Should the RCSA after a period of 150 years be considered as a stagnated church community? Evaluated from the point of view of ecumenicism]]>
Die vraagstelling is of die Gereformeerde Kerke in Suid-Afrika (GKSA) as 'n geïsoleerde en derhalwe 'n stagnante kerkge-meenskap gesien moet word. Hierdie vraag word beantwoord deur die ontwikkeling van die GKSA ten opsigte van ekumeni-siteit na te gaan, nadat die term "eqkumenisiteit" qSkriftuurlik en histories ontleed is. In drie fases van 'n halfeeu elk in die bestaan van die GKSA blyk uit die Handelinge van sinodes dat hierdie kerkgemeenskap vanaf hulle ontstaan in 1959 'n besonder hoë premie op ekumeniese verhoudings geplaas het. Hierdie ekumeniese verhoudings met ander gereformeerde kerke wêreldwyd is deurentyd gerig op ontwikkeling tot kerk-eenheid. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat die GKSA hulleself nie as 'n kerkgemeenskap beskou wat alleen en uitsluitlik oor die waarheid van die Woord beskik nie. Kerklike isolasie, en derhalwe kerklike stagnasie, is klaarblyklik nie deel van die GKSA se agenda nie; trouens, isolasie is aantoonbaar deur die GKSA op grond van die Woord bestry. Die dryfveer om kerkgemeen-skappe in eenheid saam te snoer, in die binneland én die buiteland, was van vroeg af deel van die GKSA se kerk-beskouing. Tog is daar 'n opvallende leemte wat aangemerk moet word. Die betekenisaspek wat Jesus aan die begrip "oqikoumené" qtoevoeg (Matt. 24:14), naamlik die verkondiging van die evangelie aan "aql die nasies" qin die "hqele wêreld" q("oqikoumené")q met die oog op die "tqoekomstige wêreld" q(Heb. 2:5) is nie genoeg-saam beklemtoon nie, maar in betekenis eintlik verskraal.<hr/>The question is whether the Reformed Churches in South Africa (RCSA) should be considered as an isolated and thus a stagnated church community. To answer this question the development of ecumenicism in the RCSA should be traced. This could only be done after an examination of the Scriptural and historical meaning of the term "eqcumenicism".q From the acts of the synods of the RCSA it is very clear that during the three phases of half a century each in the existence of the RCSA, from 1859 onwards, a very high premium was put on ecumenical relations. The goal of these ecumenical relations was always pointed out as church unity. In this contribution the conclusion is made that the RCSA does not see herself as a church community who disposes exclusively of the truth of the Word. Church isolation - and therefore church stagnation - is clearly not part of the RCSA's agenda; on the contrary, church isolation was always firmly contested by the RCSA on the basis of the Scriptures. The incentive to bring together churches of reformed origin, in the interior and abroad, was always part of the RCSA's view on what the church really stands for. However, there is a significant deficiency that should be noted. The specific meaning that Jesus adds to the concept "oqikoumené" q(Matt. 24:14), namely the proclamation to "aqll the nations" qof the whole world ("oqikoumené")q regarding the world to come (Heb. 2:5) is not sufficiently emphasised but in actuality it is downplayed.
Boundaries for church and state regarding the regulation of the ministry of the Word: Seen from two church polity traditions]]>
In hierdie artikel word gefokus op grense tussen die kerk en die staat vir die reëling van die predikantsdiens - gesien vanuit twee onafhanklike kerkregtradisies. Hierdie grense is nog nie duidelik deur die Suid-Afrikaanse howe omlyn nie. Die doel van hierdie artikel is nie 'n regsvergelykende studie nie. Die doel is om aan te toon dat twee onafhanklike kerkregtradisies, naamlik die Duitse kerkreg en die gereformeerde kerkreg, vanuit 'n historiese ontwikkelingsgang algemene beginsels ontwikkel het wat grense vir die staat se reëlingsbevoegdheid stel met betrekking tot die reëling van die gereformeerde predikantsdiens en wat die kerk se eie bevoegdheid in hierdie verband as 'n eiesoortige (sui generis) reg daarstel. Die kernbevinding van hierdie artikel is dat die grense tussen die kerk en die staat vir die predikantsdiens primêr daardeur bepaal word dat die kerk en die staat nie enige invloed op mekaar se onderskeie opdragte en take mag uitoefen nie. Die predikantsdiens is die sentrale opdrag van die kerk en nie van die staat nie. Die staat het dus nie die reëlingsbevoegdheid vir die predikantsdiens nie.<hr/>This article focuses on the boundaries for church and state with regard to the regulation of the ministry of the Word - seen from two independent church polity traditions. Until now the South African courts have not given an indication of how these boundaries should be understood or how these apply within the South African context. The purpose of this article is not to make a judicial comparison. The purpose is to show that two independent church polity traditions, namely the German and the reformed, developed general principles for the boundaries of church and state with regard to the regulation of a minister's position in law. In both traditions church polity is regarded sui generis, and recognises the church's right to regulate a minister of religion's position independently from the state. In conclusion it is found that the boundaries between church and state for the ministry of the Word are primarily determined by the principle that church and state should not in any way influence or interfere with one another's separate mandates or duties. The ministry of the Word is the responsibility of the church and not the state. Therefore the state does not have the competency to regulate the ministry of the Word.
The contribution of deontological Christian ethics to the contemporary human rights discourse]]>
This article examines the possible role of a Christian deontological ethics in the contemporary human rights debate. It concludes that a Christian deontological ethics in the Reformed tradition can be positively engaged in the human rights debate when Biblical theological topics are transposed into moral directives applicable to the current human rights concerns, such as religious extremism, femicide, ideologies of intolerance and ecocide. As an example of the applicability of a Christian deon-tological ethics from a reformed perspective, the following Biblical topics are investigated: human dignity on the basis of the "imago dei", creation and creational integrity, the kingdom of God and forgiveness. Furthermore, the article proposes that other concepts can be added to this list such as the Biblical idea of life, eschatology, covenant and holiness.<hr/>Hierdie artikel gee aandag aan die moontlike rol wat 'n Christe-like deontologiese etiek kan speel in die huidige menseregtediskoers. Die artikel kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat 'n deontologiese Christelike etiek uit die reformatoriese tradisie effektief betrokke kan wees by hierdie debat wanneer Bybelse konsepte getransponeer kan word in etiese beginsels wat toepaslik kan wees in huidige menseregte problematiek soos godsdiensek-stremisme, onderdrukking van die regte van die vrou, ideologieë van onverdraagsaamheid en die vernietiging van ekosisteme. As 'n voorbeeld van die toepaslikheid van 'n deontologiese Christelike etiek uit die reformatoriese tradisie in hierdie verband, word die volgende Bybelse temas getransponeer: menswaardigheid op die basis van die "imago dei", die skepping en die integriteit van die skepping, die koninkryk van God en vergiffenis. Die artikel stel verder voor dat ander Bybelse konsepte getransponeer word soos die Bybelse konsep van lewe, eskatologie, die verbond en heiligheid.
The correspondence of J.J. Venter with H.A.L. Hamelberg: An analysis of a view of mission]]>
Die kwessie oor sendingbeskouing het van tyd tot tyd opslae gemaak in die Suid-Afrikaanse kerkgeskiedenis. Dit was ook die geval in die Gereformeerde Kerk in die Oranje-Vrystaat gedurende die negentiende eeu. Dit blyk duidelik uit die 1879 tot 1881 korrespondensie van J.J. Venter met H.A.L. Hamelberg, die destydse konsul-generaal van die Vrystaat in Nederland. Venter skryf aan hom oor sy teleurstelling met ds. Dirk Postma, die eerste predikant van die Gereformeerde Kerk in Suid-Afrika. Volgens Venter is hulle mislei: hulle het vir 'n leraar gevra, maar 'n sendeling gekry. Venter se siening van die sending was gegrond op 'n eienaardige siening oor die leer van die predestinasie: hy glo slegs aan sending wanneer die voorwerpe van sendingwerk vrugte van uitverkiesing vertoon. Venter skryf aan Hamelberg, 'n "stamgenoot" eerder as 'n geesgenoot in die godsdienstige sin van die woord. Hierdie feit, tesame met sy briefwisseling, verraai die eintlike rede vir sy sendingbeskouing en dit word duidelik in hierdie arikel aangetoon. Hoewel sy eie werk sprekend is van 'n Piëtistiese "Busskampf", kom sy sendingbeskouing eerder ooreen met 'n ortodoksie-aandrang vir 'n verband tussen kerk en staat. Transkulturele sending is vir hom dus ondenkbaar tensy daar bewyse is van 'n verandering in die ander kultuur.<hr/>The controversy regarding the view of missionary work has recurred in South African church history from time to time. This was also the case in the Reformed Church in the Orange Free State during the nineteenth century. It becomes apparent from the 1879 to 1881 correspondence of J.J. Venter with H.A.L. Hamelberg, the then Consul-General of the Free State in the Netherlands. Venter wrote to Hamelberg about his disappointment with the reverend Dirk Postma, the first minister of the Reformed Church in South Africa. According to Venter they had been misled: they had asked for a preacher and got a missionary instead. Venter's view of mission is based on a peculiar view of the doctrine of predestination: he approved of missionary work only if the fruit of election becomes apparent in the lives of the objects of the missionary work. Venter wrote particularly to Hamelberg, a "fellow-tribesman" more than a religious think-alike. This fact, as well as the correspondence reveals Venter's actual view on the doctrine of predestination and it is clearly shown in this article. Although Venter's own writings speak of a Pietistic "Busskampf", his view of mission is rather in line with orthodoxy's insistence on a structural link between church and state. Cross-cultural mission was therefore unthinkable, unless there is proof of a change in the other culture.
Heretical baptism in debate]]>
It is generally stated that acceptance of heretics In the Catholic Church without baptism has always been normal use in the church and has been confirmed by general councils. The only exceptions would be some groups in North Africa in the third through the fifth century. This opinion is mainly based on Augustine's "De baptismo". The author of this article argues that Augustine is historically incorrect and systematically weak in this respect. Baptism of converted heretics was normal, except from Rome, and even the council of Nicea confirms that normal use. The bishop of Rome in the fifties of the third century, Stephan, had his own reasons for refusing to rebaptise heretics. Augustine's view that the baptismal rite and its salutary effect by faith can be received separately is a break with early Christian ecclesiology and its impact on the Western Church has been enormous.<hr/>Dit word algemeen gestel dat die aanvaarding van ketters in die Katolieke Kerk sonder die doop altyd normale gebruik was en dat dit deur konsilies bevestig sou wees. Die enigste uit-sonderings sou sekere groepe in Noord-Afrika gedurende die derde tot vyfde eeu wees. Hierdie opinie is hoofsaaklik ge-baseer op Augustinus se "De baptismo". Die outeur van hierdie artikel toon aan dat Augustinus histories inkorrek en sistematies swak was in hierdie opsig. Die doop van bekeerde ketters was normaal, behalwe in Rome. Selfs die Konsilie van Nicea bevestig hierdie normale gebruik. Die biskop van Rome gedurende die vyftigerjare van die derde eeu, Stephan, het sy eie redes gehad waarom hy geweier het om ketters te herdoop. Augustinus se siening dat die dooprite en die doop se heilsame effek deur geloof afsonderlik ontvang kon word, is in stryd met vroeë Christelike ekklesiologie en die impak daarvan op die Westerse Kerk was enorm.
The trivial round, the common task: Minutes of the Missionary Board of the Glasgow Missionary Society (1838 - 1843)]]>
This article seeks to bring to attention a hitherto little-known account of missionary life among the Xhosa people in the Cape Colony during the period 1838-1843 as contained in "The minute book of the Missionary Board of the Glasgow Missionary Society, adhering to the principles of the Church of Scotland, in Caffraria, and in the neighbouring Colony" (MBGMS). The Missionary Board was responsible for providing adequate material infrastructure and logistical support to enable the accomplishment of the aspirations of the Society. The author argues that such mundane work is often neglected in modern missiological historiography, which focuses rather on the more "'spiritual" aspects of mission work. The historiographic approach adopted in this article is that of modern narrative history. By focusing on some of the themes, trends and structures presenting themselves in the record, the MBGMS is permitted to speak for itself with relatively little retrospective interpretation. It is demonstrated that the Board made an important contribution to the achievement of the goals of the Glasgow Missionary Society, as seen in the rise of a Xhosa middle class and the emergence of a significant group of black intellectuals, whose voice and influence are being recovered after years of enforced neglect.<hr/>Hierdie artikel poog om aandag te gee aan die minder bekende feit van sendingwerk onder die Xhosa's in die Kaapkolonie tydens 1838-1843, soos weergegee in "The minute book of the Missionary Board of the Glasgow Missionary Society: adhering to the principles of the Church of Scotland, in Caffraria, and in the neighbouring Colony". Hierdie Raad (MBGMS) was verantwoordelik vir die verskaffing van voldoende infrastruktuur en logistieke ondersteuning om die doelwitte van die sendinggenootskap te verwesenlik. Die skrywer is van mening dat sulke eenvoudige dienswerk al te maklik in die moderne sendinggeskiedenis afgeskeep word, aangesien daar eerder klem gelê word op meer "geestelike" aktiwiteite. Die historiografie in hierdie artikel neem die vorm aan van moderne verhalende geskiedskrywing. Deur aan sommige temas, tendense en strukture in die MBGBS se notules aandag te skenk, word hierdie rekords self aan die woord gestel sodat daar so min as moontlike retrospektiewe interpretasie plaasvind. Daar word aangetoon dat die Raad 'n belangrike bydrae gelewer het tot die verwesenliking van die Glasgow Missionary Society (GMS) se doelwitte - doelwitte soos die tot standkoming van 'n Xhosamiddelklas en 'n betekenisvolle groep swart intellektuele, wie se stem en invloed geleidelik weer hoorbaar word na jare se gedwonge verwaarlosing.
Psalm 137 and metrical versions of imprecatory psalms]]>
In hierdie artikel word sewe berymings van die wraakgedeelte van Psalm 137 bespreek, twee Nederlandse (1773 en 1968), twee Engelse (in die "Psalter hymnal" van die Christian Reformed Church en in "Sing psalms" van die Free Church of Scotland) en drie Afrikaanse weergawes (J.D. du Toit, T.T. Cloete en Lina Spies), om te let op die wyse waarop die problematiese wraakgedeelte weergegee is. Dit word gedoen teen die agtergrond van die bestudering van Psalm 137, en in besonder die wraakgedeelte daarvan. In die literatuur is daar besware teen die beryming van sodanige wraakpsalms vir gebruik in die kerk, maar ook besware teen die weglating of versagting in die weergawes van Cloete en Spies. Dit blyk dat die keuse van melodie, die hoeveelheid strofes wat gebruik word en die indeling van die stof in strofes 'n belangrike rol speel in die bepaling van die meeste weglatings en byvoegings in die berymings. Dit is duidelik dat almal van hulle erns gemaak het met die wraakgedeelte. Uitbreidings en weglatings kan in die meeste gevalle toegeskryf word aan die keuses hierbo genoem, en nie aan doelbewuste veranderings nie. Die weergawe van Spies toon wel een doelbewuste versagting, heel aan die einde van die beryming.<hr/>This article discusses seven metrical versions of the imprecatory section of Psalm 137, two in Dutch (1773 and 1968), two in English (in the "Psalter hymnal" of the Christian Reformed Church and in "Sing psalms" of the Free Church of Scotland) and three Afrikaans versions (J.D. du Toit, T.T. Cloete and Lina Spies), looking at the way in which these versions treated this section. This is done in the light of recent research on Psalm 137, and especially the imprecatory section. In the literature questions are asked about the singing of this kind of psalm in the church, but also about the omission or softening of this part of Psalm 137 in the versions of Cloete and Spies. The choice of melody, the number of strophes used and the division of the contents of the psalm in strophes play an important role in determining most of the omissions or alleviations in the metrical versions. All seven the versions discussed took the imprecatory section seriously. The problems raised against these versions can be ascribed to these choices, and not to a deliberate attempt to circumvent the problem of such an imprecatory section. The version of Spies is the only exception, with the omission of the last line of the psalm.
Constructing the rights and duties of slave-owners as socio-historic context of the New Testament]]>
This article aims to construct the rights and duties of slave-owners in antiquity as part of the socio-historical context of the New Testament. In order to achieve this aim, the primary sources referring to Greek, Roman and Jewish law of slavery will first be described. Three aspects of the law of slavery, namely legal definitions of freedom and slavery, the legal status of slaves, and the rights of slave-owners are investigated in Greek, Roman and Jewish law. Relevant texts from these sources are then identified, analysed and interpreted. The results of this process of analysis and interpretation are used to construct the legal context within which the exhortations directed at slave-owners in the New Testament should be read. We submit that Jewish law provided a sound alternative legal and religious context to the writers of the New Testament addressing Christian slave-owners. This alternative context functioned as a counterweight to the strict legal contexts provided by Greek and Roman law.<hr/>Hierdie artikel het ten doel om die regte en verpligtings van slawe-eienaars in die antieke tyd te konstrueer as onderdeel van die sosio-historiese konteks van die Nuwe Testament. Ten einde hierdie doel te bereik, word die primêre bronne van Griekse, Romeinse en Joodse reg eerstens beskryf. Drie aspekte van die reg op slawerny word in Griekse, Romeinse en Joodse reg ondersoek, naamlik regsdefinisies van vryheid en slawerny, die regstatus van slawe en die regte van slaweeienaars. Relevante tekste uit hierdie bronne word vervolgens geïdentifiseer, geanaliseer en geïnterpreteer. Die resultate van hierdie proses van analise en interpretasie word gebruik om die regskonteks waarbinne die oproepe tot slawe-eienaars in die Nuwe Testament gelees moet word, te konstrueer. Ons doen aan die hand dat Joodse reg 'n gegronde alternatiewe regs- en godsdienstige konteks vir die skrywers van die Nuwe Testament gebied het waarbinne met Christen slawe-eienaars gepraat is. Hierdie alternatiewe konteks het as 'n teenwig gefunksioneer teen die streng regskontekste van die Griekse en Romeinse reg.
The Holy Spirit and prayer during the service]]>
Die erediensgebed is by uitstek 'n pneumatologiese werklikheid: gebed is 'n gawe van die Heilige Gees. Die vraag wat in hierdie artikel aan die orde kom is: Watter beslissende funksie vervul die Heilige Gees in die elemente van die erediensgebede? Aspekte wat bespreek word, is die werk van die Heilige Gees in die erediensgebeure, veral wat betref die gebed en die wese van die erediens; die elemente van die erediensgebed; die gemeente se deelname aan die erediensgebede; en die verhouding van Skriflesing en prediking tot die erediensgebede. Die Gees bewerk die allerintiemste verhouding tussen die bidders en Christus en ook met God die Vader - dit is die trinitariese grond vir die erediensgebed. Gebed is die geestelike intree in God se heiligdom, die regstreekse aanspreek van God, die belydenis van die bidders en is die belangrikste deel van hulle dankbaarheid. In die gebed gaan dit bo alles om die eer van God. Elemente van die erediensgebed sluit eerbied en bewondering vir God (lofprysing) in asook dankbaarheid teenoor God (danksegging), sondebesef en berou (verootmoediging en skuldbelydenis), smeking wat selfs 'n klaaggebed kan wees, afhanklikheid en Christelike liefdesgesindheid (voorbidding). Die verhouding tussen Skriflesing, prediking en gebed, bewerk deur die kragtige werking van die Heilige Gees, is 'n kousale verhouding van gemeenskap met God in Christus met sy vergaderde gemeente deur openbaring tot belydenis en aanbidding.<hr/>Prayerin the worship service is pre-eminently a pneuma-tological reality: prayer is a gift from the Holy Spirit. The question that is addressed in this article is: Which decisive function does the Holy Spirit fulfil in the elements of the prayers in the worship service? Aspects that are discussed include the work of the Holy Spirit in the service events, especially in prayer and the essence of the service; the elements of the service prayer; the congregation's participation in the service prayers; and the relationship between Scripture reading and preaching to service events. The Spirit works the most intimate relationship between the prayer believers and Christ, and so with God the Father, this is the trinitarian grounds for the service prayer. Prayer entails spiritually entering God's holiness, directly addressing God, the confession of the believers and the most important part, their gratitude. In prayer it is above all about the honour of God. Elements of the worship service prayer include honour and awe for God (praise) and gratitude towards God (saying thanks), a realisation of sin and repentance (humiliation and confession of sin), invocation that can even be a lamentation, dependence and a Christian attitude of love (intercession). The relationship of Scripture reading, preaching, prayer, worked by the powerfull work of the Holy Spirit, is a causal relationship of community with God in Christ with his gathered congregation through revelation to confession and worship.
The church and righteousness in the Matthean gospel]]>
In sy akademiese en kerklike werk het prof. A. le R. du Plooy deurgaans daarop aangedring dat kerkreg beoefen moet word op so 'n manier dat die kerk intensief en ekstensief opgebou word. As huldeblyk aan hierdie gerespekteerde kollega ondersoek ek die onderrig van die Matteusevangelie (dikwels die ekklesiastiese Evangelie genoem) oor die aard en funksie van die kerk en hoe geregtigheid moet geskied. Ek toon aan hoedat Du Plooy se benadering tot kerkreg by die eerste Evangelie se onderrig van kerk en geregtigheid aansluit. Ek voer aan dat 'n beter begrip vir Matteus se onderrig die kerk in haar uitoefening van reg sal verryk.<hr/>In his academic and ecclesiastical work Prof. A. le R. du Plooy constantly urged that church polity should be executed in such a manner that the church is built intensively and extensively. As a tribute to this respected colleague I examine the teaching in Matthew's Gospel (frequently called the ecclesiastical Gospel) on the nature and functioning of the church and how it should execute righteousness. I indicate how Du Plooy's approach to church polity complies with the first Gospel's teaching on the church and righteousness. I argue that a better understanding of Matthew's teaching will enrich the current church in its practice of righteousness.
Teaching an old dog new tricks: Herodotus confirms Xerxes' anger in The Persian wars, and the Book of Esther provides insights on anger management]]>
The Book of Esther describes Xerxes, king of Persia and Media, as an angry man. It highlights the king's ups (Esther, 1:12; 7:7) and downs (Esther, 2:1; 7:10). Surprisingly, Herodotus in "The Persian wars " likewise emphasises the king's anger and wrath. This classic Greek tale possibly fills in a time gap between Esther 1 and 2: Xerxes travels west from his capital, Susa, and loses a war in Sparta. "The Persian wars" chronicles Xerxes' international humiliation and the despot's rages along the way. Xerxes bullies and blames subordinates; destroys property and cuts a swathe from Persia to Sparta; acts pompously; and exhibits angry outbursts when crossed or thwarted. Herodotus confirms that generals, enemies, and aides tiptoe around this international bully. One, however, does not. Artemisia, a woman ship commander, earns Xerxes' respect. When the battlefield of his life switches from Sparta back to Susa, the Bible presents a second model of courage, Esther, Xerxes' new queen. Walking confidently in the halls of power, this lovely "general" in regal robes comes gracefully yet forcefully before the king, time and time again. Modeling anger management techniques with a blend of wisdom and femininity, Esther faces Xerxes' anger -and neutralises it.<hr/>Die boek Ester beskryf Xerxes, koning van Mede en Perse, as 'n driftige man. Dit lig die koning se hoogte- (Ester, 1:12; 7:7) en laagtepunte (Ester, 2:1; 7:10) uit. Dit is verrassend dat Herodotus in "The Persian wars" ook die koning se gramskap en woede op 'n soortgelyke manier beklemtoon. Sy klassieke Griekse verhaal vul moontlik die tydsgaping tussen Ester 1 en 2: Xerxes reis in 'n westelike rigting vanaf sy hoofstad Susa, en verloor 'n oorlog in Sparta. "The Persian wars" stel Xerxes se internasionale vernedering sowel as die tiran se uitbarstings onderweg te boek. Xerxes tiranniseer en blameer ondergeskiktes; vernietig eiendom en lewens vanaf Persië tot by Sparta; tree verwaand op; en openbaar woedeuitbarstings wanneer hy teëgegaan of gedwarsboom word. Herodotus bevestig dat onderdane, vyande en adjudante lig loop vir hierdie internasionale tiran. Daar is egter een persoon wat dit nie doen nie. Artemisia, die vroulike bevelvoerder van 'n skip, verdien Xerxes se respek. Wanneer die gevegsterrein van sy lewe terugskuif vanaf Sparta na Susa, presenteer die Bybel 'n tweede model van waagmoed: Ester, Xerxes se nuwe koningin. Hierdie pragtige "generaal" in koninklike gewaad, loop met selfvertroue in die koning se magsetel. Sy verskyn telkens grasieus dog kragdadig voor die koning. Deur gebruik te maak van woedebestuurstegnieke, met 'n vermenging van wysheid en vroulikheid, trotseer Ester Xerxes se woede - en neutraliseer dit.