ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col.
debates the ruling by the Constitutional Court that the Communal Land Rights Act is unconstitutional; and comes up with possible courses of action that this House could take to enable land under the governance of traditional authorities to be owned by individual community members.
debates the special pricing agreements between Eskom and BHP Billiton and other clients; and comes up with suggestions to ensure accountability and a fair pricing strategy for all Eskom clients.
debates the controversial statement made by the Director-General of the Department of Labour, Mr Jimmy Manyi, who again demonstrated his bias against women and other persons who are not select cadres within the ruling elite with his criticism of the newly elected president of Business Unity SA, Ms Futhi Mtoba; and notes that Cope, on behalf of all women in South Africa, rejects his statement with the contempt it deserves.
That the House debates the impact of the strike action in the transport sector in the weeks leading up to the 2010 Soccer World Cup on the international image of South Africa as a reliable trading partner and on the movement of goods, which have negative consequences for the economy and job creation in businesses affected by this strike.
That the House debates the place of the Constitution in the post-apartheid and developmental state, and when it is necessary to amend the Constitution.
debates the administrative and financial failures of the now dissolved National Youth Commission, following the disclaimer of opinion in the latest published Auditor-General's financial report on the National Youth Commission, to ensure that the newly established National Youth Development Agency complies with good governance standards; and comes up with appropriate recommendations.
congratulates Prime Minister Cameron, Deputy Prime Minister Clegg and Chancellor George Osborne on their appointments; and wishes the newly formed government a successful tenure, committed to the benefit of the people of Britain.
mandates the Parliamentary Inter-Faith Council to perform those functions that are stipulated in the resolution of 10 March 2010.
further notes that amongst the passengers on the Afriqiyah Airways flight were South Africans, Libyans and Britons; and conveys its heartfelt condolences to the families of the passengers who lost their lives so tragically.
further recognises that Mr Clarke's accomplishment is a victory for all South African sportsmen and women who strive to constantly excel in their chosen sports; and congratulates Mr Clarke on an outstanding performance and for making his country and its people proud.
urges rugby supporters from all communities to attend the game at Orlando Stadium; and wishes the Bulls, and all other South African Super 14 teams, good luck in the final rounds of the competition.
The SPEAKER: As a Sowetan, I also agree to the motion. [Laughter.
notes with shock reports that staff at the Agency could not call for emergency care because the only available telephone was locked in an absent supervisor's office; and calls upon the Government to swiftly investigate the matter and devise means to prevent this type of incidents.
The PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC: Hon Speaker Mr Max Sisulu, hon Deputy President Mr Kgalema Motlanthe, Madam Deputy Speaker Ms Nomaindiya Mfeketho, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members of this House, hon premiers, heads of Chapter 9 institutions and of the SABC Board, the International Marketing Council, the Advisory Council on National Orders, the Safa President, the 2010 Fifa World Cup Local Organising Committee, fellow South Africans...
mam' uNomfundo Magadla ophuma eMbhashe kumasipala waseDutywa onathi namhlanje apha ePalamente [Kwaqhwatywa.] [... Mrs Nomfundo Magadla from Mbhashe Municipality, in Dutywa, who is with us here in Parliament today ... [Applause.
Believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.
This is what our Constitution says.
We draw inspiration from the preamble to the Constitution of the Republic today, as we present the Budget Vote of the Presidency and also mark the first anniversary of this fourth democratic administration.
In the Convention for a Democratic South Africa we defeated apartheid. When we cast our ballots on 27 April 1994, we buried racism and officially chose a path of unity and reconciliation.
By adopting our progressive Constitution in 1996, we confirmed that our country would never go back to the era of instability, mistrust and oppression of one by another.
Sixteen years later, we live in peace and harmony in our country. No amount of anger, frustration or fear should ever make us forget the fundamental principles enshrined in our Constitution. We will never deviate from these principles and the values for which we sacrificed so much.
Let me borrow from the wisdom of the former ANC President-General, Inkosi Albert Luthuli, who eloquently articulates what we mean when we say this country belongs to all of us.
There is a growing number of people who are coming to accept the fact that in South Africa we are a multiracial community - whether we like it or not. I am not prepared to concern myself with such questions as: "Where have you come from", "Do you come from the North" or "Did you come from Europe" It is not important. What is important for our situation is that we are all here. That, we cannot change. We are all here, and no one desires to change it or should desire to change it?
The acceptance of common citizenship and equal claim to this country is our nation's greatest achievement. This should spur us on at all times to work for the common good of our country. It should remind us that we are actually a nation that has achieved a lot, against great odds, through working together across race and political divides. That is indeed the message that you are given today as we present our Vote.
Hon Speaker, during my inauguration on 9 May last year, we said that we would not rest as long as there were people who had no water, children with no access to education, women who were abused, workers who struggled to feed their families, and people who died from preventable diseases.
We also said that there would be no place for complacency, cynicism, excuses or laziness as we went about improving service delivery. We are pleased that, in this first year in office, we have achieved most of the goals that we set for ourselves. [Applause.
Gradually, we are succeeding in changing the attitude and style of government and transforming the way government relates to citizens. We can already feel the sense of urgency in all government spheres.
Allow me, hon Speaker, to briefly update the House on the work done to date on our key priorities. I will thereafter look ahead at some of the matters that we want to attend to this year, especially relating to the supervision and leadership of government.
There is visible progress in our identified priorities, such as health, poverty eradication, job creation, quality education, rural development and the fight against crime and corruption. More resources and energy have been channelled towards the prevention and treatment of preventable diseases and the revitalisation of the public health care system. We have launched massive campaigns on HIV, TB and measles. The roll-out of new HIV treatment and prevention measures, as well as the massive testing campaign that is under way, will make a difference in the fight against the disease. We applaud the wonderful work of the SA National Aids Council in fighting the epidemic, under the leadership of the hon Deputy President. [Applause.
The revitalisation of the country's education system is also progressing well. The Department of Basic Education and the Department of Higher Education and Training have directed attention towards improving performance in schools and the training of a skilled workforce.
We have allocated a total of R3,2 billion in infrastructure funds to universities over the next two financial years. [Applause.] This will help us to increase the production of graduates in the critical areas of engineering, life and physical sciences, teacher education and health sciences.
In addition, work towards the establishment of universities in Mpumalanga and the Northern Cape will continue this financial year in order to further expand access to higher education. [Applause.] We are doing this in recognition of the fact that nearly 70% of all South Africans are under the age of 35. We have to invest in our youth, in our future.
The widening of the social security net to cover needy children up to the age of 18 forms an integral part of government's contribution to the fight against poverty. It is yet another investment in our generation and the youth.
Hon Speaker, our investment in infrastructure beyond the World Cup also goes to our future water and energy security. We are building bulk water pipelines and dams, power stations and electricity distribution infrastructure.
We are also working on several major projects in renewable energy, such as wind power and concentrated solar power. We launched a solar energy project in Winterveldt, in Pretoria, recently. [Applause.] This will be rolled out nationally. All this work demonstrates that we are investing in a prosperous and sustainable future.
As you are aware, hon members, this administration came into office during a global economic recession, as a result of which we shed close to a million jobs. All indications are that we are recovering from the recession, our economy is growing and investors are showing confidence in our country.
Government responded swiftly to the recession and a lot has been achieved under the auspices of the Framework for South Africa's Response to the International Economic Crisis. We have engaged in a number of activities to respond to communities in distress and to assist vulnerable workers and troubled enterprises and sectors of the economy.
Government has also worked with the CCMA to strengthen efforts to avoid retrenchments. To protect the poor and jobless from inflated food prices, government directed the competition authorities to speed up their investigations into price fixing and cartels in the food-supply chain. As a result, a number of implicated companies have been prosecuted.
Distinguished guests, as you are aware, government launched Industrial Policy Action Plan 2 in February 2010. This is a concrete plan to significantly expand South African industrial capacity. At its core are efforts to grow industrial sectors to retain existing jobs and to create new, decent jobs.
Other measures that enable job creation include stepping up the implementation of the Expanded Public Works Programme, investing in further education and skills development, and encouraging small business development and entrepreneurship.
Hon members, distinguished guests, we welcome the joint statement by manufacturers and the three trade union federations - the Congress of SA Trade Unions, Cosatu; the Federation of Unions of SA, Fedusa; and the National Council of Trade Unions, Nactu - on industrial economic policy interventions needed to create decent jobs, which was signed two days ago.
We applaud the proactiveness of labour and business in working to take forward this joint mission of creating decent work.
Hon Speaker, distinguished guests, I have outlined the work undertaken in the past year. We now know what works and what needs to be corrected, and what needs to be strengthened.
Working together as various spheres of government, we are changing the way government works in order to deliver services faster and better. That will be the defining feature of this administration: doing things differently, faster and in a more effective and caring manner, which puts citizens first.
You will recall, hon members, that in the Medium-Term Strategic Framework released last year we stated the need for a review of State-Owned Enterprises, SOEs, as part of the economic transformation agenda. We have to ensure that while they remain financially viable, the SOEs, development finance institutions as well as companies in which the state has a significant shareholding, respond to a clearly defined public mandate, and help us to build a developmental state.
I have appointed a Presidential SOE Review Committee to undertake this important work. It is my pleasure to announce the members, who are as follows: the chairperson is Ms Mangwashi Victoria Phiyega, and the members of the committee are: Mr Glen Mashishi, Mr Mafika Mkhwanazi, Mr Deon Crafford, Adv Swazi Tshabalala, Ms Dawn Morole, Mr Pramod Mohanlal, Ms Gugu Ngcobo, Prof Mbulelo Mzamane, Dr Takalani Madima, Mr Lumkile Mondi, and Ms Nombulelo Mkhumane.
We wish them well as they undertake this important task over a one-year period.
Hon Speaker, we also want to move faster on transforming broad-based black economic empowerment to ensure that we broaden the benefits. The new Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Advisory Committee, which is chaired by the President, is currently investigating a number of critical issues. These include, among other things, ownership and deals in the marketplace, the alleged abuse of black empowerment through fronting, and the promotion of instruments that will advance BEE. These are, amongst other things, preferential procurement legislation, industry charters and the verification agencies.
You will recall that in the state of the nation address in February we announced that we were adopting a new outcomes approach to governance. We have now finalised and signed performance agreements with all Ministers based on the agreed outcomes.
The Ministers will now work with provincial and local government to develop detailed delivery agreements for each outcome by the end of July this year. [Applause.] Minister Chabane will outline how the process will work.
Hon Speaker, on 30 April we announced the names of members of the National Planning Commission. Yesterday, we had a fruitful inaugural meeting with the commissioners in Pretoria. We expect this team of experts to advise government on various critical long-term strategies. I look forward to constant interaction with the NPC. Minister Manuel will elaborate further on this important part of our work.
Hon Speaker, distinguished guests, improving service delivery and interaction with our people will be another defining feature of this administration. The sporadic spread of protests in municipalities across the country overlook genuine efforts by government to provide basic services.
We will not condone the violence that sometimes accompanies these protests, and have directed the police to deal with protesters in accordance with the law.
However, government at all levels needs to investigate and act on grievances. We are working to correct the systemic problems as well as attitudes in the public service which, at times, make government slow in responding to the people.
We say that working together we will do more to make our country succeed. In this regard, we will continue to keep in touch with the masses of our people in all parts of the country. We are able to assess delivery directly by visiting communities. We have visited informal settlements such as Madelakufa in Kempton Park, Siyathemba Balfour in Mpumalanga and the Hermanstadt settlement in Pretoria. We have visited rural villages such as Libode in the Transkei and Giyani in Limpopo. The Deputy President has also conducted visits to the Eastern Cape and other areas to assess progress in implementing the antipoverty programme and also to check effectiveness in schools. These visits ensure that we do not rely only on reports from officials. [Applause.
Hon Speaker, yesterday I flew SA Airways from Johannesburg to Cape Town. The time spent on the plane was valuable. I interacted with passengers who shared their thoughts about the country and what we can do better, together, as government and citizens.
When we say we are doing things differently, we have to take the public service along with us. That is why we have been meeting with various categories of senior civil servants since last year.
On 23 April we met with directors-general and their deputies from national and provincial departments. We discussed with them our vision of changing the way government works. That will help us take the senior public service with us in this new direction.
Hon members, we said last year that we look forward to a constructive relationship with political parties represented in Parliament. We said it should sometimes be possible to find issues that are in the national interest that we can agree on.
Recent occurrences indicate that this is indeed possible. We were encouraged by the visit of a parliamentary delegation to the Presidential Hotline centre recently. We welcome the constructive comments, the support and innovative ideas on how to expand capacity.
The responsibility for the Presidential Hotline in departments will now be escalated to the level of directors-general. Minister Chabane will discuss the Hotline project further in his speech.
Hon Speaker, let me also take this opportunity to sincerely thank the leaders of political parties for availing themselves for consultations and discussions with us during the past year. The interactions have been most helpful and help to strengthen our multiparty democracy. In fact, in those consultations, I gained valuable things from the leaders, who made constructive comments and criticisms and also pointed out areas that we might not be thinking of. Those interactions were very valuable.
The attendance of the leaders at national celebrations was discussed at the last forum we held. We thank the parties for availing themselves for Freedom Day celebrations. You made it a truly national celebration for all South Africans. Indeed, the messages that were given by the parties were important, very much national in character and helped the people to see that democracy works, for that is what it means.
Kealiboga. [Thank you.] [Applause.
Hon Speaker, hon members, we are committed to building a better Africa and a better world. This is informed both by our desire to contribute to the betterment of humanity, and the pursuit of our national development priorities. Our foreign policy is guided by domestic imperatives. This is evident in our bilateral and multilateral engagements.
Our involvement in negotiations towards a more equitable trade regime, for example, is premised on the understanding that reducing trade barriers for the developing world will contribute to economic growth and job creation in South Africa.
We have placed strong emphasis on deepening economic diplomacy in our relations with other countries. You would have noticed that all our state visits, both incoming and outgoing, are strong in terms of business participation. Such visits are important for the advancement of our economic agenda. Our commitment to the African Agenda remains on course. We will focus on the Southern African Development Community, SADC, on regional integration, on peace, on security, on stability and on the economic development of the continent.
We will continue to strengthen South-South co-operation, both politically and economically, through platforms such as the India-Brazil-South Africa Forum, the IBSA, and the China-Africa forum.
A new world order is taking shape, and it is important that South Africa makes a useful contribution to this process. In this regard, our country participates very actively in the G20. While the United Nations remains at the centre of any system of global governance, the value of groupings like the G20 was evident in the co-ordination of responses to the recent financial crisis. The G20 cannot replace the UN, but it is an important forum within which to mobilise support for the strengthening of multilateral institutions and for improving global governance.
Accordingly, within the G20, we have argued that international financial institutions must be reformed to better reflect the voice and interests of developing countries.
Hon members, from 1 April 2010, South Africa became a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council for a two-year period. [Applause.] This provides us with an opportunity to deepen our contribution to the advancement of peace, security and stability on the continent.
Over the course of the past year, we have been involved in efforts to resolve political challenges in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean negotiating process is well under way and some achievements have been registered. The parties have also agreed to put in place various commissions that will help to move the country and the negotiating process forward. These include the establishment of a Human Rights Commission, an Electoral Commission as well as a Media Commission. The commissioners have already been sworn in. The commissioners enjoy the respect of all Zimbabweans across the political spectrum. The three parties are still consulting about the appointment of the Zimbabwe Anticorruption Commission.
There is also agreement in principle on the appointment of provincial governors. The parties have agreed on the model and formula of how these provincial governors will be appointed. It was agreed that MDC-M will receive one provincial governor, while MDC-T and Zanu-PF will share the remaining nine governorships. Whoever gets four governors between the two will be given an additional Minister of State.
The parties have established a team that comes from all parties that will appeal to the international community to call for the withdrawal of sanctions. It was agreed that MDC-M would receive one [Interjections.] No, not one country. Not one country. [Laughter.
All parties have also agreed to the establishment of the National Economic Council, and this decision awaits implementation. With the acquittal of Mr Roy Bennett, one issue that was an obstacle has been removed. The different parties are supposed to submit names of potential members to the relevant ministry.
Negotiations on other critical outstanding issues are still continuing, and various proposals on how to unblock the impasse are still being considered by various parties. There is hope and optimism that a solution will be found as we continue to engage with all the relevant stakeholders. I will present a report to the chairperson of the troika and SADC, soon.
This is the African Union's Year of Peace, which culminates on Peace Day, 21 September 2010. This is an opportunity for Africa to demonstrate a collective commitment to peace on our continent. Working together, we will make our country and our continent succeed and prosper.
Hon Speaker, I spoke earlier about the need for us to celebrate our Constitution and its provisions, especially the declaration that this country belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.
We have not had an opportunity in the last 16 years to formalise our discussions on how we can bring about a common understanding of our national identity. Due to the lack of a common perspective, we constantly reach crisis points on a number of issues. Constant contentious points include transformation in the workplace, sports, songs and symbols, the language policy and certain cultural practices. The national dialogue to unpack these and other issues will be launched on 29 July 2010 and preparations are under way. [Applause.
Hon members, this year, the greatest show on earth is the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup. We all have fond memories of the moment when Fifa President Sepp Blatter announced that our country would be the venue for this prestigious tournament.
Our country will never be the same again, thanks to the World Cup. [Applause.] The physical landscape is changing for the better. The tournament will leave a lasting legacy for future generations.
We reiterate that preparations for the 2010 Fifa World Cup are on track. Various government departments that have made guarantees to Fifa have delivered on their mandates within the deadlines.
What is important is that our work goes on beyond the final whistle. Investment in additional resources for the police, disaster management, health and the immigration system will have a lasting impact on the delivery of services to the people.
Also important is the vibrant national mood and the positive response of the world. Domestically, the World Cup is generating high levels of patriotism and national pride. Our colourful flag is more visible at this time than ever before. [Applause.
The international mood is also encouraging. The Government Communication and Information System has been tracking international public opinion of South Africa and the World Cup since 2007. We have done this because our objective is to use the World Cup to market South Africa and to improve international perceptions.
Tracking has taken place in 29 countries across seven regions. Findings reveal that the successful hosting of the 2009 Fifa Confederations Cup played a significant role in changing people's minds, especially people outside Africa. More people believe that South Africa will host an exciting and memorable event. [Applause.
Internationally, over 65% recall information on the World Cup as positive. Among South African respondents this increases to 85%. This gives us the best opportunity to demonstrate our ability and thereby strengthen our global competitiveness. We have an opportunity to promote foreign investment, tourism and trade.
We have to ensure effective policing during the World Cup. As you would be aware, in addition to routine security plans and budgets, we also have an additional R1,3 billion reserve for World Cup safety and security. [Applause.] We have a comprehensive security plan, which includes addressing terror threats, hooliganism and general crime.
World Cup fever is gaining momentum in our country, from Bafana sports shirts to flags and dancing in the streets. South Africa will never be the same again! [Applause.
Working together we will excel and deliver a memorable tournament, just as we did with many other huge international events, such as the Rugby World Cup, cricket and large international conferences.
We must showcase our South African-ness and fly the flag, that colourful flag, with pride. We are happy that thousands of our people are already doing so. Let us show true South African hospitality and be courteous, helpful and very welcoming to our guests. Let us also rally behind Bafana Bafana and indeed all African teams. I want to repeat that Bafana Bafana is going to surprise people. [Applause.
We have said continually that this is an African World Cup. Consequently, I have invited all heads of state on the continent to join us for the opening and closing matches. [Applause.] I know that this creates problems for those who deal with protocol and security, but this is an absolutely pleasant problem. It is not a bad problem when visitors are here and they have no place to sleep; it is a wonderful thing. We are loved by the world. [Laughter.] Let us make African teams and African soccer fans feel welcome and supported on African soil. [Applause.
I was very happy yesterday when SAA staff briefed me on how flexible they are making SAA during the four-week period, even shifting time if the matches are delayed, etc, and adding more capacity. That is a pleasant problem, Minister. [Laughter.
Hon members, allow me to express the nation's gratitude to our two former Presidents for their sterling contribution to the World Cup project - Isithwalandwe President Nelson Mandela and former President Thabo Mbeki. [Applause.
We also register our appreciation to our hon Deputy President, who leads the Interministerial Committee on the Fifa World Cup, which has executed its tasks efficiently and effectively. [Applause.
As a nation, we must also acknowledge the hard-working 2010 Local Organising Committee, Irvin Khoza and Danny Jordaan. We also take our hats off to all individuals who toil every day to make the World Cup tournament a success. We salute in particular the construction workers who have built our remarkable stadiums and other infrastructure. [Applause.] They have really made us look good in the eyes of the world.
Hon Speaker, let me take this opportunity to extend our condolences to the families of those who died aboard the Afriqiyah Airways flight from Johannesburg, which crashed near Tripoli, Libya, this morning. Our thoughts are with those who lost loved ones in this tragedy.
Somlomo ohloniphekileyo, sivakalisa uvelwano lwethu kwizihlobo zabantu abangama-23 abasweleke kwingozi yebhasi, eyenzeke kule veki iphelileyo ivela eNgcobo eMpuma Koloni, isiza eKapa. Silila nani mawethu. [Hon Speaker, we pass our condolences to the friends and relatives of the people who died in the bus accident last week who were on their way from Ngcobo, in the Eastern Cape, to Cape Town.
Ngifisa futhi ukudlulisa ukuzwelana kwethu nemindeni yabantu abalimale ngesikhathi isitimela ababehamba ngaso siqhunyelwa izintambo zikagesi ngaseThekwini. Sibafisela ukwelulama okuphuthumayo.
Hawu bakwethu, engathi inkosi ingasinceda zinciphe izingozi emgwaqeni. Bashayeli nani shayelani ngokucophelela. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.
[I wish to convey words of sympathy to the families of the people who were injured when the electric cables of the train they were travelling in exploded near Durban. We wish them a speedy recovery. Fellow people, May God help us in reducing the number of road accidents. Even you drivers, you should drive with caution.
Hon Speaker, before concluding, let me thank our hon Deputy President, the Ministers in the Presidency, the directors-general, advisers, management and all staff in the Presidency for their hard work and support.
Let me borrow from Inkosi Albert Luthuli's wise words, from 1958.
I cannot believe that all of us who are here will fail South Africa because we are cowards and apathetic. I believe we all will do our best - whatever the difficulties are - for the realisation of this glorious democratic South Africa we dream of.
Working together we will make our country succeed and prosper.
It is indeed my pleasure to commend the Budget Vote of the Presidency to the House. I thank you. [Applause.
Mr N A RAMATLHODI: Seboledi, Mopresidente le Motlatša Mopresidente, ke a le dumediša. Ke re Thobela! [Hon Speaker, hon President and hon Deputy President, I greet you all.
I rise to declare that the ANC is irrevocably and unashamedly married to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. [Applause.] Not only are we determined to uphold it, but we are also indeed ready to defend it with our very own lives if need be.
We make bold these assertions sustained by the indomitable fighting spirit of Makana, so eloquently captured in the words of Nelson Mandela at the Rivonia Trial, during the time when our leadership was faced with the real prospect of the hangman's noose.
In our language we call this spirit the spirit of no surrender - the same spirit that sustained Vuyisile Mini, as he faced the hangman's noose; the very spirit that sustained Solomon Mahlangu as he faced the gallows.
We make bold to say we can defend the Constitution with our lives, sustained again by the spirit, by the knowledge that we speak also on behalf of those who fell on the battlefield, pursuing the quest of the realisation of this Constitution.
We shall defend this Constitution because it is the product of our own struggle. It embodies the lofty ideas of Pixley ka Isaka Seme in 1912 when he called for the unity of black people in our country. It reflects, in many ways, the spirit of our Freedom Charter of 1955, which declared that: "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white."
In case we forget, this was the time when white supremacy was reigning supreme. It could not have been easy for our forebears, some of whom are amongst us here today, to recognise the rights of the oppressors at the same time that they themselves were at the receiving end of the iron heel of the same white supremacy. We were bold then as the oppressed, as we are bold now as a free people to assert the citizenship of all South Africans.
Our belief in the humanity of us all remains unassailable because it is not discriminatory, and it is not time or circumstance bound. It is for this reason that our time-tested belief in our collective humanity has illuminated our passage through the valley of death, and it shall continue to carry us onwards as a necessary burden on its timeless winds of wisdom to the end of time.
This is made possible by the rare and priceless gift bequeathed to us by the noble spirit of ubuntu, which asserts: Motho ke motho ka batho ba bangwe. [A person is a person because of other people.
We claim our own humanity by recognising the humanity of others. This is a true and lasting hallmark of our people, and indeed is the intrinsic nature of our great movement for those who know it as well as the uninitiated.
Those who today accuse the black majority and white democrats, as represented by our movement, of being a threat to the Constitution, deliberately choose to overlook the history of this country. They are the ones who are, in fact, posing a serious threat to the Constitution by opportunistically and hysterically waving the flag of fear and uncertainty amongst the population, not only here, but also abroad.
In this regard, it is disingenuous and unpatriotic to attempt to build any party's political fortunes aboard a wagon propelled on wheels of falsehood and on the road to a nonexistent but promised utopia, a state which exists only in the minds of its prophets and their disciples.
Speaking for ourselves, we have defied the odds with remarkable resilience by consistently refusing to be defined by the centuries-old dehumanisation of black people. Whenever we have had the occasion to look into the mirror of time, we have always come out proud of being ourselves, proud of our value systems. We have survived the ideological onslaughts of successive white regimes which sought to convince us that we were children of a lesser God, and, therefore, poor imitations of real human beings. We have also witnessed oppressors suffering under the weight of the chains they sought to shackle their victims with.
To oppress others can be a thankless and, indeed, energy-sapping full-time job, my friends. It would be foolish in the extreme, therefore, for us to swop the free mantle of the liberator for the debilitating straitjacket of the oppressor. Therefore, reproducing ourselves in the image of the oppressor has never been an attractive option at all. [Applause.] We are not about to change now, and change the Constitution because we are ruling. This Constitution is safe with us. It is safe with the ANC. [Applause.
HON MEMBERS: Yeah!
Mr N A RAMATLHODI: It is safe with the people of South Africa.
Mr N A RAMATLHODI: It is safe with our President who, more than any amongst us has had to humble himself before its might on many occasions. [Applause.] For the Constitution to be alive, the people must give it a breath of life, just as happened the day a human was created in the Creator's own image. [Interjections.
We must embrace it, promote it and defend it in the same way it seeks to do for us. In this regard, we cannot afford to be selective and embrace only sections which might appear to favour our own sectional interests, such interests being material or ideological. It is, therefore, our collective responsibility to enhance and not to diminish the legitimacy of this Constitution as it is the real, and perhaps only true foundation of our democratic state.
Though we may take it for granted, this Constitution has given us the peace rarely experienced on the continent and indeed elsewhere the world over. This has been possible because it recognises and restores the humanity of us all, as well as promotes a society based on human solidarity. The peace we enjoy affords us the opportunity to correct our genuine and sometimes silly mistakes. This would not be possible in a society consumed by warfare.
In order to transform our justice system, the Constitution has, amongst other things, established the Judicial Service Commission. In this regard, the commission has discharged its duties with enterprising diligence and great fortitude, sometimes in the face of vicious attacks from powerful quarters resisting change. There have been occasions on which some have sought to impose their own preferences and wills on the Judicial Service Commission. In this regard, sustained assaults have been mounted both in the courts and also in the domain of public opinion.
The judiciary itself has not been spared by these forces who are convinced that it is their God-given right that its decisions must always be in their favour or in accordance with their world view. Our judiciary must uphold the values of our rainbow nation, not the exclusive values of an unrepentant minority.
This point cannot be overemphasised: that, as a nation, we must rally to the defence of the institutions underpinning our nation's democracy, including the Presidency of this country, which deserves more respect than we have given it until now. [Applause.
These institutions are young and they are still vulnerable, and we must therefore protect them. This is crucial because were they to collapse, we would have neither winners nor losers in this country. We would then have an unmitigated freefall into the state of nature where there are no rules and anarchy prevails. In this state, it is not unusual to find a dog eating another dog. There won't be smart debates out there, as we shall all be fighting for survival in the state of nature.
The sad truth is that, were we to arrive at that point, we would have destroyed not only our future, but the future of the innocent: our children and our children's children to the fourth generation. Thank you. [Applause.
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Hon Speaker, hon President, and hon Deputy President, as so many newspaper headlines have already said over the past couple of days, the honeymoon is over. Rebekah Kendal wrote on 4 May 2010, "Phew. What a year. Yip, it's been almost a year since Jacob Zuma was sworn in as President of the country in a bash that cost the South African taxpayer a whopping R75 million. Since then, things have pretty much followed the formula of the inauguration: expensive".
In your last state of the nation address, you undertook to outline the missing details in the budget and ministerial debates. Frankly, not having a portfolio committee to consider your budget, which incidentally is growing at an alarming rate, leaves me none the wiser because the forthcoming detail you spoke about never materialised. In fact, the fact that the Presidency didn't even present a strategic plan for the past financial year, notwithstanding some fundamental changes, amongst them the commissioning of two new Ministries in the Presidency and the Presidential Hotline that continues to "tilt at every conceivable windmill" with very limited impact, makes one wonder whether there is indeed a strategy or a framework. The recent resignation or redeployment of some of the senior presidential staffers suggests that this is not a happy place, nor a well co-ordinated and organised place.
Dit op sigself vereis dat daar meer eerder as minder toesig moet geskied ten einde te verseker dat die Presidensie se begroting van R727 miljoen, wat tot R815 miljoen in 2012-13 sal toeneem - voor enige onvermydelike hertoedelings - effektief, doeltreffend en ekonomies bestee word. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.
[That, by itself, necessitates that there is more rather than less oversight in order to ensure that the Presidency's budget of R727 million, that will increase to R815 million in 2012-13 - before any unavoidable reallotments - is effectively, efficiently and economically spent.
The apparent support from the Speaker, the House Chairpersons and the multiparty Chief Whips Forum for a body to oversee the Presidency is welcomed by the DA. Apart from the fact that this Parliament cannot allow any budgets to go unaccounted for, it perforce needs to ensure that the transversal responsibilities of the Presidency are appropriately implemented and fulfilled across the board without exception. Only authentic oversight by this Parliament can ensure that this happens.
Mr President, I can't help thinking that many of the challenges that rest on your weary shoulders could have been averted or addressed through decisive leadership, the kind of leadership that is clearly set out in an ANC discussion document titled Through the Eye of the Needle. [Interjections.] It is extremely naïve...
ewe, ndiyifundile. [Kwahlekwa.] [yes, I have read it. [Laughter.
It is extremely naïve to think that your Cabinet will decide for government, when it itself is so divided and dichotomous on so many critical issues, especially the macroeconomic policy of our country. Michael Spicer of Business Leadership SA describes this situation well when he says, "It leads to contestation and policy paralysis and an attempt to be all things to all people."
Mr President, you cannot be all things to all people, as you will either let them all down or else they will let you down. I wonder, for example, what the last straw was that broke your silence and prompted you to act, at last, against Julius Malema. [Interjections.
Was it the fact that he spoke the unspeakable about supporting Mugabe and Zanu-PF or, more sinisterly put, the fact that he said what the ANC silently wishes should happen in Zimbabwe Your lack of decisive leadership regarding the unacceptable behaviour of the ANC Youth League, and its leadership in particular, has allowed the South African political discourse to descend into the gutter?
It is now time for you to take control and do what is necessary to prevent the further unravelling of our national thread. The hosting of the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity, hon President. Ubuntu [Laughter.] Ubuntu, as so eloquently put by the speaker before me, sets us apart from other non-African countries.
Ubuntu buhamba kunye nembeko, ikakhulu imbeko yokukhahlela abantu abadala okanye abantu abakhulu. Kuxhomekeke kuthi ukukhusela ubuntu. Ubukrwada asinto yamkelekileyo. [Ubuntu goes with respect, more especially respect of greeting the elderly. The protection of ubuntu depends on us. Rudeness is not accepted.
You also need to understand that your nondisclosure of financial interests, as required by the Executive Members' Ethics Act, has been a lamentable transgression, especially considered against your claim that your administration would seek to combat corruption. Your explanations for this non-compliance can at best be described as a red herring and at worst simply disingenuous.
In this regard, Mr Malema trumpeted just more than a year ago that voters should never trust politicians that can't account for their wealth. [Interjections.] Well, he has done really well for someone who ostensibly holds no business interests or directorships and has an unbelievable amount of disposable income to spend on bling and birthdays for someone who is a salary earner in the ANC structures. What is more, it is now he who can't or won't explain his very apparent opulence.
Regarding the other departmental budgets, Mr President, allow me to say that it is with regret that you weren't here to observe the performance of some of your Ministers, their deputies, committee chairs and ANC committee members. Minister Shiceka derided me in his own very inimitable fashion for attending the budget debates to ensure that, in his words, "my members spoke the language of their master". All the more is the pity you didn't do the same to assess what these people were saying, Mr President.
Minister Shiceka misinformed the public about expenditure on the 2010 World Cup stadia. He blamed the DA for the R4 billion price tag of the Cape Town stadium and compared this with the cost of the Orlando Stadium. First of all, he forgets that it was President Mbeki who negotiated with Sepp Blatter in 2005 that Green Point was the place to build the stadium. He ignored the appeals of the people of Cape Town to build it in Athlone or Newlands. And, if the hon Rasool was here today, he would tell you that he was instructed by Essop Pahad that that is the wish of the President, so hence the R4 billion price tag.
What he should have done further, was that he should not have misled the people and compared Orlando Stadium with Green Point Stadium. What he should have done was compare apples with apples. He should have compared it with the R3,2 billion price tag of the Soweto Stadium, and not the Orlando Stadium. [Interjections.
Furthermore, the hon Shiceka said, "Do not politicise local government." Hello! Who politicised local government He said, "Where are the problems of political leadership Are they in other municipalities or in the Western Cape They are here." Well, a quick audit revealed that there are currently 23 out of 275 municipalities, 8,4%, under administration, all in ANC-controlled provinces [Interjections.] with ANC cadres deployed as administrators, and all the failed councillors and mayors continue to receive their salaries with little or no impact from the curatorship interventions. [Interjections.] It is ANC municipalities that have two mayors. It is ANC municipalities that don't meet for a year because of intrapolitical party politics in the ANC?
In contrast, Mr President, in the Western Cape 23 out of 30 municipalities received unqualified audits; 29 of the 30 municipalities spent 100% of their municipal infrastructure grant; and 96% of that grant has been spent by the City of Cape Town, unparalleled expenditure of the municipal infrastructure grant. [Applause.] No wonder he says don't politicise local government, because it is political dynamite.
Wanneer mnr Shiceka sê dat die DA-beheerde Wes-Kaap en Stad Kaapstad "'n eiland van uitmuntendheid omring deur 'n see van probleme is", kan ek nie anders as om met hom saam te stem nie, want hy erken die doeltreffendheid van DA beheer en die mislukking van die naburige ANC-beheerde provinsies en munisipaliteite.
Mnr die President, en ek haal aan uit die Presidensie se begrotingsdokument: "Die doel van die Presidensie is om te lei, te bestuur en die strategiese sakelys van die regering te ontwikkel, daaroor toesig te hou om sodoende die verwesenliking daarvan deur die Staat in sy geheel te verseker." U moes teen hierdie tyd reeds verseker het dat die makro-ekonomiese en rigtinggewende beleid afgehandel is en dat die Beplanningskommissie hom moet toespits op die beplanning van die langtermyn - ekonomiese strategieë en rigting van die land. Dit behoort gekoppel te word aan prestasie-verwante ooreenkomste wat aanvaar moet word deur al die Ministers en al 28 adjunkte, wat, met die uitsondering van 'n paar, hulle alleen weet wat hulle eintlik doen.
Wat die skep van werkgeleenthede betref, is u ver van u verkiesingsbelofte om 500 000 werkgeleenthede te skep. Tussen April 2009 en April 2010 het Suid-Afrika 'n netto verlies van meer as 'n miljoen werkgeleenthede gehad. Tog wag ons steeds vir 'n strategiese plan oor hoe ordentlike werkgeleenthede, veral vir die jeug, geskep gaan word. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.
When Mr Shiceka says that the DA-controlled Western Cape and the City of Cape Town "is an island of excellence surrounded by a sea of problems", I have no other option but to agree with him, because he recognises the efficacy of DA management and the failure of the neighbouring ANC-controlled provinces and municipalities.
Mr President, and I am quoting from the Presidency's budget document: "The aim of the Presidency is to lead, manage and develop the strategic agenda of government and oversee and ensure its realisation by government as a whole." By this time you should already have ensured that the macro-economic and directional policy is completed and that the Planning Commission is focussing on developing long - term economic policy strategies and the course of the country. It should be linked to performance-related agreements that must be accepted by all the Ministers and all 28 deputies, who, with the exception of a few, only they know what they are actually doing.
Regarding the creation of job opportunities, you are far from your election promise of creating 500 000 job opportunities. Between April 2009 and April 2010 South Africa had a net loss of more than a million job opportunities. Hitherto, we are still waiting for a strategic plan on how decent job opportunities, especially for the youth, are going to be created.
For example, what has come of Minister Gordhan's call for a wage subsidy and a two-tier labour dispensation for first-time young job seekers Has Cosatu's objection pushed this onto the back burner forever I know that all of this seems like a tall order for one year in office, but you have effectively been the Deputy President for six years and the President of the ANC since 2007, and it is you, hon President, that constantly refers to the ANC as a collective. This means that you didn't become President in a vacuum. The ANC has been in government for 16 years, and allow me to remind you that success has many fathers and failure is an orphan?
If the Ministerial Monitoring and Evaluation System is not underpinned with punitive action for nonperformers, as per Minister Chabane's explanation, failure will become your constant companion, because this is not the behaviour of an administration pursuing excellence. It is the sign of an administration paying lip service to accountability but, underneath the rhetoric, is really concerned with the entrenchment of its own power through deployment on the basis of political patronage.
Mr President, with regards to this failure to perform and provide, is it not yet time for you as President of South Africa and the former Chair of the Southern African Development Community, SADC, to give the citizens of this country, and this Parliament, a full and detailed report on what is actually going on in Zimbabwe and the status of the Global Political Agreement This is especially important as it appears as if Prime Minister Tsvangirai has succumbed to Stockholm Syndrome and the mesmerisation of the octogenarian wizard?
Further, you need to clarify what kind of real investment protection the toothless Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement offers South African investors that conduct business activities in Zimbabwe, especially against the stated objectives of the draft Bill on indigenisation of foreign-owned businesses in Zimbabwe.
Locally, much has been made of your and Minister Shiceka's call to prevent political party office bearers from holding public administrative office and that if such an appointment is made, that the relevant councillors will be held to account. All I can say is: Ha, ha!
Give this House but one example of such accountability, and I'll retract this derision. I am confident that there is no such example, though, as the examples that do exist highlight instances of startling embarrassment and costly litigation across the country.
Accountability is something that is not yet synonymous with the ANC at all, as even here in Parliament, despite the Deputy President's intervention as the Leader of Government Business to get the Ministers to answer the questions, the questions remain unanswered. This is not only arrogant disdain of the opposition - and some Ministers refuse to go to special oversight committees - it is, more worryingly, a disdain for Parliament and the Constitution.
It is important to say to you, hon President, in this House, taking note of what the hon Ramatlhodi said, that if and when you, and anyone in government, seek to transgress or undermine the Constitution, the DA will do what it deems necessary to prevent this both in Parliament and the courts of law with our own money, no matter how irritating and inconvenient you and your Cabinet find this. This is not only the role of an effective opposition; it is the role and responsibility of a collective opposition to prevent an abrogation of our much-vaunted Constitution.
The same applies to your profligate Ministers whose penchant for excessive and wasteful expenditure has taken the DA's Wasteful Expenditure Monitor beyond the R1 billion mark. Mr President, this past year, unfortunately, can never be honestly described as a year of "faster, better, smarter" governance. This debate might not be taken too seriously by you and your Cabinet, but ignore it at your peril, as the 2011 local government elections are looming. [Interjections.] Sizakubona! [We'll see.] [Time expired.] [Applause.
Mr M S SHILOWA: House Chairperson, Cope will not support the budget, for reasons that will become clearer during my input. [Interjections.
Mr M S SHILOWA: In a month's time, football fans from across the globe will descend on our shores in their multitudes. They will come to witness the first ever historic Fifa World Cup tournament held on African soil. If ever there was a time for South Africans to come together in solidarity and embrace Bafana Bafana, this is the time. Here is a gift-wrapped opportunity to forge national unity and cohesion.
While the vuvuzelas cannot score goals, seeing all of South Africa blowing on them will lift our football stars to great heights of achievement in their opening encounter with Mexico, as well as ensure that we reach the second round. Once they clear this hurdle, I have no doubt that, instead of aiming at the treetops, they will begin to aim for the stars. This is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity that we must seize with both hands.
That the infrastructure is ready is a matter of great pride. We now need to focus sharply on logistical issues: integrated public transport; security; fan parks; and accommodation, to name but a few. For ordinary men and women, there will be an opportunity to derive economic benefit to the extent that is possible. For government, the imperative is to make certain that in the action of both business and government, we do not kill the goose that lays the golden egg. Tourists must be protected; they must not be overcharged, so that, by word of mouth, they can spread the appeal of South Africa all over the world.
As we prepare for this world spectacle, we should not lose sight of the bleak reality that confronts our people. Four in ten of those who could be employed are jobless. What this means in terms of suffering is unimaginable. While men are also badly affected in this regard, women and the youth are hardest hit.
We agree, as you indicated, that social grants are very important in helping to ameliorate the situation of the poor. However, we believe that it is important to move beyond simple issues of social grants. While South Africans welcome those social grants, what they need more is secure and sustainable jobs.
People want to emerge out of the poverty in which they are mired. Many have no water, sanitation and shelter. To add to their misery, they are also frequent victims of violent crime. This is where government should be targeting its spending. This has to be government's priority. However, government expenses are ballooning because of executive expenditure on luxury sedans, five-star hotel accommodation, the increase in the size of presidential spousal office [Interjections.
Mr M S SHILOWA: and the expensive state [Interjections.] I beg your pardon!
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M N Oliphant): Hon members, order, please!
Mr M S SHILOWA: Please, don't talk about Gauteng and the premiership. I think I can put many of you to shame.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M N Oliphant): Hon Shilowa, order, please! Order, hon members!
Hon members, can I appeal to you that you give an opportunity to the President to listen to the speakers, because at the end of the day the President has to respond. Can we respect that Hon George, I didn't ask for your assistance. Laughter.} You may continue, hon member?
Mr M S SHILOWA: Thank you very much, hon Chairperson. For the record, to those hon members who have been saying something about me, Gauteng and the premiership: Even as you speak today, when Gauteng writes about its successes over the past 15 years, nine and a half of those years include me at the helm. This is history you cannot erase. [Applause.
I was saying that this is where government should be targeting its spending. This has to be government's priority. However, as I was saying, government expenses are ballooning because of executive expenditure on luxury sedans, five-star hotel accommodation, the increase in the size of the presidential spousal office, and the expensive state visit to the United Kingdom.
is a five-star hotel. [Interjections.
Bendingahlali khona okokoko, yena uhlala apho okokoko enendlu phaya. Mna bendihlala ekhaya. [I didn't stay there all the time; he stays there all the time and has a house there. I was staying at home.
The continued appointment of a plethora of advisers is a clear indication that making an improvement in the lives of our people, especially the poor, is not the area of focus for government. While we welcome the many announcements by Ministers on plans that will ultimately lead to sustainable jobs, the sad reality is that even more jobs are being lost daily, as we speak. This is happening despite the President's assurance during the state of the nation address that we had turned the corner. Bling is prospering, while unemployment is ravaging the lives of the people.
As infrastructure projects and buildings get completed, many more people will soon join the ranks of the unemployed. You are no doubt aware that more than a million jobs have been lost under your watch, sir.
A few weeks ago, I visited the village of Muyexe. What I saw there was shocking. Having been conditioned by ministerial assurances in this House that improvements were taking place, I could see that despite the spin, there was very little taking place that could be termed rural development. If this is what a pilot project looks like, I shudder to think what the real project will look like. If it is assumed that I visited the wrong Muyexe area, I would be happy to accompany...
Nkul Nkwinti na Baloyi, hi ya vona. [ hon Nkwinti and Baloyi to go and have a look.
Better still, when next...
Nkul Chabane va ya ka Xikundu, ndzi nga tsakela ku va heleketa hi ya vona. [ hon Chabane goes to Xikundu, I will be happy to accompany him to go and have a look.
I am aware that the government went to Mthatha a few months ago. We are aware of the undertakings that were made to its citizens. The sad reality is that by the time the programmes promised are undertaken, even the existing roads, which were more potholes than roads, would have turned to gravel. This is a terrible letdown for a province which diligently gave their vote to the ruling party.
It is now a matter of historical record that the President, as was pointed out, failed to declare his assets in time, and only did so after an outcry from the public. The Cabinet asked the South African public to move on as this was now water under the bridge. The truth, though, is that a new benchmark for Ministers has now been set. They too can take their time, knowing that they can get away with the proverbial murder. No wonder some of them continue to do business with state institutions even as they hold public office.
Cha, ningaya kobheka, angizange ngibe nebhizinisi ngisakuhulumeni [Ubuwelewele.] [No, you can go and check, I've never had a business while I was still employed by the government. [Interjections.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M N Oliphant): Order, please!
Mr M S SHILOWA: It's a matter of historical record. I am very proud of my record. I never, like some of the Ministers here, asked for a tender when I was in government. Go and check; it's a matter of historical record. Shame on you! [Applause.
The Cabinet asked the South African public to move on as if this was now water under the bridge. The President's commitment to rooting out corruption will always ring hollow, unless he deals with these issues.
We are told that all Ministers have now signed performance agreements with the President, but that these will not be made public. Why make the announcement in public if the public has no way of monitoring and evaluating them. [Applause.] If the public does not know what the agreements are, how are they supposed to judge whether or not these Ministers are acting in terms of the agreements they have with the President?
We welcome, though, Mr President, the new-found impetus to fight the scourge of HIV and Aids, including your leadership on being tested. This is an important step as it helps people who are HIV-positive to ensure that they do not infect others or contract a different strain by continuing as if nothing had taken place. There is, however, an even bigger onus on those of us who test negative. They have to take steps to ensure that they remain negative through remaining faithful to their partners and condomising. They, too, have a duty to stop engaging in risky sexual behaviour.
Important as the roll-out of antiretrovirals is, without the procurement of essential drugs at cheaper rates, the programme may soon become unaffordable. So, we agree with the Minister that everything must be done to ensure that drugs are found at cheaper rates.
We also welcome the establishment of the National Planning Commission, which is now in place, more so since it is staffed by men and women who we believe will be able to not only focus on what the ANC manifesto says, but also on what the vision of South Africa should be over the next five, 10 to 15 years. That we welcome, sir, and hope we will be able to work with them.
We also welcome, as you yourself have said, your openness in working with the opposition, more so the engagement that we have had with political leaders, including the point that we must find a way to build national cohesion. One way of building national cohesion is by ensuring that when we celebrate national days, that these are seen truly as national days in the way in which you have been trying to do.
Nation-building remains a challenge, though. All of us need to watch our tongues. We must be mindful of what we say. We must ensure that we do not, in the process, fan racial hatred. This is not a call for papering over the fact that there are still high levels of inequality in income distribution and ownership of the economy, as well as the means of production, but rather a call to raise this issue with the aim of ensuring implementation of corrective policies while building our nation.
I was alarmed that the ANC felt that the kind of language Mr Malema used on a British journalist was correct, and that what they felt was the biggest insult was what they thought he had said about the President. I thought that what he said about the President, what he said when he was in Zimbabwe, and what he said about a British journalist were wrong and should have been dealt with and dealt with effectively. Thank you very much. [Applause.
Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Speaker, hon Chairperson, Your Excellency the President, Your Excellency Deputy President, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers and hon members, of course there are many facets to the Presidency. Today, I wish to focus on its powers and functions in the international arena. Last week, the President and I, together with some of the hon Ministers, were at the World Economic Forum in Dar es Salaam in Tanzania. As many commentators have already observed, nothing of substance came out of that meeting, which reiterated the importance of Africa pursuing an agenda on which there has been consensus for a decade but on which there has still not been a concrete implementation plan.
The President's predecessor, His Excellency Mr Thabo Mbeki, carved a role for himself in history by being one of the many promoters of Nepad and the African Union. In fact, the perception is that he is one of the founding fathers of the African Union, if not the father. So I urge our President to keep up the momentum and maintain the leadership role that both Africa and the world have come to expect South Africa to play. We need to take immediate action to give substance to the often-declared commitments and agenda items for Africa, voiced in international forums.
At the opening of the King Shaka International Airport in Durban last weekend, His Excellency the President stated, amongst other things, that we must change the way the government works and that we must change the way the country works. I have expressed these sentiments myself for the past 20 years. So, as I endorse these sentiments today, I wish to add that we must also change the way Africa works to make this country work better, just as we must change the way this country works to make Africa work better.
I call for the time of empty declarations to end. I wish to make some very concrete suggestions, which highlight the relevance of the international dimension of the issues with which this Parliament is now seized. I urge the President to promote the immediate establishment of the free circulation of goods and capital within sub-Saharan Africa, and the related abolition of all internal duties, customs and checkpoints, in the same way the many diverse countries of Europe did and as the World Economic Forum has often suggested.
This initiative will open a completely different dimension for the debates we are having on our Industrial Policy Action Plan, which suffers under the difficulty of promoting industrial bases for a country like ours with less than 10 million consumers for a broad range of goods. The predictable and imminent creation of a continental marketplace will enable each country to specialise in the manufacturing of one or more products, thereby promoting continental trade as the basis for greater South-South transcontinental trade.
To a great extent, the Industrial Policy Action Plan is now predicated on the notion of protecting our industry by means of tariffs and subsidies. I am, rather, proposing that tariffs and subsidies be used within the parameters of a continental custom union to protect the continental internal market from unbearable external competition during its infancy. Well, the question may be asked: Is this too large a leap, too fast and too early I say no, it is the bare minimum, way too late and way too slow?
I urge the President to champion the redress of Africa's lack of adequate and integrated infrastructure. It is a terrible indictment having to read in books, like the one recently published by our Professor R W Johnson, that throughout Africa, including our own country, infrastructure levels and adequacy have declined since liberation was achieved.
As the President has stated, we are all very proud of what we have achieved in preparation for the 2010 Fifa World Cup, including these beautiful scarves. Our roads are in a parlous state, with potholes enough to give our frogs a bath on rainy days. [Laughter.] What is worse is that those potholes have caused the deaths of innocent citizens. I would appeal to my homeboy, the Minister of Transport, not to take this as a personal attack on him because he inherited the situation. [Laughter.
It is a demeaning but nonetheless inspiring fact that when European countries came together to partition Africa into African states amongst themselves in the Treaty of Berlin in 1885, they also set up a process of co-ordinated infrastructure development inclusive of harbours, highways, railways, factories, airports and electricity plants. Amidst hiccups and difficulties, this process lasted until the outbreak of World War II.
So, I urge the President to launch an initiative in terms of which African countries can now come together as equal and free nations to resume the co-ordinated and integrated development of infrastructure within the continent. In order for this not to become another talk-shop in which the problems are reiterated without the power to forge and impose solutions to them, it is necessary that real powers be vested in such an institution, along the lines of a European Commission.
This institution should receive funding and should plan the development of Africa not only in respect of building the required 19th and 20th century hard infrastructure, but also in respect of the soft infrastructure of the 21st century, ranging from the reticulation of broadband Internet to satellite communications.
It is disheartening to me, Your Excellency, that in spite of being the economic powerhouse of Africa, our country is today well behind even former socialist states like Tanzania and Mozambique as an attractive destination for investment. While it is encouraging that the President rejected the idea, for instance, of the mining industry being nationalised, I think he actually confused many people, both here and abroad, when in the same breath, he pronounced that the debate on the nationalisation of the mining industry within the ruling party should be accepted as an ongoing debate.
I shrink when Your Excellency suggests that something such as nationalisation can still be a subject for debate, when it has ruined so many countries. As a patriot, I resent my President saying anything that can be misinterpreted as him speaking out of both sides of his mouth. It is, however, not my resentment that is important, but that this kind of talk frightens away would-be investors.
I also urge that the President call for the creation of an institution which can represent a united African position in World Trade Organisation negotiations in order to achieve a common front on agricultural issues. We must exercise maximum moral and political pressure on the developed world to stop their subsidies of their farmers, so that Africa may finally become what it is supposed to be: the breadbasket of the world. This would address the critical unemployment situation in our country and in other African countries. Of all the debates that took place at the World Economic Forum on Africa, to me the one on agriculture was the most relevant for us in Africa.
The final aspect of this internationalist agenda, which I urge our President to consider, is that of unleashing the developmental and constructive capacity of our South African companies within the rest of the continent. As Americans and Europeans have done with their own companies, we should provide financial assistance for infrastructural development to other African countries, on condition that their work be conducted by South African companies, which will build a stronger and larger industrial base for us, effectively transferring subsidies to our industries while giving concrete assistance to the development of the rest of Africa in terms of schools, hospitals and even broadband Internet.
It is essential that, as part of this initiative, we call for the adoption of uniform legislation, making it a crime within our own country if one of our companies engages in corruption in a foreign country. Both Europe and the United States have such legislation on their Statute Books.
Mr President, I believe that this agenda would address a huge number of problems at home and abroad, and would show that under the present incumbent, yourself, sir, our Presidency has maintained, if not increased, its international leadership within Africa and the world.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M N Oliphant): Hon Prince Buthelezi, your time has expired.
Prince M G BUTHELEZI: I know that the issue is not whether this agenda will be realised or not, but when. My challenge to the President is that he be the one that makes it happen and for this to happen within my lifetime. [Applause.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON Ms M N Oliphant Lungu elihloniphekile, Sokwalisa isikhathi sakho sesiphelile. [Ihlombe.] [Hon member, Sowkalisa, your time has expired. [Applause.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Hon Chairperson, hon President of the Republic Mr Jacob Zuma, hon members, premiers, distinguished guests, Safa President Kirsten Nematandani, CEO of the Local Organising Committee Dr Danny Jordaan, molweni! [good day!
I am honoured to share this platform with the President of the Republic and the rest of the Members of the House, including my colleagues in the Presidency, on the occasion of the presentation of the Presidencys Budget Vote.
In 19 days from today, South Africa will mark the centenary of the Union of South Africa, which came into being in 1910. As you all know, this was the creation of the South African state as we know it today and the legalised exclusion of the majority of our people from the main body politic. The then four provinces came together to form the Union of South Africa. For this they each received a crown: Pretoria, in the Transvaal, became the administrative capital. The Orange Free State was crowned with the seat of the Judiciary in Bloemfontein, whilst the Cape got Parliament, and Natal was crowned with the headquarters of the railway. [Laughter.
In 1994, nine provinces were conceived out of negotiations and consensus mainly to forge a nonsexist, nonracial and democratic Republic that belongs to all who live in it, united in diversity as stated in the motto of our coat of arms expressed in /Xam, a language of the Khoisan people.
This fact of history, having influenced the political trajectory of this country for over 100 years, is our common heritage, and therefore must be observed and discussed in this Parliament, at centres of learning, churches, in the "platteland", mass media, train stations, in the branches of all political parties, and so on.
As Milan Kundera said, "the struggle of memory is a struggle against forgetting". In the same vein, we must also remember the fact that this year marks 150 years since the arrival of Indian indentured labourers to our shores. In this regard, I urge all of us to celebrate their contribution to our culture, commerce and many other aspects of the sociopolitical life of this country. [Applause.
That today we speak of building an inclusive society is a direct response to the conditions precipitated by the South Africa Act 100 years ago. The rights and responsibilities that emanate from our Constitution have made us appreciate much more what unites us as a nation rather than what divided us in the past.
As we strive to fulfil a common vision for the creation of a prosperous South Africa, we do so guided by the strategic objectives of improving the education system, eradicating poverty, creating decent work and speeding up inclusive economic growth. A value framework in which we mobilise the nation towards this vision is based on the pursuit of social equity, justice and fairness, and is results driven. Of course, this value framework is at the heart of our mandate to address the legacy of discrimination and dispossession.
Our government's programme of action requires from all of us that we work together through an integrated approach to address marginalisation and underdevelopment. Our core business is to restore hope and dignity in the lives of all South Africans by delivering effective, consistent and reliable services to the people.
It is incumbent upon all of us, as public representatives, to be at the service of the people. President Jacob Zuma has challenged us not only to understand what the needs of the people are, but also to be an administration that knows where people live, what their concerns are and to involve them in our efforts to improve their living conditions. This will enable us to create a better life for all and to promote nation-building and social cohesion through partnerships aimed at achieving a more caring society. These principles are a milestone in the long journey we have travelled since the establishment of the Union of South Africa on 31 May 1910.
Before I get into the specific details of the work of the Office of the Deputy President, that is, over and above delivering deputy speeches [Laughter.] allow me to add weight to a fundamental point raised by the President when he addressed the nation on Freedom Day and again here today. This concerns the seminal question: What are we about as a nation, especially as we celebrate 16 years of freedom this year?
I believe our immediate obligation is to honour the mandate given to us by the people of this country. We should do this by, among other things, always upholding the Constitution, respecting one another, protecting our national symbols and celebrating our national days as one people, bound together by a common history and a shared destiny. As a basis for nation-building, the common ownership of our history includes acknowledging that, irrespective of where on the political spectrum people were prior to 1994, they all belong to this country, and therefore have a responsibility to build a prosperous South Africa. I wish to reiterate that the aspirations of our people must never be undermined by any interest group based on the subjectivity of race, religion, class, gender or ideology.
This democracy we enjoy today came at a price, including the death of thousands who relinquished their right to participate in order for us to live in a free country. [Applause.] As living delegates of the departed, we must remain steadfast in our endeavour to improve the socioeconomic conditions of our people. In fact, the five national priorities informing the programme of action of this administration give practical expression to these principles through the following: improving education; improving healthcare; creating decent work; fighting crime and corruption; and rural development and land reform.
You have consistently stated that working together with social partners, the state can better facilitate a common programme towards the achievement of these priorities through considered planning, performance monitoring and evaluation, better co-ordination and intensified oversight. My colleagues, Ministers Collins Chabane and Trevor Manuel, will elaborate on these.
The function of government and the Presidency, in particular, is clearly articulated as building a democratic developmental state through defined interventions. In this regard, allow me to recount some of the progress we have made as well as the challenges encountered in the first year of this administration.
As hon members will recall, when we presented our Budget Vote in June 2009, we committed ourselves to deepen our co-ordination and oversight efforts to ensure the successful hosting of the 2010 Fifa World Cup, which is now only days away. We committed ourselves to speed up all infrastructure aspects of the 2010 Fifa World Cup. We gave an undertaking to help host cities arrest budget overruns. We undertook to help unblock bottlenecks undermining stadium completion in cities like Mbombela. We also mentioned the significance of profiling legacy projects.
I am pleased to inform this House that we have gone beyond making good on our commitments. The stadiums are ready. Electricity and telecommunications networks are in place. Expanded airports are open for business. Immigration systems are ready for the inflow of foreign visitors. Systems to detect and treat visitors with contagious infections like H1N1 are operational. Highways, byways, ulterior and access roads are ready and some nearing completion. Disaster management, border control, crowd control, crime prevention, air, marine and intelligence security services are mobilised. Operational plans for fan parks and public viewing areas are in place. Almost every team has confirmed a base camp. We were also successful in assisting the Northern Cape province, as the only nonhosting province, to secure funds to upgrade their facilities. We are pleased that these facilities have been selected by Uruguay as their base camp. [Applause.
As Chairperson of the 2010 Interministerial Committee, I wish to acknowledge the efforts of the Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs and Finance departments who have worked tirelessly to address host city co-ordination and budget overrun challenges. May I also recognise the efforts of all Ministers, Deputy Ministers and senior managers who have ensured that we meet our guarantees on time. Even in the limited period remaining, we are still hopeful that the share of small enterprises will rise, as would our confidence in our national team, Bafana Bafana. We hope to provide them with boots that are able to score goals, even if you face the opposite direction. [Applause.
Of the economic and social legacy projects I have visited in Soweto, Rustenburg, eThekwini, Mbombela and even in the small town of Gansbaai in the southern Cape, all confirm that this 2010 Fifa World Cup will have long lasting spin-offs for our communities. We can deny the excitement of South Africans who are already celebrating this extravaganza through dance, song, arts, apparel and various other artefacts on display at street corners, shops and everywhere else in our communities only if we disbelieve the evidence shown to our eyes and ears. I am happy that Ministers Stofile and Xingwana will soon give diski dance tutorials to all Members of Parliament. [Applause.
On this occasion last year, we committed ourselves to a number of efforts to improve our performance in the management of HIV and Aids. This included strengthening a partnership between government, business, organised labour and civil society. Since then, great efforts have been expended to strengthen the South African National Aids Council, Sanac, the multi-sectoral structure responsible for policy advice, co-ordination and management of our national response to HIV, Aids and TB. Sanac now has a permanent secretariat with full-time capacity. [Applause.
On our commitment to conduct a mid-term review on progress made in achieving the targets of our 2007 to 2011 HIV and Aids National Strategic Plan, NSP, I am pleased to inform this House that the results of this review will be released next week. This review provides an independent assessment of how the country has performed at the local, provincial and national levels across the four NSP key priority areas.
Furthermore, as a statement of our commitment, the Minister of Finance announced an additional R5,4 billion to improve the effectiveness of our treatment programmes. Already, the public health system provides antiretroviral treatment to a globally unprecedented one million people. I am convinced that through these financial commitments we will double this number over the next three years. This will go a long way towards enabling the country to meet the NSP target of providing treatment, care and support to 80% of those in need.
To meet the challenge of supporting nongovernmental organisations and of improving the response capacity of the Department of Health, South Africa successfully applied for funding from Round 9 of the Global Fund for Aids, TB and malaria. The signing ceremony for this funding, amounting to approximately $100 million over 5 years, will take place later this week. The second target of the NSP is to halve the rate of new infections, and it is here that Sanac will concentrate the bulk of its efforts.
The national HIV Counselling and Testing campaign, launched by the President last month, has since been replicated in most provinces by the Premiers, MECs, Mayors and social partners. It is through this kind of partnership, commitment and leadership in action that we can stem the tide of new infections. Through this campaign, government is also assessing the strength of the public health infrastructure, which is crucial as we move towards the National Health Insurance.
I wish to pause for a moment to thank President Jacob Zuma, Premiers and all leaders of Sanac sectors for the leadership and support they have given to the South African National Aids Council. [Applause.] I also wish to acknowledge the support we have received from the Champions for an HIV-Free Generation, led by former Presidents Kenneth Kaunda, Joaquim Chissano and Festus Mogae, Justice Edwin Cameron and other eminent personalities from our continent. These leaders have twice visited our country to witness the strides we are making and to lend words of encouragement. Furthermore, we are inspired by their support and avail ourselves to share best practices with our bothers and sisters on the continent.
A special tribute also goes to all traditional leaders in South Africa who are working with their communities to build an HIV-free generation. We are encouraged by His Majesty King Zwelithini's partnership with the government of KwaZulu-Natal to roll out the biggest medical male circumcision project in our history.
Hon members, just to share with you, this campaign utilises a plastic device which simplifies the procedure. [Laughter.] It's a simple procedure. You fit this into the plastic gadget or device and two clicking sounds happen and this plastic device knows exactly where to prune and you keep it on for three days and you are able to attend school, work and you are able to urinate. And after three days you report back to the clinic and you are healed and you are fine. [Laughter.] [Applause.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Chairperson, hon members, the message to society as a whole must, however, remain clear: While circumcision significantly reduces the chances of infection, by 50 to 60%, it does not completely protect males from infection or infecting others. The circumcision drive does not replace the core messages of abstaining, being faithful and condomising.
The Moral Regeneration Movement is a campaign driven by a section 21 entity that has successfully mobilised civic organisations, NGOs, faith-based organisations and activists. Whilst undergoing a review by the Arts and Culture Department, the Moral Regeneration Movement continues to implement the Charter of Positive Values and a range of other community-based campaigns aimed at promoting solidarity, respect for public property and, more importantly, the strengthening of the family as a basic unit of production of social values.
What we must recognise, is that moral regeneration and social cohesion campaigns in general stand or fall on the shoulders of all members of society. Such an understanding is the reason behind the slogan, that working together with all social partners we can do more.
Another initiative that we coordinate is the National Stakeholder Advisory Council on Energy. This is a product of collaboration with social partners within the country, especially co-ordinated at Nedlac. The council is supported by an Interministerial Committee, chaired by the Public Enterprises Minister, as well as a technical response team led by senior managers from the Departments of Energy, Public Enterprises, Economic Development and The Presidency. It was established in order to deal with the electricity supply challenges. Its input has contributed towards the stabilisation of the electricity situation in the country. The Department of Energy is developing a long-term integrated resource plan. Items under consideration include: protecting the poor from higher electricity prices; ensuring that there is sufficient generation capacity to meet demand; entry of independent power producers; and the implementation of demand - side management and energy efficiency measures.
We are a government that invites inputs and advice from the broadest cross-section of the South African population. We draw on the skills, knowledge and talents available in the country, and thus this council is one of the bodies that help government sharpen its interventions.
Poverty eradication is uppermost on government's programme for promoting social justice. We note that the extent of poverty in this country is still profoundly felt in the rural areas and informal settlements in all provinces. Our government is committed to pushing back the frontiers of poverty in order to attain the Millennium Development Goal of halving poverty by 2014.
It is encouraging to recognise that, working with social partners at Nedlac, we are progressing towards finalising an antipoverty strategy that should guide our comprehensive response to this stubborn problem. We have agreed with labour, business and civil groups that the strategy should be ready for adoption at the July Cabinet Lekgotla this year. To this extent, there is already general agreement on the pillars of the antipoverty strategy built upon the five government priorities.
Moreover, we are encouraged that all Nedlac sectors agree that education and skills development are the most effective tools in the arsenal of poverty reduction. We affirm, too, that accelerating access to basic social services is a vital short-term poverty alleviation measure with medium to long-term effects.
Such are the objectives of the War on Poverty Campaign that has benefitted communities in Jacobsdal, Lubala, Ga-Kgatla, uMsinga, Taung, Kagiso and Sikwahlane. The War on Poverty Campaign sought, among other things, to build a repository of information on the immediate needs of poor households living in the most deprived wards of our country. This enabled national, provincial and local government departments to intervene in a focused and co-ordinated manner. Using this approach, access to basic services has improved. More so, households were assisted to identify change agents. These are individuals with the greatest potential to lift each household out of poverty.
In the course of the campaign, we also noted a number of limitations. These include the slow pace at which we respond to complaints and challenges, co-ordination of interventions, poor administration and absence of leadership. In some instances people still do not know where to access services. Hence, the role of community development workers is very important as they are located in the midst of communities. They act as a point of reference for those most deprived or in need of government intervention.
In this regard, it is important that the individuals selected must always be committed persons of good standing in the community so that they have the credibility and legitimacy to escalate community issues with the relevant authorities. In this House today, we have two such exemplary community development workers. May I please request the House to acknowledge the presence of Ms Khuselwa Dlungwane from the Eastern Cape and Ms Siena Cloete from the Free State. They are in the gallery. [Applause.] Thank you.
One other key area in the work of The Presidency is to provide leadership in the implementation of the Human Resource Development Strategy, HRDSA, of South Africa. This strategy was canvassed widely amongst practitioners and stakeholders and has been welcomed as a critical mechanism to address our skills shortages. The HRD Strategy will be managed in the Department of Higher Education and Training, which is currently revising it and the strategy will be ready for publication by August this year.
Central to the realisation of the goals of the HRDSA is the alignment of strategies that are subordinate to it. One of these is the National Skills Development Strategy, which directs the spending of the 1% payroll levy contributed by employers. The HRD Strategy calls for the establishment of the Human Resource Development Council chaired by the Deputy President. We launched this HRD Council in March this year. This advisory body comprises of representatives from all social partners, research agencies, education and training bodies as well as experts in the field of human capital development. The HRD Council's secretariat is being established in the Department of Higher Education and Training.
The position of Leader of Government Business is provided for in the Constitution and in the rules of Parliament. Effectively, our purpose is co-ordination and harmonisation of the interaction between the executive and the legislature. There is, unfortunately, a tendency to use this office largely as a channel for complaints. I have also received numerous requests for government business opportunities. Many out there believe I am in charge of government business. [Laughter.] This is a genuine misunderstanding and I have had to explain very courteously that I am not in charge of any business.
I wish to reiterate that parliamentary oversight as provided for in the Constitution is crucial and should be rigorously observed. I am aware that as there are new Members of Parliament and new Ministers, challenges have arisen that are perceived to be affecting the relationship between Parliament and the executive. Let me reiterate that these two arms of the state are enjoined by the Constitution to work co-operatively although they have different mandates. This Assembly is obligated to oversee implementation by the executive, which is responsible for implementing government programmes and therefore should be accorded time and space to do so. For that reason, there should be no uncertainty regarding these distinct yet complementary functions.
One instrument that the Assembly uses to hold the executive accountable is parliamentary questions.
Mr M J ELLIS: And your friends in the DA!
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Regrettably, a large number of questions were unanswered at the end of last year, thus pitting some Ministers against Parliament. All Ministers who had outstanding questions were asked to provide written explanations as to why they had failed to reply as provided for in the Rules of this House. Having considered their explanations and also engaging Ministers directly, I wish to reassure this House that this challenge is being overcome.
Measures being implemented include allocating more resources to ensure that questions are not only answered on time but that they provide the necessary detail as well. In some instances, capacity in Ministries is being enhanced. Henceforth, directors-general will play a more active role in this process. We will closely monitor progress in this regard.
Notwithstanding time pressures resulting from the need to accommodate the Fifa World Cup, we remain confident that the 2010 legislative programme will be implemented successfully. Cabinet is closely monitoring implementation and the Leader of Government Business presents monthly progress reports to Cabinet.
As I stated at the beginning, as we prepare to mark the centenary of the Union of South Africa, the pursuit of public good compels us to realise the creation of a better life for all. We are a rights-based country that continues to learn how these rights should be defended and upheld by all citizens. We have confidence in the ability of our people to defend our democracy and to define what is right and wrong. Indeed, our history in the struggle for democracy instructs us that we cannot worship in obedience what is wrong.
As we make final preparations to receive the world during the months of June and July for the Fifa World Cup, let us remember and show to the world that, indeed, we are a country alive with possibilities. Ke a leboga. [I thank you.] [Applause.
The SPEAKER: I would like to thank the hon Deputy President. Deputy President, you will note that I did give you extra time because you were answering the question of questions, that you were addressing the issue of questions.
Mrs P DE LILLE: Hon President, Deputy President and Mr Speaker, as you so often say, Mr President, when you want to avoid making a decision, today we must debate, we must discuss and we must consult on your budget and, it is hoped, we can appease everybody.
Firstly, the ID requests that your office provides us with more details on the performance agreements you have signed with your Ministers. We firmly believe that since government leaders were put in their positions by ordinary South Africans, their performance evaluations should be made public, at least on a quarterly basis.
Secondly, Mr President, we would like to commend you for taking a public HIV test. This is certainly a turning point in our painful history in terms of fighting this pandemic. Together with our courageous Minister of Health, you have illustrated that through solid leadership we can mobilise the nation to deal with the stigma of HIV and Aids.
The Presidency should also set an example in terms of efficient and ethical leadership. This is particularly difficult, Mr President, when your office continues to be plagued by internal squabbles and bickering. All over the Presidency a lack of decisive leadership is evident, with ongoing battles over who really controls economic policy and endless confusion over Ministers whose mandates overlap.
Your bloated office even failed to advise you to declare your interests. It is not good for a President to break the law. Ignorance of the law is no excuse.
Mr President, the ID also notes some of your office's more positive efforts this year, such as your quarterly meetings with opposition parties and our celebration of national days together. This kind of engagement across party lines, which is evidence of a shared patriotism, is long overdue.
However, I differ with your view and that of hon Ramatlhodi that our Constitution is not under threat. You need only look at all the Constitutional Court judgments against this government. Then you will see that you are wrong. That is what I base my statement on when I say that the Constitution is under threat.
These judgments prove the point that the Constitution has become more democratic than some of its drafters - I say "some", because I am one of the drafters. The ID will continue to defend our Constitution and we will put our faith in the independence of our judiciary, which has shown that it will not fail to act on any excesses of government.
Equally worrying is your government's complete lack of understanding of ethical governance, as enshrined in our Constitution. The number of times we have heard leaders say that all these unethical and corrupt practices are not illegal - that nobody is breaking the law - is becoming countless, too many to count. For example, there is Chancellor House, Petro SA, and many others.
What we must remember, Mr President, is that the struggle was not about overcoming apartheid and apartheid laws only. It was also about building a strong, ethical and value-based society where leaders put the people first, before their own pockets.
Finally, Mr President, you must please ensure that the R1,1 billion set aside for the National Development Agency for the next three years is used to improve the lives of our young people. The ID supports the budget and it also supports the proposal that a portfolio committee be established next year that can monitor the expenditure of the budget.
Mr Speaker, on a point of order: Why are there no women speakers in this Parliament speaking today Of the first 10 speakers, I'm the first woman speaker. If you look at the next 20 speakers, there are two or three women. We don't just want more dresses in this Parliament; we want more women speakers. Thank you. [Applause.?
The SPEAKER: Order! Order, hon members! I would like to thank the hon Patricia de Lille and apologise for being a male speaker, but that wasn't my decision. [Laughter.
Trevor Manuel, the Minister in the Presidency.
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY - NATIONAL PLANNING COMMISSION: Thank you very much, Mr Speaker. Mr Speaker, His Excellency President Zuma, the hon Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, hon Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, the National Planning Commission held its inaugural meeting on Monday and Tuesday this week, as the President has already shared with us.
It has taken us a long time to get to this point, a process that started with our appointment as Ministers last May. In my first Budget Vote speech last year, I outlined the need for a planning commission, what a planning commission could do, what role it could play in the policy arena and how it could contribute towards both better planning and greater coherence in government.
In August, we brought to this House a draft Green Paper on National Strategic Planning. Following an extensive debate - it should have been shorter, but the hon Trollip participated - and public consultation process, we released a revised Green Paper in January this year.
Hon Speaker, through this process, we have arrived at a consensus on the nature and type of planning commission we seek, on the role of the commission, on the type of commissioners and, broadly, on the areas that the planning commission would cover. Allow me to summarise what we have agreed to.
We have established a National Planning Commission, in the first instance, to attempt to produce a unifying vision and strategic plan for the country that has broad buy-in across all sectors of society and yet retains the ability to confront the critical trade-offs and challenges we face over the next 20 years. The work of the Planning Commission is meant to sharpen the focus of government, to use a long-term lens to obtain greater policy coherence in government, to independently and critically appraise our policies and conduct in-depth research on how best we can achieve our objectives.
We have chosen a commission of external commissioners, comprising, largely, experts tasked with advising government on issues relating to the long-term development trajectory of the country.
In January this year, President Zuma invited the public to nominate people to the National Planning Commission. We received an overwhelming response with 1 280 nominees. The calibre of the people nominated was exceptionally high. Clearly, the opportunity to participate in so great a calling saw the nomination of some of our country's best minds.
Besides the fact that there are hundreds of very skilled and experienced South Africans, the nomination process also showed the willingness of these smart and skilled South Africans to play a role in shaping our collective future. I would like to thank every person who allowed him- or herself to be nominated. The sheer scale and quality presented the President with the daunting challenge of selecting just a few.
Mr Speaker, I do hope that we can still make a call on the skills and acumen of those who were nominated but not appointed to the National Planning Commission to play a role as we call on their skills.
After careful consideration of the list of nominees and the expertise required on the commission, the President announced the names of 25 commissioners on 30 April 2010. Amongst the 25 is Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, who has been appointed as deputy chairperson, and who brings knowledge and experience to the commission that has helped shape the trade-union movement, our Constitution, this Parliament, the business sector and NGOs.
Now, I know that there is some strange behaviour among some journalists. They keep asking why there are so few this, or so many that. It's a strange question indeed. I'm reminded by their behaviour of what happened in July 1991 when the ANC held its first conference inside the country. Newspapers would publish a kind of league table: "Arnold Stofile, Xhosa, noncommunist", made the narrow national list. [Laughter.] "Jeff Radebe, Zulu, definitely a communist". [Laughter.] And this is how they carried on, and then they got to Pallo Jordan and said, "ons weet nie". [we don't know.] [Laughter.] So, I just want to plead that we move beyond such perverse behaviour. I'm glad that the entire commission thinks of that kind of behaviour by journalists as completely perverse and voyeuristic.
The participation of commissioners and the quality of discussions at our first meeting this week confirmed unequivocally that we not only have amongst the nation's top experts in a variety of disciplines, but that we also have a single team of highly motivated people of the highest integrity who want to operate together as a single commission, regardless of who nominated them. All share a common commitment to seeing South Africa become a better place in the future, a country that we will increasingly be proud of as a place where we want our children to live and thrive.
In welcoming the commissioners yesterday, the President pledged the full support of Cabinet and the Presidency for the work of the commission, as he did again this afternoon. I'd like to lift some of the issues that he raised there. He said, firstly, that the mandate of the commission needs "to take a broad, crosscutting, independent and critical view of South Africa, to help define the South Africa we seek to achieve in 20 years' time and to map out a path to achieve those objectives".
Secondly, he said that "the National Planning Commission will revitalise the work of government. By drawing on the best available expertise, the commission will be able to identify and confront challenges head-on." In other words, we are not looking at a commission that must be apologetic to government or that must try to be loved by government. We are looking at a commission that is going to deal with issues very frankly: not seeking favours from government, he said, but seeking to help this country and its people.
He said, thirdly, that "Government has often taken a sectoral and short-term view that has hampered development. Taking a long-term and independent view will add impetus, focus and coherence to our work." And, we believe, that it is better done by the compatriot South Africans from the intelligentsia who are not going to be guessing or shouting slogans, but who are going to be saying that this is how it should be done scientifically, and therefore help government to do things differently.
Fourthly, he said, "This will no doubt lead to an improved performance in government. By involving wider society in its work, it will rally the nation around a common vision."
Then the President said that the establishment of the National Planning Commission "is our promise to the people of South Africa that we are building a state that will grow the economy, reduce poverty and improve the quality of life of our citizens".
One of the challenges, colleagues, that you are faced with, he said, is that South Africa is divided into two: extreme poverty on one side and extreme richness on the other. The gap is too big. How do you bring this together How do you harmonise If it remains where it is, we will not be free of problems. Problems will continue, he said?
He said, finally, in that regard that he wanted to state that the National Planning Commission had the full support of the executive. He said that the National Planning Commission must do things properly, without fear or favour. He said: We will support you on that, even if you disagree with government, because we will know that you are not doing it from any subjective point of view.
I think that as the National Planning Commission we are immensely honoured, humbled and privileged to be given such a broad mandate and such strong encouragement at the point where we start our work.
I also want to say this afternoon, Mr Speaker, that it is a measure of brave and bold leadership to give such an enthusiastic mandate to a grouping outside of Cabinet. So, Mr President, on behalf of the entire National Planning Commission, I have the task of thanking you for that support. It will make a difference. We know that the NPC will drive change, and sometimes we will be quite unloved by our colleagues in Cabinet, but that is part of what the commissioners accept as their remit.
The commissioners were at one in saying that Parliament should play a role in facilitating dialogue both on the vision and on the national plan. Drawing on the positive role played by Parliament in getting consensus around the Green Paper, we are of the view that Parliament is suitably placed to bring together diverse views from all walks of society to enrich the work of the commission and of the government in general. I will engage with you, Mr Speaker, and with the Chairperson of the NCOP to explore ways of facilitating this process on a permanent basis.
Our intention, as the commission, is to produce a draft vision and a national plan for Cabinet within 18 months, hon De Zille, I mean, De Lille. Sorry, dyslexia gets me sometimes. [Laughter.] That is the first objective that I have in my strategic plan: to produce a draft vision and a national plan for Cabinet within 18 months. We will also produce reports on crosscutting issues that have an impact on our long-term development. We will also respond to specific requests from Cabinet from time to time.
At an administrative level, we are in the process of developing the capacity to support the work of the commission. We are building a small, professional and capable secretariat that will add value to both the work of the commission and to the Office of the Presidency in general.
We should remind ourselves that in trying to do better, in working differently, we have two new Ministers in the Presidency. My colleague Minister Chabane, who is tasked with Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, has an enormous task. I think that the 15 minutes given to him this afternoon is quite inadequate. Parliament must engage with the issues. And then there is me. At both the ministerial level and at the level of the secretariat, we are working closely with the Ministry and Department of Performance Monitoring and Evaluation. Our work is interconnected in several respects.
We will support their work in shaping priorities, in developing indicators and in producing evidence of what is working and what is not working and, similarly, they will support our work through the role that they play in developing outcomes, performance agreements and delivery agreements.
In conclusion, hon Speaker, I would like to thank both the President and the Deputy President for the support that they have given us in our work over the past year. We know that once we get into the nuts and bolts of our work, we will call on their support and inspiration more frequently. I also wish to thank the staff in the Ministry and in the Presidency for the hard work that they do in making our country a better place. Thank you very much. [Applause.
The SPEAKER: Order! I would like to thank the hon Minister. I also thank him especially for giving part of his time to the other Minister, responsible for performance monitoring. I also want to say that the 15 minutes given to him is more than adequate. [Laughter.
Mr B H HOLOMISA: Mr Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, and hon members, the UDM supports Vote No 1. [Applause.] My address today will focus on the proposed National Planning Commission.
In 1999 we handed in, in this House, to the then President of the Republic, a UDM policy document titled, The challenge of our time: Government must do more.
There is no consensus on a macroeconomic policy that can transform the economy in a manner that could create and spread wealth wider and improve the lot of the disadvantaged majority.
In the same policy document we argued strongly for the need to convene an economic indaba from which the nation could emerge with a coherent economic vision shared by all, as we did in the '90s, to find a political solution for this country.
The work of the National Planning Commission, as well as the public debate initiative of the Minister of Economic Development, would be more effective if they were guided by the resolutions taken by the nation at the suggested economic indaba. We should not put the cart before the horse. The National Planning Commission and other economic initiatives by government need to draw their terms of reference from the suggested economic indaba, otherwise we are likely to waste another three or four years on a talk-shop.
Indeed, following the economic indaba the National Planning Commission's first order of business should be to conduct a proper audit of our resources and to manage it for future generations; not the current situation in which there seems to be a free-for-all of looting of state resources, such as the Chancellor House-Eskom deal and similar schemes.
What we need is the political will to finish the transition that was started at the Convention for a Democratic South Africa, Codesa. Indeed, this government has had a mandate, since 1994, to find a policy consensus on the burning economic issues of unemployment and poverty. Instead, that mandate has been dodged in order to maintain a status quo in which one third of the adult population is unemployed and the vast majority of people own less than a quarter of the land.
At the envisaged economic indaba, we could ask questions about, for example, the extent to which some of the sunset clauses have become an impediment to the economic advancement of the majority. For how long, Mr President, will the millions who live in the desolate former Bantustans and townships that were the dumping grounds of apartheid, accept their lot?
As long as we fail as a country to acknowledge this main cause of conflict in this country, namely an economic policy that fails to include all South Africans, we are heading for a major disaster. Already, the signs of civil uprising are visible in many communities.
A transformed economic order will give impetus to other social and educational programmes that are designed to truly integrate our society and create a new democratic South African ethos.
Finally, Mr President, I agree with you: The growing culture of anarchy and violence in this country is a matter of grave concern. The rights to public protest and industrial action are freedoms that we cherish. They include the right to publicly protest about the lack of service delivery, which is why we should not allow these freedoms to be abused.
It is becoming commonplace for public marches to be characterised by death threats, malicious damage to private and government property and the assault of people. Hundreds of millions of rands' worthy of damage have been caused by arsonists burning down trains, buses, councillor homes and even libraries. We need decisive leadership to counter this, but it must be coupled with greater responsiveness from government.
The SPEAKER: Hon member, your time has expired.
Mr B H HOLOMISA: Freedom without control is not real freedom. Thank you. [Applause.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE, FORESTRY AND FISHERIES: Mr Speaker, many South Africans experience uncertainty with regard to the future of this country. Julius Malema, Eugène TerreBlanche and confusing statements about land and nationalisation have contributed to this uncertainty.
Uncertainty always has negative consequences. Uncertainty makes for businesses not investing in the economy. Uncertainty makes for farmers not expanding their farming activities, and thus not creating any new employment opportunities in rural areas. Uncertainty makes for some soccer tourists not coming to South Africa, etc.
How can this uncertainty be cleared away It can be cleared away through fewer populist propaganda statements, by the ANC and by others, about where South Africa is going. I'm tired of debates in this House, outside and in the media which are not based on facts, but on propaganda myths?
Let me give you some examples: It's a myth that "because whites created racism, blacks have no capacity to be racists". This is an ANC Youth League statement from the Sunday Times. This is a myth. I can show with many quotes that there are many good black people, many good white people, but also white racists and black racists. Those are the facts.
Another myth is that a large number of white people would be killed by black people on 27 April 2010. Nothing happened; that's a fact.
Yet another myth is that the nationalisation of land in South Africa will resolve poverty problems in the country. The fact is that a comparison between the performance of the economies of Zambia and Zimbabwe since 1994 proved that this myth is wrong. In the case of Zambia, where the government supported private property and successfully followed free-market reforms, the Gross Domestic Product more than tripled between 1994 and 2008. In Zimbabwe, where the policy of nationalisation had been followed, the economy had shrunk, over the same period, by approximately half of its size. Unemployment increased from 20% to 80% and life expectancy declined from 60 to 34 years. Those are the facts.
Die meeste beeste in Suid-Afrika word deur die boere self gesteel. Twak. Die polisie se feite weerlê dit. Verlede jaar is daar 33 000 beeste ter waarde van R255 miljoen gesteel. Nêrens was daar 'n aanduiding dat die boere dit steel nie, maar dit word uitgestuur buitetoe. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.
[The majority of cattle are stolen by the farmers themselves. Nonsense. The police's facts refute this. Last year, 33 000 cattle to the value of R255 million were stolen. Nowhere has there been an indication that the farmers were stealing it, but that is the message being sent out.
Many myths affect white and black people. In this way, there's currently a myth which is widely being circulated amongst white people that the ANC has a finely constructed plan to, when a signal is given, wipe out all the white people. This is not true, and it won't be that easy while I'm around.
Another fact is that the ANC membership was only officially opened to all races by the Morogoro gathering in Tanzania on 25 April 1969, and not, as some people say, long before that, etc, etc.
In uncertain times, the great enemy of the truth is very often not the deliberate lie, but the persuasive myth. According to the dictionary, a myth is a fictional story. John F Kennedy said that the belief in myths allows us the comfort of an opinion without the discomfort of thought. Maybe that is the reason why those with the most opinions often have the fewest facts.
The ANC often gives me the impression that, instead of altering their views to fit the facts, they alter the facts to fit their views and their myths. I can give you examples from Mr Malema and Mr Jimmy Manyi, especially on this.
Remember, facts do not cease to exist because they are ignored. If one wants to destroy South Africa, then this government, the President and this Parliament should take decisions based on propaganda myths and not on facts.
Hon President, it's time to put the real facts on the table. If we do this, we can take correct decisions that will benefit all South Africans. If not, we will continue with unending propaganda debates to the detriment of South Africa. I thank you. [Applause.
The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Chairperson, I want to say to the hon Mulder that the facts are that the ANC is a wonderful organisation. That's what you should have said. [Laughter.
Hon members, Mr Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President, you have to feel somewhat sad at the words of the hon De Lille. She correctly pointed out that poor legislation had been drafted from time to time, and that this had been thrown out by the Constitutional Court.
She then said that she would defend the Constitution, but it is this very Constitution that gave rise to the court that made the decision. That is a very peculiar defence. She must never be given a bow and arrow, because she will shoot at absolutely the wrong target. [Laughter.] [Applause.] She really is quite frightening.
Commentators and our protagonists in South Africa have developed the rather unfortunate and useless habit of personal attacks rather than coherent articulation of alternative vision and programmes. The incessant personal attacks on President Zuma and his government serve to expose this absence of any concrete plan that has the stature to challenge the vision and programmes placed before the nation and the world by the government led by President Zuma.
In the past week attempts have been made to suggest that our government lacks a vision, policy and practical programmes. Those who took the trouble to read our strategic plans and to follow the Budget Votes know that there are plans, there is implementation, and know that this is a government in action.
Furthermore, this government has a vision, one that is shaped by our nation. It is a vision first articulated by the liberation movements and those formations that actively participated in the struggle for freedom. Their aspirations for a free and democratic South Africa are set out in the Constitution of South Africa, which fully captures the kind of society we wish to build, fully articulates the principles that we believe should characterise and influence our society, and sets out the objectives that we should pursue as we implement our national and international obligations. Our vision is the promotion and full establishment of a united, nonracial, nonsexist, democratic society in which the inherent dignity of every person is honoured, respected, and upheld.
There appears to be confusion between vision and plans in current discourse. There are some who believe that the National Planning Commission will set out a never-before articulated vision in the strategy it will craft. While there is provision for a long-term plan that provides a view of the future South Africa, our vision is the Constitution. The commission will certainly incorporate the founding document of our democracy into their perspective.
Our country continues to be challenged by the need to strive for greater cohesion, stronger unity and a society in which all, irrespective of race, gender, religion, culture and political philosophy, contribute to creating a better society and an improved quality of life for all.
This aspiration is a complex challenge for South Africa, primarily because the dehumanising imprint of our racist past is extremely difficult to dislodge. The task would be easier to pursue if each one of us agreed that the creation of this new society depended on the contribution of every South African and not just on President Zuma, his government or the ANC. Each leader, as she speaks, strengthens or diminishes the values inherent in the Constitution. When we find a person accused and guilty even before they appear in court through our own finding, before there has been a judgment, we offend the Constitution. [Applause.
When we defend, in whatever manner, South Africans who promote racism, hate speech and violence we diminish our founding document. Each one of us contributes to its status or its diminishing by virtue of our actions and our words - each one of us, each one of us.
The ANC did not create the racism that led to the majority of the people of this country being the poorest, the least educated and the most vulnerable in our society. Thus, it is not their sole responsibility to devise solutions. Opposition parties, the media, the private sector and every individual have a role to play. Since all of us aspire for this new South Africa we have to ask ourselves each day: What have I contributed to this national agenda [Applause.?
In this regard, the creation of the National Planning Commission must be applauded and welcomed, and we support this aspect and all aspects of the budget of the Presidency. The Presidency, in appointing commissioners, has drawn in men and women - although I would say, Mr President, not enough women - from varied sectors and backgrounds, each of whom can make a significant contribution to the practical realisation of the society our Constitution aspires to.
Creating a nonracial society requires the very solutions and actions that our President has begun implementing. His attention to education, to the programmes in education, particularly his focus on quality and increased access to skills training and to higher education of quality, confirm his attention to the core issues that confront our societies. These interventions and programmes will benefit all schools, all learners and all involved in education and training.
Furthermore, the Presidency has reached out to all communities in our country in a genuine endeavour to strengthen inclusion and to ensure that all communities experience the impact of a caring and responsive government. Of course, much more needs to be done to cement nonracialism and to assure South Africans that all leaders care about all of them, and not just about sections of particular communities.
Nonracialism requires much more than inclusion. It means addressing inadequate employment opportunities and inadequate shelter, and ensuring improved health facilities and improved health status. Again, these are the priorities President Zuma addressed in his budget.
The Presidency has gone well beyond socioeconomic rights and has created the basis for the most vulnerable and neglected to be supported. The creation of the Rural Development department focuses attention on fellow citizens who are generally invisible to many of us today. These communities will have dedicated programmes and policies. We hope that this will lead to rural communities being treated with dignity and care.
A further aspect of response to our national vision of a better society is that of ensuring that the vulnerable in all race groups enjoy access to government services. This is why the President has devoted attention to meeting with communities from all the groups that make up our society to identify their needs with them, and to ensure that they know that this government is a government for all the people. No leader has been as active as the President in reaching out to all of us. [Applause.
Future success in building a nonracial culture and character in our society requires dedicated attention to all the policies and practices that have the potential to support success. This includes due attention to statements and actions by all leaders. All parties in this House claim allegiance to the Constitution. Thus, building a South Africa that reflects all its aspirations goes well beyond hostility to the ANC. All parties had the opportunity to express their perspective on our freedom at the recent Freedom Day celebrations. Sadly, some of the leaders - some, not all - failed to inspire, but the Presidency must be applauded for opening that space. [Applause.] We trust that parties will build on this example and ensure that in future they also practise inclusion.
A great deal is often said about the need to strengthen the organs of civil society in all sectors of social action. The Presidency has ensured a focus on traditional leadership, religious sectors and sector-based associations. Of course, this is not a new set of activities; it has been a feature of the work of Presidents Mandela, Mbeki, Motlanthe, and now President Zuma.
One of the most encouraging perspectives of South Africa is the evidence of progress that is being made in gender equity. The creation of the new Ministry of Women, Children and People with Disabilities will allow the Presidency to ensure co-ordinated and integrated responses to the promotion of increased gender equity. All of us know that more must be done to stop abuse and violence against women, but it is clear that the Presidency has begun the necessary commitment to resources for this vital obligation.
Of course, culture, religion and language are vital for achieving success in nation-building and in building a society that has shared values and practices. The horror that all South Africans expressed at the disgraceful, forced marriage of children in the Eastern Cape indicates that we are beginning to develop shared values, and that we endorse the vision of our Constitution that the practice of culture and religion must be accompanied by attention to equality and dignity for all.
All these positive responses of the Presidency and the work that is indicated in the budget documents that have been tabled for Parliament by the President, as well as the work carried out by the Deputy President and the Ministers in the Presidency, clearly indicate that there is a national vision in action and an unchallengeable commitment to giving effect to the ideals and aspirations that are at the heart of our country's national vision, our Constitution.
We believe, hon Speaker, that with support for this budget the Presidency will be able to concretely execute its work in ensuring that the Constitution of South Africa remains a living document that visibly and fundamentally alters the lives of the people of our country, so that our wish that all might have a better life is recognised under the leadership of President Zuma. I thank you. [Applause.
The SPEAKER: Order! I would like to thank the hon Minister of Science and Technology. Hon members, the proceedings of the House will be suspended for 15 minutes to allow for a comfort break. The bells will be rung to alert members to the resumption of business. Business suspended at 17:24 and resumed at 17:44.
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY - PERFORMANCE MONITORING AND EVALUATION AS WELL AS ADMINISTRATION IN THE PRESIDENCY: Thank you very much, hon Speaker.
Hon President, hon Deputy President, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, I'm tempted to do what the hon Ellis advised we should do in his speech on the debate of the budget of Parliament, to respond to some of the issues that have been raised by former speakers who came before me; and, secondly, to take note of the comments that were made by the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries in that we must deal with the facts.
I would like to correct the hon member Trollip, the Leader of the Opposition, who suggested that the Presidency did not table a strategic plan. I have with me, hon Trollip, I can give it to you, a letter sent by the Presidency to the Speaker to confirm our submission. I have with me, hon Trollip, I can give it to you [Laughter.] [Applause.] confirmation of the submission of the strategic plan of the Presidency tabled in this House. Those are records of this House, not records of the Presidency. [Interjections.
The President is both the head of state and the head of government. It is therefore important to understand the type of capacity and the support required to fulfil these two roles. We have in the past presented to this House the budget for the Government Communication and Information System, the GCIS, the International Marketing Council, the IMC, and the Media Development and Diversity Agency, the MDDA, which form part of our work.
It gives me a great pleasure to address you today on the occasion of the tabling of yet another budget of the Presidency and that of the Department for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation in the Presidency.
Hon members will notice that we refer to ourselves as a department rather than as a Ministry, as we have done previously. We have since proclaimed the Ministry as a department. The department does not yet have a Vote and is currently operating under the Vote of the Presidency, but we intend to address this matter in the budget adjustment process in October this year.
In June last year, we committed ourselves to a number of milestones that formed the basis for our budget. We said: "It is important to highlight that the birth of this Ministry was a deliberate response to the needs and aspirations of millions of South Africans who, through their ballots, gave us an opportunity to govern the country."
Since the last time we appeared before this House, we have been hard at work setting up and developing the monitoring and evaluation system for the executive and the Public Service.
Allow me to give you feedback on the commitments we have made.
We have developed a position paper titled Improving Government Performance: Our Approach, and presented it to this House in September last year.
We also undertook to develop 20 to 30 politically determined outcome indicators based on the five priorities of government by October 2009. These priorities are, to remind ourselves: rural development, basic education, health, safety and job creation. We have also placed additional emphasis on human settlements and local government.
In the course of developing the outcomes we decided to reduce the number to 12 for better strategic focus. These outcomes were developed and negotiated with the relevant departments for discussion by the Cabinet lekgotla held in February this year. As hon members might be aware, President Jacob Zuma announced on 30 April this year that he had signed performance agreements with Ministers.
The primary purpose of the performance agreements is to serve as a management tool and not as a punitive mechanism. The agreements enable the President to provide us with an indication of the key issues that he would want us to focus on and his expectations of our performance in this regard. The performance agreements commit us to working together with all spheres of government, to better achieve the outcomes.
In doing all this work, we moved with the required speed and caution to make sure that we delivered effectively and efficiently on our mandate. There are no benchmarks or references we could use, but we are pleased with what we have managed to achieve within such a short space of time.
I wish to say to all South Africans that we are mindful of the enormous responsibility which has been placed on us as a department and of the public expectations we have to meet. We are committed and determined to meet your expectations to the best of our ability. The changes we are bringing about will change how government works and give effect to our new way of doing things. It is an intense process, which will in the long term help us build and deliver a better life for all our people.
Hon members, while we have performed reasonably well in rolling out government programmes and initiatives since 1994, we acknowledge that the state has not performed as optimally as we desired. The service delivery protests we have witnessed in some parts of the country are an indication that a lot of work still needs to be done. The Performance Monitoring and Evaluation department in the Presidency has been established to improve government performance and monitor and evaluate the progress we are making.
The department is also meant to identify problem areas in the system and assist to unlock them to speed up delivery. We are also tasked with refocusing the work of government and ensuring that the limited resources we have are better used in priority areas to realise maximum value for investments made.
The identified outcomes were developed to increase the strategic focus of government and enable us to focus our attention on critical issues that require improvement. This does not mean that other activities of government are not important or will be neglected. For each of these outcomes, we have worked with the relevant departments to identify the outputs required to achieve the outcome, and to set targets and measurable indicators. These outputs and targets have also been included in the performance agreements between the President and the Ministers.
Together with their provincial and local government counterparts, departments are now engaged in the process of developing detailed delivery agreements for each outcome.
The delivery agreements will refine the outputs and targets and include action plans with clear roles and responsibilities of all the stakeholders for the outcomes to be achieved. We have produced and distributed guidelines to drive the development of the agreements.
The development of the delivery agreements is being co-ordinated by existing government structures such as the Cabinet committees, Ministers meetings with provincial MECs and the clusters.
Where the delivery agreements involve more than one sphere of government, they will have the status of intergovernmental implementation protocols in terms of the Intergovernmental Relations Framework Act.
The President will also request premiers to enter into intergovernmental protocols with him, which will focus on outcomes areas that have major intergovernmental implications, for example health, basic education, local government and human settlements. These protocols will also provide a useful basis for the work of the President's Co-ordinating Council, the PCC, meetings which the President has occasionally with the Premiers.
We have set the target for the delivery agreements to be ready for presentation to the July Cabinet lekgotla. Once the delivery agreements have been finalised, the co-ordinating structures of government will then focus on monitoring and evaluating progress against the outcomes, outputs and targets. The structures will further facilitate the ironing out of bottlenecks and the integration of the activities of all affected stakeholders.
We will play a supporting role in all the co-ordinating structures. This is to ensure that the agenda remains focused on the delivery agreement and facilitates integration and links across the outcomes and with monitoring and evaluation. This work will be done by the team of outcome specialists, which my department is in the process of recruiting.
The monitoring of the delivery agreements will be on two levels: Firstly, broad overarching indicators will be tracked, for example life expectancy, maternal mortality, poverty levels, literacy rates, crime levels, etc. Secondly, we will monitor the contributory activities and the targets that we need to achieve.
Reports will be provided to the Cabinet committees every two months. In addition, administrative and expenditure information will be corroborated by information from various surveys, specialised studies and independent sources as far as possible. We look forward to a fruitful collaboration with civil society and academia in this regard.
As a department, we will also conduct our own monitoring and evaluation. Subsequent to Cabinet discussion, the programme of action will be updated and made public. The main purpose of these reports will be to provide Cabinet with an indication of the degree to which the outcomes are being achieved, based on objective analysis of evidence.
When monitoring and evaluation indicates that activities and outputs are not resulting in the desired outcomes as intended, this should result in adjustments to the activities and outputs. The results of our monitoring and evaluation work will therefore also be used to provide a feedback loop to annual reviews of the delivery agreements.
Lastly, government will also institutionalise formal evaluation processes. These are the longer term and in-depth studies that probe deeper into policy and delivery successes and failures. It is envisaged that this work will be done in conjunction with National Treasury and sector departments. My office will be releasing policy guidelines in this regard shortly.
In June this year my department will publish a new programme of action based on the outputs and targets for the 12 outcomes. This version will be improved as more detailed delivery agreements are finalised.
Following the approval of the position paper, development of the outcomes and signing of performance agreements, we are now in the process of recruitment. We have since appointed a Director-General, Dr Sean Phillips, who is present in the Chamber today, to oversee the establishment of the department to start the process of monitoring and evaluation.
As you are aware, the President established the Presidential Hotline last year to make government and the Presidency more accessible to the public, and to help deal with service delivery blockages. The hotline has experienced a high volume of calls from citizens who are determined to communicate with government. Many issues have been resolved, but not with the speed we desire.
The President has decided to place the hotline under my office as a performance monitoring and evaluation tool to assess the performance of government against the citizens' needs. We are in the process of evaluating its performance and introducing interventions to make it more efficient and for it to respond effectively to the public's needs. The information collected by the hotline gives us an indication of whether services are reaching our people and how efficient we are as government at reaching our people. I also wish to assure all those who have contacted the hotline that their concerns are taken seriously and, in some areas, issues raised are being incorporated into government plans.
The service delivery protests also highlight our inability to effectively communicate with our people. The President has led from the front and visited a number of communities, as he said earlier. Government is embarking on a public-participation campaign, co-ordinated by the GCIS, to report to citizens on what plans they have for development in their respective areas.
To ensure that the Presidency is effective and efficient in its work, we have restructured the Presidency to respond to the current challenges we face. With the establishment of the National Planning Commission and the performance monitoring and evaluation functions, the Policy Co-ordination and Advisory Services was disestablished. However, all PCAS functions were retained in the Presidency.
The planning function is now under the National Planning Commission, and monitoring and evaluation under the Performance Monitoring and Evaluation Department. The policy support, analysis and advice capacity has been moved to strengthen the Cabinet office.
Another critical component of our work is youth development through the National Youth Development Agency, the NYDA. The NYDA has, in its strategy, adopted key performance areas, amongst others, economic participation, education and skills development, information services and communications and national youth service.
The key performance areas now serve as a guideline as the National Youth Development Agency tackles young people's challenges, particularly of those based in the rural areas and those with disabilities. This will be achieved through supporting self-employment initiatives, linking young people to job opportunities, referring them to the relevant organisations and offering free career guidance at its youth centres.
In his state of the nation address, President Zuma called on the NYDA to establish its structures throughout the country. The NYDA seeks to have structures in provinces and in all 283 municipalities in the next three years so that its accessibility, especially in the most rural communities, can be improved. In the next three months offices in Welkom, Tzaneen and Richards Bay will be established.
In its strategy for the economic participation of young people, the NYDA has since its establishment disbursed over 7 500 microfinance loans to the value of R23 million and R3 million small and medium enterprise loans. A total of 4 224 Business Consultancy Services Vouchers were issued to the value of R33 million. [Applause.] Over 16 000 young people were also engaged under the National Youth Service Programme.
In view of the funding challenges for 2010-11, the NYDA had to revise its targets. For 2010-11 MTEF submission, the NYDA was allocated R369,973 million. Youth unemployment is very high. We need a co-ordinated effort by all stakeholders to deal with this matter. The budget allocated to the NYDA is inadequate. If this institution is to fulfil its mandate, more resources need to be allocated to it.
However, the NYDA recognises that not all its funding should come from the government. As such, the organisation has made strides by entering into partnerships with some of the country's smallest and biggest organisations, both public and private, for youth development purposes.
Turning to the budget, the Presidency received an amount of...
The SPEAKER: Hon member, your time has expired. [Interjections.
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY - PERFORMANCE MONITORING AND EVALUATION AS WELL AS ADMINISTRATION IN THE PRESIDENCY: Thank you very much. My time was taken up by the hon Trollip. [Laughter.] [Applause.
Ms M SMUTS: Mr Speaker, I have not debated with the hon Collins since we negotiated the Bill of Rights, but I am not going to respond to him as my preceding speaker. I am going to talk about something closer to our old portfolio than his new one, and I wish to address my hon President.
Sir, I said in the state of the nation address last June that the hon President's choice of a Chief Justice would be the single most important act of his Presidency. I also suggested that there was a natural successor. He assured me most courteously in reply that he would make a good choice, and I think that it is only right that I should acknowledge that he has, indeed, made not only a good, but a great choice. We look forward to the modernisation of an administratively independent judicial branch under the leadership of the Chief Justice, and also to the modernisation of our civil justice system.
However, sir, the exact opposite has occurred at the prosecuting authority. There, the hon President's startling choice for National Director of Public Prosecutions, the NDPP, has, within months, caused a crisis at that institution, and it is obvious, but perhaps it needs saying, that the independent courts cannot play their part in dispensing, specifically, criminal justice if criminal prosecution is compromised.
Mnr, die fragmentering en die gevolglike neutralisering van die Vervolgingsgesag lyk na 'n kru quid pro quo vir die vestiging van institusioneel onafhanklike howe. En die agb President het hier 'n direkte verantwoordelikheid. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.
[Sir, the fragmentation and subsequent neutralisation of the Prosecuting Authority appears to be a crude quid pro quo for the establishment of institutionally independent courts. And the hon President has a direct responsibility in this regard.
It was only last Wednesday that the hon Justice Minister said in his budget speech that the key pillars in the fight against crime and corruption remain the specialised units - plural - that fall under the National Prosecuting Authority, the NPA. He was formally reporting back to us after we had revealed the Simelane plan to him a week earlier, to his visible surprise in the committee. The hon Minister then rode off and rescued the Asset Forfeiture Unit, AFU, perhaps placating the public via the media where the AFU has built up a profile for itself.
Maar ons oud-kollega mnr Willie Hofmeyr is maar die kleinboetie van adv Chris Jordaan, u weet. Dit is adv Jordaan wat die kommersiële skurke vastrek en laat sit, met 3 000 sake per jaar teenoor Willie se 300 per jaar, R112 miljoen aan uitbetalings aan slagoffers teenoor Willie se R29 miljoen, en 'n syfer van 94% skuldigbevindings teenoor 63%. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.
[But our former colleague Mr Willie Hofmeyr is but a smaller-scale version of adv Chris Jordaan, you know. It is adv Jordaan who tracks down criminals and throws them into jail, with his 3 000 cases per year against Willie's 300, his R112 million pay-outs to victims compared to Willie's R29 million, and a conviction rate of 94% as against 63%.
Why was no one told, hon President, that while the hon Minister was meeting Adv Simelane the Specialised Commercial Crimes Unit, the SCCU, had already been disbanded That is, despite a spectacular success rate in the notoriously difficult business of securing convictions for commercial crime. A figure of 94% is nothing unusual for that unit?
On the day before the ministerial meeting, the Public Servants Association, the PSA, reported that the NPA had told it that the SCCU was being restructured because its head was retiring. Adv Jordaan is not retiring. And to the hon Minister who is now not with us at the moment, I must say that the executive "final responsibility" demonstrably does not work, contrary to what he somewhat smugly asserted in a debate last Wednesday.
But it is you, sir the hon President, that I am addressing, because the special directorates, Sir, are your responsibility. The buck stops literally with you. The special directorates are created by presidential proclamation. The relevant sections of the National Prosecuting Authority Act are 13, 14 and 24(3). The SCCU's head and its 200 staff members were recruited and appointed to specific positions in that directorate because of their skills. Sir, you would have to revoke the presidential proclamation before they can be demoted or redeployed.
Now, did you know, or agree to this And we would like an answer; the question is not rhetorical. If you did not, then Adv Simelane is in defiance of presidential orders. That is bad. Sir, if you did know, that is worse! And here is why: Equality before the law will be a dead letter if you allow the NDPP to close down our best corruption busters. Mr President, it is an act so irrational that we have to ask if the SCCU is just too good for the ANC and its cronies' comfort?
Dit lyk vir ons na 'n vorm van vrywaring van vervolging van vriende. [To us it looks like a form of indemnity from prosecution for friends.
And selective justice, sir, is no justice at all. [Applause.
The MINISTER FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: Hon Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon Ministers, Members of Parliament, the ANC supports the Vote of the Presidency as it is an enabler for the Presidency to provide political leadership of this country domestically and in international community engagements.
At the 52nd conference in Polokwane, we as the ANC, noting that the situation in the world continued to change drastically in recent years and that more people than ever before live in democratic communities, we proclaimed that a just world and a better Africa was a possibility. This conviction continues to guide us as we work hard for a better Africa and a peaceful world. Through your leadership, Mr President, we remain united around your call for all of us to do work differently.
One of the responsibilities that we have not only committed ourselves to but also internalised as an obligation to achieve is pursuing African advancement through the fast-tracking of regional integration by strengthening the African Peer Review Mechanism, the APRM, and advocating for the democratisation of and equity in institutions and systems of global economic governance.
With in this commitment, we uphold our international relations policy which advocates pushing back the frontiers of poverty and underdevelopment in South Africa and Africa based on the continental, economic and development plan, the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad. This commitment also includes creating peace and pursuing peaceful resolutions to conflicts; contributing to peace efforts in Africa and in the world; building and consolidating strategic partnerships to advance the country's developmental agenda; building and reforming African continental institutions; and continuing to exert influence on global, political and economic issues.
We played a critical role in the creation of Nepad and we hosted its secretariat as we understood that working for Africa's advancement meant taking responsibilities and working to implement them. Nepad is the African Union's programme of action at a practical level to intensify the struggle against poverty and underdevelopment, founded on the principles of accountability, ownership and partnership.
It is the main frame of reference for intra-African relations and Africa's partnership with international partners, such as the European Union Strategic Partnership; the Forum for Africa-China Co-operation; the Group of Seven most industrialised nations plus Russia, commonly known as the G8; the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership; and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, commonly known as the OECD.
South Africa continues to play a role in the activities of Nepad. Under the leadership and guidance of our President, our voices were lifted in acknowledgement of all at the African Union Heads of State and Government Summit in Ethiopia in January this year to the effect that Nepad should be strengthened to live up to the realisation of its founding mandate.
Of course, it takes visionary and responsible leadership to contribute in steering the continent away from poverty and underdevelopment and to economic growth and development. As we discuss and celebrate Africa's advancement, we should never forget where we come from, lest we undermine the reality that it takes unity and co-operation derived from mutual respect for nations of the continent and the world to thrive.
A realist perspective expressed by some South African international relations policy analysts reflected that in the years before 1994, our "foreign relations" policy, as it was then referred to, focused primarily on Southern Africa and rested upon a combination of promoting economic interests, in the form of flows of South African exports and investments in the region, and on military destabilisation as part of the aggressive defence of apartheid.
We say thanks to the heroic leadership of our struggle whose views continue to guide us as we march on in the journey of Africa's advancement.
Africa is beyond bemoaning the past for its problems. The task of undoing that past is on the shoulders of African leaders themselves, with the support of those willing to join in a continental renewal. We have a new generation of leaders who know that Africa must take responsibility for its own destiny, that Africa will uplift itself only by its own efforts in partnership with those who wish her well.
As we march on in this journey of Africa's advancement, we will always remember that the road will not always be smooth, hence we also agree that we may have to do things differently to respond to each given situation in so far as our having to strive for implementation of agreements and treaties that we enter into, in measured speed, is concerned.
The words of our President in his address at the World Economic Conference in Tanzania recently confirms that, yes, Africa's advancement programme owes its roots to its own soil. He said, "Africa should start to use its own resources to get out of the trap of underdevelopment."
South Africa is one of those African states that played a leading role in ensuring that there had to be a voluntary instrument for member states of the AU to assist one another in working for the realisation of the objectives of Nepad, so that regional integration, political stability, and economic growth and development should be realised.
This voluntary instrument, founded in 2003, is called the African Peer Review Mechanism, the APRM. The APRM provides space for AU member states to assess one another as peers and to guide each other, so that we can say that it is each according to capability and each according to need. We share experience and reflect on those things that we would advise each other about in the areas of democracy and political governance, economic governance and management, corporate governance, and socioeconomic development.
About 30 AU member states have now acceded to this review mechanism. Twelve of them have been peer reviewed. In July later this year, Mauritius and Ethiopia will be peer reviewed. We will, accordingly, approach lead agencies for comment on the reports of these countries. The beauty of the African Peer Review Mechanism is that it is a country process. It is highly interactive and brings together civil society, government and business.
South Africa has acceded to the African Peer Review Mechanism, as we believe that it is a useful instrument in facilitating interstate engagements on issues of political stability, good governance and economic development.
We are amongst the first five states to be peer reviewed. We have since submitted our first accountability report, in January 2009, in which we shared with African Union member states our legislative and policy standards, as well as our accedence to the international treaties and conventions.
In successive reports to the first one, we will account to the extent to which we have succeeded in implementing these laws, policies and international instruments, leading up to a period when we will be ready for the second review. Our peers identified, advised and would like to see us reflect on what we are doing about some critical issues that are crosscutting in the four thematic areas of the APRM that I alluded to earlier.
Of course, our preparation to respond to these issues is at an advanced stage. We have been engaging APRM sectors in consultative sessions in all the provinces in the country. We have so far received inputs, broadly, on issues such as challenges to service delivery, the land reform issues, stakeholder participation, poverty and inequality, the fight against racism, anticorruption, violence against women and children, and HIV and Aids. We will receive further comments on xenophobia, diversity, affirmative action, cross-border movement of people, and black economic empowerment.
Regarding the matters for attention that I referred to as we respond to these crosscutting issues, our peers in the APRM believe that we have the capacity to deal with them. To the extent that some debates arise and some debates are, of course, informed by the fact that we need to clarify some of these issues, we consider this as a call for us to indicate how we are dealing with these matters.
They want us to indicate whether the debate in each suggests that there is a crisis, or if it is a function of democratic agility and the slow pace of positive advancement. South Africa will soon tell our consolidated stories on these issues when we submit our second APRM accountability report. It is waiting for the completion of one important chapter: the Fifa 2010 Soccer World Cup tournament that we are hosting. We definitely have to conclude this chapter so that the activities of the tournament will form part of the report when we then prepare it.
Having declared ourselves an activist Fourth Parliament of a democratic South Africa, it is expected of this honourable House to rise and be counted as one of the active participants in the writing of the second report of the APRM.
We are looking forward, without any doubt, to seeing Parliament in action, as was the case when we went through the country's self-assessment process and the writing of the country's self-assessment report in terms of the APRM in the period up until 2006.
Participating in the APRM processes is not only for APRM compliance. It is also a moment for self-reflection as it provides a mirror for reflection on our record of performance in the areas of democracy, political stability, economic growth and development.
This Parliament led by example at the conclusion of the self-assessment process when it appointed a team of experts to introspect its state of readiness as a people's Parliament.
Taking the cue from that leadership by Parliament, we are leading a project modelled around the self-reflection of the APRM, in order to introspect the Public Service with a view to defining an architecture of our Public Service ready to drive a developmental agenda.
We interpret the performance agreement that we signed with the hon President to be premised on this demand. May we, as we celebrate Africa Day this year, once more confirm that a just world and a better Africa is a possibility and that we will make it happen through our own efforts.
Ku nga va ku ri xihoxo lexikulu eka un'wana wa vatswari va mina eka swa tipolitiki, Nkul Pharephare Mothupi, loko a nga ndzi twa ndzi nyika nkanelo wa mina ndzi gimeta ndzi nga nghenisanga ririmi ra manana. Hikwalaho, ndzi rhandza ku gimeta nkanelo wa mina hi ku vula leswaku tiko ra hina ra Afrika Dzonga ri amukele ntwanano wa Nhlangano wa Matiko ya Misava eka ku kamakamana na vukungundzwana.
Hi endlile tano tanihi mfungho wo tiyimisela ku humelela eka mafumele lamanene emisaveni hinkwayo. Ha rona mpfhumba leri, hi ya emahlweni hi vurhangeri bya Presidente Zuma leswaku matiko hinkwawo ya misava ya fanele ya sayina ntwanano wo xopaxopana hi vuntangha bya matiko. Ku nga ri khale ha tshembha leswaku mhaka leyi yi ta fika emakumu.
Ku humelela ka matiko ya misava swi lawuriwa hi vuswikoti na ku tinyiketa ka wona eka ku tirhisana. A swi hi vuyiseli nchumu ku pfukelana matimba, ku tshwukiselana mahlo hambi ku vutlelana mimfumo handle ka ku hi vuyisela ntsena ngati, swirilo na vusweti. A hi swi papalateni. Tiko ra hina ri nghenerile ntwanano wo tirhisana na Nhlangano wa Ntirhisano hi swo Hluvukisa Ikhonomi.
Hi ku ya hi ntwanano lowu, hi yirisa vatirhelamfumo, hambi i vo hlawuriwa kumbe vo thoriwa, ku ba mati leswaku tingwenya ti etlela loko va tirha ematikweni ya le handle na loko va amukela vukorhokeri hi vatirhi vo huma ehandle. Ku endla tano i manyala ya vukungundzwana. Na wona ntwanano lowu wu katsa ku xopaxopana ka matiko hi vuntangha.
Loko ha ha ri eka mhaka leyi hi ri tiko, hi vika leswaku hi pfumerile ku kamberiwa hi tlhela hi endla leswi hi nga tsundzuxiwa swona. Hi ku ya hi ntwanano lowu wa OECD, hi kamberiwile ro sungula hi tintangha ta hina hi 2008. Sweswi ha ha ku kamberiwa ra vumbirhi laha tiko ra Slovenia na Amerika a va ri vona varhangeri eka vukambisisi lebyi. Xiviko xi ta huma ku nga ri khale.
Hinkwaswo leswi swi komba leswaku hi tiyimiserile ku tirhisana na matiko ya misava naswona varhangeri va hina va twisisa xidemokirasi. Hi ri ku dya hi ku engeta. [Va phokotela.] (Translation of Xitsonga paragraphs follows.
It would be a big mistake if one of my political mentors, Mr Pharephare Mothupi, heard me concluding my discussion without using my mother tongue. As a result, I would like to conclude my discussion by saying that our country, South Africa, has accepted the United Nations agreement to fight corruption.
We have done so as a sign of commitment to good governance in the whole world. Through this instrument, we surge forward under the leadership of President Zuma so that the entire international community can sign the African Peer Review Mechanism. It won't be long before this matter is finalised.
The success of the international community depends on its abilities and commitment to work together. There is no benefit in fighting each other, causing animosity or overthrowing governments which only result in bloodshed, crisis and poverty. Let us avoid this. Our country has entered into an agreement to work together with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.
According to the agreement, we forbid government officials, whether elected or appointed, to accept bribes when they work in foreign countries and when they receive services rendered by foreigners. To do that is a damning act of corruption. And this agreement also includes the review of countries by their peers.
While on this issue as a country, we report that we have acceded to be reviewed and to do what we have been advised. According to the OECD agreement, we were peer reviewed for the first time in 2008. Now we have just been peer reviewed for the second time, and Slovenia and America were the leaders in the review.
All of this shows that we are committed to working together with the international community and our leaders understand democracy. I rest my case, lest I not be afforded the opportunity in future. [Applause.
Rev K R J MESHOE: Hon Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members, on behalf of the ACDP, it is my pleasure to dedicate my speech today to the "Fly the Flag" for South Africa campaign. [Interjections.
The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, there is too much noise in the Chamber!
Rev K R J MESHOE: The ACDP hopes the World Cup will unite all people of our beautiful land, boost our image internationally, strengthen our tourism sector, and that the event will be incident free.
Having said that, I want to raise some concerns that the ACDP has. I have spoken to the National Commissioner twice, including on Friday last week, about increasing threats of xenophobic attacks against foreign nationals in our country.
While the National Commissioner assured me that the police will not allow the attacks to take place during the World Cup, no assurance was given that they would not take place afterwards.
Many foreign nationals who have been advised by locals to leave the country for their own safety have already left, while many, we are told, are planning to leave early next month before the games begin. I want to ask the President to please look into this serious matter and ensure that the 2008 xenophobic attacks are not repeated after the World Cup.
This morning, I received a phone call from Pastor Minambo of the Audacity of Faith Church in Tembisa. He called to tell me that he has been forced to get out of Tembisa, because he is a foreigner. The windows of his church building have been broken on several occasions to force him out.
Local police have advised him to leave for his own safety because they cannot protect him or his family. So, he has decided to leave Tembisa to look for a place where he would be welcomed as a foreigner.
Mr President, I believe this is totally unacceptable. If this sort of behaviour is allowed to continue and even servants of God are threatened with death just because they were not born in South Africa, then I believe that those perpetuating this evil will invite God's judgment on this nation for failing to protect the foreigners among us.
For the record, this Parliament must know, Mr President, that God places responsibility on government to protect foreigners among us.
What the ACDP would love to see after the World Cup is the return of spectators from all over the world, with their families, to our beautiful country, owing to the wonderful hospitality South Africans gave them.
Apart from the issue of security, our other concern is that of possible strikes that may take place during the World Cup. While our Constitution protects our people's right to strike, the ACDP is very concerned about the violence that often accompanies strikes in our country.
It is reported that informal traders are planning protests for being excluded from benefiting during the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup.
During the building of the Soccer City, we provided food to most of the workers; therefore we feel we are not part of the process.
The ACDP urges the President to use his influence to ensure that this impasse between informal traders and Fifa is resolved amicably very soon, so that this aggrieved group does not resort to violent strikes during the games.
Reports about a train transporting petrol and diesel that was derailed between Durban and Johannesburg in an apparent sabotage action by striking Transnet workers are worrying. Why did striking workers fiddle with railway lines, loosen railway plates to cause the train to derail, throw rocks at locomotives and set some locomotives alight?
Such actions, particularly after the recent Rovos Rail train derailment that led to many tourists being injured and three workers losing their lives, have the potential of our railways and trains being declared unsafe by both locals and potential tourists, and we cannot allow that to happen.
We believe government should have negotiated an arrangement with the unions, particularly Cosatu, in that there would be no strikes during the World Cup as most strikes in our country turn violent, as happened this week.
The ACDP believes that even though the World Cup is in 29 days' time, it is not yet too late, Mr President, to try to get a settlement before the kickoff. We believe that commitment from all the unions is necessary so that we can ensure that our participation and the people of South Africa make the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup the greatest ever. And we believe that together we can. Thank you.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: Hon Speaker Mr Max Sisulu, hon President Mr Jacob Zuma, hon Deputy President Mr Kgalema Motlanthe, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, a few days ago our fourth democratic government turned one year old. This reminds us of the journey we began in 1994, which was a result of a rich history and heritage from which we must learn, as we move forward to consolidate our democracy.
In moving ahead, we must follow in the footsteps of our forebears who, in the early 20th century, saw the need for unity in action to liberate all South Africans from the yoke of racist oppression. This need for unity inspired the formation of the ANC in 1912.
Since its inception, the ANC has pursued the principle of united action. Therefore, it forged unity with other progressive movements, in the spirit of solidarity, with other oppressed South Africans and with white compatriots committed to ending the scourge of apartheid. This formed the foundation of the dream of a nonracist and nonsexist society. It is around this dream that our people mobilised all sections of South African society to fight for freedom, human rights and dignity.
The history of our struggle teaches us that victory against any form of adversity requires the participation of multitudes of people and their organisations. In bringing all these actors together, the ANC built a national liberation movement guided by the value of unity, despite the diversity of the peoples and organisations in our society.
So, the ANC has experience in working with diverse communities. You can go back into its history. I want to name but a few of the pacts that have been signed: the Three Doctors' Pact, the Women's Charter, the Freedom Charter, the Women's March, the UDF, and so on. This is what has made the ANC strong and why the ANC has been able to come up with very strong, uncontested views that have been able to stand the test of time.
In this context, it is fitting to recall the words of the great pioneer and revolutionary Pixley ka Isaka Seme, who called on Africans to forget the differences of the past and unite together in one organisation. He said, "We are one people. These divisions, these jealousies, are the cause of all our woes today."
It is our view that Seme's guidance should find expression in the society we live in today and inspire us to work together in building a united, nonracial, nonsexist and prosperous South Africa. In this regard, we must build a new social movement, which will re-energise every citizen of our country - irrespective of race, gender, religion, age and irrespective of whether they reside in rural or urban areas - around the idea that the future and prosperity of our nation is in our hands.
Accordingly, let us strengthen a social compact between government and the all the people of South Africa, and ensure that we base it on progressive social values that seek to build our society rather than destroy it. Mr President, we need to follow your example in this regard, as you recently demonstrated when you reached out to the poor and working-class members of the Afrikaner community.
Mr M WATERS: Travel vouchers!
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: Travel vouchers, yes! You know what You have a big problem. [Interjections.] We have forgiven you, but you do not want to forget. You have forgotten what your great grandfathers did to us. [Interjections.] They maimed and killed our people. They committed all sorts of injustices, but you always come up with these things. [Applause.] We have forgiven you. You must learn to forgive. We have even been through the courts. [Interjections.?
The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, order! [Interjections.
An HON MEMBER: doesn't justify your activities. [Interjections.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: It doesn't...
The SPEAKER: Hon members, order!
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: Further, I want to emphasise that we need the concerted inclusion and participation of traditional leaders in all the platforms that seek to build our society, as they have been active agents historically in building unity in our communities.
Women must be at the forefront of championing these values. Having achieved a 50:50 quota of gender parity in government, we must now pursue policies and actions that will contribute to the full emancipation of women. The ANC has always championed the idea that women's rights are human rights, and I am very proud that we continue to live out this ideal.
The rights of women include our right to bodily integrity so that we can decide what to do with our own bodies and our own lives. These are the values of choice and substantive democratic practice that should shape our people and our institutions. I want to take this opportunity to call on all women in positions of power and influence not to rest on their laurels. We have a responsibility to continue the fight against all forms of discrimination, especially because of the positions we have been privileged enough to hold.
Towards the achievement of these values, the Presidency must take the lead in working with inclusive women's organisations, such as the Progressive Women's Movement, to address common challenges facing women regardless of their station in life. While we say, "A woman's place is not in the kitchen," as Ambassador Mthintso usually says, we must all know that there are women who still do not have a kitchen, and for us the struggle continues. [Applause.
Mr President, the existing partnership between government and business under your stewardship is commendable. However, there must be an understanding that the economy is still in the hands of a few South Africans, predominantly white males, and a growing but small black male elite.
It is now high time for a social compact that aims to transform the economy for the benefit of all South Africans. The so-called democratic dividend must be for all who work and live in South Africa. In terms of women's participation in the economy, we need to continue to open doors for women to do business, through providing access to skills, capital and preferential procurement processes.
The relationship between government and the workers must be nurtured consistently, given the role that workers play in the economy. We must continue to promote and protect the rights of workers. Of course, we expect them to exercise these rights responsibly.
Equally, we expect the leaders of companies to be responsible stewards of the economy, and to avoid the risk of sacrificing long-term growth and sustained job creation by succumbing to the type of greed which precipitated [Interjections.
The SPEAKER: Order! Order! Continue, hon member.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: which precipitated the current global economic crisis.
Mr President, I take this opportunity to applaud labour, business and community-based organisations for their participation in the National Economic Development and Labour Council, Nedlac. We set up institutions like this to foster social dialogue, and to facilitate consensus on issues of social and economic policy.
United action requires the involvement of civil-society organisations. South Africa has a rich history of social activism buttressed by a vibrant civil society.
In the 1980s, with solidarity support from the international community, we created a state of dual power throughout black communities in which organisations such as Sached, the SA Committee on Higher Education Trust, the National Education Crisis Committee, the SA Council of Churches, the network of advice offices together with the Black Sash and various other civic movements provided alternative services and built people's institutions for people's power. Investment in strengthening this tradition will ensure that we emerge victorious against racism, sexism, poverty and underdevelopment.
In addition, we will further rely on the influence and space that faith-based organisations occupy in our society. These are organisations that must help us instil the values espoused in our Constitution. These values include human, civil and political rights as well as social, economic and cultural rights.
I can say proudly that, generally, faith-based organisations have been supportive of progressive policies that promote gender equality.
Ngalokho ngithi, Malibongwe! [On that I say, let it be praised!
Mr President, it is our task not only to build South Africa, but to build a collective South African and African identity. To do this, we need to move from so-called tolerance towards acceptance of progressive customs and traditions. I want to emphasise that many of the immutable values such as mutual respect, dignity and integrity are embedded in the cultures of most South Africans.
because that is how I communicate and relate to my ancestors. So, that is the understanding we are fighting for.
There was a point in our history when young African intellectuals emerged from mission schools to translate their education into practical scenarios that responded to the challenges of their times. That is what our country needs currently: an emergence of professionals and intellectuals that help us respond to the development needs of our country.
In this regard, we need to invite black intellectuals particularly to be part of the social discourse, and ensure that we accept original views regardless of race or gender. They must come up with fruitful views on how to take the country forward.
We need organic intellectuals who grow out of our communities and use those experiences to shape a better country for all citizens. Even in our universities, we need staff and students to broaden their horizons. They must never be concerned about how high-flown their ideas are, but rather how grounded those ideas are. [Applause.
In conclusion, I must emphasise that we need to build social capital as key to dealing with the challenges we face, and ultimately in creating a prosperous and caring society. I therefore commend and applaud the many NGOs, faith-based organisations, development agencies and academia, among other partners, who continue to work jointly with us to create a better life for all our people. They have realised that it is our collective responsibility to make South Africa a better place for all its citizens. Truly, working together we can do more. The ANC supports this Vote. [Applause.
Dr W G JAMES: Speaker, Mr President, Mr Deputy President, hon members, it is, of course, ironic that the two virgin Ministries whose purpose it is to enhance, through planning, monitoring and evaluation, the building of what Joel Netshitenzhe calls a "capable state" are themselves victim to the same logic that makes our state bureaucracy so slow and unresponsive. It took a full year to put the National Planning Commission together. The celebrated ministerial performance agreements were signed at the beginning of May this year, a full year since President Zuma assumed office.
Allow me to make a few points directed at Minister Collins Chabane's new Ministry. Firstly, a great deal was made of how the Zuma government desired to be moved by performance. [Interjections.] Yet, it is unclear [Interjections.] how the best people for the jobs at the highest level are to be appointed to ensure that things get done. The boundaries between excellence and mediocrity are, at best, shadowy, aggravated by executive vacillation.
Secondly, the principal vehicle of ministerial performance accountability, the performance agreements or contracts, have taken a full year to come to conclusion, as I've said. It turns out, too, that Ministers set their own targets, which, of course, defeats the purpose of the exercise. Those who desire little more than enjoying the comforts of office instead of experiencing the inner joy of a job well done may rest assured of the uninterrupted indulgence of the ministerial lifestyle.
Thirdly, President Jacob Zuma promised that Ministers who do not exert themselves would be shown the door. No-one has been shown the door, despite the fact that some are in no great hurry to get the job done. [Interjections.] Minister Collins Chabane once made the fatuous point...
The SPEAKER: Order, hon members!
Dr W G JAMES: Minister Collins Chabane once made the fatuous point that we would not be evaluating the individual Ministers but rather monitoring the system.
Fourthly, Minister Chabane does not set the best example in the very Ministry that should develop an impeccable record of probity and integrity. He has used his official credit card for personal purposes and has failed to respond to parliamentary questions - and he is not alone in this - showing disdain for the parliamentary oversight obligations that we have. It is one thing to praise discipline; it is quite another to submit oneself to it.
I will make two points now about the Ministry of the National Planning Commission, falling under the leadership of Minister Trevor Manuel. Firstly, it is that the National Planning Commission, NPC, is made up of individuals drawn from different sectors inside and outside of government and hired because they are experts in their fields. Planning in the 21st century requires expert knowledge in a mix of fields pertinent to our times. It is a concern that there are no world-class experts in geology, climate change, demography or security serving on the commission. Minister Manuel today promised that such experts are to be brought into the service of the NPC in its deliberations, and that is a very good thing.
Secondly, it is, of course, essential that the NPC does not become a victim of cadre deployment. Most of the members have current or historical ties with the ANC, either by way of government or by way of the political party.
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY - NATIONAL PLANNING COMMISSION (Mr T A Manuel): You are the exception! [Laughter.
Dr W G JAMES: This brings the independence and objectivity of the NPC and the integrity of its mission into doubt. It may, indeed, be a pious hope that the moral authority of Minister Manuel would successfully shield the NPC from political interference.
The argument is - and this is an argument we support - that we need two virgin Ministries to fix a broken government. Let's face the facts: This democratic government has done many good things since 1994, and we should salute the achievements. [Applause.] But you and, in fact, all of us do not know how to create sustainable jobs under globalisation. We do not know how to build enough houses, neither do we know how to build communities or undo the fragmented social aberrations - those dormitory suburbs - created under apartheid.
Our primary, secondary and tertiary education system has let us down and, frankly, I do not think we know what we are doing. [Interjections.] The poverty levels are our national shame. Inequality levels are as perverse as they are sickening. Children go to bed hungry, without food, a fact most painful to the heart of any parent or individual with a conscience. I recently visited an orphanage in Mbekweni in my hometown of Paarl, and the children there sang to me a song that they sing to fortify themselves when they are hungry at night. You do know that if you took the food thrown out by wasteful families and all the restaurants in this country, there would be enough of it to feed every South African, young and old.
Prof B TUROK: Mr President, Mr Deputy President, I think the hon Manuel has it right: the ANC has a problem. It is a majority problem. We have too many people that support the ANC and too many people in this House - so we have a majority problem.
We don't have the problem of the UK. Do you know that in the UK - the country loved so much by the DA - in 80 years in the UK no party has won by more than 50% of the vote We have won 66%, so we have a problem. [Laughter.] [Applause.?
This is a problem we are now quite used to and we are going to manage it. Last Monday, I was invited by the Black Management Forum at the University of Cape Town to have a debate, and they gave me a very nice present today with my name on it. I have declared it. I am declaring it now. [Interjections.] [Laughter.
This debate was about the economic situation in South Africa and our policies. My opponent was a young MP from the DA. I will not mention her name because she is a nice lady and she spoke very well. It was a wonderful opportunity for us to engage on ideology and politics. What she did was to give me a lecture about DA values, and the values that she articulated were twofold: The first value was the role of the individual in society, a great emphasis on the individual; and the second value was the free market and how it will solve problems in our country.
I want to deal with those two. Let me deal with the role of the individual in society, as understood by the DA and my young friend from the DA. She said that the DA stands for open opportunity for all, that success is up to the individual and that people should be allowed to do things for themselves. Those are the three cardinal values about the individual.
Those people who read books and understand things will know that these values come from the classical liberal tradition, which is an important tradition from which the ANC has borrowed quite a lot. Her problem, however, is that the individual in our society is not a self-contained entity. We are all social beings. We live in society, and so when you articulate the open opportunity for individuals in society, please remember that the individual lives in society and is part of it.
Let me give you some examples. [Interjections.
The SPEAKER: Order, hon members! Please allow the speaker to be heard.
Prof B TUROK: We have a President and a Deputy President who did not have some of the advantages that some individuals on my left have had and, indeed, that I have had. They had no opportunity to become President and Deputy President automatically in the society that we had before 1994. Did they, in their lives, these two gentlemen, have an open opportunity - according to DA philosophy No! Was it up to the individual to make progress No! Were they allowed to do things for themselves No?
HON MEMBERS: No!
Prof B TUROK: That is why they became social actors as social beings. [Applause.] So, you see, we do appreciate merit. Let me say to you quite clearly that we respect the individual and we appreciate merit. Merit is important and, indeed, merit counts in the ANC. But the social structure counts for more, and this is what you fail to understand. [Interjections.
The fact of the matter is that these two gentlemen, the President and the Deputy President, arrived in their present positions because of the ANC. Without the ANC, maybe they would not have done that. They are social actors in a social context, and it's the society and the organisation that they belong to, including merit, that brought them to the positions that they hold at the moment. [Applause.
So, let me tell you that while the individual is important, the social context is more so. Now, does the ANC respect the individual Yes, but in a democratic sense. The individual is part of a political system in which democratic values are uppermost. This is why your constant harping about individual merit You know, when Helen Zille was here, sitting right there, she used to talk about merit, merit, merit. But we said to her that the apartheid system blocked merit, and so there was no opportunity for all?
And so "individuals", to quote you, were not allowed to do things for themselves. Indeed, I respect the liberal values of classical scholarship. I respect them, but you distort them. Classical liberal literature respects the individual, but pays attention to the society.
Let us take a man like Amartya Sen, a great philosopher who, in fact, won the Nobel Prize. What does he say Just listen carefully. He says: "Individual freedoms" - you're talking about freedom all the time - "can be seen to be a social commitment, and this requires the state to play an active role in advancing the subjective freedom of the people". So, there are two important ideas here: a social commitment, and the role of the state to play an active role?
Some of you may have heard of a gentleman called Plekhanov, a Marxist Russian philosopher. People on this side have read him. [Interjections.] He wrote a book which I have on my desk [Interjections.
The SPEAKER: Order, hon members! Order!
Prof B TUROK: I thought that would excite them, you know. [Laughter.] I really did. You know, let me confess: I deliberately used the word Marxism because I thought you would wake up. [Laughter.] [Applause.] I wasn't going to use Marxism because I knew this would excite you too much, but that's fine.
Let me say what Plekhanov says. He wrote the essay, The Role of the Individual in History, and he says the possibility of the outstanding individual to express himself and to achieve something is determined by the nature of that society. In other words, the outstanding individual, of which they are many on this side, will fulfil himself depending on the nature of the society. Let me say that the ANC stands for a fair society of overcoming the blockages of the past, of overcoming inequality, etc, etc.
Now, let me turn to my favourite subject, which is the free market of the DA. Yes, we were given a lecture at the University of Cape Town under the auspices of the Black Management Forum. It was a very good forum with a nice turnout. My colleague here will probably have something to say about it. So, what is this free market that will solve all our problems?
Let me remind you that South Africa was not built by a free market. Indeed, South Africa was built by powerful monopolies - gold mining, diamond mining, etc - who were working in collusion. And, indeed, the Competition Commission of today is telling us that that collusion continues. We do not have a free market in South Africa. Because the monopolies are so powerful and because they still control the commanding heights of the economy, the free-market ideology of the DA, therefore, is a little bit passé. Not only is it passé, but we see now [Interjections. Hang on, hang on! I am educating you [Interjections.
Prof B TUROK: They don't want to be educated. [Interjections.] [Applause.] I appeal to you, Speaker. You know, I am a professor and I am supposed to lecture you. [Laughter.] [Applause.] So, please allow me. [Interjections.] You know, what I would normally do in a classroom when the students misbehaved is throw chalk at them. [Laughter.] All I have here is a glass of water. [Laughter.] So, I don't want to do that because that would be unparliamentary.
We know that for several decades the free-market philosophy did win globally and, indeed, the whole world began to follow the free market. For several decades all our universities were teaching neoclassical economics, macroeconomic stabilisation, all that stuff. And, by the way, that was encouraged because the command economy of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe failed. So, a climate was created in which the free market could flourish and the command economy was in trouble. [Interjections.
The SPEAKER: Order! Order!
Prof B TUROK: You know all that, okay. I will continue with the lecture, Part 2. [Laughter.] Now, what has happened, however, is that the mixed economies of China, India, Brazil and Korea have flourished, and indeed they are keeping the world economy afloat. [Interjections.] So, you see, the mixed economies have flourished and the free-market economies [Interjections.
The SPEAKER: Hon members, allow the speaker to be heard!
Prof B TUROK: That's fine, I am enjoying myself. [Laughter.] Speaker, allow them to yell. It's fine. Let me quote from the Financial Times of London. I have an article here which will astonish you free marketers. It says [Interjections.] Let me read it, please. [Interjections.] You're good students.
The SPEAKER: Order! Order! Order!
Prof B TUROK: It says, "Faith in free market blinded the IMF." It goes on to analyse the reasons for the international crisis, and it says [Interjections.] I can't read the whole thing If you give me your time, I will read it. It was this boundless faith in markets' self-regulatory capacity that appears to be at the root of the IMF's failure to detect problems.
You see, they were mesmerised, like you [Laughter.] by the international free-market philosophy, and so they couldn't see the crisis that was coming and so here we are. What do we say What do we say [Interjections.] We say ..?
Mr M J ELLIS: We say [Inaudible.
Prof B TUROK: Yes, okay. Keep talking, it's fine. [Interjections.] You know, I can't hear you because I am speaking louder than you. [Laughter.
Mr M J ELLIS: Mr Speaker...
Prof B TUROK: No, no. No questions. Sit down. Sit down. [Laughter.] No questions.
The SPEAKER: Yes, hon member.
Mr M J ELLIS: Mr Speaker, I simply want to know whether I can use a microphone to tell Mr Turok what we were saying [Laughter.?
The SPEAKER: Please take your seat, hon member. And turn off your microphone.
Prof B TUROK: So, what do we say To sum up, what do we say What does the ANC say and what does this government say Firstly, we say that the state must be deliberately interventionist. [Applause.] It must not dodge the issue. A government must govern and the state must intervene. [Interjections.] That is the lesson of the mixed economies of China, India, Brazil, etc. And so we say the state must intervene?
Mr M WATERS: Has it got the capacity?
Prof B TUROK: Oh, there is plenty of capacity. [Interjections.] You should have been at the lecture by Prof Ha-Joon Chang yesterday. You dodged that, although one or two of your people were there. He is a South Korean internationally famous economist and professor of economics at the University of Cambridge. He said to us: Why are you not using the capacity that you have in South Africa Compared to South Korea, when they began to develop, he said South Africa has far higher [Interjections.?
Prof B TUROK: Yes, cool it. Cool it. [Interjections.] [Laughter.] So, there is plenty of capability in South Africa. We can make nuclear weapons, so why can't we use that capability Is that a lack of capability You may not be able to do it, but we can do it. [Laughter.?
Secondly, with regard to deliberate intervention, we need to harness that capital, as Rob Davies and others were saying in terms of Ipap, the Industrial Policy Action Plan. We need to harness capital and push it to expand the productive base. And what I said to the students at the Black Management Forum debate at the University of Cape Town is, let's talk a little bit less about growing the economy and more about expanding the economy. [Interjections.
Mr M J ELLIS: Did they listen?
Prof B TUROK: They listened very well, and applauded, and gave me a present. So there! [Laughter.] [Interjections.
So, we say, harness capital, expand the productive base of South Africa. Let's become a manufacturing country par excellence. Let's export to the whole world. Why not [Applause.] And if you expand the industrial base, plenty of black entrepreneurs will get jobs, which leads me to my last point, procurement?
We need to ensure that there is a great deal of procurement so that black business can grow, and that is what I said to the Black Management Forum. Let us grow the economy - never mind about BEE deals at the top. Expand the economy at the bottom, and that will suck in black excellence, black experience, black enterprise, and so on.
That is the position of the ANC and the government, and I really feel sorry for you. Thank you. [Applause.
Mna L M MPHAHLELE: Seboledi, Mopresidente Nxamalala, Motlatša Mopresidente, Maloko a Palamente a hlomphegago, baeng ka moka, Mopresidente o boletše taba ye bohlokwa kudu. O boletše ka pholisi ya polelo. Ke a ipotšiša gore na mmušo o tla dira eng gore o hlabolle dipolelo ka moka tša Afrika Borwa. Ga bjale dipolelo tša rena ke dipolelo tša go kgabiša, e sego dipolelo tšeo go ithutwago ka tšona dithuto tše bohlokwa go swana le Dipalo, Kgwebo, Molao, Mahlale le tše dingwe.
Re le ba PAC re re go ka ba kaone ge, sa pele, re ka dira gore leleme la Afrika Borwa e be leleme la bobedi la kgapeletšo ge bana ba ithuta dikolong ka moka. Sa bobedi, re rata ge maswao a ditsela a ka ba ka leleme la Afrika Borwa leo le bolelwago tikolong yeo maswao a tla bego a beilwe go yona. Sa boraro, dikgwebo - go swana le dipanka le dikgwebo tšeo di dirago dillathekeng - di swanetše gore di diriše maleme a Afrika Borwa. Mohlala ka ga se ke Absa. Ge o fihla metšheneng ya Absa o a tseba gore o swanetše o tobetše kae le ge o sa tsebe sekgowa. Sa bone, dingwalwa tša maleme a Afrika Borwa di swanetše gore di ate. Go swanetše gape gore go be le difoka tšeo di tlago thopša ke batho bao ba ngwadilego ka maleme a Afrika Borwa. Tše ka moka ke nagana gore di tla buša botho bja rena. Ga bjale ga re tšewe bjalo ka batho ka lebaka la gore ge motho a bolela maleme a mangwe, batho ba mo tšea bjalo ka motho wa maemo. Eupša ge motho a bolela maleme a gaborena batho ga ba mo tšee bjalo ka motho. (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.
Mr L M MPHAHLELE: Hon Speaker, President Nxamalala, Deputy President, hon Members of Parliament, distinguished guests, the President raised a very important issue, the language policy. I ask myself how government plans to develop all indigenous languages. Our languages are currently used unofficially and not as a medium of instruction for subjects such as Mathematics, Economics, Law, Science and others.
As the PAC, we would appreciate it if, firstly, it is made compulsory for learners in all schools to take one indigenous language as their first additional language. Secondly, we would also like to see road signs written in the indigenous language spoken in the particular area in which the sign is placed. Thirdly, institutions such as banks and cellphone companies must use indigenous languages. Absa is such an example. Absa's ATMs are user-friendly to everyone, including people who do not understand English. Fourthly, we need more literary work in indigenous languages. There must be awards for indigenous writers. I think all this will bring back our humanity. We are currently being taken for granted. When you speak some of the foreign languages, you are treated with dignity and respect, but when you speak one of the indigenous languages, you are not treated with the same dignity and respect.
Comrade President, the PAC family holds the view that the National Planning Commission must be afforded sufficient resources. This will enable the commission to travel throughout the world and learn from other countries, instead of relying solely on state institutions such as Statistics SA.
With South Africa fast becoming a serious player in the international arena, we can no longer rely on individuals' charm and charisma. We need institutional memory with regard to mediation, diplomacy, peace and international interventions. We need a well-resourced office that will champion the country's strategic international relations regardless of who is in power.
The highest office in the land should do some soul-searching in communication and public engagement. It seems the Presidency has been expanded without necessarily being strengthened. The failure by the President to declare his interests on time, in compliance with the law, clearly shows that there is no technocratic capacity in the highest office. Some of us who hold your office in high esteem were deeply embarrassed by this incompetence. What embarrassed us more was the discord of voices from the Presidency trying to justify a mistake. With this type of spokesperson, you need no enemy to tarnish your public image.
With regard to public engagement, the presidential hotline, 17737, is a good idea. But good ideas that are underfunded end up fading away. In conclusion, the PAC supports the Budget. [Time expired.] [Applause.
Ms L D MAZIBUKO: Mr Speaker, first of all, I would like to place on record that it was in fact me who the hon Turok was debating with at the University of Cape Town. [Laughter.] I have no problem with placing this on the record, because I think we both fought a good fight. [Interjections.
The SPEAKER: Hon members, order! Let the speaker be heard.
Ms L D MAZIBUKO: But, ultimately, I think it's important for me to clarify the position that he tried to infer was the DA's. It has always interested me how quick the ANC is to try and make it look like the DA policy is callous, uncaring and unfeeling, when there is plenty of evidence, both in our government and in our programmes of action, that it is not.
What we advocate, Prof Turok, is not a free market. We advocate a market which allows people to fulfil that potential by providing them with basic services, basic education, basic health care, transport, infrastructure - the means to start from a minimum basic level and then to make choices about what to do with their future. [Applause.] What is so wrong with that Why must the government be at the centre of everything If you are in business, government must decide how you make money. If you are one of the poorest of the poor, government must decide how and where services must be allocated to you. Why not give people the freedom to make these choices This is what the DA advocates, not the distortion he tried to put forward in this House. [Applause.?
Mr Speaker, hon President, earlier in today's debate the President announced that he would be launching the presidential national dialogue on a common national identity later this year. This follows the hon President's call earlier this year for a national debate on South Africa's morality. Now, as a liberal political organisation, the DA has always had an in-principle objection [Interjections.
The SPEAKER: Order! Order, hon members!
Ms L D MAZIBUKO: to the notion of the government seeking to direct or shape the morality and personal convictions of private citizens. We have voiced this objection on a number of occasions and at a number of platforms, the substance of the objection being that it contradicts the letter and the spirit of our Constitution, which guarantees our rights to hold views that are different from those of others and to express those views. The Constitution spells out the limitations on this freedom. They include such things as the advocacy of hatred and the incitement of imminent violence.
But to say that South Africans don't have a right to use their own culture to judge others, as President Zuma said in his speech to the House of Traditional Leaders - that it is unconstitutional to do so - is plainly wrong. The Constitution actually champions the rights of individuals to hold contrary views, and rightly so. Because where would we be today if we weren't able to hold contrary views, and debate those views?
The President uses the word "debate" in framing this forthcoming dialogue, and that word "debate" casts an innocuous shadow over the dialogue, making it seem like it's democratic and interactive. But if the ultimate goal is, as the President has previously stated, for us to reach "common understanding as South Africans", then the attempt is, in fact, to shape the consciousness of private citizens.
There is more than enough space in South Africa's democracy - amongst private citizenry, in churches, in schools, in taverns and in places of education - to allow our people endless opportunities to discuss questions of who we are as a nation. That space should be jealously guarded in a free and democratic society.
If the President were truly concerned about morality and nation-building, then he would apply his efforts to the moral and ethical decay within the government ranks that he leads, where Ministers live high on the hog using public money and those with political connections abuse them shamelessly for the sake of personal enrichment.
Take, for example, the scandal which erupted recently over the so-called investment arm of the ANC, Chancellor House, and its R5,8 -billion stake in an Eskom deal to build boilers for a new power station in Limpopo, a deal from which the ANC stands to make hundreds and hundreds of millions of rand, funnelled straight from the public purse into the coffers of the governing party.
Or, take the ANC Youth League president, Julius Malema, who has managed to secure R140 - million worth of contracts in his home province, using his political connections there. There are countless other examples, both high profile and not so high profile, which demonstrate the hon President's failure to address the moral and ethical rot of corruption in government.
Earlier the hon Pandor tried to suggest that we in the opposition lack concrete plans to differentiate ourselves from the ANC. Hon Pandor, I can tell you that in the Western Cape the DA has just gazetted draft legislation to prevent civil servants, members of the executive and their immediate families, from doing business with the provincial government. And, just last month, Premier Helen Zille passed amendments to the ministerial handbook, lowering the cap on the allocation for the purchase of new ministerial vehicles by over half.
We don't just criticise the ANC on these matters anymore; we are a party of government now. [Interjections.] We take steps, actively, to ensure that the vices of the governing party are not replicated in our own provincial government. [Applause.] We also want to demonstrate to the people of this country how easy it is, with good, decisive and principled leadership, to prevent graft and avarice from taking root and strangling the public purse.
The ANC would like South Africans to believe that it is very difficult and time-consuming to implement measures to curb things like waste and endemic corruption in the state. The DA is rolling back this perception and showing that the only thing the ANC lacks is the political will to do so. I thank you. [Applause.
Mr P S SIZANI: Hon Speaker, hon President Jacob Zuma, hon Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, director-general and your staff...
Ndabezitha, Mntwana kaPhindangene, nawo wonke amaKhosi akhona kuleNdlu [... Ndabezitha, Mntwana wakwa Phindangene, and all the traditional leaders who are present in this House...
hon members, distinguished guests, in 1974, I was a Student Christian Movement member. I was like this lady who was here now. [Interjections.] My friend asked me back then, "Comrade Stone, just assume we were colonised by the Arabs in South Africa, what religion would we have" Before I could answer, he said, "Oh, let's assume we were colonised by the Chinese. What religion would we have" In the end we agreed that we are Christians because we were colonised by Christians. And then he concluded, "So, you are imposing an accident of history on me.?
Now this lady, in her understanding of systems of governance and economy, has a view...
An HON MEMBER: Much better than you!
Mr P S SIZANI: Yes, of course, she may be. But remember this: In this country, more than 50% of its citizens in rural areas, under abject poverty [Interjections.
Mr P S SIZANI: And those people did not create that poverty. They were born into it, and they were kept under it, by brute force. [Interjections.] Now the ANC is called upon to undo that, and we are called upon to undo it in 15 years! When it was done over 300 years! [Interjections.] [Applause.
Hon President, when you put in place a Department of Rural Development and Land Reform, you specifically directed government to address this problem. However, there is no illusion in the ANC. Your freedom, which you call freedom, is not the same freedom as understood by those people. Because freedom of movement for capital means freedom of movement of your money all over the world, as long as you get the highest interest rates. [Interjections.] And freedom of movement for those suffering masses in the rural areas is physical movement, because they have no money. So we know we are addressing a huge problem.
When you talk about jobs, who is the giver of jobs Capital. [Interjections.] The Western Cape is a new phenomenon. This country has been divided under apartheid for many years. [Interjections.] The gentleman from the FF Plus who spoke here has said there are myths which are covering the truth. One truth is this choice story that you are talking about here?
The SPEAKER: Hon member, when you refer to members of the House, you refer to them as "hon members", not as "this lady" or "that gentleman". You should refer to them as "hon members".
Mr P S SIZANI: Thank you, Mr Speaker.
We have no illusions in the ANC. We have a clear understanding that to address poverty and provide decent jobs is a struggle. It is not a struggle only because of political will, but also because of mobilising resources to go to where the people are. Now these hon members on my left talk about choice. What choice The person who has money, has a choice to buy clothes, to buy houses, live where they want to live, broadcast their adverts to everybody. The people in the rural areas have no choice. They live there under duress, under grinding poverty. Now you come here and talk about choice, believing that choice is a phenomenon that is a reality for those people. We know that choice is not a choice for those people; it's a struggle?
Let me turn to the consequences of insecurity for those people. The deteriorating health situation that we find in the rural areas is caused by the absence of soil, on which they have been crammed in a reserve. This has caused soil erosion, and therefore they cannot plant food to feed themselves.
The hon President of our country is saying that 60% of the food that these people must have must come from their own labour, from their own land. But where is the land [Interjections.] Where is the land The land is in the hands of huge conglomerates and corporations in our country. That land is not producing food and that land is lying fallow?
And now you are telling us that they have a choice. We have a choice to make food for these people, and make sure that there is tenure. We are introducing a system in our government, through the ANC, to make sure that we are going to create a secure tenure system, to remove all these smash-and-grab tenure systems since 1652. [Applause.
For the first time in the history of this country there will be no more smash-and-grab tenure systems. There will be a regulated form of tenure in terms of which, whether you have money or not, you must have access to land, because land is a basic source of food, is a basic source of wealth, is a basic source of housing, is a basic source of security. [Applause.] There is no way that we can live for another 15 years and leave this country under this form of tenure that we have. We must make sure that the land is shared among those who work it. [Applause.
Comrade President, the hon Shilowa was here. [Interjections.] Maybe the Whip of Cope will report. With me here are photos of what has happened in Muyexe, Ward 7. Photos don't lie. If the hon Shilowa wanted to see, he would not have missed the 300 houses that have already been completed in Ward 7 under this pilot, where we are going to build a total of 350 houses for the people. All of them are still standing. They are built with facebrick, as are the houses in Sandton. [Interjections.
The hon Shilowa would not have missed the Thusong Centre in that ward if he wanted to see it. The hon Shilowa would not have missed the satellite police station in the same ward if he wanted to see it. In that ward there is a clinic that is open five days a week for eight hours a day. He could have seen it if he wanted to see it. The hon Shilowa would have met the 36 women that are planting and reaping vegetables. They are selling to Spar in Giyani and in Tzaneen. He would have seen that if he wanted to see it. There is fencing that is taking place in that ward, for 114 homestead gardens. If the hon Shilowa wanted to see it, he would have seen it. We are making the bare minimum in livable conditions for the people in that area to demonstrate that we can do this, and we are going to expand it throughout the country.
But the people in Muyexe have boreholes that are still functional. There are toilets where there were none before, that are built with facebrick. There were none there before. I wonder whether the hon Shilowa wanted to see this. If he really wanted to see this, he would have gone to Chief Muyexe, Kgoshi Muyexe. He is the chairperson of the council of stakeholders of that area, of the greater Giyani.
The hon Shilowa, if you did not want to speak to the kgoshi, at least you could have gone to the ward councillor of Ward 7. He would have taken you around to show you what I am talking about. I don't quite understand hon Shilowa coming here to Parliament. A leader of a political party visiting a rural area would at least ask my office in advance, "Can you prepare something I want to go to Muyexe, can you show me around" He did not happen to be in Muyexe. Maybe he didn't go. [Interjections.?
The ANC has undertaken to change the face of our rural villages and communities through comprehensive support programmes with proper monitoring mechanisms to ensure sustainable improvements in the livelihoods of the rural poor, the farmworkers, the farm dwellers and small farmers, especially women. Employment creation, quality jobs and sustainable livelihoods can only be a reality if we work in concretely identified labour-absorbing sectors, and invest resources accordingly. Structural weaknesses in the economy must be identified and addressed, building on the good work that has been done over the past 16 years. The commitment to create 4 million jobs by 2014 must be taken seriously, and all the sectors must make concrete commitments on what they can be doing in real terms.
The Portfolio Committee on Rural Development and Land Reform has visited a number of provinces. We have gone to KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape, and members from this side were part of the delegation. They have seen for themselves what is happening in Burgershowe, in Mlalazi, in Qumbu, in Tsolo. They may even visit Riemvasmaak to see for themselves that this Department of Rural Development and Land Reform has initiated programmes to make sure that the people will be able to take responsibility for their own livelihoods and sustainable life.
We must take practical steps to ensure that we change the face of our rural villages and communities. We must do it soon, through the provision of infrastructure development: water, electricity, roads, transport and economic activity.
Hon Speaker, the department has received a large sum of money, R860 million to be exact, to recapitalise all the parcels of land that have been given to people via restitution and the Land Redistribution and Agricultural Development programme, specifically to make sure that these communities are able to use the land to produce the food and look after themselves, and not wait for government to come and help them. What we require is that all the departments of the government crowd in around the initiatives that are taking place in the pilots.
The SPEAKER: Hon member, on that happy note, your time has expired. [Applause.] Hon member, your time has expired. Please go back to your seat. [Applause.
The SPEAKER: I now wish to invite the hon K J Dikobo, and wish to announce that this is the hon Dikobo's maiden speech. So, please listen attentively and please do not heckle or interrupt. [Applause.
Mr K J DIKOBO: Hon Speaker, hon President and Deputy President, hon members, guests, without characterising or commenting on how they were, we want to congratulate you, Mr President, on completing 100 days as head of state. We have noted the appointment of commissioners to the National Planning Commission and we wish to wish them well in the execution of their duties and mandate.
The idea of establishing the commission remains a good one. The functions of the commission are very clear and we hope that the commission will operate as a body independent from those who appointed the commissioners. We want to caution that there should not be a gap between policy and implementation.
Differently put, there is a need to ensure that monitoring of implementation takes place. Good policies on their own, Mr President, cannot and will not change the quality of life of our people. It is the implementation of those policies that will make a difference in their lives.
We were very excited, Mr President, when you announced that Ministers would enter into some form of performance contract. We are glad to hear that all of them have signed. To the Ministers we can only sing the wedding song, Go saena mo ga se morabaraba [Getting married is not a game]. But even more, we hope that the content of those contracts will be made public so that we can all know and understand what their key performance areas and expected outcomes are.
We have also noted with appreciation, Mr President, your comment on the progress in Zimbabwe, albeit very slow progress. As you and your team continue in your role to bring the parties together, please impress on all the role-players that the implementation of the Global Political Agreement is the only sensible way to go for Zimbabwe.
Our support for the role chosen by the people of Zimbabwe comes from our experience and knowledge that this model has succeeded in other countries: Burundi, Kenya and, to certain extent, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the DRC. It also comes from our experience of how the other model has failed in Iraq, Afghanistan and Somalia. Azapo supports the Budget Vote. Thank you very much. [Applause.
Ms M N PHALISO: Speaker, hon President, Deputy President - all protocol observed - the ruins of the Kingdoms of Mapungubwe and Monomotapa are messengers from the past bearing testimony to the fact that South Africans were advanced artisans and engineers long before the colonial period. If it were not for the disruption caused by colonialism of a special type, South Africa, as a region, would have remained a giant producer and processor of intermediary goods for local consumption and export purposes. The use of armed force to alienate our people from the means of production and, thus, turn them into proletariats of two worlds, is the mother of the current state of affairs - a 0,66 Gini coefficient, the highest in the world.
South Africa has the highest income inequality in the world because of the conscious, systematic and deliberate underdevelopment of the majority of the South African population. Colonialism of a special type, as practised by the apartheid regime, decided that the education given to the majority of our people should be shorn of all the necessary ingredients essential for the creation of an economically active citizenry.
While the apartheid regime is nothing but a painful memory in more ways than one, the people are governing. However, the question remains: Are the people sharing in the country's wealth If the answer is negative, we, as their legitimate representatives, and in line with the Freedom Charter's assertion that no government can claim authority unless it is based on the will of the people, must ask ourselves whether we have legislated and enforced legislation enough to ensure the realisation of this ideal of our people. We need to ask ourselves whether the door to skills development has been opened enough to ensure that our people are skilled to drive their own economy?
Sceptics of the old growth path had cautioned that an export-led growth strategy would benefit capital-intensive and high-skilled industries, while in labour-intensive industries workers would be retrenched and factories closed. They also cautioned that liberalising trade lowers inflation, but it makes imports cheaper than domestically produced products. This would inevitably lead to the closure of factories or job losses; high unemployment and continuing job losses in the formal sector and rising joblessness, especially among the youth; continued mass poverty; and deep inequalities based on class, race and gender - the triple oppression.
It is against this backdrop that the 2010 ANC January 8 Statement makes it mandatory for our government to pursue sustained development, based on an inclusive growth path. In the same vein, the 2009 ANC manifesto commits to ensuring that state-led industrial policy leads to the transformation of the economy. It further states that such a state-led industrial policy programme will direct public and private investment to support decent work outcomes, including employment creation and broad economic transformation; reduce youth unemployment, including targeted wage subsidies aimed at lowering the cost and risk of hiring inexperienced workseekers; and support labour-intensive industries through industrial policy intervention, skills development, infrastructure investment and public employment programmes.
The contradiction, though, is that this high rate of unemployment coexists with an equally high employment rate - at 24,3% narrow employment rate and 31,1% unemployment rate, with the inclusion of discouraged workers. Ideally, unemployment would be absorbed by the considerably open labour market. However, this prospect is negated by our objective condition of a critical skills shortage, which is a highly specialised labour-market need. The specialised needs of our labour market have led to the import of skills for a number of critical projects, especially infrastructure development ones which have responded to the lack of local artisans and civil engineers by importing such skills.
The import of skills does not only affect the rate of unemployment but also the market value of all final goods and services that we produce within a particular period. This kind of phenomenon has led to South Africa being a consumer of imported final goods and, thus, helping to create jobs in other countries rather than, in the main, producing goods here which South Africa consumes. South Africa has found herself trapped in a negative balance of trade because of its skills deficit. Of course, skills poachers that have brain drained our country of medical skills have not, in the main, made the situation easier. But even without the poachers as a factor, the truth is that we are not producing enough skills to drive our own economy.
The ANC recognises the necessity to transform the economy in order to ensure that women are at the centre. The key task in ensuring economic growth and decent jobs is to ensure a strong responsive economic system that principally serves all South African women. This can happen through ensuring that the state plays a leading role in ensuring the implementation of the industrial policy. This is to ensure that women are key drivers of growth. Through the developmental state, the call of women to drive growth to create jobs seeks to break away from the old growth path.
In respect of the need for skilling and reskilling, job creation is decent work, particularly for women. The ANC's call for the creation of decent work refers to employment with all benefits and protection within the discourse of labour rights. This speaks to matters of a provident fund, paid maternity leave, and medical aid in a manner that promotes a better life for all women.
At the beginning of 2006, under the leadership of the Presidency and, in particular, with the support of leaders in the labour federations, business and civil society, the Joint Initiative on Priority Skills Acquisition, Jipsa, was formed. Through its structures, such as the joint task team and the technical working group, and with the assistance of funding from the Business Trust and project management by the National Business Initiative, a process of identifying and clearing blockages began.
The initiative, albeit an important one, was a short-term response to a systemic requirement for a human resource development strategy and structures that work. The important work and studies undertaken by Jipsa that were not implemented will be taken forward, as the staff of the Jipsa secretariat are absorbed into the Department of Higher Education and Training.
The basic education foundation, whose strengths and quality determines the capacity for skills acquisition, is an area that cannot be left unattended. In this regard, we should welcome the initiative to conduct annually independently moderated assessments in Grades 3, 6 and 9. These assessments will focus on the critical foundation skills of literacy and numeracy that are fundamental for learning. The success of this initiative will improve the numbers of learners that qualify with a university entrance and subsequently increase the broader matric pass rate.
Skills acquisition also takes place on the factory floor where many of our people, who continue to be classified as unskilled, are doing most of the complicated work for a pittance because of their lack of formal qualifications. This lack of formal accreditation of these toiling masses has not only led to their being exploited - based on the fact that their employers, though enjoying the proceeds of the work of their skilfulness, opportunistically continue remunerating them as unskilled labour - but has also locked them in a belief that they remain unskilled even though they work skilfully. In that regard, they cannot rely on their experience and skills to seek employment elsewhere as, there also, they will be deemed unskilled.
The proposed new sector education and training authority, Seta, landscape, in summary, features the recertification of 15 Setas with minor changes; the amalgamation of several Setas to ensure greater efficiency, resulting in the establishment of six new Setas; the reduction of 23 Setas to 21; and the recently launched Quality Council for Trades and Occupations which has the mandate to address the quality of training in and for the workplace and to ensure that workplace training and knowledge is accredited and certificated, including proper recognition of prior learning.
This initiative will ensure that our skills base is accorded its true reflection and improve the situation of many skilled workers whose workplace-acquired skills had never been acknowledged, accredited or certificated. The FET colleges remain fundamental in publicly driven, skills-development college infrastructure. However, there has been a view that college is a consolation prize for university, and that colleges are not necessarily institutions of choice. It is important that this myth be dispelled not just through oral utterances but support for FET colleges. The FET colleges should also be capacitated to produce the kind of skill that is so needed by the economy which, in its nascent stages, is assimilated into the mainstream economy.
It is the skilled people, more than professions, who are the engines behind any economy. Our education system is geared towards producing professions more than skills. It is no wonder that a learner becomes part of the education system for 12 years, from Grade R to Grade 12, but emerges out of this system unemployable and with no skills to work independently.
Critically, we must ensure that the numerous offers of job training do undertake a proper assessment of the recognition of prior learning and the important skills that are derived from this life-experience process. More often than not, it is these skills which have been honed out of the practical working experience of millions of workers that are far more useful to the economy than abstract certification which cannot be applied practically in the workplace and leads to unemployment.
A united and democratic nation able to take its rightful place in the family of nations and to heal the divisions of the past will be built through broadening the skills base. This can be achieved by strengthening the education foundation, diversifying skills acquisition and ratification methods, and capacitating skills-generating centres for a local skills-driven and job-generating economic growth path. Only such a nation can restore the glory that belonged to the proud economically independent generation of our Mapungubwe and Monomotapa ancestors. Indeed, South Africa can once more produce a generation of artisans, engineers and other economically driven skills. The ANC supports Budget Vote 1: The Presidency. I thank you, hon Speaker. [Applause.
Mr N T GODI: Mr Speaker, comrades and hon members, this Budget Vote indeed takes place at a time of heightened expectations and excitement due to the World Cup. We are privileged, both as a country and continent, to be hosting the biggest sporting spectacle.
The APC calls on all South Africans to fully support our national team, Bafana Bafana, and all African teams in the spirit of Pan-African solidarity. The APC hopes that the six African teams will do us proud. Cameroon and Senegal have, in the past, raised the African flag high. These teams have a unique opportunity to raise the flag higher.
Congratulations to government, the SA Football Association, Safa, and the Local Organising Committee, LOC, on a job well done in preparing for this occasion in a way that will enhance the global standing of our continent and people. Those who have questioned our ability to host a successful World Cup have been resoundingly proven wrong.
Having said that, we cannot, nonetheless, take our eyes off the ball, that is, the continual pursuance of the noble and strategic goals of transformation and good governance. Sixteen years down the line, transformation is still a journey. It cannot be acceptable that significant areas of our socioeconomic life remain untransformed and reflective of the yesteryears of minority domination. It can neither be acceptable nor tolerable that the majority continue to suffer social and economic exclusion.
We fought for freedom to ensure change, change for the better in the lives of the African people in general and the working class in particular. How government resources are used has a great bearing on the material conditions of the people. There continues to be a pressing need to ensure that accountability is accepted and practised as a matter of course. Public administration must serve the people, as outlined in the Constitution and in line with the Batho Pele principles. There must be national consciousness and pride in serving the public.
As the head of state, Comrade President, you have the responsibility to ensure that all of government adheres to and promotes good governance. You have made a call for a culture change in government. We need to see firm action to enforce compliance.
The APC thanks you, Comrade President, for having all parties in Parliament take part in national day rallies. Remember, it was a request from some of us. However, the APC deplores the fact that, on these same days, some leaders organise sideshows, conducting themselves in ways that do not foster the spirit of unity that was called for in the first instance. The APC fully supports this inclusive approach.
We would be failing in our internationalist duties if we did not speak out in support of the oppressed but heroic people of Palestine. Our government must never lower its voice in demanding freedom for the Palestinians and condemning the deplorable conditions of their existence under Israeli oppression. The Palestinians deserve their freedom. Thank you. [Applause.
Mr M J ELLIS: Mr Speaker, this certainly has been a very odd debate. We have been informed by some Ministers; we have been scolded by Minister Pandor; we have been shouted at by the Deputy Minister of Social Development; we have been uplifted by members of the DA; and we have been entertained by the hon Turok with his patronising views, I might add, of those younger than himself, which probably, Ben, is everybody in this House. [Laughter.
I want to say that I really do not know why the ANC do not use Mr Turok more often. He certainly is remarkably entertaining, and I think that the students gave him a bracelet with his name on it, because they thought his views were so old-fashioned that he must be very old and therefore in danger of forgetting his name. [Laughter.] I want to ask you, Mr Turok: Has it got your address on as well [Laughter.] I want to say, hon Turok, you were very firmly put in your place today by one person very much younger that yourself who did an outstanding job?
Prof B TUROK: Mr Speaker, on a point of order.
The SPEAKER: What's your point of order, hon member?
Prof B TUROK: There are two grounds to my point of order. The first one is that my name is "hon Turok", and the second one is that this is ageism. We don't allow it. [Laughter.] [Applause.
The SPEAKER: Yes, we refer to members as "hon members" in the House.
Mr M J ELLIS: I'm very sorry, Ben. I mean, I beg your pardon, hon Turok. [Laughter.
Mr Speaker, the hon Sizani spoke very eloquently. He certainly has a very engaging style and a very loud voice, and the picture he paints of being a member of the only party that cares for the poor is, of course, very entertaining, and absolute rubbish too, I might add. He quoted at length the case of Giyani as an example of ANC concern and success, but we all know that Giyani is a rural development pilot project; it has only just got under way, while other pilot projects by the department have failed to get off the ground at all.
More importantly, to the hon Sizani, what about the thousands of other rural areas, villages and so on that have been completely neglected by the ANC and which remain poor and unassisted by the government?
Mr President, your Budget Vote today is the final Budget Vote for this 2010 financial year. There have always been good and bad debates with all the Budget Votes and it has been interesting to note that the tone is always set by the person who leads the debate - in other words, the Minister - and in this case today, Mr President, yourself. I want to say, sir, that this House knows what tone you set today.
But, Mr President, you said that the government in the past year has defined its style as smarter, better, faster. You indicated that you feel that the people of South Africa can sense a new sense of urgency as a result of the changing style of government.
Mr Speaker, I need to say to the hon President that it is highly questionable whether there really is a new sense of urgency in this country and with government, as the hon Trollip and other members of the opposition have pointed out during the course of today.
Sir, we now come to the beginning of your second term of office and we do sincerely hope that your second term of office will be more successful than your first term, and that, indeed, there will be no own goals in exactly the same way as we hope that Bafana Bafana will have no own goals, in the World Cup. Hon members, that concludes the list of speakers. [Interjections.] Oh ! Apologies, hon Deputy Minister, your name was on the second page. I would like to invite you to address the House.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Hon Speaker, it must be my complexion! [Laughter.] Hon President, Deputy President, hon members, as we conclude the debate on the Budget Vote of the Presidency, the question we should ask ourselves is whether the opposition responded effectively and constructively to the debate this time. Did they say anything that helps the Presidency in the discharge of its mandate [Interjections.] Or did they use the debate, like many others before, as a platform for media sound bites and finger-pointing [Interjections.] Did the issues raised mirror the concerns of ordinary South African citizens who still believe in the promise of this country, even when the opposition obviously does not?
If not, it would seem as though some among the opposition have become nothing more than those that sigh for the fleshpots of apartheid. If the level of debate in this Parliament has deteriorated, it is as a result of the opposition's desperation to score points on matters affecting ordinary South Africans, rather than to engage meaningfully on the true future of this country. Their eagerness to celebrate what they perceive as early failures speaks volumes about their bitter small-mindedness.
The opposition has become synonymous with doom. They did not need the year to assess the President's performance, because they had concluded before he took office that he would be a failure. In fact, they came to the same conclusion with regard to the other heads of state. They, too, are just a series of failures. They hoped, with little regard for the people whose lives have benefited as a result of our policies, that we would falter.
Instead of using this moment to play their part in building this country, they behave liked the old, - fabled character Chicken Little by hysterically yelling that the sky is falling down. [Laughter.] Today, hon members, I wish to assure the Chicken Littles of this House that the sky is not falling down. [Applause.] This debate offered this House and the nation at large an opportunity to engage the Presidency constructively, to better understand its vision, mission and programmes. Few democracies around the world have an opportunity to do this.
In fact, the formation of the ANC in 1912 was, to put it bluntly, an historical necessity. Borne of our people's determination to wage a concerted struggle for liberation, its formation ended the era of resistance against colonial incursion and ushered in a new epoch of fighting for liberation as one people. During the course of its evolution, the ANC grew to become a microcosm of our new society, for which the overwhelming majority of South Africans were fighting. It adopted the values of nonracialism, nonsexism and democracy, and steadfastly pursued these noble ideals even when its members and leaders were persecuted.
This is not the legacy of the ANC alone, but it belongs to the majority of our people. The very formation of the ANC was to negate the divisive legacy of 1910, which defined South Africa as a white man's country and democracy as a white man's democracy, to the spiteful exclusion of the majority of the population, merely on the basis of their race.
To continue to assume that the DA is liberal is fallacious. The DA is actually conservative. [Interjections.] Perhaps what is needed the most, amidst calls for lifestyle audits, is an ideology audit. The DA has proudly labelled itself a liberal organisation. [Interjections.] By definition, liberals are committed to liberty and equality. I ask: What liberty is granted to blacks and coloureds that remain economic outcasts and social captives of the most violent and desolate townships and slums of the Western Cape What liberty is granted to the same communities who are purposely played like pawns against each other by the DA-led government [Interjections.] And what equality is granted to the dispossessed Africans who are sidelined and undermined by the Western Cape dispensation What sort of fairness and respect for human rights warrants the incidents of human beings being subjected to the humiliation of having to use toilets without walls [Interjections.] [Applause.?
With liberals like these, who needs conservatives Clearly, the DA is actually a lobby group for nostalgic, conservative interests. It is no more a liberal party than Cope is united. But do not just take my word for it. If you listen carefully, you will hear this condescending tone in their insensitive demeaning of African culture; in the falsehoods pedalled about the Presidency and, particularly, about the person of the President himself; and in all sorts of profanities they yell from the sidelines?
We have grown to expect this behaviour from people who use terms like "vampire state" to define our hard-earned democracy, because we know that they share commonality with the type of conservative American Republicanism which popularised this term with the intention of scaring the masses into supporting them. Since they cannot inspire the masses to vote for them, they conspire to scare or hoodwink them into it. One only needs to refer to the DA's "Stop Zuma" or "Fight Back" campaigns to prove the point.
Rather than focus on the potency and promise of their own policies, they focus on personalities and scare tactics. This means two things: firstly, that they are politically bankrupt; and, secondly, that they underestimate the intellect of the masses. I think they might have taken the term "opposition" too literally. If the ANC is for transformation, then they are opposed to it. If the ANC is for better labour rights, then they oppose that.
So, since the President has reaffirmed the hope and dream of Madiba's integrated rainbow nation, dare I ask if they oppose that too I guess the answer is reflected clearly in the Western Cape. We are tired of hearing what you claim to be against. Can you, even for a brief moment, just tell us what you are for [Interjections.] [Applause.?
Hon Trollip, we did expect you to bring newspaper headlines. You neither surprised nor disappointed us. As it may be disrespectful to claim that an hon member is lazy, it should then be your researchers who are lazy. The President has said explicitly that those who fail to deliver in the public service or in government will be penalised. That was the purpose of the performance agreement signed with the Ministers, but you cannot hear him because you have already prejudged him and are stubbornly unprepared to assess objectively his performance in this regard.
This government has been uncharacteristically candid in its assessment of its own performance, and has been prepared to be assessed as candidly, not just by the DA, but by the ordinary masses of our people. It was for this reason that the government decided to post its programme of action on the Internet and last year adopt a new monitoring and evaluation mechanism. Furthermore, the President signed performance agreements with the Ministers to hold them accountable.
Hon Mazibuko, national debate on moral values is not intended to shape public views, but it is intended to ensure that our people debate openly and freely the very things that are discussed on these sides. You both claim to advocate free and open debate, and yet take flight every time such platforms are provided. [Interjections.] To claim that moral decay originates from the ANC is both disingenuous and totally misses the point.
Apartheid colonialism, which you so loyally defend, is the actual root cause of the problems that our society sits with today. [Applause.] Premier Helen Zille may implement all the cosmetic changes she wishes to implement, including the ministerial handbook in the province, but the very value system the DA represents encourages rapacious greed, economic plunder, labour exploitation and racial humiliation. [Applause.
The DA reminds one of the nineteenth century British imperialists who, when they came to South Africa, shredded all illusions about liberalism and, instead, adopted policies of racial prejudice and racial humiliation, particularly towards black people. This reminds one of a pamphlet written by Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, in which he says that all events of great historical significance happen, as it were, twice. The first time is a tragedy, the second time is a farce.
In the DA we have a farce, a pitiful incarnation of those imperialists of the 19th century. We fought against those. We will fight against these at this present-day moment. [Applause.
Perhaps our history is the reason we have been targeted by Cope. Their history was not drafted at the roots of oppression but, rather, on the bloated bellies of a disgruntled bunch. Since they divorced themselves from our vision of the future, they must now, through action, rewrite their own history and purpose. But it seems they have come to notice that after divorce comes custody battles. [Laughter.] [Applause.] This is not a custody battle over the best means to serve the people, but, rather, a battle of over who will wear the captain's hat.
Cope is not a party created on the foundation of principles and progressive ideologies. Instead, it is a party backed by disregard for the other side of the coin of democracy, which is respecting and accepting the decisions taken by a majority, even, and especially if, you disagree with them. If they were as introspective as they are critical of us, they would have realised long ago that the faults they accuse us of are, in fact, within themselves.
But in us, that we are underlings.
And you are, indeed, underlings in policy and in leadership. The policy bankruptcy in this organisation is not only frightening, but confusing. It is difficult to know, when you are listening to its leaders, which one policy pronouncement you should take. But lack of direction is always expected from three-headed monsters. [Laughter.] This does not only relate to previous flip-flopping about black economic empowerment and affirmative action, but the organisation tries to be more progressive than the ANC and, at the same time, seeks to align itself with the DA.
The fact is that Cope cannot walk on both sides of the road and in different directions at the same time. They must take a stance. If they are truly for transformation, as their manifesto claims, why have they not been outspoken about the lack of transformation in the Western Cape The blossoming of Cope and the DA's romance has come at the expense of poor people who were misled into supporting their manifesto. What our people know about Cope thus far, besides its policy fumbles and insistent leadership squabbles, is that Cope is as right-wing as the DA is. But, of course, small minds also think alike. They all wield pettiness and bitterness as a medium of engagement?
Hon Shilowa, it did not surprise us that Cope, as you said, will not support this Budget Vote. Were we honest, we would consider that this government took office in the midst of a deep and brutal recession. It is disingenuous to stand here and claim that close to a million jobs were lost under the President's watch. He took office when the job blood bath was already under way as a result of a global recession that was not created either by the President or the ANC. Actually, under the President's watch, half a million jobs were created under the Public Works Programme. Again, you allow your personal hatred of the President to cloud your good judgment and honest appraisal. [Applause.
The hon Shilowa probably has the memory of a rat. As Premier of Gauteng, he also rode in luxury cars, stayed in five-star hotels and enjoyed the many perks of his office. Conveniently, he stands at this podium today and points fingers. What shameful dishonesty! [Interjections.] Maybe the hon member will take this House into his confidence about the R20 million that disappeared under his watch. [Applause.] [Interjections.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Why did they have to spin auditors' reports Where is Parliament's money Our taxes?
Mr M S SHILOWA: Mr Speaker...
The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, please take your seat. Hon Shilowa?
Mr M S SHILOWA: Speaker, I rise on a point of order: I think the member is out of order. [Interjections.
Mr M S SHILOWA: He asks where is the R20 million given to the budget, and I think if he is accusing me of having misspent [Interjections.] Listen to me [Interjections.
The SPEAKER: Order! Let the speaker to be heard, hon members!
Mr M S SHILOWA: If he is accusing me of having misspent R20 million, I want him to repeat it, both here and outside. [Laughter.] [Applause.] Hon member, using words like "shameful dishonesty" is unparliamentary. Those you are not allowed to use, but continue.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Thank you very much. The same hon member accused the President of having lost South Africa a million jobs under his watch, and he certainly forgets. But the hon member failed to voluntarily acknowledge his own child, and has the audacity to stand here and point fingers. The same hon member!
Still on the issue of the memory of a rat: Cope's founding member, Mr Terror Lekota - your nemesis, sir - was sanctioned by this very House in May 2003 for failure to disclose his business interests. Shame on him! He is not a member of the House. And shame on selective amnesia and selective morality! Maybe these inconvenient truths are too inconvenient, but they must be mentioned.
A certain hon member's wife was chairperson of the Industrial Development Corporation, the IDC, and approved a loan for her company, in which she had shares. [Interjections.] She had a chauffeur-driven car, even though she was not an executive chairperson. Well, you be the judge.
Mr President, thank you very much to you and the Deputy President for your wise, collective leadership. Under your stewardship, we have great hope that together we can, and will, do more. Thank you. [Applause.
The House adjourned at 20:08.
South African Reserve Bank Amendment Bill [B 10 - 2010] (National Assembly - sec 75).
Government Notice No R. 269 published in Government Gazette No 33087 dated 9 April 2010: Amendment of Schedule No 3 (No 3/658), in terms of the Customs and Excise Act, 1964 (Act No 91 of 1964).
Government Notice No R. 289 published in Government Gazette No 33109 dated 13 April 2010: Correction Notice: Amendment of Schedule No 3 (No 3/659), in terms of the Customs and Excise Act, 1964 (Act No 91 of 1964).
Government Notice No R. 341 published in Government Gazette No 33140 dated 30 April 2010: Amendment of Schedule No 1 (No 1/1/1403), in terms of the Customs and Excise Act, 1964 (Act No 91 of 1964).
Government Notice No R. 342 published in Government Gazette No 33140 dated 30 April 2010: Amendment of Schedule No 4 (No 4/330), in terms of the Customs and Excise Act, 1964 (Act No 91 of 1964).
Government Notice No R. 357 published in Government Gazette No 33165 dated 7 May 2010: Correction Notice: Amendment of Schedule No 1 (No 1/1/1404), in terms of the Customs and Excise Act, 1964 (Act No 91 of 1964).
Government Notice No R. 358 published in Government Gazette No 33165 dated 7 May 2010: Amendment of Schedule No 4 (No 4/331), in terms of the Customs and Excise Act, 1964 (Act No 91 of 1964).