Tariana language
Tariana (also Tariano) is an endangered Maipurean (also known as Arawak) language spoken along the Vaupés River in Amazonas, Brazil by approximately 100 people. Another approximately 1,500 people in the upper and middle Vaupés River area identify themselves as ethnic Tariana but do not speak the language fluently. The Indigenous people of the Vaupés region, including the Tariana and East Tucano peoples, are linguistically exogamous; they consider fellow speakers of their languages blood relatives. In this region, languages—like tribal identity—are passed down through patrilineal descent, and as such are kept strictly separate from one another, with  minimal lexical borrowing occurring among them. The Indigenous people of this region traditionally spoke between three and ten other languages, including their mother's and father's tongues—which were usually different due to the widespread cultural practice of linguistic exogamy—and Spanish and/or Portuguese. Speakers of Tariana have been switching to the unrelated Tucano language (of the Tucanoan family), which became a lingua franca in the Vaupés region in the late 19th century. Arriving in the region in the 1920s, Salesian missionaries promoted the exclusive use of Tucano among Indians in an effort to convert them. Economic concerns have  also led fathers to increasingly leave their families to work for non-Amerindian Brazilians, which has undermined the patrilineal father-child interaction through which Tariana was traditionally acquired. In 1999, efforts were made to teach Tariana as a second language in the secondary school in Iauaretê. Regular classes in Tariana have been offered at the school since 2003. Research on Tariana, including a grammar book and a Tariana-Portuguese dictionary, has been done by Alexandra Aikhenvald from the La Trobe University, a specialist on the Arawak language family. Phonology. Tariana has a relatively large phoneme inventory, compared to other Vaupés  languages such as Baniwa and Tucano. It has a rare set of phonotactic restrictions that determine whether phonemes can occur initially or medially and in which types of morphemes. The phoneme , for example, can occur initially in roots but not in affixes or enclitics. Bolded letters indicate the orthography used by Alexandra Aikhenvald in her "Grammar of Tariana". IPA transcription is indicated if it differs from the standard orthography. Vowels. Tariana has 6 vowels, all of which may occur nasalized, except for , or long, except for and . Phonotactic Restrictions on the Occurrence of Vowels "ɨ" occurs only in the augmentative  enclitic "-pɨ" and in the onomatopoeic "ɨhmeni" "moan". It also occasionally appears as an allophone of "i" in the following words: "marawati"→"marawatɨ" "a type of snuff", "hitísi"→"hitɨsi" "tear", and "-pití"→"pitɨ" "chase away, kick". Its occurrence in Tariana has been ascribed to the influence of Tucano. "õ" occurs only in the following words: "tõkẽ" "firefly", "siwirikõrena" "tapiriri, Tapirira guianensis", "nuitõ" "daughter! (vocative)", and -tõreta "roll into a thin roll, like a cigarette". It also occurs word-initially in place names of Tucano origin (e.g. Õrõreana). Consonants. Tariana has 24 consonants: The phoneme occurs only in loanwords from Portuguese (e.g. the names  Graciliano, "Gabriel"). A tendency to insert a glottal stop after word-final has been noted among younger speakers. That has been ascribed to the influence of Tucano. Phonotactic Restrictions on the Occurrence of Consonants (+) indicates phoneme appears in a limited set of items. Syllable structure. Syllables in Tariana follow the pattern (C₁)V(C₂). Phoneme occurrence is also restricted by morphological context, with certain phonemes only in certain positions (initially and medially) or within certain types of morphemes. Vowels may be elided or reduced in rapid speech, rendering some syllables VC or CVC. For example, the word "di-dusitá" 'he goes  back' becomes [didusta] in rapid speech, with the elision of the pre-tonic "i". Similarly, the word "di-pitá-kà-sità" 'he bathes' becomes [dipitakaəsta], with the pre-tonic "i" being elided and a inserted at the clitic boundary before the "s". (Hyphens mark affixes; equals signs mark clitics.) Stress. Tariana has both primary and secondary stress. Tariana is a pitch-accent language, with stressed syllables indicated by a higher pitch and a greater intensity in pronunciation. Unstressed syllables are undifferentiated from non-stressed syllables except in their intensity. Long vowels are always stressed as well as most nasal vowels . Otherwise, primary stress may fall on the last three syllables. Penultimate stress in most common in monomorphemic words (e.g. "dúpu" "a lizard"), but antepenultimate (e.g. "képira" "bird") and final stress (e.g. "yapuratú" "long flute used at ritual offering") also occurs. All roots have underlying stress. Prefixes are unstressed, and suffixes may be stressed or unstressed. Suffixes with underlying stress generally cause penultimate stress when they are attached to a root (e.g. "máwi" "hook"→"mawípi" "blowgun"). Phonological processes. Vowel Reduction In rapid speech, "e", "i", and "a" are reduced to "ə" in pre- and post-tonic syllables. Pre-tonic reduction occurs in  the third syllable before the primary stress (e.g. "yarumakási→yərumamkási" "clothing") as well as in word-initial syllables (e.g. "yakóreka→yəkóreka" "door"). Vowels are also reduced in syllables preceding a secondary stress (e.g. "makhà→məkhà" "recent past non-visual"). Post-tonic reduction affects word-final syllables (e.g. "yásene→yásenə" "the Tucano"). H-Metathesis H-metathesis occurs if an h-initial root or suffix follows a prefix or a root, respectively. The process follows one of three patterns: If there are multiple CV syllables preceding the h-initial root or suffix if the C is a stop, nasal, or bilabial glide, the h metathesizes to  the first of them. Vowel coalescence occurs, with the "a"+"i" resulting in an "e", but that occurs only in the case of h-metathesis and not elsewhere. Morphology. Tariana is a polysynthetic language, with both head-marking and dependent-marking elements. Verbs are differentiated by those that take prefixes: active transitive and intransitive, and those that do not: stative verbs and verbs that describe physical states. Nouns divide into those that can be possessed/prefixed and those that are prefixless. Adjectives in Tariana share a number of features with Nouns and Verbs - the majority of affixes used are the same  as those of nouns. The -O suffix has generally been lost in Tariana, while the -nuku dependent-marking suffix has been gained. In any non-subject function, this suffix may be added to a noun. There is evidence that dependent markers have been gained via local diffusion, as all Tucano language in the area utilize dependent markers. Overall, dependent markers seem to have been gained in response to the loss of half of the head-markings. Nouns. Nominal words may include up to 16 structural positions, which are defined as follows (hyphens mark affixes; equals signs marks clitics): The following  noun phrase includes 13 of the possible structural positions. Brackets indicate syntactic structure. Pronouns. Tariana uses an Arawak's common set of prefixes to mark A/Sₐ on its verbs and pronominal possession on possessed nouns. These prefixes also form independent personal pronouns when combined with the emphatic particle -ha-. The Indefinite Prefix This is a nominal morphological aspect shared with Baniwa of Içana and Baré, two of Tariana’s Arawak sisters. This prefix uniquely permits these languages in signifying that the subject/possessor is unknown. However, the prefix appears primarily linked to nouns in Tariana, wherein the others it  applies to both nouns and verbs. Verbs. Predicates in Tariana may include up to nine affixes, which are defined as follows: Suffixes may be followed by a number of enclitics, as follows (note that ! marks a floating clitic): The following verb construction includes 11 of the 20 possible structural positions: Tense-evidentiality. Tariana has a system of obligatory tense-evidentiality markers, which take the form of clitics on verbs. There are four tenses: present, recent past, remote past, and future. In affirmative clauses, non-future tenses fuse with evidentials to designate visual, non-visual, inferred generic, inferred specific, and reported  information. The inferred specific evidential is a recent innovation and has been ascribed to the influence of Tucano. It is a combination of the anterior aspect marker "-nhi" and non-present visual evidentials "-ka" and "-na" producing "-nhika" for recent past inferred specific and "-nhina" for remote past inferred specific. In interrogative clauses, the same three non-future tenses fuse with evidentials to designate visual, non-visual, and inferred information. Evidentiality, in interrogative clauses, indicates the speaker's assumptions about the addressee's source of information. Use of an inferred evidential, for example, implies that the speaker assumes the addressee  not to have direct access to evidence on the subject at hand. Note the remote past non-visual is rarely used except as a "conventionalized conversation sustainer," an interrogative repetition of a storyteller's predicates to indicate listeners' attention. Tense-Evidentiality in Interrogative Clauses There are two future tense markers in Tariana, neither of which indicates evidentiality. The definite future marker "-de" is used only in the first person, but the indefinite future marker "-mahde" may be used for any person. Syntax. Word order. Word order in Tariana is "pragmatically based" and is generally free except for a handful of  specific contexts: Noun phrases. Noun phrases comprise a head, which may be a noun, adjective, demonstrative, specifier article, quantifier, or deictic as well as one or more modifiers. Modifiers must agree with the head in animacy and in number if the head is animate. Specifier articles, demonstratives, and the quantifier "kanapada" 'how many, how much; this many, this much' always precede the head. All other modifiers may either precede or follow the head. In general, modifiers precede a definite or topical noun and follow an "indefinite, non-specific, or otherwise inconsequential nominal referent." Even though the noun 'tapir' has just  been introduced, the fact that the adjective 'bad' precedes it indicates that it is well-known or topical. Case. Tariana is essentially a nominative–accusative morphosyntactic alignment. Its core cases are broadly analyzed as falling into the categories of A/S 'subject' and non-A/S 'non-subject'. A stands for a transitive subject, S for a subject of an intransitive verb, S for a subject of an active intransitive verb, Sₒfor a subject of a stative intransitive verb, and S for a subject of an intransitive verb with a non-canonically marked argument. Case marking is determined by the  discourse status of the noun (topical, non-topical, focused). A noun in the A/S /Sₒcategory is considered focused if it meets one of the following conditions: A noun in the non-A/Sₐ/Sₒis considered topical if it meets one of the following conditions: Tariana has two oblique cases: the locational and the instrumental/comitative, but only nouns may be marked for both. Pronouns are marked only for the instrumental/comitative. Because oblique cases are inherently non-A/Sₐ/S, they may be double-marked if they serve as the topic of the sentence as well. The following example is from  a hunter's narrative about improving his house, with 'house' being the topic of the narrative. In this sentence, 'house' is marked both as a topical non-A/Sₐ/S and locational. Switch reference. Tariana switch reference enclitics indicate whether the action of a dependent clause is simultaneous with or prior to the action of the main clause and whether the subject of the dependent clause is the same or different from the subject of the main clause. In rapid speech, the enclitic "-hyume" often becomes "-yuhme" or even "-yume". "-Kayami" can be ponounced "-kañami" or "-kayãmi". Note that there are  several different enclitics for simultaneous action categories. Each enclitic has various restrictions as to which other clitics and affixes it can combine with, and where it falls within a clause or sentence. Brackets indicate syntactic structure.