Georges Sorel

[[File:Georges Sorel (cropped).jpg|right|thumb|165px|Sorel]]
{{fascism}}
{{cquote|[[Mussolini]] is a man no less extraordinary than [[Lenin]]. He, too, is a political genius, of a greater reach than all the statesmen of the day, with the only exception of Lenin…"|||Georges Sorel<ref name="Talmon">Jacob L. Talmon, [https://books.google.com/books?id=StmTjHdSQ7MC ''The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of Revolution: The Origins of Ideological Polarization in the 20th Century''], University of California Press (1981) {{isbn|9780520044494}}</ref>{{rp|451}}}} 
'''Georges Eugène Sorel''' (November 2, 1847 in Cherbourg; August 29, 1922 in Boulogne-sur-Seine) was a French social philosopher known for his theories and political ideas, collectively known as '''Sorelianism'''.<ref name="ZSA_1994">{{cite book |last1=Sternhell |first1= Zeev|last2= Sznajder|first2=Mario |last3= Ashéri|first3= Maia|date=1994 |orig-date=189 |title= The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution|url= https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_Birth_of_Fascist_Ideology/hnv0F88nLawC|publisher= Princeton University Press|isbn=9780691044866}}</ref>{{rp|99}} He is best known for his [[elitism|criticism on elitism]] and opposition to [[liberal]] [[democracy]] as well as his support for political violence. Sorel is primarily considered the a pioneer of {{wpl|syndicalism||,}} but is also&nbsp;— along with {{wpl|Vilfredo Pareto}}&nbsp;— considered to be a trailblazer of [[fascism]] as well.<ref name="WorldFascism"/>{{rp|615}}<ref>BORKENAU, Franz, "Sorel, Pareto, Spengler: Three Fascist Philosophers." In "Horizon" Vol. V. No. 30 (June, 1942).</ref><ref>[https://www.google.com/books/edition/Fascism/2s8OaLD7y_oC Fascism: A Reader's Guide : Analyses, Interpretations, Bibliography.] (1978). University of California Press. Pages 321, 352, 364, 367</ref> Sorel’s syndicalist and fascist ideas would eventually be fused into {{wpl|fascist syndicalism||.}}<ref>{{cite book |last=Gregor |first=  A. James |date=2014|orig-date=1979 |title=Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship |url=https://www.google.com/books/edition/Italian_Fascism_and_Developmental_Dictat/b8P_AwAAQBAJ |publisher=  Princeton University Press|page=172 |isbn=9781400855254}}</ref><ref name="Ohana">Ohana, P. D. (2016). [https://www.google.com/books/edition/Nihilist_Order/t40WEQAAQBAJ Nihilist Order: The Intellectual Roots of Totalitarianism.] Liverpool University Press. {{isbn|9781836241034}}</ref>{{rp|60}}

==Biography==
Sorel was born in Cherbourg, France, to a [[bourgeois]] family.<ref name="Jennings">{{cite book |last= Jennings|first=J. |date=1985 |title=Georges Sorel: The Character and Development of His Thought |url=https://www.google.com/books/edition/Georges_Sorel/ZRWxCwAAQBAJ|publisher= Palgrave Macmillan UK|page=16 |isbn=9781349074587 }}</ref>{{rp|16}}<ref name="WorldFascism">{{cite book |last=Blamires |first= Cyprian P.|date= 2006|title= World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia (2 Volumes) |publisher= ABC-CLIO Inc.|isbn= 1-57607-940-6}}</ref>{{rp|615}} He would move to Paris in 1864 to attend the Collège Rollin and then École Polytechnique in 1865. After graduating, he went on to work as a [[engineer]] for the French government in 1869. After having worked for well over a decade, he started studying again. Then, in the 1890s, he would discover [[Karl Marx]], which led him down the [[socialism]] rabbit hole. Around mid-to-late 1890s, he began giving lectures about the unity and struggle of the [[labor union]]s, with a bent towards anti-parliamentarianism and [[direct action]], which was welcomed by intellectuals and workers of the time. He would side with {{wpl|Alfred Dreyfus}} during the notorious [[Dreyfus affair]], but would be ultimately disappointed by the incident's outcome.<ref name="ZSA_1994"/>{{rp|42}}<ref name="Claeys2005"/>{{rp|448}}<ref name="Ohana"/>{{rp|294}}

Circa 1905, Sorel contributed to the theoretical elaboration of revolutionary syndicalism through his contributions to the [[Italian]] "Il Divenire sociale" and French {{wpl|Le Mouvement socialiste|"Le Mouvement socialiste"}} journals. In 1906, his most famous text, "Réflections sur la Violence" (Reflections on Violence), appeared in the latter journal. It was subsequently published in book form in 1908, and was followed in the same year by "Les Illusions du Progrès" (The Illusions of Progress).<ref>Gregor, A. J. (2008). Marxism, Fascism, and Totalitarianism: Chapters in the Intellectual History of Radicalism. Stanford University Press. Page 91-92. {{isbn|9780719007613}}</ref> Sorel would find a significantly larger audience in Italy than in France.<ref>Borgese, G. A. (1934). [https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_Intellectual_Origins_of_Fascism/ozfiAAAAMAAJ The Intellectual Origins of Fascism.] New School for Social Research. Page 481.</ref>

During the [[First World War]], Sorel mostly worked as a [[pundit]], voicing his opposition towards {{wpl|Sacred Union}} and the Italian nationalists.<ref>Sorel, G. (2018). [https://www.google.com/books/edition/From_Georges_Sorel/pCNHDwAAQBAJ From Georges Sorel: Essays in Socialism and Philosophy.] Taylor & Francis.{{isbn|9781351310703}}</ref>{{rp|12}} Later in the 1910s, he praised the [[October Revolution|Russian Revolution]], declaring Lenin as the "greatest socialist theoretician since Marx".<ref>Portis, L. (1980). [https://www.google.com/books/edition/Georges_Sorel/duFRAQAAIAAJ Georges Sorel]. Pluto Press. Page 106. {{isbn|9781351310703}}</ref> Sorel would then die in Boulogne-sur-Seine in 1922 and is buried in the vault of his adopted son Jean-Baptiste David in Tenay.<ref name="Claeys2005">{{cite book |last= Claeys |first= Gregory|date=2005 |title=Encyclopedia of Nineteenth-century Thought |url=https://www.google.com/books/edition/Encyclopedia_of_Nineteenth_century_Thoug/zIoHWFNZvr0C |publisher=Routledge |isbn=9780415244190 }}</ref>{{rp|448}}

==Politics==
Sorel changed his political allegiance many times during his lifetime, though he was generally at home at both ends of the [[horseshoe]]. Sorel had been a [[monarchist]] and [[conservative|traditionalist]] before turning to orthodox Marxism in the 1890s. Although Sorel was considered a Marxist intellectual from 1890s to his [[death]], his fidelity to the actual Marxist tradition has been scrutinized in retrospect.<ref>Greil, A. L. (1981). [https://www.google.com/books/edition/Georges_Sorel_and_the_Sociology_of_Virtu/UwwTAQAAMAAJ Georges Sorel and the Sociology of Virtue.] University Press of America. Page 17. {{isbn|9780819119896}}</ref>

After 1909 he broke with trade unionism and briefly embraced the proto-[[fascist]] [[monarchism]] of the {{wpl|Action Française}}&nbsp— a group founded by {{wpl|Charles Maurras}}&nbsp— with Sorel praising Maurras' for his attacks on [[bourgeois]] [[democracy]]. Subsequently, Sorel moved on to support the cause of the [[October Revolution|Russian Revolution]]. In the appendix to the fifth edition of his major work, ''Reflexions sur la Violence'' (1908), he wrote an essay entitled "Pour Lenine" in which he defended Lenin's [[boycott]] of the Constituent Assembly and proclaimed socialism, and praised the [[October Revolution|1917 Russian Revolution]]. Despite some claims, his influence on Lenin is unlikely, as Lenin only cited him once, and then only with negative connotations.<ref name="Versluis2006"/>{{rp|35-40}}<ref name="WorldFascism"/>{{rp|615}}

==Philosophy==
Following the Dreyfus affair, Sorel tried to examine and rectify what he considered to be the weaknesses of Marxist theory. He eventually came up with a form of {{wpl|Revisionism (Marxism)|Marxist reformism|,}} which rejected historical materialism, [[dialectical materialism]], and proletarian internationalism.<ref name="ZSA_1994"/>{{rp|68-69}} He criticized what he saw as Marx's [[rationalism]] and [[utopian]] tendencies, believing that the core of Marx's thought was closer to early [[Christianity]] than to the [[French Revolution]]. He did not view Marxism as 'true' in a [[scientific]] sense, as did orthodox Marxists. Rather, it was 'true' in that it promised a redemptive role to the [[proletariat]] within a decaying society.<ref name="Claeys2005"/>{{rp|448}}

Additional motive was Sorel's opposition to {{wpl|Eduard Bernstein|Eduard Bernstein's}} reforms (that would birth [[social democracy]]), which he saw as "right-wing". Furthermore, Sorel did not believe in the "inevitability of history" of orthodox Marxism, but believed that a carefully crafted "[[myth]]" would lead the masses to unified action.<ref name="Claeys2005"/>{{rp|448-449}}

Sorel theoretically founded '''revolutionary syndicalism''' as a trade union current distinct from socialism, [[anarchism]] and [[communism]].<ref name="WorldFascism"/>{{rp|615, 650}} Sorel’s thinking was also shaped by earlier philosophical traditions emphasizing the role of collective imagination in history. In particular, he drew on [[Giambattista Vico]], whose work on the [[Cyclical theory|cyclical nature]] of [[history]] and the social power of myth resonated with Sorel’s belief that myths could inspire and mobilize the masses. Alongside Vico, he sought theoretical support to his ideas from works of {{wpl|Pierre-Joseph Proudhon}} (an anarchist skeptical of bourgeois democracy) and learned from {{wpl|Henri Bergson}} (because of course) and {{wpl|Eduard von Hartmann}} the importance of "myth" and the opposition to "scientific materialism".<ref name="ZSA_1994"/>{{rp|37, 48, 61-87}} He also revived the {{wpl|Jacobin (politics)|Jacobin tradition|,}} believing that the French society needed to bring about "change through coercion".<ref name="Talmon"/>{{rp|465}} Sorel also supported [[Nietzsche]]an [[vitalism]] and [[Friedrich Nietzsche#The will to power|the will to power]], and believed that violence is sometimes a brave proof of individual [[freedom]].<ref name="Ohana"/>{{rp|57}}

Sorel's syndicalism proposed a form of leadership that aimed to put the production of goods into the hands of the workers who would create a "Republic of Producers". Its guiding principle was to disrupt [[capitalism]] through general strikes, boycotts, and sabotage, and to bring about workers' control of the means of production. However, this "ethical ideal", would lead Sorel to a path of anti-democracy, believing that only "the syndicate" could be the agent of change. As underlined in Sorel's ''"Reflections on Violence"'', he called on workers to express their will through "the myth" of the general [[strike]]. With the use of violence, the masses would coerce those attempting to compromise with the bourgeois into submission.<ref name="WorldFascism"/>{{rp|615}}

For these reasons Sorel is often associated with both [[fascism]] ''and'' anarchism. Because of his ''Reflections on Violence'', he is also occasionally associated with [[terrorism]]. And despite his disdain for [[social democracy]], Sorel did respect Eduard Bernstein and agreed with many of his criticisms of orthodox Marxism, and has thus has been associated with the [[revisionist]]s as well as the [[New Left]].<ref name="Claeys2005"/>{{rp|448-449}} Sorel was friends with {{wpl|Arturo Labriola||,}} the father of Italian Marxism, and wrote a preface to Labriola's essay on the "materialist concept of history" when it was translated into French. However, Labriola would eventually diverge from Sorel's beliefs.<ref name="Jennings"/>{{rp|62}}<ref>Jacoby, R. (2002). Dialectic of Defeat: Contours of Western Marxism. Cambridge University Press. Page 56. {{isbn|9780521520171}}</ref>

==As a pioneer of fascism==
{{cquote|At the present moment, the adventures of fascism are the most original social phenomena in Italy, going well beyond the manoeuvring of the politicians.|||Georges Sorel's letter to Benedetto Croce (August 26, 1921; shortly before former's death)<ref>White, K. (2004). ''The Wanderer and His Charts: Exploring the Fields of Vagrant Thought and Vagabond Beauty.'' Polygon. {{isbn|9781904598152}}</ref>{{rp|38}}}} 

Sorel's works have had tremendous influence on anti-democratic politics, with his work being positively acknowledged by the likes of {{wpl|Vilfredo Pareto}} (who is considered a pioneer of fascism along with Sorel), {{wpl|Benedetto Croce}} and {{wpl|Carl Schmitt}} (notable Conservative Revolution and Nazi ideologue). According to {{wpl|Zeev Sternhell||,}} the entire structure of fascism, including its governance, cannot be thought in any other way but by Sorelian political theory. Although the fascist regimes of the 1930s bears little resemblance to Sorelian revolutionary syndicalism of the early 1900s, Sternhell nevertheless maintained that these regimes are structurally more closer to the revolutionary syndicalist ideological synthesis than [[Stalinism]] is to Marxism or right-wing populism is to democratic governments.<ref name="ZSA_1994"/>{{rp|93}}

In reductive terms, the transformation of Sorel's syndicalism to fascism primarily comes down to [[reality]] running afoul with Sorel's followers. After his most ardent followers&nbsp;— namely {{wpl|Edouard Berth}} and {{wpl|Georges Valois}} (founder of the first French fascist party, {{wpl|Le Faisceau}})&nbsp;— tried to make the "myth of the general strike" in reality with no success, they found the very idea an impossibility and began abandoning the concept of class and class struggle all together. Seeing that the countrymen would not support them, that strikes and other socialist action would damage their homeland, these syndicalist dissents started exploring [[nationalism|nationhood]] as the new "myth", to supplant the failed general strike myth. Not believing in the creative power of proletariat, the syndicalist dissent instead chose a nationalistic "revolutionary war" as their new myth.<ref name="Ohana"/>{{rp|58}} In retrospect, Berth's and Valois' ideas have become associated with [[corporatism|fascist corporatism]].<ref>Bresciani, M. (2024). [https://www.google.com/books/edition/Learning_from_the_Enemy/8YvXEAAAQBAJ Learning from the Enemy: An Intellectual History of Antifascism in Interwar Europe]. Verso Books. {{isbn|9781804292273}}. Page 52.</ref>

Amongst these syndicalist dissenters was [[Benito Mussolini]], whose early politics placed within the revolutionary syndicalist thought, that he then applied into the fascist revolt against the parliamentary bourgeoisie.<ref>De Felice, R. (1995). [https://www.google.com/books/edition/Mussolini_il_rivoluzionario/3nR9AAAACAAJ Mussolini il rivoluzionario: 1883-1920]. Einaudi. {{isbn|9788806139902}} (in Italian)</ref>{{rp|40}} Subsequently, Mussolini proclaimed that Sorel was "the spiritual father of Fascism", "[his] teacher," and that "[he owes] the most to Sorel."<ref name="Claeys2005"/>{{rp|448}}<ref>Delzell, C. F. (1971). [https://www.google.com/books/edition/Mediterranean_Fascism_1919_1945/e7qwCwAAQBAJ Mediterranean Fascism 1919–1945.] Palgrave Macmillan UK. ISBN: 9781349002405. Page 3</ref><ref name="Versluis2006">{{cite book |last= Versluis|first= Arthur|date= 2006|title=The New Inquisitions: Heretic-Hunting and the Intellectual Origins of Modern Totalitarianism |url= https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_New_Inquisitions/vchgWeG7YawC |publisher= Oxford University Press|page= 35-40|isbn=9780195345629}}</ref>{{rp|35-40}} It's been observed by the likes of Jack Joseph Roth that Mussolinian Fascism was “an organized and vulgarized transformation of the pre-War Sorelian movement.”<ref>{{cite book |last= Roth  |first=Jack Joseph |date=1980 |title= The Cult of Violence: Sorel and the Sorelians (First Edition) |publisher=University of California |page=211 |isbn=978-0520037724}}</ref> {{wpl|Edmondo Rossoni||,}} another notable Italian fascist heavyweight, was also a revolutionary syndicalist before transitioning to fascist syndicalism in early 1920s, with Mussolini's rise having prompted him to fuse socialism with nationalism.<ref>Roberts, D. D. (1979). The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism. Manchester University Press. Page 14. {{isbn|9780719007613}}</ref>

This transformation is not that far fetched, as Sorel himself saw a proverbial "moral quality of combative conflict". Per Hans Barth: "For Sorel, [[Conflict theory|the struggle]] as the result of the antagonistic structure of man is ultimately a struggle for law and justice."<ref>Hans Barth: ''Masse und Mythos. Die ideologische Krise an der Wende zum 20. Jahrhundert und die Theorie der Gewalt. Georges Sorel.'' Rowohlt Verlag, Hamburg 1959. (in German)</ref>{{rp|102}} As such, Barth deemed that Sorel's writing can be easily interpreted to have the latter's ''theory of violence'' to "serve the overall moral renewal of the European peoples" and that the "effect of [Sorel's] teaching was [[Authoritarianism|the unlimited use of power]]."<ref>Hans Barth: Fluten und Dämme. Fretz & Wasmuth, Zürich 1943 (in German)</ref>{{rp|230}}

==Notable Works==
* ''Contribution à l'étude profane de la Bible'' (Paris, Auguste Ghio, 1889)
* ''Le Procès de Socrate, examen critique des thèses socratiques'' (Paris, Félix Alcan, 1889)
* ''Les Girondins du Roussillon'' (Perpignan, Charles Latrobe, 1889)
* ''D’Aristote à Marx'' (L’Ancienne et la Nouvelle Métaphysique) (1st ed. in articles, 1894; new edition: Paris, Marcel Rivière, 1935)
* ''La Ruine du monde antique'' Conception matérialiste de l’histoire) (1<sup>st</sup> ed. Paris, Librairie G. Jacques et Cie, 1902; 2<sup>nd</sup> ed. Paris, Marcel Rivière, 1925)
* ''Saggi di critica del marxismo'' (Palermo, Remo Sandron, 1903)
* ''Le Système historique de Renan'' (Paris, G. Jacques, 1906)
* ''Insegnamenti sociali dell'economia moderna. Degenerazione capitalista e degenerazione socialista'' (Palerme, Remo Sandron, 1907)
* ''Les Illusions du progrès'' (Paris, Marcel Rivière, 1908)
* {{wpl|Réflexions sur la violence|''Réflexions sur la violence''}} (1st ed. 1908; 4<sup>th</sup> definitive ed. Paris, Rivière, 1919)
* ''La Révolution dreyfusienne'' (1st ed. Paris, Marcel Rivière, 1909)
* ''Matériaux d’une théorie du prolétariat'' (1<sup>st</sup> ed. Paris, Marcel Rivière, 1919)
* ''De l’utilité du pragmatisme'' (Paris, Marcel Rivière, 1921)

==References==
{{reflist|2|80%}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Sorel, Georges}}
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Categories: Authors, Fascists, France, Propaganda, Left-wing activists, Leftists who turned right with age, Philosophers, Political pundits, Socialists