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Stewige, hoë mure kan die grondslag vir goeie buurskap wees, veral in ‘n abnormale samelewing soos Suid-Afrika, waar rasgeïntegreerde woongebiede van owerheidsweë aan almal, maar veral aan die blankes, opgedring word en verset hierteen as rassisme en rassediskriminasie teen nie-wittes geëtiketteer word.
‘n Britse joernalis en deesdae veral ‘n televisie- en radiokommentator, Tim Marshall (gebore in 1959), het onlangs ‘n boek oor mure gepubliseer: Divided: Why we’re living in an age of walls (London: Elliott and Thompson, 2018, 272p; Amazon Kindle $14,36). Aanvanklik het hy sy spore as oorlogskorrespondent verdien. Ek het voorheen verwys na sy uitstekende boek oor die oorlog in Kosovo: Shadowplay: The inside story of the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic (2002 – Praag 12.05.2018). Marshall is ook die outeur van: Prisoners of geography: Ten maps that tell you everything you need to know about global politics (London: Elliott and Thompson, 2015, 256p; Amazon Kindle $10,34). In hierdie werk skryf hy in breë trekke oor streke en kontinente; inligting wat hy ook in sy jongste boek benut.
By Marshall se gebruik van die term “mure” is ingesluit alle fisiese en geestelike versperrings wat daar tussen mense bestaan. “I use walls as shorthand for barriers, fences and divisions in all their variety … those walls are the ‘what’ of division, not the ‘why'” (Kindle 94). In die boek is mure die saambindende element, maar die besprekings handel in groot mate eerder oor die betrokke kontinente, lande of streke in die algemeen, insluitende sake wat verdeeldheid veroorsaak. Ek bepaal my aandag egter by voorkeur by fisiese mure. Mure kan die troefkaart (“trump”) in ‘n geskil wees.
Hadrianus se muur in Noord-Engeland
Dit is bekend dat mense reeds in die antieke tyd mure gebou het om hulle belange teen indringers te beskerm. Voorbeelde is die Groot Muur in China (vanaf 214 vC) en Hadrianus se muur in Noord-Engeland (vanaf 122 nC). Heelwat later, in 1660, het Jan van Riebeeck ‘n heining van amandelbome laat plant toe veediefstal reeds ‘n endemiese probleem in hierdie droewe land was. Maar hierdie heining kon kwalik as versperring teen diefstal gefunksioneer het. Lees in hierdie verband gerus die deurwinterde historikus, Dan Sleigh, se uitmuntend nagevorste artikel: “Politieke versinsels rakende die amandelheining” (LitNet 29.08.2018). Individuele woonplekke en woongebiede, asook hele dorpe en stede, is van die vroegste tye af en in baie streke en lande om veiligheidsredes dikwels ommuur.
Ongebreidelde misdaad het weens die koms van “vryheid” in Suid-Afrika in 1994 ‘n bloeityd in die plaaslike sekuriteitsbedryf ingelui. Woonplekke, sake-ondernemings en ander eiendom, bv voertuie (wat ons snags nie op straat durf laat nie), behoort deesdae in elke moontlike opsig teen misdaad beskerm te word. Die ANC-regering het onlangs kennis gegee dat ommuring teen diefstal, in die geval van veral blankes se eiendom, in ‘n sin tevergeefs gaan wees omdat owerheidsdiefstal gewettig gaan word – onteiening sonder vergoeding genoem. Die ANC beoog dus om sabotasie vorentoe op ‘n ander manier as voorheen te pleeg. In die plek van fisiese sabotasie met bv plofstof word (rasgebaseerde) statutêre sabotasie kragtens wetgewing begeer.
In breër perspektief: Vanwaar hierdie “fortress mentality”? (28). Veral in Europa kan dit toegeskryf word aan bv “the frightening heights of mass migration, the backlash against globalization* [and] the resurgence of nationalism” (33). Mure is dwarsoor die wêreld gewild, by uitstek in die 21ste eeu. “2016 set the record for border deaths (7 200 globally) because of the increase in border security” (1548). Mure staan as getuies en selfs as monumente teen internasionalisering/globalisme. Mure “best illustrate the challenges of identity in a globalized world” (94). “Thousands of miles of walls and fences have gone up arround the world in the twenty-first century. At least sixty-five countries, more than a third of the world’s nation states, have built barriers along their borders; half of those erected since the Second World War” (33). “There are many reasons why we erect walls, because we are divided in many ways – in terms of wealth, race, religion and politics. Sometimes divisions lead to violence, and walls are erected to protect or defend. Sometimes walls go up to keep certain people out. Sometimes physical walls don’t go up at all, but we still feel the separation; it’s in our minds. These invisible barriers are often just as effective” (43). [* Eerder: “globalism” – Praag 25.11.2018.]
Vir Afrikaners het fisiese en later geestelike laertrek as doeltreffende verskansing, as ommuring teen vernietiging en ter behoud van wat waardevol is, gedien. Afgesien van lewens en besittings is daar kultuur en identiteit wat deur mure beskerm kan word. “We develop a group identity, and this often leads to conflict with others. Our groups are competing for resources, but there is also an element of identity conflict – a narrative of ‘us’ and ‘them'” (63). Dink aan Harald Pakendorf wat polities byderwets aan sy gehoor vertel het dat daar nie ‘n onderskeid tussen “ons” en “hulle” gemaak moet word nie. Almal moet “ons” wees. Die absurditeit van sy standpunt blyk uit die volgende: “In vraetyd staan ‘n boer voor in die gehoor op: Baie dankie, nou verstaan hy. Ons steel so baie van ons skape” (Praag 14.04. 2018). Of hierdie absurditeit: Ons kan nie ons motors snags op straat laat nie anders steel of vandaliseer ons daardie voertuie. “In the context of evolution more and more of us needed to build barriers: walls and roofs to house ourselves and our livestock, fences to mark our territory, fortresses to retreat to if the territory was overrun, and guards to protect” (69). Deesdae is baie van hierdie fisiese versperrings “electrified, topped with searchlights and CCTV [closed-circuit television]” (74). Die jongste is dat onbemande vliegtuie, genaamd hommeltuie (“drones”), gebruik word om bv grense te patroleer.
Deel van die Groot Muur van China naby Beijing
Die Groot Muur in China is seker die bekendste muur. Dit word soos volg beskryf: “Continuous defensive wall stretching from western Gansu to the Gulf of Liaodong (2 250 km/1 450 mi). It was once even longer. It was built under the Qin dynasty from 214 BC to prevent incursions by the Turkish and Mongol peoples and extended westwards by the Han dynasty. Some 8 m/25 ft high, it consists of a brick-faced wall of earth and stone, has a series of square watchtowers, and sections have been carefully restored” (Collins World Encyclopedia, 2003, p 394).
Marshall noem dat hierdie muur 13 000 myl lank was (119, 178). Dit is om veiligheidsredes gebou om die sentrale deel van China van Binne-Mongolië te skei. Die muur simboliseer die verskil tussen “us and them” (164). John King Fairbank beskryf die muur as: “a line of demarcation separating the steppe from the sown field, nomadism from agriculture, and barbarism from civilization” (164). Dit was ‘n uitlewing van “Sinocentrism … the belief that China was the cultural centre of the earth, and the most advanced civilization” (164). Dit is ‘n gesindheid wat deesdae weer al hoe meer prominent in China word vanweë die ekonomiese oplewing wat die afgelope dekades daar ervaar word.
In China se buurland en aartsvyand en -mededinger, Japan, word dieselfde gesindheid van etniese meerderwaardigheid en verskansing teen inkommers reeds lank aangetref. Dit is slegs van Westerse lande wat verwag word om nie-blanke immigrante op groot skaal en sonder keuring te aanvaar. Die sprekende voorbeeld wat China en Japan met hulle etniese gesindheid stel, gegrondves op eeue-oue beskawings, toon duidelik dat die gevoel van kulturele meerderwaardigheid nie net by blankes aangetref word soos ons deesdae plaaslik en in die Weste wysgemaak word nie.
Aan die suidekant het die muur gehelp om die etniese Han-groep te verenig (178). Die weswaartse verlenging van die muur “protected part of the Silk Route, thus furthering economic growth” (178). Daar was dus destyds genoegsame redes om die muur te bou, al het dit veral op die lange duur nie absolute beskerming teen invalle en invloede gebied nie. Deesdae maak elektroniese kommunikasie, soos die Internet, dit uiters moeilik om inligting, bv politieke idees, buite te hou. In die noordweste in die Xinjiang-provinsie, geannekseer in 1949 (219), aanvaar die Turkse Uigur (Moslems) glad nie Chinese dominansie nie (224). Dit geld ook vir die Tibettaanse Boeddhiste (242). Tibet is sedert 1951 staatkundig deel van China.
Die muur wat deesdae meer in die nuus is as China se Groot Muur is die een wat Donald Trump belowe het om op die grens tussen Amerika en Mexiko te bou ten einde onwettige en ongewenste immigrante en vlugtelinge buite te hou. “This is perhaps the most famous non-existent wall in the world” (495). Trump het ‘n muur “with an average height of 30 feet” in die vooruitsig gestel (495). “The border stretches 2 000 miles from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico via California, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas. At most a wall could be built along 1 000 miles of it, with natural obstacles such as steep terrain, bedrock and water getting in the way along the rest of the route” (709). Maar daardie beoogde muur is meer as ‘n fisiese muur. ‘n Trump-ondersteuner het gesê: “We would look at the wall as not just a physical barrier to immigration but also as a symbol of the American determination to defend our culture, our language, our heritage, from any outsiders” (509). “It endorses the idea of making ‘America Great Again’ and symbolizes the support that exists for putting ‘America First'” (516). “A border defines a nation, and Trump’s wall is attempting to define what America is – both physically and ideologically” (736).
Soos dit iemand betaam wat ondersteuners soek, dus gewildheid en gevolglik die mode-politiek onderskryf, het Marshall ‘n goor gesindheid jeens Trump en sy muur: “It’s the ‘otherness’ of those who are entering the country, and the fear that they could dilute what some perceive [!] to be ‘American’ culture, that makes the wall so important to its supporters. For those who oppose it, the wall goes against American values of freedom, liberty,* equality and an America for all” (530). Die punt is: Daar is iets soos ‘n Amerikaanse kultuur, ten minste wat blanke Amerikaners betref en hulle is tans nog in die meerderheid. Dit is veral linkse akademici in Amerika wat ontken dat daar so iets soos ‘n Amerikaanse kultuur is en in soverre daar dalk sprake van so iets mag wees, is dit glo nie die moeite werd om dit te koester en te beveilig nie. Dit is kulturele marxisme in sy suiwerste vorm. [* Daar is ‘n neiging om “freedom” in persoonlike en sosiale verband te gebruik en “liberty” in politieke en staatkundige verband.]
“An America for all” is ‘n gevaarlike wanberip, soortgelyk aan wat veral Pierre en Justin Trudeau in Kanada wil bewerkstellig, naamlik dat Kanada weens massa-immigrasie in so ‘n mate multikultureel moet word dat die bevolking dié van die wêreld weerspieël. Afgesien van die nuwe probleme wat op hierdie manier doelbewus vir Kanada geskep word, sal die land dan ook met baie van die probleme wat in die res van die wêreld voorkom, opgeskeep sit. Massa-immigrasie hou daadwerklike gevare vir die tradisionele en heersende Amerikaanse (en Kanadese) kultuur in. Dit is linkse elemente wat die Amerikaanse regering die reg van keuring, van watter immigrante gewens is en hoeveel van hulle toegelaat word, wil ontsê.
Deel van die huidige grens tussen Mexiko en Amerika met patrollievoertuie.
Daar is reeds versperrings, bv heinings, oor lang afstande op die Amerika/Mexiko-grens. Marshall se bewering hier bo, dat dit ‘n “non-existent wall” is, is dus ten minste deels vals. Byvoorbeeld: “In 1978 the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) put out a tender for two 12-foot-high fences topped with barbed wire to be built in Texas” (594). “When President Obama came to the White House there were over 600 miles of barrier, and he kept building” (615). Die National Geographic Magazine het hierdie grensmure en -heinings ‘n aantal jare gelede duidelik op ‘n kaart aangedui. Daar is ook ‘n kaart hiervan in Marshall se boek (563). Vorige Amerikaanse presidente is nie vir die oprigting van daardie beveiligingsmiddele verkwalik nie. Waarom dan hierdie tirade teen Trump? Dit gaan vir hom immers om die bekamping van misdaad. Inkommers wat onwettig ‘n land betree, maak hulle skuldig aan ‘n misdaad. In linkse geledere word hierdie feit verdoesel. Hulle praat nie meer van “onwettige immigrante” nie maar van “ongedokumenteerde immigrante.”
In die Mexikaans-Amerikaanse Oorlog (1846-1848) “the USA acquired what are now California, Nevada, and Utah, and parts of New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, and Wyoming” (Collins World Encyclopedia, 2003, p 602). In die suidwestelike state van Amerika word die Spaanssprekende inkommers al hoe meer. Eersdaags kan die blankes daar ‘n minderheidsgroep word. “Including the Hispanics, non-whites currently make up about 40 per cent of the [entire American] population, a figure that is predicted to rise to 53 per cent by 2050, with Hispanics comprising about 29 per cent, making them the fastest-growing ethnic group over the next thirty years” (Marshall 743). Dat die tradisionele Amerikaanse kultuur aangetas word, behoef geen betoog nie. “It is possible that within a few decades several states will give Spanish legal equality with English as the official language in schools and the government system” (537). In Amerika is daar groter geesdrif vir skoolonderrig in Spaans as wat daar in ANC-geledere ondersteuning vir Afrikaanse skole is. Die situasie in Amerika word vererger deurdat daar nou reeds talle organisasies bestaan wat hulle aktief vir “herowering” beywer, dus selfregering en selfs onafhanklikheid vir daardie suidwestelike state. Die deportasie van Mexikane deur Amerika is nie ‘n nuwe idee nie. Weens die groot ekonomiese depressie in die jare dertig, “somewhere between 500 000 and 2 million people were deported to Mexico, many of whom were actually US-born citizens” (587).
Israelse muur aan die Wesoewer wat Palestyne en Israeli’s van mekaar skei
Dit is in die Weste, in lande onder blanke beheer, waar mure nie mag bestaan om mense te skei of uit te hou nie. Vóór 1994 is geen sodanige mure, bv in poskantore, kritiekloos in Suid-Afrika geduld nie; deesdae steeds nie in bv Amerika nie. ‘n Ander land wat nie toegelaat word om sy voortbestaan kritiekloos te verseker nie, is Israel. Die muur wat oos en suid van Jerusalem op die Israeli/Wes-Oewer-grens tot by Bethlehem opgerig is, ontlok deurlopend ‘n stroom van negatiewe kritiek. Hierdie muur bestaan uit “26-foot-high slabs of concrete, topped with barbed wire. Some sections are electrified, and interspersed with high watchtowers” (903).
“The rest of the 440-mile-long barrier is a fence. Despite the fact that only 3 per cent of the ‘separation barrier’ between Israel and the Palestinian West Bank is made of concrete, it is routinely referred to as ‘The Wall’. Why? Because the 3 per cent is far more visually arresting than the other 97 per cent” (909). Dít is wat gefotografeer en gepubliseer word. Daar is in 2000 met die bou van die muur begin (948). Dit word deur die oorgrote meerderheid Israeli’s as ‘n noodsaaklike sekuriteitsmaatreël beskou (979). “The wall is a huge success” (986). “As the barrier has gradually enclosed the West Bank, suicide bombing and gun attacks in Israel have fallen dramatically” (1000; ook 979).
Die Palestyne beweer dat die muur daar is om teen hulle te diskrimineer. Ook dat dit plek-plek nie op die grens nie maar binne die Wes-Oewer-gebied opgerig is. Die Israeli’s steel glo Palestynse grondgebied (964): “It was ours all along” (971). Dit is die soort retoriek wat Suid-Afrikaanse blankes tans tot vervelens toe moet aanhoor wanneer gepoog word om onteiening sonder vergoeding te regverdig. In werklikheid is dit die uitlewing van die tradisionele swart Afrika-benadering waarmee diefstal vergoeilik word: “‘n Mens se besittings is tot beskikking van ander” (Attie van Niekerk, Sáám in Afrika, Kaapstad: Tafelberg, 1992, p 50).
Andries Bezuidenhout skryf dat die dorpie Alice, by die Universiteit Fort Hare, van ‘n blanke tot ‘n swart dorp getransformeer is. Anders as voorheen staan die voordeure van die huise deesdae oop. As oorverligte wil Bezuidenhout graag ‘n huis in Alice koop (Netwerk24, 16.10.2018). Dan sal sy besittings ook tot die beskikking van ander wees. Hy sal sy voordeur liefs moet sluit. Teen die 11de eeu was daar ‘n kolossale Beninstad in Wes-Afrika. In 1691 het ‘n Portugese skeepskaptein oor hierdie stad geskryf: “It was so well governed that theft is unknown and the people live in such security that they have no doors to their houses” (Marshall 2027). In die 21ste eeu in die nuwe Suid-Afrika is die werklikheid in hierdie opsig radikaal getransformeer. Steelsug vier hoogty. ‘n Mens kan tot die gevolgtrekking kom dat dit sedert 1994 aan onder meer ondoeltreffende regering te wyte is.
In 1949 het die Israeli’s en Palestyne ooreengekom dat die Groen Lyn die grens tussen hulle is. In 1967 het Israel egter die Wes-Oewer, Gaza, die Sinai-skiereiland, die Golan-plato en Oos-Jerusalem in ‘n defensiewe oorlog verower (941). Daarmee het Israel die reg verkry om van die Groen Lyn af te wyk. Dit dien as regverdiging vir die plekke waar die muur of heining binne die Wes-Oewer-gebied is. Sodanige posisionering bevorder die beveiliging van Israel.
“In addition to the one in the West Bank, they built a security barrier on the border with Gaza; begun in 1994, it’s nearly 40 miles long. There is also a 152-mile-long fence along the Egyptian-Israeli-border, completed in 2013, which has halted illegal immigration from a variety of African countries. Between 2000 and 2012 almost 50 000 Africans, mostly from Sudan, Eritrea and Ethiopia, crossed the border … A fourth fence, less publicized, is one built along the Syrian border after that country plunged [in 2011] into civil war” (1007). Wat opval, is dat Israel se muurbouery en heiningoprigting in 1994 begin het; dalk omdat die Israeli’s die onverkwiklike lot van blanke Suid-Afrikaners ten alle koste wil vermy. Israeliese Arabiere, ‘n vyfde van die bevolking, het meer regte as blanke Suid-Afrikaners. Hulle is nie net verseker van volle stemreg nie, maar ook van bv eie woongebiede en skole (1116).
“In 2014 just 5 per cent of the global population lived in the Arab world but suffered 45 per cent of the world’s terrorist attacks” (1280). “There are small walls all over the Middle East. Each one is a testament to the terrorist violence now endemic across the region. You can see them in Baghdad [Iraq], Damascus [Syria], Amman [Jordan], Sana’a [Yemen], Beirut [Lebanon], Cairo [Egypt], Riyadh [Saudi Arabia] ” (1246). Veral die stewig ommuurde “Green Zone” in Baghdad se regeringsbied is bekend (1253). “Saudi Arabia has built hundreds of miles of fence along its northern and southern borders, Kuwait has fenced off its frontiers, and Jordan has fortified its border with Syria; to the north the Turks have built a wall 10 feet high and 7 feet thick [along part of the border with Syria – 1404], while the convulsions in Libya have led Tunisia and Egypt to construct fences along their frontiers” (1344). “Washington DC funded the ‘Jordan Border Security Program … There is now a 160-mile-long high-tech security fence along the Syrian frontier. It has watchtowers, night-vision cameras and ground sensors that can detect movement 5 miles each side of the border. A similar structure covers 115 miles of the Iraq border” (1357).
“The border fences constructed by the Saudis are even longer, and costlier, than those in Jordan, but they are also built with American assistance. The Northern Border Project covers over 550 miles of the Iraq frontier. It has a triple fence, a giant sand berm, thirty-two ‘response stations’ linked to seven command and control centres, all backed up by 240 quick-response vehicles” (1364). Die ironie is: Amerika kan oor honderde kilometers sekuriteitsheinings in Jordanië, Saoedi-Arabië en elders in die Midde-Ooste oprig, maar as dit by die beveiliging van Amerika se grens met Mexiko kom, is daar luide kritiek. “To its south Saudi Arabia has fenced off part of its border with Yemen [“a stretch of frontier about 100 miles long” – 1377]. This project began in 2003 and, as with Jordan’s original plan for the Syrian fence, was originally designed to reduce arms- and people-smuggling from dirt-poor Yemen into the far richer Saudi Arabia” (1370). “The fence still leaves hundreds of miles of the border open in the desert areas to the east, but here the distances are so great, and the conditions so brutal, that it is harder to evade patrols and there are fewer crossings” (1384).
In 1990, op die grens met Irak, “Kuwait … constructed, literally, a line in the sand … A 6-mile deep barrier consisting of three parallel sand berms arose along the entire length of the border. Parts were topped with barbed wire and had tank ditches in front of them” (1391). “A 135-mile-long fence has since been erected from the Iraqi border town of Umm Qasr along to the joint border triangle where Iraq, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia meet. Like so many other countries in the Middle East, Kuwait is trying to guard itself against the proliferating violence in Iraq, and also stop illegal immigration into its much wealthier economy” (1397).
Die Britse Ryk op die Indiese subkontinent, die Raj, het in 1947 met die onafhanklikheid van Indië en Pakistan tot ‘n einde gekom. Die verdeling het hoofsaaklik op grond van godsdiens plaasgevind, met Indië wat hoofsaaklik ‘n Hindoe- en Pakistan wat hoofsaaklik ‘n Moslem-bevolking het. In 1971 het Oos-Pakistan as Bangladesj onafhanklik van Pakistan (voorheen Wes-Pakistan) geword. “On India’s frontier with Bangladesh is the longest border fence in the world. It runs along most of the 2 500-mile boundary … Hundreds of miles of this barrier are double-layered, parts of it are barbed wire, parts are walled, parts electrified and parts floodlit” (1528). “Even if a sensor is tripped miles away from a control room, within a minute a drone can be overhead and a patrol on its way” (1534). “Border guards have shot dead hundreds of people attempting to get into India” (1542). Desnieteenstaande het die Indiese regering hom aangematig om jaarliks oor Suid-Afrika se apartheidsbeleid by die Verenigde Nasies te kla.
Oorlaaide trein in Dhaka, Bangladesj
“The justifications for the fence on India’s border with Bangladesh include prevention of weapons- and contraband-smuggling and deterrence of cross-border insurgents; but primarily the fence is there to prevent illegal immigration at levels that have resulted in riots and the mass killing of foreigners. Its main purpose is to keep people out” (1548). Indië is reeds oorbevolk. “Refugees and illegal immigrants have flocked there from Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Myanmar (formerly known as Burma), Tibet, Pakistan and Bangladesh. There are at least 110 000 Tibetans who have fled since China annexed their territory in 1951, around 100 000 Tamil Sri Lankans who arrived during the island’s civil war earlier this century [1983-2009] and the upheavals in Afghanistan have seen a steady flow of people to India. But by far the greatest number of immigrants are from Bangladesh, which is surrounded by India on three sides” (1575). Bangladesj [1 100 mense per vierkante kilometer] is selfs meer oorbevolk as Indië [400 mense per vierkante kilometer]: Bangladesj “is smaller than the US state of Florida but is home to 165 million people, compared to Florida’s 20 million, and the population is growing rapidly” (1675). “Muslims make up about 15 per cent of Indians, getting on for 200 million in number. But in Bangladesh about 90 per cent of people are Muslim” (1697).
Anders as in Indië word, soos in Suid-Afrika, geen minderheidsregte in Bangladesj erken nie. “There are numerous reports of forced conversions of Hindus to Islam … Add to this Bangladesh’s annual storms and flooding and it is easy to see why so many people choose to cross the border” (1595). In hierdie eeu het meer as 15 miljoen Bangladesjers hulle in Indië gevestig (1602). “In the first decade of this century BSF [Border Security Force (India)] personnel gunned down an estimated 900 Bangladeshis as they attempted to cross the border” (1628). Indië “has not signed the 1951 UN Refugee Convention … Instead, all foreigners come under the 1946 Foreigners Act” (1628). Die Indiese provinsie Assam het ‘n grens van 163 myl met Bangladesj. “Since 1971, Assam’s population has more than doubled, from 14,6 million to over 30 million, much of which is due to illegal immigration. Hindu nationalists have argued that the area might have a Muslim majority by 2060” (1615).
In die ooste van Bangladesj, aan sy grens met Myanmar, is die Rohingya, ‘n Moslem-minderheidsgroep in Boeddhistiese Myanmar. “In the early 1990s up to 250 000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh amid reports of religious persecution” (1711). “Faced with ever-increasing numbers, [Bangladesh] started to forcibly deport tens of thousands back across the border” (1717). Wat Myanmar doen, is “planning to upgrade and expand the barrier along the 170-mile border. There have also been allegations that landmines have been laid to prevent people from returning” (1731).
In die ooste van Indië, aan albei kante van sy grens met Myanmar, is die Nagas, ‘n christelike bevolkingsgroep wat hulleself nie as deel van Indië of Myanmar beskou nie. Sommige van hulle “sometimes spills over into India, and had led to the construction of a fence, not by the Indians but by Myanmar, along parts of that section of the border” (1744). “In early 2017, with Indian army operations continuing against the insurgents, Myanmar began to construct a short border fence in the ‘Naga Self-Administered Zone’, a region where the Naga people enjoy limited autonomy” (1763). Dit lyk asof die Nagas polities beter daaraan toe is as die Afrikaners. “There are now an estimated 2 million Nagas spread across each side of the frontier, an area that Naga nationalists want to turn into a united homeland” (1750).
Met onafhanklikheid in 1947 is die Kasjmir-provinsie met sy Moslem-meerderheid verkeerdelik by Indië pleks van Pakistan ingedeel (Praag 10.06.2018). “Since partition, relations between the two countries have been fraught and this is very much a ‘hot’ border. India has built a 340-mile-long barrier along the disputed ‘Line of Control’ (ceasefire line) inside Kashmir, a region both countries say is their sovereign territory. Most of it is 150 yards inside the Indian-controlled side and consists of double-row fencing up to 12 feet high … The strip of land between the two fences is mined” (1783). Tweederdes van die Kasjmiri’s woon aan die Indiese kant en ‘n derde aan die Pakistanse kant van die wapenstilstandslyn. Indië “is now filling in the gaps in its north and western border defences, having already fenced parts of the Punjab and Rajasthan in the 1980s and 1990s, and is working to ‘seal’ its entire western border, from Gujurat on the Arabian Sea right up to Kashmir in the Himalayas” (1797).
“Pakistan’s 1 510-mile-long western border with Afghanistan was also shaped by outsiders … It separates Pashtuns [Pathans] each side of it into citizens of different countries, a separation many do not accept. For that reason, and because Afghanistan claims some territory east of the line, Kabul does not recognize the border. Pakistan, desperate to prevent Pastun nationalism leading to secession, prefers a weak Afghanistan. This, in part, is why sections of the Pakistani military establishment covertly support the Taliban” (1824). “By the spring of 2017 things had become so bad that Pakistan announced plans to build a fence in two districts along the border” (1830).
In die suide “is the Pakistan-Iran border, and here it is the Iranians who are engaged in wall-building. A 10-foot-high, 3-foot-thick concrete wall is rising along parts of the frontier. This follows years of drug-smuggling, but also the infiltration of Sunni militia groups from Pakistan into Iran, which is a majority-Shia country” (1837).
Naas fisiese mure is daar geestelike, bv religieuse, mure tussen mense op die Indiese subkontinent, veral Hindoe teenoor Moslem (1850). Maar ook binne religieë is daar versperrings. “Hindus are divided into rigid hierarchical groups based on what they do for a living. This is justified in the Manusmriti – the most authoritative book on Hindu law, which regards the system as the ‘basis of order and regularity of society’. Higher castes live among each other, eating and drinking places are segregated, intermarriage is usually banned, or at least frowned upon, and in practice many jobs are closed to lower castes” (1856). Maar dit is juis die hoër kaste, diegene in beheer van die Indiese regering, wat jaarliks by die Verenigde Nasies teen Suid-Afrika se apartheidsbeleid uitgevaar het.
“There are four main categories of people according to the system: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras” (1870). Laasgenoemde doen hande-arbeid. “Outside of the system are those who used to be known as the Untouchables, but are now mostly called the Dalits (‘broken people’)” (1870). “There is an element of skin colour involved in the caste system that many people like to downplay … a ‘profound influence on skin pigmentation’ within the class structure, the lighter skin tones being predominantly found among the ‘higher’ castes” (1877). “The walls around India are designed to keep people out, and those within to keep people down” (1917).
Deel van die reeks grondwalle, mure en versperrings met Marokkaanse soldate in die Wes-Sahara
“There’s a wall at the top of Africa. It’s a wall of sand, of shame and of silence. The Moroccan Wall runs for 1 700 miles through Western Sahara and into parts of Morocco. The whole construction separates what Morocco terms its Southern Provinces along the Atlantic coast from the Free Zone in the desert interior – an area the Sahrawi people call the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. It is built of sand piled almost 7 feet high, with a backing trench and millions of landmines stretching several miles into the desert on each side of the barrier. It is thought to be the longest continuous minefield in the world. Every three miles or so there is a Moroccan Army outpost containing up to forty troops, some of whom patrol the spaces between the bases, while two and a half miles back from each major post are rapid-reaction mobile units, and behind those artillery bases. The length of the wall is also dotted with radar masts which can ‘see’ up to 50 miles into the Free Zone. All this is intended to keep fighters from the Sahrawi military force, called the Polisario Front (PF), well away from the wall and the areas Morocco considers its territory” (1941).
“Prior to Spain’s withdrawal from the region in 1975 there had already been a Western Saharan independence movement. As the Spanish left, 350 000 Moroccans took part in the ‘Green March’ – they walked into the region and claimed it as Moroccan territory. Spain subsequently transferred control to Morocco and Mauritania; the government in Rabat effectively annexed the territory and sent in 20 000 troops, who were immediately confronted by the PF. The fighting lasted sixteen years and took the lives of tens of thousands of people. Despite their superior numbers and modern military equipment, the Moroccan army could not subdue the guerrilla tactics of the PF. In 1980 they began building what became known as the ‘Wall of Shame’, finishing it in 1987” (1947). Die Berlynse muur, wat tot 1989 Wes- en Oos-Duitsland geskei het, is ook “the Wall of Shame” genoem (2324). Met hierdie benaming skaar jy jou aan die kant van onderskeidelik die Polisario Front en die Weste.
“Moroccan immigration has completely changed the composition of the Western Saharan population as the government has encouraged people to settle there by offering tax breaks, subsidies and one-off payments. The total population of the remaining Sahrawi is … between 200 000 and 400 000. Until the mid twentieth century they’d had no concept of borders; they simply moved over a vast area, following unpredictable rainfall. Now, 85 per cent of what they would regard as their traditional territory is under Moroccan control. The word Sahrawi means ‘inhabitants of the desert’ and that is what they wish to be – not inhabitants of Morocco” (1955).
Later skryf Marshall dat ‘n mens sosiaal aanvaar wil wees en dit gebeur in die geledere van diegene waarmee jy identifiseer, “which gives you the feeling of safety in numbers – this quickly leads to the recreation of a tribe” (1999). Dit is seker die grootste gemis vir blankes in die nuwe Suid-Afrika: dat ons nie toegelaat word om bv eksklusiewe woonbuurte, skole en universiteite te hê nie. Dit is wel valslik deur FW de Klerk voor die 1992-referendum aan die blanke kiesers belowe, maar daar het niks van tereg gekom nie. Nêrens mag blankes hulle identiteit of kultuur sosiaal verskans nie. Slegs binne huise mag die eie in ‘n mate uitgeleef word. Wat tuis om bv vleisbraaivure gesê word, word verdag gemaak en aan kritiek onderwerp. Sodanige gedwonge individualisering van blankes bring mee dat hulle diep bewus is van die benardheid van hulle situasie; dat hulle in hulle klein getalle voortdurend en toenemend hulle onveiligheid aanvoel.
Waarvoor blankes deur swart mag verkwalik word – by voorkeur apartheid genoem – is in werklikheid ‘n hoogs natuurlike neiging. Marshall verwys na “Nairobi in Kenia, where often people from different tribes around the country settle in districts of the city populated by those of the same tribe” (1999). In daardie gevalle is die ontwikkelings- en kultuurverskille by swartes onderling baie kleiner as by blankes in vergelyking met swartes. “Belonging to a tribe is a positive thing, a source of pride for many, in Africa – as elsewhere” (2006); ook vir Afrikaners, maar as hulle hulle eiesoortigheid en trots probeer uitleef, word hulle van rassisme beskuldig. Anders as by swartes mag daar by blankes niks eksklusiefs wees nie. Wanneer blankes betrek word, moet grondige kultuurverskille met inklusiwiteit verwater word.
Botswana se stabiliteit en voorspoed word aan sy etniese homogeniteit toegeskryf (2150). Die volgende is dus verstaanbaar: “Botswana has a 300-mile-long electric fence along its border with Zimbabwe” (2171). “Zimbabwe, and its impoverished population, is also fenced off from South Africa. As one of the richest countries in southern Africa, South Africa is a magnet for migrants – which is partly why it also has a fence along its border with Mozambique” (2171). Die heinings waarna hier verwys word, is waarskynlik dié wat vóór 1989 opgerig is. Sedert 1990 word hulle nie meer behoorlik in stand gehou nie. Marshall stel die getal Zimbabwiërs in Suid-Afrika op 3 miljoen en die getal Nigeriërs op 800 000 (2178).
[Na aanleiding van Sean Christie se boek, Under Nelson Mandela Boulevard (Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball, 2016, 240p, R240; Amazon Kindle $13,10), het ek op Praag (29.07.2017) soos volg uit daardie boek aangehaal: “Perhaps the most powerful embodiment of the apartheid government’s attitude to black foreigners … was the three-hundred-odd kilometers of fencing it had erected along parts of South Africa’s border with Zimbabwe and Mozambique” (Kindle 1485). “When the voltage was cut in 1990,* holes began to appear. With the country’s leadership preoccupied with the transfer of political power from white to black hands, the holes widened until eventually entire sections of fence were being carted off by metal thieves” (1492). Ek het verder geskryf: “Die ANC-regering het hom al meermale ten gunste van die algehele afskaffing van grensbeheer uitgespreek” en “Wat deurgaans opval, is dat enigeen wat na of van Suid-Afrika wil reis of hom hier wil vestig, dit maklik sonder dokumentasie of formaliteite kan doen.” (* “Een van FW de Klerk se ‘inisiatiewe’, wat meegebring het dat terroriste en wapens, asook ander misdadigers, Suid-Afrika vryelik binnegekom het.”)]
“In Africa, already home to widespread poverty, the population is expected to double, from 1,2 billion now to 2,4 billion within about thirty years” (Marshall 3176). Die ANC se beoogde afskaffing van landsgrense beteken stikdonker nag vir Suid-Afrika. Hierdie dwase beleid is gebaseer op die drogredenasie “that the practice of citizenship within a state is as violent and discriminatory as the slave trade, because it places citizens’ rights over human ones and thus legitimizes the idea that some people are more human than others” (3189).
Steyn City, ‘n ommuurde woongebied noord van Johannesburg
Verskanste woongebiede (“gated communities”) is ‘n algemene verskynsel in die groot stede in Afrika; welgestelde mense wat hulle apartheid en veiligheid koop. Hierdie verskynsel het in die 20ste eeu begin (2206). Armoede en misdaad kom op groot skaal voor, gevolglik is daar ‘n behoefte by die elite om hulle af te sonder van die gepeupel. Marshall verwys na woongebiede in Lusaka (2192) en Johannesburg. Laasgenoemde “had 300 enclosed neighbourhoods and 20 security estates” (2212). Die Afrika-lande wat in hierdie opsig die toon aangee, is Suid-Afrika, Zambië, Kenia en Nigerië (2206), asook Ghana (2253). Dikwels is dit ‘n poging om instansies en welgestelde buitelanders aan te moedig om sake-ondernemings in hierdie lande te vestig.
[Maar verskanste woongebiede kom ook elders in die wêreld voor, bv “fortified towns” het reeds in die 1930’s hulle verskyning in Kalifornië gemaak. “One study in 1997 estimated that by then the USA had 20 000 gated communities housing 3 million residents” (2212). Dieselfde verskynsel kom in Sentraal- en Suid-Amerika voor. Marshall verwys na voorbeelde in Lima, Peru, en Sao Paolo, Brasilië (2220). Suid-Amerikaanse lande verskans hulle ook teen buurlande. “Since 2014 the residents of the Paraguayan town of Encarnación have been divided from their Argentine neighbours in Posadas by a 15-foot high, mile-long concrete wall along the river on the Argentine side … Next to Paraguay is Bolivia, from where migration into Argentina also comes. This prompted the congressman from the northern Argentine province of Salta, Alfredo Olmedo, to say ‘We have to build a wall … I agree 100 per cent with Trump'” (3209).]
Ter beveiliging van die inwoners is ommuurde stede en dorpe dwarsoor die antieke wêreld aangetref. Namate nasiestate gevorm is, het die sekuriteitsbehoeftes verander en is lande eerder as stede en dorpe verskans of ten minste verdedig: “With the rise of the nation state and internal security … cities allowed walls to be taken down, or began to expand outside them. Now the walls have started to go back up again. But whereas in the past the whole community would be able to retreat behind its walls for protection when threatened, now only a minority live there permanently” (2206).
In die nuwe Suid-Afrika hou die ANC-regering nie van verskansing/”apartheid” nie. Dit verg baie tyd, geld en moeite om goedkeuring vir ‘n verskanste woongebied te kry. Baie geld word eerder bestee aan die beveiliging van die lewens en wonings van die toppolitici. Die bedenklike veiligheidsituasie, soos weerspieël in die onderlinge gebrek aan vertroue by Suid-Afrikaners, toon duidelik dat Suid-Afrika nie naasteby ‘n nasiestaat is nie; wel veel eerder ‘n mislukte staat, al word daar graag hoog oor nasiebou opgegee.
In die nuwe Suid-Afrika is ommuurde of verskanste woongebiede wesenlik ‘n veiligheidsmaatreël en nie ‘n voortsetting van apartheid nie omdat enigeen wat dit kan bekostig en uit enige etniese groep hom daar kan vestig. Aparte woongebiede vir etniese groepe, soos in die Suid-Afrika van weleer, word nie uitsluitlik of by voorkeur ten behoewe van blankes geskep nie en kom dwarsoor die wêreld voor. Byvoorbeeld, Amy Chua, ‘n etniese Chinees, skryf: “My relatives live literally walled off from the Filipino masses, in a posh, all-Chinese residential enclave … The entry points are guarded by armed, private security forces” (World on fire: How exporting free market democracy breeds ethnic hatred and global instability, London: Arrow Books, 2004, 370p; Amazon Kindle $12.70, 139 – Praag 30.01.2016).
Deel van die voormalige Berlynse muur
Die Berlynse muur, wat die skeiding van Wes- en Oos-Duitlsland gesimboliseer het, word deur Marshall in besonderhede bespreek. In November 1989 is hierdie isolasie beëindig. In 1990 is Duitsland herenig. Hierdie gebeure het die verbrokkeling van die Sowjetunie ingelui en toon dat kommunisme as ekonomiese stelsel misluk het. In Suid-Afrika het FW de Klerk dit verkeerdelik as die einde van kommunistiese mag vertolk; asof bv die ANC oornag nie-marxisties sou word (of ten minste nie meer boos en gevaarlik sou wees nie) en daar dus met ANC-kamerade (swartes en blanke kommuniste) onderhandel kon word, asof hulle Westerse waardes aanhang en soos Westerlinge dink. Hierdie dwase benadering het sedert 1990 kolossale rampspoed vir Suid-Afrika meegebring.
Ná die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het die populêre mening téén nasionalisme en nasiestate gedraai. Europese eenheid sou glo vrede verseker. In 1957 is die Europese Ekonomiese Gemeenskap gestig, gevolg deur die Europese Unie (EU) in 1993 en vir lidlande ‘n enkele geldeenheid, die Euro, in 1999. “More and more powers were transferred to Brussels in a dilution of soveignty that not everone supported” (2448). Vrye beweging oor landsgrense heen is binne die EU toegelaat. Die massa-immigrasie van onder meer vlugtelinge en asielsoekers het die nadele verbonde aan die oopstelling van die EU-landsgrense tuisgebring, onder meer die onassimilieerbaarheid van veral Moslem-immigrante, asook die gevaar van terrorisme. Dit is veral Angela Merkel se verwelkoming van miljoene immigrate in Europa en veral Duitsland wat weerstand in veral die Visegrad-lande (Hongarye, Pole, Slowakye en Tsjeggië) ontlok het (Marshall 2489).
Europeërs het toenemend Jean-Claude Juncker, die president van die Europese Kommissie, se beskrywing in 2016 van landsgrense as “the worst invention ever” verwerp (2496). “The EU has never really succeeded in replacing the nation state in the hearts of most Europeans” (2476). “Many academics like to argue that nationalism is a ‘false construct’ because it is based on ‘imagined communities’, but there is nothing false about people’s feelings concerning their national identity, and ‘imagined’ does not mean non-existent” (2489). Daar is talle kultuurgroepe in Europa en elders wat “believe that they are a nation, and as such a nation deserving of a state” (2489). Dit geld ook vir (baie) Afrikaners.
“The 20-foot-high double fence” om Melilla en Ceuta, Spanje se enklaves in Marokko, bestaan reeds lank om veral onwettige immigrante uit Afrika buite te hou (2516). Na die anneksering van die Krim-skiereiland deur Rusland in 2014 het die Oekraïne sy oosgrens met Rusland gefortifiseer. Die Baltiese State (Estland, Letland en Litoue) het in 2015/7 ook heinings aan hulle oosgrens opgerig ten einde hulle teen die bedreiging uit Rusland te beskerm (2516).
Die eerste heinings teen die invloei van immigrante uit veral die Ooste en Midde-Ooste is in 2011 deur Griekeland aan sy grens met Turkye opgerig. “In 2015 Bulgaria followed suit” (2523). Hongarye “began to build a fence, first along its border with Serbia, then the one with Croatia, ending up with over 300 miles of razor-wire fencing to keep people out” (2530). “Slovenia erected a fence along its border with Croatia; Macedonia along its Greek border; Austria along its busiest border crossings with Slovenia and Italy” (2536). “Norway has built a fence along its border with Russia, and Sweden began to restrict the flow of migrants entering the city of Malmö across the Øresund bridge linking it with Denmark” (2543). “In 2016, Denmark introduced a bill under which asylum seekers arriving in the country with cash and jewellery could keep only 10 000 kroner’s (about £1 000) worth; anything above this had to be used to contribute towards the cost of ‘basic maintenance, healthcare and accommodation'” (2576). In Europa “the number of those who support immigration is shrinking” (2556) en “anti-Muslim sentiments seem to be on the rise” (2615), asook ondersteuning vir regse politieke partye (2647). In Junie 2016 het die kiesers van die Verenigde Koninkryk in ‘n referendum ten gunste van uittrede uit die EU gestem, blykbaar grootliks uit protes teen massa-immigrasie. “EU membership and globalization led not to a better life, but to competition for lower-skilled jobs and sometimes unemployment” (2972).
Die Verenigde Koninkryk is, weens bv Skotland wat wil afskei, nie meer so verenig soos vroeër nie. Daar is egter ‘n goeie rede waarom die opskrif “Verenigde Koninkryk” en nie “Brittanje” is nie omdat Noord-Ierland ook betrek word. Soos Ian Smith (1919-2007), die eerste minister van Rhodesië (1964-1979), verseg ek om van Groot Brittanje te praat, want sy grootheid (sy koloniale ryk wat tot die Statebond verwater is en waarby enige land kan aansluit, soos uit die lidmaatskap van Mosambiek duidelik blyk) behoort tot die verlede. “Some people think that the terms ‘United Kingdom’ and ‘Great Britain’ are interchangeable, but the latter refers only to England, Scotland and Wales (and a few small adjacent islands),* whereas the UK also comprises Northern Ireland. The full title is ‘The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland'” (2891). [* “Except the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man” (Collins World Encyclopedia, 2003, p 393).]
Marshall begin sy uiteensetting met Hadrian se Muur. “Built in 122 CE, it was 73 miles long and parts of it were 15 feet high and 10 feet deep. A 13-foot-deep, 30-foot-wide ‘fighting ditch’ was dug in front of it. Between the two were thickets of spikes” (2753). “Hadrian’s Wall was built to defend the [Roman] conquered territory against the parts they couldn’t rule” (2761). “For two and a half centuries the line held. Below it life grew increasingly Romanized; above it, a different Celtic culture continued. The future Wales and Scotland were never fully defeated and would always retain a sense of difference from the region that became known as England” (2775). Ná 383 nC “the ‘barbarians’ (Picts and Scots) broke through to the south” (2789).
“Scotland may not be a separate nation state, but the Scots are a nation quite distinct from the English – and, perhaps most importantly, they certainly feel that way. The differences between them can be exaggerated, but they do exist … The Scots were descended from Celtic peoples, as were the Welsh and Cornish” (2830). Die Engelse, daarenteen, stam af van veral die “Frisians, Angles, Jutes and Saxons” (2830).
In Noord-Ierland is daar die verdeling tussen Rooms-Katolieke en Protestante, wat saamval met die onderskeid tussen die Nasionaliste (wat insluiting by Ierland verlang) en die Unioniste (wat die politieke band met Brittanje wil behou). By albei groepe is daar by uitstek eerder ‘n kulturele as ‘n religieuse identiteit: “Whether a person is a Catholic or Protestant indicates whether they are a Nationalist or Unionist” (2939). Hierdie verdeeldheid vind uitdrukking in die talle skeidingsmure wat in bv Belfast (2905) en Londonderry (2918) te sien is. Daar is ‘n “increase in the number of walls since the conflict ended” (2911) in 2007. “There is a culture of separation in Northern Ireland” (2932). Woongebiede en skole neig om oorwegend Protestants of Rooms-Katoliek te wees (2926). Van owerheidsweë in Suid-Afrika ontbreek hierdie erkenning van kulturele identiteit al hoe meer vir blankes en veral vir Afrikaners.
Marshall verwys nie na mure in hedendaagse Britse stede nie. Maar hulle is daar. Byvoorbeeld: “The painful truth is that fences are being raised everywhere in [multicultural] London. Around school districts, around neighbourhoods, around lives” (David Goodhart, The road to somewhere: The new tribes shaping British politics, Penguin, 2017, 304p; Amazon Kindle $14.46, 2809).
In die laaste hoofstuk verwys Marshall na Ciprus waar die verdeling van die eiland in 1974 in ‘n Turkse noorde en ‘n Griekse suide kulturele harmonie en vrede gebring het. Daar is “a 111-mile-long buffer zone” wat van wes na oos dwarsoor die eiland strek (3143). “There are now seven points on the island where an official from one side will check your passport before you go a few hundred yards to reach the other side, whereupon you must present it again” (3149). Die Varosha-gebied in Famagusta “is now sealed off by barbed wire, guard towers and the Turkish military (3143). Die kulturele skeiding, bv wat taal en religie betref, van Ciprus se Turkse en Griekse inwoners is ‘n reusesukses. Dit hou reeds langer stand as apartheid.
“Until there is acceptance of the universal brotherhood of man, and a world in which there is no competition for resources, we will build walls. It was ever thus” (3257). “There is a proverb found in most languages: ‘Good fences make good neighbours.’ This is not some trite folksy saying; it states an inevitable truth about boundaries both physical and psychological. We plan for a future in which we hope for the best and fear the worst, and because we fear, we build walls” (3263).
Sommige van Marshall se standpunte het ek irriterend gevind. Byvoorbeeld, sy definisie van “patriotism” en “nationalism”: “I define the former partially as ‘love of one’s own country and respect for those of others’ and the latter as ‘love of one’s own country and contempt for those of others'” (3040). Ooreenkomstig die mode distansieer Marshall hom hiermee van nasionalisme. Dit is vir ‘n nasionalis tog sekerlik moontlik om sy eie land vurig lief te hê sonder om dieselfde soort nasionalisme vir diegene in ander lande te misgun. In plaas daarvan dat patriotisme en nasionalisme mekaar uitsluit, is dit moontlik dat patriotisme ‘n gevolg/uitvloeisel van nasionalisme kan wees. In die Suid-Afrika van weleer was ek nasionalisties en daarom noodwendig ook patrioties/lojaal. In die nuwe Suid-Afrika word daar aan Afrikanernasionalisme (amptelik en in die praktyk) geen (konkrete) plek gegun nie, gevolglik ontbreek my patriotisme deesdae ook.
Die voortbestaan van ‘n minderheidsgroep, soos die Afrikaners, word deur bv selfbeskikking, tuislande, enklaves, laertrek, heinings en mure bevorder.
“Die dag wanneer jou mure herbou word, dié dag sal jy nie onder die vyand se wet staan nie” (Miga 7:11).
Skrywer Leon LemmerGepubliseer op 29 Desember 2018 29 Desember 2018 Kategorieë Leon Lemmer, RubriekeSleutelwoord Afrikaner!, Andries Bezuidenhout, bangladesj, Dan Sleigh, Donald Trump, Groot Muur in China, Hadrianus, Israel, Jan van Riebeeck, Jean-Claude Juncker, Mexiko, mure, Suid-Afrika, Verenigde Koninkryk
Vorige Vorige artikel: Dan Roodt: Engels is die antitese van Afrikanerskap, repliek aan Jeanelle Greyling
Volgende Volgende artikel: Leon Lemmer: Graham Greene se besoek aan Liberië in 1935