemme van gister, vandag en môre", het Frits Gaum op Stellenbosch met Prof Willie Jonker gesels. Prof Jonker is een van die profestiese stemme in die NG Kerk wat jare lank verguising en uitsluiting geken het, maar na wie uiteindelik geluister is - en vir wie die Wes-en-Suid-Kaapse Sinode in 1995 'n minute-lange staande applous gegee het ter erkenning van sy werk as predikant, teoloog en kerkleier.
Frits Gaum: U jongste boek se naam is: Selfs die kerk kan verander. Is dit nie eintlik vanselfsprekend dat die kerk - veral dan ook die NG Kerk wat 'n kerk van die Reformasie is - sal reformeer, verander, nie?
Willie Jonker: Deur die geskiedenis was die kerk een van die samelewingsinstellings wat die moeilikste verander het. Wat met die NG Kerk gebeur het - om oor apartheid, waaroor dié kerk haar eens op die Skrif beroep het, te kon erken: "Ons het 'n fout gemaak" - dis in die geskiedenis van die kerk van alle tye iets baie besonders. My boek se titel, Selfs die kerk kan verander, is nie as verwyt bedoel nie, dis 'n woord van dankbaarheid dat dit in die geval van die NG Kerk wél gebeur het.
Het die kerk genóég verander?
In sommige opsigte, ja. Oor party van die veranderings is ek tog bekommerd. Die NG Kerk is 'n gereformeerde kerk wat haar gereformeerde karakter volgens my oortuiging moet behou en uitbou. Daarom is die charismatisering wat al hoe meer in die NG Kerk ingang kry, 'n probleem. Dis 'n beweging weg van die gereformeerdheid wat nog altyd 'n kenmerk van ons kerk was, en vir my is dit die soort "verandering" waarsonder die NG Kerk kan klaarkom.
Wat ís "gereformeerdheid" nou eintlik?
Dis 'n inkeer tot die Woord van God en aanbidding in die lig van die Woord. Dis 'n lees van die Woord met die insig van die Reformasie, 'n tradisie van spiritualiteit wat uit die tyd van die Reformasie dateer. Die gereformeerdheid van die NG Kerk is tog wel anders as dié wat 'n mens in byvoorbeeld Nederland kry. Dis omdat die vroomheid van die Skotse teologie in die negentiende eeu by ons 'n groot rol gespeel het toe die Skotse predikante hierheen gekom het, en daar 'n saamgroei was van die gereformeerde belydenisteologie wat ons van Nederland geërf het, en die Skotse presbiteriaanse vroomheidsteologie.
Is Jesus Christus régtig die enigste weg en waarheid en lewe? Moet ons dit vandag nog só aanvaar?
Ja! Ons as gelowige Christene glo baie duidelik dat Christus die enigste weg na God toe is. Gee jy dié oortuiging prys, dan gee jy die hart van die Skrif prys.
In 1990 het twee dinge gebeur wat koerantskrywers destyds as waterskeidende gebeurtenisse beskryf het. Aan die een kant was daar die toespraak van mnr FW de Klerk op 2 Februarie wat die geskiedenis van ons land verander het. Aan die ander kant was daar u toespraak in November tydens die Rustenburgse Kerkeberaad toe u - in opvolging van die besluite van die Algemene Sinode in Oktober daardie jaar - namens die NG Kerk en die Afrikanervolk belydenis oor apartheid gedoen het. Dit was 'n gebeurtenis met historiese impak. Dis nou elf jaar later. Dink u nog u het toe die regte ding op die regte plek gedoen?
Ja. Ek roem nie daarop nie, ek praat selde daaroor, maar ek is steeds vas oortuig dat ek die roeping gehad het om dit te moes doen. Ek kan nie soos Oom Doepie, 'n vroeëre gemeentelid, om elke draai sê: "Só sê die Here nou vir my", en dan met die grootste oortuiging só gaan maak nie. Maar ek glo dat ek daardie dag op Rustenburg die roeping gehad het om te doen wat ek gedoen het. Ek was 'n genooide spreker en het die geleentheid gehad om 'n belydenis te doen.
My goeie vriend, Dirk Hattingh ('n vorige moderator van die Kaapse Sinode), het die oggend voordat hy by ons deelkamer uit is, vir my gesê: "Willie, ons sal nie daarvan kan wegkom om een of ander tyd ons skuld teenoor hierdie mense te bely nie." En ek was intussen al van die vorige aand af op my eie aan die worstel oor hierdie saak! Toe hy dit vir my sê, het ek des te beter geweet wat ek moet doen. Die reaksie daarn van aartsbiskop Desmond Tutu, en dié van die amptelike afvaardiging van die NG Kerk, was 'n verdere bevestiging daarvan. Ek is steeds dankbaar dat dit so gebeur het.
Hoe voel u oor die oorgang van die "ou" na die "nuwe" Suid-Afrika?
Daar is geen manier waarop ons dié oorgang nie sou moes gemaak het nie. Die teorie van afsonderlike ontwikkeling - vir elke volk 'n eie land - kon natuurlik moreel geregverdig word. Maar in die praktyk kon dit nie billik uitgevoer word nie - die ineenstrengeling van ons samelewing het dit net nie moontlik gemaak nie.
Die roereier kon eenvoudig nie ont-roer word nie! Die politici het dit uiteindelik ingesien en gedoen wat hulle moes. Die kerk het nie daarin 'n leidende rol gespeel nie, maar dit tog wel uit die Skrif probeer begelei.
Reken u dat die Afrikaners 'n toekoms in Suid-Afrika het?
Ek is nie pessimisties nie. Ons het nie 'n ander plek waarheen ons kan gaan nie. Dit klink dalk vroom, maar ek glo steeds dat God ons met 'n doel hier geplaas het. Ja, ons ly aan die pyn van magsverlies. Vroeër het óns gesê dinge moet só wees en dan was dit so. Dit het nou baie verander. Maar ons moet dit deursien. Ons het hier 'n plek en ons moet dit in die nuwe situasie reg leer beset.
Wat wil u oor kerkeenheid sê?
Dat die kerk óóp moet wees, is duidelik - dis Bybels. Iedereen wat in Jesus Christus glo, moet lidmaat kan wees van die kerk ... ook van die NG Kerk. Toe ek oor dit en verwante sake in die 1960's in 'n boek met die ietwat lesers-onvriendelike naam, Die Sendingbepalinge van die Ned Gereformeerde Kerk van Transvaal, geskryf het, het sommige mense gesê die aktuarius van die Transvaalse Kerk het nou liberaal geword. In werklikheid is ek my lewe lank 'n konserwatiewe gereformeerde teoloog!
In die gereformeerde tradisie is nog altyd aanvaar dat taal, kultuur en geografiese afstand 'n rol kan speel in die wyse waarop aan die kerk vorm gegee word. Dis nie 'n dwingende eis dat mense met verskillende tale en kulture in een en dieselfde gemeente verenig moet word nie. Maar die gereformeerdes het tog daarop aangedring dat die eenheid van die kerk en die gemeenskap van die heiliges oor die grense van taal en kultuur heen beoefen moet word. Hulle het geglo dat die kerklike strukture daarvoor voorsiening moet maak. So bind die bekende Dordtse Kerkorde Nederlands- en Franssprekendes binne één sinodale verband saam. Strukture as sodanig kan nie die gemeenskap van die heiliges skep nie, maar hulle moet die kader skep waarin die gemeenskap van die heiliges kan gedy, sodat geestelike eenheid bevorder kan word.
Wat sou u beskou as die belangrikste drie prioriteite vir die NG Kerk in die volgende tien jaar?
Die belangrikste is dat die Skrifkarakter van die kerk bewaar en verdiep sal word. Ons mag nie toelaat dat ons gehegtheid aan die Bybel en ons aanvaarding van die betroubaarheid van God se Woord in die gedrang kom nie.
Dan is ons getuienis in die wêreld van die grootste belang. Die kerk moet 'n bydrae lewer dat lidmate hulle Christenskap in die praktyk kan uitleef sodat dit duidelik is dat Christene nders is en 'n nder getuienis het as nie-Christene.
En derdens moet die kerk help keer dat die Christelike waardes in ons samelewingsorde verlore gaan. Dis moeilik in die sekulêre land waarin ons leef, maar ons moet ons identiteit as Christene skaamteloos uitleef.
02-06-2005, 11:50 AM #7
Jonker is 'n voorbeeld van 'n "feel good christian". Nou ja, ek dink egter meeste lidmate is nie bewus van die inhoud van die dokument nie - en meeste Suidafrikaners is ook nie bewus van die feitelike geskiedenis nie.
Daar is verskillende strominge binne die NG kerk ook:
+ 'n ortodoks, behoudende
+ 'n humanistiese
+ evangelikale (soms karismatiese)
Daar kan ander ook wees en hulle oorvleuel. Ek twyfel egter dat meeste NGs saam sou gaan met meeste van die veranderings (soos, skuld teenoor Gays en Nie-Blankes). Daardie mense kan geteiken word.
02-06-2005, 11:51 AM #8
Hier is die Engelse weergawe...
Bishopscourt Update Item No 298 -- November 13, 1990
CAPE TOWN -- The following is the full text of the Rustenburg Declaration, drawn up in a conference of South African church leaders in Rustenburg, Transvaal, last week.
THE RUSTENBURG DECLARATION November 1990
We, 230 representatives of 80 denominations and 40 organisations participating in the National Conference of Church Leaders in South Africa, have come together in Rustenburg in the belief that it is under the authority of God's Word and the guidance of the Holy Spirit. We have been convinced anew of God's amazing grace by the way in which, despite our wide variety of backgrounds, we have begun to find one another and to discover a broad consensus through worship, prayer, confrontation, confession and costly forgiveness. We have sought a spirit of patience, mutual care and openness as we have tried to discern the mind of Christ and have often been surprised how our views on many issues have converged. Some of us are not in full accord with everything said in this conference, but on this we are all agreed, namely the unequivocal rejection of apartheid as a sin. We are resolved to press forward in fellowship and consultation towards a common mind and programme of action.
Coming from diverse Christian traditions, histories, political persuasions and cultural backgrounds, we engaged midst joy and pain, love and suspicion, in a process of soul-searching and wrestling with the theological and socio-political complexities of our country. In the process, we had a strong sense that God was at work among us. We became aware that He was surprising us by his grace which cut through our fears and apprehension. We give praise to this liberating God who is forever faithful in visiting His people in their hour of need.
1.1. The conference has met at a critical time of transition in our country. We thank God that we are already in a period of gestation with the hope of a democratic, peaceful and just dispensation emerging for our nation. Yet many people are continuing to suffer immensely under ongoing structures of injustice. Recent months have also seen the upsurge of violence in many areas and much brutalizing of innocent people. There is also extensive alienation among young blacks and a seemingly interminable crisis in black education. Unemployment has reached alarming proportions. The crisis in our land has also been aggravated by grossly inadequate housing in the black community. All this is leading to the social and economic disintegration of our society.
1.2. We believe, however, that we stand on the threshold of new things. There appears to be the possibility of a new dispensation and the promise of reconciliation between South Africans as some of our black and white leaders prepare to negotiate together for a new and liberated nation of equity and justice. In this context Christians are called to be a sign of hope from God, and to share a vision of a new society which we are prepared to strive for, and if needs be, suffer for.
1.3. We acknowledge that this hope will elude us unless we can break completely with the past. Accordingly we make the following confession.
2.1. While in this document we focus attention on apartheid, we recognise that there are many other sins in our society which call for repentance.
2.2. As representatives of the Christian Church in South Africa, we recognise that the South African situation owes much to the context of western colonialism, to the stifling of conscience by inherited social attitudes which blind communities to the wrong they inflict and to a weakness common to the world-wide church in dealing with social evil. Now, however, we confess our own sin and acknowledge our heretical part in the policy of apartheid which has led to such extreme suffering for so many in our land. We denounce apartheid, in its intention, its implementation and its consequences, as an evil policy. The practice and defence of apartheid as though it were biblically and theologically legitimated is an act of disobedience to God, a denial of the Gospel of Jesus Christ and a sin against our unity in the Holy Spirit.
2.3. We remember with sorrow the victims of apartheid who have suffered and continue to suffer humiliation, dispossession and death. We pay tribute to those who have stood resolutely for justice and cared for the oppressed.
2.4. We know that without genuine repentance and practical restitution we do not appropriate God's forgiveness and that without justice true reconciliation between people is impossible. We also know that this process must begin with a contrite church.
2.5. We therefore confess that we have in different ways practised, supported, permitted or refused to resist apartheid:
2.5.1. Some of us actively misused the Bible to justify apartheid, leading many to believe that it had the sanction of God. Later, we insisted that its motives were good even though its effects were evil. Our slowness to denounce apartheid as sin encouraged the Government to retain it.
2.5.2. Some of us ignored apartheid's evil, spiritualizing the Gospel by preaching the sufficiency of individual salvation without social transformation. We adopted an allegedly neutral stance which in fact resulted in complicity with apartheid. We were often silent when our sisters and brothers were suffering persecution.
2.5.3. Some of us were bold in condemning apartheid but timid in resisting it. Some churches failed to give effective support to courageous individuals at the forefront of protest against evil. We spoke out for justice but our own church structures continued to oppress. We blamed other churches and were blind to our own inconsistencies.
2.6. Those of us who have perpetuated and benefitted from apartheid are guilty of a colonial arrogance toward black culture. We have allowed State institutions to do our sinning for us. In our desire to preserve the Church we have sometimes ceased to be the Church. We have often been more influenced by our ideologies than by Christ's Gospel. We have continued to move in separate worlds while claiming to be one Body. We have insulated ourselves from the pain of black Christians. By failing sufficiently to challenge the violence of apartheid and its enforcement, we have permitted a culture of violence in which our people believe that force is the only way to deal with any dispute. Human life has become cheap. By our faltering witness we have allowed families to be broken, children to go uneducated and millions of people to be denied work. We have erected economic systems based on race. By our disunity and disrespect for other people's beliefs and opinions we have encouraged a fragmented and intolerant society. Most of all, we have been unwilling to suffer, loving our comfort more than God's justice and clinging to our privilege rather than binding ourselves to the poor and oppressed of our land.
2.7. Those of us who are the victims of apartheid acknowledge our own contribution to the failure of the Church. While colonialism and oppression have damaged our self-esteem and eroded the fibres of ``ubuntu'' (humanness) which held our communities together, we acknowledge that many of us have responded with timidity and fear, failing to challenge our oppression. Instead we have acquiesced in it and accepted an inferior status. Some of us have become willing instruments of the repressive state machinery. Others have reacted to oppression with a desire for revenge. Many of us who have achieved privilege have exploited others. An indifference to suffering has crept into our communities, often leading to ostracism of those who have stood courageously for justice and truth. Some of us have failed to be instruments of peace in a situation of growing intolerance of ideological differences. Others of us have also neglected our calling to contribute to the theological renewal of the Church.
2.8. Those of us who are male confess that we have often disregarded the human dignity of women and ignored the sexism of many of our church, social, political, economic and family structures. By limiting the role and ministry of women -- as was reflected in this Conference -- we have impoverished the Church. We have been insensitive to the double oppression suffered by black women under sexism and apartheid.
2.9. We confess that we have prevented youth from full participation in the life of the church and have ignored the issues facing youth. We acknowlege with sorrow that apartheid has brutalised young people and turned youth against youth in conflict.
2.10. Therefore in these and other ways, all the representatives at this Conference confess that we have often let the world rather than the Gospel mould us and we have served our selfish interests rather than Christ.
2.11. With a broken and contrite spirit we ask the forgiveness of God and of our fellow South Africans. We call upon the members of our churches to make this confession their own. We call upon the Government of South Africa to join us in a public confession of guilt and a statement of repentance for wrongs perpetrated over the years.
3.1. To the Church of Jesus Christ in South Africa we address an appeal to adopt our confession and pledge itself to restitution. We call for an end to racial disparities in clergy remuneration; to deploy clergy without regard to colour or social status; and to end all discrimination within the church on the basis of sex or race. We call on church leaders to carry the confessions and commitments of this Declaration into the life of every congregation in the country.
3.2. To the Nation we declare the compelling necessity for all to renounce and turn from personal, economic, social and political sin, most especially the sin of racism in both our souls and our structures. We call every South African to be positively involved in nation-building.
3.3. To Political Leaders, we express appreciation for the progress made thus far and we address an appeal that you meet urgently to negotiate a new and just order for our country. We call on the Government to repeal as a matter of urgency all apartheid laws, such as the Land Act and the Group Areas, Population Registration, Homelands, Black Local Authorities, Black Education and Internal Security Acts. We also call for the granting of unconditional indemnity to political exiles, the immediate release of all political prisoners and for the return of property confiscated from previously banned organisations. We assure all leaders of our prayers in these historic and demanding tasks.
3.4. To the World-Wide Church we declare gratitude for loving care, confrontation, prayer, support and solidarity over many years. We ask you all to continue to stand with us.
4.1.1. The Bible reveals God as a God of compassionate love who has a special care for the sinner, the downtrodden, the poor and all who suffer injustice. Obedience to Christ therefore requires that we develop an economic system based on justice, compassion and co-responsibility, so that those in need benefit more than those who have more than they need. More equitable wealth distribution must go hand in hand with economic growth.
4.1.2. After decades of oppression, the removal of discriminatory laws will have to be accompanied by affirmative acts of restitution in the fields of health care, psychological healing, education, housing, employment, economic infrastructure, and especially land ownership. For many years, greed has led to the taking of land from the poor and weak. Both church and state must address the issue of restoring land to dispossessed people.
4.2. Church and State
4.2.1. In the past we have often forfeited our right to address the State by our own complicity in racism, economic and other injustice and the denial of human rights. We also recognise that in our country the State has often co-opted the Church. The Church has often attempted to seek protection for its own vested interests from the State. Our history compromises our credibility in addressing Church-State issues.
4.2.2. We therefore commit ourselves to the struggle for a just, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist South Africa so that our witness may carry greater credibility when we address Church-State relations in the new dispensation.
4.2.3. Our highest loyalty as Christians is always to God. The State is always under God, its power is limited and it is a servant for good, firstly to God and then impartially to all the people it represents. We therefore ask that the separation of Church and State, the necessity for the freedom to believe, practise and propagate religion, and freedom of association be guaranteed equally to all.
4.2.4. On the basis of biblical and ethical values, we call upon those negotiating a new South African constitution to respect the following principles in the Constitution:
4.2.4.1. The preciousness and value of human life created in the image of God.
4.2.4.2. The exclusion of all racial, gender, class and religious discrimination in the implementation of justice.
4.2.4.3. The acceptance of the Rule of Law under an independent judiciary.
4.2.4.4. The entrenchment of a Bill of Rights subject to the judiciary alone, noting the Christian conviction that basic human rights are God-given and not therefore conferred or removable by any State.
4.2.4.5. The establishment of a democratic elective process based on one-person, one-vote on a common voters' role, in a multiparty democracy in a unitary state.
4.2.4.6. The sincere commitment to employment, housing, education, housing, health and welfare for all South Africans.
4.2.4.7. That the power of the security machinery of the state, including the police, be limited for the protection of the population.
4.2.4.8. The embodiment of the right of individuals or religious groups to preserve and protect the moral values that affect marriage, family life and particularly moral norms. We express particular concern for the protection of children from abuse. This should be available to all religious groups in terms of their life and world view. 4.2.5. Further we call for the negotiation of a new constitution by a body clearly and fully representative of all South Africans. We ask the Government to discuss with other political parties the setting up of a form of administration or government which will ensure that the interests of all South Africans are adequately represented in the transitional period until a new constitution has been agreed upon.
4.3.1. In both Old and New Testaments God's Peace or Shalom speaks of a comprehensive wholeness and rightness in all relationships, including those between God and his people, between human and human and between humans and creation. In South Africa Peace and Shalom are shattered, not only by personal but also by social and structural sin. The consequences are devastating: racial alienation, mistrust, humiliation, exploitation of humans and the environment, privation of basic needs, denial of self worth. Perhaps most devastating has been the emergence of a social climate in which violence and death rather than cooperation and life have become the norm.
4.3.2. The causes of violence include inter alia: * Decades of exploitation of black workers leading to the creation of desperate economic inequities, * The denial of full political rights to most South Africans, * The resulting struggle by black South Africans against an oppressive white political system, culminating in violence becoming the norm for political response, * The apparent emergence of "third forces" dedicated to sowing confusion, * Poverty, inter-group rivalry and competition for limited resources, * Power struggles between some political parties, * The uprooting of families from their traditional homes, leading to the breakdown of family structures and parental authority, * The resulting spiritual problems, * Spiritual principalities and powers of evil active across the human spectrum.
4.3.3. We need to respond to the violence by: * Mobilising church agencies to help collect evidence about violence and present it to the authorities and political organisations, * Condemning the perpetrators of all forms of violence, * Supporting victims materially and spiritually, * Encouraging all South Africans to enter the process of negotiations, with conditions of safety to facilitate this being fully ensured, * Praying for the cessation of violence and the speedy social, economic and political transformation of the land, * Convening a task force to coordinate church strategies, * Calling a peace conference to bring together leaders who can help end violence.
4.4. Spirituality, Mission and Evangelism
4.4.1. The Church's work of mission is a consequence of its worship, prayer, fellowship and spirituality. We commit ourselves to deepen these aspects of the practice of our faith. We resolve to fulfil the Great Commission and by evangelistic faithfulness to bring men and women to repentance and personal faith, new birth and salvation and to help them to work this out in a witness which engages the world. We recognise our need for the equipping fullness of the Holy Spirit's fruit and gifts and we call on God's people to pray for spiritual renewal in the land.
5.1. Confession and forgiveness necessarily require restitution. Without it, a confession of guilt is incomplete.
5.2. As a first step towards restitution, the Church must examine its land ownership and work for the return of all land expropriated from relocated communities to its original owners. "White" schools must be opened to people of all races and programmes of affirmative action embarked upon at all levels of black education.
5.3. We call for a National Day of Prayer for the purpose of acts of intercession, confession, forgiveness and reconciliation. We urge that these be accompanied by a declaration of intention to engage in a common witness to God's love and justice. Conference requests the formation of an Liaison Committee to plan such a day of prayer and to consider the recommendation of the "Silent Minute" concept.
5.4. Conference asks churches which own private schools to review their policy on such schools with a view to making them accessible to the underprivileged.
5.5. We request the liaison committee to provide study material for use by the churches seeking to equip members with a better understanding of their mission in a new South Africa.
5.6. Conference asks churches to make available financial and human resources to enable the work of reconstruction and renewal of South African society. Conference asks churches to co-operate in programmes for the welcoming and rehabilitation of such people.
5.7. Conference requests churches and organisations present to place on their agendas as a matter of urgency the following: * The need to work towards a new economic order in which the needs of the poor can be adequately addressed. * Provision of work for the unemployed. * Provision of adequate homes and essential services for the poor. * The need to work towards parity in standards of living between black and white people. * The need to eradicate poverty and hunger. * Affirmative action to enable transfer of some of the economic power presently in white hands. * Affirmative action in relation to women's rights. * Consideration of major health issues, e.g. AIDS.
5.8. Conference authorises the steering committee to pass any information it considers might be of interest to community organisations.
We give thanks for God's past grace and faithfulness, by which He has seen fit to use so many of His people here, in spite of our many weaknesses and sins, to bear witness to His Name, to proclaim His Saving Gospel and bring blessing to many, to labour for justice and to care for the poor, oppressed and needy. We give praise in our belief that in wrath He has remembered mercy. This being so we are enabled by His Spirit to move forward together in His Name and call others to do likewise so that the Kingdom of our God and His Christ may be extended far and wide both in our land and beyond. And so to that Name which is above every name, even the Name of Jesus, we ascribe all might, majesty, dominion and praise. Amen. -- Bishopscourt Update
02-06-2005, 11:57 AM #9
Al wat ons sien afspeel is hoe die kerk homself buig voor die regering van die dag. As die regering van die dag apartheid ondersteun - dan ondersteun die kerk dit. As die regering van die dag verander - dan verander die kerk saam met die regering. Die rede is eenvoudig - die kerk het sy deffinisie van sonde verloor - die wet van die Skrif verwerp - en neem nou sy morele leiding van die sekulere regering en soek na interpretasies van die skrif hoe om beste die regering van die dag se politieke standpunte te ondersteun.
Die kerk het 'n skoot brakkie geword - of eerder 'n prostituut wat homself verkoop aan die regering van die dag. Niks minder nie, niks meer nie. Die kerk het lankal die skrif begin gebruik as 'n werktuig om die "bergadering van die heiliges" binne die konteks van die staat te rig. Keud die regering va ndie dag homoseksualiteit af? Dan doen die kerk dit. Keur die regering dit goed? Dan verkondig die kerk dit van die preekstoel af. Hule lyk al hoe meer soos die staatskoerant in vlermuis pakkies. Die staat moet nog net hulle salarisse begin betaal en 'n minister aanstel dan is die spel kompleet.
02-06-2005, 12:01 PM #10
En nog iets van die Jonker
Kyk net hoe vermeteld is die ou:
Hy roem hom egter nie ... Nou ja ek sou ook nie...
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