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04-26-2005, 04:43 AM #1
STEEDS IN AFRIKA…
1. Dis ‘n jaar later, ons is steeds in Afrika, en ons klein volk beweeg steeds nader aan die soort omwenteling waaroor ons laas geskryf het, en wat baie maklik tot ons ondergang as ‘n eie volk op Afrika-bodem kan lei. Vir die wat oë het om te sien, vermeerder die aanduidings van ‘Zanufisering’ elke week, onder andere die summiere inhegtenisneming en vernedering van ‘n blanke magistraat in Groblersdal deur swart polisiemanne, - ‘n lid van die ‘onafhanklike regbank’, wat deur die Azaniese prys-sangers so hoog opgegee word as die belangrikste waarborg teen ‘n herhaling van wat in Zimbabwe gebeur het. Daarmee saam hoop die gevalle op van blanke polisiemanne wat hulle vasloop in opgekookte vervolgings deur die swart magstruktuur, en natuurlik die blanke man op straat, wat enige tyd, enige plek, met die geringste werklike of denkbeeldige verskoning, deur swart polisiemanne in ‘n Azaniese sel gegooi kan word. En dis baiemaal mense wat opreg geglo het in die mite van hierdie sogenaamde Nuwe Suid-Afrika as ‘n nie-rassistiese, ‘demokratiese’ staat, en dat hulle net hulle werk goed moet doen en hulle neus skoon hou, - en dan sal dit met hulle goed gaan.
2. Die wortel van alle kwaad is toe nog nie in ‘n ope hof aangespreek nie, naamlik die onregmatige, summiere en totale eliminering van ons eie, internasionaal erkende staat deur ons laaste Staatspresident FW de Klerk en sy Broeder gespuis, sonder ‘n mandaat van ons as kiesers, en die miskenning van ons reg op ons eie staat, regering en howe. Die polities-aangestelde swart regter-president in Pretoria is gebruik is om te keer dat de Klerk as getuie geroep word en teregstaan op sy wandaad en volksverraad, nadat die vermeende lede van die ‘Boeremag’, - tot hulle krediet, - hom gedagvaar het. Intussen het de Klerk, volgens ‘n Hollandse koerant, in Nigerie erken dat die Azaniese verkiesing van 1994, - Kriegler se berugte bordeel, - inderdaad een groot bedrogspul met onder andere oor ‘n miljoen gekookte stembriewe was. In die nuwe jaar moet, en sal, DV, dit aangespreek word in internasionale howe en instansies.
3. Ons wat (nog?) buite die Azaniese hof en tronke staan, en wat ernstig is omtrent die herwinning van ons vryheid, moet weer en weer die prioriteite beklemtoon, en werk, werk, werk. Die vier prioriteite, soos genoem, is dat ons moet aanhou werk en bou en voorberei vir wat kom, dat ons moet aanhou aandring op ons vryheid, dat ons nie aan die vreemde gesag die verskoning moet bied om ons verset af te maak as iets anders as ware VOLKSverset en ‘n vryheidstryd nie, en dat ons as Boere moet bymekaar kom, letterlik en figuurlik, totdat ons die stryd kan aanknoop onder ‘n geloofwaardige volksgesag. Die kern hiervan is om laer te trek. Soos so baie blanke Azaniers ook laer trek in hulle om-muurde sekuriteitsdorpies, hulle beveiligde groep-behuising en hulle afgesperde woonbuurte orals in die wonderlik getransformeerde ‘Nuwe SA’, - net slimmer. Ons weet mos van die ingeboude mislukkingsfaktor van vreemde arbeid, vreemde wagte en vreemde indringing, en ons kan mos beter doen as dit. Kyk maar hoe lekker veilig bly en werk mense op Orania, Kleinfontein en Balmoral, en orals daar waar ons as volk bymekaarkom en na mekaar toe beweeg.
4. Buite sluip ons vyande rond, letterlik, en is hulle steeds besig om ons mense so een-een en twee-twee te beroof, aan te rand, te verkrag en te vermoor. Laat ons dit aanhoudend inhamer: Die kern en sleutel van alles is die GROEP, MENSE. Alleen, as individu of gesin, is u maar net ‘n moord en rooftog wat wag om te gebeur. Verstaan dit, asseblief, dat ons geen werklike en doeltreffende beskerming van staatsweë af geniet nie, - al wat ons kan red is getalle. Niemand verwag wonderwerke nie, maar van een maak twee, van twee maak drie, van drie maak vier, ensovoorts. Ons is op onsself aangewese om te oorleef, en dit beteken ons eie mense, - met al ons skete en pyne en swakhede en probleme. En, vanselfsprekend, die vaste geloof en vertroue op ons Allerhoogste en Almagtige God, en die vertroue op die goeie reg van ons saak. Maar God gaan nie, soos baie mense dink, alles vir ons doen nie, - hy verwag van elkeen van ons om, na gelang van ons vermoë en gegewe talente, ons deel te doen, te help en daaraan te werk, - dan sal hy, Deo Volente, die knoop deurhaak soos by Bloedrivier.
5. Indien u moed verloor en oorweldig word deur die oënskynlike oormag, - kom kyk wat in die tussentyd binne ‘volkslaers’ bereik is. Suiwer Boere-ontwikkeling, onder die heersende Azaniese omstandighede, is nie maklik nie, en neem altyd langer as wat ons voor hoop. Maar dis uiteindelik die moeite werd, en die ENIGSTE pad na oorlewing, - net soos twee eeue terug dit die enigste werkbare vorm van verdediging was teen die hordes barbare rondom die trekkers. Maar moenie net kyk nie, DOEN mee, trek laer op u manier, - onthou die formule van een maak twee, van twee drie, ens, stap vir stap, - en maak gebruik van en werk saam met dit wat reeds gebou is en ontwikkel word.
6. Dit bring ons by een voorbeeld wat werk. Balmoral Gimnasium (BG) se sweis-opleidingskool het op 6 Oktober oopgemaak, danksy die steun en werk van ‘n korps deurwinterde Boere wat in die saak glo. Die eerste studente is ingeneem en het begin sweis. Die standaard wat vereis word vir kodifisering is hoog, en nie almal slaag dadelik nie, - maar dis juis wat die kwalifikasie die paspoort tot goeie werk en self-onderhoud onder die regerende swart Regime maak. Sodra moontlik, - Januarie?, - wil BG ook ander afdelings oopmaak, soos plaas-assistant- en vragmotor-bestuurder opleiding. So as u weet van ‘n seun wat opgelei wil word binne ‘n Boer-vriendelike en gesonde omgewing, met behoorlike sertifisering aan die einde, - dis die plek. Dis nie maklik nie, dit neem ‘n minimum van vier weke vir beginners, en dit kos geld, - maar dis goedkoper as vergelykbare instellings, dis volkseie, en studente word gehuisves en versorg. En as iemand regtig nie die geld het of by simpatieke familie kan bymekaarmaak nie, dan is daar die ander opsie van om te kom werk, vir ‘n proeftydperk van maksimum 6 maande, en daardeur ‘n terugbetaalbare borg te verdien wat vir die opleiding sal betaal. Daar is geen kwalifikasie voorvereistes nie, - net drie dinge wat enigiemand onmiddelik uitsluit: Die gebruik van drank (en dwelms), ‘n onwilligheid om te werk en die neergelegde dissipline te aanvaar, en diefstal. Indien u meer besonderhede verlang, kontak Willem Ratte (Bestuurder) by selfoon 0824381877.
7. Soos gesê, het die Gimnasium begin werk. Indien u in hierdie saak glo, en wil help, kan u gerus kontak maak met die bestuur, of self gaan kyk en kom praat. Behalwe om betalende studente in te neem, is daar ook begin om minder bevoorregte seuns ‘n geleentheid te gee, op die manier soos bo uiteengesit. Dit is nie altyd maklik nie, en vol teleurstellings, maar bloed bly dikker as water. Daar is dus altyd ruimte vir borge, wat ‘n kandidaat se hele of gedeeltelike opleiding wil finansier uit liefde vir die saak. En dan is daar ook die moontlikheid van ‘n suiwer investering, waar BG twee persent bo bank-rente opbrengs waarborg, op ‘n ooreengekome kontrak-basis. En laastens is daar altyd ‘n behoefte aan oortollige of ou gereedskap, toerusting, afval-yster en -staal, en bou-materiaal, soos voorsien word dat die Gimnasium sal uitbrei. Reeds is daar ‘n kampus in Orania geopen, waar eenkeer ‘n maand vir ‘n week lank opleiding aangebied word.
namens VRIENDE VAN SUIDERKRUIS AFRIKA
(Ondersteuners van die Balmoral Museum, Vallis Nostra en die Boere Gimnasium)
LW : Ons wil inlig en dien as skakel tussen Boere wat lojaal gebly het teenoor die volk wie se oorlewingstryd in die Boere Museum te Balmoral uitgebeeld word. Skryf aan ons, praat met ons, besoek ons by :
Posadres : Vriende van Suiderkruis Afrika, Posbus 30, Balmoral 1037.
Balmoral Museum, Balmoral (halfpad tussen Brornkhorstspruit en Witbank, langs die snelweg afrit).
Suiderkruis Afrika (SKA) Tuisblad (insluitende nuus tweekeer per week)
Skakel ons by bogenoemde nommers indien u dit eens is met ons en wil betrokke raak.
04-26-2005, 05:54 AM #2
05-01-2005, 06:24 PM #3
05-04-2005, 10:35 AM #4
Ek het begin wonder what het geword van Kol. Willem Ratte geword het.
05-04-2005, 10:50 AM #5
Jou vinger gaan in jou neus afbreuk soos jou avater wys
05-04-2005, 12:57 PM #6
Privatized Warfare - Willem Ratte
Angola's Reds are getting some professional help
Mr. LoBaido, a journalist and filmmaker, has recently completed a geo-political novel entitled The Third Boer War. This article is based on a recent three-month investigation in Angola, Namibia, and South Africa.
Sitting on the patio of his lavish home in suburban Pretoria, Eeben Barlow poured afternoon tea and basked in the late summer sun, looking more like a successful businessman than a hardened Special Forces operator of the South African Defense Force (SADF) who commanded the elite Reconnaissance Wing (similar to the Green Berets) of the famed 32 Battalion in its most daring exploits. He is, in fact, both.
During a recent interview with THE NEW AMERICAN, the charismatic Barlow spun a tale more engrossing than any Hollywood fiction, a chilling story of wealth, power, betrayal, political intrigue, conspiracy -- and massive death and destruction. At the center of this amazing story is Barlow's highly successful private corporate army, Executive Outcomes (EO), which is on the verge of securing victory in the nation of Angola for the Marxist MPLA over the anti-Communist UNITA forces of Jonas Savimbi.
The activities of EO, the "clients" it serves, and its global Insider connections provide an alarming look into the realpolitik of the emerging new world order. Barlow's formidable private army boasts an annual contract of $45 million with the Soviet-installed MPLA government of Angola, which is, in turn, largely subsidized by multinational corporations such as giant Gulf-Chevron Oil, Texaco, and, to a lesser extent, the De Beers diamond cartel.
Executive Outcomes provides a major connecting point in the strange relationship which has drawn together the Angolan Communist regime, leading corporate entities of the capitalist world, the Communist-dominated South African government, and former anti-Communist members of the SADF who now hire out as mercenaries to their former MPLA enemies. Also figuring in this globalist stew are the U.S. State Department, the Council on Foreign Relations, the British Foreign Office, and the United Nations. At present, the main target of the alliance is the anti-Communist forces of UNITA (the Union for the Total Independence of Angola), but other anti-Communist movements that threaten the "new order" in Southern Africa -- most especially Inkatha, under Zulu Chief Buthelezi in South Africa, and the RENAMO guerilla army in Mozambique -- are also in the crosshairs.
"Some are claiming that the era of the nation-state is in a flux at this time," Barlow, who serves as "General Manager" of EO, explained to THE NEW AMERICAN. "As a private corporate entity, Executive Outcomes is able to operate without the restrictions of any particular nation's flag leading our soldiers into battle. That eliminates many of the usual accompanying political problems."
When Nelson Mandela and the ANC ordered former South African President F.W. de Klerk to dismantle the SADF Reconnaissance Regiments and 32 Battalion during the 1992-93 Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) talks, most interested observers understood that the move was aimed at crippling any hope of a right-wing military coup against the emerging ANC government. After all, 32 Battalion, South Africa's "Foreign Legion," boasted a sterling record of military successes in both South West Africa (now Namibia) and Angola during South Africa's long and bitter "Border War" with the Marxist "Front Line" states. Its soldiers were widely regarded as some of the finest in the world -- and one of the best among these superlative fighting men was Eeben Barlow.
In 1989, Barlow, along with a small core of former SADF Special Forces operators, launched Executive Outcomes, destined to become arguably the world's largest and most sophisticated private, professional army. "Our first operations commenced in February 1994," Barlow told THE NEW AMERICAN. "At that time, UNITA controlled roughly 80 percent of Angola. However, since EO was deployed, UNITA has failed to win even a single engagement. They are on the verge of total military collapse and now control only 20 percent of the country. Their only hope now is to sue for peace."
Other military experts contest Barlow's claim that UNITA is on the verge of defeat, or that it is even possible to conquer these seasoned and intensely motivated fighters in their own terrain, though they concede that the superior firepower and air mobility of Barlow's EO/MPLA forces have caused Savimbi's troops to yield much of the territory they had previously controlled.
Barlow pointed out that EO is equipped with Soviet MiG fighter jets, Puma and East Bloc helicopters, and state-of-the-art artillery, tanks, and related armaments. He has boasted a group of no less than 500 military advisers which train (and perhaps lead) MPLA forces.
According to Kallie Coetzee, a photographer for EO, Barlow's connections with the DeBeers diamond conglomerate, as well as his former position with the Armaments Corporation of South Africa (ARMSCOR) helped expedite EO's start-up. "I remember sitting in a hotel with a small group of us, wondering how in the world we would get the MPLA to accept us as equal partners after the SADF had fought against them for so long," Coetzee recalled to THE NEW AMERICAN. "But Eeben knew what he was doing. I met him while we were both at ARMSCOR. After that, Eeben did counterintelligence consultation for DeBeers, so he was already a millionaire by the time he launched Executive Outcomes." A former ARMSCOR consultant who requested anonymity explained: "Because of his connections with ARMSCOR, Eeben can sign a point-of-exit sale with ARMSCOR, or perhaps with a French manufacturer, and get the hardware he needs to fight the war."
Amazingly, this apparently unaccountable army has drawn little interest from the international media, the ANC, the U.S. State Department, the CIA, the South African Foreign Affairs Office, and the National Intelligence Service (NIS). "It is incredible that Executive Outcomes can operate a private army of 3,000 mercenaries and be virtually ignored by the international media," said Peter Hammond, a former SADF special forces operator who now heads Frontline Fellowship, a Christian relief organization in South Africa. "In Executive Outcomes, one has a vast amount of ex-South African, Israeli, Portuguese, and Brazilian mercenaries operating without any ethical restrictions -- and liberally funded by the Marxist government [of Angola], whose major supporter continues to be Gulf-Chevron oil company."
Ed Cain, a keen observer of the volatile situation in Southern Africa, told THE NEW AMERICAN that the disinterest concerning Executive Outcomes of relevant agencies such as South Africa's NIS and the CIA in the U.S. suggests "possible collusion amongst those and other intelligence groups." Cain added that it offers strong evidence that "Executive Outcomes is doing the dirty work of destroying UNITA for the ANC, the U.S. State Department, and the United Nations. But this is the reality of the new world order. Multinational corporations span the globe armed with capital and technology, looking for the cheapest possible labor and the most accessible markets. Now the big oil interests in England have Executive Outcomes to help them recolonize Angola in de facto mercantilistic fashion. The Red Coats of the British Empire just can't march in anymore."
The ANC's dependence on Angola for logistical support during its Communist revolution in South Africa was summarized by Nelson Mandela in a speech he gave in Luanda, Angola on May 10, 1990, shortly after his release from prison. "Angola has been our main military base," declared Mandela. "The ANC brought young people into Angola to receive military training. This was indeed a major turning point in the history of South Africa. The progress we have made in our armed struggle is owed largely to Angola. Angola allowed us not only to receive arms from friendly countries abroad, but also allowed us to establish camps and gave us freedom to train our soldiers."
With the addition of Executive Outcomes into the equation, the bond between Marxist Angola and the Communist-dominated ANC continues. Evidence is overwhelming that those in the highest levels of Mandela's South African government are very much aware of the operations of EO. In one of the most controversial of those operations, EO was involved in training personnel in Angola for Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the ANC's brutal military and terrorist arm. The Johannesburg Sunday Times quoted the SADF's legendary Colonel Jan Breytenbach, founder of the Reconnaissance Wing (Recces) and 32 Battalion, as saying that "former South African special forces members associated with Executive Outcomes ... are training [MK] special forces for the ANC at a base just south of Luanda." According to the Sunday Times:
The Weekly Mail reported ... that up to 500 former CCB [Civil Cooperation Bureau] members and recces, headed by Mr. Luitingh [an EO commander], had approached Tokyo Sexwale [an ANC leader] pledging support for an ANC-led government. Mr. Luitingh told SABC's Monitor programme: "Although we won't join the new defense force, we will work for the new government if asked."
The Sunday Times further reported:
UNITA has claimed an attack on its former headquarters at Jamba was launched from Namibian territory. The Namibian government denied any knowledge of the raid, but security analysts suggested the Namibian and South African government, together with the ANC, might be cooperating in a move to counter "reactionary forces" in the subregion and prevent any possible cooperation between UNITA and conservative forces in South Africa.
Concerns about support for UNITA from right-wing groups in South Africa were also voiced by General Itha of Angola's Marxist MPLA in the South African newspaper the Weekly Mail & Guardian. According to the Guardian, Itha had stated that "food, medicine, and military means from South Africa have been flown mostly to Zaire ... from where it is redirected to UNITA bases inside Angola." The Guardian reported that it had the names of two South Africans who were recruiting former South African soldiers as mercenaries for UNITA. South African political observer Ed Cain believes that the right wing in South Africa could mobilize significant numbers of former SADF soldiers to fight with Savimbi against EO and the MPLA. Cain notes, however, that Savimbi is still quite upset at white South Africans who formerly fought with him against the MPLA, but who have now joined EO and are fighting against him on the side of the Marxists.
On July 26, 1994, the Free Angola Information Service reported that "fifty South African soldiers of fortune were killed in fighting in the Lunda Notre diamond-producing area during the period of July 18-25. On Sunday July 24, twenty-five mercenaries were killed .... UNITA armed forces appealed to the South African Government 'to do everything possible' to repatriate its nationals before they 'disappear in the forests of the Lundas.'"
The South African First Deputy President Thabo Mbeki asked UNITA not to execute the South African mercenaries captured when a P-7 bomber was shot down on July 12. He said, "Those people (mercenaries) ought to be here (in South Africa). They should not be fighting a war in Angola." Also on July 26th, UNITA rebel radio, monitored by the Portuguese News agency LUSA, launched a strong condemnation of South African President Nelson Mandela, saying, "How can the President of South Africa ... help to bring a peaceful solution when parts of his army have substituted the Russian and Cuban forces of the Cold War?"
A subsequent UNITA press release accused Executive Outcomes of trying to assassinate UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi. UNITA also charged that EO had dispatched 55 former members of the South African 4th and 5th Reconnaissance Units from Durban, South Africa on November 8, 1994 to play a critical command and operational role in a major MPLA offensive against UNITA.
Such media reports within South Africa prompted Rusty Evans, South Africa's foreign affairs director, to state in the July 30, 1994 Pretoria News: "There is a sense that we are morally obliged to take action to clamp down [on Executive Outcomes]." An August 3, 1994 story which ran over the Reuters news wire quoted Evans as saying, "I think we're on the verge of closing them down. Executive Outcomes is bad news. We have to come down on them. I just cannot accept that there are about 500 South Africans fighting in Angola. We have to put it to the Justice Department. They have put it to the Attorney General. I think there must be a strong prima facie case that this operation contravenes South African law."
Perhaps the most damaging story aimed at EO's public image appeared in the February 16, 1995 edition of You/Huisgenoot magazine, a South African periodical akin to America's People magazine. An article in the magazine accused Eeben Barlow of luring South Africans to Angola under the pretense of paying them high salaries to "guard oil fields" when, in reality, the recruits were in the country to train MPLA cadres and participate in fighting against UNITA guerillas at various contact points around the country.
Mrs. Judith Bezuidenhout, mother of Neil Bezuidenhout, a former SADF Special Forces member who was listed as missing in action while fighting with EO, is vocal in her criticism of the corporation's recruitment procedures. "They said that Neil would only be guarding the oil fields and that was a bold-faced lie," she told THE NEW AMERICAN. "The Executive Outcomes people have been very uncooperative with me in regards to finding Neil. I've heard that he was shot in the head and left behind during a fire fight. I later received good information [from a nurse in London who claimed to have worked in an Angolan hospital where Neil was taken] that he was alive and working in the diamond mines for UNITA as a prisoner of war."
Barlow denied the charges, telling THE NEW AMERICAN, "We're very open when it comes to what Executive Outcomes is all about. My big question is this: Why aren't people asking questions about the lack of direction and will the South African soldier had to endure due to those at the top who didn't want or weren't interested in allowing the war to end? During those years we fought a war solely to enrich certain people while the general public was being fed disinformation. Perhaps it is time someone asked how the personnel of Executive Outcomes could turn the tide of the war in 18 months -- something the SADF was never allowed to do over a period of 15 years?"
Barlow argues that the South African Foreign Affairs Office has been compromised by men whom he claims have close ties with UNITA and the ivory, teak wood, and diamonds which he believes have flowed into Afrikaner coffers from UNITA over the past 20 years.
EO's initial and highly successful sorties into the diamond region of Cafunfu stand as an example of the corporation's capacity and its "task." Its bold incursions take on even greater significance when one considers that UNITA sold $800 million worth of diamonds on the Belgian and Dutch markets last year. In comparison, Angola's state-owned Endiama sold only $150 million and South African giant DeBeers sold $300 million. Obviously, it stands to reason that the military defeat of UNITA would radically augment the financial status of the major players in the world's monopolistic diamond industry.
A press release from the law firm of Wilsenach Van Wyk Goosen and Bekker on behalf of EO attempted to defend Barlow and EO, stating that "Executive Outcomes has suffered a massive campaign aimed at discrediting the corporation because of its involvement in Angola. This campaign has been spear-headed by elements within the Department of Foreign Affairs and Army Intelligence and increased in intensity after UNITA lost the strategic diamond mining town of Cafunfu."
The press release noted that Rusty Evans of the Foreign Affairs Office "told the media that a dossier on Executive Outcomes had been handed over to the Attorney General for prosecution. These statements were published in The Citizen and the Star [South African newspapers] on August 4, 1994. The corporation's attorneys have been in contact with the Attorney General ... the Attorney General has no knowledge of any such dossier." In a separate press release, Barlow claimed that a "Mr. Blume of the Department of Foreign Affairs told a select group of people that a 'Stratcom' should be used against Executive Outcomes. This is a term used to refer to a disinformation or smear campaign."
Critics of Executive Outcomes, however, charge that the statements of Mr. Evans and other officials amount to mere posturing to placate a concerned public; little or no follow-through action against EO is expected. EO is the perfect deniable asset: Its private, independent status allows the governments and multinational corporations using its services to escape accountability for any "excesses" that may come to light.
In an effort to defend EO, Barlow told THE NEW AMERICAN: "I believe that Executive Outcomes is the best hope of bringing peace to Angola. To show our good works, the corporation has, at its own cost, extended its activities into assisting the local population in vital areas such as medical aid and water supply. Instead of receiving praise for bringing in lots of U.S. dollars to help the young government and the RDP [the ANC's socialist Reconstruction and Development Project], we are accused of such atrocities as cannibalism and killing civilians."
But on the other side, EO's critics decry the corporation's alleged use of Napalm-type bombs which lead to horrendous civilian maimings and casualties, as well as EO/MPLA's reportedly heavy-handed intimidation of Angola's rural population, where UNITA has traditionally found support.
Barlow claimed that one of his goals in Angola is to "see UNITA's forces incorporated into the army of the MPLA-led Angolan government. The MPLA has changed the faults of its economic policies and the Consumer Price Index in Angola has risen 38 percent in the past year. That wouldn't happen under a Marxist government."
One of Barlow's former 32 Battalion comrades, Commandant Willem Ratte, scoffs at the very notion that the MPLA has converted from its Communist ways. He states that "the state of Luanda, reeking of human feces and mismanaged beyond belief, is proof of the MPLA's Communist, statist ineptitude."
Despite the chasm that now separates the two, Barlow holds the brilliant and unconventional Ratte -- the man who helped hone his own soldiering skills -- in the highest regard. Barlow told THE NEW AMERICAN that Ratte is "perhaps the finest, most professional soldier ever produced by the South African Defense Force."
The lifestyles of Ratte and Barlow contrast as sharply as their outlooks. Ratte's three decades of military service in Rhodesia, South West Africa, and Angola with the Selous Scouts (a branch of the Rhodesian Special Forces) and the SADF have brought him none of the wealth or appurtenances of power displayed by his former protégé. Ratte's humble house-trailer outside Pretoria pales in comparison to Barlow's lavish home. Unlike Barlow and Executive Outcomes, Ratte has no helicopters or jets to ferry him to and from the Angolan front. Nonetheless, he carries himself with the indefatigable air of a man who knows he is on the right side. He is a Christian soldier wedded to principle and the military code of honor, inured to the rigors of war, and possessed of singular abilities. (See sidebar, page 27.)
While Ratte has taken no vow of poverty, he clearly prefers that condition to "selling out" -- which is exactly the path he considers Barlow to have taken. "Eeben is a very capable soldier, make no mistake," Ratte told THE NEW AMERICAN. "He once told me that he was angry about the sellout to the Communists by the National Party in South Africa. I like him personally. Everybody does. Hell, I fought right beside him tooth and nail. Eeben grew up in a disadvantaged economic position so you can't fault him for wanting to get out of poverty. In the end, perhaps he figured that if the Communists are going to take over anyway, why not have them take over with $40 million or so in his pocket? But what he's doing is wrong and he knows it. I've told him so. It's like the Bible says, 'What do darkness and light have in common?' The ANC has murdered and tortured countless thousands and they will eventually ruin this country with their amoral policies. Communist regimes in Russia and China have murdered tens of millions. So there simply is no excuse for what he's doing -- I hope and pray he'll come right."
Former SADF special forces operator Peter Hammond seconds Ratte's view. "We can't claim to stand for freedom and a constitutional republic when we back Communists, Christ haters, and murderous necklacing agents," Hammond told THE NEW AMERICAN. "The first thing the ANC did upon their assent to power was to take the name of Jesus Christ out of the opening prayer in Parliament. Then came the legalization of hard-core pornography, followed by the drive to legalize abortion .... Now we're seeing the most frenzied crime wave in the history of our nation, the total collapse of border influx control, widespread drug use, organized crime, and a new drive to legalize unlimited abortion and to install homosexual 'rights' and sex education for pre-school children in the new Constitution."
"It is obvious that the fall of Southern Africa to the international socialists was the brainchild of Chester A. Crocker," says Ed Cain, editor of the South African Christian newsletter Signposts. Cain is referring to President Reagan's Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. Crocker, a Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) functionary who orchestrated America's disastrous African policies from 1981 to 1989, is now a professor at Georgetown University and chairman of the board of the United States Institute of Peace. In the May/June 1995 issue of the CFR journal Foreign Affairs, Crocker laments, "After Somalia, it is getting harder for Western leaders to rally their constituents to go to war for a new world order." Nonetheless, he asserts, "it is surely wise that we and others broaden our understanding of national interest to include considerations of interest related to global order."
Crocker's argument is for increased U.S. support for UN "peacekeeping," which, translated from CFR globalspeak, means increased deployment of U.S. military assets in UN operations to support and sustain Marxist regimes in Africa and elsewhere.
Notes Ed Cain, "SWAPO, FRELIMO, the ANC, and MPLA are all Marxist-oriented. All were or are being brought to power by the U.S. State Department and the UN. The MPLA has mortgaged Angola to the hilt. If Savimbi wins, UNITA owes the British and the Americans absolutely nothing."
Several South African NIS officials told THE NEW AMERICAN that the foreign involvement surrounding EO is merely the continuation of a century-old policy of global dynamics. "It was Cecil Rhodes and Alfred Belt, the gold barons, who conspired to take over the Transvaal for the British Empire and launched the Boer War," former NIS agent Cameron Bailey explained. "Many Afrikaners serving in the NIS believe the foreign involvement in actions such as those of Executive Outcomes can be traced all the way back to the assassination of apartheid's founder, Hendrick Verwoerd. Verwoerd was assassinated by a European, as was Chris Hani [a leader of the South African Communist Party and the ANC's MK terrorist wing]. It's clear that in the 1940s, '50s, and '60s apartheid was working well. South Africa is the richest land in the world in terms of gold, diamonds, and precious metals -- and the foreign powers had to stop South Africa from becoming the world's top economic power."
In 1948, George Kennan, the State Department's director of policy planning, wrote that the U.S. had "50 percent of the world's wealth, but only 6.3 percent of its population. In this situation we cannot fail to be the object of envy and resentment. Our real task in the coming period is to devise a pattern of relationships which will allow us to maintain this position of disparity."
A 1992 United Nations study claimed that 83 percent of the world's wealth was concentrated in the Northern Hemisphere at the beck and call of only 20 percent of the world's population. Thus, a new political system was imposed, by which the wealthy international elite in the Northern Hemisphere would stage "democratic" elections in the South, while maintaining control of all the competing political parties involved. Following that equation, regardless of the outcome, the victorious new regime would be compliant with the desires of its internationalist masters.
Willem Ratte, who ran many of the important SADF counterinsurgency operations against the terrorist Southwest Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), told THE NEW AMERICAN of his deep concerns should UNITA fall to Angola's EO/MPLA force:
UNITA is the last anti-Communist force in the Southern Hemisphere. The ANC is afraid that the right-wing Zulus and RENAMO [the Mozambiquan anti-Communist group] will be able to mount a guerrilla campaign against them from the southern Angolan theater. In reality, the entire situation has turned upside down. Now it is the Christian, anti-Communist patriots who will infiltrate into South Africa to fight the new Communist government.
Peter Hammond of Frontline Fellowship notes that "UNITA has lost much territory since the very professional, mercenary-led offensives were launched. This is inevitable since UNITA has no air power and practically zero access to overseas weapons. With the tremendous artillery and rocket advantage on their side, the MPLA has been able to inflict vast amounts of damage on UNITA-held towns. It therefore became indefensible for UNITA to hold the large population centers. In lieu of this, UNITA rebels have retreated back into the dense bush in order to avoid high casualty rates. Although UNITA lost its capital of Huambo, it was lost with comparatively little loss of life -- so the guerillas can still fight on."
The elites of the Northern Hemisphere continue to pour arms into Luanda in an attempt to cow UNITA into submission. A March 26, 1995 South African Press Association report summarized the almost mind-boggling international arms support offered the MPLA and Executive Outcomes forces: "In the past two weeks, at least two Antonov cargo planes, with markings from Ukraine and Russia, have been seen at Luanda airport where officials said they contained arms and at least one battle tank. Countries believed to be selling arms to the Angolan government include Russia, Brazil, North Korea, Spain, Portugal, Bulgaria, Israel, Ukraine, and the Czech Republic."
Perhaps mindful of the UN-led interventionism on the side of the MPLA, including the deployment of 7,000 UN soldiers, the March 28, 1995 South African newspaper The Citizen reported that UNITA forces destroyed a UN mission at Chongorio in Angola's central coast provinces of Benguela. There are also rumors that Executive Outcomes may even be planning one final offensive to defeat UNITA militarily during the UN-brokered peace talks. "Dumping 7,000 troops into Angola, a country larger than South Africa, is ridiculous," Willem Ratte explained to THE NEW AMERICAN. "There are at least 10 million landmines in Angola, perhaps 20 million. There are so many mines that farmers won't plant crops .... The MPLA estimates it will cost $700 million to demine the roads and rebuild the roads so this is all a logistical nightmare for the UN. More importantly, the UN troops are hired guns who, for the most part, are here reluctantly. UNITA does not see them as a significant threat, though even if Savimbi does go along for now with a UN peace plan, he will never dismantle his elite forces."
According to Peter Hammond, it would be unwise for MPLA to consider UNITA a defeated, powerless foe: "UNITA has demonstrated an amazing tenacity and flexibility. It has been fighting for nearly 30 years. They believe they can fight for 30 more. With such persistence I believe they can bring the MPLA to the negotiation table. UNITA's guerrilla tactics have, so far, proven to be unbeatable. Certainly, much suffering can be averted if Gulf-Chevron can be persuaded to dis-invest from Angola or if the Western world will halt its support for the Marxist MPLA government."
Willem Ratte told THE NEW AMERICAN: "The Boer War was the first modern war, the first guerilla war of the modern age. Eeben Barlow is similarly leading us into a new era of warfare with his private army funded by the multinational corporations. However, if UNITA returns to guerrilla tactics, they will survive and win the war. The South-eastern theater of Angola is untouchable from an assault standpoint. UNITA's Special Forces can blow up PUMAs and MiGs on the ground. Most importantly, The Lord is on our side."
However, longtime UNITA supporters in the West are worried that Savimbi, hard pressed by EO's mercenaries and feeling isolated from the rest of the world, is walking into a deadly trap in his new negotiations with the MPLA regime. On May 1, 1995, Savimbi proclaimed his willingness to cooperate in national reconciliation and said that he would seek no specific post in any future Angolan government: "I do not seek a post. I want a role that will enable me to ensure that those who followed me all have a future."
On May 6th, Savimbi met in Lusaka, Zambia with MPLA head Jose Eduardo dos Santos. At the invitation of President Nelson Mandela, Savimbi also traveled to Cape Town, South Africa on May 17th and again expressed his willingness to cooperate with dos Santos.
Southern Africa expert Brad Phillips sees these recent moves toward MPLA/UNITA rapprochement as extremely "ominous." Phillips, now an aide to Representative David Funderburk (R-NC), was in Angola in September and October 1992 for UN-arranged elections and remembers well how the MPLA demonstrated its trustworthiness at "reconciliation." "Thousands of UNITA delegates and supporters lured into Luanda for the elections were hunted down and massacred in the streets by dos Santos' troops," recalls Phillips. Savimbi's top adviser and vice president of UNITA, Jeremias Chitunda, and Savimbi's nephew, Elias Pena, who had traveled to Luanda as Savimbi's personal emissaries under UN promises of safe passage, were assassinated by the MPLA. Still, the UN and the U.S. State Department sided with the MPLA and declared dos Santos the winner in the fraudulent elections.
Phillips says that "it seems inconceivable that UNITA could deal with dos Santos" after such repeated treachery. But he notes that Savimbi is under tremendous military, political, and economic pressure from the UN, the U.S., the MPLA, Executive Outcomes, and the big oil interests. Phillips explains, "The current, incumbent Communist regime in Angola is perpetuated by the continued support of U.S. corporate interests, most especially including Gulf-Chevron and Texaco." Gulf-Chevron is responsible for two-thirds of Angola's oil production, while the consortium led by Texaco accounts for the other third. Without the revenues from these sources the Communist government would collapse.
Insiders from these corporations, the U.S. government, and the Establishment media have constituted a cabal that has continuously sabotaged anti-Communist efforts and steadfastly "provided life support" to the Communists in Angola. Some of the prominent characters who have figured in this coterie, says Phillips, include Michael H. Armacost (CFR), who stumped for the MPLA at the State Department during the 1980s while his brother was a top executive at Chevron. Similarly, Bill Keller used his position as correspondent for the New York Times to trash UNITA and promote the MPLA, while his father, George M. Keller (CFR), served as Chevron's CEO.
Numerous South African anti-Communists told THE NEW AMERICAN that Eeben Barlow is concerned with the power shift in America's November 1994 elections. However, fearing that another pro-UN Establishment figure like Bob Dole or Newt Gingrich (who has been an ardent supporter of Nelson Mandela and the ANC) will climb to the Presidency, South Africa's anti-Communist faithful aren't looking for help from overseas to turn back the plans of the United Nations for what was one of the most peaceful, beautiful, and prosperous countries in all the world.
When the ANC, backed by Executive Outcomes and the United Nations, launches its final campaign for absolute control of South Africa, it will be facing a formidable multiracial alliance of determined warriors. "We're going to have to fight for our freedom ourselves," Ephraim Sixashe, a Zulu warrior, told THE NEW AMERICAN. "All of us South Africans -- white, black, brown, yellow, and red -- must stand together, Christian, Jew, and Moslem. We are the children of the true God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Some say that war is the ultimate evil. But there exists a far greater evil -- the slavery of the police state. Together we shall fight and win the war against the Godless Baal system of the UN and the new world order."
Despite the gloom which permeates the current political dynamic in Southern Africa, all hope is not lost in the Angolan theater. One must not discount the vibrant Christian zeal and the willingness to fight and die for righteousness on the part of the Afrikaners, English, and Zulus in South Africa, as well as that of UNITA and RENAMO. After all, these brave men and women have withstood a quarter-century of Communist insurgency, and are experts at waging such a war themselves.
05-04-2005, 04:45 PM #7
Bly om te sien hy is aan die gang
05-08-2005, 06:35 AM #8
Hel bars los in Orania
'n Groot broedertwis het uitgebreek in die volkstaat-dorpie Orania in die Bo-Karoo.
Sommige ontevrede inwoners sê Orania word beheer deur 'n kliek wat hulle die "Mafia" en "die familie" noem. Prof. Carel Boshoff, eerbiedwaardige grondlegger van Orania, sê weer daar is 'n groepie "reaksionêre" wat die dorp wil laat vasval in die "uitgediende strukture van die verlede".
Só hoog loop die onmin dat vooraanstaande inwoners, onder andere prof. Boshoff, mekaar in die hof pak in arbeidsgeskille en lastereise.
Die twee kampe het mekaar oor en weer gebrandmerk as die "brekers" en die "bouers". Hulle was onlangs glo handgemeen op 'n vergadering in Orania wat nou bekend staan as die "varkevergadering" omdat die Oranianers op die vergadering soos varke op mekaar geskreeu het.
Dié vergadering was eintlik belê om 'n twispunt oor die kleinhoewewaterskema se eienaarskap op te los. "Die geskreeu in die saal was soos met die destydse Natte en die Sappe, al wat gekort het, was die vrot eiers en tamaties," sê 'n inwoner wat anoniem wil bly.
Die ontevrede inwoners is veral ongelukkig oor wat hulle noem die onregverdige bestuur van sake in Orania. Hulle sê alles word "beheer" deur 'n uitsoekgroep wat die "familie" of die "Mafia" genoem word. Die res van die inwoners wat ook eiendom het en aandele besit, het glo geen sê in die bestuur van Orania nie.
"Die familie slaan die kitaar," is aan Rapport gesê.
Beheer en besluitneming berus volgens inwoners by 'n 80%-meerderheidstem van die Oranje Bestuursdienste (OBD), die liggaam wat die dorpie beheer.
Een van die ontevredenes is mnr. Dirk Mostert, 'n afgetrede vlootkaptein. "Ek is met groot verwagting Orania toe, maar is ontnugter oor wat hier gebeur," sê hy. Hy is voorsitter van die Orania-kleinhoewes se waterverbruikersvereniging, maar sê hy is onlangs "ongrondwetlik" deur lede van die Vanderkloof-komitee vervang.
Mostert sê sy vereniging se eienaarskap van die water kan nie sommer weggevat word nie. Hy is ook ongelukkig oor die R90 000 wat wanbetalers, onder wie die nuwe komiteelede, aan water skuld.
Mostert beweer verder uitsoekgrond wat 'n bewaringsgebied is, is aan 'n gesiene Vryheidsfront-lid en 'n direksielid van die OBD, mnr. Pieter Grobbelaar, toegeken. Die grondeienaars het op twee vergaderings probeer keer, maar die OBD se meerderheidstem het die grondeienaars uitgestem, sê Mostert.
Volgens Mostert geld reëls en regulasies net sekere inwoners.
Die aanrandingsklagte wat gevolg het op die "varkevergadering" is bloot onder die mat gevee. Inwoners wat strafregtelike klagte het, moet eers toestemming by die OBD se veiligheidskomitee kry voordat 'n klag by die polisie in Hopetown ingedien mag word, word beweer.
Mev. Welma van der Westhuizen sê sy en haar man, Koos, word ook vir "moeilikheidmakers" uitgekryt. "Ek het kwansuis 'n ernstige oortreding begaan deur met 'n Ierse joernalis te praat. Dit kan glo die volkstaat-ideaal benadeel.
"Ek is spyt ons het na Orania gekom.
"Ek het gehoor ons moet by sekere mense inskakel, anders gaan ons swaarkry en nie lenings kry nie."
Mev. Elanor Lombard, woordvoerder van die OBD, het by navraag aan Rapport gesê daar was nie "fisieke konflik" op die sogenaamde varkevergadering nie. Daar was 'n "onderonsie" buite die saal, maar dit was nie oor water of 'n dorpskwessie nie.
Sy sê die aantyging dat 'n klein groepie die dorp beheer, is 'n belediging vir die volwassenheid en selfstandigheid van Orania se inwoners.
05-08-2005, 05:17 PM #9
05-09-2005, 12:43 PM #10
In die eerste plek was Eben Barlow nooit `n Spesmag Operateur soos hier beweer word nie. Hy was wel `n 32 Bev. maar so ook Kmdt. Willem Ratte wat `n baie groter respek afgedwing en onder die lede gehad het as Eben.
Jonas Jamblik Savimbi was en sal altyd as een van die grootste bosvegters bekend staan en wie se Lede ons opgelei het en wat saam met ons teen die komminus baklei het waarop Eben sy rug gedraai het vir geld. Dit het ons egter te laat gesien in EO en agtergekom in Siera Leone.
Wat van Nigel Mann, nou sit hy ook agter tralies ne.
So sal die wiel draai.
Ek het ook iewers gelees dat daar beweer word dat Eben `n HC gekry het wat nie waar is nie.