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600 mg ¢erdot;
60 Vegetarian Capsules (SKU 2818)
Amino Acids Sports Nutrition Nongqai Vol 8 No 2 by Hennie Heymans - issuu
1PUBLISHER / UITGEWER
Published by Hennie Heymans, Pretoria, ZA.
Tel: 012-329-4229.WELCOME / WELKOM
Welcome to this very interesting edition. We enjoyed compiling your interesting
reports and articles. Your contributions made this a very interesting edition and we
hope you will derive much pleasure from reading it.
Baie dankie aan ons lesers wat hierdie interessante uitgawe moontlik gemaak het.
Ons hoop u gaan die tydskrif net so baie geniet soos ons wat dit passie saamgestel
het.AIM / DOEL
Our goal is to collect and record our national security history for publication in the
Nongqai for future generations.
Ons doel is om die nasionale veiligheidsgeskiedenis in die Nongqai aan te teken en
so vir die nageslag te bewaar.FRONT PAGE / VOORBLAD
The front page is based on an old series of Nongqai covers used in days gone by.
The cover was artistically improved by Glenn Elsden, a former member of the SA
Police based at Forensics. Contact details: Elsden Design Services e-mail:
glenn.elsden@gmail.com2ONGOING RESEARCH PROJECTS
•••Photographs of police stations.
Police Heroes and a “Police Who is Who”.
Police Commissioners: We are preparing a booklet on the various SA Police
commissioners. Should you have any photographs or anecdotes please share
Kommissarisse van polisie: Ons is besig om inligting van ons onderskeie
polisiekommissarisse in te samel. Ons begin by kol. sir TG Truter en werk ons
pad deur die geskiedenis totdat genl. JV van der Merwe die SAP oorhandig
het aan nuwe nasionale kommissaris van die SAPS, genl. George Fivaz. Ons
het besluit om brig. George Baston by die reeks in te sluit aangesien hy vir
bykans vyf jaar as die kommissaris waargeneem het.
Police History: We collect eyewitness reports from policemen about
cataclysmic events in our history e.g. Cato Manor, Sharpeville, Pondoland,
etc. We have large collection of digital recordings from prominent police
officers.VIRUAL POLICE MUSEUM / VIRTUELE POLISIEMUSEUMBesoekers per dag aan ons museum.
Ons het ŉ eie webwerf met ŉ virtuele polisiemuseum gehad. Weens die swak randdoller wisselkoers het ons besluit om die projek te staak totdat ons ŉ langtermyn
borg kry of totdat ons een of ander vorm van ŉ “SAP-GESKIEDNIS VERENINGING”
kan stig. Een man kan nie alles doen nie! Om oudlede te kan kry – daar was eens so
baie selferkende professionele en trotse lede in Blou - sal net welkom wees om
passievol te help met die projek. Die polisie het nie eens meer ŉ rugbyklub in
Pretoria nie. Hoe gaan ons die ou rugbyspelers van vanmelewe vereer en huldig?
Gaan ons hulle vergeet?
Ek wonder of daar nie akademici of ŉ navorsingsinstituut is wat in die geskiedenis
van die polisie belangstel nie sodat ŉ omvattende databasis oor die SAP opgerig kan
word. Vanuit ŉ nasionale strategiese oogpunt het die polisie skitterende werk
3gelewer en dit is lofwaardig dat die polisie in wese altyd getrou was aan die
uitvoerende gesag â&#x20AC;&#x201C; afgesien van eie politieke oortuigings. (Ons is deur rebellie,
opstand, revolusie, oorloĂŤ en magsoorgawe en tog het ons getrou gebly aan ons eed
Indien ons nie die spreekwoordelike moue gaan oprol en begin om ons geskiedenis
te bewaar nie, kan ek u verseker, dat niemand dit vir ons gaan doen nie.Marlene Swanepoel, kuratrise van die SAPS-museum en Petro Heymans
Vertel u vriende van die NONGQAI; ons soek meer deelnemers aan ons
geskiedenis-projekte. So het ons bv. die verhaal van die eerste Russies-opgeleide
PLAN-vegter wat deur konst. Gawie Botha gearresteer is, vir die nageslag gereed!4Contents
PUBLISHER / UITGEWER......................................................................................... 2
WELCOME / WELKOM .............................................................................................. 2
AIM / DOEL ................................................................................................................ 2
FRONT PAGE / VOORBLAD ..................................................................................... 2
ONGOING RESEARCH PROJECTS ......................................................................... 3
VIRUAL POLICE MUSEUM / VIRTUELE POLISIEMUSEUM .................................... 3
1897 (circa) STAATSARTILLERIE: RUITER.............................................................. 9
1897 (circa): WETSTOEPASSING: HONDEVANGER JOHANNESBURG .............. 10
1897 (circa): MARKET: JOHANNESBURG.............................................................. 10
BLOEMFONTEIN ..................................................................................................... 11
•1897 (circa): BLOEMFONTEIN ................................................................... 11•1897 (circa): Bloemfontein Tronk ................................................................ 111900: THE BOER IN PEACE AND WAR ................................................................. 12
•Rinderpest ...................................................................................................... 13•Boer Mounted Police ...................................................................................... 13BOEK & FILM: “THE BOER WHORE” ..................................................................... 15
1901: DIE BOERE NEEM VANRHYNSDORP IN ..................................................... 16
1910: GENL LOUIS “LEWIES” BOTHA.................................................................... 20
•Sy verwoeste plaasopstal ........................................................................... 20•Krygsraad .................................................................................................... 21•Mev. Annie Botha ........................................................................................ 22•Genl. Botha, perde en standbeelde............................................................. 231910: UNIE VAN ZUID-AFRIKA: GENL BEYERS .................................................... 28
Christiaan Frederik Beyers (23 September 1869 – 8 December 1914) ................ 29
1911: HOVE’S DRIFT .............................................................................................. 30
1911: GOEWERMENT HOUSE: PRETORIA ........................................................... 31
DAGGA .................................................................................................................... 31
•1919 : Ik Wil Geen Dagga Hebben: Sammy Marks ..................................... 32•Culture: Caroline King Cannabis ................................................................. 33•Legalisation of marijuana in South Africa: Felli Kay .................................... 34SAP (circa 1920): CEREMONIAL UNIFORM AT FUNERAL.................................... 37
1925: AIR MAIL VIA SAAF ....................................................................................... 38
5Col Sir Pierre Van Reyneveld & Maj H Meintjes ................................................... 39
WE LOOK BACK: NONGQAI 1931 .......................................................................... 40
Divisional HQ: Bloemfontein: Free State ............................................................... 40
Major H Meintjes, SAAF, now Member of SAP ..................................................... 40
1931 Ford Victoria................................................................................................. 41
Commendation: Force Order 15 (G) 1931: ........................................................... 41
•No. 8291 Mounted Constable AJ Swart ...................................................... 41•No 11842 Mounted Constable CS Klue ...................................................... 41•No 11186 Mounted Lance Sergeant CPJ Baard ......................................... 411935: Identification Parade ................................................................................... 42
1935: UDF/ UVM Dist 6, Bloemfontein .................................................................. 42
CID/KOD: “Just Checking” .................................................................................... 43
1938: Korporatiewe Geheue: SAP-hondemeesters in die buiteland ........................ 43
•Palestina ..................................................................................................... 43•Kenya .......................................................................................................... 44UN CHILDREN’S FUND / VN KINDERFONDS ........................................................ 45
1953: OPENING: PARLIAMENT / PARLEMENT: SAP MOTOR CYCLE ESCORT /
MOTORFIETSE ....................................................................................................... 45
INFO WANTED: ALEXANDRA'S 1986 SIX-DAY WAR ............................................ 46
INLIGTING VERLANG: WIE KEN VIR VETERAAN I.S. COETZER (SAP &
VALSKERMSOLDAAT)? .......................................................................................... 46
•1973: India Kompanie, Binga, Rhodesie ..................................................... 49•1974: Gholf Kompanie, Rushinga ............................................................... 49SERS JJ ERASMUS (SAP PORT NATAL & SAP KOLLEGE) ................................. 49
MAJ. JJ VAN ROOYEN & KAPT. JJ VAN ROOYEN (PA & SEUN) ........................ 52
•Maj. JJ Van Rooyen .................................................................................... 52•Kapt JJ van Rooyen (Pel 43 van 1974) ....................................................... 53PARATUS DESEMBER 1980 .................................................................................. 53
•Staatsbegrafnis: Pres JJ Fouchè ................................................................ 53•Brig. “Witkop” Badenhorst en SWAPO ........................................................ 54•Misdaadbekamping: SAW & SAP ............................................................... 56KOEVOET: LUIT FRANS CONRADIE ..................................................................... 57
•Scope 16 Dec 1983 ........................................................................................ 57
6PEACE MONITORS 1994: GAVIN TISCHENDORF ................................................ 65
UNIFORMS: GENL JV VAN DER MERWE & NASIONALE KOMISSARIS GEORGE
FIVAZ ....................................................................................................................... 66
KOL VICK McPHERSON ......................................................................................... 67
UIT DIE KOERANTE ................................................................................................ 67
•SAP Rugby.................................................................................................. 67•Misdaad ...................................................................................................... 68•Bedryf van Inligting...................................................................................... 69•Kommentaar................................................................................................ 73CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY...................................................................... 73
RESENSIES VAN LESERS: KOEVOET: THE MEN SPEAK ................................... 74
BESOEK AAN SAPS-MUSEUM .............................................................................. 76
•DB Pratt: Aanval op dr. HF Verwoerd ......................................................... 76•Dimitri Tsafendas moord op dr. Verwoerd: Die dolk .................................... 77•AP Stemmet vertel die volgende staaltjie .................................................... 78•Luitenant Vaughan Sharp ........................................................................... 80Kommissarisse van Polisie ................................................................................... 82
•Kol. sir TG Truter......................................................................................... 82•Genl.maj. IP de Villiers ................................................................................ 83•Genl.maj. RJ Palmer ................................................................................... 85•Genl.maj. JA Brink ...................................................................................... 85Ander items ........................................................................................................... 86
•SAP Rangtekens ......................................................................................... 86•Ou Polisiemanne 1693 & 1913.................................................................... 86•Teëls en argiefstukke .................................................................................. 87RANGE, RANGTEKENS EN UNIFORMS ................................................................ 87
Enkele gedagtes oor Polisierange en –uniforms - HBH ........................................ 88
•Adjunkkommissaris ..................................................................................... 88•1953: Militarisering van die polisierange ..................................................... 88•Mark Naude’s reply ..................................................................................... 90•Attachments ................................................................................................ 90SAP: Vocabulary of Stores and Clothing Items. .................................................... 95
BRIGADIER-GENERAL AND BRIGADIER RANKS ................................................. 98
7Brigadier-General and Brigadier Ranks and Associated Insignia in the Union
Defence Force and South African Defence Force: Compiled By M Naudé ........... 98
Brigadier Rank and Insignia in the South African Police: Compiled By M Naudé 105
DST (AMI) BYMEKAARKOMS. .............................................................................. 108
LET ME TAKE A WALK IN YOUR GARDEN: MJJ VAN RENSBURG ................... 109
HUMOUR IN UNIFORM ......................................................................................... 110
•Top this one for a speeding ticket ............................................................. 110•Stolen Car ................................................................................................. 111SERVICE DELIVERY AND CORRUPTION ........................................................... 113
THE SACP'S SECRET MOSCOW PAPERS ......................................................... 117
A POEM TO WHICH I CAN RELATE: JEF ‘JEFFERS’ MANNING ........................ 130
KUM-A-KYE: THE REGIMENTAL MARCH OF THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA
POLICE .................................................................................................................. 131
1950: OUTSTANDING BSAP PERFORMANCE .................................................... 131
BSAP 1890 - 1980.................................................................................................. 131
Greetings / Groete .................................................................................................. 132IPA Hoofkantoor: “Pilot” en Doreen Loots voor die hoofkantoor afgeneem so paar
jaar gelede (2012) – HBH.
81897 (circa) STAATSARTILLERIE: RUITER91897 (circa): WETSTOEPASSING: HONDEVANGER JOHANNESBURGPhoto: Nico Moolman1897 (circa): MARKET: JOHANNESBURGWagons Bringing Wool To Early Morning Market (Johannesburg).
•1897 (circa): BLOEMFONTEIN•1897 (circa): Bloemfontein TronkPhoto: Nico Moolman
111900: THE BOER IN PEACE AND WAR
IN PEACE AND WARAUTHOR OFBY
'THE TRUTH FROM JOHANNESBURG'WITH SIXTEEN ILLUSTRATIONSLondon
The following photos were scanned from the above book for the interest of our
readers. By looking at the photos we can a minute idea what problems faced our
colleagues in days of old. Horse sickness and rinderpest were great problems those
days as it affected transport. By then the railways had connected the harbours with
some inland towns but in some cases transport between towns depended on horses,
oxen, mules and donkeys.
In the 1890s, an epizootic of the rinderpest virus struck Africa, considered to be "the
most devastating epidemic to hit southern Africa in the late nineteenth century". It
killed more than 5.2 million cattle south of the Zambezi, as well as domestic oxen,
sheep, and goats, and wild populations of buffalo, giraffe, and wildebeest. This led to
starvation resulting in the death of an estimated third of the human population
of Ethiopia and two-thirds of the Maasai people of Tanzania.
The virus is thought to have been introduced into Eritrea in 1887 by Indian cattle
brought by the Italians for their campaign against Somalia. It spread throughout
the Horn of Africa, and crossed the Zambezi in March of 1896. 11From Wikipedia, the free encyclopaedia12â&#x20AC;˘ RinderpestShooting Rinderpest oxen: Those were the days before Onderstepoort was
established.â&#x20AC;˘ Boer Mounted Police13Wagon on Pontoon over a River.Wagons Crossing a River.14BOEK & FILM: “THE BOER WHORE”Nico Moolman en Petro Heymans saam met Ian Roberts
Nico Moolman, Ian Roberts
en Zelmari Botha in Pretoria
met egte ABO-klere uit
Winburg Konsentrasie kamp.
Die rok en kappie is deur
Oud-pres CR Swart se
moeder gedra en aan Nico
Moolman deur sy dogter,
Ian se hoed is gedurende die
ABO deur oom Lombard van
Heilbron gedra en is deur
Piet Lombard geskenk.
Die historiese kledingstukke
gaan in die film “The Boer
Whore” gedra word.151901: DIE BOERE NEEM VANRHYNSDORP INBoer neem Vanrhynsdorp in op 19 Januarie 1901.Kommandant Myburgh en sy verkenners te Vanrhynsdorp.16Kommandant Nieuwoudt en veldkornette in VanrhynsdorpDie Oberholzer-broers almal lede van Onbekende offisier in Britse uniform.
genl Hertzog se kommando
Geen verdere besonderhede nie.17Kommandant Chas. Nieuwoudt â&#x20AC;&#x201C; let op die karwats.18Let op die Boer se netjies klere! â&#x20AC;&#x201C; let op die karwats.Boerverkenners, weereens is almal netjies aangetrek! â&#x20AC;&#x201C; let op die karwatse. Die
Boere is lief vir hul perde.
191910: GENL LOUIS “LEWIES” BOTHA
•Sy verwoeste plaasopstalGenl Louis Botha se opstal word die lug ingeskiet!Die verwoeste opstal!20â&#x20AC;˘KrygsraadColenso-distrik: Genl Botha hou krygsraad in die skaduwee van bosse en seile.21•Mev. Annie BothaMev. Annie Botha – voorheen mej. Emmet. Hier in Riviera, Pretoria, is ‘n groot staat
na die dame vernoem.22• Genl. Botha, perde en standbeelde“Bles” die generaal se ros. Die perd was die Boer se gunsteling vervoermiddel. Daar
was fietse en voetgangers en manne wat op waens en perdekarre gereis het – maar
die perd was by uitstek die Boer se vervoermiddel. Die perd was getrou en het saam
met die Boer swaargekry – veral in die winter. Benewens genl Loui Botha, was genl
De Wet ook ‘n perdeliefhebber sy bekende perd was “Fleur”.23Majoor Louis Esselen, genl Louis Botha se aide-de-camp, op die rug generaal se
gunsteling perd. [Kommentaar deur Hennie Heymans: Ek dink die perd op die vorige
foto se naam is “Charlie”.]
An aide-de-camp - French expression meaning literally “helper in the [military] camp”
is a personal assistant or secretary to a person of high rank, usually a senior military,
police or government officer, a member of a royal family, or a head of state. This is
not to be confused with an adjutant, who is the senior administrator of a military unit.
The first aide-de-camp is typically the foremost personal aide. In some countries,
the aide-de-camp is considered to be a title of honour (which confers the postnominal letters ADC or A de C), and participates at ceremonial functions. The badge
of office for an aide-de-camp is usually the aiguillette, a braided cord in gold or other
24colours, worn on the shoulder of a uniform. Whether it is worn on the left or the right
shoulder is dictated by protocol. [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aide-de-camp]Die generaal, toe eerste minister, op “Dapper” se rug. Hierdie foto is by die ou SAP
Depot geneem. Regs verskyn die kommissaris van polisie op sy perd se rug. Die
stafoffisier links is onbekend.
Ek vermoed die foto hierbo is geneem na afloop van sy segetog in Duits-SWA. Ek
het iewers gelees dat hy die SAP-lyfwag van 100 man tydens ŉ parade in die SAP
Depot hartlik bedank het. Die stafoffisier kan identies met maj. Louis Esselen wees.25Die foto van genl Louis Botha is in Kaapstad naby Tuynhuis â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Foto: Hennie
Heymans.Genl Botha in Pretoria voor die Uniegebou26Beeld van genl Botha deur Coert Steynberg271910: UNIE VAN ZUID-AFRIKA: GENL BEYERSGenl. Christiaan Beyers was prokureur, kryger en 'n leier in die rebellie van 1914.
Hy is in 1869 naby Stellenbosch gebore en verhuis in 1889 na die Transvaal, waar
hy prokureur en 'n burger van die ZAR word.
Hy sluit hom by die Boeremagte aan tydens die Tweede Vryheidsoorlog en vorder
tot by die rang van generaal.
Ná die Vrede van Vereeniging hervat hy sy beroep as prokureur in Pretoria. Hy word
later speaker van die Transvaalse parlement tydens Verantwoordelike Regering.
In1912 word hy aangestel as kommandant-generaal (bevelvoerder) van die Uniale
Weermag. Die volgende jaar besoek hy Europa en ontmoet daar vir keiser Wilhelm II
Kort ná sy terugkeer kruis hy swaarde met generaal Louis Botha, wat hy gereken het
té veel waarde geheg het aan oorsese verpligtinge. Beyers knoop daarom
onderhandelinge aan met generaal Koos de la Rey en andere wat teen die
regeringsbeleid gekant was. Sy ontevredenheid met die regering word op die spits
gedryf toe hy in September 1914, ná die uitbreek van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog,28bedank as bevelvoerder van die weermag. Generaal Jan Smuts het hom van
Beyers raak by die Rebellie betrokke en verdrink dieselfde jaar nog in die Vaalrivier
terwyl regeringstroepe hom agtervolg het.Christiaan Frederik Beyers (23 September 1869 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 8 December 1914)
As a young man, he went to the Transvaal, where he took a prominent part on
the Boer side in the South African War, winning high distinction in the field and
bearing the rank of general when peace was made in 1902. Beyers had much
influence, as soldier and statesman, among the Dutch-speaking people of South
Africa, and was, with Generals Botha and Smuts, though in a less degree than they,
one of the recognized leaders of the Transvaal Boers.
When responsible government was granted to the Transvaal, Beyers became
speaker of the Lower House. He showed in the speaker's chair remarkable gifts. He
was acute, tolerant and rigidly impartial, thus making a deep impression upon
English-speaking South Africans, who would have supported his claims to be the first
speaker of the first South African House of Assembly, had they been pressed
by Louis Botha, the first Prime Minister. Instead, Beyers was made commandant
general of the Citizen Forces of the Union Defence Force of South Africa, and in that
capacity paid a visit to Great Britain, Germany, Switzerland and the
Netherlands in 1912.
A man of fine physique, of passionate nature, and of profound religious convictions,
Beyers, as commandant general of South Africa, was entertained with marked
attentions during his visit to Germany by Kaiser Wilhelm II. When World War I broke
out, he set himself in almost open opposition to the policy of the Botha government.
For some months, this opposition smouldered. Then, at a moment when the South
African expeditionary force was being mobilized for the invasion of German SouthWest Africa, and when rebellion was already smouldering among the irreconcilables
of the South African Dutch, Beyers resigned his post as commandant general in a
letter addressed to General Smuts, then Minister of Defence, and published in Het
Volk, an anti-government journal. In this letter he declared that he had always
disapproved the Government's intention to invade German South-West Africa and
that this disapproval was shared by the great majority of the Dutch-speaking people
of the Union. General Smuts replied in a stern letter declaring that the war was a test
of the loyalty to their pledged word of the Dutch-speaking people, and accepting
A few weeks later Beyers took the field as a leader of the Boer Rebels against the
government, only to be overwhelmed by the government troops under the command
of General Botha, to be driven from pillar to post as a fugitive, and to be wounded
and consequently drowned on 8 December 1914, while trying to escape from his
pursuers by crossing the Vaal River. His body was recovered two days later, and
with his death the rebellion was brought to an end.291911: HOVE’S DRIFT[NGR foto 1911]. Min mense in Pretoria weet waar die plek is. Dit is net ten weste
van die ou SAP lykshuis in Dr. Savageweg langs die ou Pretoria Algemene Hospitaal
– die hospitaal het nou ŉ nuwe naam. Verder aan met die spruit, na links, kry mens
die nasionale dieretuin.
Pretoria gister en vandag [Pretoria News, 1988-02-26] :
“... The drift was situated where Prinsloo Street and Bloed Street today join Dr.
Savage Road, south of the H.F. Verwoerd Hospital. Hove’s Drift was well known to
travellers in the olden days, and was named after a Mr. Hove who had a mill at the
drift. The ruins of the mill can be seen on the left of the picture. The area on the right
held a British camp during the South-African war. The first bridge built over the Apies
at this spot was known as Hove’s Bridge. Today a modern structure carries heavy
traffic to the city’s northern suburbs (picture below) /.../ Text by staff writer Daan de
Beer.).../”http://repository.up.ac.za/bitstream/handle/2263/21275/Pta%201304.pdf?sequence=1301911: GOEWERMENT HOUSE: PRETORIAHierdie is die ou Goewerneurs-generaal en staatspresidente woning langs Libertas.DAGGA
(Ons bepleit nie dat die rook of gebruik van dagga gewettig moet word nie. Self rook
ek nie. Ons delf maar net in die geskiedenis oor daggarokery. Die medisinale
waarde van dagga moet egter nie onderskat word nie. Ons kyk ook wat ander oor
die onderwerp sê.)
Op versoek het Nico Moolman die volgende brief aan my gestuur. Sien hieronder
“1919: Ik Wil Geen Dagga Hebben: Sammy Marks.” In vanmelewe se dae was
dagga eers net so bekend soos biltong en beskuit.
Ons leef in ŉ interessante wêreld! Ek het bietjie gaan lees oor dagga. Dagga is ŉ
baie ou en bekende dwelm. Sedert Jan van Riebeeck is die dwelm bekend aan die
vroeë inwoners aan die Kaap. Dagga was tot voor 1928 wettig verbou en verkoop.
Die dagga, aldus Nico Moolman, het Sammy Marks weer aan die mynwerkers
verkoop. Nico Moolman ken die familie Van Heerden van Heilbron. Aanvanklik het
die Van Heerden-familie dagga geruil vir boustene.
Brig. Piet Fabricius het vertel hoe die arbeiders te Kamfersdam, Kimberley, wat die
wilde perde vir die polisie moes inbreek, eers ‘n paar skywe dagga gerook het
waarna die ruiter soos ŉ neet geklou het. Konst. ML Stassen het my eenmaal op
nagdiens vertel hoe sekere mense wat hout gekap het, eers dagga vir krag gerook
het.31Hasjisj (Engels – Hashish) is ŉ bekende dwelm en die woord vir sluipmoord in
Engels “assassination” kom waarskynlik van die word hasjisj af.2
•1919 : Ik Wil Geen Dagga Hebben: Sammy MarksAftasting ontvang van Nico Moolman.2The word assassin is often believed to derive from the word Hashshashin and shares its
etymological roots with hashish. It referred to a group of Nizari Shia Persians who worked against
various Arab and Persian targets. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assassination)32â&#x20AC;˘ Culture: Caroline King Cannabis
SA's hidden history
Culture: Fri, 10 Jun, 2011, Caroline King
There was a time when dagga was as traditional to South Africa as biltong,
boerebeskuit and witblits. It fascinated Jan van Riebeeck, missionaries extolled its
virtues and it remained a favourite "sun downer" until the first quarter of the last
A fascinated audience learnt this at a recent talk in the Grahamstown Friends of the
Library's regular Monday evening lecture series. Hazel Crampton, author of the The
Sunburnt Queen - the story of a shipwrecked child and her descendants, traced
through contemporary oral histories and reports from the Eastern Cape - shared her
discoveries about the cannabis sativa plant's past in South Africa - information she
encountered while researching ancient trade routes.
Colloquially known as dagga, the plant has been smoked or consumed to produce a
kind of high for probably thousands of years, but it is now an illegal substance in
most countries. Dagga is not indigenous to South Africa, but to central Asia, and its
spread across continents is thought to be linked to the spread of Islam. Arabic and
Indian traders brought the plant along the trade routes, and once here, it was thought
that tribes spread it further across the country.
There were references to dagga-smoking in the histories of the Khoi, San, Sotho,
Tswana "and everything in between", said Crampton.
The first written account pertaining to dagga in South Africa was in the journal of
Dutch settler Jan van Riebeeck, in 1658, when he wrote about a southern Xhoi
group smoking "dacha" and the effects it had on them.
Crampton also came across recipes for old boere remedies that required dagga. Tea
was made from the leaves to alleviate high blood pressure, and the smoke was used
to treat open wounds and poisonous bites.
Apparently many missionaries on the African continent often indulged in smoking
dagga, which was documented in their journals, and Crampton said the plant was
still being used as a "sun downer" until the first World War.
There was even a time when dagga was "as traditional to South Africa as biltong,
boerebeskuit and witblits", she said, but cannabis culture changed in 1928, when the
plant was made illegal.
From the 1930s to the 1950s there was a flourish of reprints of the writings of
missionaries and explorers to avoid embarrassment, and their accounts were edited
to make it appear as if they had been using leonitis leonorus, which is dagga's legal
cousin, wild hemp.
During question-time after the talk, members of the audience that filled every seat in
the room behind the Hill Street Library, seemed to be more concerned with questions
relating to dagga itself than how it came to be in our country.
33• Legalisation of marijuana in South Africa: Felli Kay
16 October 2015, 12:54
The legalisation of marijuana in South Africa as of late has been a controversial
topic. Around the world many countries are slowly becoming more accustomed to
the idea of marijuana as a non-harmful substance and it is high time policy in South
Africa embraces it and ease the laws against the possession and consumption of
marijuana. “Cannabis is to date a genetically pure plant, occurring globally, which
offers massive medicinal, industrial, agricultural, ecological, and socio-economic
benefits to the man on the street.” (George, 2015) In 2010 the UN World Drug
Report states that between 119 million people to 224 million people above the age of
18 used marijuana. (UN, 2010)
In this paper I look to give reasons and recommendations for why government must
review the law/policy of marijuana in South Africa. The cannabis industry is
widespread in South Africa with many diverse users of it, the government should
look for ways to take control and ownership of this natural plant instead of
criminalising what has been proven to pose no more of a threat than smoking a
cigarette does. I will explain in detail why I recommend that government starts the
process of decriminalising cannabis and takes control of its use and production for
medical and commercial purposes.
I write this paper from the perspective of the South African political party: “The
Dagga party of South Africa”. The main goal of this organisation is the legalisation of
Marijuana in South Africa. It was formed in 2009 but failed to take part in the 2014
national elections because of shortage of funds. (Gaye, 2014) However, it is
registered and recognised political party by the Independent Electoral Committee.
One might be tempted to outright dismiss the whole point of this paper but what one
fails to do is look beyond the generalization that cannabis is a harmful drug. In South
Africa there has never been a marijuana related death since forever, so why do
people perceive it to be bad and why is it illegal? Unqualified reports and studies
have led people to believe marijuana kill brain cells, this is an argument that scholars
at Cambridge University does not accept: “our results indicate that there might be
decrements in the ability to learn and remember new information in chronic users,
whereas other cognitive abilities are unaffected.” (Grant, 2003)
The problem this paper aims to tackle is that government is losing out on potentially
millions in gross domestic product by criminalising the possession and use of
cannabis. Dagga was made illegal in South Africa in 1928 which distorted what had
become as traditional to South Africans as biltong. (King, 2011) The longer
34government procrastinates on the legalisation of weed, the more will fall under the
black market and that increases the amount of crime in the country as compared to if
one could simply walk into a pharmacy or supermarket and purchase their desired or
government regulated amount of weed over the counter. Marijuana currently is not
treated like other substances, for instance, alcohol or cigarettes, the government
cannot claim taxes on cannabis because they do not have structures in place like the
SA breweries to regulate and control how much of the substance can be consumed,
The current policy in place against marijuana is the law in terms of the Illicit Drug(s)
and Trafficking Act 140, of 1992, it prohibits the possession and dealing of cannabis
in its entirety inside our borders (Steynvaart, 2014). This act means that anyone
found in possession of marijuana is subject to prosecution to the full extent of the
law. This law’s downfall is when people that use it for religious, medicinal and
recreational activities get arrested and prosecuted. This policy or law has been
successful when you look at it from the non-modern and uninformed perspective that
cannabis is bad for one’s health, but it has been discovered and proved that this is
not the case. The policy has been unsuccessful in it’s main aim which was to deter
people from using cannabis, instead we have seen the use of cannabis increase in
south Africa and in 2009 the country was named Marijuana capital of the world,
“South Africans are the world dagga smoking champions. A report from a UN agency
shows that around eight percent of South Africans use the recreational drug, twice
the global average of four percent” (Hartley, 2009).
A solution that is currently on the table is for the government to make the possession
and consumption of cannabis legal and then implement laissez faire and let cannabis
circulate in the same way it has been, but now without the threat of prosecution. In
my opinion this option would not be the best, even though it would cost the
government no money, it would bring out a state of anarchy where every Tom, Dick
and Harry can now sell cannabis. Also there would be the risk of children coming into
contact with the substance.
The best solution is for the government to nationalise and take ownership of all sorts
of marijuana in the country and then formalise and create a safe way of obtaining
marijuana, be it from a pharmacy or supermarket or even over the counter. This now
would allow the government to place a heavy levy much like sin tax on marijuana.
The government could even invest money into research to find a way that you can
control the high you get from smoking the plant.
Recommendation35The legalisation of Marijuana has been long overdue. The continued criminalisation
of it only results in higher figures of crime in the country when there is actually
nothing that goes against or is in breach of the bill of rights in our country as
marijuana does not harm others, barely even oneself. I recommend that the
government does away with the prohibition of weed in our borders in the act 140, of
1992. The government need to introduce marijuana farming into the agricultural
system and this will create employment, boost the gross domestic product and also
at the same time make hundreds of thousands of people happy and high.
1. Gaye, D. (2014, August 17). Dagga Party misses deadline. Eyewitness News.
2. George, D. (2015, February 09). Cannabis in South Africa today 2015. News24.
3. Grant, I. (2003, July 01). Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society.
Retrieved from Cambrideg Journals: Retrieved from
4. Hartley, R. (2009, February 20). Times Live. Retrieved from South Africa is the
marijuana capital of the world: retrieved from
5. King, C. (2011, June 10). Grocot's mail. Retrieved from Cannabis: SA's hidden
history: retrieved from http://www.grocotts.co.za/content/cannabis-sas-hiddenhistory-10-06-2011
6. Steynvaart, J. (2014, February 20). News24. Retrieved from Dagga Legislation the constituional conundrum: retrieved from
7. UN. (2010). World Drug Report.
Bron: http://www.news24.com/MyNews24/Legalisation-of-marijuana-in-South-Africa20151016 afgelaai 3 Februarie 2017.36SAP (circa 1920): CEREMONIAL UNIFORM AT FUNERALPhoto: Nico MoolmanLet op die hoofkonstabels dra Sam Browne’s en offisiere nie. Die offisiere dra ook
spore by die seremoniële uniform. Die offisiere se helms was wit. (Ek weet voet
hoofkonstabels het ook ŉ wit helm gedra. Die hoofkonstabels in die foto is almal
371925: AIR MAIL VIA SAAF38Col Sir Pierre Van Reyneveld & Maj H Meintjes39WE LOOK BACK: NONGQAI 1931
Divisional HQ: Bloemfontein: Free StateMajor H Meintjes, SAAF, now Member of SAPSo far the role and duties of Maj. Meintjes in the SAP is a mystery â&#x20AC;&#x201C; HBH.401931 Ford VictoriaCommendation: Force Order 15 (G) 1931:
•No. 8291 Mounted Constable AJ Swart•No 11842 Mounted Constable CS Klue•No 11186 Mounted Lance Sergeant CPJ Baard411935: Identification Parade1935: UDF/ UVM Dist 6, BloemfonteinRobey Leibbrandt se vader staan in die middelste ry, heel links. Hy het tydens die
Anglo Boere-oorlog saam met genl. Smuts in die Kaap Kolonie geveg.42CID/KOD: “Just Checking”1938: Korporatiewe Geheue: SAP-hondemeesters in die buiteland
•Palestina43•KenyaLet op die word “Mau Mau-misdadigers” – HBH.
44UN CHILDREN’S FUND / VN KINDERFONDSNa die gebeure by Sharpeville en SAP-optrede in SWA selfs tot 1989, was die VN
en die SAP nie meer sulke “goeie vriende” nie.1953: OPENING: PARLIAMENT / PARLEMENT: SAP MOTOR CYCLE
ESCORT / MOTORFIETSE•
•Does anybody have photos of this event?
Het iemand dalk foto’s van die spesiale gebeurtenis?
45INFO WANTED: ALEXANDRA'S 1986 SIX-DAY WAR
Ons is op soek na inligting oor die sogenaamde “Alexandra's 1986 Six-Day War”.
Die polisie word beskuldig dat hulle begrafnisgangers met traanrookgranate bestook
het na afloop van ŉ begrafnis. Die getuienis is in Oktober 1996 voor die WVK
gelewer. Ons stel belang in die rol van MK tydens die ses-daagse oorlog.INLIGTING VERLANG: WIE KEN VIR VETERAAN I.S. COETZER (SAP &
(Via Paul Els & I Coetzer)
My naam is Ivan Coetzer en ek is opsoek na soveel moontlike inligting rakende my
oorlede pa se diens in SAW en SAP. My rede vir die versoek is omdat ek besig is
om ons familie stamboom te doen en sal wil graag my pa se verlede beter leer ken.
Hier is alle inligting wat ek tans het, ek hoop dit sal help.
Volle Name en van: Ivan Stefanus Coetzer noemnaam “Fanie”.
ID nommer: 490308 5044 080.
Polisiekollege: Peloton 42: 1972.
Valskermopleidingsentrum: Kursus 44V 02/10/1967 - 24/11/1967.
Dan is daar die volgende bordjies wat hy het (foto’s aangeheg):
SAP - India Kompanie, Binga, 1973.
SAP - Golf Kompanie, Rushinga, Februarie tot Mei 1974.
SAP - Quebec Kompanie, Bare, Oktober 74 - April 1975.
Ek onthou van die verhale dat hy was in die weermag, polisie (stedelik en grens),
“parabats” en taakmag.
Ek hoop julle kan my help en dit sal baie gaaf wees om sy diens rekords te kan sien.
Ivan Coetzer3PATU - Police Anti-Terrorist Unit464748•1973: India Kompanie, Binga, Rhodesie•1974: Gholf Kompanie, Rushinga•
1974 – 1975: Quebec Kompanie, BareSERS JJ ERASMUS (SAP PORT NATAL & SAP KOLLEGE)
Goeiemôre my ou kollega,
Vertrou dit gaan nog goed daar by julle.
Hennie, jy sal seker onthou dat toe ons ’n rukkie gelede daar by julle gekuier het, ek
jou o.a. vertel het dat ek daarvan oortuig is dat dié sers. ‘Rassie’ Erasmus waarna in
49die Nongqai Vol 7 nr. 7, p 38 & 39 verwys word, en wie voorheen ’n instrukteur in die
Polisiekollege was, gedurende die winter van 1972 saam met my grensdiens verrig
het in Juliet Kompanie te Kazangula, Rhodesië. Ek het die aangehegte skyfie-foto
wat ek destyds van hom en sy luislang in ons basis geneem het, uiteindelik
opgespoor en moes dit toe eers laat skandeer. Ongelukkig is sy gelaatstrekke nie
baie duidelik op die foto nie, maar vir wat dit werd is stuur ek dit graag vir jou. Sers.
Rassie was destyds ’n fikse, skraal man, taai soos ’n ratel, absolute militaris en ’n
groot staatmaker in my peloton. Ek wonder wat van hom geword het en of hy nog
Ten slotte, mag jy en Petro ’n baie geseënde Kersfees hê en mag elke dag van die
nuwe jaar net voorspoed, vrede en vreugde vir julle inhou.
Johan GiliomeeJJ van Rooyen Kaapstad het inligting oor sy Oupa en sy Vader ingestuur. Hier is die
sersant Erasmus na wie ek oorspronklik verwys het:50Vergroting van AO JJ Erasmus wat hier onder op die troepfoto van
peloton 43 verskyn.
Hy was ŉ goeie polisieman en het gedurend 1964 by ŉ groot
parade as parade sers.-maj. opgetree in Pietermaritzburg
bestaande uit pelotonne polisie van Durban en Pietermaritzburg. In
daardie dae het Afdelings Natal, Port Natal en Transkei slegs een
brigadier en een kapelaan gehad. Die brigadier was brig. Jenkins
en hy was in Pietermaritzburg gesetel.
Na 53jaar onthou ek steeds vir ‘Sant Rassie – HBH.51MAJ. JJ VAN ROOYEN & KAPT. JJ VAN ROOYEN (PA & SEUN)
â&#x20AC;¢Maj. JJ Van Rooyen52•Kapt JJ van Rooyen (Pel 43 van 1974)PARATUS DESEMBER 1980
•Staatsbegrafnis: Pres JJ Fouchè53•Brig. “Witkop” Badenhorst en SWAPO5455â&#x20AC;¢Misdaadbekamping: SAW & SAP56KOEVOET: LUIT FRANS CONRADIE
(Via Paul Els)• Scope 16 Dec 1983
Theuns Steyn: Perched high in the roaring, pitching, open-topped armoured Casspir
truck, Theuns Steyn had never felt so hot, uncomfortable and vulnerable in his life.
But his heart went out to old Smiley down there, jogging along in takkies and shorts,
staring – as he had stared for hours – at the endless sand and reading the
treacherous story there of a gang that would kill if it was not killed.
Theuns thought to himself, marvelling: “Smiley’s advice helped design this damn
great bakkie! It weighs such a great lot because of the steel plating along the chassis
to take the blast of landmines.
“And he’s belting away through bush that he knows the enemy as held, with nothing
between him and a landmine but the soles of his takkies…”
Theuns Steyn, young constable in the SAP but far, far away from any duty he had
imagined doing when he put on the blue and brass, shifted his position in the
bucking Casspir, but there was no comfort for his bones and muscles – just a
change of aches.
“I’m thankful for that”, his mind rambled on to itself. “You get your mind off your
discomfort by putting it on the threat”. It helped him watch more keenly the straggling
bush, the shapeless unplanned path ahead, the occasional patch of shade that could
contain a terrorist.57“Smiley, bless him – he can’t look round to spot trouble and shoot it out: too busy
checking that spoor. Go for it, man … It’s your job to lead us to the gang, my job to
help make sure you survive in one piece, and they don’t.
Theuns moved the heavy automatic rifle he was keeping above the level of the
protective steel parapet of the vehicle. He might as well keep the thing pointed
outwards, ready to fire, as Smiley always told them.
Smiley was right about that. Hell, Smiley was always right. Theuns felt a grin
cracking the mask of dust and sweat that stiffened his unshaven face.
You could put up with a lot on the orders of your lieutenant when that officer was
right and made the whole painful, bloody, often frightening job a worthwhile success.
This was a Kill of Die job, and Smiley made sure which way it came out for this men.
Smiley was the nickname of Frans Conradie, even in his schooldays. Then, too, he
had been among the very few combining natural athletic skills – developed to winner
status through unrelenting effort and practise – with the kind of Personality that
makes other people look there for leadership.
“He wasn’t bossy”, the legend goes. “Never threw his weight about of bullied – he
didn’t have to. Even school kids would do what Smiley Conradie wanted, because it
always turned out more fun, as well as the right thing to do.
“But even as a school kid he was into the books too, starting his lifelong habit of
being able to get the sort of book that would show how to tackle a real-life situation
better than you could handle it on your own – good as you might be.
“He wouldn’t pick a fight, but if someone needed straightening out it was Ou Smiley
you could count on”.
After school he looked for the right job for a natural leader. In the job Frans Conradie
set his heart on there was security for his future wife and kids, plenty of room for
promotion without one hand washing the other, and all the scope an active body
In the protracted bush war that took place in Zimbabwe he was one of the double
volunteers who helped build for South Africa’s elite fighting men the same world-wide
reputation that brings more fame to the better-publicised SAS of Britain. Those
super-warriors, similarly, have volunteered, first, to get into the army, and then
volunteered again to be trained for the toughest unit in it.
Smiley Frans Conradie volunteered fir for the SAP, and then for the picked force that
served in Zimbabwe. He was to become one of the ultra-warriors later on when he
volunteered a third time – for the myth-shrouded Koevoet.
What happened in Zimbabwe earned him, in the hardest way, his place, his
promotion and his reputation.58Many of his experiences from his schooldays on must stay on the secret list because
the enemy is still being fooled and foiled, trapped and destroyed, with tactical
methods that would not work so well and might not work at all on they were talked
But when civilians chance to see a clear incident within the confusing shocks and
horrors of war, and an outstanding man among outstand men attracts tales to
himself, here is the sort of yarn that grows partly from guesswork and partly from
Up in the bitterly contested northeast of Zimbabwe, Smiley Conradie was still getting
started in his chosen career when his patrol was ambushed by a far larger group.
“The patrol knew the group was big by counting the flashes among the surrounding
trees in that mountainous and wooded area”, the legend goes. “But the infiltrators
were well-hidden behind thick trunks and boulders. Had their aim been more
accurate and their shooting properly co-ordinated – in short, if they had been better
trained – they could have been deadly.
“As it was, the tiny squad of local troops and South African constables had to do
something creative – the ambushers could simply wait them out, otherwise. They
would get relief and supplies from headquarters while the patrol, far from home base,
would gradually run out of ammunition..
“But Smiley had already learned the ancient military art of scrounging. Whenever you
over run an enemy position it’s your job and your duty to check over whatever has
been left behind by those who have died or fled.
“For one thing, the intelligence boffins can learn a lot from the debris; for another,
you can fill up your stores at the enemy’s expense”.
It is said, by some who sound as if they know that on this occasion Frans Conradie
spotted a chunk of guncotton, that particularly effective explosive. After checking with
the patrol leader Constable Conradie popped it into his backpack, “You never know
when it might come in handy…” he said.
?………. Remembered his souvenir and signalled to the corporal leading the patrol.
Getting the nod, he stealthily unbuckled his pack and gingerly pulled out the
explosive. With a skill born of long sunny hours of cricket, he pitched the lump in
amongst the enemy where the muzzle-flashes were close-packed.
For an instant the enemy fire slacked. “Grenade” was the thought in all their minds.
But a grenade is of little use in a forest where the soft floor of leaves and rich soil will
allow most of the metal fragments to explode downwards, and thick trunks may stop
many of the rest.
The enemy fire resumed, fierce as ever, and the little patrol could do nothing more
than keep its head down, snapping off the occasional calculated round or brief burst
of automatic, to discourage any idea in the terrorists’ head of risking a charge.59Was it stalemate? If so, time was on the enemy’s side. The patrol could not win a
The sun climbed, reached its noonday position and shone downwards, piercing the
canopy of branches and leaves. Time was again on the enemy’s side: as the heat
mounted, the patrol would run out of water, while the terrorists had chosen this
ambush site partly because a small strem ran right through it.
Cool, fresh, sweet mountain water – for Africa!
About the middle of the afternoon, Frans checked his watch and nodded to the
corporal in charge of the group. The corporal raised on a crooked twig the only white
object he had among his camouflaged belongings, a letter from his girlfriend, and
called out in Shona, then Chinyanja, Fanagalo…
The terrorist commander, Moscow trained, jeered at the invitation to parley. But his
rank an file, mostly raw farm workers pressed into service by threats to their families,
could make out what the NCO was offering, and their fire slackened.
“So cautiously”, the story builds, “the terrorist commander emerged from behind the
biggest and thickest boulder, shouting to his men to cover h im as he stood to shout
from a safe distance a demand for the corporal to surrender.
“Frans Conradie shouted back that he couldn’t hear in all that noise. A good trick:
now the enemy commander could notbe sure of the direction in which the patrolleader lay hidden. His head turned from side to side.
“The corporal has earlier arranged with Smiley Conradie; got to his knees so he
could just be seen but was not a promising target. He called for the enemy
commander to approach, and moved about as if leaving cover himself.
“The commander naturally hesitated. Voices arose from behind him, calling him a
coward and urging him to talk to the handful of men ahead. There were threats to
shoot him and arrange a ceasefire over his corpse. He took a doubtful step forward”.
He was not standing alongside the chunk of guncotton Smiley Conradie had pitched
into position. As it had not exploded, lacking detonator, the enemy had come to
disregard it over the hours it lay there harmlessly.
But in the sun, guncotton “sweats”, and what it sweats if pure nitro-glycerine. Frans
Conradie fired into it, the explosion of the unstable liquid blew the enemy
commander apart, and his superstitious band, who had never seen anything like it,
took to their heels at top speed.
Many another tale is told. The big story, though, is true an vital. The bush war was
the supreme training ground.
And the supreme fighters South Africa gained from it were to be formed into another
legend where young Frans Conradie, mature inside and a master of his craft, would
60But first he needed to challenge presented by the best that there already was.
Everyone in the know then knew this was No 1 reconnaissance Commando, talked
of – in awed tones – simply as Recce.
Having proved himself, Frans applied and was admitted to the crack unit. Few were.
And few who started the selection course would come out with high marks. Frans
Conradie did, to such affect that his schoolday nickname spontaneously revived as
he took all that could be dished out – and smiled.
“Some people actually enjoy jumping out of aeroplanes”, recalls someone who
certainly does not. “For them, I suppose it’s a game. I believe they are short of
imagination – which is just as well when you think that imagination could reduce their
“Frans had plenty of imagination, and I don’t think he would mind my saying he never
got to think of jumping as fun. It was more like an unwelcome aspect of a job he
loved as a whole.
“He jumped. That’s all there was to it”.
“Well, no, maybe that’s not all. He was never someone who just did the job to hand.
There was always more to it.”
“The best jumpers, the specialists, went in for what they call HALO – High Altitude
Low Opening. That is, you jump from a plane helluva high, and you wait helluva long
before you pull the ripcord.
“People see sportsmen doing that, it makes riveting advertisements and entertaining
James Bond spectacle. But in the military sphere it has an extremely important
function that we don’t talk about. It was to make himself an even better fighter that
Frans Conradie got so good at it”.
They don’t talk, either, about the four or five years Frans served with Recce.
Anyway, not for print. Just in admiration when brave men pay sincere tribute to one
of the bravest.
And then it was time for him to volunteer again.
Brigadier Hans Dreyer was another who never threw his weight around, and he had
a lot more weight to throw. It is one of the key ranks in any force, brigadier. He is the
man plugged totally into the planning and authority and responsibility of the generals
at the top of the structure; but must also be plugged in equally completely with what
is happening in the actual regiments and battalions where the colonels and their
officers make the plans into working reality.
Dreyer, as Security Chief for Natal, had not come easily by his nickname of “Sterk
Hans”. Perhaps that job, though demanding and rewarding, did not call completely
on his ability. However it was, he got the task of creating the mysterious K.61When the history of our time is written, Operation K will place Brigadier Sterk Hans
Dreyer where the Chindits place Orde Wingate, the LRDG places David Sterling, the
Irgun Zvei Leumi will place a leader still classified.
The scale of his achievement with Operation K will never fully be known. It has
already attracted criticism, as did Colonel Keyes’ commando, Otto Skorzeny’s
unique glider troops, Roberts’ Rangers. And it gets the job done where other ways,
other men, other criteria do less.
Such a outlet, such an opportunity, drew Frans Conradie as if he had been born for
it, formed for it, aimed for it all his days.
The group for which he now volunteered was devised as a superb single weapon to
break open the situation in South West Africa.
There, a massive military set-up kept SWAPO and its allies reluctant to mount a
hefty conventional drive. That would mean concentrating men and equipment in just
the sort of un-missable target that the SAAF and the Territory Force would wallop out
SWAPO was compelled, therefore, to invest its resources in small groups. When
these were lucky they could move about and commit their sabotage and murders on
too small a scale to justify organising a large and comprehensively equipped unit to
What was needed, South African overall strategy recognised, as something quick,
stron, hard, handy – like a crowbar, say, K is for Koevoet.
The justification for this top-level thinking, and for Brigadier Dreyer’s formidable
managerial accomplishments, is perhaps to be found in the disclosure that this
comparatively small force is more used in the war against SWAPO than all the
conventional units in the area.
It means they have to be good, and that means their officers have to be the best.
Frans Conradie’s commission in the SAP did not, in the fullest sense, make him an
officer. The commission, rather, was formal recognition of the trust and confidence
freely given him by the men he led. They made him an officer.
During 1981, when he was 30, the modest force he commanded as Lieutenant killed
almost 100 terrorists and captured a number still secret. He led only dozens,
including perhaps half dozen whites and a good proportion of ex-SWAPO members
proud to serve now with Koevoet, but in its handful of vehicles or on foot or prone in
firing positions it took out another 60 terrorists during the following year.
These were especially significant. Most of them were the trainees of East German or
Cuban Communist “experts” who stocked SWAPO basis in southern and central
Angola with what were supposed to be good fighters. Up against really good fighters,
they went down; and the word spread back, undermining morale.62In the 10 years of his most vigorous service, Frans Conradie clashed physically,
head-on, with enemy trying to kill him, well over 100 times. The average cost to the
enemy on each occasion was three men lost.
He himself was hit once and even then his professionalism won out: he was wearing
– in accordance with orders – a complex of webbing gear including bulky ammo
pouches, and the bullet spent itself harmlessly on this stout canvas instead of
entering between his ribs.
“He’d learned tracking in the Zimbabwean bush and advanced his ability to read
spoor with help of Bushmen”, recalls one of his admirers.
“Frans would start running down a spoor at first light, and still be at it when the sun
set. His stamina was the focus of many a yarn, but if you had watched him slogging
away for fifty kilometres yourself you would know the yarns were never quite fiction.
“I remember.. it was July, this year. And Smiley Conradie’s mob came on mess of
tracks that would mean nothing to most people. He read them, and reckoned there
were three SWAPO up ahead, on e carrying something the weight of a man –his
footprints went into the sand so deep he must be carrying such a load.
“Lieutenant Conradie got his group of fifty into motion right away, and off he went.
Near the Angolan border the three split up, he said, and he was going after the one
with the load. If he needed us, we would hear a grenade and should come running”.
But Conradie took out that SWAPO on his own, and brought back valuable
documents from the heavy pouch on his target’s shoulders.
Then he took off along the hardly visible spoor of the second man, returned with the
dead SWAPO’s belt-buckle for his extensive collection of terrorist souvenirs and
slipped away in the bush a third time, to complete his bag.
“On another level”, the admirer continues, “this trained instincts told him the enemy
unit he had found was too heavy for him –and too heavy for his group.
“He came trotting back to the Casspir that was his, the one with the cannon, and
radioed the SAAF. Frans knew exactly what information they needed, he was great
at air-ground co-operation, and in minutes they were airborne. Conradie had also
given them our own precise location, so their rockets came nowhere near us as they
wasted the enemy”.
The cannon was not strictly on the Casspir at all. Line Nelson with his blind eye and
many another military hero known when to bend the rules, Frans had added greatly
to the spirit as well as the firepower of his group by a stroke of authorised
“Some of his pals in the SAAF showed him an old Vampire that had been retired
from the active list, and Frans immediately asked what would happen to its 20mm
cannon. He had a feeling for weapons, the tools of his trade, and he could imagine
the effect of a thing like that where machineguns might be to light.
63“The transfer was arranged with pleasure on both sides – he wasn’t called Smiley for
nothing – and Frans consulted the armourers to get the cannon mounted where it
would do the most good. The barrel turned out too long for rapid traversing by hand,
it wouldn’t swing freely from side to side, so he simply sawed a bit off. That solved
More than once a group of SWAPO figured out how to ambush the Koevoet
penetrators, working on the basis of the rate and power of the standard mounted
machineguns. “Frans had a knack of going into ambushes where the enemy
expected him to go round or dig in, and that cannon enabled him to hit them long
before they were expecting to be hit - and harder, too”.
One important result was a high kill rate costing South Africa few deaths. That’s the
name of the soldiering game. In an 18-month period from January 1981 Koevoet
killed more that 630 terrorists for a loss of 15 of their own.
Important to Frans Conradie, too, were the girl he married and his three children.
Adri kept in touch with his work – and her mind, sometimes, off the risks – in her job
at Koevoet HQ in Oshakati.
So far as possible she made sure that when he was away from the battle he could
have peace and quiet and relaxation among his books, his records, the comrades he
would joke and drink with.
For even out of his natural element – fighting – he somehow needed contact with it.
The company of soldiers gave him that. But then again, they were his family, too...
“One of the things he would boast about”, says a friend, “Though as quiet and even
shy about his own achievements, was his record of three years’ action without losing
“Then, when he was away from his group on other duties for a while, he learned that
in a contact he had lost one of the trackers who had been with him from the start.
“Unsmiling, for once, Frans handed over to a good man and ran for his four-wheeldrive bakkie. He drove a hundred exhausting kilometres through an area that could
well have been mined, and got to where his tracker lay in a sick bay. There was a
sheet over the man’s face..
“Frans reverently drew it back and kidded the cold forehead. He was heard to
whisper, ‘Totsiens, ou Maat”.
The odds had caught up with Lieutenant Frans Conradie’s group while he was out of
his element, and last September they caught up with him too – when he was away
from his element.
Driving back to duty from a weekend at home, his senior NCO beside him, he felt the
vehicle overturn and was pinned to his seat as the NCO scrambled out.64Frans bled to death, the SAAF flew out his body, escorted by his closest friends, and
at his home in Rustenburg the rifle shots, the bugle, and the saluting generals
accorded him full military honours.
A couple of lines in the media said he was gone.
There is no way of measuring what a fine man gave us, and what we have lost in
There never is.PEACE MONITORS 1994: GAVIN TISCHENDORF
Goeiedag Brig. Hennie
Ek het nou iets onthou van 1994 van net voor die 1994-verkiesing in Kagiso toe ek
by eenheid 5 was. We used to have these (I think they were Wits-Vaal) Peace
Monitors driving around behind our vehicles from time to time.
I trust all is well your side and keep up the good work.
The latest Nongqai is as good as always, we are sharing it around.
Gavin Tischendorf (NZ)Do you remember those ‘peace monitors’ from 1994 that used to follow our vehicles?
We went out to the Zulu hostel as there were complaints of shooting from inside the
hostels; it was nightshift probably around 21:00. We arrived at the hostels with two
Nyala vehicle and a white Toyota corolla with two ‘peace monitors’ they were
following us around (I think both were French). After we had stopped we heard
plenty of AK fire from the hostel, we parked our idling Nyala on the side of the road
and switched of all lights so as to blend in with the dark.
We are standing in the dark behind our vehicles and the rounds are flying over our
heads, deciding what can be done as we cannot just enter these hostels.65The ‘peace monitors’ had also stopped behind us and switched off their cars lights,
but they left the hazard lights on flashing brightly. We shouted for them to switch off
those flashing lights, but got no response from them. I ran over to the Toyota while
shouting to switch off those lights, only to find these peace monitors lying under their
car I switched off the hazard lights myself. Lights are not your friend when shots are
flying around; after the shooting had stopped we left the area after patrolling for
bodies, the shooting was just another case of political rivalry (ANC and IFP). These
‘peace monitors’ disappeared after the shooting.UNIFORMS: GENL JV VAN DER MERWE & NASIONALE KOMISSARIS
GEORGE FIVAZUniforms bekom vir die SAPS-museum.66KOL VICK McPHERSON
Ons is besig om Vick se outobiografie te
skryf, mens kan nie alles onthou wat in
jou lewe gebeur het nie. Stuur enige
foto’s of staaltjies na Hennie Heymans
by heymanshb@gmail.comUIT DIE KOERANTE
•SAP Rugby67â&#x20AC;¢Misdaad68• Bedryf van Inligting
The proof the Royal Navy captured the Nazi's Enigma code machine: Moment
British sailors raided a U-Boat and helped turned the tide of WWII against
•New pictures have shown HMS Bulldog approaching a Nazi U-boat in Atlantic
The British sailors then launched a raid on the boat capturing Enigma
The images prove the Enigma machines was captured by British and not
Americans as suggested by a Hollywood movieBy JENNIFER NEWTON FOR MAILONLINE
PUBLISHED: 09:56 GMT, 21 January 2017 | UPDATED: 13:50 GMT, 21 January
This is the moment a British Navy officer launched a raid upon a stricken Nazi Uboat that saw the top secret Enigma machine seized bringing an end to the Second
The never before seen pictures see HMS Bulldog approaching the German vessel
close to Greenland to capture it and two other warships.
And they prove it was indeed British forces that captured the Enigma machine and
not the Americans as suggested in Hollywood film U571 starring Matthew
McConaughey and Jon Bon Jovi.69New pictures have emerged showing some of the crew of HMS Bulldog launching a
raid on a Nazi U-Boat during World War TwoThe British destroyer captured the enemy vessels and during the raid managed to
seize an Enigma code machineThe machine's capture by brave young officer Sub-Lieutenant David Balme then
enabled Bletchley Park code breakers to crack the code, helping to bring an end to
When the raid party from HMS Bulldog boarded the U-Boat 1941, they would find the
Enigma machine perfect intact, along with vital code books.
But its capture by brave young officer Sub-Lieutenant David Balme then enabled
Bletchley Park code breakers to crack the code, helping to bring an end to the war.
70He was terrified to board U-110 scaled three ladders to the top of the boatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s conning
tower before snatching the machine.
The new images captured by the crew of the Bulldog are featured in a new book by
historian Peter Hore, about the capture of the machine.
And he told the Mirror: 'Balme's bravery changed the course of the Battle of Atlantic
which, until then, the Germans were winning.
'The capture of the machine and the codes enabled the British to re-route convoys to
avoid U-boats and to send out hunting groups, which whittled away their numbers.HMS Bulldog pictured before the war. The destroyer took part in the Battle of Atlantic
'By 1943 the Battle of the Atlantic was almost won and thousands of fresh American
and Canadian troops were able to cross with very few losses to help win the war in
Sub Lieutenant Balme died last year aged 95 and was later credited with helping to
shorten the war by two years.
His significance in the Allies victory was not revealed until the Seventies, when the
secrecy shrouding Bletchley Park and the code-breakers' work finally began to lift.71Sub Lieutenant Balme died last year aged 95 and was later credited with helping to
shorten the war by two years
He was presented with a Bletchley badge and a certificate signed by then Prime
Minister David Cameron and local MP Julian Lewis.
Mr Balme lived in Lymington , Hampshire, before moving to a nursing home in
nearby Milford on Sea where he died.
In 1999 he condemned a Hollywood attempt to re-write history after it was revealed
that a ÂŁ55million film shot in Rome and Malta suggested that the Enigma device was
captured by an American destroyer in the Mediterranean.
The film, called U571 used the 1941 raid as the inspiration but suggested it was
American forces that captured the Enigma machine, and it was condemned by the
Prime Minister Tony Blair.72An original Enigma code machine, that was cracked by code breakers at Bletchley
Park to help end the Second World War
And speaking at the time, Mr Balme said: 'He said: 'Rome and Malta make for better
scenery than Greenland and Scapa Flow but Enigma was among the greatest British
triumphs of the war.
'It's wrong to pretend the Americans were responsible. People don't like that sort of
Amazing moment Navy officer captured the Enigma code that help Britain win World
War 2 revealed - Mirror Online
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-4142758/Navy-destroyer-launches-raid-NaziU-Boat.html (Retrieved 21 January 2017)
Daar is slegs drie bronne van inligting, nl. koverte, overte en tegniese bronne.
Hierdie “Enigma”-operasie het die verla die Britte ‘n groot voorspring tydens WO2
verleen. Tot in die 1980’s was baie van hierdie inligting beperk gewees.CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
Die Sentrale inligtingsagentskap in die VSA alom bekend as die CIA het pas 1000de
artikels en verslae op die internet vrygestel. Ek het ŉ paar artikels en verslae
deurgelees. Daar is ook ŉ paar onvleiende verslae/opmerkings oor die polisie. Ek
het ŉ paar afgelaai maar ongelukkig is al die verslae in .pdf-formaat.73RESENSIES VAN LESERS: KOEVOET: THE MEN SPEAK
Good morning Jonathan. Hope you are well.
Just a quick word of thanks – received the book from Postnet yesterday.
I must say it is a magnificent piece of work. I only read a few chapters, but to my
mind you have compiled the definitive work on SAP counterinsurgency.
Your composition should be on the bookshelf, of each and every police official who
served in the SAP, irrespective where or in what capacity.
Once again – thank you and well done.
Hennie Heymans brought me a copy of the book published by you on Koevoet. It is
indeed a magnificent work which surpasses all expectations and will be a precious
collection for the future. My sincere and heartfelt thanks.
Johan van der MerweDear Jonathan,
I have received the book today and of course I started reading it immediately.
What a book! I really do not know how to thank you.
If I give you my background you will understand my interest in the subject of the
book. I was a former public prosecutor, magistrate, legal draughtsman,
parliamentary officer in the days of Dr Verwoerd and Mr John Vorster, became
Under Secretary for Justice before I was transferred to Mr P W Botha's Dept of
the Prime Minister and was appointed 2 i/c of the Secretariat of the Security
Council. Secretariat was actually a misnomer. There was only one "secretary",
taking the minutes of the State Security Council, on our staff. The others were
experts in their various disciplines.. We were more of a “think tank" for the Govt.
We were able to give expert advice within hours where other govt departments
would take weeks if not months. You can ask Hennie Heymans how we could
achieve this. I was lucky to have people like him and other experts of the staff.
My interest in the "bush war" comes from my lifelong hobby, the military.. In between
my tasks in the Department of Justice I made time to play a role as a soldier.
Eventually I completed almost 55years service in the army. This enabled me to take
74part in the first invasion into Angola, Ops Savannah, although only on what I
regard as on a limited scale. On a later occasion I took part in the border war as
armour commander in Ovambo. The war terminology and the area where it was
fought is therefore nothing strange to me and I feel quite at home in your book!
My experience as a soldier helped me a lot to carry out my duties at the Secretariat.
A P StemmetHi Jonathan,
I am happy to say that the book has arrived. It was at the Post Office when I checked
yesterday morning. Congratulations, it will have a special place in my study. Thank
you for the acknowledgements on page 2. I am sure you will be receiving many
positive feedbacks from the readers. It is a sturdy book with an eye-catching cover,
so I do hope that it will do well in the market.
Best wishes for this year and best of luck for any new projects.
Twee terroriste in SA se visier: PRAAGTwee vermeende terroriste is onlangs in en na Suid-Afrika in afsonderlike voorvalle
vasgetrek, het die Valke Sondag gesĂŞ.75In die eerste voorval, is ‘n vermeende ekstremis, wat reis op ‘n paspoort van die
Verenigde State van Amerika via Turkye, by die OR Tambo op 16 Desember
gevang, het Media24 berig.
“Hy was reeds gemerk deur Interpol,” het die Valke se woordvoerder Hangwani
In die tweede voorval, wat ook plaasgevind het verlede maand, is ‘n Irakse man wat
probeer het om te vlieg uit Turkye na Suid-Afrika gekeer. Hy is deurgang geweier
deur die Turkse owerhede. Hy is daarna in hegtenis geneem.
“Hulle voel hy huldig ekstremistiese menings… [volgens] hul eie intelligensie,” het
Mulaudzi gesê. Suid-Afrikaanse wetstoepassing wag nou vir ‘n verslag van Interpol
oor die aangeleentheid om meer besonderhede te bekom.
Die Sunday Times berig dat die Irakse man bedrywig was vir die Islamitiese staat en
hy is ‘n bommaker. Die Irakse ambassadeur Saad Kindeel het volgens die koerant
gesê dat die man “nie wou kom na Suid-Afrika om vir ISIS te werf nie, maar om ‘n
spesifieke teiken wat later aangeval sou word, te identifiseer”.
Intussen het Mulaudzi gesê gesê dat Suid-Afrikaanse amptenare waaksaam bly en
skakel met ander wetstoepassingsagentskappe om die bedreigings van terrorisme
die hoof te bied.
Hy het gesê interne bedreigings van terroriste-aktiwiteit kon ook nie geïgnoreer word
(Afgelaai op 17
Januarie 2017)BESOEK AAN SAPS-MUSEUM
• DB Pratt: Aanval op dr. HF Verwoerd
Op 9 April 1960 het David Beresford Pratt vir dr. HF Verwoerd by die Randse
Paasskou geskiet. Hier is die dosie waarin Pratt vuurwapen gebêre was.
So beskryf Wikipedia die historiese voorval: “On 9 April 1960, Pratt shot South
African Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd twice, at point blank range, with a .22
pistol. Verwoerd, who had been opening the Union Exposition in Milner Park,
Johannesburg, was rushed to hospital, and within two months had made a complete
recovery. Pratt was arrested at the scene and taken to the Marshall Square police
station, and then to the Forensic Medical Laboratory. He appeared for a preliminary
hearing in the Johannesburg Magistrates' Court on 20 and 21 July 1960, once it was
clear that the Verwoerd's injuries were not fatal.
76Pratt claimed he had been shooting 'the epitome of apartheid'. The court accepted
the medical reports submitted to it by five different psychiatrists, all of which
confirmed that Pratt lacked legal capacity and could not be held criminally liable for
having shot the prime minister. On 26 September 1960, he was committed to a
mental hospital in Bloemfontein.
On the first of October 1961, his fifty-third birthday, and shortly before his parole was
to be considered, he committed suicide.”• Dimitri Tsafendas moord op dr. Verwoerd: Die dolk
Toe dr. Verwoerd op 6 September 1966 vermoor is, was ek ŉ konstabel te SAP
King’s Rest. Ek was die middag by die Universiteit van Natal. ŉ Linksgesinde student
vra my waarom ek so bekaf lyk en sê feitlik in dieselfde asem dat indien haar eersteminister gesterf het, sy ook treurig sou wees. Dit was ŉ groot skok gewees. Die land
as geheel was geskok.
Later as lid van die veiligheidstak, te hoofkwartier, het ek toegang gehad tot
Tsafendas se leggers. Natuurlik het ek al die leggers gelees asook die deeglike
kommissie van ondersoek, want ek wou vasstel of daar enige kommunistiese
betrokkenheid by dr. Verwoerd se moord was.
Ek het baie oor Tsafendas gelees – ook op die internet - en ek het met lede gepraat
wat by was toe Tsafendas vir dr. Verwoerd vermoor het. Genl.maj. DK Genis het vir
my die foto’s van die lykskouing op dr. Verwoerd getoon. (As majoor was hy een van
dr. Verwoerd se lyfwagte.) Ek wou ŉ spesiale uitgawe van die NONGQAI oor die
77moord op dr. Verwoerd uitbring. Trouens, ek het my navorsing voltooi en ek het
besluit dit sal geen goeie doel dien om teen mense wat verskeie samesweringsteorieë aanhang, te argumenteer nie. Party mense kan net nie oortuig word om die
gebeure objektief, eerlik en billik te betrag nie.
Ek het met senior en junior beamptes, regslui en polisiemanne gesels. Ek het
verskeie stories en anekdote gehoor. Terloops, ek het Tsafendas se leggers
deurgelees en behalwe vir beskuldigings dat hy ŉ kommunis is, GEEN tasbare
bewyse gekry dat hy wel ŉ kommunis is nie. Ek dink hy weet soveel van
kommunisme as ŉ kat van saffraan!
Dit was destyds ŉ ou laai van mense om iemand sommer as ŉ “kommunis” te
bestempel, die polisie het dan vir jare met so ŉ lêer gesit, van tyd tot tyd moes die
legger aandag kry en die saak kon nooit bewys word nie.
Dit moet onthou word dat ons as polisie in alle moordsake (en onnatuurlike
sterfgevalle) alle feite voor die hof moet plaas. Dit is gebiedend – ons het nie ŉ
keuse nie – die inligting moet voor die hof gebring word. Wilde bewerings word oor
die moord gemaak wat aan die belaglike grens. Mens wonder dan waarom is
daardie “inligting” nooit aan die SAP of aan die kommissie van ondersoek oorhandig
Gideon Joubert, ŉ man van integriteit was as brigadier mede-ondersoekbeampte in
die saak, hy het later kommissaris van polisie geword. Dit moet ook onthou word dat
die hof slegs met bewese feite werk en dat alle getuienis die toets van kruisverhoor
moet deurstaan. ŉ Onbewese of ongetoetste bewering is nie ŉ feit nie – al klink dit
hoe mooi of moontlik in ŉ teorie.
Mense wat nog nooit ŉ moordsaak ondersoek het, ontpop as deskundige
ondersoekbeamptes en dis vanuit hul gemakstoele vir ons dan “fiksie op” wat in ŉ
kleed van geregtigheid getooi is.
•AP Stemmet vertel die volgende staaltjieDinsdag, 6 September 1966. Ek was parlementere beampte van Justisie. Die
sekretaris van justisie het opdrag gegee dat ek om 14:15 in die parlement moes
wees om na dr. Verwoerd se toespraak in die bespreking van sy begrotingspos te
luister sodat ons gereed kon wees om ons minister, mnr. John Vorster, voor te
berei, sou hy later aan die debat moes deel neem. Ek het besluit om 'n bietjie later
as sy toespraak eers aan die gang was oor te stap parlement toe. My kantoor was
in Marksgebou reg oorkant die parlement.
Om 14.15 het ek die parlement se klokkies hoor lui. Toe het alle hel losgebars.
Sirenes! Nog sirenes! Polisiemanne wat rondhardloop. Telefone wag lui.
Teleksmasjiene wat kletter. Wat gaan aan? My laksheid het my gered. So nie sou
ek ongeveer 3 meter van dr. Verwoerd se bank gewees het. Dankie Vader dit is
78my gespaar. Die bloedkol het daar gelĂŞ. Vir jare nog. Niks kon dit uit die Volksraad
se groen matte kry nie.
Die spoke van die verlede haal 'n mens in. In 1998 (dus 32 jaar later) worstel ek in
heeltemal 'n ander hoedanigheid, om Ĺ&#x2030; moeilike stuk wetgewing deur 'n
parlementere komitee te loods. Dit was in die ou Volksraadsaal wat nou 'n
komiteekamer is. Toe ek afkyk uit die sitplek waar mense sit wat die komitee
toespreek, sien ek dat die bloedkol nog altyd daar is. Wel dowwer maar steeds
Jare later haal die spoke van die verlede my steeds in..Ek sien gereeld op
televisie debatte wat in daardie komiteekamer plaasvind. Elke keer sit die getuie in
daardie bank. Dan kom die gebeure onwillekeurig terug. AP Stemmet79Petro Heymans en Marlene Swanepoel (kuratrise) hou die dolk vas, mens kan nog
sien waar die bloed aan die lem vaskleef.
• Luitenant Vaughan Sharp
SO paar Nongqai’s terug het ons oor lt. Sharpe geskryf. Ek het verdere navorsing
gedoen terwyl mev. Marlene Swanepoel die boek gehad wat Sharp geskryf het toe
hy speurder-sersant was. Hier is die boek:Intussen het ek ŉ foto van lt. Sharp bekom toe hy as offisier aangestel is. Saam
met hom op die foto verskyn in die voorste ry van links na regs:
Luitenante Smidt, Theron, Kruger (later generaal en tweede in bevel van die
veiligheidstak) en Lowies (hy was die latere lt.genl. JJ Viktor se seksiehoof by die
voorloper van die handelstak te Marshallplein.)
80In die middelste ry: Luitenante Van der Westhuizen, Buitendag (lyfwag dr.
Verwoerd), Jooste en Genis.
Agter is luitenante: Edelstein (een van die min Joodse offisiere in die Mag), Pattle4
(sy broer, as lid van die lugmag, was ŉ legende tydens WO2) en Vaughan Sharp.4Squadron Leader Marmaduke Thomas St John Pattle DFC* (3 July 1914 – 20 April 1941), usually
known as Pat Pattle, was a South African-born Second World War fighter pilot and flying ace (an
aviator credited with the destruction of five or more enemy aircraft in aerial combat) of the Royal Air
Born in 1914 in South Africa, Pattle applied to join the South African Air Force at 18 and was rejected.
He travelled to the United Kingdom and joined the RAF in 1936, on a Short Service Commission
(SSC). Pattle was a pilot in 1937 and was posted to 80 Squadron based in Egypt upon the outbreak
of war in September 1939. In June 1940 Italy entered the war on the side of the Axis Powers and he
began combat operations against the Italian Air Force, gaining his first successes during the Italian
After the Italian invasion, his squadron was sent to Greece in November 1940, where Pattle achieved
most of his victories. Pattle claimed around 20 aircraft shot down and in March 1941 was promoted
to squadron leader. After the German intervention, and in fourteen days of operations, Pattle
claimed victories 24–50. Pattle claimed five or more aircraft destroyed in one day on three occasions,81Kommissarisse van Polisie
â&#x20AC;˘Kol. sir TG Truterwhich qualified him for Ace in a day status. Pattle achieved his greatest success on 19 April 1941,
claiming six victories. The following day, having claimed more aerial victories than any other Western
Allied pilot, he took off against orders, while suffering from a high temperature, to engage German
aircraft near Athens. He was last seen battling Messerschmitt Bf 110 heavy fighters. His Hurricane
crashed into the sea during this dogfight and Pattle was killed.
Pattle was a fighter ace with a high score, and is sometimes noted as being the highestscoring British Commonwealth pilot of the war. If all claims made for him are correct, his total could be
more than 51. It can be stated that his final total was at least 40 and could exceed this value. Logbooks and semi-official records suggest this figure, while personnel attached to his squadron suspect
the figure to be closer to 60. A total of 26 of Pattle's victims were Italian; 15 were downed with Gloster
Gladiators, the rest with Hawker Hurricanes. He is considered to be the highest-scoring ace on both
Gladiator and Hurricane (35 victories) fighters. [ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pat_Pattle afgelaai 4
febraurie 2017.)82â&#x20AC;¢Genl.maj. IP de Villiers83Beste Deon,
Kan u miskien die mantel identifiseer & vir my asb die korrekte benaming gee?
Die mantel is die van ’n Knight d.w.s. Ridder van die Order van St. John. Hy is as
Ridder gedurende 1943 aangestel [The London Gazette: no. 36315. p. 114. 4
Januarie 1944]. Die afkorting is KStJ. – (klein ‘t’.) – en dis die 2e klas van die Orde.
Sy ander eerbewyse is CB – derde klas van die “Order of the Bath” en die MC. LW.
Die ridders van die orde van St. John kry nie die titel ‘Sir’ nie. Die eerste klas is die
“Bailiff Grand Cross of the Order etc.” [Grand beteken ‘Groot’ nie ‘Smart’ nie.]
Beste groete en beste wense vir 2017.
Maj.-Gen. Isaac Pierre De Villiers was born on 20 August 1891 in Somerset East in
the Eastern Cape. He attended South African College School in Cape Town and
studied Law at the UCT. He became an attorney. During World War 1 Maj.-Gen. De
Villiers served in the UDF in German South West Africa and in the Royal Artillery and
Europe Front. For gallantry he was awarded the Military Cross. [The London
Gazette: (Supplement) No. 31093. p. 56. 31 December 1918.] Note. All SA soldiers
in Europe and German East Africa were placed in the British Army for financial and
After the war he practised as an attorney and was appointed the Commissioner of
the SA Police in 1928. ["Isaac Pierre de Villiers". Dictionary of South African
Biography. III. Human Sciences Research Council. 1987. p. 656. ISBN 0-7969-04200.].
Early in World War 2 De Villiers volunteered for military service and was appointed
General Officer Commanding 2nd South African Infantry Division between 1940 and
Between 1942 and 1945 Maj. Gen De Villiers was appointed to command Coastal
Command which with the SANF was responsible for South African coastal and
seaward defence. Maj. Gen De Villiers retired from both the SAP and UDF in 1945.
For his war time services he was made Companion of the Bath, a military
Order. [The London Gazette: no. 35697. p. 3945. 8 September 1942.].
Mark Naudè writes:84Many thanks for the photos. I found the photo of Colonel Truter's Full Dress tunic
most interesting as I've only seen it in black and white before and taken from a
As far as General de Villier's cloak is concerned it is for a Knight of the Order of St
John of Jerusalem. Several high ranking officers in the UDF and SADF were Knights
of St John including Lt-Gen George Brink, Maj-Gen Everard Poole, Brig Jack Bester
etc.â&#x20AC;˘Genl.maj. RJ Palmerâ&#x20AC;˘Genl.maj. JA Brink85Ander items
â&#x20AC;˘SAP RangtekensManlike lede
â&#x20AC;˘Vroulike ledeOu Polisiemanne 1693 & 191386•Teëls en argiefstukkeSAP-kenteken in teëlsArgiewe: Wonderlike argiefstukkeRANGE, RANGTEKENS EN UNIFORMS
Thank you. That was an interesting read! I am always pleasantly surprised to learn of
more people with similar interests. My copies from the 1934 dress regulations didn't
have the amendment so I will adapt my drawings. I also have the 1923 regulations
so will draw up the gorgets based on those regulations as well.
The articles on the uniforms were quite interesting. I can now add a few more dates
and details to what I already know. I disagree however with the description of staff
gorgets and cap bands having been light blue before changing to 'Orange, Sealed
Permanent Force Shade' (i.e. dark orange/chilli red). The shade of blue worn by the
Defence Force staff officers was actually the same shade as worn later by SAP
senior officers. Commissioners and Deputy Commissioners in the SAP originally did
not wear blue cap bands and gorgets. It was only in the late 1930s, after the army
changed from blue to orange/red cap bands and gorgets for officers of the Staff
Corps that the SAP top brass started wearing the blue bands.
I will dig out some photos of some examples.
Armed with a few more dates, I may now attempt to draw up rank charts for the
Erasmus era when the ranks seemed to keep changing. Hopefully our discussions
over the police 'civilian' rank structure will lead to more information becoming
available about Chief Inspectors and the like.
Contemporary General/Force Orders and Nongqai articles are likely to be quite
helpful. There are also some old police regulations in the archives in Pretoria, where
I did some digging a decade ago but I only got so far in the time I had available.
Regards: Mark Naude87Enkele gedagtes oor Polisierange en –uniforms - HBH
Oorsprong van die woord “adjunkkommissaris” in die SA Polisie: Die kommissaris
van polisie is die rekenpligtige amptenaar. (Gedurende 1913 was daar ook ŉ
sekretaris van polisie, hy was lt.kol. HC Bredell.) Die kommissaris was te
hoofkwartier bygestaan deur assistentkommissarisse van polisie en die offisiere wat
bevel gevoer het oor die provinsies5 (of dele van provinsies) en latere afdelings soos
Witwatersrand en later die Transkei en Noord-Kaap het bekend gestaan as
adjunkkommissarisse. ŉ Adjunkkommissaris was in Engels ŉ “Deputy
Commissioner” en die kommissaris se regterhand te hoofkwartier was ŉ
assistentkommissaris (“Assistant Commissioner”). So was die adjunkkommissaris:
Afdeling Natal bv. in Engels bekend as “Deputy Commissioner: Natal Division”.
Die range in die polisie was siviel en adjudant-offisiere en offisiere was
agtereenvolgens bekend as hoofkonstabel, sub-inspekteur, inspekteur, hoofinspekteur, assistentkommissaris, adjunkkommissaris en kommissaris.
• 1953: Militarisering van die polisierange
Alhoewel die polisie ŉ paramilitêre organisasie was word nou opgemerk dat vanaf
1953 slegs militêre range vir offisiere gebruik word.5Aanvanklik was daar een adjunkkommissaris vir Transvaal. Later is die provinsie in twee dele nl.
Witwatersrand en Transvaal verdeel. Daar was toe ŉ adjunkkommissaris vir Witwatersrand en
Transvaal aangestel. Met die bevolkingsaanwas is die Transvaal later verdeel in Witwatersrand, WesRand, Oos Rand, Noord-Transvaal, Oos-Transvaal, Verre-Noord-Transvaal en heel laaste het
Soweto ook ŉ eie afdeling geword. Later het afdelingskommissarisse ŉ nuwe posbenaming gekry nl.
streekkommissaris (Regional Commissioner). - HBH88Let op die pettuite (oogskerm) vertoon geen geborduurde akkerblare soos vir
brigadiers en generaals.
Vir ŉ kort tydperk na minister FC Erasmus minister van justisie geword het, is die
rang van assistentveldkornet (luitenant), veldkornet (kaptein) en kommandant
(luitenant-kolonel) gebruik. In die Erasmus-era was daar ook die volgende “militêre”
89•Inspekteur-generaalDie hoofkonstabel se rang het hier in die 1960’s na AO verander. Hoofkonstabel was
as “meneer” aangespreek. Vir ŉ ruk was AO’s ook as “meneer” aangespreek en later
is die aanspreekvorm gewysig na “adjudant”.
Later het die Mag uitgebrei en die pos van die adjunkkommissaris is verander na
afdelingskommissaris6, die kommissaris is toe bygestaan deur adjunkkommissarisse
en assistentkommissarisse. Met militarisering het die range agtereenvolgens
luitenant, kaptein, majoor, luitenant-kolonel, kolonel, brigadier (assistentkommissaris), brigadier (adjunkkommissaris) generaal-majoor (adjunkkommissaris),
luitenantgeneraal (adjunkkommissaris) en generaal geword.
In die 1980’s het die polisie en die weermag nouer saamgewerk en minister Adriaan
Vlok was instrumenteel dat die polisie die beleid van die SAW gevolg het deur slegs
een brigadiersrang in te voer. Dit het meegebring dat wanneer ŉ kolonel na brigadier
bevorder word, hy ŉ aansienlik salarisverhoging ontvang het. Die brigadier was nou
gelykstaande met ŉ direkteur in die staatsdiens en hy was nie meer ŉ assistent of
Met verdere uitbreiding het daar ook die aanstelling van bv. hoofadjunkkommissaris
en senior-hoofadjunkkommissaris gekom.
• Mark Naude’s reply
Thank you. That's very interesting that Asst. & Dep. Comm. could be of the same
rank in those days. I think some UK police forces also had it so that the Deputy
Commissioner (or Deputy Chief Constable as the case may be) was an Asst. Comm.
(or ACC) that was selected to be the Deputy Commissioner (or DCC) but did not
necessarily 'outrank' their colleagues.
•I'll work on some updated rank charts when I get a chance.•In the meantime here are some photos of 'Staff Blue' items.Regards
Mark•Attachments6Gedurende 1964 toe ek by die Mag aangesluit het, was die posbenaming “afdelingskommissaris”
reeds in gebruik.90Cap of Brig-Gen Sir Duncan McKenzie (ex Natal Militia and WW1 UDF General
Officer) photographed in Durban more than ten years ago. Notice the blue cap band.Two gorget patches that were listed on an auction site a while ago. The one on the
left is an SAP Colonel's gorget from the 1950s or 1960s while the one on the right is
an SA Staff Corps gorget from the 1913-1934-era. The Staff Corps of the UDF &
SAAF switched to dark orange ('red') gorgets with the 1934 Dress Regulations. The
Police then adopted the same blue for their senior officers.91Lt-Col HF Trew in the 1920â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. Note no gorget patches worn despite being a Deputy
Commissioner in the SAP at the time. [He was then Deputy Commissioner: Western
Cape. â&#x20AC;&#x201C; HBH.]Maj.-Gen. Brink as Commissioner of SAP in the 1950s wearing the drab uniform.
Note colour of gorgets and cap band.Postcard of General Louis Botha from WW1-era wearing what appears to be the
early open necked version of Blue Undress with blue Staff Blue gorgets and cap
band. [I added a photo fropm my archive. Note the same photo but with different
shirts. The General then had no medals. The Sam Browne was made especially for
Gen. Botha by a SA Police saddler attached to the Quartermaster - HBH.]92Brig.-Gen. Sir Duncan Mackenzie portrait - note blue gorget patches. [Note the
Brigadierâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s badge of rank â&#x20AC;&#x201C; baton and crossed sword.]General Jan Smuts' forage cap with Staff Blue band (as per 1923 Dress
Regulations).93Forage cap worn by FM Jan Smuts during WW2 with dark orange cap band (as per
1934 Dress Regulations).Maj Gen KR van der Spuy's Mess Dress with Staff Blue facings (i.e. 1923 Dress
Regulations).94Maj Gen KR van der Spuy's later Mess Dress with dark orange waistcoat etc.SAP: Vocabulary of Stores and Clothing Items.
For those interested in SA Police uniforms and badges of rank it is usefull to refer to
the old SAP Regulations and the booklet VOCABULARY OF STORES AND
•BA is seker “Badges Arm”?
BR is seker “Badges Rank”?97BRIGADIER-GENERAL AND BRIGADIER RANKS
Brigadier-General and Brigadier Ranks and Associated Insignia in the
Union Defence Force and South African Defence Force: Compiled By M
The article about Brigadier-General and Brigadier in the UDF/SADF is attached. I've
sent it in Word format so that you can edit is as required (e.g. you may not
necessarily want to use all the photos). My spell check programme is also out of
order so I can't guarantee that the spelling is all in order. I'll start on the police one
soon but that probably won't be completed in time for this edition.
Prior to the First World War, Brigadier-General was the highest rank attainable within
the Union Defence Force. The rank insignia for a Brigadier-General consisted of a
crossed sword and baton device. The cap badge was the same as for other general
officers and gorgets with oakleaf pattern were worn in Service Dress and Undress.
During the First World War the Defence Force and its ranks expanded soon
expanded. Major-General JC Smuts succeeded Brigadier-General CF Beyers as
Commandant-General of the Active Citizen Force in 1914. Commandant-General
was then an appointment rather than a rank. Louis Botha served as Commander-inChief with the full rank of General. Various Brigade Commanders held the rank of
After the war, the Army shrunk again (there was no Air Force or Navy yet) and
Brigadier-General J J Collyer served as the first Chief of the SA General Staff.
In 1921 the British Army replaced the rank of Brigadier-General with ColonelCommandant. A Colonel-Commandant was to wear a crown and three Bath star
pips. They did not have the status of a General Officer anymore and wore the same
cap badge and gorgets as Colonels (i.e. Royal Crest as cap badge). In 1928
Colonel-Commandant was replaced by Brigadier retaining the same insignia.
South Africa was not as hasty to do away with its Brigadiers-General. Perhaps it was
due to the small size of the Union Defence Fence at the time. The Chief of General
Staff ranked as a Brigadier-General or at most Major-General during the 1920s and
The SA Forces caught up with the changes to some degree in 1937 introducing
Colonel-Commandant as a rank but at the same time retaining Brigadier-General. To
avoid confusion, it should also be noted that some First World War documents refer
to various officers as e.g. “Colonel-Commandant van Deventer”. This usage in the
German South West campaign was again more accurately referring to an
98appointment rather than a rank. If someone was a Colonel-Commandant in the
South African Forces in the First World War it meant they were commanding a ‘Wing’
i.e. a group of commando units acting together.
By 1940, Colonel-Commandant had been replaced by Brigadier although BrigadierGeneral was also still in use. This may have had something to do with a number of
Brigadiers-General having come out of retirement to serve in the Second World War
(e.g. Collyer, Wakefield, etc.). Perhaps it was considered too rude do “downgrade”
them to Brigadier and allow them to lose their status as General Officers?
By the end of the war Brigadier-General had disappeared as a rank in the SA
In 1952 the 5-pointed star replaced the Bath Star as rank insignia in South Africa.
Brigadiers now wore three miniature 5-pointed stars under the Crown. The cap
badge worn by Army and Corps of Marines Brigadiers and Colonels was also
modified. The lion was changed to the crest of the South African Coat-of-Arms (a lion
holding a bundle of four rods). The Air Force also introduced a new cap badge for
Brigadiers and Colonels when they adopted blue-grey uniform. The design consisted
of an eagle within a wreath of protea under a crown embroidered on a sky blue
In 1957-58 the Crown was replaced in South African rank insignia by the pentagonal
Castle design. That arrangement remained until the SADF came to an end in 1994.
A new cap badge for Army Brigadiers and Colonels was introduced around 1960
with an “upside down” Castle instead of the crown. The Air Force already adopted a
new cap badge in 1959 worn by all ranks up to Brigadier although different officer
lasses wore them on different coloured backgrounds. Brigadiers and Colonels
wearing theirs on sky blue with a sky blue cap band. In 1963 Brigadiers and Colonels
regained their “scrabled eggs” on the peak of their caps that had been done away
with as an economy measure during the Second World War. The new peak
embellishment consisted of a protea design rather than the row of oakleaves worn
In the early 1970s there was a brief experiment to introduce a new Kalahari Sand
uniform with different coloured gorgets for different divisions of the Defence
establishment. Brigadiers were to wear a gorget design that had twisted braid
(similar to the pattern worn by Deputy Chief Constables in some English police
services). The uniform was only worn by a few senior Permanent Force officers
before being abandoned.
A further minor modification came about in the late 1970s with a distinction between
‘Staff Qualified” and “Non-Staff Qualified” Brigadiers and Colonels in the Army.
Those who had attended the Senior Command and Staff Duties Course (also known
as the ‘Red Lanyard’ course) were allowed to wear the coveted Chilli red lanyard as
99well as a cap badge with a wreath around the “upside down Castle” badge on their
cap or a Military
ry Bronze beret. Their gorgets were distinguished by a line of gold
Russia braid. The ‘Non-Staff
Staff Qualified” officers continued to wear Chilli red gorgets
with a line of Chilli red braid and the “upside down Castle” without a wreath on their
caps or beret (the
the latter in their Corps colour).
The rank of Brigadier was initially retained by the new Defence Force and in 1995
but the Castle rank insignia was replaced by a 9
pointed star. The former cap
badges were retained. In 2003 the rank of Brigadier was don
e away with and
General was reintroduced. To add the the confusion the old rank insignia
General that had been in use om 1912 to the 1940s was not
reintroduced. Instead the “new” Brigadier
General rank adopted the insignia
previously worn by a Major-- General.
General Sir Duncan Mac
General Francis S. Dawson was
probably the highest ranking South
rican to become a PoW in the First
World War. Dawson was no ‘Chatteau
General’. He was captured at Marriers
Wood in 1918 where he had been
shooting a rifle along with his men until
they ran out of ammunition. In earlier days
he commanded the Cape Mounted
Riflemen.101Brigadier Piet de Waal served as Deputy
Chief of Staff, U.D.F. and was later on
General Eisenhowerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s staff during the
Second World War. During the 1950s he
was Naval and Marine Chief of Staff and
the only Brigadier in the SA Corps of
Marines.Brigadier B F Armstrong was the highest
ranking South African to be captured
during the Second World War. He was
captured at Sidi Resegh where he had
commanded the ill-fated
fated 5 SA Brigade.Cap badge 1940sBrigadier Pieter Grobbelaar was Army
Chief of Stall in the 1950s. Note the
1950s cap badge and the SA titles.His career started in the Natal Police,
later absorbed into the SA Mounted
emen. He served in the Royal Artillery
in the First World War and was in charge
of the Garrison Artillery in the Cape
during the 1930s. Prior to the Second
World War he was OC Cape Command.
He was Adjutant-Genera
Genera in 1940 and
after his escape as PoW was OC
Witwatersrand Command when this
photo was taken. He is wearing the
typical Service Dress uniform of the
period.102Cap badge as worn c. 1954
1954-58Lieut.-Gen. Jack Dutton as a Brigadier.
Dutton was seconded to 1 Royal Tank
Regiment in the Korean War. He
commanded both 1 SSB and 2 Armoured
Car Regiment during the 1960â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s
1960 and as a
Brigadier he was the first Director:
Armour in the SADF.103Gorget patches c. 1934-1958
The smaller one was worn on the Battle Dress jacket and khaki Bush jacket. The
large one was worn on the both the drab and light khaki Service Dress jackets as
well as on Undress Blues (when worn). The owner of the larger one must have been
Gunner as the button is artillery rather than Staff Corps.‘Staff Qualified’ (left) and ‘Non-Staff’ cap badges and gorgetsSADF Colonel or Brigadier cap with post- Staff Corps beret
1963 Protea-pattern peak and ‘Staff
Qualified’ badge (post c.1978).
I've just realised I made a mistake in a photo caption to the article. Brigadier
Armstrong was the highest ranking PoW at the time of his capture in 1941 but after
Tobruk (1942) of course the highest ranking PoW was Major-General Klopper.
RegardsBrigadier Rank and Insignia in the South African Police: Compiled By M
An article on SAP Brigadier-insignia is attached as well as some illustrations of
gorget patches. To save time I haven't looked for any photos of Brigadiers and
insignia of the more recent era. I am sure you will have plenty that you could add.
I also don't have the date that Brig. Baston was promoted to Brigadier although some
cryptic notes I made more than a decade ago suggest 1942 which is what I've put in
the article. If you have more accurate information in this regard please feel free to
correct the article accordingly.
Prior to the Second World War there were no Brigadiers in the South African Police.
For many years the Commissioner wore the same rank insignia as a Colonel in the
Army or Air Force i.e. a crown and two bath star ‘pips’.
In 1940 the 6th South African Infantry Brigade was formed from members of the
Police and Railways Police. As armed police, the SAP and SARP could provide a
pool of pre-disciplined, para-military trained personnel. FW Cooper, formerly
Quartermaster of the SAP, was appointed as Brigade Commander with the rank of
Brigadier. Although known as “The Police Brigade” the formation was in fact part of
the Union Defence Force (not he SAP) and Brigadier Cooper’s rank was thus an
army one. In similar fashion Brigadier RJ Palmer who had commanded a battalion in
the 6th SA Brigade rose to become a Brigadier in the 6th South African Armoured
With the outbreak of the Second World War, the Commissioner of Police, Colonel IP
de Villiers was appointed as a Major-General in the Defence Force. De Villiers was
no stranger to military life. He had been an artillery officer during the First World War
and was awarded the Military Cross for Gallantry. In 1928 he had been appointed as
Deputy Commissioner: Headquarters straight from civilian life as a lawyer.
The temporary departure of General de Villiers led to the appointment of Colonel
GRC Baston as acting Commissioner. In that capacity he was promoted to Brigadier
in 1942 - the first Brigadier serving in the South African Police.105Once the war ended, Brigadier Palmer, who had by then twice been awarded the
DSO, returned to the Police. He retained his rank and became Police Commissioner
in 1945. He retired as a Major
Major-General in 1951.
The rank insignia of a brigadier originally consisted of three miniature Bath star â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;pipsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;
under a Crown. The collar gorget patch was staff blue with a central black line
between two gold lines. The cap badge was initially the voided gilt officers pattern
(see photo of Brigadier Baston) worn on a Staff Blue ca
p band. The peak of the blue
undress cap (which was often worn with a white or khaki cover in daytime) had a
single row of gold oak leaves.
In 1952 the 5-pointed
pointed star replaced the Bath Star as rank insignia in South Africa.
Brigadiers now wore three miniat
pointed stars under the Crown on their
shoulders. The oak leaf peak was apparently not worn with the Drab uniform of the
58 the Crown was replaced in South African rank insignia by the pentagonal
Castle design. That arrangement re
remained until 1995.
When new cap badges were introduced, Brigadiers wore the eight pointed gilt star
with the circlet and coat-of
arms in coloured enamel. The gorget for Brigadiers
remained the same until 1971 when an aloe design was implemented.
The rank of Brigadier was discontinued when the SAP ceased to exist.
1958-95106PHOTOGRAPHSBrigadier GRC Baston was the first
SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE GORGETS C. 1942-45
SUID-AFRIKAANSE POLISIE KRAAGPATTE C. 1942-45Brigadier
Luitenant-kolonel107SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE GORGETS 1945-71
SUID-AFRIKAANSE POLISE KRAAGPATTE 1945-71General Officers
BrigadierColonel & Lieutenant-Colonel
Kolonel & luitenant-kolonelDST (AMI) BYMEKAARKOMS.
At van Wyk en Cor van Niekerk reël 'n bymekaarkoms van alle lede wat by
Direktoraat Spesiale Take (DST) van Afdeling Inligting betrokke was, hetsy
in die hoofkwartier of by een van die buitebasisse soos Rundu, Boa Fe,
Sasha en opleidigsbasisse.
Dit sluit alle dissiplines in soos dokters, verpleegsters, loggies, tiksters,
registrasieklerke, seiners, vlieëniers, ens. Dit word gereël vir 11h00 op 06 Mei 2017
by Chatterleys (1 Vindhella str, Valhalla) regoor die ingang na LMB.
Swartkop. Bring R50 saam vir kos en nog geld om in die kontantkroeg te blaas,
Versprei asb die storie. Laat weet asb vir At of Cor voor 22 April 2017 as u gaan
At van wyk : 0824562491 ofsuzettevwyk@gmail.com
Cor van Niekerk : 0827009275 ofcorvanniekerk@gmail.com108LET ME TAKE A WALK IN YOUR GARDEN: MJJ VAN RENSBURGLET ME TAKE A WALK IN YOUR GARDEN
Hide me in the mist of your garden
Lest Your Holiness consume me!
Show me Your prayer garden of Gethsemane.
Please show me that Heavenly garden.
Lord ! You created earth
On a Heavenly architecture.
You planted Eden with Heavens seed,
Untouched by hands of man.
Adam was a caretaker of agriculture
With the secrets of Your title deed.
Lord! You transferred from heaven
A little farm to earth
And called it the garden of Eden.
It was a paradise in holy birth.
My desire to see for once,
109Consumes the very essence of my soul,
But, magnifies the illness of my sins.
In Your garden, you placed a shrine
And called it a day of Sabbath.
Lord ! You picked this Commandment
From a cluster tree of Ten Commandments.
Like the golden crown on Thy Head
The Sabbath of memory and rest
Would be forever over eternity
Lord ! maybe You took Eden home
Because of earths tornados of sin
Maybe Eden was only on loan.
It was never to be for the next of kin!
Maybe one day the Angels
Will bear be to your Eden.
They will explain the magnificence
The very fibre of Your mighty universe.
It is only this earth who rejects them.
Today Lord, I knock at the gate of Eden
For only one invitation/
I promise to tread softly and quietly
And will be an audience to the Angel choir.
Lord! Can you save this man of flesh and blood?
Just touch me and heal me
Of all my humanity.
I have no more tears to lay before Thee.
Teach me redemption in Your cluster tree.
Lord ! , let me take a walk in Your garden.
MJJ van Rensburg January2017HUMOUR IN UNIFORM
â&#x20AC;˘ Top this one for a speeding ticket
Two California Highway Patrol Officers were conducting speeding enforcement on I15, just north of the Marine Corps Air Station at Miramar. One of the officers was
using a hand held radar device to check speeding vehicles approaching the crest of
a hill. The officers were suddenly surprised when the radar gun began reading 300
miles per hour. The officer attempted to reset the radar gun, but it would not reset
110and then turned off.
Just then a deafening roar over the treetops revealed that the radar had in fact
locked on to a USMC F/A-18 Hornet which was engaged in a low flying exercise
near the location.
Back at the CHP Headquarters the Patrol Captain fired off a complaint to the USMC
Base Commander. The reply came back in true USMC style:
~ ~~ Thank you for your letter. We can now complete the file on this incident.
You may be interested to know that the tactical computer in the Hornet had detected
the presence of, and subsequently locked on to your hostile radar equipment and
Furthermore, an Air-to-Ground missile aboard the fully armed aircraft had also
automatically locked on to your equipment location.
Fortunately, the Marine Pilot flying the Hornet recognized the situation for what it
was, quickly responded to the missile system alert status and was able to override
the automated defence system before the missile was launched to destroy the
hostile radar position.
The pilot also suggests you cover your mouths when cussing at them, since the
video systems on these jets are very high tech.
Sergeant Johnson, the officer holding the radar gun, should get his dentist to check
his left rear molar. It appears the filling is loose. Also, the snap is broken on his
â&#x20AC;˘Stolen CarThe proud owner of a magnificent 1956 Chevrolet convertible, wrote to say he had
restored the car to perfection over the last few years, and sent this:
On a very warm summer afternoon he decided to take his car to town. It needed
gas, as the gauge was practically on empty, but he wanted ice cream, so he headed
first to his favourite ice cream shop.
He noticed a group of young guys standing around smoking cigarettes and eyeing
the car rather covetously. He was a bit uneasy leaving it there, but people often take
interest in such an old and well-preserved car, so he went off to enjoy his ice cream.
The line at the ice cream shop was long and it took him quite a while to return to his
car. When he did, his worst fears were realizedâ&#x20AC;Ś his car was gone.
He called the police and reported the theft and then went back and bought a quart of
111pistachio ice cream. About ten minutes later the police called him to say they had
found the car abandoned near a gas station a few miles out of town.
It was unharmed and he was relieved. It seems just before he called, the police had
received a call from a young woman who was an employee at a self-service gas
station. She told them that three young men had driven in with this beautiful old
convertible. One of them came to the window and prepaid for 20 dollarsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; worth of
Then all three of them walked around the car. Then they all got in the car and drove
off, without filling the tank.
The question is why would anybody steal a car, pay for gas that they never pumped
and then abandon the car later and walk away?
They couldn't find where to put the gas!112OPINIONSave us from the corrupt among us
Paul Hoffman | 19 January 2017
Paul Hoffman on the surprising consensus on the extent of the problemSERVICE DELIVERY AND CORRUPTION
It is reported in the media that the Secretary General of the African National
Congress, Gwede Mantashe, told a town hall meeting in Evaton on 3 January, 2017
“Corruption is not curing (sic). This practice is stealing. If it is real, abantu must be
arrested. It’s simple.”
Corruption is real. The Anti-Corruption Task Team reported to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts last year that in the last six year R250 billion has
113been stolen, misappropriated, irregularly spent and paid out without authority in the
government procurement system. This is a staggering sum. There would be huge
dents in the challenges around funding education, health-care and housing were the
government to take action to recover the stolen funds and to put a stop to the
continuation of the looting of state coffers.
Mantashe went on to concede to his lively audience that:
“At this stage we cannot say that it is a perception. There are people in the ANC who
loot the state, and when you loot you destroy the ability of the state to deliver
services.” This truism drew loud applause. A keen appreciation that corruption is a
human rights issue has come to Evaton, hence the enthusiasm of the crowd.
The problem is that the rate at which the state is being looted is accelerating rapidly
each year and now exceeds R46 billion annually according to the most recent report
of the Auditor General. “Abantu” stealing from the state are however not being
arrested in sufficient numbers. Some are apparently being regarded as “royal game”
and above the reach of the law.
The rate at which the Hawks have effected arrests on all priority crimes, including
corruption, has in fact decreased from a total of 14793 in 2010/11 to 5847 in
2014/15 with shrinking numbers in the intervening years. The total number of
convictions in 2010/11 was 7037 while in 2014/15 this number was down to only
1176. In the period April to September 2015 (the latest available figures) a pitiful
1038 arrests were effected by the Hawks and only 288 convictions secured. These
figures speak of gross dysfunction at the coalface of the criminal justice
In the meantime, the Auditor General has investigated looting by public servants and
has handed 3000 “slam-dunk” dockets over to the National Prosecuting Authority
with a request that the public servants involved in the corrupt activities uncovered by
him be arrested and charged. This is the very process that Mantashe advocates.
The problem is that in the last two years the NPA has, according to its latest annual
report, secured a measly 151 convictions of public servants. At this rate it will take 20
years to work off the backlog of dockets awaiting attention, assuming (without any
justification for doing so) that corruption magically ceases overnight. Experience
teaches that the impunity that comes with a 20 year backlog is more likely to
encourage increasing numbers of public servants to involve themselves in the looting
because there are no consequences of any kind let alone an arrest.
It does not help to lay charges. No investigation follows. The Nkandla “Secure in
Comfort” report of the Public Protector contains a great deal of prima facie evidence
of theft, fraud and corruption. The complaints to the police about the Nkandla
debacle have gone nowhere since 2013. Initially the dockets were kept away from
the Hawks by top management in the police.
Then, after the Constitutional Court widened the powers of the Hawks and the head
of the Hawks, General Anwa Dramat, promptly called for the dockets, he was
immediately suspended and eventually pressured to resign.
There is no suggestion that the dockets have ever reached the Hawks or have ever
114been investigated. Dramat now faces trumped up charges of kidnapping, which were
known to all and sundry before he was paid his golden handshake to resign.
The charges are based on the same factual matrix as those of defeating the ends of
justice that were brought against Robert McBride and other IPID officials and had to
be ignominiously withdrawn for want of evidence late last year. Despite this set back,
the NPA soldiers on against Dramat and his co-accused in the related kidnapping or
“rendition” to Zimbabwe case.
No discernable progress has been made on the complaints concerning the goings on
at Nkandla. Even the loyal opposition parties, the DA and EFF, do nothing to correct
the obvious error in the Constitutional Court judgment on Nkandla. The correction in
question will relieve taxpayers of a debt of many millions of rand.
This is not an isolated instance. Read the story of the career of General Johan
Booysen, head of the Hawks in KZN for many years, and weep. Jessica Pitchford’s
book “Blood on their Hands” leaves the reader in no doubt that the chief activity of
the Hawks these days is political intrigue and the protection of crooked politicians,
their friends and business associates. This is how Booysen sees it:
“If the last thing I do is to expose those destroying the criminal justice system, I’ll be
happy. I’m not the only one who thinks Jiba [a reference to Nomgcobo Jiba, DNDPP,
since struck from the roll of advocates for her mendacity] and her cabal have blood
on their hands. It’s now widely acknowledged that they are protecting themselves
and their cohorts from prosecution.
Complacency will allow people like her and Richard Mdluli [suspended Crime
Intelligence chief appointed 2009, suspended 2011, re-appointed March 2012,
suspended May 2012 to the present] to capture vital state institutions to advance
their own financial and other interests. That’s why I won’t back off. Many people turn
silent when faced by injustice, but it’s apathy that creates the breeding ground for the
evil monsters that will in the end devour us all…
The Irish statesman Edward Burke once said: for evil to triumph, good men must do
If any doubt remains, the content of “Rogue” by Johann van Loggerenberg and
Adrian Lackay of SARS erases all thought of propriety and functionality on the part of
the leadership of the Hawks. Justifying his decision to write the forward to the book,
retired Justice Johann Kriegler puts it thus:
“Ultimately, though, I was motivated by a personal sense of outrage at what these
dirty tricks said about the rule of law in our country. For, however opaque and
perverted this Kafkaesque tale, there was a discernable pattern – discernable across
a number of public institutions – where key individuals, experienced, reputable and
independent-minded public servants, have been cynically shunted aside, or out.
Typically, the process starts with some or other alleged transgression, relatively
trivial and/or outdated. That then triggers well-publicised suspension and disciplinary
proceedings with concomitant humiliation, harassment and, ultimately, dismissal,
constructive or actual. Then, with breath-taking speed, a hand-picked acting
successor steps in and cleans out senior management; and when you look again
there is a brand new crop of compliant and grateful faces.115In the process, honourable women and men have been ground down, ignominiously
kicked out, their reputations ruined and their life savings exhausted. Often even the
most feisty individual has been driven to exhaustion, physical, emotional and, of
course, financial. Examples of broadly the same pattern of administrative abuse are
to be found in a whole range of parastatals: think, for instance, of South African
Airways, Denel, Eskom and the SABC. And of numerous senior public servants –
Vusi Pikoli, Mxolisi Nxasana, Glynnis Breytenbach, Anwa Dramat, Shadrack Sibiya,
Johan Booysen and Robert McBride, to speak only of the criminal justice sector –
who’ve been hounded out of office.”
Even as ANC friendly a commentator as Professor Richard Calland in “Make or
Break” has been constrained to remark:
“Under Zuma, it just became easier to plunder. Almost by definition the right-wing
nationalists are unconcerned by this because they are part of the rot. There is no
crisis of conscience about the harm that has been done – to the ANC, to the
On the left, however, there is a wailing and gnashing of teeth. There is angst and
fretfulness, and, yes, at least in some quarters, a crisis of conscience. Some feel
guilty that they were accomplices to this project of ‘state capture’ and the deepening
of a culture of impunity and corruption in and around the ANC’s control of
governmental power. Others grit their teeth and close their eyes and construct in
their mind’s eye a narrative that justifies not only their original support for Zuma, but
their continued presence in his cabinet.”
Calland concludes that:
“South Africans should not turn their backs on politics. They must engage and get
involved. The choice is simple: be a bystander and, thereby, an accomplice to the
downward spiral or, rather, be a protagonist, a contestant, …”
It is difficult to discern whether Mantashe is having a crisis of conscience or whether
he is waking up to the reality that the electoral support of his party is in jeopardy
following the set-backs it suffered in the municipal elections last August.
Either way, if he wishes to restore the credibility of the ANC, it will be necessary to
address the issues around the dysfunction in the criminal justice administration.
Jackie Selebi was convicted of corruption, his successor as chief of police, Bheki
Cele, was found unfit for office after he was involved in trying to lease premises for
SAPS at three times the going commercial rate. He has never been arrested or
charged, instead he finds himself in the cabinet as a deputy minister. His successor,
Riah Phiyega, has also been found unfit for office if leaks of her long awaited board
of inquiry report are to be believed.
There are proceedings pending concerning the fitness for office of the head of the
NPA, Adv Shaun Abrahams, and the head of the Hawks, General Berning Ntlemeza.
Two of the most senior prosecutors in the land have been struck off the roll of
advocates because they are not fit and proper persons to enjoy that status.
The Minister of Police, Nathi Nhleko, still believes there is a firepool at Nkandla, his
predecessor, Nathi Mthethwa, has a garden wall paid for irregularly out of police
116intelligence slush funds but does not regard himself as in any way liable. Dinah Pule,
she of the red shoes, palpably a cabinet-based looter, has never been required to
face criminal charges and has not been arrested.
Mantashe needs to take cognisance of the fact that while cadre deployment in the
public administration continues, while the 3000 docket backlog of Auditor General
investigations remains unattended and while the Hawks are ineffective, the
corruption of the ANC will continue until the state fails shortly after the goose that
lays all the stolen golden eggs dies of malnutrition.
What is needed is an Integrity Commission: an independent, specialist entity with
dedicated professionals trained to deal with corruption and organised crime
Properly resourced personnel who enjoy security of tenure of office, led by persons
of integrity and probity. An Integrity Commission will have the clout to stare down
those who seek to influence it or interfere in its work. It will answer to parliament, not
the executive. It will, if the Constitutional Court is right in setting its binding criteria for
our anti-corruption machinery of state, save us all from the corrupt among us.
Paul Hoffman SC is a director of Accountability Now and the author of “Confronting
http://www.politicsweb.co.za/opinion/save-us-from-the-corrupt-amongus?utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_campaign=6213ce9a20EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2017_01_19&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_a86f25db996213ce9a20-130042309 (Accessed 20 January 2017)THE SACP'S SECRET MOSCOW PAPERS
OPINIONThe SACP's secret Moscow papers: James Myburgh | 31 January 2017
James Myburgh on the striking new information that has emerged about the
Party's influence on the ANC in the early 1960s
The nature of the relationship between the South African Communist Party and the
African National Congress, at the time of the turn to the armed struggle in the early
1960s, was (for decades) at the centre of an intense propaganda war in the West
between sympathisers and critics of the national liberation movement.
At the Rivonia trial the State had charged that the ANC and SACP had not only
“worked in close union” in the conspirators’ efforts to violently overthrow the existing117order, but also that the “former was completely dominated by the latter. In fact, the
aims and objects of the ANC were the aims and objects of the SACP.”
The state further charged that, according to some of the documents found, “Moscow
had promised and assured every sort and manner of assistance in their campaign,
but its co-operation and involvement was not be to revealed or made public property
because of possible international repercussions.”
In his statement from the dock Nelson Mandela had responded by stating that “the
suggestion made by the State in its opening that the struggle in South Africa is under
the influence of foreigners or communists is wholly incorrect.” He denied having
been a member of the SACP (as did Walter Sisulu in his testimony) and claimed to
be a great admirer of the institutions of Western democracy.
This ‘line’ was one followed by many liberal Western sympathisers of the ANC over
the following four decades. One of the most influential of these was Thomas G. Karis
who, together with Gwendolen Carter, wrote an early and authoritative treatment of
the liberation movement in the 1950s and 1960s. In a 1986 article Karis stated:
“African, Indian and white Communists have influenced the course of the ANC to an
extent greater than their numbers, but they have not dominated or controlled the
movement.” This would require believing inter alia “that young African nationalists
such as Mandela, Tambo or Walter Sisulu had come to accept the discipline of a
minor and doctrinaire party or were manipulated by it.”
Over the past decade however much information, contrary to this naïve Western
view, started filtering out as old comrades – their battle long won (and lost) – started
speaking more frankly about the role they and others (such as Mandela) had played
in the Party in the late 1950s and early 1960s.
A further breakthrough in our understanding of this critical period in South African
history has come with the surfacing in the archives of four documents which senior
SACP leaders prepared for meetings in Moscow in the early 1960s. These are
reported on in two academic journal articles published in late 2015 by Tom Lodge
and the late Stephen Ellis, in the South African Historical Journal and Cold War
The documents concerned were contained in the personal papers which SACP, MK
and ANC veteran Ronnie Kasrils turned over to the Wits historical papers research
archive in 2013. Limited references to the same documents can be found in the
book ANC: A view from Moscow by the Russian academic and former Soviet official,
Vladimir Shubin, who seems to also have had copies in his personal possession.
1.) “The Political Situation in the Union of South Africa / The Situation in the South
African Communist Party”, document(s) presented on behalf of the SACP Central
Committee to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union by
Yusuf Dadoo, Chairman, and Veli Pillay, Representative in Europe, Moscow 14 July
19601182.) “Some notes on the Communist Party of South Africa”, document prepared by the
SACP’s leading theoretician and CC member, Michael Harmel, while part of the
SACP delegation attending the International Meeting of the Communist and Workers’
Parties in Moscow in November / early December 1960
3.) “Notes on Some Aspect of the Political Situation in the Republic of South Africa”,
by Moses Kotane, General Secretary of the SACP, Moscow, 9th November 1961
4.) An untitled memorandum which Ellis says was written by Michael Harmel and
which post-dates October 1962. It appears to be the same document which Shubin
says Arthur Goldreich and Vella Pillay presented to a Soviet delegation ahead of a
meeting in Moscow in January 1963. It will be referred to as “the memorandum” in
Together this material describes in considerable detail, and from its own perspective,
the role the Party had played in the Congress Alliance in the 1950s and in the turn to
the armed struggle in the early 1960s.
The (until then legal) Communist Party of South Africa had been dissolved in 1950
ahead of the Suppression of Communism Act of June 1950 finally passing into law.
In his November 1960 paper Harmel says that towards the end of 1950 a group of
“leading comrades gathered around Comrade Kotane in Johannesburg” had decided
to build the Party up again on new lines, “lines which would enable it to work and
survive in the new conditions” of illegality.
A meeting held in Easter 1952 (?) in Johannesburg decided to form a new
Communist Party underground. Brian Bunting, one Ngwavela, Moses Kotane, Bram
Fischer, Yusuf Dadoo, Rusty Bernstein, Vernon Berrangé, and Michael Harmel were
all in favour of the proposal with Sam Kahn the only attendee against, after which he
left the meeting. This meeting decided to form district committees in Cape Town,
Port Elizabeth, Johannesburg and Durban and to prepare a programme and rules for
a national conference, which was duly held in early 1953. The name of the party was
changed to the South African Communist Party to distinguish it from the old entity.
“The membership is organised in groups of three or four. In the small districts each
group is in direct contact with the district committee, through a member who attends
the group meetings. In Johannesburg each group are in contact with a branch
committee, and the branch committees in turn are represented on the district
Members are obliged to pay subs, attend group meetings and study classes in
Marxism-Leninism, support Party policy and carry out practical work under Party
guidance. Strict principles of democratic centralism are observed.
It is a cardinal rule that no member may divulge his own or anyone else’s
membership of the Party, or any other information about the Party, to any person,
without the express decision of the district Committee.119At national conference only part of the Central Committee is elected. Those elected
co-opt the others. Thus, Conference members are not aware of the composition of
the full C.C.”
The main work of the party following its re-establishment was directed towards
building a “united front of national liberation” – the alliance of democratic and trade
union organisations known as the Congress Alliance. This had proved remarkably
successful with the mass movement growing greatly in “strength, unity and political
The Freedom Charter unreservedly adopted at the Congress of the People at
Kliptown in 1955 by every section of the Congress movement, Harmel noted, “is
identical in all its main provisions to the demands set forth in the immediate
programme of the SACP adopted in 1953.” The “main draftsman” of the Charter, he
wrote elsewhere in the document, was Central Committee member Rusty Bernstein
who had served “as the delegate of the Congress of Democrats on the Drafting
The subsequent Treason Trial involved “nearly all” members of the Central
Committee. A majority were among the 156 leaders arrested, while the few not
arrested were actively involved in legal defence and the organisation of protests. In
1959 the first step towards the “emergence” of the Party was taken with the issuing
of the first edition of the “African Communist.”
Between the national conference in 1958 and the declaration of the State of
Emergency on 30 March 1960 the Central Committee consisted of 15 members. The
executive, which met once a week, consisted of seven people: Kotane (General
Secretary), Dadoo (Chairman), Walter Sisulu, Fischer, Rusty Bernstein, Joe Slovo
and Harmel. The other members were JB Marks, Dan Tloome, Ruth First, Brian
Bunting, Fred Carneson, Ray Alexander, Raymond Mhlaba and MP Naicker.
Between meetings the practical work was carried on by a Secretariat of three
members composed of Kotane, Harmel and Sisulu.
The police raids following the declaration of a state of emergency after the
Sharpeville massacre in March 1960 – in which thousands were arrested - targeted
every single member of the Central Committee, with the exception of Bram Fischer.
However, Kotane, Dadoo, Ruth First, Harmel and Fred Carneson were able to evade
capture, with Dadoo then leaving the country. The entire Johannesburg district
committee of the Party was arrested, as well as about half the membership, and in
Port Elizabeth the whole membership was in prison throughout the five months of the
state of emergency. During the emergency Ben Turok, Bartholomew Hlapane, Bob
Hepple and Joe Matthews (who was Basutoland based) were co-opted onto the CC.
Although heavy casualties were suffered during this period, with 150 Communists
arrested and kept in prison for five months without charge or trial, the Party “came
out of the crisis period “a great deal stronger than it entered it”, according to Harmel.
The emergency period saw important steps taken to correct weaknesses that had
been exposed, “brought forward outstanding new cadres, and above all the
implementation of the decision to emerge in our own name” (a decision taken at an
extending Central Committee meeting in June 1960).120Influence of the SACP over the Congress Alliance
In its submissions to the CPSU in the early 1960s the SACP emphasised the
“considerable” influence it had exercised over the Congress Alliance, which was
comprised of five organisations: the ANC, the (white) Congress of Democrats, the
South African Indian Congress, the South African Coloured People’s Congress and
the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU). This was despite the Party’s
small membership, which Kotane put at between 450 and 500 people.
According to Kotane, following its re-establishment the Party had focused on
recruiting “brave and reliable fighters” from four fields: former CPSA members, the
trade union movement, national liberation organisations and the peace movement.
“All important positions and direction in the Congress and in other organisations are
occupied by members of our Party. In the African National Congress, this is
particularly the case. The Secretary-General is a member of the Party and party
members hold positions in the National-Executive and in the Provincial organs of this
The policy of the African National Congress is therefore heavily influenced by our
Party. This general position is equally true of most of the other mass democratic
organisations in the country. The Party is strong in the SA Indian Congress, the
Congress of Democrats, the South African Congress of Trade Unions, the Youth
Congress and so on. Indeed it is true to say that the leading positions in these mass
organisations are occupied by our party members.”
Although the government had banned a number of party members from “occupying
any position in the mass organisations, these comrades are nonetheless active in
policy making work in these mass organisations.” The Emergency Committee
appointed by the ANC NEC in preparation for the 1960 anti-pass campaign, in
anticipation of government arrests, “is wholly comprised of comrades (some of whom
have since been imprisoned.)”
Furthermore “all the propaganda organs” of the mass organisations and SACTU “are
edited and managed by Party members. The Party managed a weekly newspaper,
New Age, which has been an influential and widely read propaganda organ in the
mass organisations and among the non-white peoples. The journals Fighting Talk
and Liberation too have been a great success. All these propaganda organs have
now been declared illegal by the Government.”
Kotane re-emphasised the extent of the Party’s influence in his report of November
“Though illegal and functioning underground, the Party – through its members who in
each particular case are formed into fraction or caucus – leads the non-white trade
unions and the national liberatory and progressive movement in South Africa. All
major policy decisions taken and campaigns conducted by these organisations either
emanate from or have the approval of the Central Committee of our Party…. We
have Party members in the leadership of all the five organisations which constitute
the Congress Alliance. In three of these, as well as in the Federation of South
African Women, Party members are in the majority in the top leadership.”121In Dadoo and Pillay’s submission they had complained that the Party was operating
under severe financial constraints following the imposition of the state of emergency.
There had been declining donations from the Indian community and the Party’s
funds had been stretched by the support provided to the families of detainees and by
assistance to the ANC Emergency Committee. Shubin writes that the CPSU agreed
to assist and $30 000 was then “allocated to the SACP in 1960 from the socalled
‘International Trade Union Fund for assistance to left workers’ organisations’.” In his
paper Lodge says that it was this funding which probably enabled the SACP to
purchase Lilieslief farm in Rivonia the following year. It was seemingly initially
intended to be a hideout / meeting place for serving members of the SACP’s Central
Committee only.The turn to the armed struggle
In his report Kotane said that the “violent measures employed by the Government
and its new methods and tactics of dealing with our demonstrations and strikes” had
brought into question the wisdom and political correctness of persisting with the
policy of non-violence. The Central Committee of the Party and the leadership of the
Congress Alliance had decided to re-assess the slogan in the light of the political
situation in the country and the “prevailing mood of the people.”
Quoting an SACP document (date and authorship not provided) Kotane said that the
Party had then decided that while not neglecting our public activities we should “rely
more and more on our underground activities and to intensify preparations for such
underground activities; and in future employ some elements of violence during our
mass struggles, such as picketing and disruption of communications.”
122This document further expressed doubt over whether the Party could achieve its
goals through non-violence, given the hostile attitude of the whole white population
(including workers): “is it reasonable to expect that any fundamental political and
social changes could come about peacefully in South Africa, in other words, cant the
ruling class surrender power and wealth without a violent struggle?”
The conclusion the Party reached, Kotane wrote, was that unless they got help from
outside “the non-whites have no reason to believe that they can achieve their
national liberation without a bitter and grim struggle and much sacrifice.”
In December 1960 the Party held its national conference in a house rented for the
purpose in Emmarentia, Johannesburg. According to Bob Hepple among the 25
people in attendance were Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Piet Beyleveld, Govan
Mbeki, John Nkadimeng, Ben-Turok, MP Naicker, Fred Carneson, Moses Kotane,
Bram Fischer, Joe Slovo, Michael Harmel, Ben Turok, Rusty Bernstein, Dan Tloome
and Raymond Mhlaba. (It would appear that Mandela was co-opted onto the Central
Committee immediately after the conference.)
In the late 1962 / early 1963 memorandum the SACP said that at this meeting the
Party had reviewed the experience and significance of the events during the State of
Emergency earlier that year. These had revealed that the government “had passed
from the stage where it was attempting to control and combat the people’s
movement by parliamentary means; and had entered a period where resort would be
had to open military-style rule whenever the government felt itself powerfully
challenged.” Conference had thus concluded:
“a. That the peoples’ movement could no longer hope to continue along the road of
exclusively non-violent forms of political struggle, and to do so would lead to the
paralysis of the movement in the face of new government tactics, and to the
disillusionment and spread of defeatism among the people.
b. That therefore steps should be taken to ensure that the whole people’s movement
reconsidered its tactics of exclusive reliance on non-violent methods, and that a
campaign of education and explanation be carried out throughout the movement to
prepare for forcible forms of struggle when those became necessary or desirable.
c. That the Party CC should take steps to initiate the training and equipping of
selected personnel in new methods of struggle, and thus prepare the nucleus of an
adequate apparatus to lead struggles of a more forcible and violent struggle.”
Kotane’s report says that at some point – no date is given, but probably shortly after
this conference decision – a sub-committee of the Central Committee was then
charged with the task of:
Kotane says that at this early stage the Communist Party of China had offered
military training to cadres selected by the SACP, and this offer had now been taken
up. “We have decided to send five or six comrades for training in China, one is
123already there, two I left in Dar-es-Salaam and two or three were still in South Africa.”
(The cadres who ended up being sent to China were Andrew Mlangeni, Raymond
Mhlaba, Joe Gqabi, Wilton Mkwayi, Steven Naidoo and Patrick Abel Mthembu).
In December 1960 – the same month that the SACP had decided to turn away from
violence and persuade the “people’s movement” to do the same – a group of black
African leaders had met at a meeting in Orlando, Johannesburg, and decided upon
holding an ‘All-In African Conference’ which would call for a national consultative
conference of all the races. Anthony Sampson (1999) says that Mandela and Sisulu
then went around the country making preparations for the conference, which was
eventually held in Pietermaritzburg in March 1961, and which was addressed by
Mandela (his banning order having expired shortly before.) Mandela had even
approached Harry Oppenheimer in an (unsuccessful) effort to raise funds the
conference from Anglo American.
Sampson describes this campaign as an “attempt at peaceful organisation with other
parties” but Stephen Ellis (2012) notes that a close analysis of this campaign
“concludes that this initiative was actually intended to provide opponents of armed
struggle with a paper trail that would justify their change of policy.” Kotane’s report
provides support for the latter interpretation. It states that “The African leaders’
conference held on the 16th December, 1960, which called the Pieter Maritzburg
conference was one of the efforts at combining the illegal and the legal work. The
conference was suggested by our Party and, the resolution adopted unanimously by
that Conference was drafted by our Central Committee.”
The memorandum says that the correctness of the Party’s December 1960 decision
was proved by the government’s aggressive response to the April 1961 strike
against the proclamation of a Republic. “Despite the clearly peaceable intentions of
the campaign and the repeated attempts made by the leaders of it to seek
negotiation and discussion with the government, the government resorted openly to
illegal and military-style methods to smash the campaign.”
In these conditions, the memorandum states, the “old methods of non-violent
struggle and non-violent action proved themselves to be ineffective and were seen
by the masses to be incapable of meeting their needs. Government resort to open
force remained unanswered and unrestrained by the people’s movement; terror and
confusion spread amongst the people; and the strike call, though supported by
thousands of the most advanced of the urban workers, failed to achieve the nationwide support which – in a different situation – would undoubtedly have followed. It
was in the light of this graphic experience that the Party and the ANC pressed ahead
with preparations to prepare their supporters and members of new methods of
The 1962/63 memorandum stated that following the adoption of the SACP’s
December 1960 conference resolution (and in giving effect to "b.") “educational and
propaganda work undertaken by our cadres in many fields has brought almost all
politically active elements in the peoples’ movement to a single point of view –
namely, that the former exclusive concentration on non-violent methods only no
longer services the requirements of the movement, and that various forms of violent
124political struggle are necessary and desirable as a complement to the normal forms
of political activity which are still being undertaken.”
The lead role in persuading first the ANC and then the other Congresses to abandon
the principle of non-violence was taken by Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu. In his
1976 prison manuscript Mandela writes that in June 1961 “the Working Committee of
the ANC felt that resort to violence was inevitable and put the whole matter on the
agenda of its National Executive which met in Durban that same month.” Despite
“sharp differences” on the matter the NEC eventually “unanimously endorsed” the
decision. This was then taken to a joint meeting of the Congresses the next evening
which “lasted the whole night and in spite of disagreements we were able to reach a
unanimous decision in the end.”
He was then asked by the ANC to “take the initiative in the formation of the
organisation that would wage acts of violence and in due course units were formed
in various centres. In the meantime the Communist Party had formed its own units
and in October the same year they cut telephone and electricity cables in
Johannesburg and on the Witwatersrand. Later when MK was formed the CP
dissolved its units and the members joined MK. I was chairman of the National High
Command of the Umkhonto We Sizwe (MK) and on the 16th December 1961 MK
announced its existence amidst a spate of bomb explosions in Johannesburg, Port
Elizabeth and Durban.”
The memorandum states that in 1961 the decision was taken by both the SACP and
ANC “independently to set up a separate organisation as the beginning of a people’s
fighting force, whose activities would be under the general direction and control of
the established leading organisations of the people, but whose membership and
apparatus would be entirely separated from those organisations.”
Among the considerations influencing this decision was that the SACP was not “and
under present conditions does not in the immediate future expect to be of a mass
character. Any exclusively Party fighting forces, therefore, could not possible have
the mass popular character which a peoples force of national liberation should rightly
The Party and the ANC had thus jointly assumed full responsibility for the formation
of “a separate fighting organisation of a mass character” and that the “desirability of
such a force being brought into being should be accepted by the legal partners to the
United Front even though they themselves would not share in its control. Both the
Party and the ANC, separately, therefore took decisions necessary to bring about
such a state of affairs. By their two decisions, Umkonto We Sizwe (UWS) was
established as a separate, fighting force of the peoples’ national liberation
The memorandum states however that SACP members had dominated the
leadership of MK following its inception:
“The national leadership of UWS was composed of an equal number of men
nominated by each of the two founding organisations. By virtue of the close fraternal
links that exist between these organisations, and also by virtue of the positions and
influence and leadership which individual Party members have won for themselves in
125the ANC, the national leadership thus constituted consisted of five members of the
Party, together with one completely reliable and trustworthy non-party man who we
regard as a close Party supporter on the verge of Party membership.”
According to Howard Barrell’s 1993 dissertation the initial high command was made
up of five members: Nelson Mandela (commander in chief), Walter Sisulu, Govan
Mbeki, Raymond Mhlaba and Joe Slovo. In an article in Dawn magazine in 1986
commemorating the 25th anniversary of the formation of MK Slovo also put Andrew
Mlangeni on the initial High Command (though he was one of the SACP cadres sent
to China for training in late 1961).
All six individuals were senior SACP members at the time, and the first five
had attended the December 1960 SACP conference where the decision to turn to
violence had been taken. Mlangeni had been nominated by the Party’s
Johannesburg District Committee to attend as well, according to Hepple, but had
been blocked by the Central Committee “because of what a commission appointed
by the JDC later found to be wholly unfounded suspicions that he was a police
informer (he was one of the Rivonia trialists in 1963).” Ellis and Lodge both suggest
that the “sixth man” referred to in the memorandum was probably Joe Modise who
had been co-opted onto the High Command by this time (after Mandela’s arrest) and
who never ended up joining the Party.
The control exerted by SACP members over the top leadership of MK extended
down through the organisation. “This national leadership”, the memorandum stated,
“has, in turn, nominated regional command groups in several main regions, again on
the same basis of full agreement between the two founding organisations. In all
cases, the effective control is in the hands of members of the Party. Regional
commands have recruited selected personnel from the ranks of the Party, the ANC
and other tried political activists who have the special characters and abilities
necessary for this specialised work. They have been formed into small, disciplined
and highly secret groups under the direct control of regional commands, and are
subject to a strict code of military discipline.” (My emphasis)
The Party seems to have kept a close eye on recruitment. Although members of MK
were prohibited from disclosing their membership to any other person, “since
recruiting is carried out only by decision of regional commands, Party District
Committees are however aware of the facts as to which party members are to be
approached to join UWS and are able to instruct them whether or not it is in the Party
interests for them to do so.”
According to the memorandum the low level operations by MK had already
transformed the political climate of the country. As it put it:
“Units of UWS have carried out a number of small scale operations, all of a sabotage
nature, and with a gradually growing measure of success. These operations are
becoming more numerous and more successful as the members acquire the skills
and techniques which, generally speaking, were not available to them at the start.
These operations have had a profound effect upon the political climate of the
country. They have dissipated much of the gloom, despondency and defeatism
which developed amongst the people after the crushing of the May 1961 Strike.”
126“The overall strategy and direction of policy of UWS remains at all times in the hands
of the leadership of the Party. The national command of UWS, consisting in the main
of members of the Party, acts only in terms of the overall political policy, main lines
of strategy and general direction of the Party leadership.”
The policy lines, under which MK operated, were contained in a resolution adopted
at the Party’s national conference held in October 1962 (the same conference at
which the Party’s programme the Road to South African Freedom had been
adopted). This stated:
a. In the light of the unyielding determination of the ruling minority to make no
concessions to the national movement and to use the utmost state force to suppress
the national aspirations of the majority, Conference believes that the national
democratic struggle is likely to be driven to increasing reliance on violent struggle,
leading towards a mass insurrection of the people against the ruling class. In this
situation, the national democratic movement must prepare an army of freedom
fighters dedicated to the completion of the national democratic revolution.
b. Places on record its belief that at the present time, military and paramilitary forms
of struggle do not constitute the main formers of struggle, but are still subsidiary and
secondary to the traditional forms…
c. Recognises the fact that the nature of the revolutionary struggle on which we are
engaged is such that aims will best be achieved by the building of a firm united front
of all groups and classes whose interests lie in the ending of white domination. And
that therefore any military or paramilitary activities which are conducted as part of the
political struggle must at all times be conducted in such a manner as to preserve the
“From this resolution”, the memorandum stated, “it will be clear that the general aim
of the Party in this field of work is to develop a full-time peoples military force
operating on guerrilla lines throughout the country, while at the same time
developing and intensifying auxiliary activity of a sabotage character. UWS has
already arranged the training in friendly territory abroad of a number of selected
personnel from this country for both these purposes, and is embarked on a plan to
expand their numbers considerably.”
For the moment however, the memorandum noted, sabotage remained the main
form of activity which MK was capable of conducting. “Its targets have, thus far, been
installations of the government itself and in particular its repressive organs, thus
clearly establishing in the people’s minds the political orientation of UWS.”
The plan was however to soon target businesses and industrial concerns as well:
“These operations are also to be extended against government-sponsored industrial
establishments, and also against such foreign imperialist industrial establishments
and local capitalist enterprises as are clearly important supporting props of the
government itself and of the system of white supremacy generally.”
Although the memorandum suggested that the prospect of a non-violent transition
had not disappeared completely – especially if foreign capitalist support for the
regime collapsed – the government had committed itself to an all-out military
127campaign to beat back the opposition. “As time goes on, the prospects of peaceful
transition in South Africa recede, and the prospects of a violent outcome become
ever more likely. It is in the light of this developing situation that we are now anxious
to make speedy improvements in our own preparations, and effect rapid
improvements in the activities and scale of UWS.”
The SACP’s request for help from the Soviets appears to have received a
sympathetic hearing. Following their meeting in Moscow Vella Pillay and Arthur
Goldreich met officials of the Czechoslovakian communist party in London in
February 1963. According to Ellis’ paper (2015), which cites a 2007 Czech academic
article, they submitted a request for “three tons of plastic explosives, 10,000
detonators, 500 machine guns, 300 pistols, 2,000 automatic rifles and military
training for MK recruits”.
The still evolving plans for the launching of guerilla warfare across the country were
however thrown into disarray with the police raids on Liliesleaf farm and the capture
of many of the conspirators in July 1963.
It is clear that the view of the relationship between the African National Congress
and South African Communist Party in the early 1960s constructed by the defence
team in the Rivonia trial, and propagated by the liberation movement’s Western
supporters subsequently, is no longer tenable.
As argued in a recent article Mandela’s Statement from the Dock was an
extraordinary feat of political misdirection. For decades it has diverted the attention
of Western academics, journalists and authors away from the SACP’s hugely
influential October 1962 programme The Road to South African Freedom to which all
the conspirators, as well as their lead counsel, had actually been committed.
On the turn to the armed struggle too, it is clear from the above SACP documents
that, contrary to Mandela’s denials, the Party exercised an absolutely dominant initial
role. Very little of what Mandela said about this period – either in his 1964 Statement
or 1993 autobiography - should be taken as fact until it has been independently
As Ellis drily notes: “Mandela’s insistence that he was not only the first chairman of
Umkhonto we Sizwe’s national command but also the organisation’s real founder,
and that the SACP played only a minor role, has to be reconciled with the fact that
the armed force that came to be known as [MK] was originally conceived by a
resolution of the Communist Party at its National Conference and that Party
chieftains were adamant that they controlled it.”
The debunking of all the old pretences and denials probably comes as something of
a relief to all strands of political opinion in South Africa. Afrikaner nationalist and
liberal concerns over the extent of communist penetration of the ANC were, in
hindsight, certainly not hallucinogenic.
Equally, the SACP can now finally claim full credit within the liberation movement for
its role in launching the armed struggle, and shaping the ANC’s revolutionary
128nationalist ideology, without having to continually throw bones of disinformation to
the movement’s (non-communist) supporters in the West. Indeed, it has been the
openness of old comrades – in interviews, memoirs, and in turning over documents
to the archives – which has been key in clearing up the fog of misinformation that
had settled over our understanding of the ANC and SACP in the early 1960s.
If anyone is left looking gullible and ridiculous by these revelations it is the ANC’s
Western liberal supporters and apologists.
• Tom Lodge, “Secret Party: South African Communists between 1950 and
1960”, South African Historical Journal Vol. 67 , Iss. 4, 2015
• Stephen Ellis, “Nelson Mandela, the South African Communist Party and the
origins of Umkhonto we Sizwe”, Cold War History Vol. 16 , Iss. 1,2016
• Vladimir Shubin, “ANC: A view from Moscow” (Second Revised Edition),
(Jacan: Johannesburg, 2008)
• Stephen Ellis External Mission: The ANC in Exile, 1960–1990, (Jonathan Ball:
• Irina Filatova and Apollon Davidson, The Hidden Thread: Russia and South
Africa in the Soviet Era (Johannesburg & Cape Town: Jonathan Ball, 2013)
• Bob Hepple, Young Man with a Red Tie: A Memoir of Mandela and the Failed
Revolution, 1960–1963 (Johannesburg: Jacana, 2013)
• Nelson Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom (London: Abacus, 1995
• Anthony Sampson, Mandela: The Authorised Biography (New York: Alfred A.
Footnotes: Tom Lodge, “Secret Party: South African Communists between 1950 and
1960”, South African Historical Journal Vol. 67 , Iss. 4, 2015. Lodge notes in his
conclusion: “To an extent Karis’ observations were guided by the limitations of
reliable information available at the time, but they also reflected the predispositions
of liberal sympathisers of the ANC who maintained that the ‘independently minded
African patriots’ who led the ANC were more than capable of prevailing in any
collaboration they might undertake with communists.”
 Thomas G. Karis, “South African Liberation: The Communist Factor”, Foreign
Policy magazine Volume 65 • Number 2 1986
 See Stephen Ellis External Mission: The ANC in Exile, 1960–1990, (Jonathan
Ball: Johannesburg, 2012) and Irina Filatova and Apollon Davidson, The Hidden
Thread: Russia and South Africa in the Soviet Era (Johannesburg & Cape Town:
Jonathan Ball, 2013)
 Hepple says that only serving members of the SACP Central Committee were
meant to know of this hideout. He was told by Joe Slovo, who took him there in 1961
despite this proscription (he was not a member of the CC at the time), “that the Party
had got a substantial sum of money from abroad (he was not specific) and had to
pay R24,000 for the house and farm. The Party had also bought a ship and a van.”
b-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2017_01_31&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_a86f25db99252a3d051b-130042309 (Retrieved 1 February 2017).(ook ontvang van Fanie
Bouwer)A POEM TO WHICH I CAN RELATE: JEF â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;JEFFERSâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; MANNING
130And I think life was better enjoyed.
If you can remember those days... Continue to enjoy your Retirement
[Received from Jeffers an “old boy” of SAP King’s Rest, BSAP & UK Police.]KUM-A-KYE: THE REGIMENTAL MARCH OF THE BRITISH SOUTH
Directed & Arraigned by Supt M.A. Sparks. M.B.E., L.L.C.M., A. Mus. L.C.M.
The tune Kum-a-Kye is based on an old American folk song ‘The Chisholm Trail’.
This trail was used between 1860 and 1880 to move cattle from San Antonio Texas
to Abilene Kansas where they were loaded onto rail wagons to continue the journey
to the east coast. The cowboys would sit around the campfires in the evening adding
ditties to the verses as they made them up.
It is believed two of these cowboys later joined the BSA Company Police and
accompanied the column into Rhodesia. The tune was sung around camp fires and
local words and verses added over the years.
In 1939 the Bandmaster, then Sergeant Max Sparks, arranged the tune so the band
The band committee consisting of Depot Commandant and 2 other officers from
PGHQ would meet from time to time and have the bandmaster wait outside until they
called him in if they wanted to discuss an item with him. Questions arose over
copyright of the tune.
Letters were sent to London to see if the tune breached any copyright in existence. A
record (old 78) was made and sent to London. This broke en route and another had
to be dispatched. German torpedoes sank the ship carrying the second one. No
record ever got to London and the music was never published. The band played
from hand written parts photocopied over the years, until 1980 when it became
politically incorrect to do so.
[Received from Col Terry Schwartz (SAP) – himself a former BSAP member.]1950: OUTSTANDING BSAP PERFORMANCE
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QvYAYOvD1TkBSAP 1890 - 1980
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g5b8sNLA6mk131Greetings / Groete
Please keep in touch and take care!
Wees asb. versigtig, drink u pille wat die dokter voorgeskryf het gereeld en baie
No. 43630132All pages:234567812152324252829303132333435363745464950515758596061626364656669707172737475767778798081828485878889909192959899100101102103104105106108109110111112113114115116117118119120121122123124125126127128129130131InfoSaveLikeShareDownloadMoreNongqai Vol 8 No 2 Published on Feb 6, 2017 Nongqai: AIM Our goal is to collect and record our national security history for publication in the Nongqai for future generations. (South...See MorehennieheymansFollowRead moreRead moreSimilar toPopular nowJust for youGo explore