Hitler and socialism

{{Nazism}}
{{cquote|First they came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out—<br>Because I was not a Socialist.|||The very first line from {{wpl|First they came ...|Martin Niemöller's poem.}}}}
An entirely [[Americentric]] argument, spurred on by [[Glenn Beck|certain]] [[Ann Coulter|batty]] [[Nick Gillespie|ideo]][[Jonah Goldberg|logues]] and [[Conservapedia|infamous websites]], claims that [[Adolf Hitler]] was [[Historical revisionism|not]] the [[far-right]], [[Anti-communism|anti-communist]] [[nationalist]] that everyone else remembers him to be, but rather an [[Equality|egalitarian]] [[socialist]].<ref group=note>Yeah, Hitler was such an egalitarian socialist that "[t]o maintain the supposed purity and strength of the Aryan race, the Nazis sought to exterminate Jews, Romani and Poles along with the vast majority of other Slavs and the physically and mentally handicapped. They imposed exclusionary segregation on homosexuals, Africans, Jehovah's Witnesses, and political opponents. The persecution reached its climax when the party-controlled German state organized the systematic murder of approximately six million Jews and five million people from the other targeted groups, in what has become known as the Holocaust". Furthermore, improving the stock of the Germanic people alone through racial purity and eugenics, broad social welfare programs, and a collective subordination of individual rights, which could be sacrificed (obviously not by "Aryan master race", but by "undesirable people" only) for the good of the state and the "Aryan master race", isn't socialism (not left-wing socialism anyway). Hitler wasn't even egalitarian in his method of killing.</ref> Much like the [[Discovery Institute]] and their assault on the [[Hitler and evolution|theory of evolution]], this attempts to evoke the [[association fallacy]] on anyone who practices [[left-wing]] politics and, by that standard, anyone who [[Democratic Party|slightly leans to the left]] is an [[Godwin's Law|adherent of fascism]] - [[Dinesh D'Souza]], for instance, loves to peddle this trope. That we even need to write this should tell you something about these people, but why not take a hack at it? While the [[Nazi]]s did oppose [[capitalism]] as an "[[International Jewish conspiracy|international]]" ideology out to destroy the [[German]] nation, Hitler was not opposed to private enterprise within a national "sandbox". Furthermore, to get to power, he allied with people whose [[Third Position|economic views]] were [[Corporatism|much more pro-business]], distancing himself from ''alte kaempfer'' like Gottfried Feder and bringing people such as Hjalmar Schacht into his circle.

==Origin of the National Socialist label==
===The conservative revolution and their "socialism"===
[[Image:EdgarJung0002.jpg|thumb|165px|Conservative revolution leader {{wpl|Edgar Jung}} (c.1925) and his brainfarts about socialism are one of the causes for the whole "Nazi are Socialist" commotion.]]
{{cquote|Other contributors to the mood of conservative revolution were Oswald Spengler and Moeller van den Bruck. Spengler contributed cultural pessimism and the idea of Prussian socialism. Prussia, with its highly developed ethos of service to the state and the common good, represented a higher form of socialism than the class socialism of Marx. Moeller van den Bruck also proclaimed socialism, specifically German synthesis of Western individualism and Eastern collectivism. The new society was to be realised in the mystical Third Reich<ref group=note>Yes, the whole "Third Reich" thing ''wasn't'' Nazis idea originally.</ref>, a revived medieval term. [...] The socialism of Moeller van den Bruck and Spengler was an aspiration for national solidarity rather than a plan for concrete action.|||E.J. Feuchtwanger, 1993<ref>Feuchtwanger, E.J.. From Weimar to Hitler: Germany, 1918-33, Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. Page 199. ISBN: 9781349229482</ref>}}
The whole "German right-wing socialism" shenanigans - and how it led to Nazis becoming National Socialists - began with the German interwar-period '''{{wpl|Conservative Revolution}}''' movement.<ref>Bar-On, Tamir (2011). Page 333.</ref> The Nazi Party/it's predecessor group were not ipso facto part of this movement, even though their ideas gave them their means for ascension.<ref>Stern, Fritz (1961). The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of the Germanic Ideology (1974 ed.). University of California Press. ISBN 978-0520026261.</ref> 

Emerging following the German defeat during [[World War I]], the conservative revolution consisted of various factions of various beliefs; being generally unified in opposing traditional [[German_Empire#Wilhelmine_era|Wilhelmine era]] [[religious right|Christian conservatism]], [[egalitarianism]], [[liberalism]], [[democracy]], the [[bourgeoisie]] and [[good old days|modernity]]. Otherwise they all had their own ideas and issues they agreed or disagreed on, creating a conundrum dubbed the "conservative dilemma". 

Still, one of the overlapping issues / the few things they agreed on, was the dejection of "[[Marxist]] [[socialism]]", to which they had not yet made the distinction between [[socialism]] (i.e. [[social democracy]] and/or [[democratic socialism]]) and [[communism]] (as championed by [[Lenin]] and the [[Bolsheviks]]). Their solution to combating it, was to craft a new form of socialism, being referred to as either '''"front-line socialism"''', '''"Prussian socialism"''' or '''"socialism of the blood"'''.

Thing is though, by the early-to-mid 19th-century (i.e. not post-WW1 Germany), the word socialism actually began to mean something. Originating from {{wpl|Henri de Saint-Simon}} and his Saint-Simonians movement, the word socialism started to catch on with the working-/industrial-class, even though they used to describe various things; from generic opposition against laissez-faire capitalism to the systematic communism of classical Marxism and anything in between. At the time, even Marxism, despite Karl Marx's book being the [[Communist Manifesto]], was primarily referred to as socialism or social democratic, since "communism" at the time was primarily associated with militancy in France and Germany. By the last third of the 19th century, [[democratic socialist]] parties started to get foothold in politics. With it being 1899 when the [[Australian Labor Party]] become the first socialist party to get elected to form a government in the Colony of Queensland, even though it lasted merely a week.<ref>{{cite book|last=Blainey|first=Geoffrey|author-link=Geoffrey Blainey|title=A shorter history of Australia|publisher=Vintage|year=2000|location=Milsons Point, N.S.W. P|isbn=978-1-74051-033-2|page=[https://archive.org/details/shorterhistoryof0000blai/page/263 263]|url=https://archive.org/details/shorterhistoryof0000blai/page/263}}</ref> By turn of the 20th century, the term socialism had been established as an umbrella term for "anyone who believed labour was cheated out of its natural product under historical capitalism."

Regardless, the [[Weimar Republic]] Conservative Revolutionaries [[Willful ignorance|defied such descriptor]], refusing to be guided by the "sterile resentment of the [[Social class|class struggle]]". As György Lukács puts it, to the German conservatives, and in particular to their {{wpl|Lebensphilosophie}}-influenced ideologues; ''"the more that the new enemy, socialism, became the focal point of their polemics, the more the irrationalists were faced with a problem of whose true content they understood nothing and, for the most part, did not care to understand anything."''<ref>{{cite book|last= Lukács|first=György |date= 1981|orig-date= 1953|title= The Destruction of Reason |publisher=Humanities Press |isbn=9780391022478|page=461|url= http://archive.org/details/the-destruction-of-reason-by-gyorgy-lukacs}}</ref>

Their plan was to abolish the [[Political spectrum|categorization of left and right politics]] (i.e. [[third positionism]]), with their ideal governance being that, where "[[Herd mentality|Volksgemeinschaft]]" (national community / social cohesion) was achieved by type of socialism that invoked "Frontgemeinschaft", sort of front-line camaraderie of German soldiers during the [[First World War]].<ref>Woods, Roger (1996). pp. 61–62.</ref> How they planned to achieved this, was to [[spin|twist the narrative]] of "[[revolution]]", regarding the {{wpl|German revolution of 1918–1919}}, and instead, apply it to the {{wpl|Spirit of 1914}}. Thus the conservative revolution movement [[framing|framed]] the 1918 November Revolution, which led to the foundation of the [[Weimar Republic]], as a betrayal of "the true revolution".<ref>Woods, Roger (1996). pp. 65.</ref><ref>Mommsen, H., Forster, E. (1996). [https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_Rise_and_Fall_of_Weimar_Democracy/pyE6DwAAQBAJ The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy]. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN: 9780807876077. p. 306</ref>

The one thing the Conservative Revolution movement agreed on with socialism, was reining in the bourgeoisie and the capitalist class... but it comes with a catch. {{wpl|Edgar Jung}}, one of the movement's ideologues, argued that business should remain in private while "greed of capital" should be subjugated, in a society based on common interests should be created by workers and employers. An another factor for the ​​dissatisfaction with capitalism was [[Military-industrial complex|war profiteering]] and the [[inflation]] in caused. The movement also tried to play "[[centrist]]", in playing up to middle-class fears that ruling capitalist and the civil unrest of the working class, would get them engulfed in destruction of civil society.<ref>Woods, Roger (1996). pp. 62-63.</ref> 

Regardless, the conservative revolution is very [[capitalist]] by intent, with them having planned to emulate [[British Empire|British]]- and [[French colonial empire|French]] [[imperialism]]. As at least outlined by Spengler, the movement opposed labor strikes, [[trade unions]], progressive taxation (or taxes on the rich), short working days, and any form of sickness, old age, accident, or unemployment insurance. They championed ideas of private property, competition, imperialism, capital accumulation, the wealth collected in few hands (and among the ruling classes) and the creative value of the entrepreneur. While the lower-classes were to "work a whole lot, for the absolute minimum" and to "be happy about it."<ref> Landa, Ishay (2012). The Apprentice's Sorcerer: Liberal Tradition and Fascism. Haymarket Books. Pages 60–65, 119–128</ref>

While they rejected [[Karl Marx|Marx]] and his beliefs, the Conservative Revolution still appropriated Marxist language in their writings. As the movement was strongly guided by philosophies of Lebensphilosophie (aka German Vitalism) and Irrationalism, they opeted to see things in terms of [[historical determinism]]. Edgar Jung for one, deemed it was "inevitable", that conservatism will overtake the [[liberal]] era of Weimar Republic, mirroring Karl Marx's sentiments. While Oswald Spengler, in his "The Decline of the West", saw the "decline" as [[Prophecy|inevitable doom]] and [[nihilism|life being meaningless]], again mirroring Marx's idea of "the coming of paradise on earth".<ref>Woods, Roger (1996). pp. 66.</ref>

Additionally, at the time, '''[[National Bolshevism]]''' also began taking shape, being championed by {{wpl|Ernst Niekisch}}. National Bolshevism is seen as "little sister" to the Conservative Revolution, with Nazbols described as the "left-wing-people of the right".<ref>Dupeux, Louis (1979). National bolchevisme: stratégie communiste et dynamique conservatrice. H. Champion. ISBN 9782852030626.</ref><ref> Schüddekopf, Otto Ernst (1973). Nationalbolschewismus in Deutschland 1918–1933. Ullstein. ISBN 3548029965. </ref>

===Oswald Spengler's "Prussianism and Socialism"===
One of the key ideologies of the Conservative Revolution was [[Oswald Spengler]], particularly thanks to his 1918 book {{wpl|The Decline of the West}}, which became a best-seller following Germany's defeat during World War I. Another notable work of Spengler's was his 1919 book, {{wpl|Prussianism and Socialism}}, which not only had noted impact on Conservative Revolution's understanding of socialism, the title of the book also presumably gave Nazis their name.<ref>Heinrich August Winkler, Alexander Sager. Germany: The Long Road West. English edition. Oxford, England, UK: Oxford University Press, 2006. Pp. 414.</ref> In ''Prussianism and Socialism'', Spengler openly opposes Marxism and class conflict as well as supports [[corporatism]]:
{{cquote|English society is founded on the distinction between rich and poor, Prussian society on the distinction between command and obedience...Democracy in England means the possibility for everyone to become rich, in Prussia the possibility of attaining to every existing rank.|||H. Stuart Hughes. Oswald Spengler. New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA: Transaction Publishers, 1992. Pp. 108.}}

{{cquote|In general, it is a question not of nominal possession but of the technique of administration. For a slogan’s sake to buy up enterprises immoderately and purposelessly and to turn them over to public administration in the place of the initiative and responsibility of their owners, who must eventually lose all power of supervision—that means the destruction of socialism. The old Prussian idea was to bring under legislative control the formal structure of the whole national productive force, at the same time carefully preserving the right of property and inheritance, and leaving scope for the kind of personal enterprise, talent, energy, and intellect displayed by an experienced chess player, playing within the rules of the game and enjoying that sort of freedom which the very sway of the rule affords….Socialization means the slow transformation—taking centuries to complete—of the worker into an economic functionary, and the employer into a responsible supervisory official.||| H. Stuart Hughes. Oswald Spengler. New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA: Transaction Publishers, 1992. Pp. 109.}}

Spengler viewed Marxism as a foreign encroachment of the French and British and insisted on his form of socialism with German characteristics:

{{cquote|Prussiandom and socialism stand together against the inner England, against the world-view that infuses our entire life as a people, crippling it and stealing its soul…The working class must liberate itself from the illusions of Marxism. Marx is dead. As a form of existence, socialism is just beginning, but the socialism of the German proletariat is at an end. For the worker, there is only Prussian socialism or nothing... For conservatives, there is only conscious socialism or destruction. But we need liberation from the forms of Anglo-French democracy. We have our own.|||Heinrich August Winkler, Alexander Sager. Germany: The Long Road West. English edition. Oxford, England, UK: Oxford University Press, 2006. Pp. 414.}}

György Lukács compared Spengler to Nietzsche, and how the two viewed socialism. That; "''[Nietzsche] had made a direct, frontal assault on socialism - of which he knew little. Of course it cannot be claimed that Spengler was any better acquainted with socialist literature, but his mode of attack was different, a dodging of the issue and a demagogic ruse: socialism, he conceded, would triumph - but the 'genuine article ' was Prussianism."''

===But what about the German Workers Party!?===
You might be thinking; "Before they were National Socialists, they were the German ''Workers'' Party (DAP). It has workers on its name, so surely it's leftist?" Well, [[Informal fallacy|you'd be half-right]]. As the German Workers Party was a fusion of two political parties; the ''Political Workers' Circle'' (run by Karl Harrer) and ''Free Workers' Committee for a Good Peace'' (run by Anton Drexler, who was later designated the chairman of DAP). Of the two, the Political Workers' Circle was a "syncretic" political party that tried to mix German nationalism and Socialism (with good dose of antisemitism).<ref>Luhrssen, David (2012). "Thule and the Nazi Circle". Hammer of the Gods: The Thule Society and the Birth of Nazism. Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books.</ref>

However, regarding the German Workers Party/DAP (i.e. when Hitler became aboard), that no longer applied, as Drexler was appointed the Chairman and was thusly running the show. The DAP was mainly guided by an antisemitism-fuelled ideology of Pan-Germanism and [[Völkisch movement|Völkisch nationalism]].<ref> Wladika, Michael (2005), Hitlers Vätergeneration: Die Ursprünge des Nationalsozialismus in der k.u.k. Monarchie (in German), Böhlau Verlag, p. 157, ISBN 9783205773375</ref> And even though they were anti-capitalist, they were even more anti-Marx.<ref> David Nicholls. Adolf Hitler: A Biographical Companion. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. pp. 236–37.</ref> And unless you pull Spengler's "Prussian Socialism card", you can't exactly be anti-Marxist and a socialist at the same time, especially since prior to the [[Bolshevik Revolution]] (when Lenin introduced the [[communism]] brand), Marx's politics were universally known as socialism and/or Marxism. The 1919 DAP program was explicitly outlined as nationalistic, Anti-Semitic and anti-Marxist.<ref>Kershaw, Ian (2008). Hitler: A Biography. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. Page 82. ISBN 978-0-393-06757-6.</ref><ref>Childers, Thomas (2001). "The Weimar Republic and the Rise of the Nazi Party". A History of Hitler's Empire, 2nd Edition. Episode 3. The Great Courses. Event occurs at 26:00–31:04. Retrieved 27 March 2023.</ref> Besides the “right-wing socialism” spearheaded by the Conservative Revolution, another reason to adopt socialist as a marketing gimmick, to reach a wider voter base.<ref>Kershaw, Ian (2008). Hitler: A Biography. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. Page 87. ISBN 978-0-393-06757-6.</ref><ref>Zentner, Christian; Bedürftig, Friedemann (1997) [1991]. The Encyclopedia of the Third Reich. New York: Da Capo Press. Page 629. ISBN 978-0-306-80793-0.</ref> To their credit, unlike the Conservative Revolution, Nazis actually managed to make it work.

All in all, the DAP was a textbook case of a [[far-right]] political party that evolved into the [[Nazis|best known example of far-right political party]].<ref>Colley, Rupert (2010). Hitler In An Hour. History In An Hour. Page 11. ISBN 978-1-4523-1587-4.</ref> Who would have thought? In February 1920, the German Workers Party, the predecessor of Nazi Party, change their name to match this definition of socialism, as put forward by the conservative revolution and Oswald Spengler.

== The Nazis are everywhere, Glenn! ==
{{cquote|It this historic hour, we German Social Democrats pledge ourselves to the principles of humanity and justice, of freedom and socialism. No Enabling Act can give you the power to destroy ideas which are eternal and indestructible ... {{wpl|Braveheart|You can take our lives and our freedom, but you cannot take our honour.}} We are defenseless but not honourless.|||Otto Wels, the final head of the pre-[[World War II|war]] German [[social democrat]]s<ref>[http://germanhistorydocs.ghi-dc.org/pdf/eng/English_6.pdf The full speech]</ref>}}
For this argument to be even close to being solvent (fans of [[Monarchy#Restoration of monarchies|Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn]], we're looking at you), large chunks of [[history]] need to be [[Denialism|thrown out the window]]:
#The 96-member [[Political parties of Germany#Social Democratic Party of Germany|Social Democratic Party of Germany]] (SPD) was Hitler's main opposition in the Reichstag and the only political party that attempted to halt the laws that established him as a [[dictator]] and brought down the Weimar Republic. In fact, all of the ideological predecessors of today's [[conservative]] and [[Liberal#In Europe|classically liberal]] parties voted unanimously for the law. In contrast, the SPD voted [[Balls|unanimously against despite the presence]] of SA guards in the building.<ref>[http://www.ushmm.org/outreach/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007669 Nazi Rule], United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.</ref><ref>[http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/enabling_act_march_1933.htm The final vote: 444 to 94]</ref> 
#The first political groups targeted during the Nazi ascendancy were [[pacifist]]s, [[trade union]]ists, and [[communist]]s.<ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/schools/gcsebitesize/history/mwh/germany/hitlerconsolidaterev1.shtml  How Hitler consolidated power], BBC.</ref><ref>[http://fcit.usf.edu/holocaust/people/victims.htm A Teacher's Guide to the Holocaust Victims], University of South Florida.</ref>
#That {{wpl|Strasserism}}, the only strand of Nazism that could be referred to as "left-wing" (i.e., pro-[[working class]] in nature), were all killed off (with a handful of conservative dissidents) in what we all know as the [[European witch-hunts#Other famous witch-hunts|Night of the Long Knives]], so Hitler could win support from the conservative industrialists and military generals. About the only genuine socialists within the Nazi Party include the likes of Gregor and Otto Strasser, for example. And even then, the Strasserists weren't actually very socialist either.<ref group=note>To be as brief as possible: they still fully supported racism, militarism, ultra-nationalism, anti-communism, and all the rest of the core Nazi ideology, but they also placed heavier emphasis on anti-capitalism (for racist reasons, of course)- that is, they were against the capitalism that was in place in Germany between 1918 and 1933.  Where Hitler came to favor courting powerful corporate interests, the Strassers wanted to eliminate them and replace them with more worker-friendly organizations that would, of course, only be staffed by "pure Germans". In his pamphlet where he famously claims that "we are socialists, we are enemies of the current capitalist system", Gregor Strasser (not Adolf Hitler, as the internet often mistakenly claims) rails against Germany's corrupt capitalist system, as well as notions of "equality" and "liberalism".</ref>

We're waiting.

== Hitler on the topic of left-wing politics ==
[[File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-18450-0002,_Demütigung_von_Bernhard_Kuhnt_durch_SA.jpg|thumb|left|180px|Socialist politician Bernhard Kuhnt clearly being cordial with the Nazis in 1933]]
Hitler was not a political theorist akin to [[Lenin]], [[Joseph Stalin|Stalin]], [[Leon Trotsky|Trotsky]], [[Che Guevara|Che]], [[Mao Zedong|Mao]], or any other of the members of the [[Marxist]] pantheon. In fact, the clearest point he makes in ''[[Mein Kampf]]'' is that he found the topics of political economy and class boring and mundane, lacking any merit for deep thought (mostly because he was absolutely clueless about the topic). Instead, Hitler's fundamental belief was this:
* [[Germany]] = [[Liberty|good]]
* [[Jew]]s = [[Bolshevik]]s = [[International Jewish conspiracy|bad]]<ref group=note>This equation is also the fundamental idea behind the [[Cultural Marxism|Frankfurt School conspiracy theory]].</ref>

Hitler believed that Germany could have won [[World War I]] if the Socialist Second International (all of whom had pretty Jewish last names – of course, almost any German surname can be Jewish) had not [[Conspiracy theory|conspired]] with the Bolsheviks,<ref group=note>Hitler's conception of "Bolshevik" included pretty much anything even slightly leftist ([[Red baiting|sounds familiar]]?), lumping in [[social democracy]] with [[communism]] ([[Fun:Obamunism|sounds familiar?]]).</ref> "hijacked" the government, and "forced" the German surrender. This piece of Nazi [[pseudohistory]] is known as the [[stab-in-the-back legend]].<ref>Chapter 1. Shirer, William L. ''The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany''. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2011.</ref>

Hitler said that everything ever touched by Jews, especially their [[evil]] new "religion" of Bolshevism, was a vast conspiracy... with [[Delusion|international capitalism]]. However, he also said that the notably [[Christian]] "[[Oxymoron|Bismarckian Socialism]]" was not just un-Jewish; it was wholly German and had been a highlight of their [[Golden age|cultural and imperial epoch]]. Ergo, he decided to create a new [[reactionary]] [[populist]] political trend from a [[National mysticism|century before]]. The fact he chose to add the word "socialist" to the party name (National Socialist German Workers' Party) was as relevant to his true thinking as would be tying the word "[[rational]]" to Stalin or "[[Democratic]] [[People]]'s [[Republic]]" to [[China]] or [[North Korea]] — a fig-leaf to [[sucker]] the ''hoi polloi'' vote. And even then, after becoming Chancellor in 1933, Hitler voiced regret in ever writing ''Mein Kampf'', which he dismissed as "fantasy behind bars",<ref>{{cite book|author=Timothy W. Ryback|title=Hitler's Private Library: The Books that Shaped his Life|date=6 July 2010|publisher=Random House|isbn=978-1-4090-7578-3|pages=92–93}}</ref> so keep that in mind whenever moonbats use cherry-picked passages from the book as "proof" that Hitler was a socialist.

== Socialists on Hitler ==
Not only did Hitler make clear he wanted to eradicate the Bolsheviks and any elements of communism on the planet, every type of leftie on earth, from the [[Soviet]]s to the British [[Labour Party]] to [[George Orwell]], saw the Nazis as bad news. Nonetheless, because Stalin wanted to consolidate power in the government, he adopted the all-or-nothing "social fascist" policy. As a result, across [[Europe]] and [[Asia]], the German Communist Party spent more time [[Demonization|demonizing]] [[moderate]] dissidents as fascists (sound familiar?)<ref>Gregory Zinoviev. ''The Last Illusion Gone'', 1923 (a moment of pure idiocy on behalf of Zinoviev, whom Hitler especially hated for being Jewish, whereas Stalin was closer to the Little Dictator's [[Horseshoe theory|brand of tough love]]).</ref> rather than the actual Nazis who were keen to [[murder]] them all as soon as humanly possible.  Trotsky, of course, called this point.<ref>[http://marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1933/330610.htm What Is National Socialism?]</ref> Still, like almost everybody else in the 1920s, he thought of Hitler more as a [[crank]]y tool of German business interests than a genuinely [[sociopath]]ic [[authoritarian]] that could manage to get enough political support. It was only into the tumultuous 1930s and later the liberation of the [[Concentration camps|extermination camps]] in Eastern Europe that the Allies realized who they had really been up against.

After Hitler banned the SPD, they worked against him in exile (as Sopade) and wrote the "Prague Manifesto", which called for the overthrow of Hitler.<ref>[http://www.gdw-berlin.de/en/recess/biographies/biographie/view-bio/hilferding/ German Resistance Memorial Center]</ref> Yep, sounds like they got along just fine.

== See also ==
* [[Equivocation]]
* [[Fascism#Fascism and the political spectrum|Fascism and the political spectrum]]
* [[Horseshoe theory]]
* [[Lying by omission]]
* [[Nazi analogies]]
* [[Psychological projection]]
* [[Red-baiting]]
* [[Social Darwinism]]
* [[Third positionism]]
* ''[[The Pink Swastika]]''
==External links==
*[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hUFvG4RpwJI Was Hitler a socialist?] on [[YouTube]]

==Notes==
{{reflist|group=note|2}}
== References ==
* {{Cite book|last=Woods|first=Roger|author-link=Roger Woods|title=The Conservative Revolution in the Weimar Republic|year=1996|publisher=St. Martin's Press|isbn=0-333-65014-X}}
* {{Cite book|last=Bar-On|first=Tamir|title=Intellectual Right - Wing Extremism – Alain de Benoist's Mazeway Resynthesis since 2000|year=2011|work=The Extreme Right in Europe|pages=333–358|editor-last=Backes|editor-first=Uwe|edition=1|publisher=Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht|doi=10.13109/9783666369223.333|isbn=9783525369227|editor2-last=Moreau|editor2-first=Patrick}}

{{reflist|2}}

[[Category:Culture wars]]
[[Category:Conservative deceit]]
[[Category:Nazism]]
[[Category:Pseudohistory]]

Categories: Culture wars, Conservative deceit, Nazism, Pseudohistory