Revolution of 1848 in Luxembourg
The Revolution of 1848 in Luxembourg was part of the revolutionary wave which occurred across Europe in 1848. The Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg at that time was in personal union with the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Dissatisfaction with inequality, the authoritarian government, the lack of civil liberties and a political system that excluded most people from government, caused widespread upheaval. This in turn forced the government to concede various reforms, particularly granting a new constitution, which introduced new civil liberties, parliamentary government, wider participation in the political system, and the separation of powers. Background. After  being annexed by the French in the Napoleonic Wars, Luxembourg was elevated to a Grand Duchy and awarded to the Dutch King by the Congress of Vienna in 1815. While it was supposed to be ruled by him in personal union, rather than as part of his kingdom, the King-Grand Duke William I treated it merely as a province of the Netherlands. (At the time, modern Belgium was part of the Netherlands, so Luxembourg was not separated from Dutch territory.) The Grand Duchy would also be part of the German Confederation (the successor to the Holy Roman Empire), and  its fortress therefore garrisoned by Confederation troops. Luxembourg was profoundly affected by the Belgian Revolution of 1830. Many in Luxembourg supported the cause of the Belgian secessionists, and indeed most of the country was "de facto" annexed by the new Belgian state, while only the capital Luxembourg City remained loyal to the Dutch King, as it was garrisoned by Prussian troops. The situation was only resolved in 1839, when the Dutch King consented to the partition of Luxembourg. In the Treaty of London of 1839, the French-speaking parts of Luxembourg were carved off to form part of Belgium, while  the remaining German-speaking part made up the rump Grand-Duchy, and would continue to be ruled by the Dutch King-Grand Duke, even though it was now territorially separated from the Netherlands. It would also remain in the German Confederation. In 1841, William II authorised the first constitution of Luxembourg. This document left all meaningful power in the hands of the sovereign. The legislature provided by the Constitution, the Assembly of Estates, was little more than a shadow parliament. It was elected indirectly, the ballots were not secret, and the vast majority of the population were excluded from political  life by a system of census suffrage, requiring the payment of 10 florins per year in tax. At the elections of 1845, in the canton of Luxembourg, only 956 out of 28,477 inhabitants were eligible to vote. The Assembly's sessions were held in private, and its assent was required only for penal and fiscal laws, the civil list, and the extraordinary budget. In 1841, this constitution was generally welcomed, but over the years, voices started to be raised in the Assembly of Estates, demanding a return to the civil liberties which had applied under the Belgian annexation of 1830 -1839. Various other issues were a cause for discontent, such as the muzzling of the press, the ban on associations, the exorbitant expenses of the civil list, and lack of judicial and educational reforms. There were several famines in the 1840s, of which the poor were the worst affected. Little was done by the authorities to deal with the consequences of these crises, at least in the eyes of the people. Furthermore, unpopular taxes caused widespread discontent. Complaints were also raised about the annual payment of 150,000 guilders to the sovereign, which weighed heavily on the state's budget. In  the 1840s the government additionally restricted traditional rights of pasture and gathering firewood; the rural poor saw this as an unfair attack on their ancient rights. The 1845 law forbidding straw roofs in houses, introduced after several destructive fires, likewise burdened the poor, who could ill afford the required renovations. On top of all this, unemployment and price increases turned the economic problems into a social crisis. More and more frequently, vagabonds and beggars appeared in whole groups, demanding charity from property owners. Events. Dissatisfaction had built up over several years, and was only waiting for a trigger. The February  revolution of 1848 in Paris created a revolutionary dynamic across the continent, which threatened the monarchic and absolutist order. Amongst other things, the protest took the form of sending petitions to the authorities. Petitions, far from being a recent invention, were an old right. What was unusual was their extent, as 70 petitions were sent to the government around March, which had been more or less spontaneously drafted and signed in over 60 localities. At the same time, a broad protest movement started. The centre of the uprising was Ettelbruck, in the north of the country. On 11 March, several  discontented people declared a republic and sang the "Marseillaise". The gathered people blocked the way of the gendarmes who appeared on the scene, and tried to provoke them into using their guns. Fearing an extension of the uprising, the government sent further gendarmes to Ettelbruck, as a market was to take place there on 14 March. On that day, the police tried to arrest several of the ringleaders, which threatened to escalate the situation. An angry crowd gathered outside the gendarmerie station, and started throwing stones and breaking windows. A gallows was erected outside the house of the local head  of the gendarmerie. The people's anger was also felt by other representatives of the authorities: a crowd attacked the house of the local tax collector. In other localities, the popular disdain for the government likewise made itself felt, and its representatives had to deal with various humiliations and insults. In the capital, a crowd gathered on 16 March. Workers from the suburbs assembled in front of the house of the mayor, Fernand Pescatore, who was suspected of wheat speculation: again, it took the gendarmerie and the Prussian military to prevent any violence. The unrest spread from Ettelbruck to the  surrounding villages, and the government feared it might spread even further. "Revolutionary" flags such as the French, Belgian, black-red-gold (German) and red flags were carried during processions or put up in visible places. These flags were not so much a sign of separatism, as a symbol of solidarity with the revolutionary movements in these other countries. The Revolution ended about as quickly as it had begun, but lasted the longest in Ettelbruck, where anarchy reigned for about a week. Unrest still flared up in various areas for several weeks, but the government acted decisively to restore order, by  gathering gendarmes, forestry and customs officers, and federal German troops, who were sent to the affected areas on 23 March to take down the revolutionary flags and restore order. This unusually large presence of armed forces served as a clear signal to the insurgents, but also to those who were uninvolved. Similarly, on 19 March, a pastoral letter from the Apostolic Vicar of Luxembourg, Jean-Théodore Laurent, was read out in all churches, appealing for calm and reminded the Catholic population of their loyalty to the throne. On 20 March, the government issued a proclamation, announcing changes to the constitution  and the abolition of censorship. Acting on the advice of the government, William II had had to agree to reforms. These promises meant that most citizens and supporters of "law and order" finally went over to the government's side and distanced themselves from any further revolutionary acts. The government also agreed to employ part of the discontented poor on state construction sites, in order to take them off the streets. New constitution. The King-Grand Duke established a commission to come up with revisions to the constitution. The commission, however, composed as it was by a large number of  government officials, provoked widespread hostility and had to be abandoned. In accordance with article 52 of the existing Constitution of 1841, William II then called a new Assembly of Estates, with twice the normal number of delegates, with the mission to draft a new constitution. This Constituent Assembly first gathered in Ettelbruck on 25 April 1848. The reason behind meeting in Ettelbruck rather than Luxembourg City may have been the presence of the Prussian garrison in the capital, which was seen as hostile. The Assembly finished its work in record time, proceeding to the final vote confirming the new Constitution  on 23 June. The Grand Duke swore an oath on the new Constitution on 10 July, and it came into force on 1 August. Within a few months, the Constituent Assembly had drafted a relatively liberal constitution, which made Luxembourg into a constitutional monarchy. The new Constitution was closely modelled on the Belgian one drafted in 1830—many articles were copied word-for-word—showing the mark left by the Belgian annexation of 1830-1839. It introduced several of the principles of a state governed by the rule of law, such as separation of powers, limiting the sovereign's powers  to the executive sphere, the parliament's legislative sovereignty, an annual vote on the ordinary budget, independence of the judiciary. While the new Constitution was striking in its similarity to the Belgian one, there were also notable differences between the two. Unlike Belgium, Luxembourg's constitution provided for only one chamber of parliament, this being mainly due to the small size of the country and a lack of enough qualified people to sit in two chambers, rather than any ideological reasons. Compared with the 40 francs of annual taxation required to vote in Belgium, Luxembourg required only 10 francs (which  still, however, excluded most of the population). Legacy. Change. The political changes brought about by the events of 1848 appear obvious: the first modern constitution for the country, the introduction of parliamentary government and civil liberties, and the creation of several new government institutions. The authority of the monarch was severely curtailed. Whether, and to what extent, the Revolution brought about a social change, is more debatable. Political life in the early 19th century had been dominated by a bourgeoisie composed of high-ranking civil servants who valued order and authority; in 1848 they had to make way for a  bourgeoisie composed of businessmen, who were more liberally inclined and who remained in control until 1919, when mass politics was introduced. The Revolution therefore saw power pass from a clique of conservative Orangist officials to another, only slightly larger, clique of liberal businessmen enriched by early industrialisation. It is doubtful, then, whether 1848 was a revolution in the social sense. 1848 did, however, see the working classes take to the streets in anger for the first time. The socialist lawyer, Charles Théodore André, published an appeal to the workers of Luxembourg during the Revolution. Continuity. Most of those who had  administered the country since 1841 managed to weather the storm of 1848 and remain in their posts after the coming into force of the new Constitution on 1 August. The Constituent Assembly itself was presided over by the governor, Théodore de la Fontaine, who was also reappointed as head of the post-Revolution government, as were 3 out of the 4 other members of the previous government (Vendelin Jurion, Charles-Mathias Simons and Jean Ulveling). There was only one resignation, that of Théodore Pescatore, who was replaced by Jean-Pierre André. The government merely received title changes, with the former  governor becoming the "president of the council", and its members each receiving the title of "administrator general". The lines between the various political families were fluid. Conservative and progressive bourgeoisies belonged to the same social milieu: they were members of the same clubs and associations, and would meet in Masonic lodges. The different families of the bourgeoisie were all linked by intermarriage. The rest of the country, farmers, artisans, and workers, remained as excluded from political life as they had been before 1848: the Revolution changed little for them. Several of the achievements of the Revolution of 1848, including the  Constitution itself, proved to be quite short-lived. William II died in 1849, to be succeeded by his rather more reactionary son, William III, who described the Constitution of 1848 as "the work of agitated times and sinister apprehensions". After the dissolution of the Frankfurt Parliament, the federal diet of the Germanic Confederation in 1851 enjoined the individual states to ensure their constitutions accorded with the principle of the sovereign power of rulers. In Luxembourg, the new Constitution came under attack from various quarters, particularly the government. A bill to reform the constitution in 1856 ended up being rejected by  the Chamber of Deputies, which also passed a motion condemning the government. The King used this as a pretext to dissolve the Chamber, declare the Constitution invalid and to dictate a new, authoritarian constitution, in a series of events known as the Luxembourg Coup of 1856. Historiography. The 1848 revolution in Luxembourg has been mostly neglected by academic historiography and by history as taught in schools. Works inspired by Orangist historiography sought to downplay the events of 1848 as much as possible. Arthur Herchen's history textbook, published in 1918, was still in use in secondary schools up to the  1970s in a revised edition. It portrayed the world before 1848 as a carefree one. While admitting that there was a "certain nervousness" in the country in 1848, it goes on to claim that the Luxembourgish people were able to obtain in a peaceful manner the rights and freedoms which elsewhere were won with bloodshed, and that this was due to the great wisdom and generous initiative of the Grand-Duke. The primary function of Orangist historiography was the legitimation of the Orange-Nassau dynasty. It therefore saw Luxembourgish history through a dynastic lens, in order to link the currently  reigning family to the founding myth of the country. This dynastic world view ignored the wider population as an agent of history, or any mention of social or popular history: the people only appeared in narratives when they endangered the dynastic order through revolt. This brings out Orangist historiography's other characteristic, namely its anti-revolutionary nature. It therefore always denied that there was a revolution in Luxembourg in 1848. This changed in 1957 when Albert Calmes published the 5th volume of the "Histoire Contemporaine du Grand-Duché de Luxembourg", with the unambiguous title "La Révolution de 1848 au Luxembourg . Calmes had no hesitation in terming the events of 1848 a revolution, as there was a brusque and profound social and political change. He noted that the views of traditional historiography on 1848 belonged more to the realm of myth or of a softening presentation of the facts, as it only reproduced the official utterances of those in power, in an attempt to justify the policy of the King-Grand Duke and his Orangist supporters. Calmes' work was troubling to many historians at the time: his vast publication, founded on work in the archives of the Hague and of the 	Revolution of 1848 in Luxembourg
23413645	Luxembourgish government, undermined traditional historiography, and he criticised the works of neo-Orangists such as Prosper Mullendorff, Jules Mersch, Auguste Collart, and Paul Weber, while attacking what he saw as the Orangist legend". This may explain why his book was mostly ignored by the press and review journals such as "Hémecht "and "Cahiers Luxembourgeois"; likewise, the historians Nicolas Margue and Joseph Meyers did not take account of Calmes' ground-breaking work in their 1969 revised edition of Herchen's textbook.