Muhammad Kazim Khurasani
Ayatullah Sheikh Muhammad Kazim Khurasani (; 1839 – 12 December 1911), commonly known as Akhund Khurasani () was a Shia jurist and political activist. He is known for using his position as a Marja as legitimizing force behind the first democratic revolution of Asia that happened in Iran (1905–1911), where he was the main clerical supporter of the revolution. He believed that the democratic form of government would be the best possible choice in the absence of Imam and regarded the democratic constitutional revolution a "Jihad" (holy war) in which all Muslims had to participate. Along with Mirza Husayn Tehrani  and Shaikh Abdallah Mazandarani, he led people against what they called a “state tyranny"”" and issued fatwas and “sent telegrams to tribal chiefs, prominent national and political leaders, and heads of state in England, France, Germany, and Turkey"”". When Mohammad Ali Shah became king of Iran, Mohammad Kazim Khorasani sent him a “ten-point"”" instruction including points on protecting Islam, promoting domestic industries and modern science, stopping colonial intervention in Iran “while retaining diplomatic relations"”", and establishing “justice and equality"”". He is regarded as one of the most important Shia "Mujtahids" of all times, and the title Akhund (the scholar ) is almost exclusively used for him. He started to deliver his lectures at Najaf seminary in 1874 CE, when his mentor Syed Mirza Muhammad Hasan Shirazi left for Samarra and appointed him as his successor. He became a source of emulation in 1895 and He taught for years in Najaf till his death in 1911 CE and trained a significant number of students from different regions of the Shi'ite world. All major Shia jurists in the twentieth century were in some way related to his circle. He was known for his credibility, independent thinking and intellectual rigor. His most famous  work "Kifayat al-Usul" ("Sufficiency of Principles" ()), Lifestyle and Education. Khurasani was born in Tus, a small town near Mashhad, in 1839 CE. His father, Mullah Hussain Heravi hailed from Herat, who was a cleric and a silk merchant. In 1850, he came to Mashhad to attend a Shi'ite seminary, Madrassa Ismail Khan. By 1856, he had completed the early education ("sutuh") and got married. Then at the age of 22, he left for Sabzevar, where he stayed for three months and got familiar with islamic philosophy under Molla Hadi Sabzavari. He wanted to go to Najaf but due to  lack of funds, he delayed his departure and stayed in Tehran where he continued Islamic philosophy under Mulla Husayn Khoʾi at the Sadr seminary and completed his studies in Logic. In 1862 he moved to Iraq and in Najaf followed the open lectures of the great Shi'ite jurist Ayatullah Shaykh Murtaza Ansari. Simultaneously he participated in open lectures of Ayatullah Mirza Hassan Shirazi, who later became famous for his campaign against the tobacco concession. He studied about two years under Murtaza Ansari. After the demise of Murtaza Ansari in 1864 CE, Mirza Hassan Shirazi became highest "marja-e taqlid" (“sources  of emulation”) of the Shi'ite world. Akhund Khurasani continued studying under him until his migration to Samarra in 1875 CE. Like most seminary students, Khurasani lived a humble life, and he had to bear loss of loved ones. Because of lack of money, he could only fulfill immediate needs and was content with the basic amenities offered by the office of the Marja. After marriage, he couldn't take his wife with him to Najaf and left her in Mashhad, due to lack of finances. He was informed of the death of his first child soon after arriving in Najaf . His wife joined him later but in 1864 CE, died after giving birth to the second child. It took years before Akhund decided to marry again in 1873 and had four children: Mirza Mahdi Khurasani (1875–1945), Mirza Muhammad (1877–1937), Mirza Ahmad Kifa’i Khurasani (1912–1971), and Zahra (1891–1956). His second wife died from a chronic illness, and Khurasani married for the last time in 1895 and fathered two sons: Hussain Aqa (1901–?) and Hassan Kifa’i (1902–1954). As a Marja, Khurasani spent khums money on the neediest of the seminary students and funded the operation of the seminary. He supported public schools  that were not necessarily fully religious. He also built three madrassahs in Najaf: in 1903, the Grand School of Akhund (Madrisih-yi Buzurg-i Akhund), in 1908, Akhund’s Intermediate School (Madrisat al-Wusta al-Akhund) and in 1910, Akhund’s Elementary School (Madrisih-yi Kuchak-i Akhund). He also supported local Persian societies, such as Anjuman-i Ukhuvvat-i Iranian, in Iraq and funded the building of several schools in Kazimayn in 1907, the ‘Alawi in Najaf in 1908–1909, and the Husseini in Karbala (probably in 1909), established with the support of Anjuman-i Musawat-i Iranian. Akhund Khurasani  would also lend his financial support to democratic societies and political organizations. Theological Influence and Opinions. After Mirza Shirazi moved to Samarra, he asked Khurasani to start giving open lectures in his place in Najaf. He had already granted him with permission to practice Ijtehad. His open lectures soon became popular among students. After Shirazi's death in 1894 CE, he emerged as the most important source of emulation of the Shi'ite world. In 1903 CE, he completed his most famous book, "The Sufficiency" (), which is considered as cornerstone of Shi'ite philosophy of law. Under Khurasani's leadership, the Usuli  position became the dominant view. Books. Akhund Khurasani wrote the following books: Definition of Ijtihad. Akhund Khurasani says that Ijtihad is a process in which jurist “exerts his full capacity in order to arrive at an opinion based on a legitimate legal judgement.” According to Akhund, a jurist is obliged to take whatever time he needs to read and research into a matter before giving a reasonable judgement. He says that if his effort produces no result, the jurist must not give his opinion. In such a case, the jurist should obtain further knowledge. Followers are free to decide whom  to emulate, and the most important traits of the Source of Emulation (Marja) are his openness towards contemporary issues and willingness to explore traditional and non-traditional knowledge to address needs of the community. Ijtihad must be time-sensitive. As science and technology progress, social circumstances and lifestyle also change. Language evolves and new concepts emerge. Akhund Khurasani believed that jurisprudential judgement must be time-sensitive. Also, he should be willing to change his opinions based on the needs of the ever changing society. However, he should not interfere in all aspects of people's life, beyond religious affairs. As  for the social issues, he favored those reformers who were ready to think outside the box and consider scholarly inputs from other parts of the world. However, his version of secularism was different from western modernists, it was based on the Shia doctrine of occultation of the twelfth imam. Jurist as a social activist. Like his mentor Ayatullah Murtaza Ansari, Akhund believed that a jurist was not supposed to become a politician in the name of religion, as Shia school of thought didn't support the idea. Rather, he believed that scholars could act as "warning voices in society" and  criticize the officials who were not doing their responsibilities correctly. He compared the role of scholars with "salt of the earth" in the sense that they prevent "decay of power", should fight against injustice and that they are against "autocratic attitudes". A Marja should act as a social activist, using his rational approach to guide the masses while preserving the pillars of Shia doctrine. The idea of nation-state. A nation-state is a political unit where the state and nation are congruent. The idea of nation state emerged in west slowly after treaty of Westphalia, as new technology like  printing press, invention of engine and other phenomenon changed the societies. When new technologies entered the Muslim world, Akhund Khurasani as a pragmatic jurist supported the idea of nation-state as unity of people and government (). Long before the revolution started, in 1902 he penned a letter to the crown prince of Iran, Muhammad Ali Mirza, in which he argued that the wave of reform that had spread across the western world and resulted in better governance and improved socio-economic conditions, could help treat ills of Iran. He believed the powers of monarch, like British monarchy, needs to be  limited and the limits be defined by a constitution written by democratic parliament. He agreed to the position of King as a symbol of Iran's history. However, he opposed absolute powers of the King and deemed it responsible for ineffective management and foreign influence. Secular democracy during Occultation. Occultation of Imam in Shia Islam refers to a belief that Mahdi, a cultivated male descendant of the Islamic Prophet Muhammad, has already been born and subsequently went into occultation, from which he will one day emerge with Jesus and establish global justice. Akhund Khurasani and his colleagues theorized a model  of religious secularity in the absence of Imam, that still prevails in Shia seminaries. In absence of the ideal ruler, that is Imam al-Mahdi, democracy was the best available option. He considers opposition to constitutional democracy as hostility towards the twelfth Imam. He declared his full support for constitutional democracy and announced that objection to “foundations of constitutionalism” was un-Islamic. According to Akhund, “a rightful religion imposes conditions on the actions and behavior of human beings”, which stem from either holy text or logical reasoning, and these constraints are essentially meant to prevent despotism. He believes that an  Islamic system of governance can not be established without the infallible Imam leading it. Thus the clergy and modern scholars have concluded that a proper legislation can help reduce the state tyranny and maintain peace and security. He said: As “sanctioned by sacred law and religion”, Akhund believes, a theocratic government can only be formed by the infallible Imam. Aqa Buzurg Tehrani also quoted Akhund Khurasani saying that if there was a possibility of establishment of a truly legitimate Islamic rule in any age, God must end occultation of the Imam of Age. Hence, he refuted the idea of absolute  guardianship of jurist. Therefore, according to Akhund, Shia jurists must support the democratic reform. He prefers collective wisdom () over individual opinions, and limits the role of jurist to provide religious guidance in personal affairs of a believer. He defines democracy as a system of governance that enforces a set of “limitations and conditions” on the head of state and government employees so that they work within “boundaries that the laws and religion of every nation determines”. Akhund believes that modern secular laws complement traditional religion. He asserts that both religious rulings and the laws outside the scope of religion confront  “state despotism”. Constitutionalism is based on the idea of defending the “nation’s inherent and natural liberties”, and as absolute power corrupts, a democratic distribution of power would make it possible for the nation to live up to its full potential. Democracy protects religion. Akhund believes that democracy provides necessary safeguards for faith to prevail. As it depends on the will of the people and treats all citizens equally, it would respect the religion of the people. A similar argument appears in Ayatullah Sistani's political thought in post-Saddam Iraq. Commenting on the conspiracy theories that Islam was in  danger and democracy was intended to make the masses faithless, Akhund Khurasani said that people should benefit from the freedom to organize and create religious societies to preach and make sure that the laws passed by their representatives are based on Ja'fari jurisprudence. Democracy should include minority voices. Many scholars believe that protection of minority rights is an essential element that distinguishes democracy from majoritarianism and prevents fascist persecution of minorities. During the democratic revolution, those who supported dictatorship against democracy, started to portray democracy as a conspiracy of non-Muslim minorities. This resulted in violent attacks against them from  thugs, backed by the imperial court's clerical employee Shaykh Fazlullah Nuri. Akhund Khurasani issued a fatwa that made it obligatory for Muslims to protect the rights of non-Muslims. He said: Akhund Khurasani is praised by Iran's Zoroastrians for his positive role in protecting their rights during the constitutional movement. His legacy was carried on by major Shia jurists that followed. Ayatullah Khoei showed great flexibility and tolerance, for example he considered non-Muslims as equal citizens of the nation-state, stopped the harsh punishments like stoning and favored the use of holy books other than Quran for  oaths taken from non-Muslims. In modern Iraq, Ayatullah Sistani has also associated legitimacy of democratic process with inclusion of minority voices. Sistani helped Sunni, Christian, and Yazidi displaced families during the ISIS takeover of Iraq's cities. Ayatullah Fayyad said that the source of emulation has a role to play in equality and unity among Iraq's citizen irrespective of their religion. Economic independence. Akhund Khurasani believed that economic dependency on colonial powers is one of the major hurdles in achieving maximum liberty. In 1898, a rich trader from Isfahan, Hajj Kaziruni, established a textile company, shirkat-i-islami , and requested Akhund Khurasani for support. He issued a decree stopping his followers from buying British cloth in an attempt to protect the interests of Iranian traders in tough competition. A similar economic boycott was also practiced by indians and other anti-colonial movements of 20th century as a means of resistance against economic exploitation. Akhund Khurasani supported the idea of establishment of a national bank to facilitate trade, and he kept reminding his followers about the need for economic reforms. He said: Views on modern knowledge. Akhund believed that it was obligatory for believers to attain necessary level of  education and skill to be able to protect national and religious interests. He saw democracy as a means to efficient governance that would bring prosperity and prevent colonial influence. He kept pressing for the need for modern schools to provide education to all children, modern economics, establishment of a national bank and industrialization. He believed that modernity would prevent savagery. After describing the need for modern reforms, he said: He emphasized on the need for establishment of nation-wide school system that would teach modern sciences and operate according to Islamic ethics. Military and defense. Modernization of the military was  of upmost importance to him, so that the nation-state built in Iran after revolution could defend itself against adversaries. A similar argument can be found in Ayatullah Sistani's stress on state monopoly over violence. Political Activism. The city of Najaf has played the role of nerve center in Shia world through centuries. At the dawn of constitutional revolution, it was here that the political ideas were discussed and the religious secularity of Shia jurisprudence took shape. Many periodicals of the time, especially ‘"al-Ghura’," ‘"Durat al-Najaf’" and ‘"Najaf’", published from the city, reflect the nature of the  intellectual exchange during the movement. Other publications, such as Calcutta based ‘"Habl al-Matin’" also reached the residents of Najaf. Najaf had developed its own taste of modernity, distinct from west. These publications advocated the concepts of personal liberty, nation-state, modern sciences, constitutional monarchy and democracy. But they also viewed western colonial advance as intimidating and understood that the only way to fight back was creating a strong and progressive nation. Akhund Khurasani saw his role as a activist scholar who would interpret the religion according to the needs of the times to persuade the masses to constructive action . He was the main legitimizing force behind modern reforms. As an enlightened scholar, he did not shy away from analyzing what the western scholarship had to offer and incorporate it into his doctrine. However, he had his own theoretical foundations for those reforms and his own terminology, based in Shi'i doctrine. He understood how mismanagement, nepotism and corruption had engulfed Iran's economy. He supported a powerless monarch as a symbol of Iran's history but he was also confident in the legacy that he carried of clerical tradition as the guide. Therefore, he was in a position to offer  scholarly criticism and evaluation of governance and social conditions. He protected the parliament by issuing clarifications and religious rulings, when it needed his support against the fanatic anti-constitutionalists. Not only that, he gave instructions to different orators and organized clerics of different ranks to stand behind the cause. The call to political reform. In a letter dated August 7, 1902, Akhund Khurasani and the other two Marja's as co-signatories, wrote to the Crown Prince Muhammad Ali Mirza stressing the need for joining the world community in anticipating modern social reform and uprooting corruption. Referring to the Prince 's visit to the west, he said that the old monarchical system of government was going to collapse all over the world and reform was need of the hour. The monarchy could only survive if it's powers were limited by constitution. He stressed the idea of unification of nation and state, and as a rational Usuli jurist, he was able to think out of the box and understand how other nations had progressed as a result of democratic reforms. In the same letter, he presented the idea of nation-state, i.e. unity of the people and government (). In a  letter dated July 27, 1903, he inquired about King's mismanagement of financial sources and lack of funds for financial reforms and military. He also questioned the slow pace of building of the dam in Ahwaz. The constitutional revolution. The fourth Qajar King, Naser al-Din Shah was assassinated by Mirza Reza Kermani, a follower of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, when he was visiting and praying in the Shah Abdul-Azim Shrine on 1 May 1896. At Mozaffar al-Din Shah's accession Persia faced a financial crisis, with annual governmental expenditures far in excess of revenues as a  result of the policies of his father. During his reign, Mozzafar ad-Din attempted some reforms of the central treasury; however, the previous debt incurred by the Qajar court, owed to both England and Russia, significantly undermined this effort. He awarded William Knox D'Arcy, a British subject, the rights to oil in most of the country in 1901. Widespread fears amongst the aristocracy, educated elites, and religious leaders about the concessions and foreign control resulted in some protests in 1906. The three main groups of the coalition seeking a constitution were the merchants, the "ulama", and a small group of  radical reformers. They shared the goal of ending royal corruption and ending dominance by foreign powers. These resulted in the Shah accepting a suggestion to create a Majles (National Consultative Assembly) in October 1906, by which the monarch's power was curtailed as he granted a constitution and parliament to the people. King Mozaffar ad-Din Shah signed the 1906 constitution shortly before his death. The members of newly formed parliament stayed constantly in touch with Akhund Khurasani and whenever legislative bills were discussed, he was telegraphed the details for a juristic opinion. In a letter dated June 3, 1907 , the parliament told Akhund about a group of anti-constitutionalists who were trying to undermine legitimacy of democracy in the name of religious law. The trio replied: The Nuri group. Meanwhile the parliament came under attack from imperial court's cleric, Shaykh Fazlullah Nuri and other anti-democracy clerics. Nuri was a rich and high-ranking Qajar court official responsible for conducting marriages and contracts. He also handled wills of wealthy men and collected religious funds. Nuri was opposed to the very foundations of the institution of parliament. He lead a large group of followers and began a round-the -clock sit-in in the Shah Abdul Azim shrine on June 21, 1907 which lasted till September 16, 1907. He generalized the idea of religion as a complete code of social life to push for his own agenda. He believed democracy will allow for “teaching of chemistry, physics and foreign languages”, that would result in spread of Atheism. He bought a printing press and launched a newspaper of his own for propaganda purposes, “Ruznamih-i-Shaikh Fazlullah”, and published leaflets. He believed that the ruler was accountable to no institution other than God and people have no right to limit  the powers or question the conduct of the King. He declared that those who supported democratic form of government were faithless and corrupt, and apostates. He hated the idea of female education and said that girls schools were brothels. The anti-democracy clerics incited violence and one such cleric said that getting in the proximity of the parliament was a bigger sin than adultery, robbery and murder. In Zanjan, Mulla Qurban Ali Zanjani mobilized a force of six hundred thugs who looted shops of pro-democracy merchants and took hold of the city for several days and killed the representative  Sa'd al-Saltanih. Nuri himself recruited mercenaries from criminal gangs to harass the supporters of democracy. On December 22, 1907, Nuri lead a mob towards Tupkhanih Square and attacked merchants and looted stores. Nuri's ties to the court of monarchy and landlords reinforced his fanaticism. He even contacted the Russian embassy for support and his men delivered sermons against democracy in mosques, resulting in chaos. Akhund Khurasani was consulted on the matter and in a letter dated December 30, 1907, the three Marja's said: However, Nuri continued his activities and a few weeks later Akhund Khurasani and his  fellow Marja's argued for his expulsion from Tehran: As far as Nuri's argument was concerned, Akhund Khurasani refuted it in a light tone by saying that he supported the “parliament at Baharistan Square”, questioning the legitimacy of Nuri's assembly at Shah Abdul Azim shrine and their right to decide for the people. Nuri interpreted Sharia in a self-serving and shallow way, unlike Akhund Khurasani who, as a well received source of emulation, viewed the adherence to religion in a society beyond one person or one interpretation. While Nuri confused Sharia with written constitution of a modern  society, Akhund Khurasani understood the difference and the function of the two. Nuri founded his arguments on myths and reached illogical conclusion. He had a narrow understanding of modernity and had no alternative to offer. He perceived the new social contract as a threat to his own prestige and lavish lifestyle. Minor Tyranny. The sixth Qajar King Mohammad Ali Shah abolished the constitution and bombarded the parliament in 1908 with Russian and British support. After the Shah's victory and dissolvement of the parliament, many constitutionalists were arrested by the Shah's forces. Mirza Jahangir Khan, Malek al-Mutakallemin, Sayyid  Jamal al-Din Va'iz, Mirza Ebrahim Tabrizi, Ahmad Ruhul-qudus and Qazi Ardaqi were arrested, tortured and killed. The period from the destruction of the first parliament under the orders of Mohammad Ali shah on June 23, 1908, to the Shah's deposition on July 16, 1909, is called as the period of “Minor Tyranny” (Persian: استبداد صغیر) in the history of modern Iran. The shah repeatedly delayed the elections under the guise of fighting sedition and defending Islam. Mohammad Ali shah wrote letters to the sources of emulation in Najaf, seeking their support against the perceived conspiracies of Babis  and other heretics. However the trio, Akhund Khurasani, Mirza Tehrani and Abdullah Mazandarani responded by affirming the religious legitimacy of democracy and advised the shah to work within the constitutional framework in improving the conditions of society and defending the country against colonial influence. Nuri, on the other hand, sided with the coup and tried to convince people that democracy had failed and that closure of parliament was necessary to save Islam. Call for restoration of democracy. Akhund Khurasani responded to Muhammad Ali Shah's coup by calling his rule a “bloody tyranny” and asking people to stop paying taxes  and fight the tyrant. In a statement, co-signed by the other two jurists, he said: The Shah was ousted on July 16, 1909 and democracy was restored. Death. He died of a stroke, when he aimed to leave Iraq for Iran in order to support constitutionalists' resistance to the Anglo-Russian invasion in 1911. Legacy. He authored many books hence called "the Renewer" ("al-mujaddid") of "Usul al-fiqh". Kifayat al-usul, Khorasani's most important book, is taught in advanced classes at the shia seminaries as the main text on the philosophy of religious law. It has received  hundreds of commentaries. The book suppressed "Qvanin al-Osul" by Qummi, one of seminary main texts taught at higher level. Also, he wrote one of the most important commentaries on Shaykh Morteza al-Ansari's "Durar al-fawaid fi sharh al-Faraid", also taught alongside Kifayat al-usul. Among his prominent students were Ayatullah Mirza Hussein Naini, Ayatullah Muhammad Hossein Qaravi, Aqa Zia ud-Din Araqi, Shaikh Abdul Karim Ha'iri, Aqa Najafi Quchani, Sayyid Husayn Burujurdi, Sayyid Muhsin al-Hakim, Aqa Buzurg Tehrani, Ayatullah Ismail Mahallati, Sayyid Muhammad-Taqi Fakhr-i Da'i Gilani, Ayatullah Mohsin Alaa al Mohadithien, Mirza Abdul -Hassan Mishkini, Shaykh Muhammad Hussayn Kashif al-Ghita’, Shaykh Muhammad Jawad Ballaghi, Aqa Shaykh Muhammad Ali Shahabadi, Sayyid Muhsin Amin ‘Amili, Aqa Sayyid Abdul-Hassan Isfahani, Ayatullah Hussayn Qumi, Sayyid Muhammad Taqi Khunsari, and the famous Sayyid Hassan Mudarris.