Old Irish
Old Irish, also called Old Gaelic ("Goídelc"; Ogham: ᚌᚑᚔᚇᚓᚂᚉ; ; ; or ), is the oldest form of the Goidelic for which extensive written texts are extant. It was used from 600 to 900. The primary contemporary texts are dated 700–850; by 900 the language had already transitioned into early Middle Irish. Some Old Irish texts date from the 10th century, although these are presumably copies of texts composed at an earlier time period. Old Irish is thus forebear to Modern Irish, Manx, and Scottish Gaelic. Old Irish is known for having a particularly complex system of morphology and especially of  allomorphy (more or less unpredictable variations in stems and suffixes in differing circumstances) as well as a complex sound system involving grammatically significant consonant mutations to the initial consonant of a word. Apparently, neither characteristic was present in the preceding Primitive Irish period, though initial mutations likely existed in a non-grammaticalized form in the prehistoric era. Much of the complex allomorphy was subsequently lost, but the sound system has been maintained with little change in the modern languages. Contemporary Old Irish scholarship is still greatly influenced by the works of a small number of scholars active in the late  19th and early 20th centuries such as Rudolf Thurneysen (1857–1940) and Osborn Bergin (1873–1950). Notable characteristics. Notable characteristics of Old Irish compared with other old Indo-European languages, are: Old Irish also preserves most aspects of the complicated Proto-Indo-European (PIE) system of morphology. Nouns and adjectives are declined in three genders (masculine, feminine, neuter); three numbers (singular, dual, plural); and five cases (nominative, vocative, accusative, dative and genitive). Most PIE noun stem classes are maintained ("o"-, "yo"-, "ā"-, "yā"-, "i"-, "u"-, "r"-, "n"-, "s"-, and consonant stems). Most of the complexities of PIE verbal conjugation are also maintained , and there are new complexities introduced by various sound changes (see below). Classification. Old Irish was the only member of the Goidelic branch of the Celtic languages, which is, in turn, a subfamily of the wider Indo-European language family that also includes the Slavonic, Italic/Romance, Indo-Aryan and Germanic subfamilies, along with several others. Old Irish is the ancestor of all modern Goidelic languages: Modern Irish, Scottish Gaelic and Manx. A still older form of Irish is known as Primitive Irish. Fragments of Primitive Irish, mainly personal names, are known from inscriptions on stone written in the Ogham  alphabet. The inscriptions date from about the 4th to the 6th centuries. Primitive Irish appears to have been very close to Common Celtic, the ancestor of all Celtic languages, and it had a lot of the characteristics of other archaic Indo-European languages. Sources. Relatively little survives in the way of strictly contemporary sources. They are represented mainly by shorter or longer glosses on the margins or between the lines of religious Latin manuscripts, most of them preserved in monasteries in Germany, Italy, Switzerland, France and Austria, having been taken there by early Irish missionaries. Whereas in Ireland, many of  the older manuscripts appear to have been worn out through extended and heavy use, their counterparts on the Continent were much less prone to the same risk because once they ceased to be understood, they were rarely consulted. The earliest Old Irish passages may be the transcripts found in the Cambrai Homily, which is thought to belong to the early 8th century. The Book of Armagh contains texts from the early 9th century. Important Continental collections of glosses from the 8th and 9th century include the Würzburg Glosses (mainly) on the Pauline Epistles, the Milan Glosses on a commentary to  the Psalms and the St Gall Glosses on Priscian's Grammar. Further examples are found at Karlsruhe (Germany), Paris (France), Milan, Florence and Turin (Italy). A late 9th-century manuscript from the abbey of Reichenau, now in St. Paul in Carinthia (Austria), contains a spell and four Old Irish poems. The "Liber Hymnorum" and the "Stowe Missal" date from about 900 to 1050. In addition to contemporary witnesses, the vast majority of Old Irish texts are attested in manuscripts of a variety of later dates. Manuscripts of the later Middle Irish period, such as the Lebor na hUidre and the  Book of Leinster, contain texts, which are thought to derive from written exemplars in Old Irish now lost and retain enough of their original form to merit classification as Old Irish. The preservation of certain linguistic forms current in the Old Irish period may provide reason to assume that an Old Irish original directly or indirectly underlies the transmitted text or texts. Phonology. Consonants. The consonant inventory of Old Irish is shown in the chart below. The complexity of Old Irish phonology is from a four-way split of phonemes inherited from Primitive Irish, with both a fortis–lenis and  a "broad–slender" (velarised vs. palatalised) distinction arising from historical changes. The sounds are the broad lenis equivalents of broad fortis ; likewise for the slender (palatalised) equivalents. (However, most sounds actually derive historically from .) Some details of Old Irish phonetics are not known. may have been pronounced or , as in Modern Irish. may have been the same sound as or . The precise articulation of the fortis sonorants is unknown, but they were probably longer, tenser and generally more strongly articulated than their lenis counterparts , as in the Modern Irish and Scottish dialects that still possess a four-way distinction in  the coronal nasals and laterals. and may have been pronounced and respectively. The difference between and may have been that the former were trills while the latter were flaps. and were derived from an original fortis–lenis pair. Vowels. Old Irish had distinctive vowel length in both monophthongs and diphthongs. Short diphthongs were monomoraic, taking up the same amount of time as short vowels, while long diphthongs were bimoraic, the same as long vowels. (This is much like the situation in Old English but different from Ancient Greek whose shorter and longer diphthongs were bimoraic and trimoraic, respectively: vs. .) The  inventory of Old Irish long vowels changed significantly over the Old Irish period, but the short vowels changed much less. The following short vowels existed: The short diphthong may have existed very early in the Old Irish period/but not later on. Archaic Old Irish (before about 750) had the following inventory of long vowels: Both and were normally written "é" but must have been pronounced differently because they have different origins and distinct outcomes in later Old Irish. stems from Proto-Celtic *ē (< PIE *ei), or from "ē" in words borrowed from Latin. generally stems from compensatory lengthening  of short *e because of loss of the following consonant (in certain clusters) or a directly following vowel in hiatus. It is generally thought that was higher than . Perhaps was while was . They are clearly distinguished in later Old Irish, in which becomes "ía" (but "é" before a palatal consonant). becomes "é" in all circumstances. Furthermore, is subject to "u"-affection, becoming "éu" or "íu", while is not. A similar distinction may have existed between and , both written "ó", and stemming respectively from former diphthongs (*eu, *au, *ou) and from compensatory lengthening. However, in later Old Irish both sounds appear usually  as "úa", sometimes as "ó", and it is unclear whether existed as a separate sound any time in the Old Irish period. Later Old Irish had the following inventory of long vowels: Early Old Irish and merged in later Old Irish. It is unclear what the resulting sound was, as scribes continued to use both "aí" and "oí" to indicate the merged sound. The choice of in the table above is somewhat arbitrary. The distribution of short vowels in unstressed syllables is a little complicated. All short vowels may appear in absolutely final position (at the very end of a  word) after both broad and slender consonants. The front vowels and are often spelled "ae" and "ai" after broad consonants, which might indicate a retracted pronunciation here, perhaps something like and . All ten possibilities are shown in the following examples: The distribution of short vowels in unstressed syllables, other than when absolutely final, was quite restricted. It is usually thought that there were only two allowed phonemes: (written "a", "ai", "e" or "i" depending on the quality of surrounding consonants) and (written "u" or "o"). The phoneme tended to occur when the following syllable contained an *ū in Proto-Celtic  (for example, "law" (dat.) < PC *"dligedū"), or after a broad labial (for example, "book"; "domun" "world"). The phoneme occurred in other circumstances. The occurrence of the two phonemes was generally unrelated to the nature of the corresponding Proto-Celtic vowel, which could be any monophthong: long or short. Long vowels also occur in unstressed syllables. However, they rarely reflect Proto-Celtic long vowels, which were shortened prior to the deletion (syncope) of inner syllables. Rather, they originate in one of the following ways: Stress. Stress is generally on the first syllable of a word. However, in verbs it occurs  on the second syllable when the first syllable is a clitic (the verbal prefix "as-" in "as·beir" "he says"). In such cases, the unstressed prefix is indicated in grammatical works with a following centre dot (·). Orthography. As with most , the orthography of Old Irish is not fixed, so the following statements are to be taken as generalisations only. Individual manuscripts may vary greatly from these guidelines. The Old Irish alphabet consists of the following eighteen letters of the Latin alphabet: in addition to the five long vowels, shown by an acute accent (´): the lenited consonants denoted with a superdot  (◌̇): and the eclipsis consonants also denoted with a superdot: Old Irish digraphs include the lenition consonants: the eclipsis consonants: the geminatives: and the diphthongs: The following table indicates the broad pronunciation of various consonant letters in various environments: When the consonants "b, d, g" are eclipsed by the preceding word (always from a word-initial position), their spelling and pronunciation change to: , , Generally, geminating a consonant ensures its unmutated sound. While the letter may be voiced at the end of some words, but when it's written double it's always voiceless in regularised texts; however, even final  was often written "cc", as in "bec / becc" "small, little" (Modern Irish and Scottish "beag", Manx "beg"). In later Irish manuscripts, lenited "f" and "s" are denoted with the letter "h" , , instead of using a superdot , . When initial "s" stemmed from Primitive Irish "*sw-", its lenited version is . The slender (palatalised) variants of the 13 consonants are denoted with marking the letter. They occur in the following environments: Although Old Irish has both a sound and a letter "h", there is no consistent relationship between the two. Vowel-initial words are sometimes written with an unpronounced "h", especially if they  are very short (the Old Irish preposition "in" was sometimes written ) or if they need to be emphasised (the name of Ireland, , was sometimes written ). On the other hand, words that begin with the sound are usually written without it: "her gold". If the sound and the spelling co-occur, it is by coincidence, as "it is not". Stops following vowels. The voiceless stops of Old Irish are "c, p, t." They contrast with the voiced stops "g, b, d". Additionally, the letter "m" can behave similarly to a stop following vowels. These seven consonants often mutate when not in  the word-initial position. In non-initial positions, the single-letter voiceless stops "c, p," and "t" become the voiced stops , , and respectively unless they are written double. Ambiguity in these letters' pronunciations arises when a single consonant follows an "l, n," or "r". The lenited stops "ch, ph," and "th" become , , and respectively. The voiced stops "b, d," and "g" become fricative , , and , respectively—identical sounds to their word-initial lenitions. In non-initial positions, the letter "m" usually becomes the nasal fricative , but in some cases it becomes a nasal stop, denoted as . In cases in which it  becomes a stop, "m" is often written double to avoid ambiguity. Stops following other consonants. Ambiguity arises in the pronunciation of the stop consonants ("c, g, t, d, p, b") when they follow "l, n," or "r": After "m", the letter "b" is naturally a stop . After "d, l, r", the letter "b" is fricative : After "n" or "r", the letter "d" is a stop : After "n, l", or "r", the letter "g" is usually a stop , but it becomes a fricative in a few words: The consonants "l, n, r". The letters "l, n, r" are generally written double  when they indicate "tense sonorants" and single when they indicate "lax sonorants". Originally, it reflected an actual difference between single and geminate consonants, as tense sonorants in many positions (such as between vowels or word-finally) developed from geminates. As the gemination was lost, the use of written double consonants was repurposed to indicate tense sonorants. Doubly written consonants of this sort do not occur in positions where tense sonorants developed from non-geminated Proto-Celtic sonorants (such as word-initially or before a consonant). Geminate consonants appear to have existed since the beginning of the Old Irish period, but  they were simplified by the end, as is generally reflected by the spelling. Although, "ll, mm, nn, rr" were eventually repurposed to indicate nonlenited variants of those sounds in certain positions. Vowels. Written vowels "a, ai, e, i" in poststressed syllables (except when absolutely word-final) all seem to represent phonemic . The particular vowel that appears is determined by the quality (broad vs. slender) of the surrounding consonants and has no relation to the etymological vowel quality: It seems likely that spelling variations reflected allophonic variations in the pronunciation of . History. Old Irish was affected by a series of phonological  changes that radically altered its appearance compared with Proto-Celtic and older Celtic languages (such as Gaulish, which still had the appearance of typical early Indo-European languages such as Latin or Ancient Greek). The changes were such that Irish was not recognized as Indo-European at all for much of the 19th century. The changes must have happened quite rapidly, perhaps in only one or two hundred years around 500–600, because almost none of the changes are visible in Primitive Irish (4th to 6th centuries), and all of them are already complete in archaic Old Irish (8th century). A  capsule summary of the most important changes is (in approximate order): They led to the following effects: Examples of changes. The following are some examples of changes between Primitive Irish and Old Irish. Allomorphy. These various changes, especially syncope, produced quite complex allomorphy, because the addition of prefixes or various pre-verbal particles (proclitics) in Proto-Celtic changed the syllable containing the stress: According to the Celtic variant of Wackernagel's law, the stress fell on the second syllable of the verbal complex, including any prefixes and clitics. By the Old Irish period, most of this allomorphy still remained, although  it was rapidly eliminated beginning in the Middle Irish period. Among the most striking changes are in prefixed verbs with or without pre-verbal particles. With a single prefix and without a proclitic, stress falls on the verbal root, which assumes the "deuterotonic" ("second-stressed") form. With a prefix and also with a proclitic, stress falls on the prefix, and the verb assumes the "prototonic" ("first-stressed") form. Rather extreme allomorphic differences can result: The following table shows how these forms might have been derived: The most extreme allomorphy of all came from the third person singular of the -subjunctive  because an athematic person marker was used, added directly onto the verbal stem (formed by adding directly onto the root). That led to a complex word-final cluster, which was deleted entirely. In the prototonic form (after two proclitics), the root was unstressed and thus the root vowel was also deleted, leaving only the first consonant: Syncope in detail. In more detail, syncope of final and intervocalic syllables involved the following steps (in approximate order): Proto-Celtic short vowels, vowel affection. All five Proto-Celtic short vowels (, , , , ) survived into Primitive Irish more or less unchanged in stressed syllables. During approximately  A.D. 450-550 (just before the Old Irish period, c. 600-900), however, there occurred several vowel-changes (umlauts). Former vowels are modified in various ways depending on the following vowels (or sometimes surrounding consonants). The mutations are known in Celtic literature as "affections" or "infections" such as these, the most important ones: Nominal examples (reconstructed forms are Primitive Irish unless otherwise indicated): Verbal paradigm example: The result of -affection and -affection is that it is often impossible to distinguish whether the root vowel was originally or ( < and < have identical declensions). However, note the cases of vs. above  for which -affection, but not -affection, was blocked by an intervening . Proto-Celtic long vowels and diphthongs. Proto-Celtic long vowels and diphthongs develop in stressed syllables as follows: The Old Irish diphthongs , , stem from earlier sequences of short vowels separated by *, e.g. "druid" < "tree-knower". Most instances of and in nonarchaic Old Irish are due to compensatory lengthening of short vowels before lost consonants or to the merging of two short vowels in hiatus: ‘hundred’ < Proto-Celtic (cf. Welsh ) < PIE . PIE consonants. Overview. See Proto-Celtic for various changes that occurred in all the Celtic languages , but these are the most important: From Proto-Celtic to Old Irish, the most important changes are these: Initial clusters. Old Irish preserves, intact, most initial clusters unlike many other Indo-European languages. Preserved initial clusters: Modified initial clusters: Intervocalic clusters. Many intervocalic clusters are reduced, becoming either a geminate consonant or a simple consonant with compensatory lengthening of the previous vowel. During the Old Irish period, geminates are reduced to simple consonants, occurring earliest when adjacent to a consonant. By the end of the Old Irish period, written are repurposed to indicate the non-lenited sounds when occurring after  a vowel and not before a consonant. Cluster reduction involving : Cluster reduction involving : Lenited stops generally disappear before sonorants , with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel. Many examples occur in reduplicated preterites or words with consonant-final prefixes (such as ): However, , , survive: "he perforates" < PCelt ; "goat" < PCelt (cf. Welsh ); "shame" (cf. Welsh ). Grammar. Old Irish is a fusional, nominative-accusative, and VSO language. Nouns decline for 5 cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, prepositional, vocative; 3 genders: masculine, feminine, neuter; 3 numbers: singular, dual, plural. Adjectives agree with nouns in case, gender, and number. The prepositional case is called the  dative by convention. Verbs conjugate for 3 tenses: past, present, future; 3 aspects: simple, perfective, imperfective; 4 moods: indicative, subjunctive, conditional, imperative; 2 voices: active, and passive; independent, and dependent forms; and simple, and complex forms. Verbs display tense, aspect, mood, voice, and sometimes portmanteau forms through suffixes, or stem vowel changes for the former four. Proclitics form a verbal complex with the core verb, and the verbal complex is often preceded by preverbal particles such as (negative marker), (interrogative marker), (perfective marker). Direct object personal pronouns are infixed between the preverb and the verbal stem. Verbs agree with their  subject in person and number. A single verb can stand as an entire sentence. Emphatic particles such as -sa and -se are affixed to the end of the verb. Prepositions inflect for person and number, and different prepositions govern different cases, sometimes depending on the semantics intended.